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^^e §arntic^ael S^ectuxes, I9I8 
 
 LECTURES 
 
 
 ON THE 
 
 ANCIENT HISTORY OF INDIA 
 
 ON THE PERIOD FROM 650 TO 325 B.C. 
 
 Delivered in February, 1918 
 
 BY 
 
 D: R. BHANDARKAR, M.A., E.A.S.B., 
 ii 
 
 CABMICHAEL PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT INDIAN HISTORY AND CULTURE 
 CALCUTTA UNIVERSITY 
 
 SffP25I9f9 
 
 PUBLISHED BY THE 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALCUTTA 
 
 1919 
 
^^-"^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 PRINTKD BY ATOtCHANDRA BHATTACHABTYA 
 AT THB CALCUTTA UNIVHBBITT PBVIB, ilNATK HOUBS, GALCnTTA 
 
 ,/ 
 
^ 
 
 ^ 
 
 ^ 
 
-..^j,.:i^ii.:.-i.ii'-*-^ 
 
 
 SIR ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE SARASVATI 
 
To 
 SIR ASUTOSH MOOKERJEE, SARASVATI, 
 
 Sastra-Vachaspati, Sambuddhagama-Chakravarti 
 
 who, l>y his lofty ideals, 
 
 far-reaching foresight, and unfailing vigilance, 
 
 has elevated the Calcutta University to the rank 
 
 of a teaching and research University, 
 
 the only one of its kind in India, 
 
 and who, by his unstinted and discriminate 
 
 liberality and encouragement, 
 
 has led votaries of learning to look upon him 
 
 as the VIKRAMADITYA of the present age. 
 
 These Lectures 
 
 are dedicated by the Author 
 in token of profound admiration and reverence. 
 
PREFACE 
 
 This book contains the lectures which I 
 delivered as Carmichael Professor of the Calcutta 
 University in Eebruary, 1918. When I came 
 here to hold the chair, I was told that I was to 
 deliver four lectures embodying some research 
 work. If my lectures, I thought, were to con- 
 tain nothing but new original work, they could 
 be delivered only to a few advanced students of 
 the Ancient Indian History and would hardly 
 be understood by the people in general. If, on 
 the other hand, they were to be such as would 
 be intelligible to the latter, there was the danger 
 of their being more popular than scholarly in 
 character. Was it possible, I asked myself, to 
 realise both the ends, i.e. to satisfy both the 
 classes, — the scholars and the people ? After 
 thinking about the matter, I came to the con- 
 clusion that both the objects could be fulfilled 
 if I selected a period and delivered my lectures 
 on it. Perhaps the most neglected period was 
 the one which immediately preceded the rise 
 of the Mauryan power, although it was in some 
 respects the most important one. This period 
 was accordingly chosen and the lectures deli- 
 vered. How far I have succeeded in interesting 
 the specialists and the laymen in the subject- 
 matter of these lectures I leave it to them to 
 determine. 
 
Vlll 
 
 The most important event of the period I 
 have selected, viz : from 650 to 325 B.C., is the 
 completion of the Aryan colonisation of Southern 
 India. This has, therefore, become the theme 
 of my first lecture. In my second, I have dealt 
 with the political history of the period, the 
 characteristic feature of which is the gradual 
 evolution of Imperialism. Shortly before 
 Buddha, the Aryanised India had been divided 
 into sixteen tiny States, mostly kingships, which 
 by the process of centralisation were developed 
 into four Monarchies when Buddha was living, 
 and these Monarchies, again, culminated into 
 Imperialism about a century after his demise. 
 My Third and Fourth Lectures pertain to the 
 Administrative History, a subject Avhich has not 
 yet attracted as much attention of the scholars 
 as it deserves though the materials even now at 
 our command are enough for the purpose. The 
 Third Lecture is divided into two parts, the first 
 of which deals with the Literature on Hindu 
 Polity to which we are indebted for our know- 
 ledge of this subject. This, I am afraid, is more 
 of an esoteric than of an exoteric character, and 
 may, therefore, prove somewhat abstruse to the 
 general reader. The second part (p. 114 and ff.) 
 aims at setting forth some of the Hindu con- 
 ceptions of Monarchy, and will, I hope, be read 
 with some interest. Therein I have attempted 
 to set forth the evidence which, if it is impar- 
 tially and dispassionately considered, seems to 
 show that there was a time in the Ancient 
 
IX 
 
 History of India when Monarchy was . not 
 absolute and uncontrolled. We have been so 
 much accustomed to read and hear of Monarchy 
 in India as being always and invariably unfet- 
 tered and despotic that the above conclusion is 
 apt to appear incredible to many as it no doubt 
 was to me for a long time. In the Pourth 
 Lecture I have endeavoured to show that 
 Monarchy was not the only form of political 
 government known to India and the governments 
 of a more or less popular character such as 
 oligarchy, aristocracy and democracy were also 
 flourishing side by side with it. In this lecture 
 I have also endeavoured to give a glimpse into 
 the rules and regulations of debate which charac- 
 terised the popular assemblies of Ancient India 
 and have pointed out that they bear a remarkably 
 close correspondence to those followed by the 
 modern civilised age. 
 
 The Bengalis are a loving and lovable people, 
 and many are the lecturers and teachers of the 
 Calcutta University from whom I have received 
 willing help and suggestions of various kinds. 
 It is impossible to mention the names of them 
 all here in this short preface. But I must 
 mention the name of Mr. Narayan Chandra 
 Banerji, M.A., for the invaluable assistance he 
 rendered me in connection with my Lectures on 
 the Administrative History before he formally 
 became Lecturer of the University. The pre- 
 paration of the Index is solely the work of my 
 pupil Mr. N. G. Majumdar, B.A., who also 
 helped me in revising the proofs. 
 
X 
 
 It is scarcely necessary for me to add that 
 the subject of the Ancient Indian History and 
 Culture is a progressive one, and with every 
 additional study and find of new materials some 
 of the conclusions previously drawn are likely 
 to be modified. And, as a matter of fact, as this 
 book is reaching its completion, I myself am 
 aware that I now hold somewhat different views 
 on one or two matters dealt with in these 
 Lectures. Similarly, though no effort has been 
 spared to ensure accuracy and fullness, I do 
 not expect this book to be by any means 
 free from defects. But I request my readers 
 not to play the role of a cattlelouse described 
 in the well-known Sanskrit verse,* but rather 
 to confine their attention to the good points 
 only, if there be any, in these Lectures, and 
 thus help to carry forward the torch of research 
 work to illumine the dark periods of Ancient 
 Indian History. 
 
 An outsider like myself has only to see the 
 affairs of the Calcutta University and be con- 
 vinced that the progress of the Ancient History 
 of India or of Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit studies 
 is due solely to the solicitude and encouragement 
 of one single person, and it is to this person, 
 therefore, that this book has been dedicated. In 
 the dedicatory pages will be found his portrait, 
 which, I may add, was inserted much against 
 his wishes. 
 
 D. R. B. 
 
 * The verse says that a cattle-louse, though it is perched on a 
 cow's udder, will have her blood, not her milk. 
 
ABBREVIATIONS 
 
 Aiig. N. 
 ASI. AR. 
 
 ASIR.j) 
 
 ASR. ) 
 
 ASS. 
 
 ASSI 
 
 Aiiguttara-Nikaya. 
 
 Archaeological Survey of India, 
 Annual Report. 
 
 Archaeological Survey of India, 
 Reports. By Cunningham. 
 
 Anandasrama Sanskrit Series, 
 Poona. 
 
 Archaeological Survey of Sou- 
 thern India. 
 
 BG. 
 
 ... Bombay Gazetteer. 
 
 Bib. Ind. 
 
 ... Bibliotheca Indica. 
 
 BSPS. 
 
 ... Bombay Sanskrit and Prakrit 
 
 
 Series. 
 
 BSS. 
 
 ... Bombay Sanskrit Series. 
 
 CCIM. 
 
 ... Catalogue of Coins in the Indian 
 
 
 Museum, Calcutta. By 
 
 
 V. A. Smith. 
 
 CII. 
 
 ... Corpus Inscriptionum Indi- 
 
 
 carum. 
 
 EC. 
 
 ... Epigraphia Carnatica. By L. 
 
 
 Rice. 
 
 EHI. 
 
 ... Early History of India. Third 
 
 
 Edition. By V. A. Smith. 
 
 EI. 
 
 ... Epigraphia Indica. 
 
 GOS. 
 
 ... Gaek wad's Oriental Series. 
 
 HASL. 
 
 ... History of Ancient Sanskrit 
 
 
 Literature. By E. Max Miiller. 
 
 lA. 
 
 ... Indian Antiquary. 
 
xu 
 
 Jdt. 
 
 ... Jatakas. 
 
 JBBEAS. 
 
 . . . Journal of the Bombay Branch 
 
 
 of the Eoyal Asiatic Society. 
 
 JBOES. 
 
 . . . Journal of the Bihar and Orissa 
 
 
 Eesearch Society. 
 
 JEAS. 
 
 . . . Journal of the Eoyal Asiatic 
 
 
 Society of Great Britain and 
 
 
 Ireland. 
 
 Maj. N. 
 
 ... Majjhima-Nikaya. 
 
 PE.~WC. 
 
 . . . Progress Eeport of the Archaeo- 
 
 
 logical Survey, Western 
 
 
 Circle. 
 
 PTS. 
 
 ... Pali Text Society. 
 
 Sam. ISf 
 
 ... Saiiiyutta-Nikaya. 
 
 SBB. 
 
 ... Sacred Books of the Buddhists. 
 
 SEE. 
 
 . . . Sacred Books of the East. 
 
 TSS. 
 
 ... Trivandrum Sanskrit Series. 
 
 VOJ. 
 
 ... Vienna Oriental Journal. 
 
 VP. 
 
 ... Vinaya Pitaka. 
 
 ZEMG. 
 
 ... Zeitschrift der Eeuschen Mor- 
 
 
 sjelandischen Gesellschaft. 
 
 [ All references to the Mahabharata are from 
 Pratapchandra Bay's edition. ] 
 
Lecture I. 
 
 Aryan Colonisation 
 or Southern India and Ceylon. 
 
 I propose to open 1115^ first series of lectures 
 as Carmichael Professor with the history of the 
 pre-Maurya period, i.e. of the period extending 
 from about 650 to 325 B.C. It is true that we 
 do not know much about the political history of 
 this period, but political history cannot be the 
 whole history of any country. Again, it is the 
 administrative, social, religious and ethnological 
 history which is of much greater importance 
 and far transcends political history in point of 
 human interest and edification. And for the 
 construction of this history for the period we 
 hsive selected we have sufiicient materials. We 
 have works of the Sutra period relating both to 
 Law and Grammar. We have thus the 
 Dharma-sastras of Baudhayana, Gautama, 
 Apastamba and so forth, and the Ashtadhyayl 
 of Panini and Katyayana's supplementary 
 aphorisms or vctitikas on it. Purther, it was 
 prior to the rise of the Maurj^as that Buddha 
 lived and preached. And there is a general 
 consensus of opinion among scholars that all 
 the earlier works of the Buddhist Pali canon 
 were put together in the period to which we 
 are confining ourselves. Let us, therefore, 
 
2 LECTURE I. 
 
 utilise these materials and try to see how India 
 was socially, religiously and even politically 
 from 650 to 325 B.C. 
 
 'Vhe principal characteristic of this period is 
 the completion of the colonisation of Southern 
 India and Ceylon by the Aryans ; and this forms 
 the subject of to-day's lecture. It is worthy 
 of note that the southern half of India was 
 called Dakshinapatha, which means 'Road to 
 the South'. Already in a Vedic hymn/ although 
 it is one of the latest, we meet with an expres- 
 sion dakshind padd, meaning 'with southward 
 foot', and used with reference to a man who is 
 expelled to the south. This cannot of course 
 denote the Dakshindpatha or Southern India 
 as we understand it, but rather the country 
 lying beyond the world then inhabited by the 
 Aryans. It was in the Brahmana period, how- 
 ever," that they for the first time seem to have 
 crossed the Vindhya range which separates the 
 south from the north half of India. In the 
 Aitareya Brahmana" e.g., a prince named 
 Bhima is designated Vaidarbha, 'prince of 
 Yidarbha'c This shows that the Aryans had 
 come doAvn below the Yindhyas and settled in 
 Vidarbha or western Berars immediately to 
 the south of this mountain range. The same 
 Brahmana' represents the sage Yisvamitra to 
 
 » Rig-Veda X. 61. 8. ^ Yu. 34. 9. 
 
 ' Vii. 17-18; aleo in Sanfchaya7ia-Srauf a- Suti a, xy. 26, 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 6 
 
 have adopted Sunahsepa as his son and named 
 him Devarata, much to the annoyance of fifty 
 of his sons, who in consequence were cursed by 
 their father to "live on the borders" of the 
 province tlien occupied by the Aryans. The 
 descendants of these sons of Visvamitra's, the 
 Brahmana further tells us, formed the greater 
 bulk of the Dasyus and w^ere variously known 
 as Andhras, Punclras, Sabaras, Pulindas and 
 Mutibas. Of these the Andhras, Pulindas and 
 Sabaras at any rate are known from the 
 Mahabharata, Ramavana and Puranas to have 
 been tribes of Southern India ; and though the 
 exact provinces inhabited by them in the time 
 of the Aitareya Brahmana cannot be definitely 
 settled, it cannot for a moment be doubted that 
 they lived to tlie south of the Vindhyas and 
 that the Aryans had already come in contact 
 with these non-Aryan peoples. 
 
 Let us now see what we learn from Panini, 
 the founder of the most renowned School of 
 Grammar and who lived about 600 B.C. In 
 his sTit7xt^ or grammatical aphorisms he shows 
 an extensive knowledge of the ancient geogra- 
 phy of India. Most of the countries, places 
 and rivers mentioned by him are. of course, to 
 be found in the Punjab and Afghanistan. 
 Belonging to India farther south he mentions 
 Kachchha (IV.2.133), Avanti (IV.1.176), 
 Kosala (IV.1.171) and Kalinga (IV.I.170). 
 
4 LECTURE I. 
 
 But he makes no mention of any province to the 
 south of the Narmada except that of Asmaka 
 (IV.1.173). One of the oldest works of Pali 
 Buddhist literature, the Sidta-nipata^^ speaks of a 
 Brahman gmni called Bavarin as having left the 
 Kosala country and settled near a village on the 
 Godhavari in the Assaka (Asmaka) territory in 
 the Dakkiiiapatha (Dakshinapatha). The story 
 tells us that Bavarin sent his sixteen pupils to pay 
 their homage to Buddha and confer with him. The 
 route by which they proceeded northwards is 
 also described.^ Eirst, they went to Patitthana 
 of the Mulaka^ countiy, then to Mahissati, to 
 Ujjeni, Gonaddha/ Yedisa and Vanasahvaya ; to 
 
 1 Vs. 976-7. ' Ibid, Vs. 1011-3. 
 
 ^ In the text of the Sutta-nipata edited by V. Fausboll, the 
 reading Alaka is adopted (Vs.977 & 1011), and the variant Mulaka 
 noticed in the foot-notes. There can, however, be no doubt that Mulaka 
 must be the correct reading. We know of no country of the name 
 Alaka. Mulaka, on the other hand, is well-known. Thus in the 
 celebrated Nasik cave inscription of VasishthTputra Pulumavi, the 
 Mulaka country has been associated with Asaka (Asmaka), exactly as 
 it has been done in the SuUa-ni^ata (EI., VIII.60). The same country 
 seems to have been mentioned as Maulika by Varahamihira in his 
 Brihaf-samhita (XIV. 8.) 
 
 * Considering that GodavarT has heen called Godhavari in the 
 Sutta-ni'pata, Gonaddha can very well te taken to stand for Gonadda- 
 Gonarda, the place from which Patanjali, author of the Mahabhashya, 
 hailed. Sir Ramkrishna Bhandarkar has shown on the authority of 
 the Mahahhashya that Saketa was situated on the road from Gonarda 
 to Pataliputra (I A. II. 7C). This is exactly in accordance with what 
 the Sutta-nipata s,b;js, for Saketa, according to the route taken by 
 Bavarin's pupils was on the way from Gonaddha to the Magadha 
 country. The native place of Patai^jali was, therefore, in Centi-al 
 India somewhere between Ujjain and Besnagar near Bhilsa. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 5 
 
 Kosambi, Saketa and Savatthi (capital of the 
 Kosala country) ; to Setavya, Kapilavatthu 
 and Kusinara ; to Pava, Yesall (capital of 
 Magadha), and finally to Pasanaka Chetiya 
 where Buddha then was. The description of 
 this route is very important in more than one 
 ways. In the first place, it will be seen 
 that Bavarin's settlement was much to the 
 south of Patitthana, i.e. Paithan in Nizam's 
 territory, because Patitthana was the principal 
 town of the Mujaka province, to the south of 
 which was the Asmaka country where Bavarin 
 then was. Secondly, it is worthy of note that 
 Bavarin's disciples went to North India straight 
 through the Vindhyas. This disproves the 
 theory of some scholars who hold that the 
 Aryans were afraid of crossing the Vindhyas and 
 went southwards to the Dekkan by an easterly 
 detour round the mountain range, ^ x4Lfter leaving 
 Patitthana or Paithan we find the party reaching 
 Mahissati, i.e. Mahishmati, which has been cor- 
 rectly identified with Mandhata on the Narmada 
 on the borders of the Indore State. ^ Evidently, 
 Bavarin's pupils must have passed to Mahishmati, 
 i.e. to the other side of the Vindhyas through 
 the Vidarbha country. 
 
 Let us now turn to Panini and the School of 
 Grammar that he founded. We have seen that 
 
 ^ See e.g. Early History of the Dtlchan (Second Edition), p. 9. 
 ^ JRAS., 1910, 445-6. 
 
6 LECTURE I. 
 
 Asmaka is the only country in the Dekkan, which 
 he mentions. The case, however, is different with 
 Katyayana Ayho wrote aphorisms called vartikas 
 to explain and supplement Panini and who has 
 been assi^^ned to the middle of the 4fch century 
 B.C. Now, to aPanini's sufra: janapada—sahdat 
 Tcshatriyad=an (lY. 1. 168), Katyayana adds 
 a vartika^ Fandor=^dymi, from which we ob- 
 tain the form Panclya.^ If this vartika had 
 not been made, we should have had the form not 
 Pandya but Pandava. Again, we have a sTUra 
 of Panini, Kamhojal^^luk (IV. 1. 175), which 
 lays down that the word Kamboja denotes not 
 only the Kamboja country or the Kamboja tribe 
 but also the Kamboja king. But then there 
 are other words which are exactly like Kamboja 
 in this respect but which Panini has not men- 
 tioned. Katyayana is, therefore, compelled to 
 supplement the above sTiU'a Avith the vartika, 
 Katnbojadibhyo = lug-vachanam Chodadym^tham. 
 This means that like Kamboja tbe words Choda, 
 Kadera and Kerala denote each not only the 
 
 1 I am not yet in a position to determine finally whether this 
 is a variika of Katyayana or a sapploment of Patanjali. Sir 
 Ramkrishiia Bhandarkar in his Early History of the DeUhan (p. 7. 
 8 n. 3) adopts the former view, whereas the text of Patanjali's 
 Mahahhashya, as edited by Kielhorn in the Bombay Sanskrit 
 Series, inclines one to the latter view. Even if this last proves 
 ultimately to be the correct view, this in no way vitiates my main 
 conclusion, because as the Pandyas are referred to both by Megasthenes 
 in his Indika and by Asoka in his Rock Edicts,, their immigration to 
 and settlement in South India were complete long before the rise of 
 the Maury a power. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 7 
 
 country and the tribe but also the king. It will 
 thus be seen that Choda and Kerala, which are 
 obviously countries situated in Southern India, 
 were known to Katyayana, but not to Panini. Of 
 course, no sane scholar who has studied the 
 Ashtadhyclyl will be so bold as to assert that 
 Panini was a careless or ignorant grammarian. 
 But we have not one word, but at least three 
 words, inz. Pandya, Choda and Kerala, the forma- 
 tion of whose forms has not been explained by 
 Panini, which any accurate and thorough-going 
 grammarian would have done if they had been 
 known to him. The only legitimate conclusion 
 that can, therefore, be drawn is that the names 
 of these southern countries were not known to 
 Panini, or in other words, were not known to the 
 Aryans in the seventh century B. C, but were 
 known to them shortly before the middle of the 
 fourth century B. C. when Katyayana lived. 
 As regards Ceylon or Tamraparni as it was called 
 in ancient days, it was certainly known to the 
 Aryans long before the rise of the Maurya power. 
 It has been mentioned not only by Asoka as 
 Taiiibapani in his Bock Edict XIII but also as 
 Taprobane by Megasthenes,^ who, as most of 
 you are aware, was the ambassador sent by 
 Seleukos Nicator of Syria to the court of Chandra- 
 gupta, founder of the Maurya dynasty and 
 grandfather of As'oka. Contemporaneously with 
 
 1 lA. VI. 129. 
 
8 LECTURE i. 
 
 Megasthenes lived Kautilya, who in his Artha- 
 mstra ^ speaks of pearls being found among 
 other places in the Tamrapani river, in Pandya- 
 kavataka, and near the Mahendra mountain — 
 all situated on the extremity of the Southern 
 Peninsula. 
 
 Now, the name of one of these southern king- 
 doms was Choda, which was called Chora in 
 Tamil and Chola in Telugu. The people also 
 were called by the same name. I cannot resist 
 the temptation of saying that it is from this 
 Cho.a people that the Sanskrit word cliora 
 meaning a thief has been derived. An exactly 
 analogous instance we have in the word Dasyu or 
 Dasa, which originally denoted the Dahae people of 
 the Caspian Steppes' but which even in the 
 Yedic period acquired a derogatory sense and 
 soon after signified "a robber" _ If Dasyu thus 
 originally was the name of a non- Aryan tribe 
 and used in the sense of a robber, it is perfectly 
 intelligible that the name of another non- Aryan 
 people, viz. the Choras, was similarly employed 
 to express a similar meaning. And this seems 
 to have been the case, because the Vedic terms 
 
 ^ p. lb. For the river Tamraparni, see further in the sequel. 
 It is also referred to in Asoka's Rock Edict II. Kautilya's Pandya- 
 Tcavataka seems to be the same as Pandya-vataka or Pdndya-vatabhava 
 of the Brihat-sanihita (80. 2 and 6). Mahendra here seems to be the 
 most southerly spur of the Travancore Hills (JRAS,, 1894., 262). 
 
 ^ Hillebrandt, Vedische M^jthologie, I. 95 ; E. Kuhn's Zeitschrift, 
 28. 214 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 9 
 
 for a thief are taskara., tayu, steiia and i^aripan- 
 thin, but never cliora, this word being for the 
 first time found in the Taittiriya Aranyaka ^ 
 which is a late work. This conclusion is strength- 
 ened by the fact that in Latin and Greek also, 
 there is no word, signifying " a thief," which 
 correspends to chora in sound. 
 
 The case, however, was different in regard to 
 the name of the other people, viz. Pandya. 
 Katyayana, we have seen, derives it from Pandu. 
 This shows that the Pandyas were an Aryan tribe, 
 and not an alien tribe like the Cholas or Choras. 
 Now, a Greek writer called Pliny tells us a 
 tradition about these Pandyas, on the authority 
 of Megasthenes, that they were descended from 
 Pandoea, the only daughter of the Indian Her- 
 cules, i.e., of Krishna. She went avvay from the 
 country of the Saarasenas, whose principal 
 towns were Methora or Mathura and Cleisobora 
 or Krishnapiira, and was assigned by her 
 father just "that portion of India which lies 
 southward and extends to the sea." ^ It is thus 
 clear that the Pandyas were connected with the 
 north and were an Aryan race. The account 
 given by Megasthenes, however, like many tra- 
 ditions of this nature, is to be regarded as a 
 combination of both truth and fiction. In the 
 first place no authority from any epic or Purana 
 is forthcoming to show that Krishna had a 
 
 » X. 65. ^ lA. VI 249-50 and 344. 
 
10 LECTURE i. 
 
 daughter and of the name of Pandya. Secondly, 
 though Mathura is connected with the infancy 
 of Krishna, he lived as a ruler, not at Mathura 
 but at Dvaraka from where alone he could send 
 his daughter. These are, therefore,' the ele- 
 ments of fiction that got mixed up with the 
 immigration of the Pandyas. What appears to be 
 the truth is that there was a tribe called Pandu 
 round about Mathura, and that when a section 
 of them Avent southwards and were settled there, 
 they were called Pandyas. This is clear, I think, 
 from Katyayana's vartiha. Fandoo'-dymi, which 
 means that the suffix ya was to be attached not 
 to Pandu the name of the father of the Pandavas 
 but to Pandu, which was the name of a Ksha- 
 triya tribe as well as of a country. Evidently 
 Pandya denotes the descendants of the Pandu 
 tribe, and must have been so called when they 
 migrated southwards and established themselves 
 there. ^ Nay, we have got evidence to show 
 that there was a tribe called Pandu. Ptolemy, 
 who wrote geography of India about A.D. 150, 
 speaks not only of the kingdom of Pandion or 
 Pandya but also of the country of the Pandoouoi 
 in the Punjab. ^ These Pandoouoi can be no 
 other than the people Pandu. Again, Yaraha- 
 
 ^ We also meet with similai* taddhita forms in later history. 
 Thus we have instances of early tribes being called Chalukya, 
 Kadamba and so forth, whose descendants later on came to be called 
 Chalukya, Kadamba and so on. 
 
 ■" Ik., XIII. 331 and 349. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 11 
 
 mihira, the celebrated astronomer, who flouri- 
 shed about the middle of the 6th century A.D., 
 makes mention of a tribe called Pandus and 
 places them in Madhyadesa.^ There can, there- 
 fore, be no doubt about the existence of a people 
 called Pandus. And as according to Varahami- 
 hira they were somewhere in the Madhyades'a, it 
 is quite possible that in the time of Megasthenes 
 they were settled round about Mathura? Megas- 
 thenes' statement that the Pandyas of the 
 south were connected with the Jumna and 
 Mathura seems to be founded on fact, because 
 the Greek writers, Pliny and Ptolemy, tell us 
 that the capital of the Pandyas in the south was 
 Modoura, ^ i.e., Madura, the principal town of 
 the district of the same name in the Madras 
 Presidency. The fact that the Pandyas of the 
 south called their capital Madhura clearly shows 
 that they came from the north from some 
 country whose capital was Mathura and thus 
 gives remarkable confirmation to what Megas- 
 thenes has told us. This is quite in accordance 
 with the practice of the colonists naming the 
 younger towns or provinces after the older. 
 
 We thus see that an Aryan tribe called 
 Pandu went southwards, and occupied the 
 southernmost part of the peninsula, where they 
 were known as Pandya and their capital Madhura 
 
 » Brihat-samhita, XIV. 3. 
 s lA., XIII, 368, 
 
12 LECTURE I. 
 
 or Mathura. Eut the story of the migrations 
 of this enterprising Aryan tribe does not end 
 here. We have to note that there is a third 
 Matura in Ceylon, and also a fourth Madura 
 in the Eastern Archipelago. ^ The natural 
 conclusion is that the Pandyas did not rest 
 satisfied with occupying the extremest southern 
 part of the peninsula, but went farther south- 
 ward and colonised Ceylon also. For, as 
 just stated, the Pandyas no doubt appear to 
 have come from Mathura, the capital of the 
 Saurasena country as told by Megasthenes, 
 because this alone can explain why they gave 
 the naUiC Mathura to the capital of their new 
 kingdom situated at the south end of India. 
 And the fact that we have another Mathura in 
 Ceylon shows that the Pandyas alone could go 
 there and have a third capital of this name. 
 Besides, as the Pandyas occupied the southern 
 extremity of India, it was they who could natu- 
 rally be expected to go and settle themselves in 
 Ceylon. But they seem to have gone there, 
 not from the Madura but from the Tinnevelly 
 District. I have told you that the ancient 
 name of Ceylon was Tamraparni, but we have 
 to remember that Tamraparni was the name of 
 a river also. -^ This doubtless is the present river 
 
 ^ Caldwell, Orammar of the Dravidian Languages, Intro., p. 16. 
 
 2 Mahabhrirata III. 88. 15. That the Pancjyas held the Madura 
 District is quite certain, because it was the territory immediately 
 round about Madhura, their capital. That they held also the Tinnevell;;^ 
 
AHYAN COLONISATION. 13 
 
 Tamraparni in the Tinnevelly District. Scholars 
 have no doubt tacitly admitted that there was a 
 connection somehow between this river and 
 Ceylon, but this connection can be rendered 
 intelligible only on the supposition that the 
 Tinnevelly District was called Tamraparni after 
 the river, just as Sindhu or Sind was after the 
 river Sindhu or Indus. In that case it is intelli 
 gible that when the Paiidyas went to Ceylon, 
 they named it Tamraparni after the country 
 they left. Again, coming as they did from the 
 Tinnevelly District they would naturally land 
 in the north-western part of the Island. And 
 it is quite in keeping with this supposition that 
 we find the ancient civilised and populous dis- 
 trict of Ceylon, the so-called Kalah located, not 
 in the south, east or north-east, but north-west 
 part of the Island. ^ 
 
 Let us now see how the Aryan colonisation 
 of Southern India must have been accomplished. 
 We know that when the Aryans migrated in 
 ancient times from Afghanistan and Punjab to 
 the dii^^erent parts of Northern India, they did 
 
 District is clear from what Ptolemy and the author of the Periplus tell 
 us about the Pandya kingdom (I A., XIII. 331). Northwards their rule 
 seems to have extended as far as the highlands in the neighbourhood 
 of the Coimbatore gap. Its western boundary was formed by the 
 southern range of the Ghats. That the Aryans had occupied the 
 Tinnevelly District at this time is evident from the fact that we have 
 here not only the sacred river Tamraparni but also the sacred place 
 Agastya-tirtha — both mentioned in the Mahabharata. 
 1 Jour. Ceylon Br. R,A. Soc, VII. 57 & ff, 
 
14 LECTURE I. 
 
 SO under the leadership of the Kshatriya tribes, 
 and hence their new settlements were called 
 after the names of those tribes. A curious 
 legend in this connection is worth quoting from 
 the Satapatha-Brahmana, from which it would 
 appear that when the Aryans pushed forward 
 to the east of the' Sarasvati, they were led by 
 Mathava the Videgha, and his priest. ^ They 
 went at first as far east as the Sadanira which 
 formed the boundary between Kosala and 
 Videha and which therefore corresponds to the 
 Little Ganclak of the present day. ^ For some 
 time they did not venture to cross this river. 
 They did however cross it, and, at the time when 
 the Satapatha-Brahmana Avas composed, were 
 settled to the east of it in a province called 
 Yideha no doubt after the name of the tribe to 
 which the king Mathava belonged. Nay, we 
 have got Panini's authority to that effect ; thus, 
 according to him, Fanchalanam nivaso jana- 
 paclali Pdnchalah, i.e. the word Fanchalah 
 denotes the country or kingdom which the 
 Kshatriya tribe Panchala occupied. What hap- 
 pened in North India must have happened in 
 South India also. I have already referred to 
 the tribe Pandu who were settled in the 
 southernmost part of India and after whom it 
 was called Pandya. This was certainly a 
 
 1 SEE.. XII. Intro, xli seq. : 104 seq. 
 "- JRAS,, 1907, p. 644, 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 15 
 
 Kshatriya tribe. Again, we have a passage in 
 Kautilya's Arthasastra, viz. Dandakyo nama 
 Bhojah lumiat Bralimana-kanyam^ahhimany- 
 amanas=^isa-hand1ni~ras1itro vinanasa (a Bhoja 
 known as Danclakya or king of Dandaka, mak- 
 ing a lascivous attempt on a Brahman girl, 
 perished along with his relations and kingdom.)^ 
 Bhoja was, of course, the name of a Kshatriya 
 tribe, as we know from the Mahabharata and 
 Harivams'a. ^ And a prince of this tribe is here 
 said to have been a ruler of Dandaka, which is 
 another name for Maharashtra. ^ As all the 
 incidents Avhich Kautilya mentions along with 
 that of Danclakya Bhoja took place long before 
 his time and as he himself was, we know, the 
 prime-minister of Chandragupta, founder of the 
 Maurya dynasty, and consequently lived at 
 the close of the fourth century B.C., it ap- 
 pears that the Bhojas must have taken posses- 
 sion of Maharashtra, at least in the fifth 
 century B.C., if not earlier. I have already 
 told you that the Buddhist work Sidtanipata 
 speaks of Patitthana or Paithan. in Mzam's 
 Dominions. But there was an older 
 Patitthana or Pratishthana on the confluence 
 of the Ganges and the Jumna, which was the 
 
 1 KautiVxyam Arthasasiram (Bibliotheca Sauskrita — No- 37), p. 11. 
 5 MahahhErata, I. 85.34, II. 14. 6, & VI. 9. 40 ; Harivamsa, 
 1895, 8816, 12838. 
 
 ' R. G. Bhandarkar, Early History of the DeMan, p. 4. 
 
l6 LECTURE i. 
 
 capital of Aila Purtiravas. ^ The practice of 
 naming the younger town after the older one 
 is universal, and is well-known even in the 
 colonies of European nations. I have already 
 quoted you an instance from India, viz. of 
 Mathura. And Pratishthana is hut another in- 
 stance. It thus seems that on the hank of the 
 Godavari we had a colony from the country of 
 of which the older Pratishthana was the capital, 
 and it is probable that we had here a colony 
 of the Aila tribe. ^ Even as late as the third 
 century A.D., we find North Indian Aryan 
 tribes or families going southwards and settling 
 themselves somewhere in Southern India. A 
 Buddhist stupa has been discovered at Jagayya- 
 peta in the Kistna Pistrict, Madras. We have 
 got here at least three inscrijDtions of this 
 period which refer themselves to the reign of 
 the king Madhariputra Srl-Yirapurushadatta 
 of the Ikshvaku family.^ This indicates that 
 the Kistna and adjoining Districts were heM 
 in the third century A.D. by the Ikshvakus,* 
 
 ^ Wilson, Vishnu-Purana, III. 237; Vikramorvasiyam (BSPS. 
 Ed.), p. 41 ; believed to be present Jhiisi opposite Allahabad fort. 
 
 " In the Mahabhrirata are mentioned both Ailavamsa (I. 94. 
 65) and Aila-variisyas (II. 14. 4). Ailas are mentioned also in the 
 Puranas. 
 
 ' Liiders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions etc, Nos. 1202-4. 
 
 * It is not at all unlikely that Madhariputra SrT-Virapurushadatta 
 ■Was a prince of Dakshina-Kosala which in the third century A.D. may 
 have extended as far as the east coast. We know that Uttara-Kosala, 
 with its capital of Saketa or Ayodhya, was ruled over by the Ikshvakus, 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 17 
 
 who certainly must have come from the north. 
 We know that Rama, the hero of the 
 Ramayana, belonged to the Ikshvaku race. So 
 did Buddha, the founder of Buddhism. The 
 Ikshvakus are also mentioned in the Puranas 
 as a historical royal dynasty ruling in North 
 India. The Ikshvakus of the Kistna District 
 must, therefore, have come from the north. 
 
 It is true that the Aryan civilisation was 
 thus to a certain extent spread over Southern 
 India through conquest. But this cannot be 
 the whole cause. Causes of a pacific and more 
 important nature must also have operated. We 
 are so much accustomed to hear about the 
 enterprising and prosy litising spirit of the 
 Buddhist and Jaina monks that we are apt to 
 think that Brahmanism had never shown any 
 missionary zeal. Is this, however, a fact ? Did 
 not the Brahmans or at any rate any of the 
 hymn- composing families put forth any mis- 
 sionary effort and help in the dissemination of 
 the Aryan culture ? I cannot help thinking 
 that the ancient Rishis were not mere passive 
 inert thinkers, but were active thouarh not 
 aggressive propagators of their faith ? Tradi- 
 
 afad it seems that when the Ikshvakus spread themselves southwards, 
 their new province also was called Kosala, dahshina being also applied 
 to it to distinguish it from their original territory which therefore 
 became Uttara-Kosala. (Dakshina— ) Kosala was certainly well-known 
 in the fourth century A. D., as it is mentioned in the Allahabad pillar 
 inscription of Samudragupta and included in Dakshinapatha, 
 
18 LECTURE I. 
 
 tion, narrated in the Mahabharata and 
 Bamayana, says that it was the Brahman sage 
 Agastya who first crossed the Vindhya range 
 and led the way to the Aryan immigration. ^ 
 When Bama began his southward march and 
 was at Paiichavati, Agastya was ah'eady to the 
 south of the Vindhyas and was staying in a 
 hermitage about two yojcmas from it. This is 
 not all. We find him evermore penetrating 
 farther and farther into the hitherto unknown 
 south, and civilising the Dravidians. Nay, this 
 is admitted by the Tamil people themselves. 
 They make Agastya the founder of their lan- 
 guage and literature and call him by way of 
 eminence the Tamirmmii or Tamilian sage. 
 They still point to a mountain in the Tinnevelly 
 District, which is commonly called by the 
 English Agastier, — i.e. Agastya's hill — ■' Agastya 
 being supposed to have finally retired thither 
 from the world after civilising the Dravidians." ^ 
 I am not unaware that these are legends. It 
 is. however, a mistake to suppose that legends 
 teach us nothing historical. It may very well 
 be doubted whether Agastya as he figures in 
 these legends is a historical personality. But 
 a man is certainly lacking the historical sense 
 if he cannot read in these legends the historical 
 truth that Bishis took a most prominent but 
 
 1 Mahahlmrata,!!!. \0^; Ramayana 111. 11. 85. 
 
 * Caldwell, Grammar of the Pravidian Languages, Intro., 101, 119. 
 
AHYAN COLONISATION. 19 
 
 unobtrusive part in the Aryan colonisation and 
 the diffusion of Aryan culture. The old Ilishis 
 of India, I think, were as enthusiastic and en- 
 terprising in this respect as the Buddhist and 
 Jaina missionaries, and were often migrating 
 with their host of pupils to distant countries. 
 I shall take only one instance. I hope you 
 remember the Brahman gu7nt Bavarin, whom 
 I mentioned a few minutes ago. His story 
 appears in the Siitta-Nipata. He is described 
 therein as perfect in the three Vedas. He has 
 sixteen disciples — all Brahmans, and each one 
 of them again had his host of pupils. They all 
 bore matted hair and sacred skins, and are 
 styled Uishis. With these pupils of his and 
 their pupils' pupils Bavarin was settled on the 
 bank of the Godavarl in the Asmaka territory, 
 where he performed a sacrifice. He was thus 
 settled on the confines of the Dakshinapatha, 
 as it Avas then known, if not beyond. And yet 
 we are told that originally he was at Sravasti, 
 capital of the Kosala country. He and his 
 pupils had thus traversed at least 600 miles before 
 they came and were settled on the Godavarl. 
 It will thus be seen that the E-ishis were in the 
 habit of moving in large numbers and to long 
 distances, and making their settlements where 
 they performed sacrifices. This is exactly in 
 keeping with what we gather from the 
 Hamayana. To the south of the Yindhya, we 
 
20 LECTtlUE t. 
 
 learn, there were many Brahman anchorites who 
 lived in hermitages at different places and per- 
 formed their sacrifices before Rama penetrated 
 Dandakaranya and commenced his career of con- 
 quest. There was an aboriginal tribe called the 
 Ilakshasas who disturbed the sacrifices and 
 devoured the hermits and thus placed themselves 
 in hostile opposition to the Brahmanical institu- 
 tions. On the other hand, under the designation 
 of Vanaras, we have got another class of abori- 
 gines, who allied themselves to the Brahmans 
 and embraced their form of religious worship. 
 Even among the Bakshasas we know we had an 
 exception in Vibhishana, brother of Bavana, 
 who is said to be na ta Rdkshasa-clieshtitah,^ not 
 behaving himself like a Bakshasa. This was the 
 state of thinojs in Southern India when Bama 
 came there. This clearly shows that the Bishis 
 were always to the forefront in the work of 
 colonising Southern India and introducing 
 Aryan civilisation. Amongst them Agastya was 
 the only Bishi, who fought with the Baksliasas 
 and killed them. The other Bishis, like true 
 missionaries, never resorted to the practice of 
 retaliation, though they believed rightly or 
 wrongly that they had the power of ridding them- 
 selves of their enemy. One of them distinctly 
 says to B/ama : Kammh tapali-prahlmvena sakta 
 hantum nisdchardn chirdrjitam na ch-echchhamas- 
 
 t , ^ Bamayana, III. l7. 22. - . , 
 
Aryan colonisation. 21 
 
 tapah khandayitum vayam : "It is true that by the 
 power of our austerities we could at will slay 
 these goblins ; but we are unwilling to nullify 
 (the merit of) our austerities." ^ A.nd it was 
 simply because through genuine missionary 
 spirit the Rishis refused to practice retaliation 
 that Rama, like a true Kshatriya, intervened and 
 waged war with the Rakshasas. This high noble 
 spirit of the ancient Rishis, manifested in 
 their mixing with the aborigines and civilising 
 them, is not seen from the Ramayana only. It 
 may also be seen from the story of the fifty of 
 Visvamitra's sons, mentioned in the Aitareya 
 Brahmana and referred to at the beginning of 
 this lecture. They strongly disapproved of his 
 adoption of Sunahsepa, and were for that reason 
 cursed by Visvamitra to live on the borders of 
 the Aryan settlements. And their progeny, we 
 are told, are the Andhras, Punclras, Sabaras and 
 so forth. If we read the legend aright, it clearly 
 indicates that even the scions of such an illus- 
 trious hymn-composing family as that of 
 Visvamitra migrated southward boldly, and what 
 is more, married and mixed freely with the 
 aborigines, with the object of diffusing Aryan 
 culture amongst them. 
 
 But by what routes did the Aryans penetrate 
 South India ? This question we have now to con- 
 sider. The main route, I think, is the reverse 
 
 1 Ihid., III. 10. 13-14. 
 
22 LECTURE I. 
 
 of the one by which Bavarin's pupils went to 
 Magadha from Asmaka. This was described a 
 short time ago. The Aryan route thus seems 
 to have lain through the Avanti country, the 
 southernmost town of which was Mahissati or 
 Mandhata on the Narmada, from where the 
 Aryans crossed the Vindhyas and penetrated 
 Southern India. They began by colonising 
 Vidarbha from which they proceeded southwards 
 first to the Mulaka territory with its principal 
 town Patitthana or Paithan and from there to the 
 Asmaka country. By what route farther south- 
 ward they immigrated is not clear, but the 
 find- spots of As'oka's inscriptions perhaps afford 
 a clue. One copy of his Minor Eock Edicts has 
 been found at Maski in the Lingsugur Taluq of 
 the Baichur District, Nizam's Dominions, ^ and 
 three more farther southward, in the Ghitaldrug 
 District of the Mysore State. ^ A few Jaina 
 cave inscriptions have come to light also in the 
 Madura District ^ and appear to belong to the 
 second century B.C. and possibly earlier. As 
 As'oka's edicts and these cave inscriptions are in 
 Pali, these certainly were the districts colonised 
 by the Aryans. The Aryans thus seem to 
 to have sjone south from the Asmaka territory 
 through the modern E/aichur and Ghitaldrug 
 
 1 Hyderahad Archaeological Series, No. I, p. 1. 
 
 2 EC, Vol. XI. (Intro.), p. 2. 
 
 3 Annual Report on Epigraphy for the year ending Slat March 
 1912, p. 57. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. Z6 
 
 Districts, from where they must have gone to 
 the Madura District which was originally in 
 the Pandya kingdom. This seems to agree with 
 the tradition of their immigration preserved 
 amons^ the Tamil Brahmans. These Brahmans 
 have a section called Brihachcharana which 
 means the G-reat Immigration, and must refer 
 to a large southward movement ^ They are 
 subdivided into Mazhnadu and Molagu. The 
 Mazhnadu sub-section is further divided into 
 Kandra-manikkam, Mangudi and Sathia-manga- 
 1am etc., all villages along the Western Ghats — - 
 showing that in their southward movement 
 they clung to the highlands and peopled the 
 skirts of the present province of Mysore and 
 the Coimbatore and Madura Districts — a con- 
 clusion which agrees with that just drawn from 
 the find-spots of the Asoka and Cave Inscriptions 
 in Southern India. 
 
 Another route by which the Aryans seem to 
 have gone to South India was by the sea. They 
 appear to have sailed from the Indus to 
 Kachchha, and from there by sea-coast to Sura- 
 shtra or Kathiawar, from Kathiawar to Bharuka- 
 chchha or modern Broach, and from Bharukach- 
 chha to Supparaka or Sopara in the Thana District 
 of the Bombay Presidency. Baudhayana, the 
 author of a Dhm'masastra quotes a verse from 
 the Bhallavin School of Law, which tells us 
 
 ' lA., 1912,231-2, 
 
24 LECTTJRE I. 
 
 that the inhabitants of Sindhu, Sauvira and 
 Surashtra like those of the Dekkan were of 
 mixed origin. This shows that the Aryans 
 had begun colonising those parts. Towards 
 the end of the period we have selected they 
 seem to have advanced as far south as Sopara. 
 But as already stated they must have gone by 
 the sea-route, because it is quite clear that no 
 mention is traceable of any inland countries or 
 towns between the sea-coast and the Dekkan. ^ 
 
 Now, wherever in India and Ceylon the 
 Aryans penetrated, they introduced not only 
 their civilisation, i.e. their religion, culture and 
 and social organisation, but also imposed their 
 language on the aborigines. It is scarcely 
 necessary for me to expatiate on the former 
 point, for it is an indisputable fact that the 
 Hindu civilisation that we see everywhere in 
 India or Ceylon is essentially Aryan. You 
 know about it as much and as well as I do. 
 This point, therefore, calls for no remarks. In 
 regard to the Aryan language, however, I cannot 
 do better than quote the following opinion of 
 Sir George Grierson, an eminent linguist of 
 the present day. "When an Aryan tongue," 
 
 1 It will be stated further on in the text that no less than three 
 Buddhist stupas have been found in the Kistna District with quite a 
 number of Pali inscriptions showing that the Aryans had colonised that 
 part. The question arises from where did the Aryans go there ; They 
 must have gone either from Kalinga or Asmaka, most probably from 
 the latter. See note on p. 40 below. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 25 
 
 says he, "comes into contact with an uncivilized 
 aboriginal one, it is invariably the latter which 
 goes to the wall. The Aryan does not attempt 
 to speak it, and the necessities of intercourse 
 compelled the aborigine to use a broken 'pigeon' 
 form of the language of a superior civilisation. 
 As generations pass this mixed jargon more 
 and more approximates to its model, and in 
 process of time the old aboriginal language is 
 forgotten and dies a natural death." ^ I com- 
 pletely endorse this view of Sir George Grierson 
 except in one respect. This exception, you 
 will at once see, is the Dravidian languages 
 which are at present spoken in Southern India. 
 It is, indeed, strange how the Aryan, failed to 
 supplant the Dravidian, speech in this part of 
 India, though it most successfully did in Nor- 
 thern India, where I have no doubt the Dravidi- 
 an tongue prevailed before the advent of the 
 Aryans. This will be seen from the fact that 
 "Erahul, the language of the mountaineers in 
 the Khanship of Kelat in Beluchistan, contains 
 not only some Dravidian words, but a consider- 
 able infusion of distinctively Dravidian forms 
 and idioms" ^ . The discovery of this Dravidian 
 element in a language spoken beyond the Indus 
 tends to show that the Dravidians, like the 
 Aryans, the Scythians, and so forth, must have 
 
 ^ s __^ ; 
 
 1 Imperial Gazetteer of India, Vol. I. pp. 351.2, 
 
 * Caldwell, Gra^nmar of the Dravidian Languages, Intro, pp. 43-4' 
 
26 LECTURE I. 
 
 entered India by tlie north-western route. It 
 is also a well-known fact, accepted by all scho- 
 lars, that there are many Sanskrit words, which 
 are really Dravidian, and Kittel, in his Kanna- 
 da-English Dictionary, gives a long list of 
 them. But in compiling this list he seems to 
 have drawn exclusively upon classical Sanskrit, 
 which was never a hliasha or spoken language. 
 At least one Dravidian word, however, is known 
 from the Yedic literature, which is admitted to 
 be composed in the language actually spoken 
 by the people. The word I mean is matachl 
 which occurs in the Chhandogya-Upanishad 
 (1. 10.1) in the passage Matachl-hateslm Kurushu 
 atihya saha jay ay a Ushastir-=ha Chakrayana 
 ibhya-grame pradranaka uvasa. Here evidently 
 the devastation of the crops in the Kuru country 
 by matachl is spoken of. All the commentators 
 except one have wrongly taken matachl to mean 
 'hailstones', but one commentator who is an 
 exception rightly gives rakta-varnah hshudra- 
 pakshi-viseshah as an alternative equivalent ^ 
 This shows that these "red-coloured winged 
 creatures" can be no other than locusts, and 
 that it is they which laid waste the fields of the 
 Kuru country as they do to the present day in 
 every part of India. It is interesting to note 
 that this explanation of the commentator 
 is confirmed by the fact that matachl is 
 
 1 JRAS., 1911, p. 510. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 27 
 
 a Sanskritisecl form of the well-known Canarese 
 word midiche which is explained by Kittel's 
 Dictionary as "a grasshopper, a locust" 
 and which is used in this sense to this day in 
 the Dharwar District of the Bombay Presidency ^ 
 Scholars are unanimous on the point that the 
 Chhandogya-Upanishad is one of the earliest 
 of the Upanishads. Nobody doubts that this 
 Upanishad was put together in the North of 
 India, especially in the Punjab, and that the 
 Sanskrit language in which it is composed 
 represents the current speech of the day. And 
 yet we find in it a term which is a genuinely 
 Dravidian word. I have no doubt that more 
 such will be forthcoming from the Vedic 
 literature if scholars of the Dravidian languages 
 undertake this task. And this will confirm the 
 conclusion that the Dravidian tongue was 
 prevalent in North India before the Aryans 
 came and occupied it. The same conclusion is 
 forced upon us by an examination of the 
 vernaculars of North India. Take Bengali, for 
 instance ; the words Khoka and Khuki which 
 mean *boy' and 'girl' in Bengali are nothing 
 but the Oraon Koka and Koki. The Bengali 
 telo, 'head', is the Telugu fa-la and Tamil 
 Td-lai. Nola, 'tongue' is Tamil nalu. The 
 plural suffix gul is used in Tamil to denote 
 'many'. Gull and giila are used for the same 
 
 1 lA., 1913, p. 235, 
 
28 LECTURE I. 
 
 purpose in Bengali. Instances can be multi- 
 plieu \ but those given are enough, to show 
 that even the vernacular Bengali, which bristles 
 with Sanskrit and derivative words, is indebted 
 to Dravidian languages for a pretty large portion 
 of its vocabulary and structural peculiarities. 
 What is strange is that even in Hindi speech 
 Dravidian words have been traced. Even the 
 commonest Hindi woidsjhagra, ata and so forth 
 have been traced to Dravidian vocables ^. No. 
 reasonable doubt can therefore be entertained 
 as to the Dravidian speech once being spoken in 
 North India. 
 
 We thus see that the Dravidian tongue was 
 once spoken in North India but was superseded 
 by the Aryan, when the Aryans penetrated and 
 established themselves there. It, therefore, 
 becomes extremely curious how in Southern 
 India the Aryan speech was not able to supplant 
 the Dravidian. But here a question arises : 
 Is it a fact that even in that part of the country 
 no Aryan tongue was ever known or spoken by 
 the aborigine, after the Aryans came and were 
 settled here ? I take my stand on epigraphic 
 records as they alone can afford irrefragible 
 evidence on the subject. Let us first take the 
 
 1 For a detailed consideration of this subject, see Baiigalabhashay 
 Dravidi upadana by Mr. B. C. Mazumdar printed in Sahitya-parishat- 
 patriha, Vol. XX. Pt. I. 
 
 » lA. 1916, p. 16. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 29 
 
 province whose vernacular at present is Telugu. 
 The earliest inscriptions found here are those of 
 Asoka. Evidently I mean the version of his 
 Eourteen E^ock Edicts engraved at Jaugada in 
 the Ganjam District, the extreme north-east 
 part of the Madras Presidency. But I am 
 afraid I cannot lay much stress upon it, because 
 though Telugu is no doubt spoken in this 
 district, Uriya is not unknown here, at any rate 
 in the northern portion of it. And it is a well- 
 known fact that in a province where the 
 ranges of any two languages or dialects meet, 
 the boundary which divides one from the other 
 is never permanently fixed, but is always 
 changing. I shall not, therefore, refer here to 
 the Eourteen Rock Edicts discovered in the 
 Ganjam District, but shall come down a little 
 southwards and select that district where none 
 but a Dravidian language is spoken — I mean 
 the Kistna District. Here no less than three 
 Buddhist stupas have been discovered, along 
 with a number of inscriptions. The earliest of 
 these is that at Bhattiprolu, the next is the cele- 
 brated one at Amravati, and the third is that at 
 Jagayyapeta. The inscriptions connected with 
 these monuments are short donative records, 
 specifying each the name and social status of 
 the donor along with the nature of his gift. An 
 examination of these records shows that people 
 of various classes and statuses participated in 
 
50 LECTURE I. 
 
 this series of religious benefactions. "We will 
 here leave aside the big folk, such as those who 
 belonged to the warrior or merchant class, and 
 who, it might be contended, were the Aryan 
 conquerors. We will also leave aside the monks 
 and nuns, because their original social status is 
 never mentioned in Buddhist inscriptional 
 records. We have thus left for our considera- 
 tion the people who are called heranika or 
 goldsmiths, and, above all, the cliammaharas or 
 leather-workers. These at any rate cannot be 
 reasonably supposed to form part of the Aryan 
 people who were settled in the Kistna District, 
 and yet we find that their names are clearly 
 Aryan, showing that they imbibed the Aryan 
 civilisation even to the extent of adopting their 
 names. Thus, we have a goldsmith of the name 
 of Sidhatha or Siddhartha, two leather-workers 
 (father and son) of the name of Yidhika or 
 Yriddhika and Naga. ^ All these unmistakably 
 are Aryan names, but this string of names 
 does not stop here. We have yet to make 
 mention of another individual who is named 
 Kanha or Krishna. This too is an Aryan name, 
 but the individual, it is worthy of note, calls 
 himself Damila, ^ which is exactly the same as 
 Tamil or Sanskrit Dravida. And, in fact, this is 
 the earliest word so far found signifying the 
 Dravidian race. We thus see that as the result 
 
 1 ASSI., I. 91 & 102-3. - Ihid,, 104, 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 81 
 
 of the Aryan settlement in the Kistna District, 
 the local people were so steeped in Aryan civili- 
 sation that they went even to the length of 
 taking Aryan proper names to themselves. But 
 could they understand or speak the Aryan 
 tongue ? Do the inscriptions found in the 
 Kistna District tbrow any light on this point ? 
 Yes, they do, because the language of these 
 records is Pali,^ and Pali we know is an Aryan 
 speech. This clearly proves that an Aryan 
 tongue was spoken in the Kistna District from 
 at least 150 B.C. to 200 A.D.— the period to 
 which the inscriptions belong. I am aware it 
 is possible to argue that this Aryan language 
 was spoken only by the Aryans who were settled 
 there, and not necessarily by the people in 
 general, and, above all, the lower classes. This 
 argument is not convincing, because it is incon- 
 ceivable that earlier Buddhism, whose one aim 
 was to be in direct touch with the masses, and 
 which must have obtained almost all its converts 
 of this district from all sorts and conditions of the 
 indigenous people including the lowest classes, 
 could adopt an Aryan tongue unless it was at 
 least as well known to and actually spoken by 
 the people in general as their home tongue. 
 This inference is confirmed by the fact that 
 
 ^ I use this term in the sense in which it has been taken by 
 Mr, Francke in his Pali and SansJcrit. Perhaps this should have been 
 styled monumental Pali to distinguish it from literary Pali, i.e. the Pali 
 of the Buddhist scriptures. 
 
32 LECTtJUE i. 
 
 three copies of what are called Asoka's Minor 
 Rock Edicts have been found in the Chitaldrug 
 District of the Mysore State, ^ i.e. in the very 
 heart of what is now the Canarese-speaking 
 province. One of these edicts enumerates the 
 diiferent virtues that constitute what Asoka 
 meant by dhamma, and the other exhorts all 
 people especially those of low position to put 
 forth strenuous endeavour after the highest life. 
 All the inscriptions of Asoka, especially these 
 Edicts, had a very practical object in view. They 
 were intended to be understood and pondered 
 over by people of all classes, and as the language 
 of these epig-raphic records is Pali, the conclusion 
 is irresistible that though perhaps it was not the 
 home tongue, it could be spoken, at least well 
 understood, by all people including the lower 
 classes. But this is not all. We have get incon- 
 testable evidence that up to the 4th century 
 A.D., Pali w^9, also the official language of the 
 kings even in those provinces where Dravidian 
 languages are now suprem e. At least one stone 
 inscription and five copper-plate charters have 
 been found in these provinces, ranging from 
 the second to the fourth or fifth century A.D. 
 The stone inscription was found at Majavalli in 
 Shimoga District, Mysore State. ^ It registers 
 some grant to the god Ma]apali by Vinhukada 
 
 » EC, XI. Intro. 1 &ff. 
 
 ^ Liiders, List of Brahmi Inscriptions, Nos, 1195-6. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 33 
 
 Chutukalanariida ^ Satakarni of the Kadamba 
 dynasty ^ who calls himself king of Vaijayanti, 
 and records the renewal of the same grant by his 
 son. Vaijayanti, we know, is Banavasi in the 
 North Kanara District, Bombay Presidency. 
 At Banavasi, too, we have found an inscription 
 of the queen of this king. Both Banavasi and 
 Malavalli are situated in the Canarese-speaking 
 country, and yet we find that the official language 
 here is Pali. The sS-me conclusion is proved with 
 reference to the Tamil-speaking country by the 
 five copper-plate grants referred to above. Of 
 these five three belong to the Pallava dynasty 
 reigning at Kaiichipura, one to a king called 
 Jayavarman, and one to Vijayadevavarman. ^ 
 
 ^ I had occasion to examine coias of two princes of this dynasty- 
 found in the Noi'th Canara District, Bombay. Their names on them 
 are clearly Chntnkalanaifida and Mulanatnda (PR. — WC, 1911-2, p. 5, 
 para 18,) Prof. Rapson is inclined to take Chutu and Mnda (Munda) as 
 dynastic names (Catalogue of the coins of the Avdhra Dynasty etc., Intro. 
 Ixxxiv-lxxxvi). In my opinion, the whole Ghutuka(kii)lanamda and 
 Mulanariida are proper names or individual epithets, for to me it is 
 inconceivable how they could mention their dynastic names only on 
 the coins and not individual names or epithets at all. 
 
 ' Prof. Rapson has conclusively shown that Vinhukada Chutuka- 
 lanamda and Sivaskandavarman of the Malavalli inscriptions were 
 related to each other as father and son (ibid, liv-lv). But then it is 
 worthy of note that the latter has been called king of the Kadambas 
 in one of these records. It thus appears that both father and son 
 belonged to the Kadamba dynasty — a conclusion which thoroughly 
 agrees with the fact that their title Vaijaya7it'i-'pura-raja, Manavya- 
 sagotta and Haritlputta are exactly those of the Kadambas known to 
 us from their copper-plate charters (Bomlay Gazetteer, Vol. I., pt. IT , 
 p. 287). 
 
 = Liiders' List, Nos. 1200, 1206, 1327, 1328 and 1194. 
 
84 . LECTURE 1. 
 
 The very fact that every one of these is a title- 
 deed and has been drawn up in Pali shows 
 that this Aryan language must have been known 
 to officials of even the lowest rank and also to 
 literate and even semi-literate people. One of 
 the three Pallava charters, e.g., issues instruc- 
 tions, for the maintenance of the grant therein 
 registered, not only to rajakumara or royal 
 princes, seiiapati or generals, and so forth, but 
 also to the free-holders of' various villages 
 {gamagmna-hhojaka), guards {arahhadhikata) 
 and even cowherds {go-vaMava) who were 
 employed in the king's service. The princes ^ 
 and generals may perhaps be presumed to be 
 of the Aryan stock and consequently speak- 
 ing an Aryan tongue, but the free-holders of the 
 various villages, guards and cowherds, at any 
 rate, must be supposed to be of non- Aryan race. 
 And when instructions are issued to them by a 
 charter couched in Pali, the conclusion is inevi- 
 table that this Aryan tongue, at least up to the 
 fourth century A.D., was spoken and understood 
 by all classes of people in a country of which 
 the capital was Kanchipura or Conjeveram and 
 which was and is now a centre of the Tamil 
 language and literature. 
 
 Just now I have many a time remarked that 
 Pali might not have been the home tongue of the 
 
 ' Personally I think most of the princes in Southern India were 
 f Dravidian blood, as is clearly evidenced by their names such as 
 Pulumavi, Vilivayaknraj Kajalaya, Chntiikala and so forth. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 35 
 
 people but was well understood by them. Per- 
 haps some of you would like to know what T 
 exactly mean by this. I shall explain myself 
 by giving an instance. We know that there are 
 many Canarese-speaking districts which were 
 conquered and held by the Marathas. Some of 
 them still belong to the Maratha Chiefs. If you 
 go to any one of these districts, you will find 
 that although the indigenous people speak 
 Canarese at home and among themselves, Marathi 
 is understood by many of them and even by some 
 of the lower classes. This is the result of the 
 Maratha domination extending over only two 
 centuries, and has happened notwithstanding the 
 fact that the Canarese people have their own art 
 and literature. As the Pjili inscriptions referred 
 to above show, the Aryans had established them- 
 selves in Southern India for at least seven cen- 
 turies. It is, therefore, no wonder that the 
 Aryan tongue could be spoken, at any rate well 
 understood, by the original Dravidians even to 
 the lowest classes, as is clearly evidenced, I think, 
 at least by the inscriptions of Asoka and those 
 connected with Buddhist stTqjas. We must not, 
 however, lose sight of the fact that the Aryan 
 lanffuaoce for some reason or another had not 
 become the home tongue of these Dravidians. 
 Evidence in support of this conclusion, curiously 
 enough, is forthcoming from an extraneous and 
 unforeseen quarter. A papyrus of the second 
 
36 LECTURE I. 
 
 century A.D. was discovered in 1903 at Oxy- 
 rhynclms in Egypt, containing a Greek farce by 
 an unknown author. ^ The farce is concerned 
 with a Greek lady named Cliarition, who has 
 been stranded on the coast of a country border- 
 ing the Indian Ocean. The king of this 
 country addresses his retinue as " Chiefs of the 
 Indians." In some places the same king and his 
 countrymen use their own language especially 
 when Charition has wine served to them to 
 make them drunk. Many stray words have been 
 traced, but so far only two sentences have 
 been read, and these leave no doubt whatever 
 as to their language having been Canarese. 
 One of the sentences referred to his here 
 Kohcha madhu patrakke hahi, which means 
 " having poured a little wine into the cup 
 separately." The other sentence is panam her 
 etti Katti madhuvam her ettuvenu, which means 
 "having taken up the cup separately and having 
 covered (it), I shall take wine separately." 
 Erom the fact that the Indian language em- 
 ployed in the papyrus is Canarese, it follows 
 that the scene of Charition's adventures is one 
 of the numerous small ports an the western 
 coast of India between Karwar and Mangalore 
 and that Canarese was at least imperfectly 
 understood in that part of Egypt where the 
 farce was composed and acted, for if the Greek 
 
 ' JRAS., 1904, p. 399 fE. 
 
ARTAK COLONISATION. 37 
 
 audience in Egypt did not understand even a 
 bit of Canarese, the scene of the drinkino; bout 
 would be denuded of all its humour and would 
 be entirely out of place. There were commercial 
 relations of an intimate nature between Egypt 
 and the west coast of India in the early 
 centuries of the Christian era, and it is not 
 strange if some people of Egypt understood 
 Canarese. To come to our point, the papyrus 
 clearly shows that, in the second century A.D., 
 Canarese was spoken in Southern India even 
 by princes, who most probably were Dravidian 
 by extraction. The Canarese, however, which 
 they spoke, was not pure Canarese, but was 
 strongly tinctured with Aryan words. I have 
 quoted two Canarese sentences from the Greek 
 farce, and you will have seen that they contain 
 the words patina (cup), pancmi (drink) aiad 
 madhu (wine), which are genuine Aryan 
 vocables as they are to be found in the Vedas. 
 The \QYj fact that even in respect of ordinary 
 affairs relating to drinking we find them using, 
 not words of their home language as we would 
 naturally expect them to do, but words from 
 Aryan vocabulary, indicates what hold the Aryan 
 speech had on their tongue. 
 
 Nevertheless it must be confessed that even 
 seven centuries of Aryan domination in South 
 India was not enough for the eradication of the 
 Dravidian languages. It would be exceedingly 
 
38 LECTURE I. 
 
 interesting to investigate the circumstances 
 which precluded the Aryan tongue here from 
 supplanting the aboriginal one. Such an inquiry, 
 I am afraid, is irrelevant here. And I, therefore, 
 leave it to the Dravidian scholars to tackle 
 this most interesting but also most bewildering 
 problem/ 
 
 Though the causes that led to the preserva- 
 tion and survival of the Dravidian languages 
 are not knovrn at present, this much is certain, 
 as I have shown above, that up till 400 A.D. 
 at any rate, an Aryan tongue was spoken and 
 known to the people in general just in those 
 provinces where the Dravidian languages are 
 now the only vernaculars. If such was the 
 case, we can easily understand why in Ceylon ''^ 
 to the present day we have an Indo- Aryan 
 vernacular. Eor we have seen that the tide of 
 the Aryan colonisation did not stop till it reached 
 Ceylon. Naturally, therefore, not only the 
 Aryan civilisation but also the Aryan speech 
 was implanted from South India into this 
 country, where, however, as in North India, 
 it succeeded in completely superseding the 
 tongue originally spoken there. This satisfactori- 
 ly answers, I think, the question about the 
 origin of Pali in which the Buddhist scriptures 
 
 1 Let me say here that the exact question to be answered is why 
 the Dravidian, was supplanted by the Aryan, language in North 
 India, but not in South India, although Aryan civilisation had 
 apparently permeated South India as much as North India. 
 
ARYAN COLONISATION. 39 
 
 of Ceylon have been written. The Island was 
 converted to Buddhism about the middle of the 
 third century B. C. by the preaching of Mahinda, 
 a son of the great Buddhist Emperor As'oka. 
 Naturally, therefore, the scriptures which 
 Mahinda brought with him from his father's 
 capital must have been in Magadhi, the dialect 
 of the Mas^adha countrv. As a matter of 
 fact, however, the language of these scriptures, 
 as we have them now, is anvthino: but MaEradhl, 
 though, of course, a few Magadhisms are here 
 and there traceable. This discrepancy has been 
 variously explained by scholars. Prof. Kern 
 holds that Pali was never spoken and was an 
 artificial language altogether — a view which no 
 scholar endorses at present. Prof. Oldenberg 
 boldly rejects the Sinhalese tradition that 
 Mahinda brought the sacred texts to Ceylon. 
 He compares the Pali language to that of the 
 cave inscriptions in Maharashtra and of the 
 epigraph of king Kharavela in Hathigumpha in 
 Orissa, i.e. old Kaliiiga, says that they are essen- 
 tially the same dialect and comes to the conclu- 
 sion that the Ti-pitaka was brought to the Island 
 from the peninsula of South India, either from 
 Maharashtra or Kaliiiga, with the natural spread 
 of Buddhism southwards ^ I am afraid, I 
 cannot agree with Prof. Oldenberg in his first 
 conclusion. On the contrary, I agree with 
 
 ^ Vinaya-Piiaham, Vol. I, Intro, pp. liv-lv. 
 
40 LECTURE I. 
 
 Prof. Rhys Davids that the Sinhalese tradition 
 that Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon by 
 Mahinda is well-founded and must be accepted 
 as true. On the other hand, Prof. Oldenberg 
 has, I think, correctly pointed out that Pali of 
 Buddhist scriptures is widely divergent from 
 Magadhi but is essentially the same as the 
 dialect of the old inscriptions found in Maha- 
 rashtra or Kalinga. The truth of the matter is 
 that the Aryans, who colonised Maharashtra and 
 Kalinga \ spoke practically the same dialect, as 
 is evidenced by inscriptions, and that when they 
 went still farther southwards and occupied 
 Ceylon, they naturally introduced their own 
 dialect there, as is also evidenced by the incrip- 
 tions discovered in the Island. I have told you 
 before that the Aryan colonisation of Ceylon 
 was complete long prior to the advent of the 
 Mauryas, and we must, therefore, suppose that 
 this dialect was already being spoken when 
 Mahinda came and introduced Buddhism. Now, 
 we have a passage in the ChiUlavagga - of 
 
 ^ Personally I thiak, the Aryans went to Kalinga not by the 
 eastern, but by the southern route. It is worthy of note that while 
 the Pali Buddhist canon kno^vs Anga and Magadha and Assaka 
 (Asmaka) and Kalinga, it does not know Vanga, Pundra and Suhnia — 
 exactly the countries intervening between Anga and Kalinga, through 
 which they would certainly have passed and where they certainly 
 would have been settled if they had gone to Kalinga by the eastern 
 route. There is, therefore, notliing strange in the dialect of Kalinga 
 being the same as that of Maharashtra or the Pali. 
 
 4 V. 33. 1. 
 
Aryan colonisation. 41 
 
 the Vinaya-intaka, in which Buddha distinctly 
 ordains that his word was to be conveyed by 
 dijferent Bhikshus in their different dialects. 
 The Magadhi of the sacred texts brought by 
 Mahinda must thus have been replaced by Pali, 
 the dialect of Ceylon, and we can perfectly 
 understand how in this gradual replacement a 
 few Mascadhisms of the oriarinal mav here and 
 there have escaped this weeding-out, especially 
 as Magadhi and Pali were not two divergent 
 languages but only two dialects of one and the 
 same language. 
 
Lecture II. 
 
 Political History. 
 
 In this lecture I intend treating of the Politi- 
 cal history of the period we have selected, viz. 
 approximately from 650 to 325 B.C. No good 
 idea of this history is possible unless we first 
 consider the question : What were the biggest 
 territorial divisions known at this time ? The most 
 central of these divisions is, as you are aware, the 
 Madhya-desa or the Middle Country. Accor- 
 ding to Manu ^, it denotes the land between the 
 Himalaya in the north, the Yindhya in the south, 
 Prayaga or Allahabad in the east, and Vinasana 
 or the place where the Sarasvati disappears, in 
 the west. It is true that the laws of Manu 
 were put into their present form after 200 E.G., 
 »but I have no doubt that by far the greater 
 portion of it belongs to a much earlier period. 
 Mann's description of the Middle Country e.g. 
 appears to be nlder than that we find in the 
 Buddhist Pali canon, because the easternmost 
 point of the Madhyades'a was Prayaga in 
 Manu's time, whereas that mentioned in the 
 Buddhist works is far to the east of it. It will 
 thus be seen that the Middle Countr}^ has not 
 been described by Manu only but also in Buddhist 
 
 1 II. 21, 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 43 
 
 scriptures. This description occurs in the 
 Vinaya-Pitaka^ in connection with the Avanti- 
 Dakshinapatha country where the Buddhist 
 monk Maha-Kachchayana Avas carrying on his 
 missionary work. Avanti-Dakshinapatha was, 
 we are told, outside the Middle Country, and it 
 appears that Buddhism had not made much pro- 
 gress there when Maha-Kachchayana began his 
 work. When a new member was received into 
 the Buddhist order, the necessary initiation cere- 
 mony had to be performed before a chapter of 
 at least ten monks. This was the rule ordained 
 by Buddha, but this was well-nigh impossible in 
 the Avanti-Dakshinapatha country as there were 
 very few Bhikshus there. Maha-Kachchayana, 
 therefore, sent a pupil of his to Buddha to get the 
 rule relaxed. Buddha, of course, relaxed the 
 rule and laid down that in all provinces outside 
 the Middle Country a chapter of four Bhikshus 
 was quite sufficient. It was, Jiowever, necessary 
 to specify the boundaries of the Middle Country, 
 and this was done by Buddha with his characteris- 
 tic precision. To the east, we are told, was the 
 town called Kajaiigala, beyond that is Mahasala. 
 To the south-east is the river Salalavati, to the 
 south is the town Setakannika, to the west is 
 the Brahman village called Thuna, and to the 
 north is the mountain called Usiraddhaja. 
 Unfortunately none of these boundary places here 
 
 1 Text. 1. 197 --'i; MS, SEE. II. 38, 
 
44) LECTURE J I. 
 
 specified liave been identified except one. This 
 exception is the easterly point, viz. Kajangala, 
 which, according to Prof. Rhys Davids, must 
 have been situated nearly 70 miles east of modern 
 Bhagalpur.^ In the time of Buddha, therefore, the 
 eastern limit of the Middle Country had extended 
 nearly -iOO miles eastward of Frayaga which 
 was its eastern most point in Mann's time. 
 Now there cannot be any doubt that Madhya- 
 des'a was looked upon as a territorial division. 
 We find constant references to it in the 
 Buddhist Jatakas, Thus in one place we 
 read of two merchants going from Utkala 
 or Orisa to the Majjhima Desa or Middle 
 Country.'- This clearly shows that Orisa was 
 not included in the Middle Country. But 
 we read of Videha being situated in it.*' Again, 
 we hear of hermits fearing to descend from the 
 Himalayas to go into Majjhima Des'a, because 
 the people there are too learned.^ It will thus 
 be quite clear that Majjhima Des'a or Madhya 
 Des'a was a name not created by literary authors, 
 but was actually in vogue among the people 
 and denoted some particular territorial division. 
 It was with reference to this Middle Country 
 that the terms Dakshinapatha and Uttarapatha 
 
 ^ JRAS., 1904, 87-8. 
 ' .Tat. I. 80. 
 ' Ibid. III. 364. 
 * Ibid. III. 115-6. 
 
POLITICAL HIST0R5f. 4)5 
 
 seem to have come into use. Dakshinapatha, 
 I think, originally meant the country to the south 
 not of the Vindhya so much as of the Madhya- 
 des'a. This is clear from the fact that we tind 
 mention made of Avanti-Dakshinapatha. I 
 have just told you that it was in this country 
 that the Buddhist missionary Maha-Kachchayana 
 preached. It is worthy of note that Avauti was 
 a very extensive country and that in Buddhist 
 works we sometimes hear of Ujjeni^ and some- 
 times of Mahissati^ as being its capital. Ujjeni 
 is, of course, the well-known Ujjain, and 
 Mahissati is the same as the Sanskrit Mahish- 
 mati and has been correctly identified with 
 Mandhata'^ on the Narinada in the Central 
 Provinces. It, therefore, seems that Ujjain 
 was the capital of the northern division of Avanti, 
 which was known simply as the Avanti country 
 and Mahissati of the southern division, which 
 was, therefore, called Avanti-Dakshinapatha. 
 Now, Mandhata, with which Mahissati has been 
 identified, is not to the south of the Yindhyas, 
 but rather in the range itself, and as it was the 
 capital of a country, this country must necessarily 
 have included a portion of Central India imme- 
 diately to the north of this mountain range, its 
 southern portion having coincided with Yidarbha. 
 
 > Ibid. IV. 390. 
 
 » SBB. III. 270. 
 
 ^ JRAS., 1910, 445-6. 
 
J=6 LECTURE II. 
 
 This country of Avanti-Dakshinapatha was 
 thus not exactly to the south of the Vinclhya as 
 its upper half was to the north of this range. 
 And yet it has heen called Dakshinapatha.^ And 
 it seems to have heen called Dakshinapatha, 
 because it was to the south not so much of the 
 Vindhya as of the Middle Country. The same 
 appears to he the case with the term Uttarapatha. 
 One Jataka speaks of certain horse-dealers as 
 having come from Uttarapatha to Baranasi or 
 Benares.^ Uttarapatha cannot here signify 
 Northern India, because Benares itself is in 
 Northern India. Evidently it denotes a country 
 at least outside and to the north of the Kas'i 
 kingdom whose capital wa§ Benares. As the 
 horses of the dealers just referred to are called 
 smdJiava, it clearly indicates that they came 
 from the banks of the Sindhu or the Indus. We 
 have seen that according to Manu the SarasvatI 
 formed tlie western boundary of the Madhyadesa. 
 And the J ndus is as much to the north as to the 
 Avest of the Sarasvati and therefore of Madhya- 
 desa. It was thus with reference to the Middle 
 Country that the name Uttarapatha also was 
 devised. Up to the tenth century A.D., we find 
 the term Uttarapatha used in this sense.^ Thus 
 
 1 See also the name ATanti-dakkhinapatha occnrring in Jat. 
 III. 468. 16. 
 
 2 II. 287. 15. 
 
 3 In the Divyavadana (Cowell and Neil, p. 407) Takshnsila is 
 placed in the Cttarapatha. But It is iiot olear that this Uttarapatha 
 excluded Madhyadesa. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 47 
 
 when Prablifikaravardhana, king of Sthanvisvara, 
 sent his son E,ajyavarcliiana to invade the 
 Huna territory in the Himalayas, Bana (cir. 
 625 A.D.) author of the Harshacharita, re- 
 presents him to have gone to the Uttara- 
 patha. ^ As the Huna territory has thus 
 been placed in the Uttarapatha, it is clear that 
 Prabhakaravardhana's kingdom was excluded 
 from it. And as SthanvJs'vara, capital of 
 Prabhakaravardhana, is Thanesar and is on this 
 side of the Sarasvati, his kingdom vt^as under- 
 stood to be included in the Madhyades'a, with 
 reference to which alone the Huna territory 
 seems to have been described as being in the 
 Uttarapatha. Similarly, the poet Ejajasekhara 
 (880-920 A.D.), in his Kavya-mlmamsa^^ places 
 Uttarapatha on the other side of Piithudaka, 
 which, we know, is Pehoa in the Karnal District, 
 Panjab, i.e. on the western border of the Middle 
 Country. It is, therefore, clear that the 
 terms Dakshinapatha and Uttarapatha came into 
 vogue only in regard to the Madhyades'a. It 
 must, however, be borne in mind that although 
 Uttarapatha in Northern India denoted the 
 country north of the Madhyades'a, in Southern 
 India even in Bana's time the term denoted 
 Northern India. Thus Harshavardhana, Bana's 
 patron, has been described in South India 
 
 1 Harshacharita (BSFS. LXVI), p. 210. 
 = (GOS.I), p. 94. 1. 8. 
 
48 LECTURE II. 
 
 inscriptions ^s ^^umad-Uttarapath-adhij^ati, i.e. 
 sovereign of Uttarapatha, which must here 
 signify North India.^ 
 
 We thus see that the whole of the region 
 occupied hy the Aryans was at this early period 
 divided into three parts, viz. Madhyades'a, 
 Uttarapatha and Dakshinapatha. Let us now 
 see what the political divisions were. In no 
 less than four places the Aiiguttara-Nikaya 
 mentions what appears to be a stereotyped list 
 of the Solasa Mahci-janapada, i e. the Sixteen 
 Great Countries. This list is certainly familiar 
 to those of you who have read Rhys Davids' 
 Buddhist India. It is as follows : — 
 
 1. 
 
 Anga. 
 
 9. 
 
 Kuru. 
 
 2. 
 
 Magadha. 
 
 10. 
 
 Fafichala. 
 
 3. 
 
 Kasi. 
 
 11. 
 
 Machchha, 
 
 4. 
 
 Kosala. 
 
 12. 
 
 Stirasena. 
 
 5. 
 
 VajJT. 
 
 13. 
 
 Assaka. 
 
 6. 
 
 Malla. 
 
 14. 
 
 Avanti. 
 
 7. 
 
 Cheti. 
 
 15. 
 
 Gandhara. 
 
 S. 
 
 Vaiiisa. 
 
 16. 
 
 Kamboja. 
 
 Now, if we look to this list, we shall find 
 that here we have got the names not of countries 
 proper but of peoples. It is curious that 
 the name of a people was employed to 
 denote the country they occupied. The 
 custom was certainly prevalent in ancient 
 times, but has now fallen into desuetude. 
 
 3 JBBRAS., XIV. 26 ; LA. VIIT, 46. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 49 
 
 Secondly, two of these names are not of 
 peoples but of tribes, viz. the Vajji and 
 the Malla. Thirdlj^, we seem to have here a 
 specification, by pairs, of the conterminous 
 countries. Aiiga and Magadha thus are one 
 pair, KasI and Kosala another, Kuru and 
 Paiichala a third, and so on, and there can be no 
 doubt that the countries of each pair are 
 contiguous with each other. Other points too are 
 worth noting about this list, but they can be best 
 understood when we come to know the more or 
 less correct geographical position of the countries. 
 Let us take the first pair, viz. Aiiga and 
 Magadha. That they were conterminous is 
 clear e.g. from one Jataka story,' which tells 
 us that the citizens of Anga and Magadha were 
 travelling from one land to another and staying 
 in a house on the marches of the two ratthas, 
 i.e. kingdoms. This shows that they were not 
 only contiguous but separate kingdoms in the 
 7th century B.C., the social life of which 
 period the Jatakas are believed to depict. 
 In the time of Buddha, Anga was first 
 independent, but came afterwards to be 
 annexed to Magadha. The river Champa 
 separated Anga from Magadha. ^ On this 
 river was the capital of Aiiga which also 
 was called Champa and has been identified 
 by Cunningham with Bhagalpur. '' One Jataka 
 
 ' II. 211. I A fE. - Jat. IV. 454. 11. ' ASR.XV. 31. 
 
50 LECTUilE II. 
 
 story calls it Kalachampa, and places it 60 
 yojands from Mithila. The capital of Maga- 
 dha was Rajagriha, modern E,ajgir. Strictly 
 speaking, there were two capitals here —one, the 
 more ancient, called Girivraja because it was a 
 veritable ' cow-pen of hills' heing enclosed by 
 the five hills of Rajglr, and the other, ^ Rajagriha 
 proper, the later town built at the foot of the 
 hills. Shortly after the death of Buddha the 
 capital of Magadha was transferred from Raja- 
 griha to Pataliputra, modern Patna. 
 
 We shall take up the next pair, viz. Kasi and 
 Kosala. Kasi-rattha was an independent king- 
 dom before the rise of Buddhism. In the time 
 of Buddha, however, it formed part of Kosala. 
 The capital of Kasi-rattha was Baranasi, i.e. 
 Benares, so called perhaps after the great river 
 Baranasi. ^ Kasi, it is worthy of note, was the 
 name of a country and not of a town. Kasipura, 
 of course, denoted Benares, but in the sense of 
 the capital (pura) of the Kasi country. Baranasi 
 had other names also. Thus it was called 
 Surundhana ^ in the Udaya Birth, Sudassana * in 
 the Chullasutasoma Birth, Brahmavaddhana '' in 
 the Sonanandana Birth, Pupphavati ^ in the 
 
 ^ Mahabharata, Sabhu2l. 1-3. 
 
 - Index to the Jutaka {Jat. VII. 92) under Baranasi-mahanadl. 
 
 = Jat. IV. 104. 15, ]8. 
 
 * Ibid. IV. 119. 28 ; V. 177, 12, etc. 
 
 = Ibid. IV. 119. 29; V. 312. 19, etc. 
 
 " Ibid. IV. 119. 29 ; VI. 131, 11, etc. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 51 
 
 Kliandaliala Birth and Ramma City ^ in the 
 Yuvahjaya Birth. Its sixth name was Molinl. - 
 Kosala is called anantara-samanta to, i.e. immedi- 
 ately bordering on, Kasi in one Jataka. The 
 capital of Kosala is Savatthi or SravastI, which, 
 we now know beyond all doubt, is Maheth of the 
 village group Saheth-Maheth on the borders of 
 the Gronda and Bahraich Districts of the United 
 Provinces. ^ Another important town of this 
 country was Saketa, which was certainly the 
 capital of Kosala in the period immediately pre- 
 ceding Buddha, as is clear from the Jatakas. * 
 Cunningham has shown that this Saketa can be 
 no other than Ayodhya, modern Oudh. ^ 
 
 The third pair we have to consider is Vajji 
 and Malla. I have already told you that they 
 are the names, not. of peoples, but of tribes. The 
 Vajji were known also as Lichchhavis. Videha 
 and some parts of Kosala appear to have been 
 held by them. Their capital was Vesali or Vai- 
 sall which has been identified with Basarh of the 
 Muzaffarpur District of Bihar. ^ 
 
 Then comes the pair — Chetl and Varhsa. 
 In the Jatakas mention has been made of 
 Chetarattha or Chetiya-rattha., and at one 
 place we are told that its capital was 
 
 1 Ibid. IV. 119. 26, etc. * See e.g. JFd. III. 270. 15. 
 
 2 Ibid. IV. 15. 20, etc. = ASR. I. 320. 
 
 3 JRAS., 1909, p. 1066 & ff. « ASI., AR., 1903-4, 82-3. 
 
52 LECTUEE II. 
 
 Sotthivati-nagara.^ I have no doubt that Cheta or 
 Chetiya is the same as the Sanskrit Chaidya or 
 Chedi, which occurs even in the Kigveda " and 
 corresponds roughly to the modern Bundelkhand. 
 The Variisa are identical with the Vatsas, whose 
 capital was Kausambl. This last has been iden- 
 tified by Sir Alexander Cunningham with Kosam 
 on the Jumna, about thirty miles south of west 
 from Allahabad. '' 
 
 Kuru and Panchala have been known to be 
 contiguous countries since the Vedic period. The 
 capital of the Kuru country was Indapatta or 
 Indraprastha near Delhi, and that of Panchala 
 Kampilya which has been identified with Kampil 
 on the old Ganges between Budaon and Parrukha- 
 bad in V. P. ^ Both these must be Dakshina- 
 Kuru and Dakshina -Panchala. The capital of 
 Uttara-Panchala was Ahichchhatra or Ahikshetra 
 according to the Mahabharata. Mention of 
 Uttara-Kuru we meet with both in the early 
 Brahmanical and Buddhist literature, but its 
 capital is not yet known. 
 
 As regards Machchha and Surasena, the 
 former doubtless corresponds to the Sanskrit 
 Matsya. The Matsya people and country have 
 been known to us from early times, being men- 
 tioned as early as the ^atapatha " and Gopatha ^ 
 Brahmanas and the Kaushitaki Upanishad. ' 
 
 ^ Jat. III. 454. 19-20. * ASR. XI. 12 ; JRAS., 1899, 313. 
 
 2 VIII. 5. 37-9. = XIII. 5. 4.9. 
 
 ^ ASR, I. 304-5 ; also JRAS,, 1898, 503. « I. 2. 9. ' IV. 1. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 53 
 
 Matsya orig^inally included parts of Alwar, 
 Jaipur and Bharatpur, and was the kingdom 
 of the king Virata of the Mahabharata, in 
 whose court the five Pandava brothers resided 
 incognito during the last year of their banish- 
 ment. ^ His capital has been identified with 
 Bairat in the Jaipur State. The Surasenas 
 occupied the country whose capital was Madhura 
 i.e. Mathura, on the Jumna. In Buddha's time 
 the king of Madhura was styled Avanti-putta, 
 showing that on his mother's side he was con- 
 nected with the royal family of Ujjain. It is 
 worthy of note that according to Manu, the 
 Kurukshetra, the Matsyas, the Panchalas and 
 the Surasenakas comprised Brahmarshi-desa or 
 the land of the Brahman. Rishis. '' 
 
 The Assakas and the Avantis have been asso- 
 ciated together in the Sona-Nanda-Jataka. "^ 
 The first obviously are the Asmakas of the 
 Brihat-samhita. * In early Pali literature, Assaka 
 with its capital Potana or Potali has, on the one 
 hand, been distinguished from Mulaka with its 
 capital Patitthana (Paithan), ^ and, on the other, 
 
 ^ PR., WC 1909-10, 44. 
 
 "' II. 19. 
 
 = Jat., V. 3lY. 24. 
 
 * lA., XXII. 174. 
 
 5 In the Sutta-Nipata (V. 977) the Assaka (ASmaka) country has 
 been associated with MujAka with its capital Patitthana and men- 
 tioned as situated immediatelj to the south of the latter but along 
 the river Godavarj (Vs, 977 & 1010-1). See also p. 4 and n. 3 supra. 
 
54 LECTURE ir. 
 
 from Kaliiigi with its capital Dantapura. ^ But 
 as Assaka is here contrasted with Avanti, it 
 seems to have included Mulaka and also perhaps 
 Kalinga. ^ Avanti also here inclndes the two 
 well-known divisions referred to ahove^the 
 northern division called simply Avanti country 
 with its capital Ujjain and the southern Avanti- 
 Dakshinapatha with its capital Mahissati. 
 
 The last pair is Gandhara and Kamboja. 
 The former included West Panjab and East 
 Afghanistan. Its capital was Takkasila or 
 Takshasila, " whose ruins are spread near Sarai- 
 Kala in the Rawalpindi District, Panjab. It 
 is very difficult to locate Kamboja. According 
 to one view they were a Northern Himalayan 
 people, and according to another the Tibetans. 
 Put in our period they were probably settled 
 to the north-west of the Indus and are the same 
 
 .. 1 JUt. III. 3. 3-4. 
 - Assaka is similarly contrasted with Avanti in Jat. V, 317. 24. 
 In "the Digha-Nikaya, Kalinga, Assaka, and Avanti are contradistin- 
 "■uished (SBB. III. 270) where Assaka .must have comprised Mulaka. 
 
 ^ Jat., I. 191.11; 11. 47. 11, etc., etc. In the Mahabharata two 
 capitals of Gandhara are mentioned, vie. Takshasila and Pushkaravail, 
 the former situated to the east and the latter to the west of the Indus. 
 In Asoka's time Takshasila does not appear to have been the capital 
 of Gandhara, for from his Rock Edict XFII we see that Gandhara 
 was not in his dominions proper but was feudatory to him.. On the 
 other hand, from Sepai'ate Orissa Edict I we learn that Takshasila, 
 was under him as one of his sons was stationed there. Evidently 
 Takshasila was not the capital of Gandhara in Asoka's time. This 
 a<^rees with the statement of Ptolemy that the Gandarai (Gandhara) 
 country was to the west of the Indus with its city Proklais i.e. 
 (Puslikaravat!) (lA. XIII. 348-49).- " 
 
POLITICAL HISTOKY. 56 
 
 as Kambuji^a of the old Persian inscriptions. 
 Their capital is not known. 
 
 It will be seen that the different political 
 divisions, mentioned in the above list, were in 
 existence shortly before the time of Buddha. 
 We know that during his lifetime Aiiga ceased 
 to be an independent kingdom, and was annexed 
 to Magadha, and that the territory of Kasi was 
 incorporated into the Kosala dominions. If we, 
 however, turn to the Jatakas, we find that both 
 Anga and Kasi were independent countries. The 
 Champeyya-Jataka ^ e g. speaks of Ariga and 
 Magadha as two distinct kingdoms, whose rulers 
 were constantly at war with each other. Kasi 
 and Kosala are similarly represented in the 
 Mahasilava- Jataka and Asatarupa-Jataka '" as 
 being two independent countries and their kings 
 fighting with each other. The political divisions 
 enumerated in the Anguttara-Nikaya w^ere, 
 therefore, existing prior, but only just prior, to 
 the time when Buddha flourished, because we 
 have the mention of the Vajji and Malla in this 
 list. It is worthy of note that they are mentioned 
 in the Jatakas bnt only in the introductions 
 to them and never in the stories themselves. 
 
 Evidently, therefore, these tribes came to be 
 known after the period represented by the Jatakas 
 but before that of the origin of Buddhism. It will 
 
 1 JTLf. IV. 454 & ff. 
 
 ■' Ibid., I. 262 & ff and 409 & ff. 
 
56 LECTURE II. 
 
 thus be observed that early in the sixth century 
 B.C.J India, i.e. that portion of India which was 
 colonised by the Aryans at that time, was split 
 up into a number of tiny States, living indepen- 
 dently and sometimes fighting with one 
 another. There was no supreme ruler to whom 
 they owed fealty. The Puranas tell the 
 same tale. They distinctly state that along 
 with the rulers of Magadha flourished other 
 dynasties, such as Aikshvakavas or kings of 
 Kosala, Paiichalas, Ivaseyas, Asmakas, Kurus, 
 Maithilas and so forth. ^ This clearly shows that 
 about 600 B.C., India occupied by the Aryans 
 was divided into several small kingdoms and that 
 there was no imperial dynasty to which the 
 others were subordinate. The most important 
 of these tiny dynasties is that of Brahmadatta 
 reigning at Baranasi and ruling over Kasi- 
 rattha. The family also seems to have been 
 called Brahmadatta after this king. Thus in 
 the Jatakas every prince who was heir-apparent 
 to the throne of Baranasi has been styled Brah- 
 madatta-kumara. In the Matsya-Purana ^ also, 
 a dynasty consisting of one hundred Bralima- 
 dattas has been referred to. In the Jatakas no 
 less than six kings of Baranasi have been men- 
 tioned besides Brahmadatta. They are Uggasena, 
 
 ' Pargiter, 23-4. 
 
 - (ASS. Ed.), p. 556, V. 72; I am indebted for this referenc* 
 to Mr. Harit Ki-isliiia Deb. 
 
POLITICAL HISTOHY. 57 
 
 Dhanaiijaya, Mahasllava, Samyama, Vissasena 
 and Udayabhadda. ^ In the Puranas Brahma- 
 datta is represented to have been followed in 
 succession by Yogasena, Vishvaksena, Udaksena 
 and Bhallata. ' There can be no doubt that 
 Vishvaksena and Udaksena of the Puranas are 
 the same as Vissasena and Udayabhadda of 
 the Jatakas. Bhallata of the Puranas, again, 
 is most probably Bhallatiya of the Bhallatiya- 
 Jataka. ^ 
 
 When Buddha lived and preached, there 
 were four kingdoms, viz. Magadha, Kosala, 
 Vatsa and Avanti. The most prominent of 
 these was Magadha, whose rulers, as we shall 
 see subsequently, rose to the position of para- 
 mount sovereigns. From Pali Buddhist canon 
 which pertains to a period only slightly later 
 than the demise of Buddha and which consequ- 
 ently is trustworthy, we learn that Chanda-Prad- 
 yota of Avanti, Udayana of A^atsa territory, 
 Pasenadi and his son Vidtidabha of Kosala, and 
 Bimbisara and his son Ajatas'atru of Magadha 
 were contemporaries of Buddha. The kings were 
 thus contemporaries of one another. This point 
 is worth grasping as this synchronism is the only 
 sheet-anchor in the troubled sea of chronology 
 
 1 Jat.. IV- 458. 13; III. 97. 23 ; I. 262. 8 ; V. 354. 9 ; 11.345. 
 19 ; IV. 104. 22 & 25. 
 
 ■" VEyu-P. (ASS. Ed.), p. 376, VS. 180-2; Vishnu-P., pt. IV. 
 cap. 19. 
 
 = Jtt^ IV. 437. 16. 
 
58 LECTURE II. 
 
 in the period Ave have selected. The only 
 chronicle that is relied on for this period is the 
 Pnranas, hut it is a hopeless task to reduce the 
 chaos of the Puranic accounts to any order. 
 Some attempts ^ no douht have recently heen 
 made to deduce a consistent political history 
 from these materials, but without any success 
 so far as I can see. 
 
 I have just informed you that in the time of 
 Buddha there were four important kingdoms, 
 flourishing side by side. They were also connected 
 by matrimonial alliances as might naturally be 
 expected. Por our description we shall first take 
 Udayana of Ivausambi, and Pradyota, ruler of 
 Ujjain. A, long account of Udayana is contain- 
 ed in the Katha-sarit-sagara, but the greater 
 portion of it, I am afraid, is untrustworthy. 
 According to the Puranas he pertained to the 
 Paurava dynasty.^ The same authority tells us 
 that his father's name was Satanika. Bhasa, 
 the earliest Sanskrit dramatist that we know at 
 present, has composed two dramas describing 
 incidents from Udayana's life, viz. Svapna- 
 Vasavadatta and JPratiJna- Yaugandharayana. 
 From these it appears that he was the son of 
 Satanika and grandson of Sahasranika and 
 
 1 Mr. S- V. Venkateswara A3-yar'tj Ihe Ancient History of 
 Magadha (lA., xlv. 8-16 & 28-31); Mr. K. P. JayaswaFs The 
 iSciisinmha and Maurija Chronology etc. (.JBORS., 1915, 67 & ff.) 
 
 ^ Pargiter, pp. 7 & 66. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 59 
 
 belonged to the Bharata family. ^ As he is called 
 Vaideliiputra, his mother appears to have been 
 dau2:hter of the kino- of Videha. Udavana's first 
 Queen was Yasavadatta, daughter of the king of 
 TJjjain, who is called Prad^^ota Mahasena by 
 Bhasa but Chanda Pradyota in Buddhist works. 
 According to the Buddhist tradition, Udayana 
 had two more queens, viz. Samavati and Magan- 
 diya. The latter was his crowned queen and 
 was daughter of a Brahman. According to the 
 Brahmanic accounts he had two queens only, 
 viz. Vasayadatta and Padmavatl. His second 
 queen, Padmavatl, was sister to Darsaka, king 
 of Bajagriha, Magadha. Scholars of the saner 
 type have assigned Bhasa to the third century 
 A.D., and Bhasa apparently followed the tradi- 
 tion which was current in his time. He does 
 not, however, seem to be correct in accepting 
 the tradition which makes Padmavatl, sister to 
 Dars'aka, as will be showm shortly when we come 
 to treat of the Magadha dynasties. TJdajT^ana had 
 a lute called GhoshavatI," whose sound captivated 
 the elephants and by means of which he captured 
 them. He had a she-elephant named Bhadda- 
 vatika, to which he owed his life, queen and 
 kingdom."' 
 
 ^ Bhasa sjjeaks of this family as 'prakasa-rajarshi-namadheyo 
 and Ved-ukshara-8amaiaya-pravish(o {Pratijnu-Y., p. 34). 
 
 "^ This seems to have been an heir-loom of the Bharata family 
 to which Udayana belonged and which was noted for proficiency in 
 mnsic {PraiiJ7ia-Y., pp. 3-i-5). ° Jat. III. 38-i. 
 
60 LECTURE II. 
 
 The two dramas of Bhasa referred to above 
 supply us with many interesting items of 
 information which, when they are brought to 
 a focus, throw a flood of light upon the political 
 condition of the period. The king, that seems 
 to have been dreaded most when Buddha lived, 
 was not Ajatasatru, Pasenadi or Udayana, but 
 Pradyota who is known both as Mahasena or 
 "possessed of a large army"^ and Chanda or 
 "terrible." ^ We know from the Majjhima- 
 Nikctya that even such a powerful king as 
 Ajatasatru was thrown on his defensive and was 
 engaged on fortifying his capital Bajagriha 
 when Pradyota invaded his territory, instead 
 of meeting him openly in battle. Before, 
 however, he attacked Magadha, he thought of 
 subjugating the neighbouring province of Vatsa. 
 But he was afraid of the undaunted bravery of 
 Udayana and the political sagacity of his prime- 
 minister Yaugandharayana. He, therefore, 
 resorted to a ruse. He knew of the inordinate 
 fondness of Udayana for capturing wild 
 elephants with the captivating sounds of his 
 Vina. An artificial elephant was set up in the 
 jungles of the Narmada just where the 
 boundaries of the Avanti and Vatsa kingdoms 
 
 ^ Vasavadatta herself says that her father was called Mahasena on 
 account of his large army (tasya hala-parimTina-nirvrittam ncimadheyam 
 Mahasena iti — Svnpna-V., 20.). 
 
 = In the same drama Udayana speaks of Pradyota as prithivyarii 
 raja-vamsya7iam=ii,day'asta-maya-'pra'bhith (p. 67). 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 6l 
 
 met, and in the body of the elephant were 
 concealed a number of select Avarriors. Udayana 
 fell a victim to this trap, put up a heroic fight 
 to free himself, but was taken prisoner and 
 carried away to Ujjain, where however, he was 
 accorded chivalrous treatment by Mahasena. 
 When Yaugandharayana learnt that his master 
 had fallen into the hands of a neighbouring 
 king, he hastened to his release. He turned a 
 Euddhist monk along with another minister and 
 stole into Ujjain. He found that the release of 
 Udayana had become a complicated affair hy 
 the latter having fallen in love with 
 Vasavadatta, Mahasena's daughter. He, 
 however, devised a way out of this difficulty. 
 One of his men was made a Maliaut of 
 Vasavadatta, and on an appointed day the two 
 lovers managed to elope, leaving Yaugan- 
 dharayana and his fighting band to cover their 
 flight. At first, Mahasena was furious, but he 
 soon relented, and in the absence of the lovers 
 themselves the proper marriage ceremonies were 
 performed over their portraits. 
 
 Kautilya in his Arthasastra ^ says that when 
 it is impossible to ward off danger from all sides, 
 a king should run away, leaving all that belongs 
 to him ; for, if he lives, his return to powder is 
 certain as was the case with Suyatra and 
 Udayana. We know from the Svapna- 
 
 1 p. 358. 
 
62 LECTURE II. 
 
 Vasavaclattd that Udayana had to flee from his 
 kingdom to a frontier village called Lavaiiaka. 
 The enemy, who overran his territory, was 
 Aruni, ^ who appears to have been ruling to the 
 north of the Ganges. Might he be a king of 
 Kosala ? At any rate, the Ratncwall clearly 
 represents a king of Kosala to be Udayana's 
 enemy. The disaster was thought by 
 Yaugandharayana to be so serious that the help 
 of Pradyota, which was naturally expected, 
 was not regarded to be sufficient, and marriage 
 alliance with the Royal House of Magadha 
 considered indispensable. But this was possible 
 only if Udayana agreed to marry Padmavati, 
 sister of the Magadha king. Udayana, however, 
 was so attached to Vasavadatta that he could 
 not brook he idea of having another wife so 
 Ions: as she was alive. Vasavadatta must, 
 therefore, disappear for a time, thought the 
 Prime-minister, so that Udayana could believe 
 her to be dead and could therefore agree to 
 marry Padmavati. When once the king was 
 out a-hunting, the place was set on fire, as 
 previously planned, after Vasavadatta and 
 Yaugandharayana quietly left it. Everybody 
 thought that the latter two had been consigned 
 to the flames. On his return when the king 
 knew about the disaster, he was overwhelmed 
 with grief, from which, however, in course of 
 
 1 pp. 60-1 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 6c 
 
 time he recovered. There was thus no 
 difficulty in bringing about the contemplated 
 marriage alliance, and Udavana was married to 
 Padmavati. Soon after his marriage and before 
 he left Rajagriha, his minister Eumanvat had 
 already apparently with the help sent by 
 Mahasena ^ driven away Aruni from the Vatsa 
 kingdom and to the north of the Ganges, where 
 it seems he was joined by Udayana along with 
 the forces of the Magadha king, with the 
 express object of killing Aruni. And we may 
 assume that he soon succeeded in accomplish- 
 ing his object. 
 
 According to the Pali Buddhist canon, 
 Udayana had a son named Bodhi, wlio most 
 probably is identical with Vahlnara of the 
 Puranas. Bodhi is represented as ruling over the 
 Bhagga country at Suriisumaragiri, apparently as 
 Yuvaraja. ' He got a z'ar/r/A^l'i or carpenter to build 
 for him a palace which he called Ivokanada, but 
 fearing that the artisan may build a similar 
 excellent palace for another j)rince, Bodhi had 
 his eyes plucked out. There is a suttanta in the 
 Ilajjhima-Nlkaija which is devoted to him and 
 is called Bodhi-raja-kumara-sutta. Beyond this 
 we know nothing reliable about this dynasty. ^ 
 
 ^ There can be no doubt that Mahasena sent snccoiir to Udayana 
 as the hitter acknowledges it. {Svwpivi Y., p. 68). 
 
 " JZd. III. lo7. 
 
 = For the anecdote about Udayana and Pindola, see Ju,t. IV. 
 375, 
 
64 LECTURE II. 
 
 Such is also the case with the dynasty that 
 ruled over the Avanti country with its capital 
 at Ujjain. I have just mentioned that a king 
 of this family was Pradyota, who was a contem- 
 porary of Buddha. The Furanas make him the 
 founder of the dynasty. In Bhasa's dramas he 
 is frequently called Mahasena. Erom his queen 
 Angaravati he had a daughter Vasavadatta 
 espoused by Udayana, as mentioned above. We 
 do not know much about his conquests, and all 
 we know about him in this respect is the state- 
 ment of the Majjliima-Nikaya ^ that Ajatasatru, 
 king of Magadha, was fortifying his capital 
 Bajagriha because he was afraid of an invasion 
 of his territory by Fradyota. Bhasa speaks of 
 his two sons, viz. Gopala and Palaka. ^ Gopala, 
 it is said, was of the same age as Udayana. 
 Katha-scmt-sagara ^ says that after the death of 
 Pradyota, Gopala abdicated the throne of Ujjain 
 in favour of his younger brother Palaka. This 
 is not improbable, and also accounts for the 
 omission of his name in the Puranas. The 
 Mrichchhakatika ^ further tells us that Palaka 
 was ousted by Aryaka, son of Gopala, who was 
 in hiding for a long time in a settlement of 
 herdsmen. What appears to be the truth is 
 that Pradyota was succeeded not by Gopala 
 
 ^ III. 7. 
 
 - Prafijflu-T., 35. 
 
 ' 3 III. 62-3, I am indebted to Mr. H. K, Deb for this reference. 
 
 * (BSS. Ed.) pp. 189 & 306. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 65 
 
 but by his younger brother Palaka, and that 
 Gopala's son Aryaka, not hking the idea of being 
 deprived of the throne, conspired against his 
 uncle, and succeeded in usurping the throne. 
 The Puranas omit the name of Gopala, — which 
 is not strange as he resigned the throne in favour 
 of his brother, and mention those of Palaka and 
 Aryaka. The latter is mentioned as Ajaka, 
 which I have no doubt stands for Ajjaka i.e. 
 Aryaka. ^ They, however, place one Yisakhayupa 
 between Palaka and Aryaka — which is a mistake. 
 A^isakhayupa, if there was a prince of such a 
 name in this dynasty, must have come after 
 Aryaka. We now pass on to the Kosala 
 dynasty. The only princes of this royal family 
 known to us from the Buddhist works are 
 Pasenadi and his son Vidudabha. I suspect 
 that they belonged to the Ikshvaku family 
 described by the Puranas, which, in the enumera- 
 tion of its members, mention one Prasenajit 
 which, I think, is the Sanskrit form of Pasenadi. 
 Kshudraka is mentioned as the name of 
 Prasenajit's son, and it is possible that tbis was 
 another name of Vidudabha. Majjhima-NiMya ^ 
 calls Pasenadi King of Kasi-Kosala, and from 
 the preamble of Bhadda-sala Jataka, ^ we learn 
 that the territory held by the Sakyas was also 
 
 ^ This identification was first proposed by Mr. K. P. JayasAval 
 (JBORS., 1915, 107). 
 ^ II. 111. 
 3 Jat., IV. 14-i & ff 
 
66 LECTURE II. 
 
 subordinate to him. Paseiiadi had an amatya 
 called Siri-Vaddha and a favourite elephant 
 named Eka-puiidarika. ' One of his queens was 
 Mallika, who was originally daughter of the 
 chief of garland-makers in Sravasti ^. She was 
 only sixteen when Pasenadi married her, and as 
 she was married when he was at war with 
 Ajatas'atru, she seems to have been married at 
 his practically old age by Pasenadi. Never- 
 theless Mallika predeceased him. Pasenadi 
 had a daughter called Vajira or Yajiri. She 
 was married to Ajatas'atru, as I shall tell you 
 later on. With a pious desire to become a 
 kinsman of Buddha, Pasenadi sent envoys to 
 the Sakyas with a request to give him a Sakya 
 girl in marriage. The Sakyas, through their 
 pride of birth, were unwilling to give him any 
 girl of pure blood, and sent one Vasabha-Khat- 
 tiya, born to a Sakya named Mahanaman from 
 a slave woman. She was married to king Pase- 
 nadi and raised to the rank of the Chief 
 Queen. ^ She gave birth to Vidudabha, who 
 succeeded him. When Vidudabha became a 
 grown-up boy, he went to the Sakya country 
 against the wishes of his mother, where he was 
 subjected to a series of indignities. There the 
 real origin of his mother became known. The 
 
 1 Maj.l<l., II. 112. 
 - Jat, III. 405. 
 « Aii'j.-N., III. 57. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 67 
 
 news reached the ears of Pasenadi, who was 
 enraged with the Sakyas and degraded both 
 Vasabha-Khattiya and Vidudabha, l)ut reinstated 
 them upon the intercession of Buddha. As 
 soon as Vidudabha came to the throne, he 
 marched to the Sakya territory, massacred the 
 Sakyas, and thus wreaked his vengeance for 
 which he was burning ever since he came to 
 know about the fraud practised by them. It is 
 said that thrice Buddha dissuaded A^idudabha 
 from carrying out this wholesale carnage of the 
 Sakyas, but it is difficult to say how far this 
 is true. Erom Buddhist works we gather a 
 great deal about the fights between the rulers 
 of Kosala and Magadha, but about these we 
 shall come to know shortly. 
 
 We now come to describe the dynasty or 
 rather the dynasties that ruled over Magadha. 
 The first of these is the family to which be- 
 longed Bimbisara and his son Ajatascitru, who, 
 you will remember, were contemporaries of 
 Buddha. The authority which is generally 
 followed in s^ivins; an account of this familv is 
 the Puraiias. But there is another authority, 
 which is more reliable, but which is neglected. I 
 mean the Sinhalese chronicle Mahavaiiisa. The 
 Puranic account, I am afraid, is anything but 
 satisfactory, so far as the order of succession, 
 at any rate, is concerned, though I quite believe 
 the scraps of information they supply in regard 
 
68 LECTUEE II. 
 
 to some princes. According to the Puranas 
 SisLinaga was the founder of this dynasty and 
 Bimbisara was its fourth prince. And they 
 also tell us that the Pradyota dynasty consisted 
 of five kings and that they were supplanted by 
 Sisunaga. Bimbisara is thus ten generations 
 removed from Pradyota, whereas, as a matter 
 of fact, we know that both Avere contem- 
 poraries of each other, being contemporaries 
 of Buddha. Again, though the tradition as 
 to individual names is not very unstable 
 in the different Puranas, the same cannot he 
 said in regard to the period of the individual 
 reigns which vary considerably. What is 
 also strange is that they assign a period of 363 
 years to ten consecutive reigns, i.e. at least 36 
 ■ years to each reign which is quite preposterous 
 and utterly unknown to Indian History. ^ This 
 indicates a desperate attempt on the part of the 
 Puranas to till up the gaps in the chronology 
 anyhow— an inference which entirely agrees with 
 their attempt at reduplicating names and assi^-n- 
 ing them to consecutive kings, such as Kshema- 
 dharman and Kshemavit, Nandivardhana, and 
 Mahanandin, and so fourth. Further, it is 
 worthy of note that the Mahavamsa mentions 
 hat name of the king Munda, which is entirely 
 omitted from the Purana list. The existence 
 
 1 Most of these arguments have been already urged by W. Geio-er 
 iu his translation of the MahavoTiisu (PTS. Ed.), Intro. xJiv & ff. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 69 
 
 of this king is now sufficiently attested hj the 
 Aiiguttara-Nihaya and the Asokcir-adana. Next, 
 the Mahavariisa makes Udayahhadda (or Udayi) 
 the immediate successor of Ajatas'atru, hut the 
 Puranas place one Darsaka in between. That 
 surely is highly questionable, because the Dlgha- 
 Nikaya speaks of Udayabhadra as Ajatasatru's 
 son, but we have no such evidence in respect 
 of Dars'aka. I am aware, it may be argued, 
 that Darsaka has, as a matter of fact, been men- 
 tioned by Bhasa in the Svapna- Vasavadattcl, as 
 a king of Magadha whose sister Padmavati was 
 married to Udayana of Kausambi, and that it 
 is possible that he was another son of Ajatasatru 
 and might have been the latter's immediate 
 successor, his brother Udayabhadra coming to 
 the throne after him. But this argument does 
 not appear to be sound to me, because how old, 
 I ask, could Udayana be when he married 
 Padmavati ? To make the case favourable to 
 the other side, we will suppose that he was 
 wedded to her in the very first year of Dars'aka's 
 accession to the throne. We know that Baddha 
 preached not only to Udayana but also to his 
 son Bodhi. To make the case more favourable, 
 we shall suppose that Bodhi was then only six- 
 teen years old, and that Bodhi was born when 
 Udayana also was sixteen. Udayana thus must 
 have been at least thirty-two years old, when 
 Buddha preached to Bodhi. We will also 
 
70 LECTUKE II. 
 
 concede that Bacldlia died the same year that he 
 delivered the sermon to Bodhi. And we know 
 that Buddha died in tlie eighth regnal year of 
 Ajatasatru and that the latter reigned twenty- 
 four years after Buddha's death. We thus see 
 that Udayana was at least thirty two years old 
 when Bnddha died and therefore fifty-six years 
 old when Ajatasatru ceased to reign. Udayana 
 was thus married in his fifty-seYenth year, i.e. 
 in the first year of Darsaka's reign. Is it the 
 proper age for the hero to make love to the 
 heroine, and is it proper for the poet to descrihe 
 it ? ^ Verily there must be some mistake some- 
 where. Bhasa evidently followed the tradition 
 that was current in his time, i.e. most probably 
 in the third century A. D. By that time the 
 Puranas, througli the corruption of their texts, 
 
 ^ I admit that Udayana's marriage witli Padmavati was of a 
 political character, and that it is quite possible to argue that it does not 
 matter if the hero represented is in his decline of age. On the other hand, 
 however, we have to note first that Svap7ia-Vusavndatta is not a poli- 
 tical drama like Mudra-Rakshasa. Secondly, wliat I cannot understand 
 is the love-sickness of the newlj wedded couple which is certainly des- 
 cribed in the drama and which such a dramatist of fine delicate sentiment 
 as Bhasa would certainly have suppressed if he had thought that 
 Udaj'ana was on the other side of fifty. On p. 35 Udayana speaks 
 of himself as being pierced by the sixth ai-row of the God of love. On 
 p. 49 VidOshaka refers to the Madan-ugni-daha of Udayana caused 
 by his second marriage and intensified by the bereavement of his first 
 queen. In Act. V we are told that Padmavati is laid up with a hialache, 
 of course, caused through love-sickness, to remove which her meeting 
 with Udayana is being arranged for. I am sure that all these references 
 to the love-sickness of the lovers Bhasa would have studiously avoided if 
 according to him they had been an ill-assorted couple. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 71 
 
 must have become full of contradictions and 
 discrepancies, and must have been more than 
 once tampered with to make them yield an 
 intelligent story. Eor these reasons I cannot 
 help thinking that it is not safe to rely upon 
 the account furnished by the Puranas for this 
 early period so far at any rate as the order 
 of succession and the duration of individual 
 reigns are concerned. The tradition preserved 
 in the Mahavaiiisa about the Mas-adha dvnasties 
 
 O ft 
 
 seems to me more reliable. At any rate, no 
 inaccuracies or blunders have yet been detected 
 in the account of this chronicle, whicli wonder- 
 fully agrees with the scraps of information 
 whicli the Puraiias furnish for some princes. 
 
 I have already told you that the two rulers 
 of Magadha who were contemporaries of Buddha 
 were Bimbisara and his son Ajatas'atru. The 
 name of the family to which Bimbisara belonged 
 is not definitely known, but it seems that it was 
 Naga. The last prince of Bimbisara's dynasty 
 is called Na2:a-Dasaka bv the Mahavariisa. The 
 second component of the name, viz. Dasaka, 
 doubtless corresponds to the Dars'aka of the 
 Puranas. And the name Naga has been prefixed 
 to Dasaka to distinguish him from his successor 
 who belone^ed to a somewhat different family 
 and who has therefore been called Susu-Naga, 
 or Little Naga. Dars'aka, and thus Bimbisara, 
 belonged to the Great Naga dynasty. We do 
 
72 LECTURE II. 
 
 not know whether any kings of his djrnasty 
 preceded Bhnhisara. They have certainly not 
 been mentioned by the Mahavamsa, but there 
 was no need for this chronicle to mention them, 
 its sole object being to describe the events of 
 the period beginning with Buddha and not 
 anterior to him. The Puranas no doubt re- 
 present at least four kings to have ruled before 
 Bimbisara, but their authority for this period, 
 as I have just stated, is disputable. The proba- 
 bility is that Bimbisara was the founder of his 
 dynasty, because Bimbisara has in the Pali 
 Canon been called Seniya, which is the same 
 thing as Senapati. We know that Pushpamitra, 
 founder of the Sunga dynasty, was designated 
 Senapati, and we have the authority of the 
 Puranas that Pushpamitra was actually the 
 commander-in-chief of the last king of the 
 Maurya family that he supplanted. It is not 
 at all impossible that Bimbisara was the general 
 of the Power that ruled over Magadha before 
 him and that if he did not actually destroy it, 
 he at any rate declared his independence and 
 carved out a kingdom for himself. The 
 question here arises : who could be exercising 
 sway over Magadha prior to Bimbisara ? 
 A passage in one of the oldest Buddhist 
 documents speaks of Vesali as Magadham 
 pttram, ^ capital of the Magadha country. 
 
 1 Sutta-Niiiata, p. 185, v. 38. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 73 
 
 If Yesali was thus the capital of the Magadha 
 kingdom, it is quite possible that it was at 
 the expense of the A^ajjls that Bimbisara 
 secured territory for himself. Accordinsr to the 
 Puranas Magadha was originally held by the 
 Barhadratha family. Then, it seems, occurred 
 the inroads of the Vajjis, who held Magadha. 
 In the early years of Buddha, Bimbisara thus 
 appears to have seized Magadha after expelling 
 the Vajjis beyond the Ganges and to have estab- 
 lished himself at Rajagriha, the old capital of 
 the kingdom. This was not the only conquest 
 achieved by him. Bimbisara conquered Anga 
 also and incorporated it into his dominions. In 
 the Majjhima-Nikaya ^ we have mention of a 
 king of Aiiga who gave a daily pension of 500 
 kjirshapanas to a Brahmaii. The name of this 
 king has not been specified, but there can bfe 
 little doubt that is was this prince from w^hdm 
 Bimbisara wrested Anga. It was doubtless 
 these conquests that gave Bimbisara sovereign- 
 ty over 80,000 townships, ^ the overseers of 
 which, it appears, he was in the habit of calling 
 to an assembly for personally discussing state, 
 -matters and receivins^ his instructions. . __ 
 
 The Mahavagga ^ says that Bimbisara had 
 500 wives. Of these one was, we know, a 
 Vaidehi princess. According to an early Jaina 
 
 1 II. 163. - Mahavagga, v. 1. 1 & S. 
 
 - VIII. 1. 15. ' 
 
74 LECTURE II. 
 
 authority she was Chellana, daughter of 
 Chetaka, a Lichchavi, Chief of Vaisall. ^ It is 
 quite possible that this matrimonial alliance was 
 a result of the peace concluded after the war 
 between Bimbisara and the Lichchhavis. His 
 another queen was Kosaladevi, daughter of 
 Mahakosala, who was father of Pasenadi. The 
 father, when he married his daughter to the 
 king Bimbisara, gave a village of the Kasi 
 country, yielding a revenue of a hundred thou- 
 sand, as her nahana-Ghunna-miilrf, i.e. bath and 
 perfume money. ^ Erom his Vaidehi queen 
 Bimbisara had a son called Ajatasatru. ^ He 
 had also another son, named Abhaya, but we do 
 not knoAV who the latter's mother was. When 
 Abhaya was once going to attend upon his 
 father, king Bimbisara, he saw an infant 
 exposed on a dust-heap. ^ He took up the 
 infant, nourished him, and named him Jivaka 
 Komarabhachcha. Jivaka went to Takshasila, 
 and learnt the science of medicine. He returned 
 to Bajagriha and showed his expert knowledge 
 by speedily curing king Bimbisara of fistula. 
 Bimbisara was so pleased that he appointed 
 Jivaka as physician to the royal household 
 
 1 SBE. XXTI, Intro, xiii. 
 
 * JaMI. 403. 15. 
 
 ' Ibid. III. 121-2 make Kosaladevi to be Ajatasatru's mother, and 
 Sani'N. I. 84 speaks of him as bhagineyya to Pasenadi. But this is a 
 mistake, because in the ChuUavagga Ajatasatru is invariably called 
 Yedehiputto. 
 
 * Mahavagga, viii, 1, 4 & ff. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 75 
 
 and to the fraternity of the Bhikshus headed 
 by Buddha. Bimbisara had at least two 
 more sons. One of them was Silavat born at 
 Rajagriha, ^ The other was Vimala-Kondaiina 
 from Queen Ambapali. ' As Vimala bears the 
 Brahman clan-name of Kondanna (=Kaundi- 
 nya), it appears that his mother was a Brahman 
 woman. The priuees, Abhaya, Silavat and 
 Vimala, all became Buddhist monks, probably 
 through fear of Ajatasatru after he became 
 king. When by murdering his father, as we 
 shall just see, Ajatasatuu seized the throne he 
 must have attempted to assassinate his brothers 
 also, who therefore must have thought it dis- 
 creet to embrace Buddhism and become monks. 
 We have got evidence at least in the case of 
 Silavat whom according to the Thera-therl-gatha 
 Ajatasatru was anxious to put to death. 
 
 I have just referred to the murder of 
 Bimbisara by his son Ajatasatru. The story is 
 just this. Being instigated by Devadatta, 
 cousin but enemy to Buddha, Ajatasatru con- 
 ceived the design of killing his father and 
 obtaining the kingdom. With that object in 
 view he once entered the private chamber of 
 the king at an unusual hour with a dagger in his 
 hand. He was, however, seized upon by the 
 officers in attendance and taken before the king. 
 
 1 Tftera-garta (trans.), .269. 
 > Ibid., 65. 
 
7,6 LECTURE II. 
 
 On learning that his son wanted to kill him 
 
 because he wanted the kiDgdom, Bimbisara at 
 
 once handed over the reins of government to 
 
 him.' But the prince was not satisfied with 
 
 this, and in order to make his position quite 
 
 secure, he at the advice of Devadatta managed 
 
 to kill his father by starvation. While once 
 
 he was listening to a sermon of Buddha 
 
 he was suddenly striken with remorse and 
 
 confessed his sin before him I Although 
 
 there is no sound reason to distrust the story 
 
 of this parricide, the explanation which Buddhist 
 
 texts give of his name, viz. Ajatasatru, scarcely 
 
 deserves any credence. It is said that even 
 
 when he was in his mother's Avomb, he conceived 
 
 a longing for his father's blood, which was 
 
 gratified only by the mother drinking it from the 
 
 right knee of Bimbisara, and that because he 
 
 had thus been his father's enemy (safru), while 
 
 yet unborn (aj'dta), he was named Ajatas'atru. 
 
 This is nothing but a pun. ■' 
 
 I have told you that when king Mahakosala, 
 father of Pasenadi, married his daughter to 
 Bimbisara, he granted a Kasi village as dowry. 
 When Ajatasatru put Bimbisara to death, . 
 Kosaladevi died of grief. For sometime after 
 this queen's death, Ajatasatru continued to 
 enjoy the revenues of this village, but Pasenadi 
 
 '- ChuUavagga, vii. 3. 5. 
 
 "- Jat, Y. 261-2, Digha-N. I. 85 ; SBB., II. 94, 
 ^ Jat. III. 121-2, 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 77 
 
 resolved that no parricide should have a village 
 wjiicli was his by right of inheritance and so 
 confiscated it. There was thus war betwixt 
 Ajatas'atru and Pasenadi. The former was 
 fierce and strong, and the latter old and feeble. 
 So Pasenadi was beaten again and again. Now, 
 at the time when he had returned to his capi- 
 tal Sravasti after suffering his last reverse, 
 Buddha was staying close by with his fraternity 
 of bhikshus. Amongst those there were many 
 who formerly Avere officers of the king. Two of 
 these at dawn one day were discussing the 
 nature of the war, and one of them emphati- 
 cally declared that if Pasenadi but gave Ajata- 
 satru battle by arranging his army in the sakata- 
 vyTtha array, he could have him like a fish in 
 lobster pot. The king's couriers, who happened 
 to overhear the conversation, informed him. 
 Pasenadi seized the hint, and immediately set out 
 with a great host. He took Ajatas'atru prisoner 
 and bound him in chains. After a few days he 
 released him, gave him his daughter. Princess 
 Vajira, in marriage, and dismissed her with that 
 Kasi village for her bath-money, which was for 
 lono" the bone of contention between the two 
 royal families. ^ 
 
 Ajatasatru was at war also Avith the Lichchha- 
 vis of* Vesali. I have already told you that 
 his mother was a Vaidehl Princess. This means 
 
 » Jat. II. 237 & 403-4 ; IV. 343 ; Sam-N. I. 83-5, 
 
18 
 
 LECTTJRE II. 
 
 that she belonged to the Lichchhavi clan. 
 Ajafcasatru was thus at war with his relations 
 on his mother's side. He seems to have pursued 
 the policy inaugurated by his father. We have 
 seen that it was at the expense of the Lich- 
 chhavis that Bimbisara made himself master of 
 the Magadha kingdom. And now his son 
 Ajatas'atru conceived the design of destroying 
 the independence of the Lichchhavis. It ap- 
 pears that at this time the Ganges separated 
 the Magadha from the Videha kingdom, and 
 that Pataligrama, which afterwards rose to 
 great importance and became celebrated as 
 Pataliputra, was then on the frontier of the 
 Magadha territory. At any rate, this is the 
 impression produced on our mind on reading 
 the Mahaparlnibbcma'Siitta, ^ which is concerned 
 with the decease of Buddha. The same 
 Sutta also gives us tlie impression that 
 Patalis^rama was on the road from Vesali 
 to llajagriha. It was, therefore, absolutely 
 necessary to fortify Pataligrama. And when, 
 shortly before his death, Buddha visited 
 Pataligrama, Sunidha and Yassakara, Chief 
 Ministers of Magadha, were busy building a 
 fortress there to repel the Yajjis, i.e. Lichchhavis. 
 The Jaina Nirayavali-sutra informs us that 
 Ajatas'atru fixed a quarrel on Ghetaka, a 
 Lichchhavi Chief of Vesali, his grandfather and 
 
 I. 26 ; Mahavagga, vi. 28. 7 & 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 79 
 
 went forth to attack him. ^ Nine confederate 
 Lichchhavi and nine confederate Malla kings 
 came to his assistance but it was of no avail, 
 and the YajJTs or Lichchhavis were ere long 
 subjecled to the sway of Ajatasatru along with 
 the Mallas. 
 
 Ajatasatru was succeeded by his son 
 Udayabhadra who is no doubt the same as the 
 Udayin of the Puranas. According to i\\Q Dlgha- 
 Nikaya, as we have seen, Ajatas'atru looked upon 
 him as his favourite son, but it was this favourite 
 son who for the sake of kingdom murdered his 
 father, as the Mahavaiiisa ^ tells us. The 
 Puranas say that he made Kusumapura on the 
 southern bank of the Ganges his capital. ^ 
 Kusumapura is but another name for Pataliputra, 
 and there is nothing strange in Udayabhadra's 
 removing his capital from Pvajagriha to Patali- 
 putra. The Magadha kingdom was very much 
 extended during the reign of Ajatas'atru. The 
 dominions of (he Lichchhavis and Mallas and 
 some parts of even Kosala were annexed to it. 
 Such an extensive kingdom required a central 
 capital, and this idea was well fulfilled by 
 Pataliputra, which, though in the first instance 
 it was fortified to repel and subdue the 
 Lichchhavis, admirably served the purpose of a 
 central seat of government. 
 
 SBB. xxii. Intro, xiv. 
 IV, 1. 
 P.argiter,22&69. 
 
€0 LECTURE II. 
 
 Udayabhadra reigned for sixteen years. He 
 was succeeded by Auuruddha, and the latter by 
 Munda. A period of eight years has been 
 assigned to them. No reference to Anuruddha 
 has so far been traceable in the Buddhist 
 literature, but the Ahguttara-Nikaya ^ does 
 make mention of Munda, king of Pataliputra. 
 His queen, Bhadra-devi died, and the king was 
 simply overwhelmed with grief. His Treasurer 
 Priyaka became intensely anxious on his account, 
 and arranged for an interview between the king 
 and Narada, a Buddhist monk, who had at that 
 time come to Pataliputra in the course of his 
 religious tour. Narada's religious discourse 
 made a deep impression on Munda and gave him 
 strength of mind to overcome his grief. 
 
 Munda was succeeded by Naga-Dasaka. 
 I told you a short while ago that Dasaka 
 of this composite name corresponded to the 
 Darsaka of the Puraiias, and Naga was 
 prefixed to his name to show that he pertained 
 to the principal Naga dynasty. The tradition 
 mentioned by Bhasa that Padmavati married 
 to Udayana was his sister does not appear 
 to be probable, and you have already seen 
 the reasons I have set forth. The Mahavamsa 
 says that from Ajatas'atru down to Darsaka 
 we had kings who were parricides, and that the 
 people, who were, therefore, disgusted with this 
 
 ^ III. 57 A ff. 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. 81 
 
 dynasty, aided one Susu-Naga, who was an 
 amatya or minister apparently of Darsaka, to 
 oust him and secure the throne. Susu-Nas:a, 
 as I have said, does not seem to be a proper 
 name. It denotes a branch of the Naga family, 
 and as sometimes a king is designated by his 
 family name alone without specification of hi^ 
 individual name, the family name Susu-Naga^ 
 or Sisu-Naga of the Puranas, has been employed 
 to denote the usurper of Darsaka's sovereignty. 
 Anyhow this usurper was not an outsider, but a 
 prince of the Naga dynasty though of a branch 
 line. The Puranas inform us that Sasu-Naga 
 annihilated the renown of the Pradyota dynasty, 
 placed his son in Varanasi or Benares, and made 
 Girivraja (Rajglr) his capital. ^ The Puranas 
 evidently tell us that Susu-Naga made himself 
 master not only of Magadha but also of Avanti 
 and Kas'i-Kosala. This seems to be correct, and 
 to this we may add that he probably annexed 
 the Vatsa kingdom also to his empire. We 
 know that Pradyota, Pasenadi (Prasenajit), 
 Bimbisara and Udayana were contemporaries, 
 and their families, curiously enough, became 
 extinct four generations after them, i. e. about 
 the rise of Susu-Nas^a. The latter was thus 
 practically a ruler of the whole of Northern 
 India except the Panjab. Being thus a powerful 
 monarch and practically of the same family as 
 
 1 Pargiter, 21 & 68. 
 
82 LECTURE II. 
 
 Bimbisara, he was, in later times when the 
 
 Pnranas were recast, placed at the head of the 
 
 family, and all the kinsfs styled Sisunagas after 
 
 him. Sisunaga reigned for eighteen years and 
 
 was succeeded by his son As'oka. To distinguish 
 
 him from Asoka, the Maury a Emperor, he was 
 
 designated Kalas'oka, the epithet kala indicating 
 
 his black complexion. This also explains why 
 
 he was called Kakavarna in the Paranas. As a 
 
 Burmese tradition informs us, he removed his 
 
 capital from E^ajagriha to Pataliputra. ^ This is 
 
 exactly in keeping with the Mahavaiiisa, ^ which 
 
 represents Kalasoka to be established in Pushpa- 
 
 pura, i.e. Pataliputra. The only event which, 
 
 we know, took place in the reign of Kalasoka 
 
 was the holding of the second Buddhist Council. 
 
 It was held in Vesali under this king in the 
 
 year 383 — 2 B. C. and led to the separation of the 
 
 Mahasamghikas from the Theravada ^. Kalasoka 
 
 reigned for twenty-eight years only. After him 
 
 his ten sons conjointly ruled over the Magadha 
 
 empire. Their names are : (1) Bhadrasena, 
 
 (2) Korandavarna, (3) Mangura, (4) Sarvanjaha, 
 
 (5) Jalika, (6) Ubhaka, (7) Saiijaya, (8) Kora- 
 
 vya, (9) Nandivardhana and (10) Paiichamaka. * 
 
 Nandivardliana of this is most probably 
 
 1 SEE. XI. Intro, xvi. 
 
 2 IV. 32. 
 
 3 Mahavaiiisa (trans. Geiger), Intro., lix. 
 * Mahahodhivarhsa, 98. 
 
i-olitiCal history. 83 
 
 Nandivardhana of the Puranic list.^ These ten 
 brothers held joint sway over the Magadha 
 dominions for about twenty-two years and were 
 supplanted by the Nanda dynasty. Nine mem- 
 bers of this dynasty are said in the Mahavariisa ^ 
 to have reigned in succession and for a period 
 of tw^enty two years. They were most probably 
 one father and eight sons as mentioned in the 
 Puranas. ^ They were : (1) Ugrasena, (2) Pan- 
 duka, (3) Fanclugati, (4) Bhutapala, (5) Eashtra- 
 pala, (6) Govishanaka, (7) Dasasiddhaka, (8) 
 Kaivarta and (9) Dhana. ^ As Ugrasena heads 
 the list, it seems that he was the father and the 
 remaining princes his sons. The chief of the 
 Nandas, according to all the Puranas, is Maha- 
 padma. The commentary on the Bhagavata- 
 Purana says that he was so called because he was 
 the lord of soldiers or wealth numbering or 
 amounting to 100,000 millions. Probably the 
 correct meaning would be th^t he was master of 
 as big an army as could be arrayed in a padma- 
 vyuha or in a lotus fashion. ^ This agrees with 
 "the fact that in Buddhist works he has been 
 styled Ugrasena, i.e. possessed of a terrific 
 army. 
 
 1 Pargiter, 22. ^ V. 15. 
 
 3 "^In this i-especb the Paranas agree among themselves. They, 
 however, differ in regard to the sequence of their rule, some saying 
 that they all reigned conjointly, and some, in succession. 
 
 * Mahahodhivathsd, 98. . , - ■ 
 
 * lA., XLIV, 49-50. 
 
M LECTURIJ II. 
 
 The Puranas say that Ugrasena-Mahapadma 
 was so powerful that he uprooted all the Ksha- 
 triyas like Parasurama, brought the whole earth 
 under one royal umbrella, and made himself 
 eka-rat^ sole monarch. Let us pause here for a 
 moment and see what this means. I have tol(i 
 you that shortly before Buddha lived, that part 
 of India which was Aryanised was divided into 
 sixteen different states, of which, excepting two, 
 all were petty kingships. But the process of 
 Centralisation had begun, and we find that these 
 tiny kingships had already developed into four 
 monarchies in the time of Buddha. Gradually 
 these monarchies themselves were being dissolved 
 and coalesced into one, but they did not culmi- 
 nate into a full-fledged imperialism until a 
 century after the demise of Buddha. We have 
 seen above how the Magadha Empire gra- 
 dually extended and swallowed not only the 
 Kasi-Kosala country of the Ikshvakus, but also 
 th^ Avanti territory of the Pradyotas and the 
 Kausambl kingdom of the Vatsas. And when 
 tJgrasena-Mahapadma has been expressly repre- 
 sented by the Puranas to have exterminated the 
 Kshatriyas and brought the earth under his sole 
 -sway, it means, I think, that he made himself 
 master of about that whole portion of India 
 .which was familiar to the Aryans, i.e. of almost. 
 all the sixteen countries into which India was 
 divided in Buddha's time and which I have 
 
POLITICAL HISTORY. ,85 
 
 already enumerated about the beginning of this 
 
 lecture. In other words, Ugrasena-Mahapadma 
 
 was a Ohakravartin or universal monarch. The 
 
 idea of Ohakravartin is very ancient in India. 
 
 The Aitareya-Brahmana, e.g. makes mention of 
 
 some kings, who, after their anointing, conquered 
 
 the whole earth and performed a horse-sacrifice. 
 
 What we have in this connection to bear in 
 
 mind is that by ' earth ' is meant not the whole 
 
 earth as it is known to us at the present day but 
 
 rather the earth as it was known to the Aryans 
 
 at the time when the Ohakravartin is said to 
 
 have lived and conquered. Mahapadma was 
 
 thus but one Ohakravartin and was the 
 
 Ohakravartin of the period we have selected. 
 
 Kautilya in his Arthasastra^ speaks of the 
 
 Ohakravartin as if the latter was not a novel 
 
 ruler at all in his day and tells us that his domain 
 
 coincided with the greater portion of the space 
 
 between the Himalayas and the ocean and with 
 
 an area of a thousand yojanas. This no doubt 
 
 answers to the extent of the Mauryan 
 
 empire, and as from the language of Kautilya 
 
 the Ohakravartin was not an unfamiliar figure 
 
 in his time, it appears that there was at least 
 
 one Ohakravartin before the Mauryas came to 
 
 power, and there is, therefore, nothing strange in 
 
 our taking Mahapadma to be a Ohakravartin on 
 
 1 p. 338. 
 
86 ' LECTUUE if. 
 
 the authority of the Puranas. It is time there- 
 fore to give up the view that the Indians for the 
 first time gained their idea of Chakravartin froM 
 Alexander's invasion. 
 
LECTUEE III. 
 Administrative History. 
 
 (a) Literature on Hindu Folity. 
 
 In this and the next lecture I propose to 
 deal with the administrative history of the 
 period. This history may be of two kinds : 
 (1) history of the literature bearing upon the 
 science and art of government and (2) history 
 setting forth the actual practices and systems 
 of administration prevalent in the period. The 
 latter is not possible without the former. It is, 
 therefore, absolutely necessary to know before- 
 hand what sort of literature was extant in our 
 period relating to political science, or Arthasastra 
 as it was called. 
 
 South India has recently become a land of 
 discoveries. Not many years ago the students 
 of ancient Indian poetics were taken by surprise 
 by the discovery of Bhamaha's work on Alam- 
 kara in Trivandrum. The dramas of Bhasa, 
 the celebrated dramatist who preceded Kalidasa, 
 had for a long time remained hidden from 
 modern eyes until they were discovered seven 
 years ago at the same place, viz. Trivandrum. 
 Such was the case with the Arthasastra of 
 Kautilya. That a work dealing with the science 
 of politics was composed by l^autilya had been 
 
88 LECTURE III. 
 
 testified to by various more or less early Indian 
 writers who have not only referred to the author 
 but also given quotations from his work. But 
 the work had been looked upon as entirely lost, 
 and it was a great though agreeable surprise to 
 every scholar and antiquarian when, in the 
 January number of the Indian Antiquary^ 1905, 
 Mr. E;. Shamasastry not only announced the 
 discovery of this work at Tan j ore but actually 
 published a translation of some of its chapters.) 
 The whole book was afterwards edited and 
 translated, by the same scholar and is being more 
 and- more eagerly and thoroughly studied, but it 
 will be. still long before we are able to show 
 what flood of light it throws not only on ancient 
 polity but also on economics, law, ethics and 
 so forth. 
 
 When the Arthasastra of Kautilya was fi;rst 
 published, it evoked a great deal of criticism 
 more or less of an adverse nature. But now 
 there is a consensus of opinion among scholars 
 that on the ground of the archaic style and 
 the social and religious life depicted therein the; 
 work has certainly to be assigned to the period^ 
 B.C. 321-296 as it claims to belong. Any student 
 who has even cursorily read the book know^ 
 that it bristles with quotations from the authors 
 of the Arthasastra who were prior to Kautilya. 
 It therefore follows that if these authors were 
 known to Kautilya, their works were certainly; 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 89 
 
 known and studied in the period we have 
 selected, especially as it immediately precedes 
 Chandragupta, the founder of the Maurya 
 dynasty, whose prime-minister Kautilya was. 
 It is therefore very important to know who are 
 these authors that have been referred to by 
 Kautilya. The list of those that I have been 
 able to frame is as follows : — 
 
 Schools. 
 
 1. Manavah, pp. 6, 29, 63, 177, 192. 
 
 2. Barhaspatyah, pp. 6, 29, 63, 177, 192, 
 
 373. 
 
 3. Ausanasah, pp. 6, 29, 63, 177, 192. 
 
 4. Parasarah, p. 63. 
 
 5. Ambhiyah^ p. 33. 
 
 The order in which the schools are mentioned 
 is not uniform. 
 
 Individual Authors. 
 
 6. Bharadvaja, pp. 13, 27, 32, 253, 320, 
 
 325, 380. 
 
 7. Visalaksha, pp, 13, 27, 32, 320, 326, 380. 
 
 8. Parasarah pp. 13, 27, 32, 321, 326. 
 
 ^ Ambhiyah is probably a mistake for Acharyah, as Prof. Jacobi 
 thinks {Vherdie Echtheit des EautiViya in Sitzungsberichte der Koniglich 
 Preussischen ATiademie der Wissenschaften, p. 837). 
 
 ^ His name has been variously spelt in the printed edition 
 Parasarah, Parasarah and Parasarah. Of course, the plural form is 
 
 12 
 
90 
 
 LECTURE III. 
 
 9. Pisuna\ pp. 14, 28, 33, 251, 321, 327. 
 
 10. Kaiinapadanta^ pp. 14, 33, 321, 327. 
 
 11. Yatavyadhi, pp. 14, 33, 261, 322, 328. 
 
 12. Bahudantlputra^, p. 14. 
 
 These authors (Nos. 6-12) are specified in the 
 above serial order. 
 
 These have been 
 mentioned but 
 once. Of these 
 again Charayana 
 and Ghota(ka)- 
 mukha have 
 been mentioned 
 by Vatsyayana 
 as authors of the 
 different parts 
 of the Science 
 of Erotics. 
 
 13. Katyayana, p. 251 
 
 14. KaninkaBharadvaja,, 
 
 15. Dirgha-Gharayana „ 
 
 16. Ghotamukha „ 
 
 17. Kinjalka „ 
 
 18. Pisunaputra „ 
 
 inadmissible, where this name has been mentioned along with those 
 of individual authors. Of the remaining two, Paraiarah appears to me 
 to be the correct form, because it has been so mentioned in Eamandalca, 
 VIII. 39, where, again, the metrical exigencies require Parasarah and 
 not Parasarah. Parasarah stands in the same relation to Parasarah as 
 Usanah of Kamandaka does to his Eavayah (VIII-22 & 27). 
 
 ^ Pisuna was another name of NSrada ; and we know that he was 
 the author of a work on kingly duties from the passage Naradiyavi = 
 iv = avarnyamana-rajadharmam from the Kadamhart (Bo. Sk. Series, 
 p. 91j 1- 13). This passage cannot possibley refer to the Nurada-Smriti, 
 because it does not deal with kingly duties. 
 
 ^ According to the Trihandaiesha, Kaunapadanta is another 
 name for Bhishma, and it is not at all improbable that Kaunapadanta's 
 work is represented by the present Rajadharm-anusasana of Bhishma 
 in the Santi-Parvan of the Mahabharata. 
 
 s The correct form of the name must be Bahudantiputra as has 
 been shown further on in the text. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 91 
 
 Now the question arises have any of these 
 names been mentioned anywhere ? Those who 
 have read the Mahabharata need not be told 
 that some of these certainly occur in the Santi- 
 Parvan. Chapter 58 of this Parvan sets forth 
 no less than seven names of the authors of the 
 treatises on kingly duties. They are (1) Brihaspati, 
 (2) Visalaksha, (3) Kavya, (4) Mahendra, (5) Pra- 
 ehetasa Manu, (6) Bharadvaja and (V) Gaurasiras. 
 Except the last, viz. Gaurasiras, all are identifiable 
 with the names specified by Kautilya. Brihas- 
 pati must be the founder of the Barhaspatya, 
 Kavya, the same as Sukra, of the Ausanasa, and 
 Manu, of the Manava, School. In regard to 
 Manu it is to be noted that here he has been 
 called Prachetasa which distinguishes him from 
 Svayambhuva Manu, the author of the Dharma- 
 sastra, and from Vaivasvata Manu, the first king 
 of the human species.^ Bharadvaja of the ^anti- 
 Parvan must be the Bharadvaja mentioned in 
 Kautilya's Arthas'astra. There thus remains one 
 name, viz. Mahendra. He is identical with 
 Bahudantin, the first component of the name 
 Bahudantiputra referred to by Kautilya as 
 we shall see shortly. 
 
 ^ In regard to SvSyambhnva Mann, the author of the Dharma- 
 sastra vide Adi-P., 73.9 ; Santi-P., 335.43. In respect of Prachetasa Manu, 
 vide banti-P., 57.42, after which two verses from his Raja-dharmas 
 are quoted. In Vana-F., 35, 21 also, are referred to the Baja- 
 dharmas of Manu who can, therefore, be no other than Prachetasa. 
 Of course, no scholar will now agree with Biihler in the Tiew he has 
 expressed in 8BE., XXV. Intro. Ixxvi, n. 1. 
 
92 LECTURE III. 
 
 It was indeed a wise move on the part of the 
 Calcutta University to have prescribed for M. A. 
 History, the chapters of the Santi-Parvan, which 
 treat of Rajadharma, i.e. the duties of the king, 
 and which, in fact, give us good glimpses into 
 the condition of the science of polity before the 
 time of Kautilya. We have seen that Chapter 58 
 of this Parvan gives the names of the authors of 
 Bajasastra which all except one agree with those 
 mentioned by Kautilya. Let us now proceed a 
 step further and see what the immediately next 
 chapter teaches us. This chapter gives us a 
 genesis of the science of polity — how it arose 
 and how it underwent alterations. Dandamti 
 or Science of Polity, we are told, was 
 first brought out by Erahma. It treated 
 not only of the objects of the worldly 
 life, viz. dharma, performance of religious 
 duties, artha, attainment of wealth and kama, 
 gratification of sensual desires, but also of 
 moksha or final beatitude, and consisted of one 
 hundred thousand chapters. As the period of 
 the human life was gradually decreasing, this 
 colossal work was also undergoing abridgement. 
 The god ^iva was the first to shorten it into 
 a treatise called Vaisalaksha after him and 
 consisting of ten thousand chapters. The divine 
 Indra then abridged it into a work comprising 
 five thousand chapters and styled Bahudantaka 
 after him. Brihaspati further reduced it to a 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 93 
 
 work containing three thousand chapters and 
 designated Barhaspatya after him. Last came 
 Kavi or Usanas, who still further shortened it 
 into a treatise composed of a thousand chapters 
 only. Now the original work composed by 
 Brahma is said to have treated of dharma, 
 artha, Jcama and moksha, and comprised one 
 hundred thousand chapters. In Chapter 335 
 of the San ti- Par van we have another tradition 
 narrated about this work. There its authorship 
 has been ascribed to eight sages, who read it out 
 to the god Narayana. The god was exceedingly 
 pleased with what he heard, and said : 
 "Excellent is this treatise that ye have composed 
 
 consisting of a hundred thousand verses 
 
 Guided by it Svayambhuva Manu will himself 
 promulgate to the world its code of dhm^ma, 
 and Usanas and Brihaspati compose their trea- 
 tises based upon it." We are then told that 
 this original work of the sages will last up to 
 the time of king Uparicharu and disappear 
 upon his death. Curiously enough, Vatsyayana, 
 author of the KcmiasTdra, mentions at the besin- 
 ning of this work a third tradition which is a 
 combination of the first two. Prajapati or 
 Brahma, says he, created people and recited 
 to them a work consisting of one hundred 
 thousand chapters to enable them to attain 
 dliarma, artha, and kama. That part which 
 related to dharma was separated by Manu, and 
 
94 LECTURE III. 
 
 those which related to artha and kama were 
 separated by Brihaspati and Nandin respec- 
 tivelj^ We thus see that according to the 
 tradition mentioned both in Chapter 59 of the 
 Santi-Parvan and by Yatsyayana the original 
 knowledge about the work od dharma, artha 
 and kama emanated from Brahma. The first 
 abridgement of Dandaniti, we have seen, is 
 ascribed to Siva after whom it was named 
 Vaisalaksha. The term Vaisalaksha is derived 
 from Yisalaksha, which is another name for 
 Siva. The author Visalaksha mentioned by 
 Kautilya must therefore be taken to refer to 
 the god Siva himself^ . The second abridge- 
 ment was brought out by Indra, and, we are 
 informed, was called Bahudantaka. Indra's 
 elephant, Airavata, because he had four i.e. 
 many {paJiu) tusks, could be called Bahudanta 
 
 ^ It may be asked whether it is permissible to quote the views 
 and the name of a god exactly as woald be done in the case of a 
 human being, and it may consequently be doubted whether Kautilya's 
 Visalaksha is a divinity or a human being. It may, therefore, be 
 contended that up to Kautilya's time Visalaksha was a human author 
 but was afterwards looked upon as a god and mentioned as such in 
 the Santi-Parvan. We know, however, that, as a matter of fact, 
 Kamandaka cites the doctrines and mentions the names of Puloma 
 and Indra, about whose divinity there can be no question, as if they 
 were human authors, as is clear from VIII. 21. Again, nobody can 
 doubt that the Santi-Parvan was existing in its present form about 
 300 A.D, when Kamandaka lived. To Kamandaka, therefore, Visa- 
 laksha must have been a god, and yet he speaks of the latter as 
 Visalakshah prahlmshate (VIII. 28). No reasonable doubt need there- 
 fore be entertained as to Kautilya's reference to Visalaksha being a 
 reference to the god of that name. 
 
administrAlTIve history. 95 
 
 or Bahudanta ; and because Indra possessed 
 Bahudanta or Bahudanta i.e. Airavata, he could 
 be called Bahudanta or Bahudantin. And it 
 is from the first of these names that the science 
 of polity composed by him was styled Bahu- 
 dantaka. The second name can be recognised 
 in Bahudantiputra mentioned by Kautilya. 
 There can be no doubt that the first component 
 of the latter is Bahudanti°, and not Bahudanti° i.e. 
 the ending i is short and not long and that Bahu- 
 danti° must here denote Indra\ In regard to the 
 second component putra, we have got an exactly 
 analogous case in Pis'unaputra. We have seen 
 that Kautilya mentions not only Pis'una but 
 also Pis'unaputra. The word putra in all 
 probability signifies here 'a follower.' Thus in 
 the Mrichchhakatika those, who follow the 
 science of theft originated by the god Kartikeya, 
 are called Skandaputras by Sarvilaka^ Bahu- 
 dantiputra must therefore denote a follower 
 of Bahudantin, i.e. of the system of the 
 Arthasastra laid down by him. Pis'unaputra 
 must similarly denote a follower of the system 
 of Pis'una or Narada, who, we know, was an 
 
 ^ This, I think, is clear from the fact that Kamandaka also 
 speaks of Indra as one of the authors of the Arthasastra {vide the 
 preceding note). 
 
 - Mrichchhakatika (BSS), 141. The word putra was used to 
 denote also the follower of a religious system. Thus nigantha-putto 
 signified a Jaina {Maj-N. I. 227. where Sachchaka is so called). 
 
96 LECTURE III. 
 
 authority on the raja-dharma and is referred 
 to by Bana in his Kadamharl} . The third 
 abridgement is attributed to Brihaspati and 
 is designated Barhaspatya. Eor the fourth, 
 Kavya or Usanas was responsible. The naftie 
 of his work is not specified, but it must have 
 been Aus'anasa. In Chapter 59 of the Santi- 
 Parvan we have a specific mention not only of 
 four of the seven authors of Arthasastra enu- 
 merated in Chapter 58 but also of the works 
 standing to their credit. It is somewhat curious 
 that Manu, Bharadvaja and Gaurasiras have here 
 been passed away. But the probable expla- 
 nation is that these were sages and consequently 
 human beings, whereas those noticed above 
 were either gods or demi-gods and that the 
 object of the tradition narrated in Chapter 59 
 is to establish the sacred character and the 
 extreme antiquity of the Arthasastra by showing 
 how it was handed down from Brahma through 
 the various gods and at the same time more 
 and more abridged in this process of transmis- 
 sion. Of course, Manu and his work must 
 have been we-ll-known at this time, for in the 
 Drona-Parvan we find that one of his quali- 
 fications to become the generalissimo of the 
 Kaurava army Dronacharya makes a point- 
 ed mention of his proficiency in Mdnavi 
 
 1 See p. 90, n, 2. 
 
ADMINISIRATIVE HISTORY. 97 
 
 Artlia-vidya} , This clearly indicates that a work 
 on Arthasastra composed by Manu was well- 
 known, and was held in such high repute that 
 proficiency in it was considered to be a great 
 merit to a general. About Bharadvaja I shall 
 say something further in the sequel, but no 
 reference to the work of Gaurasiras I have been 
 able to trace in the Mahabharata. 
 
 Now, here another question arises : have we 
 got any evidence to show in what form the 
 works of these ancient authors of the Arthasastra 
 were composed ? It is indeed a very interest- 
 ing fact that Santi-Parvan is not content with 
 merely enumerating their names or specifying 
 their works but actually quotes verses from the 
 latter. Chapters 56-8 are very important in 
 this respect. We have three verses cited not 
 only from Manu but also from Us'anas (Bhar- 
 gava) and Brihaspati. These have all been 
 culled in the Appendix. This gives rise to the 
 inference that their works at any rate were in 
 metrical form. And in regard to the work of 
 Usanas in particular, it is possible to say that 
 it was in existence and in metrical form even as 
 late as the time of Sankararya, commentator 
 of the Kamandaklya Nltisara, for we know he 
 actually quotes one verse from it.^ 
 
 The conclusion that the works on Arthasastra 
 prior to Kautilya were in verse is forced upon 
 
 1 I A., XLVI, 95. 
 
 2 TSS. Ed. 112. 
 13 
 
^8 LECTURE III. 
 
 US by a study of the latter's work also. Before, 
 however, this can be demonstrated, it is neces- 
 sary to find out the exact nature of the form of 
 composition which his work represents. This 
 is described at the end of his book in the verse : 
 Drishtva vipratipatMm hahudha sastreshu 
 
 bhashyakaranam 
 svayam-=eva 'Fishm{gnptas=chaJcara sutram 
 cha hhashyam clia. 
 
 T11ANSLA.TION. 
 
 "Having noticed discrepancy in many ways 
 between the commentators on the Sastras, 
 Vishnugupta himself has made the Sutra and 
 the commentary." 
 
 Unfortunately, so far as I know, the meaning 
 of this verse has not been made clear by any 
 scholar^ What the verse, however, evidently 
 means is that in Kautilya's time a Sutra was 
 interpreted differently by different commenta- 
 tors and that in order that this mishap may not 
 befall his w^ork he composed not only the 
 Sutras but also the commentary setting forth 
 his meaninsT of his Sutras. Kautilva's book, 
 therefore, consists not only of Sutra but also of 
 
 * Prof. Jacobi explains it in a different manner (loc. cit 843 & 
 845). Although the verse in question distinctly says that Kautilya's 
 work is both a Siitra and a Bh3shya, he seems to think it, apparently 
 on the authority of the same verse, that it is, not a Sutra, but rather 
 a Bhashya ! 
 
A DMIKISTRATIVE HISTORY. 99 
 
 JBhashya, It is a matter of regret, however, that 
 in the edition published of his Arthasastra, the 
 /Sutra has not been separated from the Bhashya, 
 I will explain myself more clearly. Take e.g. 
 pp. 27-8 which deal with the subject of Mantr- 
 adhikara. Here as elsewhere the Sutra and the 
 Bhashya have been hopelessly intermixed so that 
 the ordinary reader does not know that part of 
 what he reads is the Sldra and part the Bhashya^ 
 I will extricate the Sutras of these pages to 
 show that whatever remains is the Bhashya. The 
 Sutras here are as follows : 
 
 (1) Guhyam^zeko mantrayet=:eti Bharad^ 
 vajah 
 
 (2) N=^aikasya mantra-siddhir=ast=tti 
 Visalakshah 
 
 (3) Etan:=mantra-jnanam n-=aitan=man-' 
 tra-rakshanam = iti JParasarah 
 
 (4) N=.eti Bisunah 
 
 (5) N=eti Kautilyah 
 
 (6) Mantribhis ■=■ tribhis = chatttrbhir=:va 
 saha mantrayeta 
 
 and so on. 
 These are the Sutras, and whatever is pub- 
 lished in the book along with each Sutra so as 
 to form a paragraph is the Bhashya. There is 
 yet another element of this work which requires 
 to be considered — I mean the verses which are 
 as a rule given at the end of each chapter. 
 Who can be the author of these verses ? "Were 
 
100 LECTURE III. 
 
 they all composed by Kautilya himself ? Let us 
 try to answer this question. There can be no 
 doubt that some at least were composed by him. 
 Certainly the first two of the verses occurring 
 on p. 17 of the published text must belong to 
 him. The first gives the opinion of the previous 
 Acharyas that the king shall employ his minis- 
 ters in offices corresponding to their ascertained 
 purity. The second cites the view of Kautilya 
 that the king shall in no wise test their purity 
 on himself or his queen. The phrase here used 
 is etat Kautilya-darsanam. This indicates that 
 these two verses at any rate come from 
 the pen of Kautilya. And we can suppose 
 that there were perhaps some others which 
 also were composed by him. It is not how- 
 ever, possible to concede more and assert 
 that he was the author of all the verses met 
 with in his work. This is strongly negatived by 
 the fact that on pp. '565-6 occur two stanzas^ 
 with the prefatory remark : ap = lha slokau 
 bhavatali. This is an unmistakable indication 
 that these verses at any rate were not of 
 Kautilya, but were quoted by him from some 
 work. Again, we have at least two instances of 
 verses prefaced by one or more words in prose 
 either of which is insufficient by itself but which 
 
 1 The second of these stanzas occurs also in the Pratijnd- 
 Taugandharayana (TSS.Bd., 62), and the first in the Pardsara-dharma' 
 tamhitd, (BSS. Ed. I. ii. 272). 
 
ADMINIS LHATIVE HISTORY. 101 
 
 together make the sense whole and complete. 
 Thus on p. 121 we have the following : 
 
 Stirakamedak-arishta-madhii-phcd-amlamla- 
 sldhunam cha — 
 
 Ahnas=-cha vikrayam vyaflm jhdtvci 
 
 mana-hiranyayoh 
 tatha vaidharanam huryad-=-ucliitam 
 ch^^anuvartayet 
 Here the verse by itself does not bring out 
 the full sense, w^hich is possible only when it is 
 interpreted in conjunction with the preceding 
 prose line. Similar is the case on p. 29 where 
 we have the following : 
 
 Kurnatas=.cha — 
 JS^=asya giihyam pare vidyus^cJiMdram 
 
 vidyat parasya cha 
 gJihet kurma iv = dngdni yat sydd=vivri- 
 ta77i=:dtmanah 
 Here the verse is preceded by two words 
 in prose which together make clear the sense 
 of the author. Now this practice of combining 
 a verse with a prose passage to express an idea 
 is often met with in Sanskrit dramas where 
 it is indispensable for dramatic effect, but is 
 conspicuous by its absence in any work dealing 
 with a Sdstra when the whole of it is a pro- 
 duction of one author. In a work setting forth 
 the subject of a Sdstra no dramatic effect is 
 ever intended, and when therefore we meet with 
 such a combination of prose and verse, the only 
 
102 LECTURE III. 
 
 reasonable conclusion is that the author is 
 citing that verse from some other source and 
 that in order to fully bring out its sense he has 
 to preface it with a remark of his in prose. The 
 two verses given above must, therefore, be 
 supposed as not belonging to Kautilya but 
 rather quoted by him from, a previous work on 
 Arthas'astra. There is yet another line of argu- 
 ment which compels us to adopt the same conclu- 
 sion. The second of the verses just quoted from 
 Kautilya occurs also in the Santi-Parvan. I 
 am aware one is apt to suspect that the Santi- 
 Parvan is indebted to Kautilya for this verse. 
 But this is not possible, because I have just 
 shown that it cannot belong to Kautilya as 
 it is preceded by a prose preface. But there are 
 other considerations also which leave no scep- 
 ticism on this point. The verse in question, 
 viz. that beginning with n=asya guhyam pare 
 vidyuh occurs not only in the Santi but also in 
 the Adi-Parvan. But here it is preceded by two 
 verses which run thus : 
 
 Nityam^-udyata-dandah syan=mtyam 
 vivrita-paurushah 
 
 acJicJihidras=chJiidra-darsi syat paresham 
 vivar-anugalh 
 
 Nityam = udyata-dandad = hi bhrisam = 
 udv ija te jana h 
 
 tasmat sarvani kdryani danden=aiva vi' 
 dharayet 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 103 
 
 Now, all these three verses, it is worthy of 
 note, occur in Chapter VII of the Manu-smriti. 
 The question, therefore, arises : who borrowed 
 from whom ? Fortunately for us this question 
 has been threshed out by no less an illustrious 
 scholar than Prof. Biihler^ The above are not 
 the only verses that are common to the Maha- 
 bharata and the Manu-smriti. There are many 
 others which have been pointed out by him in 
 the introduction to his translation ot the Manu- 
 smriti, and on a careful consideration of the 
 question he has expressed the view that the 
 editor of this metrical Smriti has not drawn 
 upon the Mahabharata or vice versa but that the 
 authors of both works have utilised the mate- 
 rials that already existed. It is thus plain that 
 the verse n^^asya guhyam pare vldytih etc. was 
 not composed by Kautilya but was utilised by 
 him from some work which was in existence 
 long before he wrote or the Santi-Parvan or the 
 Manu-smriti was compiled^ 
 
 It will be perceived that all the verses except 
 a few ones that occur in Kautilya's Arthas'astra 
 
 1 SBE., XXV., Intro, xc. 
 
 * Oae mora verse from Kautilya is v\'ortli considering in this 
 connection. It occurs on p. 217, and begins with samvatsarena patati. 
 The same verse is met with in Manu, XI. 180, Vasishtha, I. 22 and 
 Baudhayana, II. i. 35. As there were some subjects common to the 
 ArthasSstra and the Dharmasastra, it is very difficult to say whether 
 Kautilya borrowed the verse from some work on the Dharmasastra, 
 such as Manu, Vasishtha or Baudhayana or from some work on the 
 ArthasSstra. Of course, the name Dhar mas antra was known to 
 Kautilya (p. 10). 
 
104 LECTUK.E lEI. 
 
 have been quoted by him from previous authors. 
 When we, therefore, find any verses cited along 
 with and in confirmation of the doctrines set 
 forth by him of his predecessors, the natural 
 conclusion is that the verses in question were 
 quoted from the works of the latter. Such 
 verses do we find e.g. on pages 13, 27 and 253 
 of the printed edition. This shows that the 
 works of Bharadvaja, Vis'alaksha and Parasara 
 at least were in metrical form. In the case of 
 Bharadvaja the matter has been placed beyond 
 all doubt, because Kautilya actually cites part of 
 a verse and ends the quotation with the remark 
 iti Bharadvajah. I am, of course, referring 
 here to Indrasya hi sa ]}'^^cmamati yo bally aso 
 namati iti Bharadvajah on p. 380. This quota- 
 tion, I need scarcely say, forms the second half 
 of an Arya verse, and is exceedingly interesting 
 inasmuch as it shows that in the earlier works 
 on Arthasastra, not only the Anushtubh but also 
 the Arya metre was employed. We have already 
 seen on the authority of the Mahabharata that 
 the works on polity attributed to Manu, Brihas- 
 pati and Us'anas were in verse, and we now see 
 on the authority of Kautilya that the same 
 was the case with the works of Bharadvaja, 
 Yisalaksha and Parasara. 
 
 Here the question may be asked : how is it 
 possible to regard the works on Arthasastra 
 anterior to Kautilya as being metrical in form 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 105 
 
 when the work of the latter, as we have seen, 
 belongs to the Sutra class of composition? Does 
 it not conflict with the established opinion of the 
 Sanskritists that a Stitra work is prior to a work 
 in which the Anushtubh metre is uniformly 
 employed ? I admit that this opinion is at 
 present highly countenanced by scholars, but I 
 dispute its correctness. It was Max Miiller^ 
 who first gave utterance to this view, which has 
 now been followed rather slavishly by Sanskritists 
 in spite of the strong protest raised against it by 
 Goldstiickerl The latter scholar clearly tells 
 us that it is one thing to lay down a criterion by 
 which a class of works such e.g. as the Sutras 
 might become recognisable, and it is another 
 thing to make such a criterion a basis for 
 computing periods of literature and that two 
 classes of writings can flourish in one and the same 
 period ; and, as a matter of fact, he has clearly 
 proved that the Anushtubh or metrical form of 
 composition was existing side by side with the 
 Stitra in that very period to which the latter 
 style of literature has been assigned. Which 
 class of composition began earlier — the Stitra or 
 the metrical — is a question which need not 
 trouble us here. My contention is that from the 
 7th century B. C. onwards to the time of 
 Kautilya both the forms of composition flourished 
 
 1 HASL., 68 &ff. 
 - Fanini, 78 & ff. 
 
 14 
 
106 LECTURE III. 
 
 side by side as has been well shown by Gold- 
 stiicker, and there can, therefore, be nothing 
 strange in the Arthas'astra works of the pre- 
 Kautilyan period being metrical in form although 
 they pertain to the period to which the Sutra 
 class of literature is generally ascribed and 
 although the work of Kautilya himself is an 
 example of this class. 
 
 Many of the chapters of the Santi-Parvan 
 
 narrate incidents in the form of dialogues which 
 
 are designated 'puratana itihasa. Most of these 
 
 itihasas relate to matters connected with Dharma, 
 
 Purana and so forth. But at least two relate to 
 
 the Arthasastra. One of these is set forth in 
 
 Chapter 68, where we are introduced to a 
 
 discourse between Brihaspati and Vasumanas, 
 
 king of Kosala. Vasumanas pays his homage to 
 
 the great sage, and enquires about the governance 
 
 of a kingdom, and Brihaspati replies by dwelling 
 
 on the paramount necessity of having a king at 
 
 the head of the State. In the course of his 
 
 discourse Brihaspati likens a king to the gods 
 
 Agni, Aditya, Mrityu, Yaisravana and Yama, 
 
 and a verse is given, viz. Na hi jatv=^avamantavyo 
 
 manushya ifi bhumipah \ mahatl deimta hy=^esha 
 
 nara-rupena tishthati \\ 40 n which we find also 
 
 • in Manu (VII, 8). Then in Chapter 140 of the 
 
 same Parvan we are introduced to another 
 
 dialogue, this time between the sage Bharadvaja 
 
 and ^atrunjaya, king of Sauvira. King ^atrunjaya 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 107 
 
 puts Bharadvaja a question contained in the 
 verse : Alahdhasya katham lipsa lahdham kena 
 vivardhate \ vardhitam palyate kena palitam 
 pranayet katham \\ 5 || which forms the very 
 essence of the Science of Polity according to 
 Kautilya, as is clear from his words : (Dandanitih) 
 alahdlia-labh-artha lahdha-parirakshanl rakshita- 
 vivardhanl vriddhasya tlrtheshu pratipadanl 
 cha} Bharadvaja's reply commences with the 
 two verses, one beginning with Nityam=.uddyata- 
 dandali syat and theother with Nityam = uddyata- 
 dandasya followed soon by the third verse whose 
 second half is guhet kurma iv=angani etc., 
 exactly the three verses quoted on pages 1 1-2 
 above as being common to the Adi-Parvan and 
 the Manu-smriti, Prom these data it is not 
 unreasonable, I hope, to draw the following 
 inferences : (1) Just as in the case of every 
 Purana we are informed of the occasion on which 
 and the people to whom and the person by whom 
 it was recited, it seems that at the outset of each 
 Arthasastra were specified the occasion which led 
 to its exposition and the sage by, whom and the 
 person or persons for whose edification it was 
 discoursed.'^ This explains why Kautilya places 
 Arthasastra, like Purana and Dharmasastra, 
 
 1 p. 9. 
 
 2 The Ausanasa Arthasastra similarly seems to have been 
 discourse of the sage Usanas to Pralhada {Santi-P., 139. 69). 
 
108 LECTURE III. 
 
 under Itihasa\ (2) It appears that the works 
 named after Brihaspati and Bharadvaja at 
 any rate were not composed by them but 
 rather embodied the doctrines expounded by them 
 orally to certain kings and on certain occasions, 
 (i) The verse 40, cited from Chapter 68 of the 
 ^anti-Parvan, which we iind is practically 
 identical with Manu, VII. 8, (p. 106), must, there- 
 fore, be supposed to have originally belonged to 
 the work setting forth the system of Brihaspati. 
 For the same reason Bharadvaja must be 
 supposed to be the author of the three verses 
 quoted from Chapter 140 of the same Parvan 
 and shown to be identical with Manu, VII. 
 102-3 and 105^ (p. 107). 
 
 When Kautilya wrote, the study of the 
 Arthasastra was falling into desuetude. This, 
 I think, is clear from one of the verses occurring 
 at the end of his book, viz : 
 
 1 p. 10. 
 
 " Like Arthasastra Kanfcilya (p. 10) places Dharmasastra also 
 under Itihasa. I suspect that Dharmasastra, too, like Arthasastx'a, 
 was originally of metrical composition before it assumed the Siitra 
 form. This alone can explain, I think, why vei'ses have been intro- 
 duced into the DharmasStras, just as they are in Kaufcillya. As in the 
 latter case we know they were borrowed from previous works on 
 Arthasastra, those in the Dharmasiitras must similarly have been 
 borrowed from previous works of that science which must therefore 
 be supposed to have been metrical in form. And I suspect that the 
 original Mannsmriti, and, not the present recast one, was prior oven 
 to the Dharmasiitras, especially as verses from the latter have been 
 traced to the former ; vide also p. 113, n. 2 below. I hope I may find 
 tiine once to work out this theory fully. 
 
ADMINISTHATIVE HISTORY. 109 
 
 Yena sclstram cha sastram cJia 
 
 Nanda-rdja-gata cha bhuh 
 amar shell = oddhritdny = dsu 
 
 tenet sd&tram=:idam kritam. 
 This verse is evidently crediting Kautilya 
 with having rescued Sastra, which can here 
 mean Arthasastra only\ It thus seems that 
 the old works on the Arthasastra were heing 
 forgotten in his time. And to rescue this Science 
 from oblivion Kautilya appears to have made 
 a vigorous attempt at getting hold of the old 
 works, most of which he did succeed in obtaining 
 and which he brought into requisition in com- 
 posing his treatise. And we know what a 
 stupendous mass of literature it was. There 
 were, to begin with, at least four Schools connec- 
 ted with this Science. A School means 
 a traditional handing down of a set of 
 doctrines and presupposes a series of dchdryas or 
 teachers, who from time to time carried on the 
 work of exegetics and systematisation. Jiesides, 
 we find that Kautilya mentions not only four 
 Schools but also thirteen individual authors 
 who were in no way connected with any School. 
 Again, we have already seen that of the teachers 
 of our Science referred to in the Santi-Parvan 
 all except one have been mentioned by Kautilya. 
 This exception was Gauras'iras, whose work 
 
 1 The word uddhrita is taken in the sense of 'reformed' by 
 Prof. Jacobi (loc. cifc 837), which is scarcely admissible, I am afraid. 
 * Eautiltya, pp. 7 & 10. 
 
110 LECTURE III. 
 
 perhaps seems to have been lost in his time. It is 
 quite possible that there may have been works of 
 some more teachers which were similarly for- 
 gotten, especially as we have seen that in Kauti- 
 lya's time the Science of Polity was being well- 
 nigh extinct. The latest of these works again must 
 for the same reason be supposed to have been 
 written at least three-quarters of a century ante- 
 rior to his time. All things considered, it is 
 impossible to bring down the beginning of Indian 
 thought in the sphere of Arthas'astra to any 
 period later than 650 B.C. We have seen that 
 Chapter 59 of the Santi-Parvan attributes the 
 origin of this Science to the god Brahma and of 
 the different treatises on it to the different 
 gods and demi-gods. This means that in the 
 4ith century B.C. Arthasastra was looked upon 
 as having come from such a hoary antiquity 
 that it was believed to have emanated from the 
 divine, and not from the human, mind. This 
 agrees with the fact that in Kautilya's time 
 Arthasastra was comprised in Itihasa, which 
 was then looked upon as a Veda and of the same 
 dignity as the Atharva-Yeda.^ 
 
 We thus see that much of the matter supplied 
 by Kautilya's work pertains to the period selected 
 by us, and can be safely used to show how much 
 the Indians knew of this science in that period. 
 To the same period seem to belong the chapters 
 
 ^ Kautiliya, 7. 
 
ADMINISTRATIYE HISTORY. Ill 
 
 from the Mahabharata, especially from the 
 Santi-Parvan, which deal with rajadhorm-anu~ 
 sasana; and it is not at all improbable that this 
 section represents in the main the work of the pre- 
 Kautilyan political philosopher Kaunapadanta 
 as this is but another name for Bhishma. The 
 account of polity which they contain seems to 
 have been drawn principally from the systems 
 of Brihaspati, Usanas and Manu. Again, when 
 those chapters were written, only seven authors 
 of this Science were known. In Kautilya's time 
 they were at least twelve^ Again, the name 
 
 ^It has been sfcafced above that the order in which Kautilja 
 mentions the first seven of the individual authors of the Arthasastra 
 is uniform. This no doubt raises the presumption that he would have 
 us believe that they lived in that chronological sequence, and apparent- 
 ly receives confirmation from the fact that thrice (on pp. 13-4, 27-8 
 & 32-3) Kautilya mentions them in such a way as to show that the 
 dootriaes of one are refuted by his immediate successor in that order 
 of specification. There are, on the other hand, some weighty consi- 
 derations which run counter to this theory. On jj. 320 & ff., Kautilya 
 says that of the calamities pertaining to the seven Prakritis or com- 
 ponents of Sovereignty, viz. (1) svanil, (2) amatya, (3) janapada, 
 (4) durga, (5) hosa, (6) danda and (7) mitra, the first is more serious 
 than its immediate second, according to the Acharyas or the recog- 
 nised authorities on the Arthasastra. This is not, however, the view of 
 Bharadvaja, Visalaksha, Parasara, Pisuna, Kaunapadanta and Vatavya- 
 dhi, who are mentioned in this specific order by Kautilya 
 Of (1) and (2), (2) is more serious than (1) with Bharadvaja; 
 of (2) and (3), (3) is more serious than (2) with Visalaksha, and so on 
 and so on. It will be seen that the order in which the Seven Prakritis 
 are enumerated is fixed by the Acharyas who are different from 
 Bharadvaja, Visalaksha and so forth. And what I cannot therefore 
 under stand is how the six consecutive pairs (l)-(2), (2)-(3) and so forth 
 of this series come to be taken up respectively by the six consecutive 
 authors of Kautilya's enumeration. Are we to suppose that throixgh 
 
112 LECTURE III. 
 
 Gaurasiras, which is mentioned in the Santi- 
 Parvan, is not known to Kautilya showing probab- 
 ly that his work was forgotten when the prime- 
 minister of Chandragupta wrote. Moreover, as the 
 Mahabharata does not know many of the authors 
 adverted to by Kautilya, it is no wonder that it 
 mentions none of the later authors such as Mahar- 
 shis,^Maya and Puloma who came into prominence 
 after him and are referred to by Kamandaka^ 
 
 some inexorable destiny Bharadvaja, because he came first, had to 
 take up for the discussion of relative importance the first pair only 
 and thsn there was a lull till Visalaksha appeared, and just because 
 he was the second, he too had to take up the second and the second pair 
 only, and so on and so on ? Again, on p. 325 and ff. the same un- 
 alterable necessity seems to have assigned the question of relative 
 heinousness between the Eopajah and Kamajah doshah to Bharadvaja 
 because he came first. Then it appears there was a trace for some 
 time to further discussion till Visalaksha the second arose. Then it. 
 wa« felt necessary to deduce two pairs out of the three Kopajah doshah, 
 assign the first of these to Visalaksha, and reserve the second till the 
 advent of his successor, Parasara, and fio on and so on. Surely histo- 
 rical development of the Arthasaatra could not have taken place accord- 
 ing to this exact unalterable programme. 
 
 1 By Maharshis we perhaps have to understand here the eight sages 
 to whom the original work on polity has been attributed in Chapter 
 335 of the Santi-Parvan. The name Maya suggests the Asura Maya, 
 the Architect, referred to in the Sabha-Parvan. 
 
 - VIII. 20-1 & 23. I need scarcely say that this Kamandaka cannot be 
 identified with the sage Kamandaka mentioned in the Santi-P., 123, 10 & 
 ff . as this would bring the final redaction of the Mahabharata down to 
 the 7th century A.D. — which is an impossibility. This chapter sets forth 
 a dialocue between Kamandaka and Angarishtha, but, as a matter 
 of fact, we do not hear of the latter at all in Kamandaka's Arthasastra. 
 Secondly, in this chapter Kamandaka is discoursing on a religious 
 subject which has hardly anything to do with the Arthasastra and 
 absolutely nothing with the peculiar doctrines of Kamandaka, the 
 political philosopher. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 113 
 
 These considerations show that those portions 
 of the Mahabharata, and especially of the 
 Santi-Parvan, which treat of the Science of 
 Polity, are on the whole indebted for their 
 account to authors who lived prior to Kautilya. 
 I have shown above which verses are quoted 
 in the Mahabharata and from which of these 
 authors. But there seem also to be verses 
 in this epic which are paraphrases of the 
 original of these authors. I shall give only 
 one, but typical, instance here. I informed 
 you a short time ago that Kautilya quoted the 
 second half of an Arya metre from Bharadvaja, 
 viz. Indrasya hi sa ijranamati yo ballyaso 
 namati. Now in the Mahabharata, both in the 
 Uddyoga and the Santi-Parvan, we find an 
 Anushtubh which is an obvious renderins: of 
 this half of the Arya verse of Bharadvaja, viz: 
 ^tay=-opamaya mra aamnameta bally ase 
 Indraya sa pranamate namate yo hallyase^ . 
 We can easily infer that the Mahabharata 
 must contain many such metrical adaptations 
 of verses from works on Arthasastra anterior 
 to Kautilya^. 
 
 1 Uddyoga-P.,2,Z2Q; Santi-P., 67.11. 
 
 ^ The same is the case with the Manusmriti, some slohas from 
 which are reproduced in the Mahabharata verbatim and some freely 
 rendered in verse. This does not therefore warrant the conclusio'h 
 as has been drawn by some scholars that that part of the epic whicht 
 agrees most closely in its citations with the code of Mann i» later 
 than that portion which does not coincide. n my opinion, it rather'- 
 points to the inference that the portion that cu cides -may be aiS-oId 
 as that which does not. 
 
 15 
 
114 LECTTJRE III. 
 
 (b) Hindu G07iceptions of Monarchy . 
 
 So much for the literature bearing upon 
 Arthasastra. I will now turn to some subjects 
 connected with Administration which have a 
 greater and general interest for us all. Let us 
 see first what were the various forms of govern- 
 ment prevalent at this time. The principal of 
 these, of course, were monarchy and Gana or 
 Sangha Government. The former was a rule 
 by one person^ and the latter by many. The 
 royal dynasties of the Magadha, Kosala, Avanti 
 and Vatsa countries, which I described in my 
 last lecture, represent the monarchical form of 
 government. In that lecture I drew your 
 attention cilso to two tdbss — the Lichchhavis 
 and the Mallas, which were brouscht under 
 sabjection by Ajatasatra. Tiiey are in Bnddhist 
 literature described as Ganas or Sahghas. In 
 this lecture I shall confine myself to the first 
 form of government only, viz. Monarchy, and 
 shall treat of the other in my next. In regard 
 to Monarchy many interesting details are 
 supplied by Hinda works on administration, 
 but here I shall take up only those which 
 appear to be important to me. 
 
 Now, why is a king required ? Where was 
 the necessity of a king at the helm of State 
 affairs ? Let us see what reply is given to this 
 question by the Hindu science of polity. 
 Chapter 67 of the Santi-Parvan contains 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 115 
 
 the following typical verses bearing on the 
 question. 
 
 *' Eor these reasons men desirous of pros- 
 perity should crown some person as their king. 
 They, who live in countries where anarchy 
 prevails cannot enjoy their wealth and wives 
 (V. 12). 
 
 " During times of anarchy, the sinful man 
 derives great pleasure by plundering the wealth 
 of other people. When, however, his (ill-got) 
 wealth is snatched away by others, he wishes for 
 a king (v. 13). 
 
 " It is evident, therefore, that in times of 
 anarchy the very wicked even cannot be 
 happy. The wealth of one is snatched away by 
 two. That of these two is snatched away by 
 many acting together (v. 14). 
 
 " He who is not a slave is made a slave. 
 "Women, again, are forcibly abducted. For 
 these reasons the gods created kings for 
 protecting the people (v. 15) 
 
 " If there were no king on earth for wield- 
 ing the rod of chastisement, the strong would 
 then have preyed on the weak after the manner 
 of fishes in the water (v. 16) " 
 
 These verses set forth the reasons why a 
 king is indispensable. Their essence is, how- 
 ever, concentrated in the last verse which 
 tells us that if there were no king, the 
 strong would devour the weak just as the 
 
110 LECTURE Hi. 
 
 fishes do in water, and refers to what is popu- 
 larly known as the Matsya-nyaya. This seems 
 to have been a very favourite maxim with the 
 Hindu writers on the political science and is 
 constantly repeated when they have to explain 
 the necessity of placing a king at the head of 
 government. Thus the Manu-smriti gives the 
 following verse : 
 
 Yadi na pranayed=-raja dmidarh 
 
 dandy esliv ^^atandritaU 
 jale matsymi=iv=ahi'msyan 
 
 durbalan balavattarah. 
 Chapter YII. v. 20. 
 
 Translation, 
 
 " If the king did not un wearisomely exercise 
 the chastising rod on those deserving to be 
 chastised, the stronger would kill the weaker 
 like fish in water." 
 
 Kautilya also gives the same illustration not 
 once but twice in his Arthasastra. Thus on p. 9 he 
 says: Apranlto hi Mdtsya-nyayn7n=-udbJiavayati 
 ballydfi = abalam hi grasafe dandadhar-abhdve. 
 " Because, if the chastising rod is not exercised, 
 it brings about the realisation of the proverb 
 of the greater fish swallowing the smaller. In 
 the absence of the wielder of the chastising rod, 
 the strong devours the weak." Here the 
 employment of the word danda and the phrase 
 Matsya-nyaya and, above all, the use of the 
 
ADMINISTRATIYE HISTOHY. ll^ 
 
 word apranlta, are all but conclusive in show- 
 ing that M^hen Kautilya wrote that passage, 
 he had in mind the verse quoted above which 
 must therefore be supposed to have been 
 incorporated into the Manu-smriti from some 
 older text of the Arthasastra. Mdtsya-nydya 
 is again alluded to by Kautilya on p. 22, but as 
 I am citing the whole passage further on and 
 very shortly, I refrain from doing so here and 
 content myself with saying that Kautilya 
 twice speaks of the Mdtsya-nydya when he has 
 to describe the anarchy that prevails in 
 default of a king. Curiously enough this 
 MdUya-nydya has been alluded to even in the 
 Ramayana when the condition is described of an 
 ardjaka jaiiapada, i.e. a country without a 
 king. Thus we have the verse : 
 
 N-=drdjake janapade svakam bhavati 
 kasyachit 
 
 matsyd iva jand nityam bhakshayanti 
 
 parasparam. 
 Ayodhya-kancla, Chap. 67. v. 31. 
 
 Translation. 
 
 "In a country where there is no king, nobody 
 possesses anything which is his own. Like 
 the fish the people are always devouring one 
 another." 
 
 Other reasons have been set forth in the 
 Ayodhya-kanda of the Ramayana from where 
 
118 LECTURE III. 
 
 the above verse has been extracted, pointing 
 to the paramount necessity of appointing a king. 
 And it is very strange that most of them are 
 precisely the same as those adduced in Chap. 68 
 of the Santi-Farvan, showing that either one 
 has borrowed from the other or, what is more 
 probable, both of them drew upon some previous 
 source. I fear it will be exceedingly irksome 
 to you if I quote all these passages from both 
 the works, and institute a comparison between 
 them. Besides, such a thing is not at all necessary 
 to my main purpose, which is simply to impress 
 upon your mind the fact that the most favourite 
 illustration given to describe the state of a 
 country without a ruler is that of the fish 
 preying upon one another. 'J^his idea seems to 
 have been so thoroughly assimilated by the 
 Hindus that we find it repeated everywhere. 
 Even the Khalimpur copperplate charter of 
 Dharmapala of the Pala dynasty, the contents of 
 which most of you here in Bengal must be 
 acquainted with, refers to the Matsya-nyaya 
 while speaking of Dharmapala's father, Gopala. 
 Thus we have : — 
 
 Mdtsya-nyayam=apohitum prakritibhir= 
 
 Lakshmyah haram graliitah 
 
 ^rl- Gopala iti JcsJiitUa-sirasam chudamanis = 
 tat-sufali^ 
 
 1 EI., IV. 248 & 251. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 119 
 
 Let us now see what notions of kingship 
 there were in our period, in other words, what 
 theories were prevalent in regard to the 
 origin of kingship. The first theory that I shall 
 here allude to is that of the Social Contract. 
 The theory in Europe was, we know, originated 
 by Hobbes and further developed or rather 
 altered by Locke and Rousseau. So much do 
 we read and hear of this view while studying 
 European History that we are apt to suppose 
 that a mental restlessness in this sphere was 
 confined to Europe only and never manifested 
 itself in the political horizon of ancient India. 
 A study of the Arthas'astra, however, will soon 
 disillusion our mind./ The theory of Social 
 Contract was certainly known to Kautilya, and 
 is referred to by him with approval and as being 
 handed down to his time from time previous. 
 "People afflicted with anarchy", says he, "conse- 
 quent upon the Matsya-nyaya, i.e. the practice 
 of the bigger fish swallowing the smaller, first 
 elected Manu, son of Yivasvat, to be their king. 
 They allotted one sixth of their grains and one 
 tenth of their merchandise as his share. Subsist- 
 ing on this wage kings become capable of giving 
 safety and security to their subjects and 
 removing their sins. Hence hermits, too, provide 
 the king with one sixth of the grains gleaned by 
 them, saying to themselves 'it is a tax payable 
 to him who protects us'." The same story is. 
 
120 LECTURE III. 
 
 repeated but at greater length in chapter 67 of 
 the Santi-Parvan.^ I need not tell you that 
 in this as in other chapters on Hajadharma 
 Bhishma is issuing instructions to Yudhishthira. 
 And in Chapter 67 Ehlshma says that formerly 
 men, being without a king, met with destruction, 
 devouring one another like fish in water. They 
 then assembled together, prepared a code of 
 laws and proceeded to Brahma, saying : "With- 
 out a king, O divine lord, we are going to des- 
 truction. Appoint some one as our king ! All 
 of us shall worship him and he shall protect us !" 
 Thus solicited, Brahma asked Manu, but Manu 
 would not assent to the proposal. "I fear," said 
 he, "all sinful acts. To govern a kingdom is 
 exceedingly difficult, especially among men who 
 are always false and deceitful in their be- 
 haviour." The inhabitants of the Earth then 
 said to him : "Don't fear ! The sins that men 
 commit will touch those only that commit them. 
 Por the increase of thy treasury, we will give thee 
 a fiftieth part of our animals and precious metals 
 and a tenth part of our grains."^ Thus addressed, 
 Manu agreed, and he made his round through 
 the world, checking wickedness everywhere and 
 setting all men to their respective duties. 
 
 ^ It is worthy of note that this story occurs in all the recensions 
 of the Mahabharata. It must, therefore, be of a very early origin. 
 
 " These differ from the dues which men promised to pay to Manu 
 according to the version of Kautilya. This shows that the Santi- 
 Parvan could not have boi'rowed the tradition from Kautilya. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 1^1 
 
 A similar conception of the origin of 
 monarchy is traceable in Buddhist literature 
 also. The Agganna-suttanta of the Digha-Nikaya^ 
 of the Southern Buddhists describes at great 
 length the evolution of man and society and 
 tells us how mankind was righteous to begin 
 with, how gradually and in diverse ways 
 sinfuless crept into human society, and how 
 theft, lying, reviling and assaulting becamei 
 rife. Thereupon men assembled together, and 
 after taking counsel, selected the most handsome 
 gracious and powerful individual from amongst 
 them, addressing him thus : " Come here, O 
 being ! Do punish, revile and exile those who 
 well deserve to be punished, reviled and exiled. 
 We will give you a portion of our rice." He 
 undertook the performance of this duty and 
 received three different appellations in conse- 
 quence. Because he was selected by all men 
 ( mahajana-saihmata ), he was called Maha- 
 sammata. Because he was the lord of all fields 
 {Mettcmam patlti), he was called Kshatriya, 
 And because he delighted others through righte- 
 ousness (dhammetia pare ranJetUf/ he was called 
 B^ajan. Practically the same story is repeated in 
 
 1 III. 92 and ff. This may also be compared to the beginning of 
 the Umka-Jataka {Jat. II. 352.) 
 
 2 This agrees with the etymology of the word given in the Santi-P., 
 59-125. 
 
 16 
 
122 LECl'URE III. 
 
 the Mahavastu\ a canonical work of the North 
 Buddhists, and this conception of kingship 
 seems to have so deeply permeated the 
 Buddhist community that the story of Maha- 
 sammata is narrated also in the post-canonical 
 literature and of such widely separated countries 
 as Ceylon, Burma and Tibet. ^ 
 
 Prom the above accounts it will be seen 
 that sovereignty originated in a social contract. 
 Human beings, we learn, were fighting with 
 one another, by each person taking for himself 
 all that he could. The state of nature was there- 
 fore a state of war, which came to an end 
 only when men agreed to give their liberty into 
 the hands of a sovereign. I need not tell you 
 that this view of the origin of society bears a 
 remarkably close correspondence with that 
 propounded by Hobbes. But Hobbes expounded 
 this notion of Agreement by saying that 
 absolute power was thereby irrevocably trans- 
 ferred to the ruler. Such was not, however, the 
 case with the Social Contract theory advocated 
 by the Hindu Arthas'astra. According to the 
 latter the king was still the servant of the 
 people. The sixth part of the grains and the 
 tenth part of the merchandise that was his due 
 
 ^ (Senart's Edition), I, 347-8. 
 
 = Spence Hardy's Manual of Buddhism, 128; Burmese Dawathat 
 Richardson's Ed.) 7 ; Eockhill's Life of the Buddha, 1-9. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 123 
 
 was but the wage that he received for his 
 service to the people. This is the view not only 
 of Kautilya and the Santi-Parvan but also of the 
 authorities on the Dharmas'astra. Baudhayana 
 e. g. who flourished in the fifth century B. C. 
 says, shad-bliclga-bhrito raja rahsliet prajam, 
 *'Let the king protect (his) subjects, receiving 
 as his pay a sixth part (of their grains)."^ 
 In another place in the Santi-Parvan^ such 
 sources of a king's revenue as the sixth part of 
 the yield of the soil, fines and imposts to which 
 he is entitled according to the scriptures, have 
 been called his vetana, his wage, for the protec- 
 tion he vouchsafes to his subjects. Nay, the 
 king is exhorted in unmistakable language that 
 if he is unable to restore to any subject of his 
 the wealth that has been stolen away by thieves 
 he should compensate him from his own treasury 
 or with wealth obtained from his dependents.^ 
 This was also laid down by Kautilya. "What- 
 ever of the property of the citizens", 
 says he, "robbed by thieves the king cannot 
 recover, shall be made good from his own 
 pocket".* This was also the view of the 
 Dharma-sastrakaras. Gautama'' e.g. says that 
 "having recovered property stolen by thieves, 
 
 ^ I. 10.1. 
 2 71.10. 
 2 75.10. 
 * p. 190. 
 
 X. 46-7 ; cf . also Vishnu, III, 66—1. 
 
124i LECTURE III. 
 
 the king shall return it to the owner, or (if the 
 stolen property is not recovered) he shall pay 
 (its value) out of his treasury." It will thus be 
 seen that whatever the king received by way 
 of taxation prescribed by scriptures was considered 
 as his wage for the service rendered by him to 
 the people and that he was compelled to make 
 good from his pocket any loss that his subjects 
 suffered from their stolen property not being 
 recovered. The king's power can thus hardly 
 be supposed to be absolute. And it is this 
 feature that distinguishes the Hindu theory of 
 Social Contract from that propounded by Hobbes, 
 and marks its superiority over the latter. The 
 king, according to the Hindu notion, thus never 
 wielded any unqualified power, but was looked 
 upon as merely a public servant though of the 
 highest order. 
 
 So much in regard to the theory of the 
 Social Covenant so far as it was known to the 
 early authors of the Arthasastra. The other 
 theory that we now consider is that which 
 ascribes divine origin to kingship. This theory 
 has been set forth in Chapter 59 of the 
 ^anti-Parvan. Yudhishthira begins by asking 
 Bhishma a most sensible question. "Whence 
 arose the word raj an J' interrogates Yudhishthira 
 "which is used on earth ? Possessed of hands, 
 arms and neck like others, having an un- 
 derstanding and senses like those of others. 
 
ADMINISTKATIVE HISTORY. 125 
 
 subject like others to the same kinds of joy 
 
 and grief, in fact, similar to others in respect 
 
 of all the attributes of humanity, for what 
 reason does one man, iris, the king, govern 
 the rest of the world ? Why do all men seek 
 to obtain his favour ?" This was the question 
 asked by Yudhisthira. To this Bhishma gives 
 the following reply. In the Krita age there 
 was no sovereignty, no king. All men used to 
 protect one another righteously. Soon after 
 they were assailed by moha or infatuation. 
 And in its train followed loblia, greed, wrath 
 and rdga or unrestrained sexual indulgence. 
 Confusion thus set in, and the Yedas (Brahman) 
 and righteousness (Dharma) were lost. The 
 gods were overcome with fear, and repaired to 
 the god Brahma. "O Lord of the three Worlds," 
 said they, "we are about to descend to the level 
 of human beings ! Men used to pour upwards 
 while we used to pour downwards. In conse- 
 quence, however, of the cessation of all pious 
 rites among men, great distress will be our lot." 
 Thus addressed the god composed the treatise 
 consisting of a hundred thousand chapters and 
 treating of dharma, art ha, kama and moksha 
 to which I have already referred. The gods 
 then approached Vishnu, the lord of creation 
 (prajdpati), and said unto him — 'Indicate, O god, 
 that one among mortals who deserves to have 
 superiority over the rest.' The god Narayana 
 
126 LECTURE III. 
 
 created, by a fiat of his will, a son born of his 
 tejas or lustre, named Virajas. It was, however, 
 the seventh descendant from Vishnu, who was 
 crowned king and ruled according to the 
 danda-nlti composed by the god Brahma. His 
 name was Prithu Vainya, and his coronation 
 was celebrated not only by Brahmans and 
 E/ishis but also deities with Indra, Regents of 
 the world, and, above all, Yishnu himself. The 
 eternal Vishnu confirmed Prithu's power, 
 telling him : "No one, O King, shall transcend 
 thee." The divine Vishnu entered the personality 
 of that monarch, and for this reason, the entire 
 universe offered divine worship to Prithu. 
 Since that t'me there has been no difference 
 between a deva and a naradeva : between a god 
 and a human god, i.e. between a god and a king. 
 And we are further told that a person, upon the 
 exhaustion of his merit, comes down from 
 heaven to earth and takes birth as a kinsj: 
 conversant with Danda-nlti and is really portion 
 of Vishnu on earth. He is thus established by 
 the gods, and no one can, therefore, transcend 
 him. It is for this reason that the multitude 
 obey his words of command, though he belongs 
 to the same world and is possessed of similar 
 limbs. 
 
 It will be seen that according to this theory 
 the pre-social condition was one of peace and 
 freedom. When moha or infatuation took 
 
ADMINISrRATIVE HISTORY. 127 
 
 possession of the human beings, confusion 
 
 arose, and the gods, being alarmed, went to 
 
 Prajapati Vishnu who directed his son Virajas to 
 
 rule over men. It was, however, Prithu Vainya 
 
 seventh descendant from Vishnu, who was 
 
 crowned king not only by gods but also by 
 
 Vishnu. Not only Prithu but also kings since 
 
 that time are looked upon as part of Vishnu and 
 
 are therefore called Nara-devas, i.e. gods in 
 
 human form. The rudiments of this notion of 
 
 kingship are traceable even in the Satapatha- 
 
 Brahmana. Let me here quote a passage from 
 
 this work, bearing on the point. "And as to 
 
 why a Rajanya shoots, he, the Rajanya, is most 
 
 manifestly of Prajapati : hence, while being 
 
 one, he rules over many."^ The last sentence 
 
 is very signillcant. This precisely forms the 
 
 basis of the question which Yudhishthira asks 
 
 Bhishma at the beginning of Chapter 59 whose 
 
 summary I have just given. The question is : 
 
 the king is but one of the many human beings 
 
 and how is it that he rules over them ? 
 
 Bhishma's reply is that the king is a nara-deva 
 
 being part of Prajapati Vishnu. This is just 
 
 what the Satapatha-Brahmana says. It is true 
 
 that this Brahmana represents a king to be 
 
 part of Prajapati only and makes no mention 
 
 of Vishnu, but then we must remember that the 
 
 ' V. 1.5.14. 
 
1^8 LECTURE Hi. 
 
 same Brahmana^ mentions Prajapati as an 
 epithet of the god Savitri who and Vishnu 
 represent one and the same i3un deity. This 
 view, therefore, leads us to suppose that the 
 king was originally regarded as a descendant of 
 the sun ; and this explains, I think, the etymo- 
 logical meaning of the word cliakravartin used in 
 the case of universal monarchs. The Brahmani- 
 cal, Buddhist and Jaina works are unanimous 
 in saying that preceded by the miraculous chakra 
 a supreme ruler sets out on his expedition of 
 conquest and subjects all petty princes.^ What 
 can this oliakra be ? This question has very 
 much exercised scholars and antiquarians. But 
 I cannot help thinking that this chakra must be 
 the chakra of Vishnu, who according to old 
 Hindu notion, abides in him in part and whose 
 discus alone can legitimately be supposed as 
 affording safety to him against all his enemies. 
 This no doubt reminds us of the Pharaohs of 
 of Egypt who were styled Si-re or sons of the 
 Sun-god and who in sculptures are represented 
 as being protected by the rays emanating from 
 the orb of the sun. It is quite possible that in 
 the Brahmana period the chakra of Vishnu which 
 granted protection and safety to the kings, was 
 really the orb of the sun darting its rays to them. 
 
 1 XII. 3.5.1, 
 
 ^ See 'Encyclo'pnediab of Religion and Mhics under the word 
 Ghakravartin. 
 
ADMINISTRA.TIVE HISTORY. 129 
 
 The question is here sure to be asked : Were 
 there any checks to the arbitrariness of a king ? 
 Those who hekl the Social Contract theory would 
 be the last persons to condone the misuse of 
 authority by a king. Even such a retired and 
 self-contained Buddhist monk as Aryadeva can 
 scarcely keep his mind unperturbed when he 
 sees the haughtiness of a ruler caused by his 
 ruling power and cannot help blurting out : 
 Gana-dasasya te darpah shad-bJiagena hhrifasya 
 hah :^ " What superciliousness is thine, (O 
 king !), who art a (mere) servant of the body 
 politic and who receivest the sixth part (of the 
 produce) as thine wages?" Even those who 
 held the theory of the divine origin of kingship 
 could not have defended or tolerated the mis- 
 rule and oppression of any king. A theory 
 similar to this, is the theory of the Divine Eight 
 of Kings which was started and developed in 
 Europe by the Christian Apostles and Eathers. 
 We know to what absurd and pernicious extent 
 it was carried in Europe. One of the Eathers, 
 Irenoeus e.g., holds that the ruler is not only the 
 minister of God's remedy for sin but the instru- 
 ment of his punishment.^ Much the same view 
 was propounded by Eathers St. Ambrosiaster and 
 St. Augustine. It was therefore no wonder at 
 all if in his speech to Parliament in 1659 
 
 1 V. 77. 
 
 2 A History of Mediseval Political Theory in the West, Vol, I. by 
 A. J. Carlyle, p. 148 and ff. 
 
 17 
 
180 LECTURE III. 
 
 James II of England declared: "Kings are 
 justly called gods ; for they exercise a manner of 
 resemblance of Divine power on earth. Por if 
 you will consider the attributes of God, you shall 
 see how they agree in the person of a king. God 
 hath power to create or destroy, make or unmake 
 at his pleasure, to give life or send death, to 
 judge all and to be accountable to none. And 
 the like power have kings. They make and 
 unmake their subjects ; they have power of 
 raising up and casting down ; of life and death ; 
 judges over all their subjects and in all cases, 
 yet accountable to none but God. They have 
 power to exalt low things and abase high things 
 and to make of their subjects like men at chess." 
 Surely enormity cannot farther go. fortunately 
 for India though the divine origin of kings was 
 maintained by some people, it was never pushed 
 to this absurd extreme or, for the matter of that, 
 to any absurd extent. On the contrary, even 
 such a late work as the SaTcra-nlti ^ says : " The 
 king, who is virtuous, is a part of the gods. He 
 who is otherwise is a part of the demons." It 
 will be seen therefore that a king is a nar t-deva 
 only so long as he is virtuous and that he ceases 
 to be so the moment he goes to the bad. The 
 theory of the divine origin of kings was thus 
 maintained and kept within sober bounds. The 
 Arthas'astrakaras of India, therefore, nowhere 
 
 ^ I. 70. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORr. 131 
 
 show even the least inclination to defend any 
 misconduct and repression on the part of a 
 king. On the contrary, they are never wearied 
 of impressing on his mind the paramount 
 necessity of controlling passions, such as kama, 
 krodha, lobha and so forth which are called the 
 Sati'u-shad-varga or the six enemies of the 
 king.^ Instances are cited of the rulers who have 
 brought destruction upon themselves, their 
 families and their kingdoms by falling a prey to 
 one or another of these passions. Those who 
 have read Kautilya's Arthasastra need not be 
 told what I mean.'^ But perhaps it may here 
 be said that the instances Kautilya has adduced 
 are all from the Maliabharata and the Puranas 
 and have no bearing on real political life. Is 
 there anything in his book in this connection 
 which relates to actual practice or experience ? 
 I may therefore draw your attention to another 
 part of his book where he starts the question : 
 which enemy should be marched against, an 
 enemy strong but of wicked character or an 
 enemy weak but of righteous character ? And 
 he answers it by saying that the former should 
 by all means be attacked, for though he is strong, 
 his subjects will not help him but on the contrary 
 will either put hini down or go over to the other 
 
 ^ Kautilixja, pp. 11-2. 
 ^ InsLaaces of people having killed their kings are also found 
 \n the Buddhist Jatakas, e.g., Jat. nos. 73 and 433. 
 
182 LECTURE III. 
 
 side. And in support of his position Kautilyi 
 cites many verses from previous authors, one of 
 which distinctly tells us that " when a people 
 are impoverished, they become greedy ; when 
 they are greedy, they become disaffected ; when 
 they are disaffected, they voluntarily go to the 
 side of the enemy or destroy their own master."^ 
 We cannot, therefore, help inferring that in India 
 in the old period at any rate if the subjects were 
 maltreated by a king, they took revenge by join- 
 ing the enemy's side if he ever invaded, otherwise 
 by actually putting their king to death. Surely 
 historical instances of wicked and oppressive 
 rulers being deserted or even killed by their 
 subjects must have remained within the living 
 memory of Kautilya and his predecessors, 
 otherwise these verses would not have been 
 composed or quoted. And we hear an echo 
 of it even from the Mahabharata where in 
 at least one place we are told that "the sub- 
 jects should arm themselves for slaying that 
 king who does not protect them, who simply 
 
 plunders their wealth, and who is regarded 
 
 as the most sinful of kings. That king who 
 tells his people that he is their protector but 
 who does not or is unable to protect them, 
 should be slain by his combined subjects like 
 a dog that is effected by the rabies and has 
 
 ^ Kautillya, p. 275 ; also verse beginning with tatas = sa dushta- 
 ftraTcritih on p, 257, 
 
ADMrN"LSTR,A.'lI\^E HISIOIIY. 133 
 
 become mad\" Evidently, therefore, there 
 must have been actual instances of pernicious 
 and sinful rulers being put to death by their 
 subjects. And all these instances must certainly 
 have acted as a powerful deterrent to a king 
 from giving a loose rein to his passions. 
 
 But it may be argued that the above consi- 
 derations at best show that the misrule of an 
 autocrat when it went up to an excess was put 
 down by the people of ancient India, but that 
 they do not necessarily show that the adminis- 
 tration of the country was so framed that it 
 did not allow a king to become despotic and 
 uncontrolled. Can we say that the king's power 
 was not arbitrary but was restrained by organi- 
 sations of an opposite character ? Now, it is 
 true that in the period we have selected the 
 regal power had considerably augmented as com- 
 pared to that of the previous periods, but I 
 confess that it could not have become arbitrary. 
 India was then a home of self-governing com- 
 munities as it continues to be to this day though 
 now to a very limited extent. India was then 
 studded with village, town and provincial 
 corporations which exercised a kind of auto- 
 nomy in their own spheres and managed their 
 affairs independently or semi-independently of 
 
 1 Anusasana-P., 61.32-3 ; also Santi-P., 92.9, which attributes a 
 similar doctrine to the sage VainadevE!,. 
 
134 LECTURE III. 
 
 the king/ A similar organisation of this period 
 was the trade and craft guilds which then 
 flourished in numbers and were so powerful as 
 to keep their own armies and sometimes even 
 lend them to the kinsf. The kino; was thus in 
 those days surrounded by these tiny but 
 numerous self-governing bodies, with their 
 particularistic jurisdictions, which circumscribed 
 his power. Certainly he could not afford to 
 ignore their existence and is therefore exhorted 
 by all Hindu epics and law- givers to respect 
 their codes of laws and regulations and consult 
 them. The administration of our period must, 
 therefore, have been a system of mutual checks, 
 and could not have left much scope for the 
 development of the king's arbitrariness. Nay, 
 I go a step further and say that the kings of 
 this period themselves knew that there were 
 great limitations to their power. A typical 
 instance is furnished by the Telapatta-Jataka. 
 Here we are introduced to a king of Takshasila, 
 who is enamoured of a Yakshini or Ogress that 
 has transformed herself into the most beautiful 
 woman. PuUy conscious that she had obtained 
 a perfect mastery over the king's mind, she asks 
 him to give her authority over his whole kingdom 
 But what reply does the king give though he was 
 
 ' I may have to say something of these institutions next year, but 
 even in this lecture I have shown a little farther on how the town 
 and provincial communities had to be consulted by a king even in 
 regard to his succession, 
 
ADMIN ISTHATIVE HISTORY. 135 
 
 hopelessly smitten with her unspeakable charms ? 
 Does he hand over the kingdom as she bids him 
 to do ? Ear from it ; on the contrary, he 
 
 replies : "My love, I have no power over 
 the subjects of my kingdom ; I am 
 not their lord and master. I have only 
 
 jurisdiction over those who revolt or do wrong. 
 So I cannot give you power and authority over 
 the whole kingdom." But power he had over 
 his palace, and that he gave to her. Here then 
 we have got a king who in distinct and un- 
 mistakable words had to confess to his sweet- 
 heart that he possessed and wielded no power 
 or authority over his state and that what little 
 power he had was restricted to the punishment 
 of the rebellious or the iniquitous people. A 
 clearer limitation of the kingly power is not 
 possible. The king could not possibly have 
 been invested with uncontrolled and unlimited 
 powers, at least during the period we have 
 selected. Nay, we may proceed a step 
 further and turn to another Jataka story, the 
 Eka-panna-Jataka as it is called. Here we hear 
 of a king's son being fierce and passionate and 
 being called Dushta-kumara for that reason. 
 He was handed over to an ascetic for being 
 tamed. The ascetic took the prince to a Nimb 
 plant on which only two leaves had grown and 
 asked him to taste one. The prince did so, but 
 spat it out with an oath to get the taste out of 
 
136 LECTURE III. 
 
 his mouth. He exclaimed : "Sir, to-day the 
 plant only suggests a deadly poison ; but if left 
 to grow,it will prove the death of many persons ;" 
 and forthM^th he plucked up and crushed the 
 tiny growth. Thereupon the ascetic said: 
 "Prince, dreading what the poisonous seedling 
 might grow to, you have torn it up and rent it 
 asunder. Even as you acted to the tree, so the 
 people of this kingdom, dreading what a prince 
 so fierce and passionate, may become when king, 
 will not place you on the throne but uproot you 
 like this Nimb plant and drive you forth to 
 exile." It is quite clear that the people not only 
 exercised control over the king's power but also 
 could prevent his son from succeeding to his 
 throne if necessary. An instance of this kind has 
 been mentioned in the Uddyoga-Parvan of the 
 Mahabharata also. A king called Pratipa, having 
 become exceedingly aged, made preparations 
 for crowning his eldest and favourite son Devapi. 
 The latter was no doubt possessed of many 
 virtues, but had contracted a skin-disease, and 
 was, therefore, unfit in the popular opinion to 
 hold the reins of government. The subjects — 
 the Brahmans and the Town (paura) and Coun- 
 try (t'cmapada) people — tlierefore objected. The 
 king burst into tears but had to yield to the 
 popular voice.^ In the Uamayana also we find 
 
 1 148. 21-7. Sagara also is said to have exiled his eldest son 
 Asamafijas at the desire of the people because he used to drown their 
 children in the river Sarayii {Santi-V., 579). Khaniuetra is also said 
 to hav8 been deposed by his subjects, and his son installed in his place 
 {Asvamedha — P., 4. 8-9). 
 
ADMINISTEATIYE HISTORY. 13*7 
 
 that Dasaratha consecrated his son Rama as 
 crown-prince only after respectfully securing 
 the consent of the Brahmans, generals {bala- 
 mukhya) and the Town {paura) and Country 
 [janapada) people\ 
 
 I have told you before (p. 123) that both the 
 Artha — and the Dharma-sastra ordain that a 
 king shall make good out of his own treasury 
 any property of his subject that has been robbed 
 by thieves but cannot be recovered. It is worthy 
 of note that there is thus a perfect agreement 
 on this point between the Artha-sastra and the 
 Dharma-sastra. And certainly they both would 
 not have laid down the law in this manner if 
 such had not been the practice. And this cer- 
 tainly would not have been the practice if the 
 popular voice had not been strong enough to 
 enforce it. So even for such a trifling matter 
 as the stolen property of a private individual 
 the king was controlled by the people ! The 
 royal power could not possibly have been ab- 
 solute, at any rate, in the period we have selected. 
 
 There was yet another check to the arbi- 
 trariness of a king which we have to notice 
 here. There was placed before him not only 
 the selfish point of view which advised him not 
 to run up to an extreme and cause disaffection 
 among his people but also a higher and spiritual 
 
 ' II. 2, 15 and ff. Yayati similarly crowned his youngest son, king 
 only after satisfying the people Avho strongly protested because they 
 at first thought that the eldest pi-ince was being unnecessarily set aaide. 
 
 18 
 
188 LECTURE III. 
 
 point of view which, I think, was no less effica- 
 cious. In Chapter 75 of the Santi-Parvan we 
 are told that a king attains a fourth part of the 
 spiritual merit or sin that his subjects commit. 
 The same idea we find better explained in the 
 Uddyoga-Parvan. Here however only one-sixth 
 part of the virtue or sin of the subjects is said 
 to accrue to the king. And the question is 
 started whether any particular Age makes a king 
 what he is or whether it is the king who makes 
 the Age what it is. The question is answered 
 by saying : raja kalasya karanam/i.e. it is really 
 the king who makes the Age what it is. If he 
 is virtuous and enforces the Danda-niti or the 
 science of government in its entirety and in the 
 proper spirit, he will inaugurate the Krita 
 Age. But if he is all sinful, the Kali Age must 
 set in. It is thus the king who is held responsible 
 for good or bad government and for making 
 his people virtuous or otherwise. And a belief 
 is expressed that one-fourth or one -sixth part 
 of the merit or sin of his subjects must perforce 
 go to him.V In these days when scepticism is 
 rampant and no certitude is felt about the 
 future world, such an expression of the reward 
 and punishment to a king is apt to be looked 
 upon as devoid of any force cr meaning. But 
 in ancient times when the spiritual was felt to 
 
 ' Uddyoga-P., 131, 12 & ff. ; this curious doctrine has been set 
 forth also in Snnti-P., 69. 79 & ff. ; and in 4nusasana-P., 61.34 & 36. 
 
Administrative history. 139 
 
 be more real than the temporal, it is not difficult 
 to imagine how powerful and effective this 
 belief must have been in both stimulating him 
 to good government and deterring him from 
 misconduct and misrule. 
 
LECTURE— IV. 
 
 Administrative History (Contd.). 
 
 Samgha Form of Political Government. 
 
 In my last lecture I referred to the monar- 
 chical form of Government and the various 
 notions prevalent in regard to the origin and 
 nature of kingship. I then told you that there 
 was also another form of Government called 
 Samsfha or Gana. Let us now see what its 
 characteristic features were. Before, however 
 I discuss this question, it is necessary to state 
 that it was Prof. Rhys Davids who first pointed 
 out that this form of Government was flouri- 
 shing side by side with monarchy in North India 
 about the time of the rise of Buddhism. It was 
 afterwards Mr. K. P. Jayaswal, who perceived 
 the importance of this subject and brought it 
 to the more prominent notice of the students 
 of ancient Indian history. In the article he 
 has published^ he has collected much information 
 bearing upon it, from which it is possible to 
 draw a number of interesting conclusions. It is 
 a pity that no scholar has so far come forward 
 to further advance our knowledge of the ques- 
 tion. This task, therefore, I set to myself in 
 
 ^ Modern Review, 1913, pp. 585-41 and 664-68. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 141 
 
 the present lecture, which, it will be seen, 
 presents the subject in a somewhat different 
 
 light. 
 
 Most of you will perhaps wonder what the 
 word Sarhgha and Gana could mean and how 
 in particular they could denote any non-monar- 
 chical form of Government, or Government of 
 the many as I have told you before. The words 
 mean a corporate collection, an aggregation of 
 individuals for a definite purpose. The terms 
 were certainly known to Panini, and were thus 
 current about the middle of the 7th century 
 B. C. to which period he has to be assigned. They 
 occur in no less than three of his Sutras. One of 
 these is Samgh-odghau gana-prasamsayoh\ This 
 Sutra is very important, but unfortunately its 
 proper meaning has not been perceived. The 
 word samgha comes from the root sam + han, "to 
 collect, to gather." The regular noun form from 
 it is samghata, which means merely 'a collection 
 or assemblage.' But there is another noun derived 
 from it, though it is irregularly formed, viz. 
 samgha. Panini is, therefore, compelled to make 
 a special sTitra to acknowledge its existence in 
 
 > III. 3. 86; the second Sutra is III. 3. 42, which teaches the 
 formation of the word iiikaya in the sense of ' a Samgha but without 
 any conception of its gradation.' The third is V. 2. 52. From the time 
 of Buddha onwards we find the word Gaim used to denote religious 
 and political bodies. In the former case it was employed promiscuously 
 with Samgha. But in the political sense, Oana denoted only one kind 
 of Samgha, viz. an oligarchy, as we shall see subsequently. 
 
142 
 
 lECTIJIlE IV. 
 
 the spoken language and to tell us that it does 
 not signify a mere collection as the other word, 
 viz. samg/iata, does, but, a f/cuia, U, a special kind 
 of collection, or a corporate collection as I have 
 just said. It Avill thus be seen that the techni- 
 cal senses of these words were known to Panini. 
 
 Sariigha or Gana is, therefore, not a promis- 
 cuous conglomeration, but a combination of 
 individuals for a definite object, in other words, 
 a corporate body. It will be seen that there can 
 be as many kinds of Samghas as there are differ- 
 ent purposes with which they can be constitu- 
 ted. And, as a matter of fact, it was so in ancient 
 India, and especially in the period with which 
 we are dealing. If we have a fraternity com- 
 posed of persons devoted to a particular set of 
 religious beliefs, we have a religious Sariigha, 
 the most typical example of which is the 
 Buddhist Sariigha. It is a mistake to suppose 
 that Buddha was the first religious founder to 
 appropriate the term Samgha to the brotherhood 
 originated by him. The Pali Canon itself men- 
 tions no less than seven religious teachers like 
 Buddha who were his contemporaries, viz. 
 Purana-Kassapa, Makkhali-Gosala, and so forth.' 
 These have all been called SamgUno, heads of 
 Sariighas, Ganino, heads of Ganas and Ganacha- 
 riya, teachers of Ganas.^ It will thus be perceiv- 
 ed that the brotherhood founded by Buddha was 
 
 E.g. the Maha-parinibbwia-sutia, 58, 
 
ADMINISTRATIYE HISTORY. 14i3 
 
 not the only religious order known as Sariiglia 
 but even in his time there were no less than seven 
 which were similary styled Samgha or Gana. 
 Nay, these heads of religious Samghas are said to 
 have been Samana-brahmana/ which means 
 that while some of these Samghas were Sramana, 
 others were Brahmanical, orders. This clearly 
 shows that there were sects of Brahmanical 
 ascetics also which were designated Samghas 
 or Ganas.^ Saingha, as a word for ' a religious 
 order', was common both to the Brahmanical 
 and non-Brahmanical sects. 
 
 So much for the Samgha or body formed for 
 a religious purpose. But we may also have a 
 Samgha for the purpose of trade and industry 
 or, in other words, a trade or craft guild. You 
 will be surprised if I tell you that from about 
 500 B. C. to 600 A. D. India was studded with 
 craft guilds of various types showing how well 
 industry and trade were specialised and developed. 
 
 ^ In translating the passage from this sutta, Prof. Ehys Davids 
 missed the true sense of the terms Sfl??igf/ia and Gnna and also of the 
 phrase Samana-brahmana (SBE., XI. 105 and n. 1). The latter he 
 translates by "the Rrahmans by saintliness of life" and not by 
 "Samanas and Brahmans," because none of the heads of these reli- 
 gious Saihghas was a Biahman according to the Sumangala-vilasinl. 
 How far the authority of this commentary in this matter is reliable 
 I do not know, but that the phrase samana-hrahmana is a Dvandva and 
 not a Karmadhfiraya compound as Prof. Rhys Davids takes it, is clear 
 from the following: Nahan-tam passami samanam va brahmavam va 
 sahghim gnnim ganaehariyam, etc. {Maj-N., I. 227). 
 
 ^ Conij are e.g. the phrase panchaiinarii isi-satanam Gana-sattha 
 which we meet witli in the Jatakas (11. 41. 10-11; 72. 12 and Ac). 
 
144 LECTIJEE IV. 
 
 This is not the place to give an account of 
 these guilds or Srenis as they were technically 
 called. These I hope to describe in one of my 
 lectures some year. What I here want to say 
 is that the Srenis were really Samghas and have 
 been so called by Kautilya in his Artha-sastra.^ 
 Kautilya distinguishes between three kinds of 
 Sarhghas, one of which is vart-opajlvin, i.e. 
 dependent upon industry, and is also styled 
 ^renin by him. 
 
 A third class of Samgha is ayudha-jlvin as 
 Panini calls it, or sastr-opajwin as Kautilya 
 styles it, both expressions meaning ' (a cor- 
 poration) subsisting on arms.' This Samgha 
 as a rule, denoted tribal bands of mercenaries, 
 and constituted one kind of the king's army.^ 
 Panini mentions several of them, some situated 
 in Vahika and some in Trigarta, both parts 
 of the Panjab. But perhaps the most interest- 
 ing, referred to by him are the Yaudheyas, 
 j'ars'us, Asuras and Kakshases. Of the Yaudheyas 
 
 ^ The expression actually used here is EdmbhoJa-Surashtra-ksha- 
 triya-ireny-adayo vdrtd-sastr-opajivinah (p. 376), which I render as 
 follows: " Kambhoja and Surashtra srenis (guilds), Kshatriya 
 srenis (fiuhfciiig corporations) and so forth are (Saiiighas) which sub- 
 sist on industry and arms." Elsewhere too Kautilya distinguishes sre7n 
 (guild) from an ayndhlya (fighting) body (p. 203). 
 
 - When 1 say that these Samghas were tribal bands of mercenaries, 
 I do not mean that any particular baud of them must necessarilj' 
 exhaust the whole tribe. This certainly was not the case with the 
 Yaudheyas as we shall see later on. Though in Kautilya's time 
 the fighting Saihghas were Kshatriyas, in Panini's time some of them 
 were also Brahmans, as is no doubt implied from his Siitra, V. 3, 114. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 145 
 
 I shall speak later on. Parsus are certainly the 
 Persis, or old Persians, and Asuras the Assy- 
 rians.^ Rakshases must be the same as Rakshasas, 
 an aborio-inal race referred to in early Sanskrit 
 works, and in particular the Ramayana. This 
 indicates that some of the mercenary bands at 
 any rate were foreigners. What the exact cons- 
 titution of this Samgha was is far from clear. 
 But as these fighting bands have all been called 
 Samgha, there must have been some code of 
 rules according to which they were formed 
 and continued their existence. At any rate, 
 a Yodhajlva or mercenary soldier, who was a 
 gamani, is mentioned in the Sarhyutta-Nikaya ^ 
 as discoursing with Buddha. As the word 
 gamani, i.e. gramanl shows, he must have been 
 the head of a fighting Sariigha. Erom his talk 
 with Buddha it seems that there were many 
 old Acharyas among them who themselves 
 were soldiers and who held out to those dying 
 on the battle-field the hope of becoming one 
 with Saranjita gods. 
 
 There are two or three other classes of 
 Saiiighas which have been referred to in 
 
 ^ That most of the allusions to the Asui'as in the Satapatha- 
 Brahmana refer to a foreign tribe; has been clearly established by 
 Mr. Jayaswal in a note which he contributed to the ZDMG. immediate- 
 ly before the war and the rough copy of which he was kind enough 
 to show me. This emboldens me in ideiitifying the Asuras with the 
 Assyrians and consequently the Parsus with the Persis. 
 
 « IV. 308-9. 
 
 19 
 
146 LECTURE IV. 
 
 the Buddhist and Brahmanical literature, but 
 there is no need of mentioning them here, as the 
 instances I have ah'eady givea are enough 
 to show what a Sariigha or Gana really 
 signifies. A Saiiigha is a corporate body of 
 individuals formed for a definite purpose. Let 
 us now turn to the political Sariigha, which, 
 as I have already told you, denotes the rule 
 of the many, and which again was of three or 
 four different kinds. It is really difficult to 
 translate this Sariigha by any single English 
 word, but the term ' republic ' as understood 
 in old Greek political philosophy, makes the 
 nearest approach to it. What is to be remem- 
 bered is that this Sariigha possessed not Sovereign 
 One but Sovereign Number. At this stage 
 it is necessary to inform you that ordinarily the 
 words samgha and gana are used synonymously, 
 but that the term gana is also used in a specific 
 sense, viz. to denote a particular kind of political 
 Sariigha. But I may be asked to state here, 
 at the outset, what authority at all I have for 
 saying that there were political Sairighas. Now, 
 the Ayaramga-Sutta,^ a well-known Jaina 
 Canonical work, lays down certain rules in 
 regard to the tours of the Jaina monks and 
 nuns and tells us in one place what countries 
 they are not to visit. The countries that are 
 so tabooed are a-rciya [i.e. where there is no 
 
 1 (P.T.S.), II. 3. 1. § 10. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 147 
 
 ruler), juva-raya (where the ruler is a youngster), 
 do-raj j a (government by two), and also gana- 
 rctya {i.e. where Gana is the ruling authority). 
 As all the states which the Jaina Brotherhood 
 is ordaiued to avoid are unquestionably of a 
 political nature, no reasonable doubt can be 
 entertained as to this Gana being a political 
 Gana. Another authority also can be cited, 
 though it is of a somewhat later period. A work 
 of the Northern Buddhists called the Avadana- 
 Sataka (Circa 100 B.C.) speaks in its avaclana 
 No. 88 of certain merchants as having gone 
 from the Madhya-desa or IMiddle Country to the 
 Dekkan. And there w€ are told that when they 
 were asked as to how their country was governed, 
 they replied by saying that keGhid=.desa Gan- 
 adhlnali kechid=rdj-adhind iti "some territories 
 are subject to Ganas and some to Kings." 
 Evidently Gana is here contrasted with Bajan, 
 and as the latter represents ' the political rule 
 of One ' the former must be taken to represent 
 ' the political rule of Many.' Again, Panini 
 gives a Sutra, viz. janapada-sahddt Kshatri- 
 y ad ■=(1)1^, which means that the aifix an comes 
 in the sense of a descendant after a word which, 
 while denoting a country, expresses also a 
 Kshatriya tribe or clan. To this Katyayana adds 
 a vdrtika, viz. Kshatriydd=^eka-rdjdt Samgha- 
 pratishedhdrtham. It is true, as Pauini says, 
 
 1 IV. 1. 168. 
 
148 LECTURE IV. 
 
 that the affix is to be applied to a word e.g. 
 Panchala which denotes both a Kshatriya tribe 
 and the country inhabited by them. But 
 Katyayana says that this Kshatriya tribe must 
 be eka-raja, i.e. possessed of Individual Sover- 
 eign in order to exclude a Kshatriya tribe 
 which is a Sariigha, i.e. a Kshatriya tribe which 
 has Collegiate Sovereign. This exactly agrees 
 with what Kautilya tells us. I have just 
 told you that he distinguishes between three 
 kinds of Saiiighas, one of which is vclrt-opajlvin 
 or a craft guild and another sasU^-opajwin or 
 a mercenary tribal band. The third Saiiigha, 
 he says, is raja-sahd-opajlvin, i.e. an organisation 
 all the members of which bear the title rajan^. 
 In my last lecture I informed you that the 
 Lichchhavis and the Mallas were typical examples 
 of this Saiiigha. These tribes have been constant- 
 ly mentioned in the Buddhist Pali Canon. And 
 the Majjhima-Nikaya in one place distinctly 
 calls them Sariigha and Ganal We were intro- 
 duced here to a discussion between Buddha 
 and a Jaina monk called Sachchaka. In the 
 course of the discussion the former asked 
 whether Pasenadi, king^ of Kosala, or Ajatsatru, 
 king of Magadha, had power to banish, burn, 
 
 1 Arihaaastra, 376. 
 
 * I. 231 ; I do not think that the words sariigha and gana are 
 her-e used exactly synonymously. Samgha here is the genus and Gana 
 a Bpecies. The Lichchhavis and Mallas were specifically Ganas. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 149 
 
 or kill a man in his dominions. At the time 
 of this discussion, some Lichchhavis were 
 present. And by pointing to them Sachchaka 
 answers Buddha, saying; that if the Samghas 
 and Ganas, like the Lichchhavis or the Mallas, 
 had this power in their own vijita or kingdom, 
 certainly Pasenadi and Ajatasatru did possess 
 it. This indicates that the Lichchhavis and the 
 Mallas were Samghas or Ganas and had their 
 own territory where their power was supreme. 
 It is thus clear that Samgha denotes 'a rule 
 by numbers'. 
 
 The best known form of political Samgha 
 is Gana. What I have said so far to prove 
 the existence of the political Samgha applies 
 really to Gana. This Gana, as Katyayana and 
 Kautilya give us to understand, was tribal 
 in character and was confined to the Kshatriya 
 order. It is a pity that no account of its 
 internal constitution has been given in the 
 Arthasastras, where we might naturally expect 
 it. Under such circumstances the Buddhist 
 Pali works and Chapter 107 of the Santiparvan 
 of the Mahabharata are our only source of 
 information. Very little do we know even from 
 this source, but we have to be content even 
 with that little. We have seen that the capital 
 of the Lichchhavis was Vesali. The preambles of 
 the Jatakas^ or Buddha's Birth-stories tell us 
 
 ' III. 1; IV. 148. 
 
160 LECTURE IV. 
 
 in two places that there were 7707 Lichchhavi 
 kings staying in Vesali to administer the affairs 
 of the State. This agrees with the statement 
 of Kautilya, quoted above, that the members of 
 \ the Saiiigha were all designated kings. Quite in 
 keeping with this we find the sons of these Lich- 
 chhavi kings called Lichchhavi-kumaras or Lich- 
 chhavi princes. As kings they were also entitled 
 to coronation. We hear of there having been a 
 special pushkarinl or tank in Vesali, the water of 
 which was used to sprinkle their heads while being 
 crowned. The tank was considered very sacred, 
 and was, therefore, covered with an iron net so 
 that not even a bird could get through, and a 
 strong guard was set to prevent any one taking 
 water from it \ It is not, however, clear 
 whether these Lichchhavi kings were crowned all 
 at one time, and, if so, on what occasions. As 
 every one of the Lichchhavi Sariigha was a king, 
 the probability is that on the death of 
 any one of them his son who succeeded 
 to his title and property was alone crowned 
 king. 
 
 The actual wording nsed in connection with 
 the sacred tank which supplied water for corona- 
 tion is Vesali-nagare Gana-rajakulanam abhiseka- 
 mangala-pokkharani etc?. Here the phrase 
 Gana-rajakula is important. It shows that the 
 
 _ . .- , 1 Jai.IV- 14S-9, 
 
 ^ Ibid, IV 148.11.21-2. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 151 
 
 political Sariigha called Gana was composed of 
 various rajahdas or royal families, and that the 
 heads of these rajakulas constituted the Gana. 
 This receives confirmation also from Katyayana, 
 the author of a Smdti, who says that kulanam 
 tu samuhas=tu Ganah sa pariJmHitah^'^ i.e. a 
 Gana (whether political or otherwise) is an 
 aggregation of families. The account of the 
 political Samgha given by Kautilya also shows 
 that it consisted of Kulas or families. This is 
 also clear from Chapter 107 of the Santiparvan 
 referred to above. The members of a Gana are 
 there said to be jatya cha sadrisah sarve kule- 
 na sadrisds=tatha, i.e. exact equals of one 
 another in respect of birth and family, and 
 it is expressly stated that if quarrels break 
 out amongst the Kulas, the Elders of the 
 Kulas should by no means remain indifferent, 
 otherwise the Gana will be dissolved.^ The 
 political Samgha designated Gana thus pre- 
 supposes the existence of manifold royal fa- 
 milies or clans, and consisted of their heads 
 who were styled kings. But even in a republic 
 of the present day where the ideas of liberty, 
 equality and fraternity are being imbibed and 
 assimilated, the executive function has remain- 
 ed only to the select few. Such was also 
 the case with the political Samgha of Ancient 
 
 1 Parasara-Madhava (Bib. Ind.), Ill, 250. 
 » Vs. 27, 28 and 30. 
 
152 LECTURE IV. 
 
 India. We not unfrequently hear of Samgha- 
 mukhyas and Gana-mukhyas. They are men- 
 tioned not only by Kautilya ^ but also in the 
 ^antiparvan. I quote three verses from the 
 latter bearing on the point : 
 
 Tasman = manayitavyas = te 
 
 Gana-mukhyah pradhanatah 
 
 loka-yatra samayatta 
 
 bhuyasi teshu parthiva 
 
 Mantra-guptih pradhaneshu 
 
 charas = ch=amitra'karshana 
 
 na Ganah kritsnaso mantrarii 
 
 srotum=arhanti Bliarata 
 
 Gana-mukhyais = tu sambhtiya 
 
 karyam Gana-hitam mithah 
 
 —Chap. 107, vs. 23-25. 
 
 TRA.NSLATION. 
 
 "Hence they that are the Chiefs of the 
 Gana should be especially honoured. The affairs 
 of the kingdom, O King, depend to a great 
 extent upon them. 
 
 "The safeguarding of the (secret) State 
 counsels and espionage, O crusher of foes, 
 should remain with the Chiefs only. 
 
 "It is not advisable that any Gana, as a whole, 
 should know the (secret) counsels, O Bharata. 
 
 "But the Chiefs of a Gana, having assembled 
 in secret, should do what is for the good of the 
 Gana." 
 
 ^ Arthasastra, 377. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 153 
 
 It is clear from the above passage that a 
 select few AA^ere appointed by a Gana from 
 among themselves. They constituted what may 
 be called a Cabinet, and were in charge of 
 the Department of espionage and also of all 
 State affairs of a highly important and 
 confidential character. This agrees with what 
 Brihaspati, the author of a Smriti, lays down. 
 The verses from his work are : 
 
 Sarva-karye pravina8=cha kartavyas' = cha 
 mahattamah II dvau trayah pancha \a, karyah 
 samuha-hita-vadin.ih I kartavyaiii vachanaiii 
 tesharii grama-sreni-Gan-adibhih 11.^ 
 
 What these verses tell us is that two, 
 three or five members of a corporate body 
 should be appointed as Mahattamas or Chiefs 
 and their counsels should be carried out by 
 a Gana, craft-guild or village community. 
 
 It will be seen from what I have cited that 
 the real executive lay in the hands of the Gana- 
 Mukhyas, who again were not one but many ; 
 in other words, power was not centred in one 
 single individual. No single member of the 
 Gana was thus by himself a ruler or Rajan in 
 the proper sense of the term. And this is the 
 reason why Kautilya styles them IRaja-sabdin, 
 which means that they were Hajans in name. 
 This receives support from the Lalita-vistara2 
 
 ^ Vivadaratnalcara, 179. 
 « Jjefmaon's Dd., p. 21. 
 20 
 
154 LECTrRE IV. 
 
 which says about the Lichchhavis that eJcaika= 
 eva many ate aliam raja ahaiii rdj^^eti, i.e. "every 
 one thinks : 'I am king, I am king,' " when none 
 of them singly was, 
 
 I have told you before that the preambles 
 
 of two Jatakas inform us that there were 7707 
 
 Lichchhavi kings in Vesali, the capital of their 
 
 dominions. One Jataka further informs us that 
 
 there were as many Uparajas or viceroys, 
 
 Senapafcis or generals and Bhandagarikas or 
 
 treasurers staying with the kings at Vesali. 
 
 It appears that every one of these Lichchhavi 
 
 kings had with him his own viceroy, general 
 
 and treasurer. The Atthakatha and Sumangala- 
 
 vilasini, which are commentaries on the 
 
 Buddhist Pali Canon works, afford us some 
 
 interesting glimpses into the manner in which 
 
 Law was administered by the Lichchhavis or 
 
 the Vajjls as they are also called.^ It is true 
 
 that these commentaries were written about 
 
 the fifth century A.D., but as they are known 
 
 to have preserved many interesting historical 
 
 details of the period when Buddha lived and 
 
 preached, their account of the judicial admins- 
 
 tration of the Vajjian kingdom is certainly 
 
 worth considering. When a culprit was found, 
 
 we are told, he was in the first instance sent 
 
 to an ofiicer called Vinischaya-Mahamatra. 
 
 ^ JRAS., Vli. 993. n. 2 ; Kachchayana's Pali Grammar hy JameB 
 D' Alwis, 99-100. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 155 
 
 If he was found guilty, he was transferred 
 to the Vyavaharika, then to the Sutradhara 
 (rehearser of law-maxim), Ashta-kulika (officer 
 appointed over eight kulas^ ), Senapati (general), 
 Uparaja (viceroy), and finally to Rajan (king). 
 The Rajan consulted the Faveni-pottliaha or 
 "Book of Precedents," and inflicted a suitable 
 punishment. 
 
 Whether there were as many as 7707 
 Lichchhavi kings ever staying in Vesali, as 
 the Jataka preambles inform us, is somewhat 
 doubtful. What we may safely infer is that 
 the number of the kings constituting the 
 Lichchhavi Gana was pretty large. It again 
 seems that the Lichchhavi kings had each his 
 separate principality where he exercised sup- 
 reme power in certain respects. Except On 
 this supposition it is not intelligible why each 
 should have his own Uparaja, Senapati and 
 Bhandagarika, and act as the magistrate in 
 inflicting punishments. Nevertheless, the Gana 
 as a whole had poAver to kill, burn or exile a man 
 from their mjita or kingdom which meant the 
 aggregate of the principalities of the different 
 kings, as the passage referred to above from the 
 Majjhima-nikaya clearly indicates. The Lich- 
 chhavi kings, again, appear to be in the habit of 
 
 1 The expression occurs also in one of the Damodarpur grants 
 which are being edited by Prof. Radhagovinda Basak. Ae regards 
 TivXa see Mann, VII. 119. 
 
156 LECTTJEE IV. 
 
 staying not in their petty States but in tlie 
 capital town, Vesali, and along witli their su- 
 perior officers, viz. Uparaja, Senapati and 
 Bhandagarika, leaving in their respective princi- 
 palities their subordinate staff, such as the 
 Vinis'chaya-Mahamatra, Vyavaharika and so 
 forth. In what matters individually in the 
 several states and in what matters conjointly 
 in the whole kingdom the Lichchhavi kings 
 exercised autonomy is not clear. This, however, 
 is certain that their Sariigha was a federation 
 of the heads of some of the clans constituting 
 the tribe. 
 
 The most typical examples of this political 
 Samgha, as I have said, are the Lichchhavis or 
 Yajjis and the Mallas. In my second lecture 
 I have said that the former held Videha and 
 parts of Kosala and had their capital at Vesali 
 vrhich has been identified with Easarh in the 
 Muzaffarpur District of Bihar. The capital of 
 the Mallas AvaF> Kusinara or Kasia. Both these 
 tribes have been mentioned by Kautilya, but 
 he specifies four others which Avere similarly 
 Baja-sabd-opdjlvi Samghas. These four are 
 Madrakas, Kukuras, Kurus and Paiicbalas.^ 
 The Madrakas occupied the country between 
 the Kavl and the Che nab in the Pan jab." What 
 province the Kukuras had occupied is not certain, 
 
 Arthaiasira, 376. 
 JflAS;, 1897,839. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 15? 
 
 but most probably they were settled in North 
 Gujarat.^ The capital of the Kuriis was Indra- 
 prastha near Delhi, and of the Panchalas, 
 Kampilya identified with Kampil between 
 Budaon and Parrukhabad in U. P.^ In another 
 place in his Arthasastra, Kautilya speaks of the 
 Yrishni Sariigha also. We have independent 
 evidence also to attest the existence of the 
 Vrishni Saiiigha. At least two coins are known, 
 the legends of which, as clearly read by Mr. A. V. 
 Bergny for the first time, show that they belonged 
 to the Vrishni Gana.^ No doubt need, therefore, 
 be entertained as to the Yrishnis being a Gaya. 
 There certainly must have been many other 
 tribes which were Ganas. Some of these have 
 been noticed by foreign writers along with other 
 Samghas. 'Ihe foreign writers, whose statements 
 can be of any use to us for the period we have 
 selected, must of course be the Greeks who 
 wrote accounts of Alexander's invasion of India. 
 Let us see whether they make any mention of 
 Sariighas, and if so, what remarks they offer in 
 regard to their constitution. One tribe in the 
 Panjab, which was settled on the lower Akesinea 
 
 1 Eukura is twice associated with Apaiauta, once in the Nasik 
 Cave inscription of Vasishthiputra Pujumavi and another time in the 
 Junngadh rcjck inscription of Eudradaman (EI., VIII. 44 and 60). As 
 Aparanta ia Konkan, Kukura should correspond to Gujarat. 
 
 * Above, p. 52. 
 
 s JRA8., 19"0'0, 416 and 420-1. 
 
158 LECTUEE IV. 
 
 (Chenab), is designated Abastanoi by Arriail, 
 Sambastai by Diodorus, Sabarcae by Curtius 
 and Sabagrae by Orosius.^ They are identified 
 with the Ambashthas of the Mahabharataby 
 some^ and with the Saubhreyas grouped along 
 with the Yaudheyas in the "Yaudheya-gana of 
 Panini by others.^ In regard to this people 
 Curtius says that "they were a powerful Indian 
 tribe where the form of government w^as demo- 
 cratic and not regal." According to Diodorus 
 "they were a people inferior to none in India 
 either for numbers or for bravery and they dwelt 
 in cities in which the democratic form of govern- 
 ment prevailed." Arrian, again, mentions three 
 tribes, Kathanians, Oxydrakai and Malloi, which 
 he describes as independent republics."* And in 
 respect of the Malloi, in particular, Arrian tells 
 us that Avhen they submitted to Alexander, they 
 informed him that "they were attached more 
 than any others to freedom and autonomy, and 
 that their freedom they had preserved intact 
 from the time Dionysos came to India until 
 Alexander's invasion.^ Oxydrakai are of course 
 to be identified with Kshaudrakas and Malloi 
 with Malavas, which both have been mentioned 
 
 ^ Mc.- Crindle'a Ancient India : Its invasion by Alexander the 
 
 Great, 155, 252 and 292. 
 
 => Ibid, 155, u. 2. 
 
 3 lA., I, 23. 
 
 * Mc. Crindle, 115. 
 
 5 Ibid, 154. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY- 159 
 
 as Saiiiglia tribes by Patanjali.^ Two other 
 Panjab tribes I will note which have been noticed 
 by Alexander's historians. When the Macedonian 
 monarch went to Nysa, "the Nysians," says 
 Arrian, "sent out to him their president, whose 
 name was Akouphis and along with him thirty 
 deputies of their most eminent citizens to entreat 
 him to spare the city " Alexander "confir- 
 med the inhabitants of Nysa in the enjoyment 
 of their freedom and their own laws : and when 
 he enquired about their laws, he praised them 
 because the government of their state was in 
 the hands of the aristocracy. He moreover 
 requested them to send with him 300 of their 
 horsemen, together with 100 of their best men 
 selected from the governing body, which con- 
 sisted of 300 members when Akouphis heard 
 
 this, he is said to have smiled at the request, 
 and when Alexander asked him why he laughed, 
 to have replied, 'How, O King ! can a single city 
 if deprived of a hundred of its best men continue 
 
 to be well-governed? "^ Now, what do we 
 
 find? We have no less than five tribes and 
 peoples mentioned as being situated in the Pan- 
 jab and Sind by the Greek and Macedonian 
 historians of Alexander's invasion. I do not 
 want to enter into any detailed discussion 
 in this place, but it is enough if I say here that 
 
 1 . His gloss on Panini, IV. 1, 168. 
 « Mo. Orindle, 79-81. 
 
160 LECTURE IV. 
 
 as their form of government is said to be not 
 regal but democratic or aristocratic, these tribes 
 must be looked upon as political Samghas. A 
 Greek author at least would not fall into the 
 blunder of calling a government democratic or 
 aristocratic if it was not really so.^ 
 
 Our account of the political Sarhgha will 
 not, I am afraid, be complete unless I say a few 
 words about Kula, its corporate unit. Kula, you 
 are aware, denotes a clan or group of families. 
 In the Anguttara-Nikaya ^ we have a passage in 
 which Buddha distinguishes between the diffe- 
 rent kinds of rulers. In the concluding portion 
 of it we are told that one class of rulers was 
 Pusa-samanikas or, as the commentator explains 
 it, Gana-jetthaks, i.e. Elders of a Gana, and that 
 another class of rulers was Ye mi pana Kulesu 
 pachchek-adhipachcliam karenti, i.e. those who 
 severally exercise autonomy {adhipatyam) over 
 the Kulas or clans. Perhaps a most typical 
 example of this kind of rale is furnished by the 
 Sakya clan to which Buddha himself belonged. 
 This clan had spread itself over a number of 
 towns. The chief town, of course, was Kapila- 
 vastu. But there were other townships belong- 
 ing to the Sakyas, such as Chatuma, Samagama, 
 
 1 Megasthenes also refers to republics in Ancient India. Thus he 
 makes the general remark that "those who live near the sea have no 
 kings " and also mentions the MaltecorSe and four other tribes who 
 "are free and have no kiogs" (I.A-, VI. 840-1). 
 
 9 111^76. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 161 
 
 Khomadussa, Devadaha and so forth^ , There 
 are no grounds to suppose that an office-holder 
 was appointed by the ^akyas from time to time 
 as Prof. Rhys Davids has said^ . The Pali Canon 
 speaks only once of a king of the ^akyas. This 
 king that they mention is Bhaddiya^ , and the 
 words used are Bhaddiyo Sakya-raja Sakyanam 
 rajjam kareti. The word here employed is raja, 
 who, in the period when Buddha lived, was not 
 elected but hereditary, and was not a mere presi- 
 dent but a ruler. If Bhaddiya had really been 
 a periodic office-holder, he would have been 
 designated not Baja, but Mukhya or Gramani. 
 We must not suppose that the king of the Sakyas 
 was merely the chief of a clan, and had no sove- 
 reignty over any people outside his clan. In the 
 villages and towns held by the Sakyas, there 
 were, besides the Sakyas, artisans and men of 
 special higher trades such as the carpenters, 
 smiths and potters who had villages of their own. 
 There were Brahmans also whose services were 
 
 ' Rhys Davids' Buddhist India, 18. 
 
 2 Ibid, 19. 
 
 ' VP., II, 181. The preambles of some Jatakas (e.g. Nos. 466 and 
 536) lead us to infer that the Sakyas were a Gana and not a Kula. 
 But these preambles do not form part of the Buddhist Canon and are 
 certainly of a much later age than the Vinaya-Pitaka. What is 
 narrated by them is based not upon contemporary or very nearly 
 contemporary evidence, but rather upon traditions handed down by 
 Acharyas, which were sometimes conflicting or different (e.g. Jat., 
 V. 413. 10). The Jataka preambles cannot, therefore, be taken as 
 possessing any authority when they run counter to what the canonical 
 texts say. 
 
 n 
 
162 LECTURE IV. 
 
 requisitioned at every domestic event and who 
 had their settlements in the Sakya country^ . The 
 ^akya chief was, therefore, not only the chief of 
 his clan but was a yeritable ruler or Baja. This 
 is also proved by the fact that Bhaddiya speaks 
 of his being protected by a body guard wherever 
 he went and also of his Nagara and Janapada — 
 the capital town and kingdom — exactly the terms 
 technical to the political administration. This 
 is the luiladkipafya alluded to by Buddha which 
 denotes not merely chiefship of a clan but also 
 sovereignty over the territory occupied by the 
 clan. 
 
 Let us now pause here for a while and try to 
 digest the mass of information we have collected 
 about the political Saiiigha. One kind of this 
 Saiiigha, viz. Gana, I have repeatedly told you, 
 was a tribal organisation. But if you sup- 
 pose that its sovereignty was confined merely 
 to the tribe, nothing can be more erroneous. 
 When a Gana-Sariigha is spoken of as having 
 a vijita or kingdom and as having power to 
 burn, kill or exile a man as we have seen 
 above, there can be no question about sovereignty 
 beinff vested in this bodv. The fact that there 
 were Uparajas, Senapatis, Bhandagarikas and so 
 forth connected with the Saiiigha completely 
 confirms our conclusion, and clearly establishes 
 its political character. The lowest political unit 
 
 I Buddhist India, 20-1. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 163 
 
 seems to be the Kula whose sovereignty is 
 described as Kuladhipatya. It denotes not 
 simply the domination of a Chief over his clan 
 but also and principally his supremacy over the 
 territory occupied by that clan. According to 
 the Aryan social structure, every family 
 (Kutumba) or household (Griha) had its head 
 who was designated Kutumbin or Grihapati. 
 The group more extensive than the family was 
 the Kula or clan which also had its head. This 
 formation seems to have been common at least 
 to the first three grades of the Hindu Society, the 
 Brahmanas, Ksliatriyas and Yaisyas. But then 
 the functions of each grade had become differen- 
 tiated and specialised long before the period we 
 have selected, aud we know that the duty of 
 the Kshatriya order was primarily to rule. Two 
 kinds of authority had the Kshatriyas therefore 
 to exercise — one over their Kula and Griha or 
 Kutumba in common with the other classes of 
 the Hindu Society and the other over the terri- 
 tory which they conquered and occupied as 
 Kshatriyas. A Kshatriya Grihapati or Kutum- 
 bin we do not hear of as having ever become a 
 ruler. It is the head of a Kshatriya Kula or 
 clan that attains to sovereignty. The reason is 
 not very difficult to understand. A territory 
 that is to be ruled over has to be conquered, and 
 for a territory to be conquered a sufliciently 
 large band of fighting men is necessary. No 
 
164 LECTXJRE IV. 
 
 members of a single Kshatriya family (Kutumba 
 or Griha) can ever be expected by themselves 
 to acquire any strip of territory. It is only a 
 Kula or clan, which, because it consists of a great 
 many households, and consequently a large 
 number of fighters, that can be reasonably ex- 
 pected to conquer any tract of land. This was 
 the case with the ^akyas whom I have cited as 
 an instance of Kula sovereignty. They were a 
 clan, a branch of the Ikslivaku tribe. The 
 province seized by them was called Sakya 
 country after them and w^as governed by one 
 ruler, and we know that it Avas occupied not by 
 the Sakyas alone but also by the Brahmans, 
 artisans and traders. 
 
 As the chief of a Kshatriya clan becomes 
 the ruler of the country conquered and occupied 
 by them, the sovereignty must confine itself to 
 the family of that chief. Such a Kshatriya 
 clan is eha-raja^ i.e. with Sovereign One, as 
 Katyayana calls it. But we have instances of 
 Kshatriya clans, originally of monarchical consti- 
 tution, becoming aristocracies. I have already 
 informed you that the Kurus and Panchalas 
 are mentioned by Kautilya as raja-sahd-opajivi 
 Saiiighas. But the Jatakas and early Pali litera- 
 ture clearly give us to understand that they 
 were not Sariigha but eha-raja Kshatrij^a clans, 
 i.e. clans each governed by one ruler. This 
 means that in the sixth and fifth centuries 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 165 
 
 before Christ, Kurus and Panchalas were monar- 
 chical /Clans but became non-monarchical in the 
 fourth century when Kautilya lived. We know 
 that members of the royal family were often 
 given a share in the administration of a country, 
 and in proportion as this share would become 
 less and less formal, would the state organisation 
 lose the form of absolute monarchy and 
 approach that of an oligarchy,^ The chief feature 
 of a Gana, as we have seen, is its division into 
 Kulas. In other words, the political power lay 
 in the hands, not of the whole people but of 
 a few families who constituted the Gana. This 
 characteristic can apply, not to a democracy 
 but to an oligarchy into which ^lone a monarchy 
 can glide when it becomes a Gana. And we 
 know that this characteristic was possessed by 
 the political Samghas mentioned by Kautilya. 
 We shall not, therefore, be far from right, if we 
 consider the Kuru and Panchala Samghas as 
 instances of the Oligarchic form of Government. 
 A third instance is furnished by the 
 Yaudheyas and in a curious manner. We have 
 already seen that they have been mentioned by 
 Panini as an ayudha-jlvi Sarhgha. But, on the 
 other hand, it must be remembered that from 
 
 ^ Cf. Grote's History of Greece, ?t. II, Cap. IX. Sidgwick says : "But 
 speaking broadly and generally, it is doubtless safe to affirm that when 
 political society passed in Greece out of the stage of primitive kingship, 
 it passed into that of primitive oligarchy," — The Development of 
 European Polity, p. 72. 
 
166 LECTURE IV. 
 
 his Sutra IV. 1. 178 it is clear that they were an 
 eka-raja Kshatriya tribe even in Panini's time. 
 It may seem strange how a tribe, which is once 
 described as an ayudha-jwi Samgha, could be 
 said to be a monarchical tribe. But really there 
 is no discrepancy here, because firstly, an ayudha- 
 j'lvi Samgha bears no political character at all. 
 Secondly, such a Samgha need not include all 
 the members af the tribe. We can, therefore, 
 very well suppose that there Avere some Yaudhe- 
 yas who did not come under this Saiiigha and 
 that politically they were a Kshatriya tribe of 
 the monarchical type in Paoini's time. But 
 about the beginning of the Christian era at any 
 rate they seem to halve acquired the nature of a 
 political Samgha. This is indicated by the issue 
 of their coinage which ranges between 50 and 
 360 A.D.^ Like the Malavas they style them- 
 selves Gana on their money. So they were a 
 Gana, a political Samgha, when they struck 
 these coins. It thus seems that from about the 
 middle of the first century A.D. onwards they 
 rid themselves of their monarchical constitution, 
 and were settled down as a political Samgha. 
 This is proved beyond all doubt also by a stone 
 inscription found at Bijayagadh near Byana in 
 the Bharatpur State.^ Unfortunately it is only 
 a fragment of an inscription. But what is 
 
 1 CCIM., p. 180 & ff. 
 » CII., III. 252. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 167 
 
 preserved is enough to show that it is a record of 
 a personage who was Maharaja and Mahasenapati 
 and also a leader {piiraskrUa) of the Yaudheya 
 Gana. The title Maharaja and the Avord gam 
 shoAY that in the year 371 A.D. — the date of 
 the inscription — the Yaudheyas were a raja-sahd- 
 opajwi Saihgha. The personage in question was 
 thus one of the Gana-mukhyas. What is wor- 
 thy of note here is that although he was a 
 Mahara,ja, he was Mahasenapati. And how could 
 he have been so except on the supposition that 
 before he or his forefather became a Maharaja, 
 i.e. a member of the Gana, he was Senapati of 
 the royal family of the Yaudheya tribe ? The 
 term Avhich denoted ' a general ' in the Gupta 
 period is Danda-nayaka or Baladhikrita. The 
 Avord senapati had long before this time become a 
 hereditary title. This is, therefore, the third in- 
 stance of a monarchical tribe becoming oligarchic. 
 Oligarchy Avas thus one kind of Gana- 
 Saiiigha. Let us see Avhat the other kind was. 
 This kind is represented by the Lichchhavi 
 Gana. I have already told you that it was a 
 federation of the chiefs of the different clans of 
 a tribe Avho ay ere also each the ruler of a small 
 principality. I have remarked above that it 
 Avas the custom of a Kshatriya chief backed up 
 by his clan to go on conquering and carving out 
 a small kingdom for himself. It seems that 
 the chiefs of some of the clans comprising the 
 
168 LECTUEE IV. 
 
 Lichchhavi tribe had similarly made themselves 
 masters of the different districts and for some 
 time remained independent of one another. A 
 time seems to have come when instincts of self- 
 preservation and safety impelled the various petty 
 rulers to form themselves into a Saihgha or con- 
 federacy. Each confederated principality main- 
 tained its separate autonomy in regard to certain 
 matters such e.g. as the judicial administration, 
 and allowed the Sariigha to exercise supreme 
 and independent control in respect of others 
 affecting the kingdom, vesting the executive 
 power in the hands of the select few. I 
 know that perhaps some of you will feel tempted 
 to compare the constitution of the Lichchhavi 
 Samgha to the confederation of the German 
 States called the German Empire. I admit that 
 there are some points of resemblance here, but 
 unfortunately we do not know enough about the 
 former to institute any comparison that will be 
 interesting or profitable. 
 
 I shall now touch upon two points only 
 connected with Gana. We do not know to 
 what earliest period the existence of this Samgha 
 can be traced., Certain it is that they were by 
 no means few in the period we have selected, i.e. 
 from 650 to 325 B. C. And they were certainly 
 known as late as the 6th century A.D., because 
 Varahamihira in his work entitled the Brihat- 
 samhita^ speaks not only of Ganarajyas i.e. 
 
 1 4. 24; 14, 14. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 169 
 
 kingdoms of the tribal Ganas in Southern India 
 but also of Gana-pungavas or Heads of Ganas 
 such as of the Malavas, Kaulindas and Sibis. 
 The second point that may be briefly considered 
 is : how did the institution of Gana arise ? Did 
 it originate in the political or in the non -political 
 sphere ? In this connection let me draw your 
 attention to a passage in the Brihad-aranyak- 
 opanishad^ . The passage says that just as 
 Brahman or Supreme Being created the four 
 classes of Brahmans, Kshatriyas, Yaisyas and 
 Sudras among human beings, it created similar 
 classes among the gods also. The Brahman 
 amongst gods was Agni, the Kshatriyas amongst 
 them were Indra, Yaruna, Soma and so on, and 
 Vaisyas among them, Vasus, Eudras, Adityas and 
 so forth. And then in connection with the Vaisya 
 class amongst the gods occurs the following 
 sentence: sa n=:aiva vi/abhavat sa visam=asri- 
 jata i/ani/ = etcmi deva-jatani ganasa=^akhyayante 
 Vasavo Biidrcl etc. etc. On the term ganasali 
 Sankaracharya comments as follows : ganaso 
 ganam ganamr=zahliyayante kathyante\ Gana- 
 praya hi visah \ prayena samhata hi vitt-oparjane 
 samartha n=.aikaihasah. This gloss leaves no 
 doubt as to the sense in which the word gana is to 
 be taken here^ . And as the passage from the 
 
 ^ 1. 4. 11-3; I am indebted to Mr. B. C. Majiimdar for this 
 reference. , 
 
 2 I may also mention that Gana ( = Yrata or Sardha) in the 
 sense of a guild appears to have had Vedic precedents as was first 
 pointed out by Eoth in the St. Petersburg Dictionary. They are referred 
 to in the Parhchavimsa-Brahmana, VI. 9. 25 ; xvii. 1. 5. 12, Vajasaneyi- 
 Saihhita, XVI. 25, and Taittiriya-Samhifa, 1- 8, 10. 2. 
 
170 LECTURE IV. 
 
 Upanishad speaks of Ganas only in the case of 
 Vaisyas and not of Bralinians, Kshatriyas or 
 ^udras, it appears that we had commercial 
 Ganas (i.e. Srenis) first among the Vaisyas 
 before there were political Ganas among the 
 Kshatriyas. If the former is the prototype 
 of the latter, the former must have been 
 divided into Kulas as the latter were. And 
 I was for a long time wondering whether any 
 trace could ever be found of a commercial Gana 
 being divided into Kulas, as no doubt it seemed 
 very natural. I am glad that my efforts have 
 proved saccessful, and there is now evidence that 
 there were Kulikas even among merchants 
 belonging to a guild. This evidence is furnished 
 by the seals found in the excavations at Bhita 
 and at Basarh^ or ancient Vesali, capital of the 
 Lichchhavis. We have here seals not only of 
 
 1. AST,-AR., 1903-4. p. 107 & ff ; 1911-12, p. 56; 1913-14, p. 138 
 & ff.; some of these seeals have on them the legends : SresTithi-sarthava- 
 ha-Jcidika-nigama, Sreshthi-hulika-nigama, Sreshthi-nigama, and Kuliha- 
 nigama. Nigama in these legends has been taken to signify a corpora- 
 tion, but ihei'e is no authority for it. According to the Amarahos a 
 nigama means a vaiiih-patha, pura or Veda. The last sense is of course 
 impossible here. Nor is the first sense practicable, because from 
 Kautilya's ArthaSastra (p. 60), we know that a vanih-patha is a road of 
 traflB.c whether on land or by river. The meaning is, therefore, unsuitable. 
 The third sense alone is therefore possible, and is by no means unsuit- 
 able. This alone can explain why, along with the seals of these 
 Nigamas, we have seals of officials or temples sometimes associated. 
 The seals of officials and temples side by side with those of the Nigamas 
 are intelligible, if Nigama denotes ' a township ' but not if it signifies 
 ' a corporation ' supposing this sense to be possible, for a commercial 
 corporation is an exclusive body and will not brook the sealing of any 
 foreign member side by side with their own. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTOEY. I7l 
 
 Kulikas^ , but also Prathama-Kulikas, meaning 
 Kulikas who apparently were chiefs (of Ganas). 
 We thus see that Gana was one kind of 
 political Sariigha. Let us now see what the other 
 kinds were. We will here revert to the Greek 
 accounts of the political Samghas existing in the 
 Panjab and Sind in Alexander's time. We have 
 seen (on p. 158) that Curtius and Diodorus mention 
 a people who possessed not one but many cities 
 and whose form of government was not regal 
 but democratic. On the other hand from Arrian 
 w^e learn that Nysa was a City that was governed 
 by an aristocracy consisting of 300 members and 
 one President. The Greeks were so much accus- 
 tomed to the nicest distinctions between an 
 aristocracy, oligarchy and democracy that it 
 
 [Since writiug the above, I was able to see the transcripts of the 
 Damodarpur copper plates through the courfcsey of Mr. Radhagovinda 
 Basak who is editing them for the Epigraphia Indica. They belong to 
 the time of the Imperial Gupta Dynasty and are thus contemporaneous 
 with the seals referred to above. While setting forth the administra- 
 tive details the town officials also are therein specified, 'viz. Nagara- 
 Sreshthin, Sarthavaha, Prathama-Kulika and Prathama-Kayastha. 
 It is thus clear that the word nigama of the seals can mean a town 
 ouly and that in the Gupta period while some towns were administered 
 by Sreshthiu, Sarthavaha and Kulika together, some were governed 
 by Sreshthin and Kulika only conjointly or severally. Along with the 
 Nio-ama seal was associated that of Kuuiar-amatya. This agrees with the 
 administrative fact furnished by the Damodarpur plates that imme- 
 diately above the toAvn officials just mentioned was Kumar-amatya.] 
 
 1 According to the Amara-Jcoia -. hulaTcah syat hula-sreshth'i, on 
 which Kshirasvamin gives the following gloss : E^llam hayati KulaMh, 
 KuliU ity^anye, sreny-adau Sreshth-Urthah hide vanig-vrinde sresh- 
 thatvam = astij = asya Kula-sreshtjn. Bhanuji Dikshita's commentary 
 is : dve Tiaru-samghe mukliyasya. 
 
172 LECTURE IV. 
 
 is inconceivable that they could have gone 
 wrong in describing these forms of government. 
 When, therefore, we are told that a district 
 containing many cities was administered by a 
 democracy, we are compelled to infer that we 
 have here the government not of a city but of 
 a country, conducted not by a small body but 
 by the assembly of the people. We regret that 
 we are not in possession of more details which 
 certainly would have been very interesting ; but 
 what is preserved to us is enough to show that 
 here is the second type of the political Saiiigha 
 that we have to note. But a question here 
 naturally arises : have we got any evidence from 
 the Indian sources which confirms the above 
 reference ? I am glad I am in a position to 
 answer this question in the affirmative. We 
 hear of two kinds of popular government : 
 (1) Nigama and (2) Janapada. Both are demo- 
 cracies, but the sway of the first was confined 
 to a single town and of the second extended 
 over a province. Just as we have got the 
 coins of Ganas, such as l^audheyas, Malavas and 
 so forth, we have coins also of Janapadas which 
 can here denote only ' the people of a country ' 
 in contradistinction to the ' tribe ' signified by 
 Gana. The latter represents a government by 
 the component families of a tribe and the former, 
 a government of the people, in other words a demo- 
 cracy. Thus we have found one class of coins 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 173 
 
 which bear the legend : rajcma-Janapadasa = (com) 
 of the Hajanya people. ^ The word Rajanyahere is 
 not a synonym of Kshatriya or the Sanskritised 
 form of the Rajput title Rana as is commonly 
 supposed but rather the name of a people 
 corresponding to the Ranas of the Pan jab hills" 
 or Ra^es of the Goa territory. The second class 
 of coins to be noted in this connection contains 
 the legend: Majhimikaya Sibi-janapadasa=i 
 (coin) of the Sibi people of the Madhyamika 
 (country). "^ We thus have at least two instances 
 of Janapada, viz. of the Rajanyas and Sibis, 
 
 1 CCIM.. pp. 164-5 & 179-80 ; JRAS., 1907, pp. 92-3. 
 
 - JRAS., 1908, pp. 540-1. That the word Rajanya denoted a 
 particiilar people was known even to Panini, who mentions them in 
 his aphorism : rajanyadihhyo run (IV. 2. 53). The Sutra teaches ns 
 that if rim is applied to terms snoh as Rajanya and others, the word so 
 formed becomes expressive of their country. Thus Rajanyaka means 
 the country of the Rajanyas. Evidently by Rajanya a speciiic people 
 is meant, a conclusion strengthened by the fact that along with Raja- 
 nyas are mentioned Udumbaras, Arjunayanas and others who are well- 
 known peoples and who form the Rajanya-gaim of PSnini. 
 
 ^ ASIR., VI. 202-4; XIV. 146-7; EHI., p. 213- Madhyamika is 
 commonly taken to denote Nagari near Cliitorgarh in Rajpiitana and 
 identified with that mentioned by Patanjali (lA., VII. 266). But that 
 does not preclude ns from taking it also as the name of the province 
 which has the city of Madhyamika as its capital. We similarly have 
 Avanti and A}'odhy;l denoting each both a city and the province of 
 which it is the principal town. In fact, this meaning alone can render 
 the legend of the coins clear and intelligible. That Madhj'amikS was 
 the name also of a province is certain. Chapter 32 of the Sahha-Parvan 
 of the Mahabharata places M(a)dhyam(i)keyas to the south of Push- 
 kar. Evidently they are the people of the Madhj^amika country, i.e. 
 the province round about Nagari. The Brihat-samhita also places 
 Madhyamikas in the Middle Country along with Matsyas. Madhya- 
 mikas here can denote only the people of the Madhyamika country. 
 
174 LECTURE IV. 
 
 having struck coins. And as issuing coins is 
 taken to be an indication, of political power, 
 this Janapada may rightly be looked upon 
 as a democracy, and hence one distinct form 
 of political Samgha. The existence of the 
 Janapada or democratic government in India 
 is traceable to a still earlier period. Thus in the 
 Aitareya-Brahmana (VIII. 14) we have a passage 
 which refers to the diif erent forms of sovereign 
 power. There we are told that the Eajans of 
 the Prachyas, the Rajans of the Satvats, and so 
 on, are, Avhen crowned, designated respectively 
 Samrats, Bhojas and so forth, but that 
 the Janapadas called the Uttara-Kurus and 
 Uttara-Madras are styled Virats when they 
 are consecrated to sovereignty. Janapada 
 is here contrasted with Raj an and cited 
 as a form of sovereignty. The natural 
 conclusion is that Janapada is a political 
 form of government which was of a demo- 
 cratic nature and was the rule of a country 
 (as opposed to the rule of a town) by its 
 people. Unfortunately we know nothing about 
 its constitution. 
 
 If a Janapada had its Samgha or demo- 
 cracy, there is nothing strange in a Nigama 
 or town having sometimes a similar form 
 of government. Let me here place before you 
 certain facts revealed by works of Hindu Law 
 and epigraphic records. The Vivada-ratnakara, 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 175 
 
 a treatise on Hindu Law, has a chapter 
 called Samvid-vyatikramah, in which the ' 
 various corporate bodies are referred to, and 
 quotes two verses from the Narada-Smriti 
 in which certain organisations are specified, 
 ■viz. the Pashandas, Naigamas, Srenis, Pugas, 
 Vratas and Ganas. ^ Now the term Naigama 
 has been rendered by the author of this work 
 as Paiu'cih, i.e. the body of citizens. We know 
 that the parts into which a country was divided 
 were piira or capital-town, nigama or mofussil- 
 town, and grama or village. And it is from this 
 nigama that the term Naigama has been derived. 
 The law-giver Yajiiavalkya'^ too speaks of 
 Naigama as a corporate body along with and 
 distinct from, Srenins, Pashandis and Ganas, and 
 the commentary Balambhatti explains the term 
 by ncma-paura-samuhaJi, i.e. aggregations of the 
 manifold citizens. But it may be argued that 
 this evidence merely proves that the people of 
 any city could form themselves into a corporation 
 but not necessarily that this was a political body 
 which exercised sovereignty. Now, Sir 
 Alexander Cunningham picked up some coins 
 from the Panjab and of very nearly the same 
 time as that of Alexander, which, as was first 
 
 ^ pp. 177 & 180. The word naigama cannot mean a guild here, 
 as it has been distinguished from Srenin. 
 
 = II. 192. 
 
176 LECTURE iV. 
 
 shown by Biihler/ had all on the obverse the 
 word negama but on the reverse various names 
 such as Dojaka, Talimata, Atakataka and so 
 forth. It is natural to take Negama here to 
 stand for Naigamah, i.e. the body of citizens 
 such as that mentioned in the Yajnavalkya and 
 Narada Smritis, and the names Dojaka, Talimata 
 and Atakataka for those of the towns to which 
 they belonged. The Naigamas of a town which 
 could strike coinage must be looked upon as a 
 corporate body endowed with political power. 
 This is exactly in keeping with the statement of 
 the Visuddhimagga (Ch. XIV) that some Nigamas 
 or towns and Gramas or villages also could issue 
 money. In this connection, again, we have to take 
 into consideration the contents of an inscription 
 in Cave No. 18 at Nasik. The inscription is : 
 
 1 Indian Studies, III. 49 & n. 1 ; Indian Palaeography (Trans.), 9. 
 Buhler takes negama here to mean a mercantile gnild. But the proper 
 word for ' guild ' is Sremn which is so frequently met with in Jataka 
 literature and epigraphic records. The word naigamah again has never 
 been proved to signif}- a guild. Again, we do not find mention of any guild 
 without the specification of the craft for which it is organised. Besides, 
 we never hear of a mercantile guild having minted any money, at any 
 rate in India. Such a fact would certainly have been mentioned, if 
 it had been really so, in the passage of the Visuddhi-magga referred 
 to above especially as the expert knoAvledge of a heranniha or banker 
 is there alluded to and guild coins would have therefore been the 
 first to be mentioned if they had really existed. To say, therefore , 
 that negama of the Panjab eoins stands for a guild is nothing but 
 a gratuitous assumption. It is, therefore, natural to take negama in 
 the sense of na?'ga?nai^ (= body of townsmeu) such as that mentioned 
 
 ni the Yajnavalkya and Narada Smritis and distinguished from Srenis 
 
 or guilds. 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 177 
 
 Ndsikakanam Dhambhika-gamasa danam. The 
 natural interpretation is that proposed by Pandit 
 Bhagwanlal Indraji who says that it records the 
 gift of the village of Dhariibhika by the 
 inhabitants of Nasik/ We have here not one 
 individual or a guild, but the whole people of a 
 town, granting a village. And it is inconceivable 
 that they could have done so unless they 
 constituted a government holding sway over 
 the town and its adjunct villages or nigama- 
 gramas as they are called. When we, therefore, 
 find that the people of a city could issue their 
 own coinage and could together give any village 
 in charity, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion 
 that we have here an instance of a Nigama 
 
 1 BG-., XVI. 590. This interpretation has been called in question 
 by M. Senart (EI., VIII. 92), who says: " We have met with more 
 than one instance of a genitive joined to the name of a donor, to 
 indicate the community, district or clan to which he happened to 
 belong. I suppose the case is the same here and the Dhambhika 
 village, which had contrived at the common expense (nothing is more 
 frequent than the paying of such religious expenses from the resources 
 of the community) to decorate the entrance of the cave, must have 
 belonged to the general population or to the township of Nasik." I am 
 afraid, Nosjfeafcawara must mean "of the inhabitants of the Nasik city" 
 and never "of the clan or district of Nasik" as is clearly but incorrectly 
 implied by M. Senart (compare e.g. Nasik Inscription No. 22). The 
 suffix &a has so far been found applied to the name of a village or 
 town to denote an inhabitant of that village or town. And until 
 an instance is adduced of this suffix being added to the name of 
 a town and of the whole term so formed being used in the plural in 
 the sense of 'district or clan', the interpretation proposed by Pandit 
 Bhagwanlal Indraji seems to be the natural one. Besides, in the 
 Satavahana period, not Nasik but Govardhana was the name of the 
 district. 
 
 ^3 
 
178 LECTURE IT. 
 
 Samgha or town democracy. Naj, towns could 
 sometimes be governed by an aristocracy. We 
 have already seen on the authority of Arrian 
 that the form of government at Nysa was an 
 aristocracy comprising 300 members and headed 
 by the president. This would be another form 
 of Nigama-Samgha which is neither an oligarchy 
 nor a democracy. 
 
 So much for the different kinds of the 
 political Samgha that I have been able to trace 
 at present. There must have been many other 
 types of Collegiate Sovereignty prevalent in 
 Ancient India, which I have no doubt the find 
 of new materials and a re-examination 
 of the old ones will bring to light. A few minutes 
 ago I threw out a hint that the political Samgha 
 called Gana was constituted after the model of 
 the commercial Gana. The other political 
 Samghas, vh. Nigama and Janapada, seem 
 however to be the natural developments of the 
 municipal administrations of towns and districts 
 which were scattered all over ancient India and 
 about which I may be able to say something 
 next year. But the terms Samgha and Gana 
 were appropriated also by religious communities, 
 such as e.g. Jainism and Buddhism. As regards 
 the Jaina congregation it was split up into 
 Ganas, Kulas and Sakhas, a long list of which 
 has been set forth in the Sthaviravali of the 
 Kalpasutra. And this list not many years ago 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. 1^9 
 
 received a remarkable corroboration from the 
 specification of these Ganas, Kulas and ^akhas 
 in the Kushana inscriptions found at Mathura.^ 
 The Jaina congregation evidently was 
 modelled after the commercial Gana, or rather 
 after the political Gana, because the founder of 
 Jainism was a Kshatriya, born in a suburb 
 of Vesali, capital of the Lichchhavi Gana, and 
 himself related to a Chief of this Gana ; 
 a ad it is more natural to think that he 
 framed his congregation after the pattern of 
 the Gana he must have known best. The 
 Buddhist Saiiigha was of an entirely different 
 type. It is ti'ue that at the beginning of the 
 Mahd-pa?inibbcma-sutta Buddha advises his 
 Saiiigha to imitate the characteristic concord 
 and amity of the Lichchhavi Gana, but no- 
 where is it hinted that they were alike in res- 
 pect of internal constitution. On the contrary, 
 the constituents of a Gana viz. Kulas etc. which 
 were the special feature of the Lichchhavi 
 Gana and are clearly noticeable in the Jaina 
 congregation, are, however, conspicuous by 
 their absence in the Buddhist Saiiigha. The 
 latter seems, therefore, to correspond to some 
 Nigama or Janapada-Samgha. 
 
 It does not require any stretch of imagina- 
 tion to see that these political Saraghas were of 
 a highly specialised order. We constantly hear 
 
 ^ VOJ., I. 169 and ff. 
 
180 
 
 LECTURE IV. 
 
 of the councils or parishads of the Lichchhavis 
 and their holding frequent meetings. We also 
 hear of sabhas and samitis of the Nigama and 
 Janapada-Samghas. Is it possible to know 
 something about the mode in which they 
 carried on their deliberations ? This question 
 must now present itself to us. Fortunately for 
 us the Yinaya-Pitaka of the Buddhist scriptures 
 has preserved the code of procedure according 
 to which the meetings of the Buddhist congre- 
 gation were held and conducted. As this con- 
 gregation was a Sarhgha, it is perfectly intelli- 
 gible that the set of rules which governed its 
 deliberations must in their essence have 
 governed those of any Saiiigha, be it political, 
 municipal or commercial. Let us therefore 
 try and know from the Vinaya-pitaka what the 
 procedure of the Buddhist Sariigha was. You will 
 perhaps be surprised when I tell you that it was 
 of a highly specialised and developed character 
 such as is observed by the political bodies of 
 our twentieth century. The first point to note 
 is the order of precedence according to which 
 seats were assigned to the Bhikshus. There 
 was a special officer whose duty was to see that 
 they received seats in accordance with their 
 dignity and seniority. He was called Asana- 
 prajhapaka. We have got a reference to such 
 a functionary in the account of the Council 
 of Yesali preserved in the Chullavagga of 
 
ADMINISTRATIVE HISTORY. ISl 
 
 the Vinaya-pitaka. I quote a passage from 
 it:^ 
 
 "Now at that time a Bhikkhu named Ajita, 
 of ten years' standing, was the reciter of the 
 Patimokkha to the Sariigha. Him did the 
 Sariigha appoint as seat regulator {asana- 
 pannapaka) to the Thera Bhikkhus." 
 
 The deliberations are commenced by the 
 mover who announces to the assembled mem- 
 bers what motion he is going to propose. This 
 announcement is called Jnapti. Then comes 
 the second part of the procedure which consists 
 in putting the question to the Sariigha whether 
 they approve the motion. It may be put once 
 or thrice. In the former case the Karma or 
 ecclesiastical act is called Jnapti-dvitiya, and in 
 the latter, Jnapti-chaturtha. I will give an 
 instance to explain what I mean and shall 
 quote it from the Mahavagga. Buddha lays 
 down the following rule in regard to the 
 Upasariipada ordination^. "Let a learned 
 competent Bhikkhu," says he, "proclaim the 
 following natti before the Sariigha : 
 
 "Let the Sariigha, reverend Sirs, hear me. 
 This person N". N. desires to receive the upa- 
 sariipala ordination from the venerable N. N. 
 {i. e. with the venerable N. N. as his upajjhaya). 
 If the Sariigha is ready, let the Sariigha confer 
 
 1 SBE., XX. 408. 
 ^ Ibid., XIII. 170. 
 
182 LECTURE IV. 
 
 on N. N. the upasariipada ordination with N. N. 
 as upajjhaya. This is the natti." Now what 
 foUoAvs is Karmavacha which is placing the 
 motion before the Saiiigha for discussion and 
 execution {Karmci)^ and is in evey case accom- 
 panied by the formal repetition of the Jnapti. 
 In the present case the Karmavacha is repeated 
 thrice. I therefore quote here what follows. 
 
 "Let the Sariigha, reverend Sirs, hear me. This 
 person N. N. desires to receive the upasampada 
 ordination from the venerable N. N. The Saihgha 
 confers on N. N. the upasampada ordination with 
 N. N. as upajjhaya. Let any one of the venerable 
 brethern who is in favour of the upasampada 
 ordination of N. N. as upajjhaya be silent, and 
 any one who is not in favour of it speak. 
 
 "And for the second time I thus speak to you: 
 Let the Saiiigha (&c., as before). 
 
 "And for the third time I thus speak to 
 you : Let the Saiiigha, &c. 
 
 "N, N. has received the upasampada ordina- 
 tion from the Sariigha with N. N. as upajjhaya. 
 The Saihgha is in favour of it, therefore it is 
 silent. Thus I understand." 
 
 As the motion has here been thrice put to 
 the assembly, it is Jnapti-chaturtha Karma, 
 i.e. it comprises three Karma vachas and one 
 Jiiapti. A Karma or official act of the Sariigha 
 to be laAvful must consist of one Jiiapti and 
 one or three Karmavachas. When a resolution 
 
ADMINIS'ftiATIYE HISTORY. 183 
 
 is placed before an assembly and all the 
 members have observed silence, it is said to be 
 adopted unanimously. If there was any debate 
 and difference of opinion expressed, the matter 
 was settled by what was called Yebhtiyyasika, 
 i.e. the vote of the majority. This was done by 
 issuing tickets or Salakas as they were termed. 
 The Bhikshu who collected these tickets was 
 called Salaka-gahapaka.^ If any member of the 
 Samgha, owing to illness or other disability, 
 was unable to attend a meeting he was entitled 
 to give an absentee vote which was known as 
 Chhanda.^ What is more, if at any meeting 
 of the Saiiigha it is anticipated that the mini- 
 mum number of the members required will not 
 be forthcoming, care was taken to secure the 
 necessary quorum. The 'whip' was called Gana- 
 ptiraka.^ It will be too tedious for me to give 
 a fall and exhaustive account of the code of 
 rules that regulated the meetings of the 
 Buddhist Samgha, but what I have stated is 
 enough to show you that it was of a highly 
 specialised character. We hear not only of an- 
 nouncing a motion and placing it before a 
 meeting, but also of ballot-voting, votes of ab- 
 sentees, and, above all, the 'whip' — items which 
 we are so much accustomed to think to be charac- 
 teristic of the modern civilised age that I shall 
 
 1 E.g. Chidlavagga, IV. 9 ; SBE., XX. 25. 
 
 = E.g. Mahavagga, II. 23 ; SBE. XIII. 277. 
 
 » E.g. Mahavagga, III. 6, 6 etc. and 26 ; SEE., XIII. 807 t ff. 
 
184 LECTURE IV. 
 
 not at all wonder if my account appears to be 
 incredible to you. Bat my authority, the 
 Vinaya-pitaka, is there before you, and you can 
 at any time read it along with the translation 
 published by Professors Oldenberg and Rhys 
 Davids, and I am sure that you will agree with 
 me in saying that the set of rules for conducting 
 the deliberations of the Buddhist Saiiigha was of 
 a highly developed order, and shows how the 
 regulation of debate was carried almost to a per- 
 fection. Again, it is worthy of note that most of 
 the terms technical to Saihgha debate have now- 
 here been explained by Buddha. If he had been 
 the first to invent these rules and coin new names 
 for the various procedures, he would have 
 explained them in ecctenso. But nowhere has 
 Buddha told us what Yebhuyyasika, Chhanda and 
 so forth signify.^ Evidently he borrows these 
 terms which were already well-knoAvn in his 
 time and which called for no explanation. We 
 may therefore not unreasonably conclude that 
 the various terms and rules of debate which 
 Buddha adopted for his religious Sariigha were 
 those which could fit popular assemblies only 
 and must have already been followed by Sarii- 
 ghas, whether political, municipal or commercial. 
 
 ' Of course, Jnapti has been fully explained by Buddha, as will be 
 seen from the quotation from the Chullavagga given in the text 
 above. But Buddha is here perhaps singling out one out of many 
 forms of Jnapti prevalent in his time. The details specified by him 
 about valid or invalid Karma, valid or invalid votes, and so on are so 
 many and so complicated that th^y appear to have come into general 
 cognisance after several centuries' working of the popular assemblies, 
 
Appendix. 
 I. MANU. 
 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57. 
 
 Shad=:etan purusho jahyad=blimnam 
 
 navam =:iv =amave 
 apraktaram = acliaryam = anadhi yanam = ra 
 
 ritvijam v. 43. 
 Arakshitaraiii rajauam bliaryaih ch— apriya- 
 
 vadinim 
 grama -kam aril cha gopalarii vana-kamarii 
 
 cha napitam v. 44. 
 [The above verses occur also in Uddyoga- 
 Parvan, 32. 83-4, but without being attributed 
 to any author]. 
 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 121. 
 Su-pranitena dandena priy-apriya-sam-atm- 
 
 ana 
 praja rakshati yah samyag=dharma eva 
 
 sa kevalah v. 11. 
 
 II. USANAS. 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 56. 
 Udyamya sastram=ayantam=api vedanta- 
 
 garii rane 
 nigrihniyat sva-dharmeiia dharm-apekshi 
 
 nar-adhipah v. 29. 
 Vinasyamanarii dharmarii hi yo=bhirakshet 
 sva-dharmavit 
 
 24 
 
186 APPENDIX. 
 
 na tena clharmaha sa syan=manyus=tan = 
 nianyum=:richchhati v. 30. 
 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57. 
 
 Dvav=imau grasate bliumirii sarpo bila- 
 sayan=:iva 
 
 rajanam ch = avirodclharam bralimarLam ch = 
 apravasinam v. 3. 
 
 [This verse is found also in Uddyoga-Parvan, 
 32. 57 and Sabha-Parvan, 55. 14, but with- 
 out being ascribed to any author]. 
 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 139. 
 Ye vairinah s'raddadhate satye satyetare=pi 
 
 va 
 vadhyante sraddadhanas=tu madhu sushka- 
 
 trinair=yatha v. 70. 
 Na hi vairani samyanti kule duhkha-gatani 
 
 cha 
 akhyataras = cha vidyante kule vai dhriyate 
 
 puman v. 71. 
 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 57. 
 Eajanam prathamaiii vindet=tato bharyam 
 
 tato dhanam 
 ra3any=asati loke=smin kuto bharya kuto 
 
 dhanam v. 40. 
 Tad-rajye rajya-kamanaiii n=anyo dharmah 
 
 sanatanah 
 rite raksham tu vispashtam raksha lokasya 
 
 dharinl v. 41. 
 
APPENDIK. 187 
 
 [These verses have been assigned to Bbargava. 
 The Bombay and Bengal Recensions have the 
 reading akhyane Rama-charite nripatlm prati 
 Bharata. This yields no sense, for if Hama- 
 charita is an akhyana composed by Bhargava, how 
 can he address any king at all in his own work ? 
 Hence I approve of the reading of the Southern 
 Recension, viz. akhyate raja-cliarite nripatim 
 prati Bharata. Here Bhargava is represented 
 to have recited the verse to a certain prince 
 when he was discoursing on the kingly policy. 
 This sense is perfectly intelligible and natural. 
 Bhargava must, therefore, here mean Us'anas, 
 originator of a system of Arthasastra. And cer- 
 tainly this is not the first instance of Bhargava 
 being^used for Usanas. In Santi-Parvan, 210. 
 20, we have e.g. Bhargavo nlti-sastram tu 
 jagada jagato hitam, where Bhargava who dis- 
 coursed on the Science of polity can be no other 
 than Usanas]. 
 
 III. BRIHASPATI. 
 
 Santi-Parvan,' Chapter 56. 
 
 Kshamamanaiii nripaiii nityaiii nichah 
 
 paribhavej = janah 
 hasti=yanta gajasy = eva sira ev=aruruk- 
 
 shati V. 39. 
 
 [This verse is said to have been taken from 
 Barhaspatya-sastra]. 
 
188 APPENDIX. 
 
 Saiiti-Parvan, Chapter 57. 
 
 Guror = apy = avaliptasya kary-akaryam = 
 ajanatah 
 
 utpatha-pratipannasya dando bhavati sasva- 
 tah V. 7. 
 
 [Truly speaking this verse has not been 
 ascribed to Brihaspati, but is said to 
 have been sung by king Marutta as being 
 approved by Brihaspati. What this means 
 is not clear, but it perhaps implies that Marutta 
 was an author belonging to the Barhaspatya 
 school. The verse eccurs in Adi-JP.. 142. 52-3 
 and also in Santi-F., 140. 48 in the dialogue bet- 
 ween Bharadvaja and king Satruiijaya which 
 seems to show that the verse is to be ascribed 
 rather to Bharadvaja]. 
 
 Santi-Parvan, Chapter 58. 
 Utthanen =amritarii labdham = utthanen = 
 
 asura hatah 
 utthanena Mahendrena s'raishthyam praptam 
 
 div=lha clia v. 14. 
 XJtthana-virah purusho vag-viran=adhitish- 
 
 thati 
 utthana-vlran vag-vira ramayanta=upasate 
 
 V. 15. 
 Utthana-hino raja hi buddhiman=api 
 
 nityasah 
 pradharshamyah s'atrunam bhujanga=ivn 
 
 nirvishaii v. 16. 
 
APPENDIX. 189 
 
 Saiiti-Parvan, Chapter 68. 
 Na hi jatv=avamaiitavyo manushya iti 
 
 bhumipah 
 mahati devata hy=esha nara-rupena tishthati 
 
 V. 40. 
 [This verse has been attributed to Brihaspati 
 in the dialogue between him and Vasumanas, 
 king of Kosala. That it is an original verse and 
 not a paraphrase or adaptation of it is proved by 
 the fact that it occurs in Manu (VII. 8)]. 
 
 Santi-Parvau, Chapter 69. 
 Krits^a sarvani karyani samyalc sampalya 
 
 medinim 
 palayitva tatha pauran paratra sukham=: 
 
 edhate v. 72. 
 Kiiii tasya tapasa rajnah kirii cha tasy=:adhva- 
 
 rair=api 
 supalita-prajo yah syat sarva-dharma-vid= 
 
 eva sah v. 73, 
 [The above verses have been assio-ned to 
 Angiras which is but another name of Brihaspati ; 
 in the very preceding chapter of this Parvan 
 we find Brihaspati styled Angiras (vs. 5 & 61)]. 
 
 IV. BHARADVAJA. 
 
 Manu-srariti, VII. 
 Nityam=udyata-dandah syan=nityam vivrita 
 
 paurushah 
 nityam samvrita-sariivaryo nityam chhidr- 
 
 anusary=:areh v. 102. 
 
190 APPENDIX. 
 
 Nityam =:iidyata-dandasya kritsnam =udvijate 
 
 jagat 
 tasmat sarvani bhtitani danden=aiva j)rasa- 
 
 dhayet v. 103. 
 N=asya = chchhidram paro vidyad= 
 
 vidyach = cli]iidram parasya tu 
 guhetkurma iv = aiigani rakshed=vivaram = 
 
 atmanali v. 105. 
 [I think, Manusmriti has preserved the origi- 
 nal verse, and Adi-P. 142. 6-8 and Santi-JP. 140. 
 7-8 and 24 are adaptations of them. Manu VII. 
 105 occurs with slight changes in Kautiliya, 
 p. 29. As the above verses are contained in the 
 dialogue betvreen ^Bharadvaja and Satrunjaya, 
 king of Sauvira, I have attributed them to the 
 former]. 
 
 Kautiliya, p. 27. 
 Tasman=n=asya pare vidyuh karma kin- 
 
 chich = chiklrshitam 
 arabdharas=tu janiyur=:arabdham kritam = 
 
 eva va. 
 
 Kautiliya, p. 253. 
 Kalas = cha sakrid=abhyeti yam naraiii Kala- 
 
 kankshinam 
 durlabhas=sa punas =tasya Kalah Karma 
 
 chikirshatah. 
 
 Kautiliya, p. 380. 
 Indrasya hi sa pranamati yo baliyaso namati. 
 
APPENDIX. 101 
 
 V. PARASAEA. 
 
 Kautiliya, p. 13. 
 
 Yavadbhyo guhyam=achashte janebhyah 
 
 purush-adhipali 
 avasah karmana tena vasyo bhavati tavatam. 
 
 VI. VISx^LAKSHA. 
 
 Kautiliya, p. 27. 
 
 Na kmchid=:avanianyeta sarvasya srinu- 
 
 yan=matam 
 balasy = apy = ar tha vad = vaky am = upay un j ita 
 
 panditah. 
 
INDEX 
 
 [Abbreviations— Buddh. = Buddhist ; cap. = capi tal ; cont = con- 
 temporary; d. = daughter ; dy.== dynasty ; f.= father; GJc. = Greek; 
 k. = king; n. = name or note; q. = queen; r. = river ; s. = son ; 8fc.= 
 Sanskrit'^. 
 
 ... n. of a tribe in the Panjab mentioned by Arrian. 
 
 158. 
 ... s. of k. Bimbisara, 74, 75. 
 
 teachers, 100, 109, 111. n. 1, 145. 
 
 102, 107. 
 
 god, 106, 
 
 Brahman sage ; crossed the Vindhyas and 
 
 carried Aryan Civilisation to the south, 18; 
 
 his fight with the Rakshasas, 20. 
 Mount Agastier in the Tinnevelly dist. where 
 
 Agastya is supposed to have finally 
 
 retired, 18. 
 n. of a sacred place mentioned in the Maha- 
 
 bharata, 13, n. 
 121. 
 god, 106. 
 
 Abastanoi 
 
 Abhaya 
 
 Acharyas 
 
 Adi-parvan 
 
 Aditya 
 
 Agastya 
 
 Agastya's Hill 
 
 Agastya-tlrtha 
 
 Agganiia-suttanta 
 
 Agni 
 
 Ahichchhatra (Ahik- 
 
 shetra) 
 Aikshvakavas 
 Ailavamsa 
 Airavata 
 
 A itareya -Brahman a 
 Ajaka ( Ajjaka) 
 Ajatasatru 
 
 Akouphis 
 
 . cap. of Uttara-Panchala, 52. 
 
 . . n. of a dy., 56. 
 
 . n. of a dy., 16 & n. 
 
 .. 94, 95. 
 
 . 2,3,21, 85. 
 
 .. Aryaka, k. of Ujjaiu. See under Aryaka. 
 
 . k. of Magadha, s. of Bimbisara and 
 cont. of Buddha, 57, 66, 67, 74-79; 
 story about the murder of his father 
 Bimbisara at the instigation of Devadatta, 
 75-6; war between Ajatasatru and 
 Pasenadi, final defeat of Ajatasatru, 76-7 ; 
 war with the Lichchhavis, defeat of the 
 Lichchhavis and their allies, the Mallas 
 77-9. 
 president of the Nysians sent to Alexander 
 at Nysa, 159, 
 
194 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ambapali 
 Ambashthas 
 
 Ambhiyah 
 Amravati 
 
 Andhras 
 Anga 
 
 Angaravati 
 Angarishtha 
 
 Aiiguttara-Nikaya 
 
 Anuruddha 
 
 araya 
 
 Arrian 
 
 Arthasastra of Kautilya 
 
 Aruni 
 
 Aryadeva 
 Aryaka 
 
 Asamanjas 
 
 Asana-prajriapaka 
 
 Asatarupa-JataJca 
 
 Ashta-kulika 
 
 Asoka 
 
 Asoka 
 
 Asolcavadana 
 Assaka (Asmaka) 
 
 .. q. of Bimbisara, 75. 
 
 , n. of a tribe mentioned in the Mahabharata, 
 same as Abastanoi, Sambastoi, Sabarcae and 
 Sabagrae of the historians of Alexander, 158. 
 
 . corrected into acharyah by Jacobi, 89 & n. 1. 
 
 . in the Kistna dist., Madras Presy. ; Buddh. 
 stupa at, 29. 
 
 . n. of a tribe, 3, 21. 
 
 . one of the Sixteen Great Countries, modern 
 Bhagalpur dist., Bihar, 40. n. 1, 48, 49, 
 55, 73 ; in the time of Buddha annexed to 
 Magadha, 49, 73 ; also n. of a k, of Anga 
 who gave a daily pension of 500 Karsha- 
 panas to a Brahman, 73. 
 
 .. q, of k. Pradyota, 64. 
 
 . n. of a k.; his dialogue with the sage Kaman- 
 daka, 112, n. 2. 
 
 ,. Buddh. Pali work, 48, 55, 69, 80; enumera- 
 tion of the Solasa Maha-janapada, 48. 
 
 ,. successor of k. Udayabhadra of Magadha, 80. 
 
 .. where there is no ruler, 146. 
 
 ... a Gk. writer, 158. 
 
 .. 8, 15,88,98-101; date of, 88; consists of 
 sutra and bhashya, 98-101. 
 
 , . . enemy of k. Udayana, 62 ; driven away from 
 Vatsa kingdom, 63. 
 
 .. a Buddh. monk, 129. 
 
 ... k. of Ujjain, s. of Gopala; ousted his 
 uncle Palaka, 64-5, 
 
 ... k., exiled at the desire of the people, 136. n. 1. 
 
 ... " seat-regulator ", 180. 
 
 ... 55. 
 
 ... officer appointed over eight Kulas, 155. 
 
 .. Maurya emperor, 6. n. 1, 7, 23, 29, 32, 35, 
 39, 54. n. 3, 82. 
 
 , . . Kalasoka, of the Saisunaga dynasty ; removal 
 of the cap. of Magadha to Pataliputra and 
 holding of the Second Buddh. Council, 82, 
 
 ... stories about the Maurya k. Asoka, 69, 
 ... country, 4 & n. 3, 5, 6, 19, 22, 24. n. 1, 40, 
 n. 1, 48, 53 & n. 5, 54 & n. 2, 56 ; asso- 
 ciated with the Avantis in the Jataka, 53. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 195 
 
 Asnras 
 
 Atakataka 
 
 Atharvaveda 
 
 Atthakatha 
 
 Ausanasa ArthasSstra 
 
 Ausanasah 
 
 Avadana-sataka 
 
 Avanti 
 
 Avanti-dakshinapatha 
 
 Avantiputta 
 
 Ayaraiiga-sutta 
 Ayodhya 
 Ayodhyakanda 
 Bahudantaka 
 
 Bahudantiputra 
 
 BaladhiJcrita 
 
 Bana 
 
 Baranasi 
 
 Barhadratha 
 
 Barhaspatyah 
 
 Basarh 
 
 Baudhayana 
 
 a tribe, 144 ; identified with the Assyrian 
 145, n. 1. 
 
 n. of a town occurring on the ' negama ' 
 coins, 176. 
 
 110. 
 
 a Pali work, 154. 
 
 a work on Hindu Polity, 107, n. 2, 
 
 a School of Hindu Polity, 89. 
 147. 
 
 country, 3, 22, 45, 48, 53, 54 & n. 2, 57, 
 60, 64, 84, 114, 173, n. 3 ; mentioned by 
 Panini, 3 ; the Aryan route lay through this 
 country, 22 ; two capitals, Ujjeni and 
 Mahissati, 45 ; one of the Sixteen Great 
 Countries, 48 ; associated with the Assakas, 
 53 ; one of the four kingdoms in the time 
 of Buddha, 57; the Pradyota dy. of, 
 64-5, 
 
 the southern division of the Avanti country, 
 43, 45, 46, 54; outside the Madhyadesa, 43; 
 capital at Mahissati (Mandhata), 45, 54. 
 
 matrouymic of the k. of Madhura in Buddha's 
 time, 53. 
 
 a Jaina work, 146. 
 
 city and province, 16, 51, 173, n. 3. 
 
 117. 
 
 a book on the Science of Polity, 92 ; meaning 
 of, 94-5. 
 
 n. of a Pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 
 
 90, 95. 
 a general, 167. 
 Sk. author, 47, 48. 
 n. of a river, 50 ; cap. of the Kali kingdom, 
 
 46, 50, 56. 
 n. of a dy., 73. 
 
 a School of Arthasastra, 89, 93, 96. 
 site of old Vesali in the Muzaffarpur Dist., 
 
 Bihar ; seals discovered at, 170-71. 
 author of a Dharmasastra ; his quotation 
 
 from the Bhallavin School of Law, 23-4; 
 
 his view that revenue is king's wage, 123. 
 
196 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Bavarin 
 
 Bengali language 
 
 Bhaddasala-Jataha 
 
 Bhaddavatika 
 
 Bhaddiya, 
 
 Bhadra-devi 
 
 Bhadrasena 
 
 Bhagavata-PicTcina 
 
 Bhagga 
 
 Bhagwanlal Indraji 
 
 Bhallata ( Bhallatiya) 
 
 Bhallatiya-Jataha 
 
 Bhallavin 
 
 Bhandagarika 
 
 Bharadvaja 
 
 Bharata family 
 Bharukachchha 
 Bhasa 
 
 Bhasha 
 Bhattiprolu 
 Bbima 
 BhTshma 
 
 Bhita 
 Bhoja 
 Bhntapala 
 Birabisai-a 
 
 n. of a Brahman guru, description of his 
 
 route to the North, 4-5, 19, 22. 
 Dravidian elements in, 27-8. 
 65. 
 
 n. of a she-elephant of k. Udayana, 59. 
 k. of the Sakyas, 161, 162. 
 q. of k. Munda, 80. 
 s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 83. 
 
 country, 63. 
 177. 
 
 k. of Brahmadatta's dy., 57. 
 57. 
 
 School of Law, 23. 
 treasurer, 15i, 156, 162. 
 
 a pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 89, 91, 
 96, 97, 104, 106, 108, 111, n. 1, 113,189; 
 mentioned by Kautilya, 89 ; mentioned in the 
 Mahabharata, 91 ; proof of his work having 
 been in verse, 104; dialogue with k. Satru- 
 njaya, 106-7. 
 59&n. 2. 
 
 modern Broach, 23. 
 n. of a poet, 58; date of, 59, 70 ; his dramas, 
 
 60, 64, 80, 89. 
 ' spoken language ', 26. 
 in the Madras Presy.; Buddh. stupa. at, 29. 
 n. of a ' prince of Vidarbha', 2. 
 90, n. 2, 111, 120, 124, 125 127; identified with 
 Kaunapadanta, author of an Arthasastra, 
 90, n. 2, 111. 
 , seals discovered at, l70-7l. 
 , designation of some Eajans, 174. 
 , k. of the Nanda dy., 83. 
 k. of Magadha, 57, 67, 68, 71, 72, 73, 74, 
 75, 76, 81-2 ; a cont. of Buddha, 57, 
 67; his dy. probably called the Naga 
 dy., 71 ; called seniya i.e. Senapati which 
 perhaps indicates that he was the founder 
 of the dy., 72 ; expulsion of the Vajjis from 
 Magadha and conquest of Anga, 73. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 197 
 
 Bodhi 
 
 Bodhi-rajakumara-sutta 
 
 Brahma 
 
 Brahmadatta 
 
 Brahmarshi-desa 
 
 Brahmavaddhana 
 
 Brahui 
 
 Brihaclwharana 
 
 Brihad-dranyakopa' 
 
 nishad 
 Brihaspati 
 
 Brihat-sanihita 
 Buddha 
 
 Buhler, Prof. 
 Ceylon 
 
 Chaidya 
 Chakrarartin 
 
 Chalukya 
 
 Chammakaras 
 
 Champa 
 
 Champa 
 
 Chainpeyya-JataTca 
 
 Chagda-Pradyota 
 
 .. s. of k. Udayana, ruler of the 
 
 country, 63 ; Buddha's sermon to, 69-70. 
 
 .. 63 
 
 . god, 92-4, 96, 120, 126, 128. 
 
 . dy. of, ruling at Benares, 56-57. 
 
 . situation of, 53. 
 
 . a n. of Benares, 50. 
 
 . a language ; Dravidian words in, 25. 
 
 . the Great Immigration, a section of the Tamil 
 Brahmans, 23. 
 
 . reference to the Vaisya class of gods in, 169. 
 
 . an author on kingly duties, 91, 92, 93, 94, 96, 
 97, 104, 106, 111, 187-89; founder of the 
 Barhaspatya School, mentioned in the 
 Mahabharata, 91 ; his abridgement of 
 the Science of Polity, 92-4, 96; quotation 
 from his work in the Mahabharata, 97 ; 
 discourse with Vasumanas, k. of Kosala, 
 106. 
 
 . a Sk. work by Varahamihira, 53, 168. 
 
 Sakyamuni, 1, 4, 5, 17, 41, 43, 44, 49, 51, 53, 
 55, 57, 67, 68, 70, 72, 73, 75, 76, 77,' 78^ 84 
 142. ' ' 
 
 91, n. 1, 103. 
 
 Aryan colonisation of, 2, 12, 13, 24, 38, 39, 40 
 41 ; cause of there being an Indo-Aryan 
 Vernacular in, 38; converted to Buddhism 
 by Mahinda, 39 ; Magadhi already intro- 
 duced before the advent of Mahinda, 40; 
 Magadhi superseded by Pali, 41. 
 
 n. of a country, 52. 
 
 Universal monarch; its idea older than 
 Alexander's invasion, 85-86; meanin- 
 of, 128. 
 
 descendants of Chalukyas, 10, n. 1. 
 
 leather woi-kers, 30. 
 
 cap. of Anga, 49; called also Kalachampa, 50. 
 
 r. separating Anga from Magadha, 49. 
 
 55. 
 
 k. of Avanti, a cont, of Buddha, 57, 59. 
 
198 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Oharition 
 
 Ohatuma 
 
 Chellana 
 
 Cheta (Chetiya) 
 
 Chetaka 
 
 Chefca-rattha 
 
 Cheti 
 
 Chhanda 
 
 Chhandogya Upanishad 
 
 Choda 
 
 C^oras (Cholas) 
 
 Chullasutasoma Bii'th 
 Chullavagga 
 Chutukala 
 Cleisobora (Krishna- 
 
 pura) 
 Collegiate Sovereign 
 Cunningham 
 Cnrtius 
 
 Dakshina-Kosala 
 Dakshina-Kurn 
 dalcshina pada 
 Dakshina-Panchala 
 Dakshinapatha 
 
 , n. of a Gk. lady occurring in a farce of the 
 
 second century A.D., 36. 
 . a Sakya township, 160. 
 . d. of Chetaka, a Liohchhavi chief, 74. 
 
 same as Chedi, 52. See under Cheta-rattha. 
 . a Lichchhavi chief, 74, 78. 
 
 n of a kingdom, modern Bundelkhand, 51, 52. 
 , country, 48, 51. See under Chetarattha. 
 , ' an absentee vote,' 183, 184. 
 26, 27. 
 n. of a tribe, 6, 7 ; called Chola in Tamil and 
 
 Chola in Telugu, same as Sk. Chora, 8. 
 a people ; its meaning ' thief ' in Sk. 
 derived from, 8 ; mentioned for the first 
 time in the Taittiriya Aranyaka, 9. 
 50. 
 40. 
 n. of a Dravidian k., 33, 34, n. 1 
 
 9. 
 
 148. 
 
 49, 52, 175. 
 
 a Gk. writer, 158. 
 
 16, n. 4. 
 
 country, 52. 
 
 'with southward foot', 2. 
 
 52. 
 
 S. India ; 2-41, 44-7, 48 ; Aryan colonisation 
 of the country : the Aryans going down to 
 Vidarbha in the period of the Aitareya 
 Brahmana, and coming in contact with the 
 South Indian tribes, Andhras, Pnndras, 
 Sabaras, Pulindas and Miitibas, 2-3 ; 
 Panini mentions no province south of the 
 Narmada except Asmaka., 4 ; route of 
 Bavarin to N. India straight through the 
 Vindhyas, 4-5 ; S. Indian countries, Choda 
 and Kerala, known to Katyaj-ana but not to 
 Panini, 6-7 ; the migration of the Aryan 
 tribe Pandyas from the North to the South, 
 9-13; colonisation of S.India by Aryan 
 
INDEX. 
 
 199 
 
 Damodarpur plates 
 
 Danclakaranya 
 
 Dandakya 
 
 Dandanayaka 
 
 Dandaniti 
 
 Dantapura 
 
 Darsaka 
 
 Dasaka (Darsaka) 
 Dasasiddhaka 
 Dasyus (Dasa) 
 
 Devadaha 
 Devadatta 
 
 Kshatriya tribes e.g. the Bhojas, Ailas and 
 the Ikshvakus, 14-17 ; Agastya, an Aryan 
 sage, accepted by the Tamil, people as the 
 founder of their language and literature, 
 18 ; migration of the Rishis for missionary 
 purpose e.g, Bavarin, 17-21 ; the Aryan 
 route to the south lay through Avanti, 
 the Vindhyas, then Vidarbha, then Mulaka 
 and then Asmaka and from there through 
 the Raichur, and Chitaldrug districts to 
 Madura, 22-3 ; the sea-route to the S., 
 23-4; the Aryan language could not 
 supplant the Dravidian languages of the 
 S., 25 ; as a result of Aryan influence 
 even the aborigines began to adopt Aryan 
 names, and in the KistnS dist. from about 
 150 B.C. to 200 A.D. the people spoke an 
 Aryan tongue, 80-31 ; the Aryan Pali, 
 the official language of the Canarese- 
 speaking and Tamil-speaking countries, 
 32-4 ; Aryan vocables mixed up with 
 Dravidian vocables in the second century 
 A.D., 35-7 ; the Aryan domination failed to 
 eradicate the Dravidian languages, 37 ; 
 the term used with reference to the 
 Madhyadesa, 44-7 ; original meaning of, 45. 
 
 of the Imperial Guptas, details of adminis- 
 trative history contained in, I7l, n. 
 
 20. 
 , k. of Dandaka, 15. 
 
 general, 167. 
 
 Science of Polity, 92, 94, 126. 
 
 cap. of Kalinga, 54. 
 
 k. of Rajagriha, 59, 69, 70, 7l, 80, 81 ; called 
 Naga-Dasaka, 71, 80. 
 
 80. See under Darsaka. 
 
 k. of the Nanda dy., 83. 
 
 n. of a tribe, 3 ; originally denoted the Dahae 
 people, 8. 
 
 a Sakya township, 161. 
 
 cousin but enemy of Buddha, 75, 76. 
 
200 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Devapi 
 
 Devarata 
 
 Dhambhika 
 
 Dhana 
 
 Dhananjaya 
 
 Dharmapala 
 
 Dharinasastra 
 
 Dharinasutra 
 Digha-Nikaya 
 
 Diodorus 
 
 D irgha-charay aiia 
 
 Divine Right of Kin| 
 
 Dojaka 
 
 do-rajja 
 
 Dravidians 
 
 Dronacharya 
 Dronaparvan 
 Dushtakumara 
 Dvaraka 
 Egyptian papyrus 
 
 Ekapan na -Jataka 
 
 Eka-pundarika 
 
 eka-raja 
 
 eka-rai 
 
 Gamani (Gramani) 
 
 Gana (Sarhgha) 
 
 s. of k. Pratipa, 136. 
 
 adopted s. of Visvamitra, 3. 
 
 n. of a village, 177. 
 
 k. of the Nanda dy., 83. 
 
 k. of the Brahmadatta dy., 57. 
 
 k. of the Pala dy., 118. 
 
 103, n.2, 107, 108, ii.2, 123 ; included under 
 itihasa, 108, n.2. 
 
 23. 
 
 a Pali work, 69, 79, 121 ; description of the 
 evolution of men and society contained 
 in, 121. 
 
 a Gk. writer, 158. 
 
 a Pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 90. 
 
 129. 
 
 n. of a town occurring on 'negania' coins, 176. 
 
 government by two, 147. 
 
 a race, 18, 25, 26, 27, 28, 37, 38; their Ian- 
 guage once spoken in N. India, later on 
 superseded by the Aryan tongue, 25, 28. 
 
 96, 
 
 96. 
 
 story of, 135-136. 
 
 n. of a city, 10. 
 
 evidence of, 35-7 ; Canarese words traced 
 in, 36 ; Canarese spoken by even princes 
 of Dra vidian extraction in S. India in the 
 second century A.D., the language strongly 
 tinctured with Aryan words, 37. 
 
 135. 
 
 a favourite elephant of k. Prasenajit, 66. 
 
 tribe possessed of individual sovereign, 148. 
 , 'sole- monarch', 84. 
 
 head of a Samgha, 145. 
 
 corporate collection for a definite purpose, in 
 which technical sense it was known to 
 Panini, 141-2, 146; gana, religious, 142-3, 
 178 ; formed for the purpose of trade and 
 industry, 143-4; fighting corporations, 144-5 ; 
 gana synonymous with samgha, 146 ; a 
 form of political samgha, 146-47 ; contrasted 
 
INDEX. 
 
 201 
 
 Ganachariya 
 
 Gandarai 
 
 Gandhara 
 
 Ga7iino 
 
 Gana-j etthakas 
 
 Gana-mukhyas 
 
 Gana-pungavas 
 
 Oana-rajdkula 
 
 Gariarajyas 
 
 with rajan, means 'the political rule of 
 Many,' 147 ; Kshatriya tribes having 
 Collegiate Sovereign : Lichchhavis and 
 Mallas, 148-50, 156 ; Madrakas, Kuknras, 
 Kurns and Panchalas, 156 ; composed of 
 rajahulas or ' royal families ', 150-51 ; 
 appointment of gana-mukhyas or a gana 
 cabinet or executive 152-4 ; judicial ad- 
 ministra tion in the Vajjian gana, 154-5 ; 
 power to kill, burn or exile a man, 155 ; 
 testimony of Gk. writers regarding Indian 
 tribes having republican form of political 
 government, 157-60, 171-72, and 160, n.l ; 
 Mila, the corporate unit of a gana, 160-64 ; 
 proof of its being an oligarchy, 165 ; 
 instances of eka-raja Kshatriya tribes 
 becoming raja-sabd-cpajivl e.g. Kurus, 
 Panchalas and Yaudheyas, 164-67 ; the 
 period when it flourished, 168-69 ; how the 
 institution arose, evidence of the Brihad- 
 araiiijah-opanishad, commercial ganas the 
 prototype of political ganas, 169-70, 178 ; 
 other kinds of political Sariigha— ^''tg-ama 
 and Janapada, 171-78 ; Janapada, rule of 
 a country by its people, 174 ; Nigama, 
 town-democracy, 177-78 ; the mode in 
 which deliberations were carried on in the 
 councils or assemblies of the ganas, 
 180-84; Buddha's srano. or saTOfir/ia not the 
 first of its kind, 142-3, 184. 
 
 teachers of ganas, 142. 
 
 Gandhara, 54, n. 3. 
 
 one of the Sixteen Great Countries, 48 ; posi- 
 tion of, cap. at Takshasila, 54 ; two 
 caps., 54, n. 3. 
 
 heads of ganas, 142. 
 
 Elders of a Gana, 160. 
 
 Chiefs of a Gana, 152-3. 
 
 Heads of Ganas, 169. 
 
 Gana, composed of rajahulas, 150-51. 
 
 kingdoms of tribal Ganas, 168-69. 
 
202 
 
 Gana-raya 
 
 Gaurasiras 
 
 Gautama 
 
 Ghoshavati 
 
 Gh otakamukha 
 
 Girivraja 
 
 Godavari 
 
 Goldstiicker 
 
 Gonardda 
 
 Gopala 
 
 Gopala 
 
 Oopatha-Brahmaiia 
 
 Govishanaka 
 
 Grama 
 
 Harivarnsa 
 
 Harshacharita 
 
 Harshavardhana 
 
 Himalaya 
 
 Hindu monarchy 
 
 Hindu polity 
 
 Hobbes 
 
 Huna territory 
 
 Ikshvakus 
 
 Indra 
 
 Indraprastha 
 
 Ireneeus 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 (state) 'where Gana is the ruling authority', 
 
 147. 
 author of an Arthasastra of the pre-Kautilyaa 
 period, 91, 96,97, 109, 112. 
 
 , author of a Dharmasutra, 123. 
 
 . n. of a lute, 59 & n. 2. 
 
 . author of an Arthasastra, 90. 
 
 , cap. of Magadha, 50, 81. 
 
 . r., 4, 16, 19, 53, n. 5. 
 
 . 105, 106. 
 
 . birth place of Patanjali, 4 & n. 4. 
 
 . s. and successor of k. Pradyota, 64 ; n. 
 omitted in the Pnranas, 65. 
 
 . k. of the Pala dy. elected by the people, 118. 
 
 . 52. 
 
 . one of the Nine Nandas, 83. 
 
 . village, 175 ; power to issue money, 176. 
 
 . 15. 
 
 . life of k. Harsha by Bana, 47. 
 
 ,. k. of Kauauj, 47. 
 
 . mountain, 42, 44, 85. 
 
 . conceptions of, 114-39 ; necessity of a king, 
 114-18 ; notions of the origin of kingship — 
 theories of the Social Contract and Divine 
 Origin of kings, 119-28 ; checks on the 
 arbitrariness of a king, 129-39. 
 
 .. literature on, 87-113 ; Kautilya's enumeration 
 of different schools of, 89 and individual 
 authors of, 89-90, 111 ; individual authors 
 as known from the Mahabharata, 91, 96 ; 
 the form in which the ancient authors 
 wrote, 97-98 ; the Artbasastras of the 
 pre-Kautilyan period were metrical in 
 form, 106 ; the origin of Arthasastra in 
 India cannot be later than 650 B.C., 110. 
 
 .. 119, 122, 124. 
 
 .. placed in the Uttarapatha, 47. 
 
 .. an historical royal dy. of N. India, 16, 17, 84. 
 
 .. author of an Arthasastra, 92, 94, 95. 
 
 .. city, 157. 
 
 .. a Christian f., 129. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 203 
 
 Itihasa 
 Jaggayapeta 
 Jalika 
 James II 
 
 Janapada 
 
 Janapada-samgha 
 
 Jatakas 
 
 Jaugada 
 
 Jayaswal, K. P. 
 
 Jayavarman 
 
 Jlv^aka Komarabhach- 
 
 chha 
 Jiiapti 
 
 juva-raya 
 Kachchha 
 Kadamba 
 
 Kadambari 
 Kadera 
 Kaivarta 
 Kajangala 
 
 Kakavarna 
 
 Kalachampa 
 
 Kalalaya 
 
 Kalasoka 
 
 Kalinga 
 
 Kamandaka 
 
 . Kautilya's definition of, 107-8, 108, n. 2, 110. 
 
 . Buddh. stupa at, 16 ; inscriptions,29. 
 
 . s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 
 . k. of England ; Parliamentary speech on the 
 Divine Origin of Kingship, 130. 
 
 . Country people, 136, 
 
 . a form of political Samgha, provincial 
 democracy, 172-4, l78, 179 ; evidence re. 
 Janapada-samgha e.g., coins of Rajanya and 
 Sibi peoples, 172-4 ; traceable to the period 
 of the Aitareya-Brahmana which refers 
 to the Janapadas Uttara-Kurus and Uttara- 
 Madras who are styled Virats when 
 consecrated to sovereignty, 174. 
 
 .. 179. 
 
 , a Pali work containing Buddha's pre-birth 
 stories, 44, 46, 49, 51, 53, 55, 56, 57, 149, 154. 
 
 , in the Ganjam dist., 29. 
 58, n. 1, 140, 145, n. 1. 
 
 , a k. of S. India 33. 
 
 . a physician, 74, 75- 
 announcement of a motion to the assembly, 
 
 181. 
 (state) 'where the ruler is a youngster ', 147. 
 country, 3, 23 ; mentioned by Panini, 3, 
 descendants of the Kadambas, 10, n. 1 ; the 
 
 dy., 33. 
 a Sk. work by Bana, 96. 
 tribe, country and king, 6-7. 
 one of the Nine Nandas, 83. 
 a town to the east of the Madhyade^a, 43; 
 
 situation of, 44. 
 the Puranic epithet of Kalasoka, 82. 
 See under Champa, 
 a Dravidian royal name, 34, n. 1. 
 See under Asoka. 
 country, 3, 24, n. 1, 39, 40 & n. 1, 54; 
 
 mentioned by Panini, 3 ; cap. at Danta- 
 pura, 54. 
 date of 94, n. 1. 
 
204 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Kamandakiya N'ltisara . 
 Kamboja 
 
 Kambujiya 
 
 Kampilya 
 
 Kanchipura 
 
 Kandra-Manikkam 
 
 Kanha (Krishna) 
 
 Kaniaka-Bharadvaja . 
 
 Kapilavatthu (Kapilg 
 vastu) 
 
 Karma 
 
 Karmavacha 
 
 Kartikeya 
 
 Kaseyas 
 
 Kasi 
 
 Kasi-Kosala 
 
 Kasipura 
 
 Kasi-rattha 
 
 Kathanians 
 
 Kathasarit-sagara 
 
 Katyayana 
 
 Katyayana 
 
 Katyayana 
 
 Kaulindas 
 
 Kaunapadanta 
 
 Kausambi 
 
 Kaushitaki- Upanishad 
 Kautilya 
 
 . a work on Arthasastra, 97. 
 
 . country, 48, 54; three meanings of, according 
 
 to Panini, 6. 
 . n. of the Kamboja people in Ancient Persian 
 
 inscriptions, 55. 
 , modern Kampil, U. P., 157. 
 . modern Conjeveram, 33, 34. 
 . n. of a village, 23 
 a Damila, 30. 
 , a pre-Kantilyan author of Arthasastra, 90 
 
 . Buddha's birth-place, 5, 160. 
 
 , execution of a motion, 182. 
 
 , placing of a motion before the Samgha, 182. 
 
 , originator of the science of theft, 95. 
 
 . n. of a dy., 56. 
 
 . one of the Sixteen Great Countries, 48, 49, 
 55, 74. 
 
 . country, 65, 81, 84. 
 
 . Benares, cap. of the Kasi Kingdom, 50. 
 
 . Kasi Kingdom, 46, 50,51,55,56, 74; inde- 
 pendent before the rise of Buddhism, in the 
 time of Buddha formed part of Kosala, 50 ; 
 immediately bordering on Kosala, 51 ; the 
 family of Brahmadatta in, 56. 
 
 . a tribe, 158. 
 
 . story of k. Udayana contained in, 58, 64. 
 
 , n. of a gi'ammarian, 6-7, 9, 10 ; date of, 6. 
 
 . a Pre.Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 90. 
 
 . author of a Smriti, 147-9, 151. 
 
 . a Gana, 169. 
 
 . a Pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra ; 
 same as Bhlshma, 90 & n. 2, 111. 
 kingdom and cap. of the Vatsas, 5, 52, 69, 
 84. 
 
 . 52. 
 
 . author of an Arthasastra and cont. of 
 Chandragupta Maurya, 8, 15, 61, 85, 89, 
 91, 100 ; quotation from Bharadvaja, 104, 
 113 ; his attempt to rescue the Artha- 
 sastra which was being forgotten, 108- 
 
INDEX. 
 
 205 
 
 Kavi 
 
 Kavya 
 
 Kavya-Mimamsa 
 
 Kerala • 
 
 Kern, Prof. 
 
 Khalimpur copperplate , 
 
 Khandahala Birth 
 
 Khaninetra 
 
 Kharavela 
 
 Kinjalka 
 
 Kittel 
 
 KoTjanada 
 Korandavarna 
 Koravya 
 Kosala 
 
 KosaladevI 
 
 Krishna 
 Krita age 
 Kshatriya 
 
 Kshatriya tribe 
 
 Kshaudrakas 
 
 Kshemadh ar man 
 
 Kshemavit 
 
 Kshomadussa 
 
 Kshudraka 
 
 Kukuras 
 
 Kula 
 
 Kulddhipatya 
 
 Kulikas 
 
 Kurus 
 
 110; members of political Saragha desig- 
 nated kings by, 148-150. 
 . Usanas, author of an Arthasastra, 93, 96, 104, 
 
 111. See under Usanas. 
 . Usanas, 91, 96. 
 , a work by Rajasekhara, 47. 
 .. coiintry, 6, 7. 
 .. 39. 
 .. 118. 
 . 51. 
 
 . n. of a k. deposed by his people, 136. 
 . Emperor of Kalinga, 39. 
 .. ii Pre-Kautliyan author of Arthasastra, 90. 
 .. his list of Dravidian words in the Sanskrit 
 
 language, 26, 27. 
 ., n. of a palace of prince Bodhi, 63. 
 .. s. of Kalasoka, 82 
 .. s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 .. country, 3, 4, 17, 19, 48, 49, 50, 51, 55, 56, 57, 
 
 62, 65-7, 79, 114 ; mentioned by Panini, 3 ; 
 
 one of the Sixteen Great Countries, 49 ; 
 
 dy. of 65-7 ; 
 ... q. of Bimbisara and d. of Mahakosala, 
 
 74 & n. 3 ; died of grief at the news of 
 
 Bimbisara's death, 76. 
 ... 9, 10. 
 ... 105. 
 ., meaning of, in the Buddh. literature, 121 ; 
 
 the authority exercised by, 163. 
 ... 14, 15, 21, 147, 148. 
 
 ... n. of a tribe, 158. See also under Oxydrakai. 
 ... n. of a k., 68. 
 ... k., 68. 
 
 , . a Sakya township, 161. 
 .. s. of Prasenajit, 65. 
 .. a tribal Samgha, 156, 157 & n. 1. 
 .. a clan or group of families, 151, 160, 179. 
 .. 162-3; meaning of, 163. 
 .. heads of Kulas, 170 & n. 1, l7l & n. 1. 
 ... tribe and country 26, 48, 49, 52, 56, 156, 
 164-5 ; one of the Sixteen Great countries. 
 
206 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Kurukshetra 
 
 Kusmara 
 
 Kusumapura 
 
 Kutumbin 
 
 Lalitavistara 
 
 Lavanaka 
 
 Lichchhavi kumaras 
 
 Lichchhavis 
 
 Locke 
 
 Machchha (Matsya) 
 
 Madura 
 
 Ma,dhiira 
 Madhyadesa 
 
 48 ; position of, 52 ; a tribal Saiigha, 156 ; 
 political constitutions of, 164-5. 
 country, 53. 
 modern Kasia, 5, 156. 
 another n. for Pataliputra 79. 
 head of the Aryan household, 163. 
 a Buddh. work, 153. 
 n. of a village, 62. 
 150. 
 a tribal Sarngha, 51, 74, 77,78,79,114, 148, 
 
 149, 150, 154, 155, 156, 167-8, 179, 180. 
 119. 
 
 n. of a tribe and one of the Sixteen Great 
 Countries, 48 ; position of, 52-3. 
 Madhariputra Sri-Virapurushadatta... an Ikshvaku king, 16 & n. 4. 
 Madoura (or Madura) ... cap. of the Pandyas in the South, 11. 
 
 a city, the 'Mathura' of the eastern Archipe- 
 lago, 12. 
 Mathura, cap. of the Surasenas, 11, 53. 
 Middle Country, 11, 42, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 48, 
 147 ; situation of, according to Manu, 42, 
 according to the Vinaya-pitaka, 43; its 
 western boundary, the river Sarasvati, 
 46. 
 n. of a province and cap., 173 & n. 3. 
 173, n. 3, 174 ; a democracy, 174. 
 a tribal Samgha, 156. 
 
 one of the Sixteen Great Countries, modern 
 Bihar ; 22, 39, 40, n. 1, 48, 49, 50, 56, 
 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 67, 69, 71, 72,73, 78, 79, 
 81, 82, 83, 84, 114 ; cap. transferred to 
 Pataliputra from Rajagriha shortly after 
 the death of Buddha, 50 ; dys. of, 67-86. 
 cap. of Magadha, denotes Vesali, 72. 
 language, 39, 40, 41. 
 a q. of Udayana, 59. 
 3, 15, 18, 52, 53, 91, 97, 103, 104, 111, 112, 
 
 113, 131, 132, 136. 
 121. 
 
 a Buddh. missionary, 43, 45. 
 k., f. of Pasenadi, 76. 
 
 Madhyamika 
 Madhyamikas 
 Madrakas 
 Magadha 
 
 Magadham puram 
 Magadh! 
 Magandiya 
 Mahabharata 
 
 Mahajana-sa^nmata 
 Maha.Kachchayana 
 Mahakosala 
 
INDEX. 
 
 207 
 
 Mahanaman 
 Mahanandin 
 MahajDadma 
 
 Mahd-parinibbdna- 
 
 sutta 
 Maharashtra 
 Maharshis 
 
 Mahasammata 
 Mahasamghika s 
 Mahasena 
 
 Mahasenapati 
 
 MahasTlava 
 
 Mahdsilava-Jdtdka 
 
 Mahavamsa 
 
 Mahdvastu 
 Mahendra 
 Mahendra 
 
 Mahinda (Mahendra) 
 
 Mahissati 
 
 Maithilas 
 Majjhimadesa 
 
 Majjhima-Nikdya 
 Makkali-gosala 
 
 Malavas 
 Mallas 
 
 Mallika 
 
 a Sakya, 66. 
 k. of the Nanda dy. 68. 
 n. of a Nanda k., 83-5. 
 sena- Mahapadma. 
 
 See also under Ugra- 
 
 .. a Pali work, 78, 179. 
 
 .. country, 15, 39, 40. 
 
 . authors of Arthasastra, 112 & c. 1. 
 
 . . a place, 43. 
 
 .. story of, 121-22. 
 
 . a Buddh. sect, 82. 
 
 .. another n. of Pradyota, 60, n. 1, 61, 63 & n. 1, 
 
 64, See under Pradyota. 
 .. 167. 
 
 .. k. of Benares, 57. 
 .. 55. 
 .. 73. 
 . the Ceylonese Chronicle, 67-69, 71, 72, 79, 
 
 80, 82, 83 ; more reliable than the Puranas 
 
 with regard to the family of Bimbisara, 67. 
 .. a N. Buddh. work, 122. 
 .. n. of a mountain, 8. 
 . author of an Arthasastra, 91 ; same as Bahu- 
 
 danti, 95. 
 .. e. of Asoka ; his missionary work in Ceylon, 
 
 39, 40. 41. 
 . modern Mandhata, Indore State ; one of the 
 
 caps, of Avanti, 4, 5, 22, 45, 54. 
 . 56. 
 
 Madhyadesa. See under Madhyadesa. 
 . a Pali work, 60, 63, 64, 65, 73, 148, 155. 
 . a religious teacher, cont. of Buddha, 
 
 142. 
 .. a tribe, 158, 169. 
 
 . n. of a tribe and one of the Sixteen Great 
 Countries, 48, 49, 51, 55, 79, 114, 148-9 ; 
 
 assisted the Lichchhavis in their war 
 
 but were defeated and became subject to 
 
 Ajatasatru, 79. 
 . d. of the chief of the garland-makers in 
 
 SrSvastl, married to Prasenajit, 66. 
 
208 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Malloi (Malavas) 
 
 MaltecorSe 
 
 Manavi Arthavidya 
 
 Manaivah 
 
 Mafigudi 
 
 Mangnra 
 
 Man tradhikara 
 
 Manu 
 
 Manu 
 
 Maski edict 
 
 Mathura 
 
 matachl 
 
 Mathava 
 
 Matsya-uyaya 
 
 Matsya-puraiia 
 
 Matura 
 
 Maulika 
 
 Manrya dy. 
 Max Miiller 
 
 Mazhnaju 
 
 Metliora (Mathura) 
 
 midiche 
 
 Mithila 
 
 Molagu 
 
 Molini 
 
 Mrichchhakatika 
 
 Mrityu 
 
 MudraraJcshasa 
 
 Munda 
 
 Mulaka 
 
 . a tribe, 158. 
 
 . a tribe, 160, n. 1. 
 
 . 96-97. 
 
 a School of Hindu Polity, 89. 
 . n. of a village, 23. 
 s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 . 99. 
 
 . author of a Dharmasastra, 42, 44, 46, 53, 
 91, 96, 97, 104, 106, 108 & n. 2, 111, 185; 
 date of its present form, 42 ; original Manu 
 probably prior even to the Dharmasiitras, 
 108, n. 2. 
 s. of Vivasvat, first elected k. of men, 
 
 119-20. 
 of Asoka, 22. 
 
 town of the Siirasenas, 10, 11, 12, 16, 53. 
 a Dravidian word traced in the Vedic litera- 
 ture, 26-7. 
 the 'Videgha,' k. of Videha, story of, 14. 
 an internecine quarrel or rebellion, 116, 117, 
 
 118, 119. 
 56. 
 
 the 'Mathura' of Ceylon, 12. 
 n. of a country, same as Mulaka, 4, n. 3, See 
 
 under Mulaka. 
 . 6, n. 1, 40, 72. 
 . 105. ' 
 
 . author of an Arthasastra, 112. 
 . n. of a village, 23. 
 . Gk. ambassador to the court of Chandra- 
 
 gupta, 6, n. 1, 7, 8,9, 11, 12, 160, n. 1. 
 . town of the Saurasenas, 9. 
 . 27. 
 
 . modern Darbhanga District, Bihar, 50. 
 , , n. of a village, 23. 
 .. a n. of Benares, 51. 
 .. a Sk. drama, 64, 95. 
 .. god, 106. 
 
 . a Sk. drama, 70, n. 1. 
 . k., 68, 80. 
 
 . country, associated with Asmaka, 4 & n. 3, 
 5, 22, 53 & n. 5. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 209 
 
 Malananda 
 Mutibas 
 
 Naga 
 
 Naga-Dasaka 
 
 Naga dy. 
 
 nahana-chuniia-mula 
 
 Naigamas 
 
 Nanda dy. 
 
 Nandivardhana 
 
 Nandivardhana 
 
 Narada 
 
 Narada 
 
 Naradeva 
 
 Narayana 
 
 Narmada 
 
 Nasik 
 
 Negama 
 
 Nigama 
 
 mgama-gramas 
 
 Nigama-samglia 
 
 nikaya 
 
 Nirayavali-sutra 
 
 Nysa 
 
 Nysians 
 
 Orosius 
 
 Oldenberg, Prof. 
 
 Oiydrakai 
 
 PadmavatT 
 
 Padma-vyuha 
 Palaka 
 
 ... ak. of S. India, 33, n. 1. 
 
 ... 3. 
 
 ... n. of a leatherworker, 30. 
 
 ... the last k. of the family of Bimbisara, 71, 80. 
 
 .. 71,80,81. 
 
 . . bath and perfume money, 74. 
 
 ... citizens, 175. 
 
 .. 83. 
 
 .. k., s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 
 . . k. of the Nanda dy., 68, 83. 
 
 .. a Pre-Kautilyan author of a work on kingly 
 duties, 90, n. 1, 95. 
 
 . n. of a Buddh. monk, 80. 
 
 .. 127, 130. 
 
 .. god, 98. 
 
 .. r., 4, 5, 22, 45, 60. 
 
 .. gift of the inhabitants of, 176-77. 
 
 ... 'body of townsmen', not Biihler's 'mer- 
 cantile guild,' 176, n. 1- 
 
 .. a kind of political gana town-ship, l70, 
 n. 1, 172; seal of, associated with the 
 seal of Icumaramatya, l7l, n. 1 ; 
 government of, 174-78 ; Naigama, a 
 corporate body, the word derived from 
 Nigama, 175; cannot mean a 'guild', 175, 
 n. 1 ; power to issue money, l76. 
 
 .. 177. 
 
 .. 177-9. 
 
 .. 141, n. 1. 
 
 .. a Jaina work, 78. 
 
 .. form of government at, 178. 
 
 .. 159. 
 
 . . a Gk. historian, 158. 
 39, 40. 
 a tribe, identified with the Kshaudrakas, 
 
 158. 
 sist«r of k. Darsaka and q. of Udayana, 59, 
 62, 63, 69, 70, E. 1, 80. 
 
 . 83. 
 
 s. of Pradyota, ousted by Aryaka, s. of Gopala, 
 64. 
 
210 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pali language 
 
 Pallava dy. 
 Panchala 
 
 Panchamaka 
 
 Panchavatl 
 
 Pandion 
 
 Pandoea 
 
 Pandugati 
 
 Pandu 
 
 Pandaka 
 
 Pandoonoi 
 
 Pandya 
 
 Pandya 
 
 Pandyakavataka 
 
 Panini 
 
 Parasara 
 
 Parasarah 
 Parasurama 
 parishads 
 Parsas 
 
 Pasanaka Chetiya 
 Pasenadi (Prasenajit) 
 
 Pashandis 
 Pataligrama 
 
 Pataliputra 
 Patanjali 
 
 . 22, 24, n. 1, 31 & n, 1, 32, 33, 34, 35, 38, 
 
 39, 41. 
 . 33, 34. 
 
 . n. of a Kshatriya tribe and country, 14 ; one 
 of the Sixteen Great Countries, 48 ; position 
 
 of, 52-3 ; kings of, 56 ; cap. at Kampilya, 
 
 157 ; double meaning of the word, 148 ; 
 
 constitution of, 164-5. 
 . k., s. of Kalasoka 82. 
 . 18. 
 
 .. See under Pandya. 
 ,, d. of 'the Indian Hercules,' 9. 
 .. one of the Nine Nandas, 83. 
 .. an Aryan tribe, 9, 11, 14. See under Pandya- 
 ,. one of the Nine Nandas 83. 
 .. same as Pandya, 10. See under Pandya. 
 ,. an Aryan Kshatriya tribe, 6, 7, 9, 14; connect- 
 ed with the North, 9 ; migration of, 
 
 10-11 ; colonisation of Ceylon, 12-13 ; their 
 
 kingdom, 23. 
 .. d. of Krishna, 10. 
 . . identiiication of, 8, n. 1, 
 ,. grammarian, 3, 5, 6, 7, 14, 141-2, 147 ; date of, 
 
 3 ; his school of grammar, 5 ; reference to 
 
 Samgha and Gana, 141-2. 
 .. a Pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 89, 
 
 104, 191 ; work metrical in form, 104. 
 .. School of Polity, 89. 
 .. a Kshatriya, 84, 
 ,. 180. 
 .. a tribe, 144; identified with the Persis, 145 
 
 & n. 1. 
 . . a place, 5. 
 .. k. of Kosala, a cent, of Buddha, 57, 60, 65, 66, 
 
 74 & n. 3, 76, 77, 81, 148 
 .. 175. 
 .. a village on the road from Vesali to Rajagriha ; 
 
 fortification of, 78. 
 .. cap. of Magadha, 4, n. 4, 50, 78, 79, 80, 82. 
 .. grammarian ; native place of, 4, n. 4, 6, 
 
 n. 1. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 211 
 
 Patitthana (Pratish- 
 thana) 
 
 Paura 
 Paurava dy. 
 Pava 
 
 Paveni-'potthaJca 
 Periplus 
 Pharaohs 
 Pindola 
 Pisuna 
 
 Pisunaputra 
 
 Pliny 
 
 Potana (Potali) 
 
 Prabhakaravarddhana .. 
 
 Prachetasa Manu 
 
 Pradyota 
 
 Pradyota dy. 
 
 Pradyota-Mahasena 
 
 Prajapati 
 
 Pralhada 
 
 Prathania-kayastha 
 Prathama- kulika 
 Pratijnd-yatigandharaya 
 
 na 
 Pratipa 
 Prayaga 
 
 Pre-Maurya period 
 Prithudaka 
 Prithu Vainya 
 Priyaka 
 Proklais 
 Ptolemy 
 Pugas 
 
 Puga-gamanikas 
 Pulindas 
 Pulumavi 
 Puloma 
 
 cap, of Mulaka, Paithan, Nizam's territory, 
 4, 5, 15-16, 22, 53; cap. of Aila 
 Pururavas, 15-16. 
 Town people, citizen, 136-7. 
 
 58. 
 
 a place, 5. 
 
 •Book of Precidents, 155. 
 
 13, n. 
 
 of Egypt, 128- 
 
 6 3 n. 3. 
 
 a pre-Kautilyan author of Arthasastra, 
 same as Narada, 90 & n. 1, 95. 
 . author of an Arthasastra, 90, 95. 
 , 9, 11. 
 . cap. of Assaka, 53. 
 
 k. of Sthanvlsvara, 47. 
 
 91. 
 
 k. of Avanti, 58, 60, 64, 81. 
 
 81, 84. 
 
 59. 
 . 128. 
 
 a k. ; discourse with the sage Usanas, 107, 
 n. 2. 
 
 171, n. 
 
 171. 
 
 I a Sk. drama by Bhasa, 58. 
 
 . k., 136. 
 
 . Allahabad, 42, 44. 
 
 . circa 650-325 B.C., 1. 
 
 . modern Pehoa, 47. 
 
 . 126, 127. 
 
 . treasurer of k. Munda, 80. 
 
 , G-k. n. of PushkaravatI, 54, n. 3. 
 
 , 11, 13, n., 54, n. 3. 
 
 . 175. 
 
 . Elders of a Gana, 160. 
 
 . n. of an aboriginal tribe, 3. 
 
 . a. S. Indian royal name, 34, n. 1. 
 
 . author of an Arthasastra, 112. 
 
212 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Pundras 
 Pupphavati 
 Pur a 
 
 Purana-kassapa 
 Puranas 
 
 Pushkaravati 
 
 Pushpamitra 
 
 Pushpapura 
 
 Bajadha rma 
 
 Baja-dharm-anusasana 
 
 Rajagriha 
 
 RajaJculas 
 Raj an 
 Raj any a 
 Rajasdbdin 
 Baja-sabd-opajiv in 
 Bajasastra 
 
 Raj yavardhana 
 Rakshasas 
 Rakshases 
 Rama 
 
 Ramayana 
 
 Ramma 
 
 Raslifcrap;Xla 
 
 Ratnavall 
 
 Rhys Davids, Prof. 
 
 Rigveda 
 
 Ronsseau 
 
 Rumanvat 
 
 Sabagra9 
 
 Sabaras 
 
 Sabarcae 
 
 sahhas 
 
 Saclicliaka 
 
 .. 3, 21, 40, n. 1. 
 
 .. a n. of Benares, 50. 
 
 .. cap. town, 175. 
 
 .. 142. 
 
 .. 3, 9, 17, 56, 57, 58, 63, 64,65, 67, 68, 69, 71, 72, 
 
 73, 79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 86, 106, 107, 131 ; 
 
 chaotic condition of the Puranic accounts, 
 
 58 ; value of, 67-8. 
 .. cap. of Takshasila, 54, n. 3. 
 .. founder of the Sunga dy., 72. 
 ... a city, 82. 
 ... 92, 96, 120. 
 ... 111. 
 ... modern Rajgir, Bihar, the earlier cap, of 
 
 the Magadha empire, 50, 59, 60, 63, 64, 
 
 73, 74, 78, 82. 
 ... 151. 
 
 .. meaning of, in the Buddh. literature, 121. 
 ... 127. 
 ... 153. 
 ... 148, 156. 
 ... 92. 
 
 .. a poet, 47 
 
 .. s. of k. Prabhakaravardhana of Kanauj, 47. 
 .. tribe, 20, 21, 145. 
 .. tribe, 144. 
 .. 17, 18, 20, 21; his south v(rard march, 
 
 18-20; war with the Rakshasas, 21. 
 .. 3, 17, 18, 19, 117, 136, 145. 
 .. a n. of Benares, 51. 
 .. one of the Nine Nandas, 83. 
 ... a Sk. drama, 62. 
 ..40, 44, 140, 161. 
 ... 52. 
 ,. 119. 
 
 .. minister of k. Udayana, 63. 
 .. n. of a tribe, 158 
 .. an aboriginal tribe, 3, 21. 
 .. n. of a tribe, 158. 
 .. 180. 
 .. his discussion with Buddha, 95, n. 2, 148-9. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 213 
 
 SadanTra 
 
 S agar a 
 Sahasranika 
 Sakatavyuha 
 Saketa 
 
 Sakyas 
 
 Salaha-gahapaha 
 
 Salalavati 
 
 Samagama 
 
 Samana-brahmana 
 
 Samavati 
 
 Sambastai 
 
 Samgha 
 
 Samghamuhhyas 
 
 Saragha tribes 
 
 Samitis 
 
 Samyama 
 
 Samyutta-Nilcaya 
 
 Sanjaya 
 
 SankarScharya 
 
 Sankararya 
 
 Santiparvan 
 
 Saranjita gods 
 
 Saras vat 1 
 
 Sarayu 
 
 Sarvanjaha 
 
 Sarvilaka 
 
 Sastr-opajivin {Ayu- 
 
 dhajJvin) 
 Satanlka 
 
 Satapatha-Brahmana 
 Sathiyamangalam 
 Satrunjaya 
 
 Satru-shad-varga 
 Saubhreyas 
 
 .. n. of a r., boundary between Kosala and 
 
 Videha, 14. 
 ... 136. 
 
 ... grandfather of k. Udayana, 58. 
 ... 77. 
 
 ... Oudh; cap. of Kosala in tlie period imme- 
 diately preceding Buddha, 4, n, 4, 5, 16, 
 n. 4, 51. 
 ... a tribe, 65-7, 160, 164; their territory 
 
 subjected to Prasenajit, 65-7. 
 ... 183. 
 ... ar., 43. 
 
 ... a Sakya township, 160. 
 ... 143. 
 
 . . . a q. of Udayana, 59. 
 ... n. of a tribe, 158. 
 ... See under Gana. 
 
 ... 152. 
 
 ... 159. 
 
 ... 180. 
 
 ... a k. of the Brahmadatta dy., 57. 
 
 ... 145 
 
 ... k., s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 
 ... 169. 
 
 ... commentator of Kamaudaka, 97. 
 . 91-94,96, 97, 102, 103, 106, 108-114, 118, 120, 
 123-4, 149, 151, 152. 
 
 ... 145. 
 
 ... r., 14,42,46, 47. 
 
 ... r., 136, n. 1. 
 
 ... k., s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 
 ... 95. 
 
 ... '(a coi'poration) subsisting en arms', 144, 148. 
 ... f . of k. Udayana, 58. 
 ... 14,52, 127. 
 ... 23. 
 
 ... k. of Sauvira ; discourse with the lage 
 Bharadvaja, 106-7, 188, 190. 
 
 ... 131. 
 
 ... tribe, 158. 
 
214 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 SavatthI (Sravaati) 
 
 Savitri 
 
 Seleukos Nicator 
 Senapat i 
 Setakannika 
 
 Seven Prakritis 
 
 Shamasastry, R. 
 
 Siddhartha 
 
 Silavat 
 
 Sindhu 
 
 Sire 
 
 Sir George Grierson 
 
 Siri-Vaddha 
 
 Sisanaga 
 
 Siva 
 
 Sivaskandavarman 
 
 Sivis 
 
 Sixteen Great Countries 
 
 Skandaputras 
 Social Contract 
 
 Solasa Mahajanapada ,. 
 
 Sonanandana Birth 
 
 Sotthivati-nagara 
 
 Sovereign One 
 
 Sovereign Number 
 
 Srenis 
 
 St. Ambrosiaster 
 
 St. Augustine 
 
 Sthanvisvara 
 
 Sthaviravali 
 
 Sudassana 
 
 Suhma 
 
 Suhraniti 
 
 Sumangalabilasini 
 
 Sumsumaragiri 
 
 . country, 24, 106. 
 
 cap. of Kosala, 5, 19, 51, 66, 77 ; identification 
 of, 51. 
 
 god, 128. 
 
 Gk. k., 7. 
 
 72, 154, 155, 162. 
 , n. of a town, 43. 
 . 5. 
 , 111, n. 1. 
 
 88. 
 
 n, of a goldsmith, 30. 
 
 s. of Bimbisara, 75. 
 
 country, 13 ; inhabitants of, 24. 
 
 128. 
 
 his opinion about the Aryan language, 24- 5. 
 
 minister of Prasenajit, 66. 
 
 founder of a Magadhan dy., 68, 81. 
 
 god, abridged Danda-niti into a treatise called 
 VaisalSksha, 92, 94. 
 
 a Pallava k., 33, n 2. 
 
 a Janapada tribe, 173-4. 
 
 . . . enumeration of, 48 ; conterminous countries 
 specified by pairs, 49. 
 
 95. 
 
 theory of, 119, 122, 124, 129 ; knovi^n to Kau- 
 tilya, 119. 
 
 48. 
 
 50, 53. 
 
 cap. of Chetarattha,, 52. 
 
 146, 
 
 146. 
 
 mercantile guilds, 144. 
 
 a Christian Father, 129. 
 
 a Christian Father, 129. 
 
 modern Thanesvar, 47. 
 
 178. 
 
 a n. of Benares, 50. 
 
 country, 40, n. 1. 
 
 a Sk. law-book, 130. 
 
 a Pali work, 154. 
 
 a town, 63, 
 
INDEX. 
 
 215 
 
 Sunahsepa 
 Surasena 
 
 Surashtra 
 
 Surudhana 
 
 Susunaga 
 
 Supparaka 
 
 Sutra class of com- 
 position 
 
 Siitradhara 
 
 Suttanipata 
 
 Suyatra 
 
 Svapna- Vasavadatta 
 
 Takshasila 
 
 Talimata 
 
 Tamil Brahmans 
 
 Tamilmuni .„ 
 
 Tamraparni 
 
 Taprobani 
 
 Telapatta-Jataha 
 
 Thera-therl-gatha 
 
 Theravada 
 
 Thuna 
 
 Trigarta 
 
 Ubhaka 
 
 Udaksena 
 
 Udayabhadda (Udayi)... 
 
 Udayabirth 
 Udayana 
 
 Udyogaparva 
 
 Uggasena 
 
 Ugrasen a- Mahapadma 
 
 UJjeni 
 Uparicharu 
 
 , adopted s. of Visvamitra, 3, 21. 
 
 . n. of a tribe and country, 48 ; position 
 
 of, 53. 
 , country, 23, 24, 48. 
 a n. of Benares, 50 
 . k., 71, 81-2. See under Sisunaga. 
 , country, 23. 
 
 . theory of the date of, 104-106. 
 rehearser of law-maxim, 155. 
 a Pali work, 4, 15, 19. 
 , 61. 
 a Sk. drama by Bhasa, 58, 61-62, 69, 70, n. 1. 
 cap. of Gandhara, 46, 54 & n. 3, 74, 134. 
 n. of a town occurring on 'negama' coins, 176. 
 . 23. 
 Agastya, 18. 
 Ceylon — seennder Ceylon; also n. of a river, 8, 
 
 12-13. 
 Gk. n. of Ceylon, 7. 
 134. 
 75. 
 82. 
 , n. of a Brahman village, 43. 
 144. 
 
 k., s. of Kalasoka, 82. 
 k., 57. 
 successor of k. Ajatasatru, 69 ; murdered his 
 
 f., 79 ; cap. at Kusumapnra, 80. 
 50. 
 
 k. of Vatsa, a cont. of Buddha, 57 ; account of, 
 58-9, 69; marriage with PadmavatT, 59, 70, 
 n. 1, 81. 
 113, 136, 133. 
 k., 56. 
 
 a k., 83, uprooted ' all ' the Kshatriyas and 
 made himself master of about the whole of 
 India as it was then known to the Aryans 
 84 ; Chakravartin or universal monarch, 85. 
 cap. of Avanti, 45. 
 k., 93. 
 
216 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Usanas 
 Usiraddhaja 
 Utkala 
 
 Uttara-Kosala 
 Ufctara-Kuru 
 Uttara- Madras 
 Uttara-Panchak 
 Uttarapatha 
 
 vaddhaki 
 
 Vahika 
 
 Vahinara 
 
 Vaidehi princess 
 
 VaideliTputra 
 
 Vaijayanti 
 
 Vaisalaksha 
 
 Vaisravana 
 
 Vaivasvata Manu 
 
 Vajira (Vajiri) 
 
 Vajji 
 
 Vamadeva 
 Vamsa 
 
 Vanaras 
 Vanasahvaya 
 Vanga 
 Varahamiliira 
 
 Vart-opajivin 
 Vasabhakhatfciya 
 
 Vasavadatta 
 Vasishthipiitra Puln- 
 
 , 97, 185. 
 n. of a mountain, 43. 
 
 country, not included in the Uttarapatha, 44. 
 . 16, n. 4, 17, n. 
 country, 52; Janapada Government in, 174. 
 a Janapada, 174. 
 
 country, cap. at Ahichchhatra, 52, 
 44, 46, 47, 48 ; the term used with reference 
 to the Madhyadesa, 44 ; sense of, 46 ; Bena- 
 res excluded from, in a Jataka, 46 ; Taksha- 
 sila included in, 46, n. 3 ; placed outside 
 Thanesvar and Pehoa by Rajasekhara, 47. 
 . carpenter, 63. 
 , 144. 
 
 , probably identical with Bodhi, s. of Udayana, 
 63. 
 q. of Bimbisara, 73, 74, 77. 
 59. 
 
 modern Banavasi, 33. 
 92, 94; 
 , god, 106. 
 
 91. 
 , d. of Prasenajit, married to Ajatasatru, 66, 
 77. 
 n. of a tribe and one of the Sixteen Great 
 Countries, 48, 49, 51, 55, 73, 154; known 
 also as Lichchhavis, 51. 
 a sage, 133, n. 1. 
 , same as Vatsas, cap. at KausambT, 48, 51, 
 52. 
 an aboriginal tribe, 20. 
 4. 
 
 country, 40, n. 1. 
 astronomer, 4, n. 3, 10-11. 
 . a craft guild 144, 148- 
 d. of Mahanaman, a Sakya, from a slave 
 woman, married to Pasenadi ; mother 
 of k. Vidudabha, 66-67. 
 q, of Udayana, 59, 62, 64. 
 
 4, n. 3. 
 
INDEX. 
 
 217 
 
 Vasnmanas 
 
 Vatavyadhi 
 
 Vatsa 
 
 Vatsyayana 
 
 Veda 
 
 Vedehiputto 
 
 Vedisa 
 
 Vesali (Vaisali) 
 
 Vibhishana 
 Vidarbha 
 Videha 
 Vidudabha 
 
 Vijayadevavarman 
 
 Vijita 
 
 Vilivayakura 
 
 Vimalakondanna 
 
 Vinasana 
 
 Vinayapifaka 
 
 Vindhya 
 
 Vinhukada Chntukala- 
 
 nanda 
 Vinischaya-Mahamatra. 
 
 Virajas 
 Virata 
 
 Visakhayupa 
 Visalaksha 
 
 Vishnu 
 
 Visbnugupta 
 
 Visbvaksena 
 
 Vissasena 
 
 Visvamitra 
 
 Vriddhika 
 
 k. of Kosala ; discourse with Bribaspati, 106, 
 
 189. 
 a pre-Kautilyan autbor of Artbasastra, 90. 
 dy. and kingdom 57, 81, 84, 114. 
 aunbor of the Kamasutra, 90, 93, 94. 
 110. 
 
 74, n. 3. 
 , 4. 
 cap. of the Lichchhavis ; 5, 51, 72, 73, 74, 
 77, 78, 149, 150, 155; identification of, 51 ; 
 called Magadham puram, 72. 
 a Rakshasa, 20. 
 
 country; Aryan colonisation of, 2, 5, 22, 45. 
 country, 44, 45, 51, 59, 78. 
 
 s. of Pasenadi, k, of Kosala, a oont. of Buddba, 
 57; perhaps tbe same as Ksbudraka, 65 ; 
 born of Vasabbakbattiya, 66 ; when grown 
 up, went to tbe Sakya country and because 
 of bis low birth was subject to indig- 
 nities, 66 ; massacre of tbe Sakyas, 67. 
 k., 33. 
 
 kingdom, 149, 155. 
 . a S, Indian royal n., 34, n. 1. 
 . s. of Bimbisara, 75- 
 
 the place where tbe Sarasvati disappears, 42, 
 . a Buddb. Canonical work, 41, 43. 
 . mountain, 2, 3, 5, 18, 19, 22, 42, 45, 46. 
 
 ,. 32-3. 
 . 154, 156. 
 126, 127. 
 
 k. of Matsya, 53. 
 , k., 65. 
 
 a pre-Kautilyan author of Artbasastra, 89, 91, 
 94, 104, 191. 
 . 125, 128. 
 
 . same as Kautilya, 98. See under Kautilya. 
 . k., 57. 
 . k. of the Brahmadatta dy., 57. 
 
 n. of a sage, 2, 21. 
 
 n. of a leather- worker, 30. 
 
218 
 
 INDEX 
 
 Vrishni 
 
 ... a Saifigha ; numismatic evidence of the exi 
 
 
 tence of, 157. 
 
 Vyavaharika 
 
 ... 155, 156. 
 
 YakshinI 
 
 ... story of, 134-35. 
 
 Yama 
 
 ... god, 106. 
 
 Yaudheyas 
 
 ... a tribe, 144, 158 ; constitution of, 165-67. 
 
 Yaugandharayana 
 
 ... prime-minister of k. Udayana, 60-62. 
 
 Yayati 
 
 ... k., 137, r. 1. 
 
 TebhuyyasiJca 
 
 ... 183, 184. 
 
 Yodhajlva 
 
 ... 145. 
 
 Yogasena 
 
 ... k. of the Brahmadatta dy„ 57. 
 
 Yuvanjaya Birth 
 
 ... 51. 
 
 C. U. Press— Eeg, No, 672-29-5-19—1000, 
 
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