■ » 
 
 , <r est *tv 
 

 irf$^ 
 
 
 
 ifef 
 
 L *fife§fc&Afr 
 
 
 
 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. 
 
 «'/ E 174 
 
 - '.£ ■ '■' ■ '^ 
 
 ?iri 4 
 
 LMTED STJ 
 
 t&Afifi 
 
 
 A'i 
 
 l£feMjf 
 
 w'-'^/v 
 

 
 ui«AM f v m^ - 
 
 :-iS^^A^^™s[ 
 
 '■1' A A',? A 
 
 
 lite 
 
 
 /Wf\. 
 
 
 .Mil 
 
 
 WlAfiM* ■ ,'V 
 
 
 
 W*a'im 
 
 

NATIONAL JEWELS: 
 
 WASHINGTON, LINCOLN, AND THE FATHERS 
 
 REVOLUTION. 
 
 BY 
 
 KEY. ANDREW MANSHIP, 
 
 OF THE PHILADELPHIA CONFEKENCE. 
 
 PHILADELPHIA: 
 
 COMPILED AND PUBLISHED BY REV. A. MANSHIP, 
 
 AND FOR SALE AT THE DEPOSITORY OP THE TRACT SOCIETY 119 NORTH SIXTH ST 
 
 AT PERKINI'INE & HIGGINS', 56 N. FOURTH ST ; AT CARLTON & POUTER'S 
 
 200 MULBERRY ST., NEW YORK; JAMES MAGBB BOSTON 
 
 MASS. ; POE & HITCHCOCK, CINCINNATI, OHIO, 
 
 AND AT OTHER BOOKSTORES. 
 
 1865. 
 
Entered according to the act of Congress, in the year 1865, by 
 
 ANDREW MANSHIP, 
 
 in the Office of the Clerk of the District Court of the United States in and for the Eastern 
 District of the State of Pennsylvania. 
 
 COLLINS, PRINTER, PHILADELPHIA. 
 
 
 "'. 
 
 
TO 
 
 LIEUTENANT-GENERAL GRANT, 
 
 AS A TOKEN OF THE PROFOUND RESPECT 
 
 OF THE 
 
 COMPILER 
 
 FOR HIS INVALUABLE SERVICES IN CONDUCTING 
 
 THE ARMIES OF THE UNION IN TRIUMPH 
 
 THROUGH THE LATE DREADFUL WAR. 
 
PREFACE. 
 
 Now that the gigantic Rebellion which persistently held out for foui 
 long years, spreading desolation throughout the whole country, East 
 West, North, and South, forcibly reminding us of the passage, "In 
 Rama was there a voice heard, lamentation and weeping, and great mourn- 
 ing, Rachel weeping for her children and would not be comforted, because 
 they are not :" now that the rebellion is happily over, should not all, in 
 every portion of the country, pray for a permanent peace, and that Christ, 
 the King of kings and Lord of lords, may so reign on this green, beautiful 
 earth, that "nation shall not lift up sword against nation, neither shall 
 they learn war any more" ? In some cases, however — 
 
 " Perhaps war is but Heaven's great ploughshare, driven 
 Over the barren, fallow earthly fields, 
 Preparing them for harvest; rooting up 
 Grass, weeds, and flowers, which necessary fall, 
 That in these furrows the wise husbandman 
 May drop celestial seed." 
 
 I have asked myself the. question, What can I do in order to benefit my 
 redeemed, beloved country, of which I can enthusiastically say — 
 
 "Long may our land be bright 
 With freedom's holy light?" 
 
 In answering this important question, I have settled down on this point: 
 That I can do good by arranging and presenting in an inviting form the 
 great patriotic sentiments of our national benefactors, "of whom the world 
 was not worthy;" and last, but by no means least, in this bright galaxy 
 we place our martyred illustrious successor of the great immortal Wash- 
 ington, the Father of his country. His Inaugurals show good-will to all 
 sections of his beloved country, and "malice towards none." What he has 
 said, as set forth in this unpretending volume, will be read by generations 
 now unborn, and all will be ready to say, "What could have been done 
 more to my vineyard, that I have not done in it? Wherefore, when I 
 looked that it should bring forth grapes, brought it forth wild grapes?" 
 But "surely the wrath of man shall praise Thee:" and though the Govern- 
 ment at the head of which Mr. Lincoln was providentially placed did not 
 
VI PREFACE. 
 
 expect or desire to interfere with the existing arrangements and institutions 
 of the country, the Rebellion of our southern brethren brought forth the 
 Emancipation Proclamation, and has necessarily and forever abolished 
 slavery. Yes, one effect of the war has been to "undo the heavy burdens 
 and to let the oppressed go free;" to vindicate the principle that liberty is 
 the birthright of every man ; and to make that part of the glorious old 
 Declaration of Independence that says "all men are created equal," con- 
 sistent and harmonious with the facts in the case. 
 
 Finally, I feel assured that those into whose hands this volume may fall 
 will not object to the religious portion of the compilation. We gratefully 
 remember that our Fathers in the old State House in Philadelphia, when 
 about signing the Declaration of Independence that brought down upon 
 them the anathemas of crowned heads and thrones, felt the need of God's 
 blessing, and called in a venerable minister of religion to read the Bible 
 and pray to the God of nations for his benediction on the great w T ork in 
 which those patriotic hearts were about to engage. The readers of this 
 volume will not forget "Happy is that nation whose God is the Lord;" 
 and while they will readily agree that there are national jewels contained 
 in this work, they will not deny that our Lord's Sermon on the Mount is 
 a Divine Jewel, a pearl of great price; and should its precepts sink 
 deeply into the hearts of my fellow-countrymen, and of all the people of 
 the earth, then the shout would be heard everywhere, "Glory to God in the 
 highest, and on earth peace, good-will toward men." Praise God that 
 " this cruel war is over" in our own country, and we will now unite in 
 adopting the language of the Prophet and say, " Lord, revive thy work 
 in the midst of the years, in the midst of the years make known ; in wrath 
 remember mercy," and in our approaches to God we will say — 
 
 " Strike with thy bolt the next red flag unfurled, 
 And make all wars to cease throughout the world." 
 
 A. MANSHIP. 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 I. Declaration of Independence ...... 9 
 
 II. Constitution of the United States, including the proposed Con- 
 stitutional Amendment 15 
 
 III. Correspondence of Bishops Asbury and Coke with President 
 
 Washington ......... 34 
 
 IV. Washington's Farewell Address 31 
 
 V. Reception of Mr. Lincoln in Independence Hall . . .56 
 
 VI. First Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln . . .58 
 
 VII. Announcement of the Proclamation of Emancipation . . 69 
 
 VIII. Proclamation of Emancipation ...... 13 
 
 IX. Address of the General Conference to President Lincoln, with 
 
 the Reply of the President . . . . . .16 
 
 X. Second Inaugural Address of Abraham Lincoln . . .19 
 
 XI. Funeral Solemnities at the White House, Washington . . 82 
 
 XII. Funeral Oration of Bishop Simpson at SpringBeld . . 96 
 
 XIII. National Hymns : 
 
 "The Star-Spangled Banner" 112 
 
 "Our God is Marching On" (battle Hymn of the Republic) 113 
 
 XIV. A Divine Jewel! The Lord's Sermon on the Mount . .114 
 
THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 When, in the course of human events, it becomes neces- 
 sary for one people to dissolve the political bands which 
 have connected them with another, and to assume, among 
 the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to 
 which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, 
 a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that 
 they should declare the causes which impel them to the 
 separation. 
 
 We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are 
 created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with 
 certain unalienable rights; that among these, are life, liberty, 
 and the pursuit of happiness. That, to secure these rights, 
 governments are instituted among men, deriving their just 
 powers from the consent of the governed ; that, whenever 
 any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, 
 it is the right of the people to alter or to abolish it, and to 
 institute a new government, laying its foundation on such 
 principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to 
 them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and hap- 
 piness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that governments 
 long established, should not be changed for light and tran- 
 sient causes ; and, accordingly, all experience hath shown, 
 that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are 
 sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms 
 to which they are accustomed. But, when a long train of 
 abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, 
 evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, 
 it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such govern- 
 
10 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 ment, and to provide new guards for their future security. 
 Such has been the patient sufferance of these colonies, and 
 such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter 
 their former systems of government. The history of the 
 present king of Great Britain is a history of repeated inju- 
 ries and usurpations, all having, in direct object, the estab- 
 lishment of an absolute tyranny over these States. To 
 prove this, let facts be submitted to a candid world : 
 
 He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and 
 necessary for the public good. 
 
 He has forbidden his Governors to pass laws of immediate 
 and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation 
 till his assent should be obtained; and, when so suspended, 
 he has utterly neglected to attend to them. . 
 
 He has refused to pass other laws for the accommodation 
 of large districts of people, unless those people would relin- 
 quish the right of representation in the legislature ; a right 
 inestimable to them, and formidable to tyrants only. 
 
 He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, 
 uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their pub- 
 lic records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into com- 
 pliance with his measures. 
 
 He has dissolved representative houses repeatedly, for 
 opposing, with manly firmness, his invasions on the rights 
 of the people. 
 
 He has refused, for a long time after such dissolutions, 
 to cause others to be elected; whereby the legislative powers, 
 incapable of annihilation, have returned to the people at 
 large for their exercise ; the State remaining, in the mean 
 time, exposed to all the danger of invasion from without, and 
 convulsions within. 
 
 He has endeavored to prevent the population of these 
 States ; for that purpose, obstructing the laws for naturaliza- 
 tion of foreigners ; refusing to pass others to encourage their 
 migration hither, and raising the conditions of new appro- 
 priations of lands. 
 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 11 
 
 He has obstructed the administration of justice, by refus- 
 ing his assent to laws for establishing judiciary powers. 
 
 He has made judges dependent on his will alone, for the 
 tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their 
 salaries. 
 
 He has erected a multitude of new offices, and sent hither 
 swarms of officers to harass our people, and eat out their 
 substance. 
 
 He has kept among us, in times of peace, standing armies, 
 without the consent of our legislature. 
 
 He has affected to render the military independent of, 
 and superior to, the civil power. 
 
 He has combined, with others, to subject us to a jurisdic- 
 tion foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by 
 our laws ; giving his assent to their acts of pretended legis- 
 lation : 
 
 For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us : 
 
 For protecting them, by a mock trial, from punishment, 
 for any murders which they should commit on the inhabi- 
 tants of these States : 
 
 For cutting off our trade with all parts of the world : 
 
 For imposing taxes on us without our consent : 
 
 For depriving us, in many cases, of the benefits of trial 
 by jury: 
 
 For transporting us beyond seas to be tried for pretended 
 offences : 
 
 For abolishing the free system of English laws in a neigh- 
 boring province, establishing therein an arbitrary govern- 
 ment, and enlarging its boundaries, so as to render it at 
 once an example and fit instrument for introducing the 
 same absolute rule into these colonies : 
 
 For taking away our charters, abolishing our most valua- 
 ble laws, and altering, fundamentally, the powers of our 
 governments: 
 
 For suspending our own legislatures, and declaring them- 
 
12 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 selves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases 
 whatsoever. 
 
 He has abdicated government here, by declaring us out 
 of his protection, and waging war against us. 
 
 He has plundered our seas, ravaged our coasts, burnt our 
 towns, and destroyed the lives of our people. 
 
 He is, at this time, transporting large armies of foreign 
 mercenaries to complete the works of death, desolation, and 
 tyranny, already begun, with circumstances of cruelty and 
 perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and 
 totally unworthy the head of a civilized nation. 
 
 He has constrained our fellow-citizens, taken captive on 
 the high seas, to bear arms against their country, to become 
 the executioners of their friends and brethren, or to fall 
 themselves by their hands. 
 
 He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and 
 has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, 
 the merciless Indian savages, whose known rule of warfare 
 is an undistinguished destruction, of all ages, sexes, and 
 conditions. 
 
 In every stage of these oppressions, we have petitioned 
 for redress, in the most humble terms ; our repeated peti- 
 tions have been answered only by repeated injury. A 
 prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which 
 may define a tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. 
 
 Nor have we been wanting in attention to our British 
 brethren. We have warned them, from time to time, of 
 attempts made by their legislature to extend an unwarrant- 
 able jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them- of the 
 circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We 
 have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and 
 we have conjured them, by the ties of our common kindred, 
 to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably inter- 
 rupt our connections and correspondence. They, too, have 
 been deaf to the voice of justice and consanguinity. We 
 must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces 
 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 13 
 
 our separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of man- 
 kind, enemies in war, in peace, friends. 
 
 We, therefore, the representatives of the United States 
 of America, in General Congress assembled, appealing to 
 the Supreme Judge of the World for the rectitude of our 
 intentions, do, in the name, and by the authority of the 
 good people of these colonies, solemnly publish and declare, 
 That these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, 
 free and independent States; that they are absolved from 
 all allegiance to the British crown, and that all political 
 connection between them and the state of Great Britain, 
 is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that, as free and 
 independent states, they have full power to levy war, con- 
 clude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to 
 do all other acts and things which independent States may 
 of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, with 
 a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, we 
 mutually pledge to each other, our lives, our fortunes, and 
 our sacred honor. 
 
 The foregoing declaration was, by order of Congress, en- 
 grossed, and signed by the following members: — 
 
 JOHN HANCOCK. 
 
 New Hampshire. Samuel Huntington, 
 
 Josiah Bartlett, William Williams, 
 
 William Whipple, Oliver Wolcott. 
 
 Matthew Thornton. 
 
 New York. 
 Massachusetts Bay. William Floyd, 
 
 Samuel Adams, Philip Livingston, 
 
 John Adams, Francis Lewis, 
 
 Robert Treat Paine, Lewis Morris. 
 
 Elbridge Gerry. 
 
 New Jersey. 
 Rhode Island. Richard Stockton, 
 
 Stephen Hopkins, John Witherspoon, 
 
 William Ellery. Francis Hopkinson, 
 
 John Hart, 
 Connecticut. Abraham Clark. 
 
 Roger Sherman, 
 
14 
 
 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 Robert Morris, 
 Benjamin Rush, 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 John Morton, 
 George Clymer, 
 James Smith, 
 George Taylor, 
 James Wilson, 
 George Ross. 
 
 Delaware. 
 Csesar Rodney, 
 George Read, 
 Thomas M'Kean. 
 
 Maryland. 
 Samuel Chase, 
 William Paca, 
 Thomas Stone, 
 Charles Carroll, of Carrollton. 
 
 Virginia. 
 George Wythe, 
 
 Richard Henry Lee, 
 Thomas Jefferson, 
 Benjamin Harrison, 
 Thomas Nelson, jr., 
 Francis Lightfoot Lee, 
 Carter Braxton. 
 
 North Carolina. 
 William Hooper, 
 Joseph Hewes, 
 John Peun. 
 
 South Carolina. 
 Edward Rutledge, 
 Thomas Heyward, jr., 
 Thomas Lynch, jr., 
 Arthur Middleton. 
 
 Georgia. 
 Button Gwinnett, 
 Lyman Hall, 
 George Walton. 
 
 Resolved, That copies of the Declaration be sent to the 
 several assemblies, conventions, and committees, or councils 
 of safety, and to the several commanding officers of the con- 
 tinental troops ; that it be proclaimed in each of the United 
 States, and at the head of the army. 
 
THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 We, the People of the United States, in order to form a 
 more perfect union, establish justice, ensure domestic tran- 
 quillity, provide for the common defence, promote the 
 general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to our- 
 selves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this con- 
 stitution for the United States of America. 
 
 ARTICLE I. 
 
 OF THE LEGISLATIVE POWER. 
 
 Sect. I. All legislative powers, herein granted, shall be 
 vested in a congress of the United States, which shall con- 
 sist of a senate and house of representatives. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. The house of representatives shall be com- 
 posed of members chosen every second year by the people 
 of the several states; and the electors in each state sjhall 
 have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most 
 numerous branch of the state legislature. 
 
 2. No person shall be a representative, who shall not 
 have attained to the age of twenty-five years, and been 
 seven years a citizen of the United States, and who shall 
 not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that state in which 
 he shall be chosen. 
 
 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned 
 among the several states which may be included within 
 this union, according to their respective numbers, which 
 shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free 
 persons, including those bound to service for a term of 
 years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all 
 
16 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made 
 within three years after the first meeting of the congress of 
 the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten 
 years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The 
 number of representatives shall not exceed one for every 
 thirty thousand, but each state shall have at least one 
 representative; and, until such enumeration shall be made, 
 the state of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose 
 three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence 
 Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New 
 Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland 
 six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, 
 and Georgia three. 
 
 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from 
 any state, the executive authority thereof shall issue writs 
 of election, to fill such vacancies. 
 
 5. The house of representatives shall choose their speaker 
 and other officers; and shall have the sole power of im- 
 peachment. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. The senate of the United States shall be 
 composed of two senators from each state, chosen by the 
 legislature thereof for six years ; and each senator shall 
 have one vote. 
 
 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in conse- 
 quence of the first election, they shall be divided, as equally 
 as may be, into three classes. The seats of the senators 
 of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the 
 second year; of the second class at the expiration of the 
 fourth year; and of the third class at the expiration of the 
 sixth year ; so that one-third may be chosen every second 
 year. And if vacancies happen by resignation, or other- 
 wise, during the recess of the legislature of any state, the 
 executive thereof may make temporary appointments, until 
 the next meeting of the legislature, which shall then fill 
 such vacancies. 
 
 3. No person shall be a senator, who shall not have 
 
CONSTITUTION* OF THE UNITED STATES. 17 
 
 attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a 
 citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when 
 elected, be an inhabitant of that state for which he shall 
 be chosen. 
 
 4. The vice-president of the United States shall be presi- 
 dent of the senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be 
 equally divided. 
 
 5. The senate shall choose their other officers, and also 
 a president pro tempore in the absence of the vice-presi- 
 dent, or when he shall exercise the office of president of 
 the United States. 
 
 6. The senate shall have the sole power to try all im- 
 peachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be 
 on oath or affirmation. When the president of the United 
 States is tried, the chief justice shall preside. And no 
 person shall be convicted, without the concurrence of two- 
 thirds of the members present. 
 
 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend 
 further than to removal from office, and disqualification to 
 hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust or profit under the 
 United States ; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, 
 be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment and 
 punishment, according to law. 
 
 Sect. IV. 1. The times, places, and manner of holding 
 elections for senators and representatives, shall be pre- 
 scribed in each state by the legislature thereof, but the 
 congress may at any time, by law, make or alter such regu- 
 lations, except as to the places of choosing senators. 
 
 2. Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, 
 and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, 
 unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day. 
 
 Sect. V. 1. Each house shall be the judge of the elec- 
 tion returns and qualifications of its own members, and a 
 majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business, 
 but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and 
 may be authorized to compel the attendance of the absent 
 
18 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 members, in such manner, and under such penalties, as 
 each house may provide. 
 
 2. Each house may determine the rules of its proceed- 
 ings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and with 
 the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 
 
 3. Each house shall keep a journal of its proceedings, 
 and from time to time publish the same, excepting such 
 parts as may in their judgment require secrecy ; and the 
 yeas and nays of members of either house on any question, 
 shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered 
 <on the journal. 
 
 4. Neither house, during the session of congress, shall, 
 without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than 
 three days, nor to any other place, than that in which the 
 two houses shall be sitting. 
 
 Sect. VI. 1. The senators and representatives shall re- 
 ceive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained 
 by law, and paid out of the treasury of the United States. 
 They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach 
 of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attend- 
 ance at the session of their respective houses, and in going 
 to, and returning from the same; and for any speech or 
 debate in either house, they shall not be questioned in any 
 other place. 
 
 2. No senator or representative shall, during the time 
 for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office 
 under the authority of the United States, which shall have 
 been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been 
 increased, during such time ; and no person holding any 
 office under the United States, shall be a member of either 
 house, during his continuance in office. 
 
 Sect. VII. 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate 
 in the house of representatives ; but the senate may propose 
 or concur with amendments, as on other bills. 
 
 2. Every bill which shall have passed the house of repre- 
 sentatives and the senate, shall, before it become a law, 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 19 
 
 be presented to the president of the United States ; if he 
 approve, he shall sign it ; but if not, he shall return it, with 
 his objections, to that house in which it shall have origi- 
 nated, who shall enter the objections at large on their 
 journal, and proceed to re-consider it. If, after such re- 
 consideration, two-thirds of that house shall agree to pass 
 the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to 
 the other house, by which it shall likewise be re-considered, 
 and, if approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become 
 a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both houses 
 shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of 
 the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered 
 on the journal of each house, respectively. If any bill shall 
 not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays 
 excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the 
 same shall be a law in like manner as if he had signed it, 
 unless congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return, 
 in which case it shall not be a law. 
 
 3. Every order, resolution or vote, to which the concur- 
 rence of the senate and house of representatives may be 
 necessary (except on a question of adjournment), shall be 
 presented to the president of the United States, and before 
 the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or 
 being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds 
 of the senate and house of representatives, according to the 
 rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. 
 
 Sect. VIII. Congress shall have power — 
 
 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, 
 to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and 
 general welfare of the United States ; but all duties, im- 
 posts and excises, shall be uniform throughout the United 
 States ; 
 
 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States ; 
 
 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among 
 the several states, and with the Indian tribes ; 
 
 4. To establish a uniform rule of naturalization, and uni- 
 
20 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 form laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the 
 United States ; 
 
 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of for- 
 eign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures; 
 
 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the 
 securities and current coin of the United States ; 
 
 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads ; 
 
 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by 
 securing, for limited times, to authors and inventors, the 
 exclusive right to their respective writings and discove- 
 ries ; 
 
 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court ; 
 
 10. To define and punish piracies, felonies committed on 
 the high seas, and offences against the law of nations ; 
 
 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, 
 and make rules concerning captures on land and water ; 
 
 12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation 
 of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two 
 years ; 
 
 1 3. To provide and maintain a navy ; 
 
 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of 
 the land and naval forces ; 
 
 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the 
 laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel inva- 
 sions ; 
 
 16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining 
 the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be 
 employed in the service of the United States, reserving to 
 the states, respectively, the appointment of the officers, and 
 the authority of training the militia, according to the disci- 
 pline prescribed by congress ; 
 
 18. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatso- 
 ever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as 
 may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of 
 congress, become the seat of the government of the United 
 States ; and to exercise like authority over all places, pur- 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 21 
 
 chased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which 
 the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arse- 
 nals, dockyards, and other needful buildings ; 
 
 18. And to make all laws which shall be necessary and 
 proper, for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, 
 and all other powers vested by this constitution in the 
 government of the United States, or in any department or 
 officer thereof. 
 
 Sect. IX. 1. The migration or importation of such per- 
 sons, as any of the states now existing shall think proper 
 to admit, shall not be prohibited by congress, prior to the 
 year one thousand eight hundred and eight ; but a tax or 
 duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding 
 ten dollars for each person. 
 
 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be 
 suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion, 
 the public safety may require it. 
 
 3. No bill of attainder, or ex post facto law shall be 
 passed. 
 
 4. No capitation, or other direct tax, shall be laid, unless 
 in proportion to the census or enumeration, hereinbefore 
 directed to be taken. 
 
 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from 
 any state. No preference shall be given by any regulation 
 of commerce or revenue, to the ports of one state over 
 those of another ; nor shall vessels bound to or from one 
 state be obliged to enter, clear or pay duties in another. 
 
 6. No money shall be drawn from the treasury, but in 
 consequence of appropriations made by law ; and a regular 
 statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of 
 all public money shall be published from time to time. 
 
 7. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United 
 States ; and no person, holding any office of profit or trust 
 under them, shall, without the consent of congress, accept 
 of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind what- 
 ever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. 
 
22 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Sect. X. 1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance 
 or confederation ; grant letters of marque and reprisal ; coin 
 money; emit bills of credit; make anything but gold and 
 silver coin a tender in the payment of debts ; pass any bill 
 of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obliga- 
 tions of contracts ; or grant any title of nobility. 
 
 2. No state shall, without the consent of congress, lay 
 
 any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what 
 
 may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection 
 
 laws ; and the nett produce of all duties and imposts, laid 
 
 by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of 
 
 the treasury of the United States ; and all such laws shall 
 
 be subject to the revision and control of congress. No 
 
 state shall, without the consent of congress, lay any duty 
 
 on tonnage, keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, 
 
 enter into any agreement or compact with another state, 
 
 or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually 
 
 invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of 
 
 delay. 
 
 \ 
 
 ARTICLE II. 
 
 OF THE EXECUTIVE. 
 
 Sect. I. 1. The executive power shall be vested in a 
 president of the United States of America. He shall hold 
 his office during the term of four years, and, together with 
 the vice-president, chosen for the same term, be elected as 
 follows : 
 
 2. Each state shall appoint, in such manner as the legis- 
 lature thereof may direct, a number of electors, equal to 
 the whole number of senators and representatives to which 
 the state may be entitled in congress ; but no senator or 
 representative, or person holding an office of trust or profit 
 under the United States, shall be appointed an elector. 
 
 3. The electors shall meet in their respective states and 
 vote, by ballot, for two persons, of whom one at least shall 
 not be an inhabitant of the same state with themselves. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 23 
 
 And they shall make a list of all the persons voted for, and 
 of the number of votes for each ; which list they shall sign 
 and certify, and transmit, sealed, to the seat of the govern- 
 ment of the United States, directed to the president of the 
 senate. The president of the senate shall, in the presence 
 of the senate and house of representatives, open all the 
 certificates, and the votes shall then be counted. The person 
 having the greatest number of votes shall be the president, if 
 such number be a majority of the whole number of electors 
 appointed ; and if there be more than one who have such 
 majority, and have an equal number of votes, then the 
 house of representatives shall immediately choose, by ballot, 
 one of them for president; and if no person have a majority, 
 then, from the five highest on the list, the said house shall, 
 in like manner, choose the president, but in choosing the 
 president the votes shall be taken by states, the repre- 
 sentation from each state having one vote : a quorum for 
 this purpose shall consist of a member or members from 
 two-thirds of the states, and a majority of all the states shall 
 be necessary to a choice. In every case, after the choice 
 of the president, the person having the greatest number 
 of votes of the electors, shall be the vice-president. But if 
 there should remain two or more, who have equal votes, the 
 senate shall choose from them, by ballot, the vice-president. 
 
 4. Congress may determine the time of choosing the 
 electors, and the day on which they shall give their votes, 
 which day shall be the same throughout the United States. 
 
 5. No person, except a natural-born citizen, or a citizen 
 of the United States at the time of the adoption of this con- 
 stitution, shall be eligible to the office of president ; neither 
 shall any person be eligible to that office, who shall not 
 have attained to the age of thirty-five years, and been four- 
 teen years a resident within the United States. 
 
 6. In case of the removal of the president from office, or 
 of his death, resignation, or inability to discharge the powers 
 
24 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 and duties of the said office, the same shall devolve on the 
 vice-president; and congress may, by law, provide for the 
 case of removal, death, resignation, or inability, both of the 
 president and vice-president, declaring what officer shall 
 then act as president, and such officer shall act accordingly, 
 until the disability be removed, or a president shall be 
 elected. 
 
 7. The president shall, at stated times, receive for his 
 services a compensation, which shall neither be increased 
 nor diminished during the period for which he shall have 
 been elected ; and he shall not receive, within that period, 
 any other emolument from the United States, or any of 
 them. 
 
 8. Before he enter on the execution of his office, he shall 
 take the following oath or affirmation : 
 
 " I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will faithfully 
 execute the office of president of the United States, and 
 will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect, and defend 
 the constitution of the United States." 
 
 Sect. II. 1. The president shall be commander-in-chief 
 of the army and navy of the United States, and of the 
 militia of the several states, when called into the actual 
 service of the United States ; he may require the opinion, 
 in writing, of the principal officer in each of the executive 
 departments, upon any subject relating to the duties of their 
 respective offices; and he shall have power to grant re- 
 prieves and pardons for offences against the United States, 
 except in cases of impeachment. 
 
 2. He shall have power, by and with the advice and con- 
 sent of the senate, to make treaties, provided two-thirds 
 of the senators present concur ; and he shall nominate, and, 
 by and with the advice and consent of the senate, shall 
 appoint ambassadors, other public ministers and consuls, 
 judges of the supreme court, and all other officers of the 
 United States, whose appointments are not herein other- 
 wise provided for, and which shall be established by law. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 25 
 
 But congress may, by law, vest the appointment of such 
 inferior officers as they think proper, in the president alone, 
 in the courts of law, or in the heads of departments. 
 
 3. The president shall have power to fill up all vacancies 
 that may happen during the recess of the senate, by grant- 
 ing commissions, which shall expire at the end of their next 
 session. 
 
 Sect. III. He shall, from time to time, give to congress 
 information of the state of the union, and recommend to 
 their consideration such measures as he shall judge neces- 
 sary and expedient; he may, on extraordinary occasions, 
 convene both houses, or either of them, and in case of dis- 
 agreement between them, with respect to the time of 
 adjournment, he may adjourn them to such time as he 
 shall think proper ; he shall receive ambassadors, and other 
 public ministers ; he shall take care that the laws be faith- 
 fully executed, and shall commission all the officers of the 
 United States. 
 
 Sect. IV. The president, vice-president and all civil 
 officers of the United States, shall be removed from office 
 on impeachment for, and conviction of treason, bribery, or 
 other high crimes and misdemeanors. 
 
 ARTICLE III. 
 
 OP THE JUDICIARY. 
 
 Sect. I. The judicial power of the United States shall be 
 vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as 
 congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish. The 
 judges, both of the supreme and inferior courts, shall hold 
 their offices during good behavior, and shall, at stated times, 
 receive for their services a compensation, which shall not 
 be diminished during their continuance in office. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. The judicial power shall extend to all cases 
 
 in law and equity arising under this constitution, the laws 
 
 of the United States, and treaties made, or which shall be 
 
 made, under their authority ; to all cases affecting ambassa- 
 3 
 
26 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 dors, other public ministers and consuls; to all cases of 
 admiralty and maritime jurisdiction ; to controversies to 
 which the United States shall be a party ; to controversies 
 between two or more states, between a state and a citizen 
 of another state, between citizens of different states, between 
 citizens of the same state claiming lands under grants of 
 different states, and between a state, or the citizens thereof, 
 and foreign states, citizens or subjects. 
 
 2. In all cases affecting ambassadors, other public 
 ministers and consuls, and those in which a state shall be a 
 party, the supreme court shall have original jurisdiction. 
 In all the other cases before mentioned, the supreme court 
 shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, 
 with such exceptions, and under such regulations, as con- 
 gress shall make. 
 
 3. The trial of all crimes, except in* cases of impeach- 
 ment, shall be by jury; and such trials shall be held in the 
 state where the said crime shall have been committed ; but 
 when not committed within any state, the trial shall be at 
 such place or places as congress may by law have directed. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. Treason against the United States shall 
 consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to 
 their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person 
 shall be convicted of treason, unless on the testimony of two 
 witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open 
 court. 
 
 2. Congress shall have power to declare the punishment 
 of treason, but no attainder of treason shall work corrup- 
 tion of blood, or forfeiture, except during the life of the 
 person attainted. 
 
 ARTICLE IV. 
 
 OF STATE RECORDS. 
 
 Sect. I. Full faith and credit shall be given in each state 
 to the public acts, records and judicial proceedings of every 
 other state. And congress may, by general laws, prescribe 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 27 
 
 the manner in which such acts, records, and proceedings 
 shall be proved, and the effect thereof. 
 
 OF CITIZENSHIP. 
 
 Sect. II. 1. The citizens of each state shall be entitled 
 to all privileges and immunities of citizens in the several 
 states. 
 
 OF FUGITIVES FROM JUSTICE. 
 
 2. A person charged in any state with treason, felony or 
 other crime, who shall flee from justice, and be found in 
 another state, shall, on demand of the executive authority 
 of the same state from which he fled, be delivered up, to be 
 removed to the state having jurisdiction of the crime. 
 
 OF FUGITIVE SLAVES. 
 
 3. No person held to service or labor in one state, under 
 the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence 
 of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such 
 service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the 
 party to whom such service or labor may be due. 
 
 OF THE ADMISSION OF NEW STATES. 
 
 Sect. III. 1. New states may be admitted by congress 
 into this Union ; but no new state shall be formed or 
 erected within the jurisdiction of any other state, nor any 
 state be formed by the junction of two or more states, or 
 parts of states, without the consent of the legislatures of the 
 states concerned, as well as of congress. 
 
 OF TERRITORIES. 
 
 2. Congress shall have power to dispose of, and make all 
 needful rules and regulations respecting the territory, or 
 other property, belonging to the United States; and 
 nothing in this constitution shall be so construed, as to 
 prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any par- 
 ticular state. 
 
 OF STATE FORMS OF GOVERNMENT. 
 
 Sect. IV. The United States shall guaranty to every 
 
28 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 state in this union a republican form of government, and 
 shall protect each of them against invasion ; and, on applica- 
 tion of the legislature, or of the executive (when the legisla- 
 ture cannot be convened), against domestic violence. 
 
 ARTICLE Y. 
 
 OF AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION. 
 
 Congress, whenever two-thirds of both houses shall deem 
 it necessary, shall propose amendments to this constitution, 
 or on the application of the legislatures of two-thirds of the 
 several states, shall call a convention for proposing amend- 
 ments, which, in either case, shall be valid, to all intents 
 and purposes, as part of this constitution, when ratified by 
 the legislatures of three-fourths of the several states, or by 
 conventions in three-fourths thereof, as the one or the other 
 mode of ratification may be proposed by congress : Provided, 
 That no amendments which may be made prior to the year 
 one thousand eight hundred and eight, shall in any manner 
 affect the first and fourth clauses in the ninth section of the 
 first article ; and that no state, without its consent, shall be 
 deprived of its equal suffrage in the senate. 
 
 ARTICLE VI. 
 
 PUBLIC DEBT. 
 
 Sect. T. All debts contracted, and engagements entered 
 into, before the adoption of this constitution, shall be as 
 valid against the United States under this constitution, as 
 under the confederation. 
 
 OF THE SUPREME LAW OF THE LAND. 
 
 Sect. II. This constitution, and the laws of the United 
 States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof, and all 
 treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority 
 of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land ; 
 and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any 
 thing in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary 
 nothwithstanding. 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 29 
 
 OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL OATH AND A RELIGIOUS TEST. 
 
 Sect. III. The senators and representatives before men- 
 tioned, and the members of the several state legislatures, 
 and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United 
 States and of the several states, shall be bound, by oat,h or 
 affirmation, to support this constitution ; but no religious 
 test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office, or 
 public trust, under the United States. 
 
 ARTICLE VII. 
 The ratification of the conventions of nine states shall be 
 sufficient for the establishment of this constitution, between 
 the states so ratifying the same. 
 
 Done in convention by the unanimous consent of the 
 states present, the seventeenth day of September, in 
 the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and 
 eighty-seven, and of the Independence of the United 
 States of America the twelfth. In witness whereof, 
 we have hereunto subscribed our names. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, President, 
 
 And Deputy from Virginia. 
 
 New Hampshire. David Brearly, 
 
 John Langdon, William Patterson, 
 
 Nicholas Oilman. Jonathan Dayton. 
 
 Massachusetts. Delaware. 
 
 Nathaniel Gorham, George Read, 
 
 Rums King. Gunning Bedford, jr. 
 
 John Dickinson, 
 Connecticut. Richard Bassett, 
 
 William Samuel Johnson, Jacob Broom. 
 
 Roger Sherman. 
 
 Maryland. 
 New York. James M'Henry, 
 
 Alexander Hamilton. Daniel of St. Tho. Jenifer, 
 
 Daniel Carroll. 
 New Jersey. 
 William Livingston, 
 
NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Virginia. Thomas Fitzsimmons, 
 
 John Blair, Jared Ingersoll, 
 
 James MadisoD, jr. James Wilson, 
 
 Gouverneur Morris. 
 North Carolina. 
 William Blount, South Carolina. 
 
 Richard Dobbs Spaight, John Rutlege, 
 
 Hugh Williamson. Charles Cotesworth Pinkney, 
 
 Charles Pinkney, 
 Pennsylvania. Pierce Butler. 
 
 Benjamin Franklin, 
 
 Thomas Mifflin, Georgia. 
 
 Robert Morris, William Few, 
 
 George Clymer, Abraham Baldwin. 
 
 Attest. William Jackson, Secretary. 
 
 AMENDMENTS. 
 
 The following articles proposed by Congress, in addition 
 to, and amendment of the constitution of the United States, 
 having been ratified by the legislatures of the requisite 
 number of the states, are become a part of the constitution. 
 
 First Congress. First Session. March 4, 1789. 
 
 Art. I, Congress shall make no law respecting an estab- 
 lishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; 
 or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the 
 right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition 
 the government for a redress of grievances. 
 
 Art. II. A well regulated militia being necessary to the 
 security of a free state, the right of the people to keep and 
 bear arms shall not be infringed. 
 
 Art. III. No soldier shall in time of peace be quartered 
 in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time 
 of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 
 
 Art. IV. The right of the people to be secure in their 
 persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable 
 searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants 
 shall issue, but upon probable cause supported by oath or 
 
CONSTITUTION" OF THE UNITED STATES. 31 
 
 affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be 
 searched, and the persons or things to be seized. 
 
 Art. V. No person shall be held to answer for a capital 
 or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or 
 indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the 
 land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual ser- 
 vice in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person 
 be subject, for the same offence, to be twice put in jeopardy 
 of life or limb; nor shall be compelled, in any criminal case, 
 to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, 
 liberty, or property, without due process of law ; nor shall 
 private property be taken for public use, without just com- 
 pensation. 
 
 Art. VI. In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall 
 enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial 
 jury of the state and district wherein the crime shall have 
 been committed, which district shall have been previously 
 ascertained by law; and to be informed of the nature and 
 cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses 
 against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining 
 witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel 
 for his defence. 
 
 Art. VII. In suits at common law, where the value in 
 controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial 
 by jury shall be preserved; and no fact tried by a jury shall 
 be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United States, 
 than according to the rules of the common law. 
 
 Art. VIII. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor 
 excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments 
 inflicted. 
 
 Art. IX. The enumeration in the constitution of certain 
 rights shall not be construed to deny or disparage others 
 retained by the people. 
 
 Art. X. The powers not delegated to the United States 
 by the constitution, nor prohibited by it to the states, are 
 reserved to the states respectively, or to the people. 
 
32 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Third Congress. Second Session. December 2, 1793. 
 
 Art. XI. The judicial power of the United States shall 
 not be construed to extend to any suit in law or equity, 
 commenced or prosecuted against one of the United States 
 by citizens of another state, or by citizens or subjects of any 
 foreign state. 
 
 Eighth Congress. First Session. October 17, 1803. 
 
 Art. XII. The electors shall meet in their respective 
 states, and vote by ballot, for president and vice-president; 
 one of whom at least shall not be an inhabitant of the same 
 state with themselves; they shall name in their ballots the 
 person voted for as president, and in distinct ballots the 
 person voted for as vice-president; and they shall make 
 distinct lists of all persons voted for as president;, and of 
 all persons voted for as vice-president, and the number of 
 votes for each; which lists they shall sign and certify, and 
 transmit sealed, to the seat of government of the United 
 States, directed to the president of the senate; the president 
 of the senate shall, in the presence of the senate and house 
 of representatives, open all the certificates, and the votes 
 shall then be counted; the person having the greatest 
 number of votes for president, shall be the president, if such 
 number be a majority of the whole number of electors 
 appointed. And if no person have such majority, then 
 from the persons having the highest numbers, not exceed- 
 ing three on the list of those voted for as president, the 
 house of representatives shall choose immediately, by ballot, 
 the president; but in choosing the president, the votes shall 
 be taken by states, the representation from each state hav- 
 ing one vote; a quorum for this purpose shall consist of a 
 member or members from two-thirds of the states, and a 
 majority of all the states shall be necessary to a choice; and 
 if the house of representatives shall not choose a president, 
 whenever the right of choice shall devolve upon them, be- 
 fore the fourth day of March next following, then the vice- 
 
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. 33 
 
 president shall act as president, as in the case of the death or 
 other constitutional disability of the president. The person 
 having the greatest number of votes as vice-president, shall 
 be the vice-president, if such number be a majority of the 
 whole number of electors appointed; and if no person have 
 a majority, then from the two highest numbers on the list, 
 the senate shall choose the vice-president; a quorum for the 
 purpose shall consist of two-thirds of the whole number of 
 senators, and a majority of the whole number shall be neces- 
 sary to a choice. But no person constitutionally ineligible 
 to the office of president, shall be eligible to that of vice- 
 president of the United States. 
 
 Congress Having passed the following amendment, when ratified by three-fourths 
 of the several states, it will be valid as a part of this Constitution. 
 
 ARTICLE XIII. 
 
 Sect. 1. Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except 
 as a punishment for crime, whereof the party shall have 
 been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States, 
 or any place subject to their jurisdiction. 
 
 Sect. 2. Congress shall have power to enforce this article 
 by appropriate legislation. 
 
CORRESPONDENCE OF BISHOPS ASBURY AND COKE WITH 
 PRESIDENT WASHINGTON. 
 
 [The Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States, early in her 
 history, and early fh the history of our Republic, showed a loyal bearing, 
 which we think should characterize all Christian organizations, thus com- 
 plying with the teachings of inspiration : " Let every soul be subject to 
 the higher powers;" "Put them in mind to be subject to principalities 
 and powers, to obey magistrates, to be ready to every good work." We 
 now introduce to our readers the correspondence of the Bishops of the 
 M. E. Church with General Washington shortly after his selection as Presi- 
 dent of the United States. See Bangs' History of the Methodist Episco- 
 pal Church, Vol. L] 
 
 ADDRESS OF THE BISHOPS OP THE M. E. CHURCH TO GENERAL 
 WASHINGTON, THE FIRST PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED 
 STATES. 
 
 Sir: We, the Bishops of the M. E. Church, humbly beg 
 leave, in the name of our society collectively in these Uni- 
 ted States, to express to you the warm feelings of our 
 hearts, and our sincere congratulations on your appoint- 
 ment to the Presidentship of these states. We are con- 
 scious from the signal proofs you have already given, that 
 you are a friend of mankind ; and under this established 
 idea, place as full confidence in your wisdom and integrity 
 for the preservation of those civil and religious liberties 
 which have been transmitted to us by the providence of 
 God and the glorious revolution, as we believe ought to be 
 reposed in man. We have received the most grateful satis- 
 faction from the humble and entire dependence on the 
 great Governor of the universe which you have repeatedly 
 expressed, acknowledging Him the source of every blessing, 
 
THE REPLY OF WASHINGTON. 35 
 
 and particularly of the most excellent constitution of these 
 States, which is at present the admiration of the world, 
 and may in future become its great exemplar for imitation; 
 and hence we enjoy a holy expectation, that you will 
 always prove a faithful and impartial patron of genuine, 
 vital religion, the grand end of our creation and present 
 probationary existence. And we promise you our fervent 
 prayers to the Throne of Grace, that God Almighty may 
 endue you with all the graces and gifts of his Holy Spirit, 
 that he may enable you to fill up your important station 
 to his glory, the good of his church, the happiness and 
 prosperity of the United States, and the welfare of man- 
 kind. 
 
 Signed, in behalf of the Methodist Episcopal Church, 
 
 THOMAS COKE, 
 FRANCIS ASBURY. 
 
 THE EEPLY OF PRESIDENT WASHINGTON TO THE 
 BISHOPS OF THE M. E. CHURCH. 
 
 New York, May 29, 1789. 
 Gentlemen : I return to you individually, and through 
 you to your Society collectively in the United States, my 
 thanks for the demonstrations of affection and the expres- 
 sions of joy, offered in their behalf on my late appoint- 
 ment. It shall be my endeavor to manifest the purity of 
 my inclinations for promoting the happiness of mankind, as 
 well as the sincerity of my desires to contribute whatever 
 may be in my power toward the civil and religious liberties 
 of the American people. In pursuing this line of conduct, 
 I hope, by the assistance of Divine Providence, not alto- 
 gether to disappoint the confidence which you have been 
 pleased to repose in me. It always affords me satisfaction 
 when I find a concurrence of sentiment and practice between 
 
36 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 all conscientious men, in acknowledgments of homage to the 
 great Governor of the universe, and in professions of support 
 to a just civil government. After mentioning that I trust 
 the people of every denomination, who demean themselves 
 as good citizens, will have occasion to be convinced that I 
 shall always strive to prove a faithful and impartial patron 
 of genuine vital religion — I must assure you in particular, 
 that I take in the kindest part the promise you make of 
 presenting your prayers at the Throne of Grace for me, and 
 that I likewise implore the divine benediction on yourselves 
 and your religious community. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON.- 
 
FAREWELL ADDRESS 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT, TO THE PEOPLE 
 OF THE UNITED STATES, SEPTEMBER 17, 1196. 
 
 Friends and Fellow-Citizens : 
 
 The period for a new election of a citizen to administer 
 the Executive Government of the United States being not 
 far distant, and the time actually arrived when your thoughts 
 must be employed in designating the person who is to be 
 clothed with that important trust, it appears to me proper, 
 especially as it may conduce to a more distinct expression 
 of the public voice, that I should noAV apprise you of the 
 resolution I have formed, to decline being considered among 
 the number of those out of whom a choice is to be made. 
 
 I beg you, at the same time, to do me the justice to be 
 assured that this resolution has not been taken without a 
 strict regard to all the considerations appertaining to the 
 relation which binds a dutiful citizen to his country; and 
 that, in withdrawing the tender of service, which silence, 
 in my situation, might imply, I am influenced by no dimi- 
 nution of zeal for your future interest; no deficiency of 
 grateful respect for your past kindness; but am supported 
 by a full conviction that the step is compatible with both. 
 
 The acceptance of, and continuance hitherto in, the office 
 to which your suffrages have twice called me, have been a 
 uniform sacrifice of inclination to the opinion of duty, and 
 to a deference for what appeared to be your desire. I con- 
 stantly hoped that it would have been much earlier in my 
 power, consistently with motives which I was not at liberty 
 
38 • NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 to disregard, to return to that retirement from which I had 
 been reluctantly drawn. The strength of my inclination 
 to do this, previous to the last election, had even led to the 
 preparation of an address to declare it to you; but mature 
 reflection on the then perplexed and critical posture of our 
 affairs with foreign nations, and the unanimous advice of 
 persons entitled to my confidence, impelled me to abandon 
 the idea. 
 
 I rejoice that the state of your concerns, external as well 
 as internal, no longer renders the pursuit of inclination 
 incompatible with the sentiment of duty or propriety; and 
 am persuaded, whatever partiality may be retained for my 
 services, that, in the present circumstances of our country, 
 you will not disapprove my determination to retire. 
 
 The impressions with which I first undertook the arduous 
 trust were explained on the proper occasion. In the dis- 
 charge of this trust, I will only say, that I have with good 
 intentions contributed towards the organization and admi- 
 nistration of the Government the best exertions of which a 
 very fallible judgment was capable. Not unconscious in 
 the outset of the inferiority of my qualifications, experience, 
 in my own eyes — perhaps still more in the eyes of others — 
 has strengthened the motives to diffidence of myself; and 
 every day the increasing weight of years admonishes me, 
 more and more, that the shade of retirement is as necessary 
 to me as it will be welcome. Satisfied that if any circum- 
 stances have given peculiar value to my services, they were 
 temporary, I have the consolation to believe that, while 
 choice and prudence invite me to quit the political scene, 
 patriotism does not forbid it. 
 
 In looking forward to the moment which is intended to 
 terminate the career of my public life, my feelings do not 
 permit me to suspend the deep acknowledgment of that 
 debt of gratitude which I owe to my beloved country for 
 the many honors it has conferred upon me; still more for 
 the steadfast confidence with which it has supported me; 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 39 
 
 and for the opportunities I have thence enjoyed of mani- 
 festing my inviolable attachment, by services faithful and 
 persevering, though in usefulness unequal to my zeal. If 
 benefits have resulted to our country from these services, 
 let it always be remembered to your praise, and as an in- 
 structive example in our annals, that, under circumstances 
 in which the passions, agitated in every direction, were 
 liable to mislead; amidst appearances sometimes dubious, 
 vicissitudes of fortune often discouraging; in situations in 
 which, not unfrequently, want of success has countenanced 
 the spirit of criticism — the constancy of your support was 
 the essential prop of the efforts, and a guarantee of the 
 plans, by which they were effected. Profoundly penetrated 
 with this idea, I shall carry it with me to my grave, as a strong 
 incitement to unceasing vows, that Heaven may continue to 
 you the choicest tokens of its beneficence ; that your union 
 and brotherly affection may be perpetual; that the free 
 constitution, which is the work of your hands, may be 
 sacredly maintained; that its administration, in every de- 
 partment, may be stamped with wisdom and virtue; that, 
 in fine, the happiness of the people of these States, under 
 the auspices of liberty, may be made complete, by so careful 
 a preservation and so prudent a use of this blessing as will 
 acquire to them the glory of recommending it to the 
 applause, the affection, and the adoption of every nation 
 which is yet a stranger to it. 
 
 Here, perhaps, I ought to stop ; but a solicitude for your 
 welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the appre- 
 hension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on 
 an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn con- 
 templation, and to recommend to your frequent review, 
 some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, 
 of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me 
 all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. 
 These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as 
 you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a 
 
40 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive 
 to bias his counsel ; nor can I forget, as an encouragement 
 to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a 
 former and not dissimilar occasion. 
 
 Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament 
 of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to 
 fortify or confirm the attachment. 
 
 The unity of government, which constitutes you one 
 people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; for it is a 
 main pillar in the edifice of your real independence — the 
 support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of 
 your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which 
 you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from 
 different causes and from different quarters, much pains 
 will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your 
 minds the conviction of this truth ; as this is the point in 
 your political fortress against which the batteries of inter- 
 nal and external enemies will be most constantly and 
 actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed — 
 it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate 
 the immense value of your national union to your collective 
 and individual happiness ; that you should cherish a cor- 
 dial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it ; accustom- 
 ing yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium 
 of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its 
 preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing what- 
 ever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any 
 event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the 
 first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of 
 our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties 
 which now link together the various parts. 
 
 For this you have every inducement of sympathy and 
 interest. Citizens by birth or choice, of a common country, 
 that country has a right to concentrate your affections. 
 The name of American, which belongs to you in your 
 national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patri- 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. 41 
 
 otism, more than any appellation derived from local dis- 
 criminations. With slight shades of difference, you have 
 the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. 
 You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed 
 together ; the independence and liberty you possess are the 
 work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, 
 sufferings, and successes. 
 
 But these considerations, however powerfully they 
 address themselves to your sensibility, are greatly out- 
 weighed by those which apply more immediately to your 
 interest ; here every portion of our country finds the most 
 commanding motives for carefully guarding and preserving 
 the union of the whole. 
 
 The North, in an unrestrained intercourse with the 
 South, protected by the equal laws of a common govern- 
 ment, finds, in the productions of the latter, great addi- 
 tional resources of maritime and commercial enterprise, and 
 precious materials of manufacturing industry. The South, 
 in the same intercourse, benefiting by the agency of the 
 North, sees its agriculture grow, and its commerce expand. 
 Turning partly into its own channels the seamen of the 
 North, it finds its particular navigation invigorated ; and 
 while it contributes, in different ways, to nourish and in- 
 crease the general mass of the national navigation, it looks 
 forward to the protection of a maritime strength to which 
 itself is unequally adapted. The East, in like intercourse 
 with the West, already finds, and in the progressive im- 
 provement of interior communication, by land and water, 
 will more and more find, a valuable vent for the commodi- 
 ties which it brings from abroad, or manufactures at home. 
 The West derives from the East supplies requisite to its 
 growth and comfort ; and what is perhaps of still greater 
 consequence, it must, of necessity, owe the secure enjoy- 
 ment of indispensable outlets for its own productions, to 
 the weight, influence, and the future maritime strength of 
 the Atlantic side of the Union, directed by an indissoluble 
 
42 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 community of interest as one nation. Any other tenure 
 by which the West can hold this essential advantage, 
 whether derived from its own separate strength, or from 
 an apostate and unnatural connection with any foreign 
 power, must be intrinsically precarious. 
 
 While, then, every part of our country thus feels an 
 immediate and particular interest in union, all the parts 
 combined cannot fail to find, in the united mass of means 
 and efforts, greater strength, greater resource, proportionably 
 greater security from external danger, a less frequent inter- 
 ruption of their peace by foreign nations ; and what is of 
 inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemp- 
 tion from those broils and wars between themselves, which 
 so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together 
 by the same government ; which their own rivalships alone 
 w r ould be sufficient to produce, but which opposite foreign 
 alliances, attachments, and intrigues, would stimulate and 
 imbitter. Hence, likewise, they will avoid the necessity 
 of those overgrown military establishments, which, under 
 any form of government, are inauspicious to liberty, and 
 which are to be regarded as particularly hostile to republi- 
 can liberty ; in this sense it is that your union ought to be 
 considered as a main prop of your liberty, and that the love 
 of the one ought to endear to you the preservation of the 
 other. 
 
 These considerations speak a persuasive language to every 
 reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance 
 of the Union as a primary object of patriotic desire. Is 
 there a doubt, whether a common government can embrace 
 so large a sphere \ Let experience solve it. To listen to 
 mere speculation, in such a case, were criminal. We are 
 authorized to hope, that a proper organization of the whole, 
 with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective 
 subdivisions, will afford a happy issue to the experiment. 
 It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such 
 powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts 
 
Washington's farewell address. 43 
 
 of our country, while experience shall not have demon- 
 strated its impracticability, there will always be reason to 
 distrust the patriotism of those, who, in any quarter, may 
 endeavor to weaken its bands. 
 
 In contemplating the causes which may disturb our Union, 
 it occurs, as a matter of serious concern, that any ground 
 should have been furnished for characterizing parties by 
 geographical discriminations — Northern and Southern — At- 
 lantic and Western : whence designing men may endeavor 
 to excite a belief that there is a real difference in local 
 interests and views. One of the expedients of party to 
 acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepre- 
 sent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot 
 shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart- 
 burnings which spring from these misrepresentations ; they 
 tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be 
 bound together by fraternal affection. The inhabitants of 
 our western country have lately had a useful lesson on this 
 head; they have seen in the negotiation by the Executive 
 and in the unanimous ratification by the Senate, of the 
 treaty with Spain, and in the universal satisfaction at that 
 event throughout the United States, a decisive proof how 
 unfounded were the suspicions propagated among them, of 
 a policy in the General Government, and in the Atlantic 
 States, unfriendly to their interests in regard to the Missis- 
 sippi : they have been witnesses to the formation of two trea- 
 ties — that with Great Britain, and that with Spain, which 
 secure to them everything they could desire in respect to our 
 foreign relations, towards confirming their prosperity. Will 
 it not be their wisdom to rely for the preservation of these 
 advantages on the Union by which they were procured'? 
 Will they not henceforth be deaf to those advisers, if such 
 there are, who would sever them from their brethren, and 
 connect them with aliens ? 
 
 To the efficacy and permanency of your Union, a govern- 
 ment for the whole is indispensable. No alliance, however 
 
44 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 strict between the parts, can be an adequate substitute ; 
 they must inevitably experience the infractions and inter- 
 ruptions which all alliances, in all time, have experienced. 
 Sensible of this momentous truth, you have improved 
 upon your first essay, by the adoption of a Constitution of 
 Government better calculated than your former for an inti- 
 mate Union, and for the efficacious management of your 
 common concerns. This Government, the offspring of our 
 own choice, uninfluenced and unawed, adopted upon full 
 investigation and mature deliberation, completely free in its 
 principles, in the distribution of its powers, uniting security 
 with energy, and containing within itself a provision for its 
 own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence and 
 your support. Respect for its authority, compliance with 
 its laws, acquiescence in its measures, are duties enjoined 
 by the fundamental maxims of true liberty. The bases of 
 our political systems, is the right of the people to make and 
 to alter their constitutions of Government: but the Consti- 
 tution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit 
 and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory 
 upon all. The very idea of the power, and the right of the 
 people to establish Government, pre-supposes the duty of 
 every individual to obey the established Government. 
 
 All obstructions to the execution of the laws, all combi- 
 nations and associations, under whatever plausible character, 
 with the real design to direct, control, counteract, or awe 
 the regular deliberation and action of the constituted 
 authorities, are destructive to this fundamental principle, 
 and of fatal tendency. They serve to organize faction, to 
 give it an artificial and extraordinary force, to put in the 
 place of the delegated will of the nation, the will of a party, 
 often a small but artful and enterprising minority of the 
 community ; and, according to the alternate triumphs of 
 different parties, to make the public administration the 
 mirror of the ill-concerted and incongruous projects of fac- 
 tion, rather than the organ of consistent and wholesome 
 
Washington's farewell address. 45 
 
 plans, digested by common counsels, and modified by mutual 
 interests. 
 
 However combinations or associations of the above de- 
 scription may now and then answer popular ends, they are 
 likely, in the course of time and things, to become potent 
 engines, by which cunning, ambitious, and unprincipled 
 men, will be enabled to subvert the power of the people, 
 and to usurp for themselves the reins of Government ; de- 
 stroying, afterwards, the very engines which had lifted them 
 to unjust dominion. 
 
 Towards the preservation of your Government, and the 
 permanency of your present happy state, it is requisite, not 
 only that you steadily discountenance irregular oppositions 
 to its acknowledged authority, but also that you resist with 
 care the spirit of innovation upon its principles, however 
 specious the pretexts. One method of assault may be to 
 effect, in the forms of the Constitution, alterations which 
 will impair the energy of the system, and thus to undermine 
 what cannot be directly overthrown. In all the changes 
 to which you may be invited, remember that time and habit 
 are at least as necessary to fix the true character of govern- 
 ments as of other human institutions ; that experience is the 
 surest standard by which to test the real tendency of the 
 existing constitution of a country ; that facility in changes, 
 upon the credit of mere hypothesis and opinion, exposes to 
 perpetual change, from the endless variety of hypothesis and 
 opinion; and remember, especially, that for the efficient 
 management of your common interests, in a country so ex- 
 tensive as ours, a Government of as much vigor as is con- 
 sistent with the perfect security of liberty, is indispensable. 
 Liberty itself will find in such a Government, with powers 
 properly distributed and adjusted, its surest guardian. It 
 is, indeed, little else than a name, where the Government 
 is too feeble to withstand the enterprises of faction, to con- 
 fine each member of the society within the limits prescribed 
 
46 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 by the laws, and to maintain all in the secure and tranquil 
 enjoyment of the rights of person and property. 
 
 I have already intimated to you the danger of parties in 
 the State, with particular reference to the founding of them 
 on geographical discriminations. Let me now take a more 
 comprehensive view, and warn you, in the most solemn 
 manner, against the baneful effects of the spirit of party 
 generally. 
 
 This spirit, unfortunately, is inseparable from our nature, 
 having its root in the strongest passions of the human mind. 
 It exists under different shapes, in all governments, more 
 or less stifled, controlled, or repressed ; but in those of the 
 popular form it is seen in its greatest rankness, and is truly 
 their worst enemy. 
 
 The alternate domination of one faction over another, 
 sharpened by the spirit of revenge, natural to party dissen- 
 sion, which, in different ages and countries, has perpetrated 
 the most horrid enormities, is itself a frightful despotism. 
 But this leads, at length, to a more formal and permanent 
 despotism. The disorders and miseries which result, grad- 
 ually incline the minds of men to seek security and repose 
 in the absolute power of an individual ; and, sooner or later, 
 the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or more 
 fortunate than his competitors, turns this disposition to the 
 purposes of his own elevation on the ruins of public liberty. 
 
 Without looking forward to an extremity of this kind, 
 (which, nevertheless, ought not to be entirely out of sight), 
 the common and continual mischiefs of the spirit of party 
 are sufficient to make it the interest and duty of a wise 
 people to discourage and restrain it. 
 
 It serves always to distract the public councils, and enfee- 
 ble the public administration. It agitates the community 
 with ill-founded jealousies and false alarms ; kindles the 
 animosity of one part against another; foments, occasionally, 
 riot and insurrection. It opens the door to foreign influ- 
 ence and corruption, which find a facilitated access to the 
 
Washington's farewell address. 47 
 
 Government itself, through the channels of party passions. 
 Thus the policy and the will of one country are subjected 
 to the policy and will of another. 
 
 There is an opinion that parties, in free countries, are 
 useful checks upon the administration of the Government, 
 and serve to keep alive the spirit of liberty. This, within 
 certain limits, is probably true ; and in Governments of a 
 monarchical cast, patriotism may look with indulgence, if not 
 with favor, upon the spirit of party. But in those of the 
 popular character, in Governments purely elective, it is a 
 spirit not to be encouraged. From their natural tendency, 
 it is certain there will always be enough of that spirit for 
 every salutary purpose. And there being constant danger 
 of excess, the effort ought to be, by force of public opinion, 
 to mitigate and assuage it. A fire not to be quenched, it 
 demands a uniform vigilance to prevent its bursting into a 
 flame, lest, instead of warming, it should consume. 
 
 It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in 
 a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with 
 its administration, to confine themselves within their re- 
 spective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of 
 the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. 
 The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers 
 of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever 
 the form of Government, a real despotism. A just estimate 
 of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which pre- 
 dominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of 
 the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal 
 checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and 
 distributing it into different depositories, and constituting 
 each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by 
 the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and 
 modern ; some of them in our own country, and under our 
 own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to 
 institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distri- 
 bution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in 
 
48 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment 
 in the way which the Constitution designates. But let 
 there be no change by usurpation ; for though this, in one 
 instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary 
 weapon by which free Governments are destroyed. The 
 precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent 
 evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at 
 any time, yield. 
 
 Of all the dispositions and habits which lead to political 
 prosperity, religion and morality are indispensable supports. 
 In vain would that man claim the tribute of patriotism, who 
 should labor to subvert these great pillars of human happi- 
 ness, these firmest props of the duties of men and citizens. 
 The mere politician, equally with the pious man, ought to 
 respect and to cherish them. A volume could not trace all 
 their connections with private and public felicity. Let it 
 simply be asked, where is the security for property, for 
 reputation, for life, if the sense of religious obligation desert 
 the oaths which are the instruments of investigation in 
 courts of justice'? And let us with caution indulge the 
 supposition, that morality can be maintained without 
 religion. Whatever may be conceded to the influence of 
 refined education on minds of peculiar structure, reason 
 and experience both forbid us to expect that national mo- 
 rality can prevail in exclusion of religious principles. 
 
 It is substantially true, that virtue or morality is a neces- 
 sary spring of popular Government. The rule, indeed, 
 extends with more or less force to every species of free 
 Government. Who, that is a sincere friend to it, can look 
 with indifference upon attempts to shake the foundation of 
 the fabric'? 
 
 Promote, then, as an object of primary importance, insti- 
 tutions, for the general diffusion of knowledge. In propor- 
 tion as the structure of a Government gives force to public 
 opinion, it is essential that public opinion should be enlight- 
 ened. 
 
WASHINGTON'S FAKEWELL ADDRESS. 49 
 
 As a very important source of strength and security, 
 cherish public credit. One method of preserving it is to 
 use it as sparingly as possible; avoiding occasions of expense 
 by cultivating peace, but remembering also that timely 
 disbursements to prepare for danger, frequently prevent 
 much greater disbursements to repel it; avoiding, likewise, 
 the accumulation of debt, not only by shunning occasions 
 of expense, but by vigorous exertions in time of peace to 
 discharge the debts which unavoidable wars may have occa- 
 sioned; not ungenerously throwing upon posterity the bur- 
 den which we ourselves ought to bear. The execution of 
 these maxims belongs to your representatives, but it is 
 necessary that public opinion should co-operate. To facili- 
 tate to them the performance of their duty, it is essential 
 that you should practically bear in mind, that towards the 
 payment of debts there must be revenue; that to have 
 revenue there must be taxes; that no taxes can be devised, 
 which are not more or less inconvenient and unpleasant; 
 that the intrinsic embarrassment inseparable from the selec- 
 tion of the proper objects (which is always a choice of 
 difficulties), ought to be a decisive motive for a candid con- 
 struction of the conduct of the Government in making it, 
 and for a spirit of acquiescence in the measures for obtaining 
 revenue, which the public exigencies may at any time 
 dictate. 
 
 Observe good faith and justice towards all nations; cul- 
 tivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality 
 enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does 
 not equally enjoin if? It will be worthy of a free, enlight- 
 ened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to 
 mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a 
 people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. 
 Who can doubt that, in the course of time and things, the 
 fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary 
 advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to 
 it ] Can it be that Providence has not connected the per- 
 
50 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 manent felicity of a nation with its virtue % The experiment, 
 at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles 
 human nature. Alas! it is rendered impossible by its vices'? 
 
 In the execution of such a plan, nothing- is more essential 
 than that permanent inveterate antipathies against particu- 
 lar nations, and passionate attachments for others, should 
 be excluded; and that, in place of them, just and amicable 
 feelings toward all should be cultivated. The nation which 
 indulges towards another an habitual hatred, or an habitual 
 fondness, is, in some degree, a slave. It is a slave to its 
 animosity or to its affection; either of which is sufficient 
 to lead it astray from its duty and its interest. Antipathy 
 in one nation against another, disposes each more readily 
 to offer insult and injury, to lay hold of slight causes of 
 umbrage, and to be haughty and intractable, when acci- 
 dental or trifling occasions of dispute occur. Hence fre- 
 quent collisions, obstinate, envenomed, and bloody contests. 
 The nation, prompted by ill will and resentment, sometimes 
 impels to war the Government, contrary to the best calcu- 
 lations of policy. The Government sometimes participates 
 in the national propensity, and adopts, through passion, 
 what reason would reject; at other times it makes the ani- 
 mosity of the nation subservient to projects of hostility, 
 instigated by pride, ambition, and other sinister and perni- 
 cious motives. The peace often, sometimes perhaps the 
 liberty, of nations has been the victim. 
 
 So, likewise, a passionate attachment of one nation to 
 another produces a variety of evils. Sympathy for the 
 favorite nation, facilitating the illusion of an imaginary 
 common interest, in cases where no real common interest 
 exists, and infusing into one the enmities of the other, 
 betrays the former into a participation in the quarrels and 
 wars of the latter, without adequate inducement or justifi- 
 cation. It leads also to concessions to the favorite nation 
 of privileges denied to others, which is apt doubly to injure 
 the nation making the concessions ; by unnecessarily parting 
 
Washington's farewell address. 51 
 
 with what ought to have been retained, and by exciting 
 jealousy, ill will, and a disposition to retaliate, in the parties 
 from whom equal privileges are withheld; and it gives to 
 ambitious, corrupted, or deluded citizens (who devote them- 
 selves to the favorite nation) facility to betray, or sacrifice 
 the interest of their own country, without odium; sometimes 
 even with popularity ; gilding with the appearance of a 
 virtuous sense of obligation, a commendable deference for 
 public opinion, or a laudable zeal for public good, the base 
 or foolish compliances of ambition, corruption, or infatua- 
 tion. 
 
 As avenues to foreign influence in innumerable ways, 
 such attachments are particularly alarming to the truly 
 enlightened and independent patriot. How many oppor- 
 tunities do they afford to tamper with domestic factions, 
 to practise the art of seduction, to mislead public opinion, 
 to influence or awe the public councils! Such an attach- 
 ment of a small or weak, towards a great and powerful nation, 
 dooms the former to be the satellite of the latter. 
 
 Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure 
 you to believe me, fellow-citizens) the jealousy of a free 
 people ought to be constantly awake; since history and 
 experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most 
 baneful foes of republican Government. But that jealousy, 
 to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instru- 
 ment of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence 
 against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and 
 excessive dislike for another, cause those whom they actuate 
 to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil, and even 
 second, the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, 
 who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to 
 become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes 
 usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surren- 
 der their interests. 
 
 The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign 
 nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have 
 
52 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 with them as little political connection as possible. So far 
 as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled 
 with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. 
 
 Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have 
 none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be 
 engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are 
 essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it 
 must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial 
 ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the 
 ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or 
 enmities. 
 
 Our detached and distant situation invites and enables 
 us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, 
 under an efficient Government, the period is not far off 
 when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; 
 when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neu- 
 trality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously 
 respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility 
 of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the 
 giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, 
 as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel. 
 
 Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation'? 
 Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground'? Why, 
 by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, 
 entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European 
 ambition, rivalship, interest, humor, or caprice'? 
 
 It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent alliances 
 with any portion of the foreign world; so far, I mean, as 
 we are now at liberty to do it ; for let me not be understood 
 as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. 
 I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to 
 private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I 
 repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in 
 their genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary 
 and would be unwise to extend them. 
 
 Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establish- 
 
Washington's farewell address. 53 
 
 ments, on a respectable defensive posture, we may safely 
 trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies. 
 
 Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are 
 recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even 
 our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial 
 hand ; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favors or 
 preferences ; consulting the natural course of things ; dif- 
 fusing and diversifying, by gentle means, the streams of 
 commerce, but forcing nothing; establishing, with powers 
 so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define 
 the rights of our merchants, and to enable the Government 
 to support them, conventional rules of intercourse, the best 
 that present circumstances and mutual opinions will permit, 
 but temporary, and liable to be, from time to time, aban- 
 doned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall 
 dictate ; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one 
 nation to look for disinterested favors from another ; that 
 it must pay, with a portion of its independence, for what- 
 ever it may accept under that character ; that by such ac- 
 ceptance it may place itself in the condition of having given 
 equivalents for nominal favors, and yet of being reproached 
 with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no 
 greater error than to expect, or calculate upon, real favors 
 from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience 
 must cure, which a just pride ought to discard. 
 
 In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an 
 old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make 
 the strong and lasting impression I could wish ; that they 
 will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent 
 our nation from running the course which has hitherto 
 marked the destiny of nations ; but if I may even flatter 
 myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, 
 some occasional good; that they may now and then recur 
 to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the 
 mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impos- 
 tures of pretended patriotism ; this hope will be a full re- 
 
54 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 compense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they 
 have been dictated. 
 
 How far, in the discharge of my official duties, I have 
 been guided by the principles which have been delineated, 
 the public records, and other evidences of my conduct, 
 must witness to you and the world. To myself, the assur- 
 ance of my own conscience is, that I have at least believed 
 myself to be guided by them. 
 
 In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my 
 proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my 
 plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of 
 your Representatives in both Houses of Congress, the spirit 
 of that measure has continually governed me, uninflu- 
 enced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it. 
 
 After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best 
 lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that our country, 
 under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, 
 and was bound in duty and interest to take, a neutral posi- 
 tion. Having taken it I determined, as far as should 
 depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseve- 
 rance, and firmness. 
 
 The considerations which respect the right to hold this 
 conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I 
 will only observe, that, according to my understanding of 
 the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of 
 the belligerent powers, has been virtually admitted by all. 
 
 The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred, 
 without anything more, from the obligation which justice 
 and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which 
 it is free to act, to maintain inviolate the relations of peace 
 and amity towards other nations. 
 
 The inducements of interest, for observing that conduct, 
 will best be referred to your own reflections and experi- 
 ence. With me, a predominant, motive has been to en- 
 deavor to gain time to our country to settle and mature its 
 yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interrup- 
 
Washington's farewell address. 55 
 
 tion, to that degree of strength and consistency which is 
 necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its 
 own fortunes. 
 
 Though in reviewing the incidents of my administration, 
 I am unconscious of intentional error; I am, nevertheless, 
 too sensible of my defects not to think it probable that I 
 may have committed many errors. Whatever they may 
 be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate 
 the evils to which they may tend. I shall also carry, with 
 me the hope, that my country will never cease to view 
 them with indulgence ; and that, after forty-five years of 
 my life dedicated to its service with an upright zeal, the 
 faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivion, 
 as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest. 
 
 Relying on its kindness in this, as in other things, and 
 actuated by that fervent love towards it which is so natural 
 to a man who views in it the native soil of himself and his 
 progenitors for several generations, I anticipate, with 
 pleasing expectation, that retreat in which I promise my- 
 self to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of par- 
 taking, in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign 
 influence of good laws under a free Government — the ever 
 favorite object of my heart — and the happy reward, as I 
 trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers. 
 
 GEORGE WASHINGTON. 
 
 United States, nth September, 1796. 
 
RECEPTION OF MR. LINCOLN IN PHILADELPHIA- 
 INDEPENDENCE HALL. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln's reception in Philadelphia en route for Washington to 
 take his seat as President, was exceedingly cordial on the part of the 
 municipal authorities, and indeed the people generally were delighted to 
 see the President elect, of whom they had only known and heard " by the 
 hearing of the ear." On the morning of the 22d of February, 1861, he 
 visited the old Independence Hall, for the purpose of raising the national 
 flag over it. There he was received with a warm welcome, and made the 
 following address : — 
 
 " I am filled with deep emotion at finding myself stand- 
 ing here, in this place, where were collected the wisdom, 
 the patriotism, the devotion to principle, from which sprang 
 the institutions under which we live. You have kindly 
 suggested to me that in my hands is the task of restoring 
 peace to the present distracted condition of the country. I 
 can say in return, sir, that all the political sentiments I 
 entertain have been drawn, so far as I have been able to 
 draw them, from the sentiments which originated and were 
 given to the world from this hall. I have never had a feel- 
 ing politically that did not spring from the sentiments em- 
 bodied in the Declaration of Independence. I have often 
 pondered over the dangers which were incurred by the men 
 who assembled here, and framed and adopted that Declara- 
 tion of Independence. I have pondered over the toils that 
 were endured by the officers and soldiers of the army who 
 achieved that independence. I have often inquired of my- 
 self what great principle or idea it was that kept this Con- 
 federacy so long together. It was not the mere matter of 
 the separation of the colonies from the mother-land, but that 
 sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave 
 liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, 
 
RECEPTION OF MR. LINCOLN IN PHILADELPHIA. 57 
 
 to the world for all future time. It was that which gave 
 promise that in clue time the weight would be lifted from 
 the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in 
 the Declaration of Independence. Now, my friends, can 
 this country be saved upon this basis'? If it can, I will 
 consider myself one of the happiest men in the world if I 
 can help to save it. If it cannot be saved upon that prin- 
 ciple, it will be truly awful. But if this country cannot be 
 saved without giving up that principle, I was about to say I 
 would rather be assassinated on this spot than surrender it. 
 Now, in my view of the present aspect of affairs, there 
 need be no bloodshed or war. There is no necessity for it. 
 I am not in favor of such a course, and I may say, in 
 advance, that there will be no blood shed unless it be forced 
 upon the government, and then it will be compelled to act 
 in self-defence. 
 
 " My friends, this is wholly an unexpected speech, and I 
 did not expect to be called upon to say a word when I 
 came here. I supposed it was merely to do something 
 towards raising the flag. I may, therefore, have said some- 
 thing indiscreet. I have said nothing but what I am will- 
 ing to live by, and, if it be the pleasure of Almighty God, 
 to die by." 
 
 At the platform in front of the State House, Mr. Benton, of the Select 
 Council, invited the President elect to raise the flag. Mr. Lincoln re- 
 sponded in a brief speech, stating his cheerful compliance with the request, 
 and alluded to the original flag of thirteen stars, saying that the number 
 had increased as time rolled on, and we became a happy and powerful 
 people, each star adding to its prosperity. "The future," he added, " is 
 in the hands of the people. It is on such an occasion as this that we can 
 reason together, reaffirm our devotion to the country and the principles 
 of the Declaration of Independence. Let us make up our mind, that when 
 we do put a new star upon our banner it shall be a fixed one, never to be 
 dimmed by the horrors of war, but brightened by the contentment and 
 prosperity of peace. Let us go on to extend the area of our usefulness, 
 add star upon star, until their light shall shine upon five hundred millions 
 of free, and happy people." The President elect then raised the starry 
 banner to the top of the staff, amid the long and loud cheering of a 
 delighted people. 
 5 
 
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 " Fellow-Citizens of the United States : In compli- 
 ance with a custom as old as the Government itself, I appear 
 before you to address you briefly, and to take, in your pre- 
 sence, the oath prescribed by the Constitution of the United 
 States to be taken by the President before he enters on the 
 execution of his office. 
 
 " I do not consider it necessary, at present, for me to dis- 
 cuss those matters of administration about which there is no 
 special anxiety or excitement. Apprehension seems to exist 
 among the people of the Southern States, that, by the acces- 
 sion of a Republican Administration, their property and their 
 peace and personal security are to be endangered. There 
 has never been any reasonable cause for such apprehension. 
 Indeed, the most ample evidence to the contrary has all the 
 while existed, and been open to their inspection. It is found 
 in nearly all the published speeches of him who now addresses 
 you. I do but quote from one of those speeches, when I 
 declare that ' I have no purpose, directly or indirectly, to 
 interfere with the institution of slavery in the States where 
 it exists.' I believe I have no lawful right to do so ; and I 
 have no inclination to do so. Those who nominated and 
 elected me, did so with the full knowledge that I had made 
 this, and made many similar declarations, and had never 
 recanted them. And, more than this, they placed in the 
 platform, for my acceptance, and as a law to themselves and 
 to me, the clear and emphatic resolution which I now 
 read : — 
 
 " ' Resolved, That the maintenance inviolate of the rights 
 
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN". 59 
 
 of the States, and especially the right of each State to order 
 and control its own domestic institutions according to its own 
 judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance of power 
 on which the perfection and endurance of our political fabric 
 depend ; and we denounce the lawless invasion, by armed 
 force, of the soil of any State or Territory, no matter under 
 what pretext, as among the gravest of crimes.' 
 
 " I now reiterate these sentiments ; and in doing so, I 
 only press upon the public attention the most conclusive 
 evidence of which the case is susceptible, that the property, 
 peace and security of no section are to be in anywise endan- 
 gered by the now incoming administration. 
 
 "I add, too, that all the protection which, consistently 
 with the Constitution and the laws, can be given, will be 
 cheerfully given to all the States when lawfully demanded, 
 for whatever cause, as cheerfully to one section as to an- 
 other. 
 
 " There is much controversy about the delivering up of 
 fugitives from service or labor. The clause I now read is 
 as plainly written in the Constitution as any other of its 
 provisions : — 
 
 " ' No person held to service or labor in one State under 
 the laws thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence 
 of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such 
 service or labor, but shall be delivered up on claim of the 
 party to whom such service or labor may be due.' 
 
 " It is scarcely questioned that this provision was intended 
 by those who made it for the reclaiming of what we call 
 fugitive slaves ; and the intention of the lawgiver is the 
 law. 
 
 " All members of Congress swear their support to the 
 whole Constitution — to this provision as well as any other. 
 To the proposition, then, that slaves whose cases come within 
 the terms of this clause ' shall be delivered up,' their oaths 
 are unanimous. Now, if they would make the effort in 
 good temper, could they not, with nearly equal unanimity, 
 
60 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 frame and pass a law by means of which to keep good that 
 unanimous oath? 
 
 " There is some difference of opinion whether this clause 
 should be enforced by National or by State authority ; but 
 surely that difference is not a very material one. If the slave 
 is to be surrendered, it can be of but little consequence to 
 him or to others by which authority it is done ; and should 
 any one, in any case, be content that this oath shall go 
 unkept on a merely unsubstantial controversy as to how it 
 shall be kept? 
 
 " Again, in any law upon this subject, ought not all the 
 safeguards of liberty known in civilized and humane juris- 
 prudence to be introduced, so that a free man be not, in 
 any case, surrendered as a slave 1 And might it not be well 
 at the same time to provide by law for the enforcement of 
 that clause in the Constitution which guarantees that ' the 
 citizens of each State shall be entitled to all the privileges 
 and immunities of citizens in the several States'?' 
 
 " I take the official oath to day with no mental reserva- 
 tions, and with no purpose to construe the Constitution or 
 laws by any hypercritical rules ; and while I do not choose 
 now to specify particular acts of Congress as proper to be 
 enforced, I do suggest that it will be much safer for all, both 
 in official and private stations, to conform to and abide by 
 all those acts which stand unrepealed, than to violate any 
 of them, trusting to find impunity in having them held to 
 be unconstitutional. 
 
 " It is seventy-two years since the first inauguration of a 
 President under our National Constitution. During that 
 period, fifteen different and very distinguished citizens have 
 in succession administered the executive branch of the 
 Government. They have conducted it through many perils, 
 and generally with great success. Yet, with all this scope 
 for precedent, I now enter upon the same task, for the brief 
 constitutional term of four years, under great and peculiar 
 difficulties. 
 
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 61 
 
 " A disruption of the Federal Union, heretofore only 
 menaced, is now formidably attempted. T hold that in the 
 contemplation of universal law and of the Constitution, the 
 Union of these States is perpetual. Perpetuity is implied, 
 if not expressed, in the fundamental law of all national 
 governments. It is safe to assert that no government proper 
 ever had a provision in its organic law for its own termina- 
 tion. Continue to execute all the express provisions of our 
 National Constitution, and the Union will endure forever, 
 it being impossible to destroy it, except by some action not 
 provided for in the instrument itself. 
 
 "Again, if the United States be not a government proper, 
 but an association of States in the nature of a contract 
 merely, can it, as a contract, be peaceably unmade by less 
 than all the parties who made it I One party to a contract 
 may violate it — break it, so to speak ; but does it not require 
 to all lawfully rescind it] Descending from these general 
 principles, we find the proposition that in legal contempla- 
 tion the Union is perpetual, confirmed by the history of the 
 Union itself. 
 
 " The Union is much older than the Constitution. It 
 was formed, in fact, by the Articles of Association in 1774. 
 It was matured and continued in the Declaration of Inde- 
 pendence in 1776. It was further matured, and the faith 
 of all the then thirteen States expressly plighted and 
 engaged that it should be perpetual, by the Articles of the 
 Confederation, in 1778; and finally, in 1787, one of the 
 declared objects for ordaining and establishing the Consti- 
 tution was to form a more perfect Union. But if the de- 
 struction of the Union by one or by a part only of the States 
 be lawfully possible, the Union is less than before, the 
 Constitution having lost the vital element of perpetuity. 
 
 " It follows from these views that no State, upon its own 
 mere motion, can lawfully get out of the Union ; that re- 
 solves and ordinances to that effect, are legally void ; and 
 that acts of violence within any State or States against the 
 
62 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 authority of the United States, are insurrectionary or revo- 
 lutionary, according to circumstances. 
 
 " I therefore consider that, in view of the Constitution 
 and the laws, the Union is unbroken, and, to the extent of 
 my ability, I shall take care, as the Constitution itself ex- 
 pressly enjoins upon me, that the laws of the Union shall be 
 faithfully executed in all the States. Doing this, which I 
 deem to be only a simple duty on my part, I shall perfectly 
 perform it, so far as is practicable, unless my rightful 
 masters, the American people, shall withold the requisition, 
 or in some authoritative manner direct the contrary. 
 
 " I trust this will not be regarded as a menace, but only 
 as the declared purpose of the Union that it will constitu- 
 tionally defend and maintain itself. 
 
 " In doing this there need be no bloodshed or violence, 
 and there shall be none unless it is forced upon the National 
 authority. 
 
 " The power confided to me will be used to hold, occupy, 
 and possess the property and places belonging to the Govern- 
 ment, and collect the duties and imposts ; but beyond what 
 may be necessary for these objects there will be no invasion, 
 no using of force against or among the people anywhere. 
 
 " Where hostility to the United States shall be so great 
 and so universal as to prevent competent resident citizens 
 from holding Federal offices, there will be no attempt to 
 force obnoxious strangers among the people that object. 
 While the strict legal right may exist of the Government 
 to enforce the exercise of these offices, the attempt to do 
 so would be so irritating, and so nearly impracticable withal, 
 that I deem it best to forego, for the time, the uses of such 
 offices. 
 
 " The mails, unless repelled, will continue to be furnished 
 in all parts of the Union. 
 
 " So far as possible, the people everywhere shall have that 
 sense of perfect security which is most favorable to calm 
 thought and reflection. 
 
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 63 
 
 " The course here indicated will be followed, unless cur- 
 rent events and experience shall show a modification or 
 change to be proper; and in every case and exigency my 
 best discretion will be exercised according to the circum- 
 stances actually existing, and with a view and hope of a 
 peaceful solution of the National troubles, and the restora- 
 tion of fraternal sympathies and affections. 
 
 " That there are persons, in one section or another, who 
 seek to destroy the Union at all events, and are glad of any 
 pretext to do it, I will neither affirm nor deny. But if 
 there be such, I need address no word to them. 
 
 " To those, however, who really love the Union, may I 
 not speak, before entering upon so grave a matter as the 
 destruction of our National fabric, with all its benefits, its 
 memories, and its hopes 1 Would it not be well to ascer- 
 tain why we do it 1 Will you hazard so desperate a step, 
 while any portion of the ills you fly from have no real exist- 
 ence 1 ? Will you, while the certain ills you fly to are 
 greater than all the real ones you fly from 1 Will you risk 
 the commission of so fearful a mistake 1 All profess to be 
 content in the Union if all constitutional rights can be main- 
 tained. Is it true, then, that any right, plainly written in 
 the Constitution, has been denied ] I think not. Happily 
 the human mind is so constituted, that no party can reach 
 to the audacity of doing this. 
 
 " Think, if you can, of a single instance in which a 
 plainly-written provision of the Constitution has ever been 
 denied. If, by the mere force of numbers, a majority should 
 deprive a minority of any clearly-written constitutional 
 right, it might, in a moral point of view, justify revolution ; 
 it certainly would, if such right were a vital one. But such 
 is not our case. 
 
 " All the vital rights of minorities and of individuals are 
 so plainly assured to them by affirmations and negations, 
 guaranties and prohibitions in the Constitution, that contro- 
 versies never arise concerning them. But no organic law 
 
64: NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 can ever be framed with a provision specifically applicable, 
 to every question which may occur in practical administra- 
 tion. No foresight can anticipate, nor any document of 
 reasonable length contain, express provisions for all possible 
 questions. Shall fugitives from labor be surrendered by 
 National or by State authorities ] The Constitution does 
 not expressly say. Must Congress protect slavery in the 
 Territories'? The Constitution does not expressly say. 
 From questions of this class, spring all our constitutional 
 controversies, and we divide upon them into majorities and 
 minorities. 
 
 " If the minority will not acquiesce, the majority must, 
 or the Government must cease. There is no alternative for 
 continuing the Government but acquiescence on the one 
 side or the other. If a minority in such a case will secede 
 rather than acquiesce, they make a precedent which, in turn, 
 will ruin and divide them, for a minority of their own will 
 secede from them whenever a majority refuses to be con- 
 trolled by such a minority. For instance, why not any por- 
 tion of a new Confederacy, a year or two hence, arbitrarily 
 secede again, precisely as portions of the present Union now 
 claim to secede from it? All who cherish disunion senti- 
 ments are now being educated to the exact temper of doing 
 this. Is there such perfect identity of interests among the 
 States to compose a new Union as to produce harmony 
 only, and prevent renewed secession % Plainly, the central 
 idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. 
 
 "A majority held in restraint by constitutional check and 
 limitation, and always changing easily with deliberate 
 changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only 
 true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it, does, 
 of necessity, fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is 
 impossible ; the rule of a majority, as a permanent arrange- 
 ment, is wholly inadmissible. So that, rejecting the 
 majority principle, anarchy or despotism, in some form, is 
 all that is left. 
 
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 65 
 
 " I do not forget the position assumed by some that con- 
 stitutional questions are to be decided by the Supreme 
 Court, nor do I deny that such decisions must be binding 
 in any case upon the parties to a suit, as to the object of 
 that suit, while they are also entitled to a very high respect 
 and consideration in all parallel cases by all other depart- 
 ments of the Government ; and while it is obviously 
 possible that such decision may be erroneous in any given 
 case, still the evil effect following it, being limited to that 
 particular case, with the chance that it may be overruled 
 and never become a precedent for other cases, can better be 
 borne than could the evils of a different practice. 
 
 "At the same time the candid citizen must confess that 
 if the policy of the Government upon the vital question 
 affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by the 
 decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made, 
 as in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions, 
 the people will have ceased to be their own masters, unless 
 having to that extent practically resigned their Govern- 
 ment into the hands of that eminent tribunal. 
 
 " Nor is there in this view any assault upon the Court or 
 the Judges. It is a duty from which they may not shrink, 
 to decide cases properly brought before them ; and it is no 
 fault of theirs if others seek to turn their decisions to 
 political purposes. One section of our country believes 
 slavery is right and ought to be extended, while the other 
 believes it is wrong and ought not to be extended ; and this 
 is the only substantial dispute ; and the fugitive slave 
 clause of the Constitution, and the law for the suppression 
 of the foreign slave-trade, are each as well enforced, 
 perhaps, as any law can ever be in a community where the 
 moral sense of the people imperfectly supports the law 
 itself. The great body of the people abide by the dry legal 
 obligation in both cases, and a few break over in each. This, 
 I think, cannot be perfectly cured, and it would be worse 
 in both cases after the separation of the sections than 
 
66 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 before. The foreign slave-trade, now imperfectly sup- 
 pressed, would be ultimately revived, without restriction, in 
 one section ; while fugitive slaves, now only partially sur- 
 rendered, would not be surrendered at all by the other. 
 
 " Physically speaking, we cannot separate ; we cannot 
 remove our respective sections from each other, nor build 
 an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife 
 may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond 
 the reach of each other, but the different parts of our 
 country cannot do this. They cannot remain face to face; 
 and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must continue 
 between them. Is it possible, then, to make that inter- 
 course more advantageous or more satisfactory after separa- 
 tion than before ? Can aliens make treaties easier than 
 friends can make laws? Can treaties be more faithfully 
 enforced between aliens than laws can among friends ? Sup- 
 pose you go to war, you cannot fight always ; and when, 
 after much loss on both sides, and no gain on either, you 
 cease fighting, the identical questions as to terms of inter- 
 course are again upon you. 
 
 "This country, with its institutions, belongs to the people 
 who inhabit it. Whenever they shall grow weary of the 
 existing Government, they can exercise their constitutional 
 right of amending, or their revolutionary right to dismember 
 or overthrow it. I cannot be ignorant of the fact that many 
 worthy and patriotic citizens are desirous of having the 
 National Constitution amended. While I make no recom- 
 mendation of amendment, I fully recognize the full authority 
 of the people over the whole subject, to be exercised in 
 either of the modes prescribed in the instrument itself, and 
 I should, under existing circumstances, favor rather than 
 oppose, a fair opportunity being afforded the people to act 
 upon it. 
 
 " I will venture to add, that to me the Convention mode 
 seems preferable, in that it allows amendments to originate 
 with the people themselves, instead of only permitting them 
 
FIRST INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 67 
 
 to take or reject propositions originated by others not espe- 
 cially chosen for the purpose, and which might not be pre- 
 cisely such as they would wish either to accept or refuse. I 
 understand that a proposed amendment to the Constitution 
 (which amendment, however, I have not seen) has passed 
 Congress, to the effect that the Federal Government shall 
 never interfere with the domestic institutions of States, 
 including that of persons held to service. To avoid mis- 
 construction of what I have said, I depart from my purpose 
 not to speak of particular amendments, so far as to say that, 
 holding such a provision to now be implied constitutional 
 law, I have no objection to its being made express and 
 irrevocable. 
 
 ''The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the 
 people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix the 
 terms for the separation of the States. The people them- 
 selves, also, can do this if they choose, but the Executive, 
 as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to adminis- 
 ter the present Government as it came to his hands, and to 
 transmit it unimpaired by him to his successor. Why 
 should there not be a patient confidence in the ultimate 
 justice of the people 1 Is there any better or equal hope in 
 the world % In our present differences is either party with- 
 out faith of being in the right \ If the Almighty Ruler of 
 nations, with his eternal truth and justice, be on your side 
 of the North, or on yours of the South, that truth and that 
 justice will surely prevail by the judgment of his great tri- 
 bunal, the American people. By the frame of the Govern- 
 ment under which we live, this same people have wisely 
 given their public servants but little power for mischief, and 
 have with equal wisdom provided for the return of that 
 little to their own hands at very short intervals. While 
 the people retain their virtue and vigilance, no administra- 
 tion, by any extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously 
 injure the government in the short space of four years. 
 
 " My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well upon 
 
68 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by taking 
 time. 
 
 " If there be an object to hurry any of you, in hot haste, 
 to a step which you would never take deliberately, that 
 object will be frustrated by taking time : but no good object 
 can be frustrated by it. 
 
 " Such of you as are now dissatisfied, still have the old 
 Constitution unimpaired, and on the sensitive point, the 
 laws of your own framing under it; while the new adminis- 
 tration will have no immediate power, if it would, to change 
 either. 
 
 "If it were admitted that you who are dissatisfied hold 
 the right side in the dispute, there is still no single reason 
 for precipitate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity, 
 and a firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this 
 favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best way, 
 all our present difficulties. 
 
 " In your hands, my dissatisfied fellow-countrymen, and 
 not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The 
 Government will not assail you. 
 
 "You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
 aggressors. You have no oath registered in Heaven to 
 destroy the Government; while I shall have the most 
 solemn one to 'preserve, protect, and defend' it. 
 
 "I am loath to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
 We must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
 strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. 
 
 " The mystic cords of memory, stretching from every 
 battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and 
 hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the 
 chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they 
 will be, by the better angels of our nature." 
 
ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 
 
 I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States of 
 America, and Commander-in-chief of the Army and Navy 
 thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare, that hereafter, as 
 heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of 
 practically restoring the constitutional relation between the 
 United States and the people thereof, in those States in 
 which that relation is, or may be, suspended or disturbed ; 
 that it is my purpose, upon the next meeting of Congress, 
 to again recommend the adoption of a practical measure 
 tendering pecuniary aid to the free acceptance or rejection 
 of all the Slave States, so-called, the people whereof may 
 not then be in rebellion against the United States, and 
 which States may then have voluntarily adopted, or there- 
 after may voluntarily adopt, the immediate or gradual 
 abolishment of slavery within their respective limits, and 
 that the effort to colonize persons of African descent, with 
 their consent, upon the continent or elsewhere, with the 
 previously obtained consent of the government existing 
 there, will be continued ; that on the first day of January, 
 in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and 
 sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within any State, or 
 any designated part of a State, the people whereof shall 
 then be in rebellion against the United States, shall be 
 then, thenceforward and forever free, and the Executive 
 Government of the United States, including the military 
 and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain 
 the freedom of such persons, and will do no act or acts to 
 .repress such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they 
 
70 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 may make for their actual freedom ; that the Executive 
 will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, 
 designate the States and parts of States, if any, in which 
 the people thereof respectively shall be in rebellion against 
 the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the 
 people thereof, shall on that day be in good faith represented 
 in the Congress of the United States by members chosen 
 thereto, at elections wherein a majority of the qualified 
 voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the 
 absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed con- 
 clusive evidence that such State and the people thereof 
 have not been in rebellion against the United States. 
 
 " That attention is hereby called to an Act of Congress, 
 entitled, 'An act to make an additional article of war,' ap- 
 proved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and 
 figures following : — 
 
 "' Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives 
 of the United States of America, in Congress assembled, That 
 hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional 
 Article of War for the government of the Army of the 
 United States, and shall be observed and obeyed as such. 
 
 " ' Article — . All officers or persons of the military or 
 naval service of the United States, are prohibited from em- 
 ploying any of the forces under their respective commands 
 for the purpose of returning fugitives from service or labor 
 who may have escaped from any persons to whom such 
 service or labor is claimed to be due ; and any officer who 
 shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this 
 article, shall be dismissed from the service. 
 
 "* Section 2. And be it further enacted, That this act 
 shall take effect from and after its passage.' 
 
 "Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled, 
 'An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and re- 
 bellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for 
 other purposes,' approved July 17, 1862, and which sections 
 are in the words and figures following : — 
 
ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION. 71 
 
 "'Section 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves 
 of persons who shall hereafter be engaged in rebellion 
 against the Government of the United States, or who shall 
 in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such 
 persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; 
 and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by 
 them, and coming under the control of the Government of 
 the United States, and all slaves of such persons found on 
 (or being within) any place occupied by rebel forces, and 
 afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall 
 be deemed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their 
 servitude, and not again held as slaves. 
 
 "'Section 10. And be it further enacted, That no slave 
 escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of 
 Columbia, from any of the States, shall be delivered up, or 
 in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for 
 crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the person 
 claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person 
 to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to 
 be due, is his lawful owner, and has not been in arms against 
 the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way 
 given aid and comfort thereto ; and no person engaged in 
 the military or naval service of the United States shall, 
 under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the 
 validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor 
 of any other person, or surrender up any such person to 
 the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service.' 
 
 "And I do hereby enjoin upon, and order all persons 
 engaged in the military and naval service of the United 
 States to observe, obey, and enforce within their respective 
 spheres of service the act and sections above recited. 
 
 "And the executive will in due time recommend that 
 all citizens of the United States, who shall have remained 
 loyal thereto throughout the rebellion, shall (upon the res- 
 toration of the constitutional relation between the United 
 States and their respective States and people, if the relation 
 
72 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated 
 for all losses by acts of the United States, including the 
 loss of slaves. 
 
 " In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 " Done at the citj T of Washington, this twenty-second 
 day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand 
 eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of 
 the United States the eighty-seventh. 
 
 " By the President : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 "WILLIAM H. SEWARD, Secretary of State." 
 
PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 
 
 Whereas, On the twenty-second day of September, in 
 the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty- 
 two, a proclamation was issued by the President of the 
 United States, containing, among other things, the follow- 
 ing, to wit : 
 
 That on the first day of January, in the year of our 
 Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all per- 
 sons held as slaves within any State, or any designated part 
 of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion 
 against the United States, shall be thenceforward and for- 
 ever free, and the Executive Government of the United 
 States, including the military and naval authority thereof, 
 will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persons, 
 and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of 
 them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. 
 
 That the Executive will, on the first day of January 
 aforesaid, by proclamation, designate the States and parts of 
 States, if any, in which the people thereof respectively shall 
 then be in rebellion against the United States, and the fact 
 that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be in 
 good faith represented in the Congress of the United States 
 by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority 
 of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, 
 shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be 
 deemed conclusive evidence that such State and the people 
 thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States. 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the 
 United States, by virtue of the power in me vested as Com- 
 
74 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 mander-in-chief of the Army and Navy of the United States, 
 in time of actual armed rebellion against the authority and 
 Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary 
 war measure for repressing said rebellion, do, on this first 
 day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight 
 hundred and sixty-three, and in accordance with my purpose 
 so to do, publicly proclaimed for the full period of one hun- 
 dred days from the day of the first above-mentioned order, 
 designate, as the States and parts of States wherein the 
 people thereof respectively are this day in rebellion against 
 the United States, the following, to wit : Arkansas, Texas, 
 Louisiana, except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, 
 Jefferson, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, As- 
 sumption, Terre Bonne, Lafourche, St. Mary, St. Martin, 
 and Orleans, including the city of New Orleans, Mississippi, 
 Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Carolina, 
 and Virginia, except the forty-eight counties designated as 
 West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkeley, Accomac, 
 Northampton, Elizabeth City, York, Princess Ann, and 
 Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth, 
 and which excepted parts are, for the present, left precisely 
 as if this proclamation were not issued. 
 
 And by virtue of the power and for the purpose afore- 
 said, 1 do order and declare that all persons held as slaves 
 within said designated States and parts of States are, and 
 henceforward shall be free ; and that the Executive Govern- 
 ment of the United States, including the military and naval 
 authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom 
 of said persons. 
 
 And I hereby enjoin upon the people so declared to be 
 free, to abstain from all violence, unless in necessary self- 
 defence, and I recommend to them, that in all cases, when 
 allowed, they labor faithfully for reasonable wages. 
 
 And I further declare and make known that such per- 
 sons of suitable condition will be received into the armed 
 service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, 
 
PROCLAMATION OF EMANCIPATION. 75 
 
 stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in 
 said service. 
 
 And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, 
 warranted by the Constitution, upon military necessity, I 
 invoke the considerate judgment of mankind and the 
 gracious favor of Almighty God. 
 
 In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this first day of 
 January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun- 
 dred and sixty-three, and of the Independence of the United 
 States the eighty-seventh. 
 
 By the President : ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 W. H. Seward, Secretary of State. 
 
ADDRESS OF THE GENERAL CONFERENCE TO PRESIDENT 
 LINCOLN, WITH THE REPLY OF THE PRESIDENT. 
 
 To His Excellency Abraham Lincoln, President op the United 
 
 States. 
 
 The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal 
 Church, now in session in the city of Philadelphia, repre- 
 senting nearly seven thousand ministers and nearly a 
 million of members, mindful of their duty as Christian 
 citizens, takes the earliest opportunity to express to you 
 the assurance of the loyalty of the Church, her earnest 
 devotion to the interests of the country, and her sympathy 
 with you in the great responsibilities of your high position 
 in this trying hour. 
 
 With exultation we point to the record of our church as 
 having never been tarnished by disloyalty. She was the 
 first of the Churches to express, by a deputation of her 
 most distinguished ministers, the promise of support to the 
 Government in the days of Washington. In her Articles 
 of Religion she has enjoined loyalty as a duty, and has ever 
 given to the government her most decided support. 
 
 In this present struggle for the nation's life, many thou- 
 sands of her members, and a large number of her ministers, 
 have rushed to arms to maintain the cause of God and 
 humanity. They have sealed their devotion to their 
 country with their blood on every battle-field of this terri- 
 ble war. 
 
 We regard this dreadful scourge now desolating our land 
 and wasting the nation's life as the result of a most un- 
 natural, utterly unjustifible rebellion, involving the crime 
 
ADDRESS OF GENERAL CONFERENCE. 77 
 
 of treason against the best of human governments and sin 
 against God. It required our government to submit to its 
 own dismemberment and destruction, leaving it no alterna- 
 tive but to preserve the national integrity by the use of the 
 national resources. If the government had failed to use 
 its power to preserve the unity of the nation and maintain 
 its authority, it would have been justly exposed to the 
 wrath of heaven, and to the reproach and scorn of the 
 civilized world. 
 
 Our earnest and constant prayer is, that this cruel and 
 wicked rebellion may be speedily suppressed; and we 
 pledge you our hearty co-operation in all appropriate means 
 to secure this object. 
 
 Loyal and hopeful in national adversity, in prosperity 
 thankful, we most heartily congratulate you on the glorious 
 victories recently gained, and rejoice in the belief that our 
 complete triumph is near. 
 
 We believe that our national sorrows and calamities 
 have resulted in a great degree from our forgetfulness of 
 God and oppression of our fellow-men. Chastened by 
 affliction, may the nation humbly repent of her sins, lay 
 aside her haughty pride, honor God in all future legislation, 
 and render justice to all who have been wronged. 
 
 "We honor you for your proclamations of liberty, and 
 rejoice in all the acts of the government designed to secure 
 freedom to the enslaved. 
 
 We trust that when military usages and necessities shall 
 justify interference with established institutions, and the 
 removal of wrongs sanctioned by law, the occasion will be 
 improved, not merely to injure our foes and increase the 
 national resources, but also as an opportunity to recognize 
 our obligations to God and to honor his law. We pray 
 that the time may speedily come when this shall be truly 
 a republican and free country, in no part of which, either 
 state or territory, shall slavery be known. 
 
 The prayers of millions of Christians, with an earnest- 
 
78 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 ness never manifested for rulers before, daily ascend to 
 heaven that you may be endued with all needed wisdom 
 and power. Actuated by the sentiments of the loftiest and 
 purest patriotism, our prayer shall be continually for the 
 preservation of our country undivided, for the triumph of 
 our cause, and for a permanent peace, gained by the sacri- 
 fice of no moral principles, but founded on the word of 
 God, and securing in righteousness liberty and equal rights 
 to all. 
 
 Signed in behalf of the General Conference of the Metho- 
 dist Episcopal Church. 
 
 Respectfully submitted, 
 
 JOSEPH CUMMINGS, Chairman. 
 Philadelphia, May 14, 1864. 
 
 PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S REPLY TO THE ADDRESS. 
 
 Gentlemen : In response to your address allow me to 
 attest the accuracy of its historical statements, indorse the 
 sentiments it expresses, and thank you in the nation's name 
 for the sure promise it gives. 
 
 Nobly sustained as the government has been by all the 
 Churches, I would utter nothing which might in the least 
 appear invidious against any. Yet without this it may 
 fairly be said that the Methodist Episcopal Church, not 
 less devoted than the best, is, by its greater numbers, the 
 most important of all. It is no fault in others that the 
 Methodist Church sends more soldiers to the field, more 
 nurses to the hospitals, and more prayers to heaven than 
 any. God bless the Methodist Church! bless all the 
 Churches ! and blessed be God ! who in this our great trial 
 giveth us the Churches. 
 
 [Signed] A. LINCOLN. 
 
SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 
 
 Fellow-Countrymen : At this second appearing to 
 take the oath of the Presidential office, there is less occasion 
 for an extended address than there was at the first. Then 
 a statement somewhat in detail of a course to be pursued 
 seemed very fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of 
 four years, during which public declarations have constantly 
 been called forth on every point and phase of the great 
 contest which still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the 
 energies of the nation, little that is new could be presented. 
 
 The progress of our arms, upon which all else chiefly 
 depends, is as well known to the public as to myself, and 
 it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and encouraging to all. 
 With high hope for the future, no prediction in regard to 
 it is ventured. On the occasion corresponding to this four 
 years ago, all thoughts were anxiously directed to an im- 
 pending civil war. All dreaded it, all sought to avoid it. 
 While the inaugural address was being delivered from this 
 place, devoted altogether to saving the Union without war, 
 insurgent agents were in the city seeking to destroy it 
 without war ; seeking to dissolve the Union and divide the 
 effects by negotiation. 
 
 Both parties deprecated war, but one of them would 
 make war rather than let the nation survive, and the 
 other would accept war rather than let it perish, and the 
 war came. 
 
 One-eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, 
 not distributed generally over the Union, but located in the 
 southern part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar 
 
80 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 and powerful interest. All knew that this interest was 
 somehow the cause of the war. To strengthen, perpetuate 
 and extend this interest was the object for which the insur- 
 gents would rend the Union by war, while the Government 
 claimed no right to do more than to restrict the territorial 
 enlargement of it. Neither party expected the magnitude 
 or the duration which it has already attained. Neither 
 anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease, even 
 before the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an 
 easier triumph and a result less fundamental and astound- 
 ing. Both read the same Bible, and pray to the same God, 
 and each invokes his aid against the other. It may seem 
 strange that any man should dare to ask a just God's assist- 
 ance in wringing his bread from the sweat of other men's 
 faces. But let us "judge not, that we be not judged." 
 
 The prayer of both should not be answered. That of 
 neither has been answered fully. The Almighty has his 
 own purposes. " "Woe unto the world because of offences, 
 for it must needs be that offences come, but woe to that 
 man by whom the offence cometh." If we shall suppose 
 that American slavery js one of these offences, which, in 
 the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having 
 continued through his appointed time, he now wills to 
 remove, and that he gives to both North and South this 
 terrible war as the woe due to those by whom the offence 
 came, shall we discern therein any departure from those 
 Divine attributes which the believers in a living God 
 always ascribe to him ? 
 
 Fondly do we hope, fervently do we pray that this 
 mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if 
 God wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the 
 bondman's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil 
 shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn by the 
 lash shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was 
 said three thousand years ago, so still it must be said, that 
 the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether. 
 
SECOND INAUGURAL ADDRESS OF ABRAHAM LINCOLN. 81 
 
 With malice towards none, with charity for all, with 
 firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let 
 us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the 
 nation's wound, to care for him who shall have borne the 
 battle, and for his widow and his orphans, to do all which 
 may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among 
 ourselves and with all nations. 
 
FUNERAL SERVICES OF MR. LINCOLN AT THE WHITE HOUSE, 
 THE CAPITOL OF THE NATION. 
 
 Mr. Lincoln was assassinated on the night of the 14th of April, 1865. 
 
 At 12 o'clock, noon, April, 19th, 1865, the room was filled with weep- 
 ing friends, the President and Cabinet having entered last. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Gurley, of the Presbyterian Church, whose church Mr. 
 Lincoln and family generally attended in "Washington, announced the 
 order of exercises. 
 
 Rev. Dr. Hall read, very impressively, the funeral services of the 
 Episcopal Church, commencing "I am the resurrection and the life, &c." 
 
 This solemn service was followed by a fervent extemporaneous prayer, 
 by Rev. Bishop Simpson, of the Methodist Episcopal Church. 
 
 THE BISHOP'S PRAYER. 
 
 Almighty God, our Heavenly Father, as with smitten 
 and suffering hearts we come into Thy presence, we pray, 
 in the name of our blessed Redeemer, that Thou wouldst 
 pour upon us Thy Holy Spirit, that all our thoughts and acts 
 may be acceptable in Thy sight. We adore Thee for all 
 Thy glorious perfections. We praise Thee for the revelation 
 which Thou hast given us in Thy works and in Thy Word. 
 By thee all worlds exist. All beings live through Thee. 
 Thou raisest up kingdoms and empires, and castest them 
 down. By Thee kings reign, and princes decree righteous- 
 ness. In Thy hand are the issues of life and death., We 
 confess before Thee the magnitude of our sins and trans- 
 gressions, both as individuals and as a nation. We implore 
 Thy mercy for the sake of our Redeemer. Forgive us all 
 our iniquities. If it please Thee, remove Thy chastening 
 hand from us, and, though we be unworthy, turn away 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 83 
 
 from us Thine anger, and let the light of Thy countenance 
 again shine upon us. 
 
 At this solemn hour, as we mourn for the death of our 
 President, who was stricken down by the hand of an assassin, 
 grant us also the grace to bow in submission to Thy holy 
 will. May we recognize thy hand high above all human 
 agencies, and thy power as controlling all events, so that 
 "the wrath of man shall praise Thee, and that the remainder 
 of wrath thou wilt restrain." Humbled under the suffering 
 we have endured and the great afflictions through which 
 we have passed, may we not be called upon to offer other 
 sacrifices. May the lives of all our officers, both civil and 
 military, be guarded by Thee; and let no violent hand fall 
 upon any of them. Mourning, as we do, for the mighty 
 dead by whose remains we stand, we would yet lift our 
 hearts unto Thee in grateful acknowledgment for Thy 
 kindness in giving us so great and noble a President. Thou 
 art glorified in good men, and we praise Thee that Thou 
 didst give him unto us so pure, so honest, so sincere, and 
 so transparent in character. We praise Thee for that kind, 
 affectionate heart, which always swelled with feelings of 
 enlarged benevolence. We bless Thee for what Thou didst 
 enable him to do; that Thou didst give him wisdom to select 
 for his advisers and for his officers, military and naval, those 
 men through whom our country has been carried triumph- 
 antly through an unprecedented conflict. 
 
 We bless Thee for the success which has attended all 
 their efforts, and for the victories which have crowned our 
 armies; and that Thou didst spare Thy servant until he 
 could behold the dawning of that glorious morning of peace 
 and prosperity which is about to shine upon our land ; that 
 he was enabled to go up as Thy servant of old upon Mount 
 Pisgah, and catch a glimpse of the promised land. Though 
 his lips are silent and his arm is powerless, we thank Thee 
 that Thou didst strengthen him, to speak words that cheer 
 the hearts of the suffering and the oppressed; and to write 
 
84 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 that declaration of emancipation which has given him an 
 immortal record; that though the hand of the assassin has 
 struck him to the ground, it could not destroy the work 
 which he has done, nor forge again the chains which he has 
 broken. And while we mourn that he has passed away, 
 we are grateful that his work was so fully accomplished, 
 and that the acts which he has performed will forever 
 remain. 
 
 We implore Thy blessing upon his bereaved family. 
 Thou husband of the widow, bless her who, broken-hearted 
 and sorrowing, feels oppressed with unutterable anguish. 
 Cheer the loneliness of the pathway which lies before her, 
 and grant to her such consolations of Thy Spirit, and such 
 hopes through the resurrection, that she shall feel that 
 "Earth hath no sorrows which Heaven cannot heal." 
 
 Let Thy blessings rest upon his sons; pour upon them 
 the spirit of wisdom. Be Thou the guide of their youth ; 
 prepare them for usefulness in society, for happiness in all 
 their relations. May the remembrance of their father's 
 counsels and their father's noble acts ever stimulate them to 
 glorious deeds, and at last may they be heirs of everlasting 
 life. 
 
 Command Thy richest benedictions to descend upon the 
 successor of our lamented President. Grant unto him wis- 
 dom, energy, and firmness for the responsible duties to 
 which he has been called. May he not only be a praise to 
 them that do well, but may he so be a terror to evil doers as 
 not to bear the sword in vain. May he, his cabinet, officers 
 and generals who shall lead his armies, and the brave sol- 
 diers in the field, be so guided by Thy counsels that they 
 shall speedily complete the great work which he had so 
 successfully carried forward. 
 
 Let Thy blessing rest upon our country. Grant unto us 
 
 all a fixed and strong determination never to cease our 
 
 efforts until our glorious Union shall be fully re-established. 
 
 Around the remains of our loved President may we cove- 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 85 
 
 nant together by every possible means to give ourselves to 
 our country's service until every vestige of this rebellion 
 shall have been wiped out, and until slavery, its cause, shall 
 be forever eradicated, and freedom shall reign from the 
 Lakes to the Gulf, and from the Atlantic to the Pacific. 
 
 Preserve us, we pray Thee, from all complications with 
 foreign nations. Give us hearts to act justly toward all 
 nations, and grant unto them hearts to act justly toward us, 
 that universal peace and happiness may fill our earth. We 
 rejoice that in this afflicting dispensation Thou hast given 
 an additional evidence of the strength of our nation. We 
 bless Thee that no tumult has arisen, that there has been 
 no conflict for power, and that in peace and harmony our 
 Government moves onward ; and that Thou hast shown, 
 through us, to all nations that Republics possess every ele- 
 ment of strength, and that, in the midst of this terrible trial, 
 our Government is the strongest on the face of the earth. 
 
 In this solemn presence may w T e feel that we too are 
 mortal. May the sense of our responsibility to God rest 
 upon us; may we repent of every sin; and may we conse- 
 crate anew unto Thee all the time, and all the talents which 
 Thou hast given us; and may we so fulfil our allotted duties 
 that finally we may have communion with the good and wise 
 and great, who now surround Thy glorious throne ! Hear us 
 while we unite in praying with Thy Church in all lands, 
 and in all ages, even as Thou hast taught us, saying — 
 
 Our Father which art in heaven, Hallowed be Thy name. 
 Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done in earth as it is in 
 heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. And forgive 
 us our debts, as we forgive our debtors. And lead us not 
 into temptation, but deliver us from evil. For thine is the 
 kingdom, and the power, and the glory, for ever. Amen. 
 
NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 FUNERAL ORATION, BY RET. DR. GURLEY, OF THE 
 PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH. 
 
 As we stand here to-day mourners around this coffin, 
 and around the lifeless remains of our beloved Chief Magis- 
 trate, we recognize and we adore the sovereignty of God. 
 His throne is in the heavens, and his kingdom ruleth over 
 all. He hath done and hath permitted to be done whatso- 
 ever He pleased. Clouds and darkness are round about 
 Him; righteousness and judgment are the habitation of 
 His throne. His way is in the sea and His path in the 
 great waters, and His footsteps are not known. Canst thou 
 b} 7 searching find out God? Canst thou find out the 
 Almighty unto perfection? It is as high as .heaven. 
 What canst thou do? Deeper than hell. What canst 
 thou know? The measure thereof is longer than the 
 earth and broader than the sea. If He cut off and shut up, 
 or gather together; then who can hinder Him? For He 
 knoweth vain men; He seeth wickedness. Also, will He 
 not then consider it? We bow before His infinite majesty. 
 We bow — We weep — we worship. 
 
 " There reason fails with all her powers, 
 There faith prevails, and love adores." 
 
 It was a cruel, cruel hand, that dark hand of the assas- 
 sin, which smote our honored, wise, and noble President, 
 and filled the land with sorrow. But above and beyond 
 that hand there is another, which we must see and acknow- 
 ledge. It is the chastening hand of a wise and faithful 
 Father. He gives. us the bitter cup; and the cup that our 
 Father hath given us, shall we not drink it? God of the 
 just, Thou gavest us the cup. We yield to Thy behest, 
 and drink it up. Whom, the Lord loveth He chasteneth. 
 Oh, how these blessed words have cheered and strengthened 
 and sustained us through all these long and weary years of 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 87 
 
 civil strife, while our friends and brothers on so many 
 ensanguined fields were falling and dying for the cause of 
 liberty and Union. Let them cheer and strengthen and 
 sustain us to-day. True, this new sorrow and chastening 
 has come in such an hour and in such a way as we thought 
 not, and it bears the impress of a rod that is very heavy, 
 and of a mystery that is very deep. That such a life should 
 be sacrificed at such a time, by such a foul and diabolical 
 agency ; that the man at the head of the nation, whom the 
 people had learned to trust with a confiding and a loving 
 confidence, and upon whom more than upon any other 
 were centred, under God, our best hopes for the true and 
 speedy pacification of the country, the restoration of the 
 Union, and the return of harmony and love; that he should 
 be taken from us, and taken just as the prospect of peace 
 was brightly opening upon our torn and bleeding country, 
 and just as he was beginning to be animated and gladdened 
 with the hope of ere long enjoying with the people the 
 blessed fruit and reward of his and their toil and care and 
 patience, and self-sacrificing devotion to the interests of 
 liberty and the Union — oh ! it is a mysterious and a most 
 afflicting dispensation. But it is our Father in heaven, 
 the God of our fathers, who permits us to be so suddenly 
 and sorely smitten, and we know that His judgments are 
 right, and that in faithfulness He has afflicted us in the 
 midst of our rejoicings. We needed this stroke, this dealing, 
 this discipline, and therefore He has sent it. Let us 
 remember our affliction has not come forth of the dust, and 
 our trouble has not sprung out of the ground. Through 
 and beyond all second causes let us look and see the sove- 
 reign permissive agency of the first great cause. It is His 
 prerogative to bring light out of darkness and good out of 
 evil. Surely the wrath of man shall praise Him, and the 
 remainder of wrath He will restrain. In the light of a clear 
 day we may yet see that the wrath which planned and 
 perpetrated the death of the President was overruled by 
 
88 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Him, whose judgments are unsearchable and His ways past 
 finding out, for the highest welfare of all those interests 
 which are so dear to the Christian, patriot, and philanthropist, 
 and for which a loyal people have made such an unexampled 
 sacrifice of treasure and of blood. Let us not be faithless, 
 but believing. 
 
 " Blind unbelief is sure to err, 
 And scan his work in vain ; 
 God is his own interpreter, 
 And he will make it plain." 
 
 We will wait for His interpretation, and we will wait in 
 faith, nothing doubting. He who has led us so well, and 
 defended and prospered us so wonderfully during the last 
 four years of toil, and struggle, and sorrow, will not forsake 
 us now. He may chasten, but He will not destroy. He 
 may purify us more and more in the furnace of trial, but 
 He will not consume us : no, no. He has chosen us, as He 
 did His people of old in the furnace of affliction, and He 
 has said of us, as He said of them, "This people have I 
 formed for myself; they shall show forth my praise." Let 
 our principal anxiety now be that this new sorrow may be 
 a sanctified sorrow; that it may lead us to deeper repentance, 
 to a more humbling sense of our dependence upon God, and 
 to the more unreserved consecration of ourselves and all 
 that we have to the cause of truth and justice, of law and 
 order, of liberty and good government, of pure and undefiled 
 religion. Then, though " weeping may endure for a night, 
 joy will come in the morning." Blessed be God, despite of 
 the great, and sudden, and temporary darkness, the morning 
 has begun to dawn — the morning of a bright and glorious 
 day, such as our country has never seen. That day will 
 come and not tarry, and the death of a hundred presidents 
 and their cabinets can never, never prevent it. While we 
 are hopeful, however, let us also be humble. The occasion 
 calls us to prayerful and tearful humiliation. It demands 
 of us that we lie low, very low, before Him who has stricken 
 us for our sins. Oh, that all our rulers and all our people 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 89 
 
 may bow in the dust to-day beneath the chastening hand 
 of God, and may their voices go up to Him as one voice, 
 and their hearts go up to Him as one heart, pleading 
 with Him for mercy, and for grace to sanctify our great 
 and sore bereavement, and for wisdom to guide us in 
 this our time of need. Such a united cry and pleading will 
 not be in vain. It will enter into the ear and heart of Him 
 who sits upon the throne, and He will say to us as to his 
 ancient Israel, "In a little wrath I hid my face from thee 
 for a moment; but with everlasting kindness will I have 
 mercy upon thee, saith the Lord, thy Redeemer." I have 
 said that the people confided in the late lamented President 
 with a full and a loving confidence. Probably no man since 
 the days of Washington was ever so deeply and firmly im- 
 bedded and enshrined in the very hearts of the people as 
 Abraham Lincoln. Nor was it a mistaken confidence and 
 love. He deserved it — deserved it well — deserved it all. 
 He merited it by his character, by his acts, and by the 
 whole tenor and tone and spirit of his life. He was simple 
 and sincere, plain and honest, trustful and just, benevolent 
 and kind. His perceptions were quick and clear, his judg- 
 ments were calm and accurate, and his purposes were good 
 and pure,, beyond a question. Always and everywhere he 
 aimed and endeavored to be right and to do right. His 
 integrity was thorough, all pervading, all controlling, and 
 incorruptible. It was the same in every place and relation. 
 In the consideration and the control of matters, great or 
 small, the same firm and steady principle of power and 
 beauty, that shed a clear and crowning lustre upon all his 
 other excellences of mind and heart and recommended him 
 to his fellow-citizens as the man who, in a time of unexam- 
 pled peril, when the very life of the nation was at stake, 
 should be chosen to occupy — in the country and for the 
 country — its highest post of power and responsibility. How 
 wisely and well, how purely and faithfully, how firmly and 
 steadily, how justly and successfully, he did occupy that 
 
90 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 post and meet its grave demands, in circumstances of sur- 
 prising trial and difficulty, is known to you all, is known 
 to the country and the world. He comprehended from the 
 first the perils to which treason had exposed the freest and 
 best government on the earth, the vast interests of liberty 
 and humanity that were to be saved or lost forever, in the 
 urgent impending conflict. He rose to the dignity and 
 momentousness of the occasion, saw his duty as Chief 
 Magistrate of a great and imperilled people, and he deter- 
 mined to do his duty and his whole duty, seeking the guid- 
 ance and leaning upon the arm of Him of whom it is written, 
 " He giveth power to the faint, and to them that have no 
 might He increases their strength." Yes, he leaned upon 
 His arm; he recognized and received the truth that 'the 
 kingdom is the Lord's, and He is the Governor among the 
 nations.' He remembered that 'God is in history,' and he 
 felt that nowhere had His hand and His mercy been so 
 marvellously conspicuous as in the history of this nation. 
 He hoped and prayed that 'that same hand would continue 
 to guide us, and that same mercy continue to abound to us 
 in the time of our greatest need.' I speak what I know, 
 and testify what I have often heard him say, when I affirm 
 that that guidance and mercy were the prop on which he 
 humbly and habitually leaned; that they were the best 
 hope he had for himself and for his country. Hence when 
 he was leaving his home in Illinois and coming to this city 
 to take his seat in the executive chair of a disturbed and 
 troubled nation ; he said to the old and tried friends who 
 gathered joyfully around him and bade him farewell, ' I 
 leave you with this request — pray for me.' They did pray 
 for him. And millions of others prayed for him. Nor did 
 they pray in vain. Their prayers were heard, and the 
 answer appears in all his subsequent history. It shines 
 forth with a heavenly radiance in the whole course and 
 tenor of his administration, from its commencement to its 
 close. God raised him up for a great and glorious mission, 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 91 
 
 furnished him for his work, and aided him in its accomplish- 
 ment. Nor was it merely by strength of mind and honesty 
 of heart and purity and pertinacity of purpose that he fur- 
 nished him in addition to these things ; he gave him a calm 
 and abiding confidence in the overruling providence of God, 
 and in the ultimate triumph of truth and righteousness 
 through the power and blessing of God. This confidence 
 strengthened him in all his hours of anxiety and toil, and 
 inspired him with calm and cheering hope, when others 
 were inclining to despondency and gloom. Never shall I 
 forget the emphasis and the deep emotion with which he 
 said in this very room to a company of clergymen and 
 others, who called to pay him their respects in the darkest 
 days of our civil conflict : " Gentlemen, my hope of success 
 in this great and terrible struggle rests on that immutable 
 foundation, the justice and goodness of God." And when 
 events are very threatening, and prospects very dark, "I 
 still hope that in some way which man cannot see, all will 
 be well in the end; because our cause is just and God is on 
 our side." Such was his sublime and holy faith, and it was 
 an anchor to his soul, both sure and steadfast; it made him 
 firm and strong; and emboldened him in the pathway of 
 duty, however rugged and perilous it might be. It made 
 him valiant for the right, for the cause of God and humanity, 
 and it held him in steady, patient, and unswerving adhe- 
 rence to a policy of administration which, he thought, and 
 which we all now think, both God and humanity required 
 him to adopt. We admired and loved him on many 
 accounts, for strong and various reasons. We admired his 
 childlike simplicity, freedom from guile and deceit; his 
 stanch and sterling integrity; his kind and forgiving 
 temper; his industry and patience; his persistent, self-sa- 
 crificing devotion to all the duties of his eminent position, 
 from the least to the greatest; his readiness to hear and 
 consider the cause of the poor and humble, the suffering 
 and the oppressed ; his charity towards those who questioned 
 
92 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 the correctness of his opinions and the wisdom of his policy ; 
 his wonderful skill in reconciliating the differences among the 
 friends of the Union, leading them away from obstructions, 
 and inducing them to work together and harmoniously for 
 the common weal; his true and enlarged philanthropy that 
 knew no distinction of color or race, but regarded all men 
 as brethren, and endowed alike by their Creator with cer- 
 tain inalienable rights, amongst which are life, liberty, and 
 the pursuit of happiness; his inflexible purpose that what 
 freedom had gained in our terrible strife should never be 
 lost, and that the end of the war should be the end of 
 slavery, and as a consequence of rebellion ; his readiness to 
 spend and be spent for the attainment of such a triumph — 
 a triumph the blessed fruits of which should be as wide- 
 spreading as the earth and as enduring as the sun. All 
 these things commanded and fixed our admiration and the 
 admiration of the world, and stamped upon his character 
 and life the unmistakable impress of greatness. But, more 
 sublime than any or all of these, more holy and influential, 
 more beautiful and strong and sustaining was his abiding 
 confidence in God, and in the final triumph of truth and 
 righteousness, through Him and for His sake. This was 
 his noblest virtue, his grandest principle, the secret alike of 
 his strength, his patience, and his success ; and this, it seems 
 to me, after being near him steadily and with him often for 
 more than four years, is the principle by which more than 
 by any other, he being dead, yet speaketh. 
 
 Yes, by his steady enduring confidence in God, and in 
 the complete ultimate success of the cause of God, which is 
 the cause of humanity, more than in any other way does 
 he now speak to us, and to the nation he loved and served 
 so well. By this he speaks to his successor in office, and 
 charges him to have faith in God. By this he speaks to 
 the members of his Cabinet, the men with whom he coun- 
 selled so often and was associated with so long, and he 
 charges them to have faith in God. By this he speaks to 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 93 
 
 all wlm occupy positions of influence and authority in these 
 sad and troublesome times, and he charges them all to have 
 faith in God. By this he speaks to this great people as 
 they sit in sackcloth to-day and weep for him with a bitter 
 wailing, and refuse to be comforted ; and he charges them 
 to have faith in God ; and by this he will speak through 
 the ages, and to all rulers and peoples in every land, and 
 his message to them will be : " Cling to liberty and right ; 
 battle for them ; bleed for them; die for them, if need be, 
 and have confidence in God." Oh ! that the voice of this 
 testimony may sink down into our hearts to-day and every 
 day, and into the heart of the nation, and exert its appro- 
 priate influence upon our feelings, our faith, our patience 
 and our devotion to the cause, now dearer to us than ever 
 before, because consecrated by the blood of the most con- 
 spicuous defender, its wisest and most fondly trusted friend. 
 He is dead, but the God in whom he trusted lives, and he 
 can guide and strengthen his successor as he guided and 
 strengthened him. He is dead, but the memory of his vir- 
 tues, of his wise and patriotic counsels and labors, of his 
 calm and steady faith in God lives, is precious, and will be 
 a power for good in the country quite down to the end of 
 time. He is dead ; but the cause he so ardently loved, so 
 ably, patiently, faithfully represented and defended, not for 
 himself only, not for us only, but for all people, in all their 
 coming generations, till time shall be no more — that cause 
 survives his fall, and will survive it. The light of its 
 brightening prospects flashes cheeringly to-day around the 
 gloom occasioned by his duties, and the language of God's 
 united providences is telling us that, though the friends of 
 liberty die, liberty itself is immortal ; there is no assassin 
 strong enough, and no weapon deadly enough to quench its 
 inextinguishable life or arrest its onward march to the con- 
 quest and empire of the world. This is our confidence and 
 this is our consolation as we weep and mourn to-day. 
 Though our beloved President is slain, our beloved country 
 
94: NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 is saved, and so we sing of mercy as well as of judgment. 
 Tears of gratitude mingle with those of sorrow, while there 
 is also the dawning of a brighter, happier day, upon our 
 stricken and weary land. God be praised that our fallen chief 
 lived long enough to see the day dawn and the day star of 
 joy and peace arise upon the nation. He saw it and he 
 was glad. Alas ! alas ! he only saw the dawn. When the 
 sun has risen full orbed, and a glorious and a happy re- 
 united people are rejoicing in its light, it will shine upon his 
 grave. But that grave will be a precious and a consecrated 
 spot. The friends of liberty and of the Union will repair 
 to it in years and ages to come to pronounce the memory 
 of its occupant blessed, and gathering from his very ashes 
 and from the rehearsal of his deeds and virtues fresh incen- 
 tives to patriotism. They will then renew their vows of 
 fidelity to their country and their God. And now I know 
 not that I can more appropriately conclude this discourse, 
 which is but a sincere and simple utterance of the heart, 
 than by addressing to our departed President, with some 
 slight modification, the language which Tacitus, in his life 
 of Agricola, addressed to his venerated and departed father- 
 in-law : " With you we may now congratulate. You are 
 blessed, not only because your life was a career of glory, 
 but because you were released when, your country safe, it 
 was happiness to die. We have lost a parent, and, in our 
 distress, it is now an addition to our heartfelt sorrows that 
 we had it not in our power to commune with you on the 
 bed of languishing and receive your last embrace. Your 
 dying words would have been ever dear to us. Your com- 
 mands we should have treasured up and graved them on 
 our hearts. This sad comfort we have lost, and the wound 
 for that reason pierces deeper. From the world of spirits 
 behold your disconsolate family and people. Exalt our 
 minds from fond regret and unavailing grief to the con- 
 templation of your virtues. These we must not lament. 
 It were impiety to sully them with a tear. To cherish 
 
FUNERAL SOLEMNITIES AT THE WHITE HOUSE. 95 
 
 their memory, to embalm them with our praises, and so far 
 as we can to emulate your bright example, will be the 
 truest mark of your respect, the best tribute we can offer. 
 Your wife will thus preserve the memory of the best of 
 husbands, and thus your children will prove their final piety. 
 By dwelling constantly on your words and actions they will 
 have an illustrious character before their eyes ; and not con- 
 tent with the base image of your mortal frame, they will 
 have what is more valuable — the form and features of your 
 mind. Busts and statues, like their originals, are frail and 
 perishable. The soul is formed of finer elements, and its 
 inward form is not to be expressed by the hand of an artist 
 with unconscious matter. Our manners and our morals 
 may in some degree trace the resemblance. All of you 
 that gained our love and raised our admiration still subsist, 
 and will ever subsist, preserved in the minds of men, the 
 register of ages and the records of fame. Others, matured 
 on the stages of life, and who were the worthies of a former 
 day, will sink for want of a faithful historian into the com- 
 mon lot of oblivion, inglorious and unremembered ; but you, 
 our lamented friend and head, delineated with truth and 
 fairly consigned to posterity, will survive yourself and tri- 
 umph over the injuries of time." 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON AT SPRINGFIELD, 
 
 ILLINOIS. 
 
 Rev. Btshop Simpson, of the Methodist Episcopal Church, was a great 
 favorite with the late President of the United States. In the summer of 
 1864, at the United States Sanitary Fair held in Philadelphia, the Presi- 
 dent was expected to deliver the opening address, but public duties and 
 executive labors prevented him from being able to meet the expectations 
 of the people. This was a great disappointment. The President atoned 
 for this by enlisting the services of his eloquent and reverend friend, Bishop 
 Simpson. As thousands of living witnesses who heard that thrilling and 
 patriotic speech can testify, the President did not make a mistake in 
 delegating to that Methodist Bishop this responsible task. 
 
 Bishop Simpson was again selected by the representatives of his illus- 
 trious but departed friend, to deliver the funeral oration at Springfield, 
 Illinois, his former home, and his resting-place, until "this corruptible 
 shall put on incorruption, and this mortal shall put on immortality." 
 
 Fellow-Citizens of Illinois, and of many parts of our 
 entire Union : Near the capital of this large and growing 
 State of Illinois, in the midst of this beautiful grove, and 
 at the open mouth of the vault which has just received the 
 remains of our fallen chieftain, we gather to pay a tribute 
 of respect and drop the tears of sorrow around the ashes of 
 the mighty dead. A little more than four years ago, he 
 left his plain and quiet home in yonder city, receiving the 
 parting words of the concourse of friends who, in the midst 
 of the dropping of the gentle shower, gathered around him. 
 He spoke of the pain of parting from the place where he 
 had lived for a quarter of a century, where his children 
 had been born, and his home had been rendered so plea- 
 sant by friendly associations. And as he left he made 
 an earnest request in the hearing of some who are present 
 at this hour, that, as he was about to enter upon responsi- 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 97 
 
 bilities which he believed to be greater than any which had 
 fallen upon any man since the days of Washington, the 
 people would offer up prayers that God would aid and sus- 
 tain him in the work which they had given him to do. 
 
 His company left your quiet city. But as it went, snares 
 were in waiting for the chief magistrate. Scarcely did he 
 escape the dangers of the way or the hands of the assassin 
 as he neared Washington, and I believe he escaped only 
 through the vigilance of the officers and the prayers of the 
 people ; so that the blow was suspended for more than four 
 years, which was at last permitted, through the providence 
 of God, to fall. 
 
 How different the occasion which witnessed his departure 
 from that which witnessed his return! Doubtless you 
 expected to take him by the hand, to feel the warm grasp 
 which you had felt in other days and to see the tall form 
 walking among you which you had delighted to honor in 
 .years past. But he was never permitted to return until he 
 came with lips mute and silent, his frame encoffined, and a 
 weeping nation following as his mourners. Such a scene 
 as his return to you was never witnessed. Among the 
 events of history there have been great processions of 
 mourners. There was one for the patriarch Jacob, which 
 went up from Egypt, and the Egyptians wondered at the 
 evidences of reverence and filial affection which came from 
 the hearts of the Israelites. There was mourning when 
 Moses fell upon the heights of Pisgah and was hid from 
 human view. There have been mournings in the kingdoms 
 of the earth when kings and warriors have fallen. Bat 
 never was there in the history of man such mourning as 
 that which has accompanied this funeral procession, and 
 has gathered around the mortal remains of him who was 
 our loved one, and who now sleeps among us. If we glance 
 at the procession which followed him, we see how the nation 
 stood aghast. Tears filled the eyes of manly, sunburnt faces. 
 Strong men, as they clasped the hands of their friends, were 
 
98 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 not able in words to find vent for their grief. Women and 
 little children caught up the tidings as they ran through 
 the land, and were melted into tears. The nation stood still. 
 Men left their ploughs in the fields, and asked what the 
 end should be. The hum of manufactories ceased, and the 
 sound of the hammer was not heard. Busy merchants 
 closed their doors ; and in the exchange gold passed no 
 more from hand to hand. Though three weeks have 
 elapsed, the nation has scarcely breathed easily yet. A 
 mournful silence is abroad upon the land ; nor is this mourn- 
 ing confined to any class or to any district of country. 
 Men of all political parties, and of all religious creeds, have 
 united in paying this mournful tribute. The archbishop of 
 the Roman Catholic Church in New York and a Protestant 
 minister walked side by side in the sad procession, and a 
 Jewish rabbi performed a part of the solemn services. 
 
 Here are gathered around his tomb the representatives 
 of the army and navy, senators, judges, governors, and offi- 
 cers of all the branches of the government. Here, too, are 
 members of civic processions, with men and women from 
 the humblest as well as the highest occupations. Here, and 
 there, too, are tears, as sincere and warm as any that drop, 
 which come from the eyes of those whose kindred and whose 
 race have been freed from their chains by him whom they 
 mourn as their deliverer. More persons have gazed on the 
 face of the departed than ever looked upon the face of 
 any other departed man. More have looked on the pro- 
 cession for 1600 miles or more — by night and by day — by 
 sunlight, dawn, twilight, and by torchlight, than ever 
 before watched the progress of a procession. 
 
 We ask why this wonderful mourning — this great pro- 
 cession ? I answer, first, a part of the interest has arisen 
 from the times in which we live, and in which he that had 
 fallen was a principal actor. It is a principle of our nature 
 that feelings, once excited, turn readily from the object by 
 which they are excited to some other object which may for 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 99 
 
 the time being take possession of the mind. Another 
 principle is, the deepest affections of our hearts gather 
 around some human form in which are incarnated the 
 living thoughts and ideas of the passing age. If we 
 look then at the times, we see an age of excitement. 
 For four years the popular heart has been stirred to its 
 inmost depth. War had come upon us, dividing families, 
 separating nearest and dearest friends — a war, the extent 
 and magnitude of which no one could estimate — a war in 
 which the blood of brethren was shed by a brother's hand. 
 A call for soldiers was made by this voice now hushed, and 
 all over the land, from hill to mountain, from plain 
 to valley, there sprang up thousands of bold hearts, ready 
 to go forth and save our national Union. This feeling 
 of excitement was transformed next into a feeling of deep 
 grief because of the dangers in which our country was 
 placed. Many said: "Is it possible to save our nation?" 
 Some in our country, and nearly all the leading men 
 in other countries, declared it to be impossible to maintain 
 the Union ; and many an honest and patriotic heart 
 was deeply pained with apprehensions of common ruin ; 
 and many, in grief, and almost in despair, anxiously 
 inquired: What shall the end of these things be? In 
 additfon to this, wives had given their husbands, mothers 
 their sons, the pride and joy of their hearts. They 
 saw them put on the uniform, they saw them take the 
 martial step, and they tried to hide their deep feeling of 
 sadness. Many dear ones slept upon the battle-field never 
 to return again, and there was mourning in every mansion 
 and in every cabin in our broad land. Then came a feeling 
 of deeper sadness as the story came of prisoners tortured 
 to death or starved through the mandates of those who are 
 called the representatives of chivalry, and who claimed to 
 be the honorable ones of the earth ; and as we read the 
 stories of frames attenuated and reduced to mere skeletons, 
 our grief turned partly into horror and partly into a cry for 
 vengeance. 
 
100 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Then this feeling was changed to one of joy. There 
 came signs of the end of this rebellion. "We followed the 
 career of our glorious generals. We saw our army, under 
 the command of the brave officer who is guiding this pro- 
 cession, climb up the heights of Lookout Mountain, and 
 drive the rebels from their strongholds. Another brave 
 general swept through Georgia, South and North Carolina, 
 and drove the combined armies of the rebels before him, 
 while the honored lieutenant-general held Lee and his hosts 
 in a death grasp. 
 
 Then the tidings came that Richmond was evacuated, 
 and that Lee had surrendered. The bells rang merrily all 
 over the land. The booming of cannon was heard; illumi- 
 nations and torch-light processions manifested the general 
 joy, and families were looking for the speedy return of 
 their loved ones from the field of battle. Just in the midst 
 of this wildest joy, in one hour — nay, in one moment — the 
 tidings thrilled throughout the land that Abraham Lincoln, 
 the best of presidents, had perished by the hands of an 
 assassin; and then all the feelings which had been gather- 
 ing for four years, in forms of excitement, grief, horror, and 
 joy, turned into one wail of woe — a sadness inexpressible — 
 an anguish unutterable. But it is not the times merely 
 which caused this mourning. The mode of his death 'must 
 be taken into the account. Had he died on a bed of illness, 
 with kind friends around him ; had the sweat of death been 
 wiped from his brow by gentle hands, while he was yet 
 conscious; could he have had power to speak words of 
 affection to his stricken widow, or words of counsel to us 
 like those which we heard in his parting inaugural at 
 Washington, which shall now be immortal — how it would 
 have softened or assuaged something of the grief. There 
 might, at least, have been preparation for the event. But 
 no moment of warning was given to him or to us. He 
 w T as stricken down, too, when his hopes for the end of the 
 rebellion were bright, and prospects of a joyous life were 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 101 
 
 before him. There was a cabinet meeting that day, said to 
 have been the most cheerful and happy of any held since 
 the beginning of the rebellion. After this meeting he 
 talked with his friends, and spoke of the four years of tem- 
 pest, of the storm being over, and of the four years of plea- 
 sure and joy now awaiting him, as the weight of care and 
 anxiety would be taken from his mind, and he could have 
 happy days with his family again. In the midst of these 
 anticipations he left his house never to return alive. The 
 evening was Good Friday, the saddest day in the whole 
 calendar for the Christian Church — henceforth in this 
 country to be made sadder, if possible, by the memory of 
 our nation's loss; and so filled with grief was every Christian 
 heart, that even all the joyous thought of Easter Sunday 
 failed to remove the crushing sorrow under which the true 
 worshipper bowed in the house of God. 
 
 But the great cause of this mourning is to be found in 
 the man himself. Mr. Lincoln was no ordinary man. I 
 believe the conviction has been growing on the nation's 
 mind, as it certainly has been on my own, especially in the 
 last years of his administration, that, by the hand of God, 
 he was especially singled out to guide our government in 
 these troublesome times, and it seems to me that the hand 
 of God may be traced in many of the events connected with 
 his history. First, then, I recognize this in the physical 
 education which he received, and which prepared him for 
 enduring herculean labors. In the toils of his boyhood and 
 the labors of his manhood, God was giving him an iron 
 frame. Next to this was his identification with the heart 
 of the great people, understanding their feelings because he 
 was one of them, and connected with them in their move- 
 ments and life. His education was simple. A few months 
 spent in the school-house gave him the elements of education. 
 He read few books, but mastered all he read. Pilgrim's 
 Progress, JEsop's Fables, and the Life of Washington, were 
 his favorites. In these we recognize the works which gave 
 
102 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 the bias to Lis character, and which partly moulded his 
 style. His early life, with its varied struggles, joined him 
 indissolubly to the working masses, and no elevation in 
 society diminished his respect for the sons of toil. He knew 
 what it was to fell the tall trees of the forest, and to stem 
 the current of the broad Mississippi. His home was in the 
 growing West, the heart of the republic, and, invigorated by 
 the winds which swept over its prairies, he learned lessons 
 of self-reliance which sustained him in seasons of adversity. 
 His genius was soon recognized, as true genius always 
 will be, and he was placed in the legislature of his State. 
 Already acquainted with the principles of law, he devoted 
 his thoughts to matters of public interest, and began to be 
 looked on as the coming statesman. As early as 1839 he 
 presented resolutions in the legislature asking for emanci- 
 pation in the District of Columbia, when, with but rare 
 exceptions, the whole popular mind of his State was opposed 
 to the measure. From that hour he was a steady and uni- 
 form friend of humanity, and was preparing for the conflict 
 of later years. 
 
 If you ask me on what mental characteristic his great- 
 ness rested, I answer, on a quick and ready perception of 
 facts ; on a memory usually tenacious and retentive ; and 
 on a logical turn of mind, which followed sternly find 
 unwaveringly every link in the chain of thought on every 
 subject which he was called to investigate. I think there 
 have been minds more broad in their character, more com- 
 prehensive in their scope, but I doubt if there ever has been 
 a man who could follow step by step, with more logical 
 power, the points which he desired to illustrate. He gained 
 this power by the close study of geometry, and by a deter- 
 mination to perceive the truth in all its relations and sim- 
 plicity, and, when found, to utter it. 
 
 It is said of him that in childhood when he had any 
 difficulty, in listening to a conversation, to ascertain what 
 people meant, if he retired to rest he could not sleep till he 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 103 
 
 tried to understand the precise points intended, and when 
 understood, to frame language to convey it in a clearer 
 manner to others. "Who that has read his messages fails to 
 perceive the directness and simplicity of his style? And 
 this very trait, which was scoffed at and decried by oppo- 
 nents, is now recognized as one of the strong points of that 
 mighty mind which has so powerfully influenced the destiny 
 of this nation, and which shall, for ages to come, influence 
 the destiny of humanity. 
 
 It was not, however, chiefly by his mental faculties that 
 he gained such control over mankind. His moral power 
 gave him preeminence. The convictions of men, that 
 Abraham Lincoln was an honest man, led • them to yield 
 to his guidance. As has been said of Cobden, whom he 
 greatly resembled, he made all men feel a sense of himself 
 — a recognition of individuality — a self-relying power. 
 They saw in him a man who they believed would do what 
 is right, regardless of all consequences. It was this moral 
 feeling which gave him the greatest hold on the people, 
 and made his utterances almost oracular. When the nation 
 was angered by the perfidy of foreign nations in allowing 
 privateers to be fitted out, he uttered the significant ex- 
 pression, " One war at a time," and it stilled the national 
 heart. When his own friends were divided as to what 
 steps should be taken as to slavery, that simple utterance, 
 "I will save the Union, if I can, with slavery; if not, 
 slavery must perish, for the Union must be preserved," 
 became the rallying word. Men felt the struggle was for 
 the Union, and all other questions must be subsidiary. 
 
 But, after all, by the acts of a man shall his fame be per- 
 petuated. What are his acts ? Much praise is due to the 
 men who aided him. He called able counsellors around 
 him — some of whom have displayed the highest order of 
 talent united with the purest and most devoted patriotism. 
 He summoned able generals into the field — men who have 
 borne the sword as bravely as ever any human arm has 
 
104 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 borne it. He had the aid of prayerful and thoughtful men 
 everywhere. But, under his own guiding hands, wise 
 counsels were combined and great movements 'conducted. 
 
 Turn towards the different departments. We had an 
 unorganized militia, a mere skeleton army ; yet, under his 
 care, that army has been enlarged into a force which, for 
 skill, intelligence, efficiency, and bravery, surpasses any 
 which the world has ever seen. Before its veterans the 
 fame of even the renowned veterans of Napoleon shall 
 pale, and the mothers and sisters on these hillsides, and 
 all over the land, shall take to their arms again braver 
 sons and brothers than ever fought in European wars. 
 The reason is obvious. Money, or a desire for fame, col- 
 lected those armies, or they were rallied to sustain favorite 
 thrones or dynasties ; but the armies he called into being 
 fought for liberty, for the Union, and for the right of self- 
 government ; and many of them felt that the battles they 
 won were for humanity everywhere and for all time ; for 
 I believe that God has not suffered this terrible rebellion 
 to come upon our land merely for a chastisement to us, or 
 as a lesson to our age. There are moments which involve 
 in themselves eternities. There are instants which seem 
 to contain germs which shall develop and bloom forever. 
 Such a moment came in the tide of time to our landf when 
 a question must be settled which affected all the earth. 
 The contest was for human freedom, not for this republic 
 merely ; not for the Union simply, but to decide whether 
 the people, as a people, in their entire majest}^, were des- 
 tined to be the government, or whether they were to be 
 subject to tyrants or aristocrats, or to class-rule of any kind. 
 This is the great question for which we have been fighting, 
 and its decision is at hand, and the result of the contest 
 will affect the ages to come. If successful, republics will 
 spread, in spite of monarchs, all over the earth. 
 
 I turn from the army to the navy. What was it when 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 105 
 
 the war commenced ? Now we have our ships of war at 
 home and abroad, to guard privateers in foreign sympa- 
 thizing ports, as well as to care for every part of our own 
 coast. They have taken forts that military men said could 
 not be taken ; and a brave admiral, for the first time in 
 the world's history, lashed himself to the mast, there to 
 remain as long as he had a particle of skill or strength to 
 watch over his ship, while it engaged in the perilous con- 
 test of taking the strong forts of the rebels. 
 
 Then, again, I turn to the treasury department. Where 
 should the money come from ? Wise men predicted ruin, 
 but our national credit has been maintained, and our cur- 
 rency is safer today than it ever was before. Not only 
 so, but through our national bonds, if properly used, we 
 shall have a permanent basis for our currency, and an in- 
 vestment so desirable for capitalists of other nations that, 
 under the laws of trade, I believe the centre of exchange 
 will speedily be transferred from England to the United 
 States. 
 
 But the great act of the mighty chieftain, on which his 
 fame shall rest long after his frame shall moulder away, is 
 that of giving freedom to a race. We have all been taught 
 to revere the sacred characters. Among them Moses 
 stands preeminently high. He received the law from God, 
 and his name is honored among the hosts of heaven. Was 
 not his greatest act the delivering of three millions of his 
 kindred out of bondage ? Yet we may assert that Abra- 
 ham Lincoln, by his proclamation, liberated more enslaved 
 people than ever Moses set free, and those not of his kindred 
 or his race. Such a power, or such an opportunity, God 
 has seldom given to man. When other events shall have 
 been forgotten ; when this world shall have become a net- 
 work of republics; when every throne shall be swept from 
 the face of the earth ; when literature shall enlighten all 
 minds; when the claims of humanity shall be recognized 
 everywhere — this act shall still be conspicuous on the 
 
106 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 pages of history. We are thankful that God gave to Abra- 
 ham Lincoln the decision and wisdom and grace to issue 
 that proclamation, which stands high above all other 
 papers which have been penned by uninspired men. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln was a good man. He was known as 
 an honest, temperate, forgiving man; a just man; a man 
 of noble heart in every way. As to his religious experi- 
 ence, I cannot speak definitely, because I was not privileged 
 to know much of his private sentiments. My acquaintance 
 with him did not give me the opportunity to hear him 
 speak on those topics. This I know, however, he read the 
 Bible frequently; loved it for its great truths and its pro- 
 found teachings ; and he tried to be guided by its precepts. 
 He believed in Christ the Saviour of sinners ; and I think 
 he was sincere in trying to bring his life into harmony with 
 the principles of revealed religion. Certainly if there ever 
 was a man who illustrated some of the principles of pure 
 religion, that man was our departed President. Look over 
 all his speeches, listen to his utterances. He never spoke 
 unkindly of any man. Even the rebels received no word of 
 anger from him, and his last day illustrated in a remarkable 
 manner his forgiving disposition. A dispatch was received 
 that afternoon that Thompson and Tucker were trying to 
 make their escape through Maine, and it was proposed to 
 arrest them. Mr. Lincoln, however, preferred rather to let 
 them quietly escape. He was seeking to save the very men 
 who had been plotting his destruction. This morning we 
 read a proclamation offering $25,000 for the arrest of these 
 men as aiders and abettors of his assassination ; so that, in 
 his expiring acts, he was saying : " Father, forgive them, 
 they know not what they do." 
 
 As a ruler, I doubt if any President has ever shown such 
 trust in God, or in public documents so frequently referred 
 to divine aid. Often did he remark to friends and to dele- 
 gations that his hope for our success rested in his conviction 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 107 
 
 that God would bless our efforts, because we were trying to 
 do right. To the address of a large religious body he re- 
 plied : " Thanks be unto God, who, in our national trials, 
 giveth us the churches." To a minister who said he hoped 
 the Lord was on our side, he replied, that it gave him no 
 concern whether the Lord was on our side or not, for, he 
 added, "I know the Lord is always on the side of right;" 
 and with deep feeling added : " But God is my witness, 
 that it is my constant anxiety and prayer that both myself 
 and this nation should be on the Lord's side." 
 
 In his domestic life he was exceedingly kind and affec- 
 tionate. He was a devoted husband and father. During 
 his presidential term he lost his second son, Willie. To an 
 officer of the army, he said, not long since : " Do you ever 
 find yourself talking with the dead?" and added : "Since 
 Willie's death, I catch myself every day involuntarily talk- 
 ing with him, as if he were with me." On his widow, who 
 is unable to be here, I need only invoke the blessing of 
 Almighty God that she may be comforted and sustained. 
 For his son, who has witnessed the exercises of this hour, 
 all that I can desire is that the mantle of his father may 
 fall upon him. 
 
 Let us pause a moment in the lesson of the hour before we 
 part. This man, though he fell by an assassin, still fell 
 under the permissive hand of God. He had some wise 
 purpose in allowing him so to fall. What more could he 
 have desired of life for himself? Were not his honors full? 
 There was no office to which he could aspire.- The popular 
 heart clung around him as around no other man. The 
 nations of the world had learned to honor our chief magis- 
 trate. If rumors of a desired alliance with England be true, 
 Napoleon trembled when he heard of the fall of Richmond, 
 and asked what nation would join him to protect him 
 against our government under the guidance of such a man. 
 His fame was full, his work was done, and he sealed his 
 glory by becoming the nation's great martyr for liberty. 
 
108 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 He appears to have had a strange presentiment early in 
 political life, that some day he would be President. You see 
 it indicated in 1839. Of the slave power he said: "Broken 
 by it I too may be; bow to it I never will. The proba- 
 bility that we may fail in the struggle ought not to deter 
 us from the support of a cause which I deem to be just. It 
 shall not deter me. If ever I feel the soul within me ele- 
 vate and expand to those dimensions not wholly unworthy 
 of its Almighty architect, it is when I contemplate the 
 cause of my country, deserted by all the world besides, and 
 I standing up, boldly and alone, and hurling defiance at her 
 victorious oppressors. Here, without contemplating con- 
 sequences, before high Heaven and in the face of the world, 
 I swear eternal fidelity to the just cause, as I deem it, of 
 the land of my life, my liberty, and my love." And yet, 
 recently, he said to more than one : " I never shall live out 
 the four years of my term. When the rebellion is crushed 
 my work is done." So it was. He lived to see the last 
 battle fought, and dictate a dispatch from the home of Jef- 
 ferson Davis; lived till the power of the rebellion was 
 broken ; and then, having done the work for which God 
 had sent him, angels, I trust, were sent to shield him from 
 one moment of pain or suffering, and to bear him from this 
 world to the high and glorious realm where the patriot and 
 the good shall live forever. 
 
 His career teaches young men that every position of 
 eminence is open before the diligent and the worthy. To 
 the active men of the country, his example is an incentive 
 to trust in God and do right. To the ambitious there is 
 this fearful lesson : of the four candidates for Presidential 
 honors in 1860, two of them — Douglas and Lincoln — once 
 competitors, but now sleeping patriots, rest from their 
 labors ; Bell, abandoned to perish in poverty and misery, as 
 a traitor might perish; and Breckinridge is a frightened 
 fugitive, with the brand of traitor on his brow. 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. 109 
 
 Standing, as we do to-day, by his coffin and bis sepulchre, 
 let us resolve to carry forward the policy which he so 
 nobly begun. Let us do right to all men. Let us vow, in 
 the sight of Heaven, to eradicate every vestige of human 
 slavery ; to give every human being his true position 
 before God and man ; to crush every form of rebellion, 
 and to stand by the flag which God has given us. How 
 joj 7 ful that it floated over parts of every State before 
 Mr. Lincoln's career was ended. How singular that, to 
 the fact of the assassin's heels being caught in the folds of 
 the flag, we are probably indebted for his capture. The 
 flag and the traitor must ever be enemies. 
 
 Traitors will probably suffer by the change of rulers, for 
 one of sterner mould, and who himself has deeply suffered 
 from the rebellion, now wields the sword of justice. Our 
 country, too, is stronger for the trial. A republic was 
 declared by monarchists too weak to endure a civil war; 
 yet we have crushed the most gigantic rebellion in history, 
 and have grown in strength and population every year of 
 the struggle. We have passed through the ordeal of a 
 popular election while swords and bayonets were in the 
 field, and have come out unharmed. And now, in our 
 hour of excitement, with a large minority having preferred 
 another man for President, when the bullet of the assassin 
 has laid our President prostrate, has there been a mutiny ? 
 Has any rival proffered his claims? Out of an army of 
 near a million, no officer or soldier uttered one note of dis- 
 sent, and, in an hour or two after Mr. Lincoln's death, 
 another leader, under constitutional forms, occupied his 
 chair, and the government moved forward without one 
 single jar. The world will learn that republics are the 
 strongest governments on earth. 
 
 And now, my friends, in the words of the departed, 
 " with malice towards none, free from all feelings of per- 
 sonal vengeance, yet believing that the sword must not be 
 borne in vain," let us go forward even in painful duty. 
 
110 NATIONAL JEWELS. 
 
 Let every man who was a senator or representative in 
 Congress, and who aided in beginning this rebellion, and 
 thus led to the slaughter of our sons and daughters, be 
 brought to speedy and to certain punishment. Let every 
 officer educated at the public expense, and who, having 
 been advanced to high position, perjured himself, and turned 
 his sword against the vitals of his country, be doomed to 
 a traitor's death. This, I believe, is the will of the Ameri- 
 can people. Men may attempt to compromise and to re- 
 store these traitors and murderers to society again. Vainly 
 may they talk of the fancied honor or chivalry of these 
 murderers of our sons — these starvers of our prisoners — 
 these officers who mined their prisons and placed kegs of 
 powder to destroy our captive officers. But the American 
 people will rise in their majesty and sweep all such com- 
 promises and compromisers away, and will declare that 
 there shall be no safety for rebel leaders. But to the 
 deluded masses, we will extend the arms of forgiveness. 
 We will take them to our hearts, and walk with them side 
 by side, as we go forward to work out a glorious destiny. 
 
 The time will come when, in the beautiful words of him 
 whose lips are now forever sealed, " The mystic cords of 
 memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot 
 grave to every living heart and hearthstone all over this 
 broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when 
 again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels 
 of our nature." 
 
 Chieftain ! farewell. The nation mourns thee. Mothers 
 shall teach thy name to their lisping children. The youth 
 of our land shall emulate thy virtues. Statesmen shall 
 study thy record, and learn lessons of wisdom. Mute 
 though thy lips be, yet they still speak. Hushed is thy 
 voice, but its echoes of liberty are ringing through the 
 world, and the sons of bondage listen with joy. Prisoned 
 thou art in death, and yet thou art marching abroad, and 
 
FUNERAL ORATION OF BISHOP SIMPSON. Ill 
 
 chains and manacles are bursting at thy touch. Thou 
 didst fall not for thyself. The assassin had no hate for 
 thee. Our hearts were aimed at, our national life was 
 sought. We crown thee as our martyr — and humanity 
 enthrones thee as her triumphant son. Hero, Martyr, 
 Friend, Farewell. 
 
 [The following beautiful hymn, accompanied by a band of music, was, amon{ 
 others, sung prior to the delivery of the preceding sermon.] 
 
 TRUST IN GOD. 
 
 Peace, troubled soul, thou need'st not fear; 
 Thy great Provider still is near ; 
 Who fed thee last, will feed thee still: 
 Be calm, and sink into his will. 
 
 The Lord, who built the earth and sky, 
 In mercy stoops to hear thy cry ; 
 His promise all may freely claim: 
 Ask and receive in Jesus' name. 
 
 Without reserve give Christ your heart ; 
 Let him his righteousness impart; 
 Then all things else he '11 freely give; 
 With him you all things shall receive. 
 
 Thus shall the soul be truly blest, 
 That seeks in God his only rest; 
 May I that happy person be, 
 In time and in eternity ! 
 
THE STAR-SPANGLED BANNER. 
 
 Oh, say, can you see, by the dawn's early light, 
 
 What so proudly we hailed at the twilight's last gleaming? 
 Whose broad stripes and bright stars, through the perilous fight, 
 
 O'er the ramparts we watched, were so gallantly streaming, 
 And the rockets' red glare, the bombs bursting in air, 
 
 Gave proof through the night that our flag was still there : 
 Oh, say, does that star-spangled banner yet wave 
 O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave? 
 
 On that shore dimly seen through the mists of the deep, 
 Where the foe's haughty host in dread silence reposes, 
 What is that which the breeze, o'er the towering steep, 
 
 As it fitfully blows, now conceals, now discloses ? 
 Isow it catches the gleam of the morning's first beam, 
 In full glory reflected now shines in the stream. 
 
 'Tis the star-spangled banner, oh long may it wave 
 O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave. 
 
 And where are the foes who so vanntingly swore 
 
 That the havoc of war and the battle's confusion 
 A home and a country should leave us no more ? 
 
 Their blood has washed out their foul footsteps' pollution. 
 No refuge could save the hireling and slave 
 
 From the terror of flight, or the gloom of the grave ; 
 
 And the star-spangled banner in triumph doth wave 
 O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave. 
 
 Oh thus be it ever, when freemen shall stand 
 
 Between their loved homes and the war's desolation ! 
 Blest with victory and peace, may the heaven-rescued land 
 
 Praise the power that hath made and preserved us a nation! 
 Then conquer we must, when our cause it is just, 
 And this be our motto — " In God is our trust I" 
 
 And the star-spangled banner in triumph shall wave 
 O'er the land of the free and the home of the brave. 
 
OUR GOD IS MARCHING ON. 
 
 BATTLE HYMN OF THE REPUBLIC. 
 
 As sung by Chaplain C. C. McCabe, while a prisoner in Libby, after hearing old Ben 
 (the colored paper-seller in Richmond) cry out ; " Great news by the telegraph! Great 
 battle at Gettysburg ! Union soldiers gain the day/" Upon hearing such glorious news, 
 Chaplain McCabe sung this soul-stirring hymn, all the prisoners joining him heartily in 
 the chorus, making the old prison-walls ring with "Glory, glory, hallelujah !" 
 
 Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coining of the Lord ; 
 
 He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored ; 
 
 He hath loosed the fateful lightning of His terrible quick sword : 
 
 His truth is marching on. 
 Chorus — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
 
 I have seen him in the watch-fires of a hundred circling camps ; 
 They have builded Him an altar in the evening dews and damps ; 
 I have read his righteous sentence by the dim and flaring lamps : 
 
 His day is marching on. 
 Chorus — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
 
 I have read a fiery gospel, writ in burnished rows of steel, 
 
 "As ye deal with my contemners, so with you my grace shall deal ; 
 
 Let the Hero, born of woman, crush the serpent with his heel, 
 
 Since God is marching on." 
 Chorus — Glory, glory, hallelujah 1 
 
 He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat ; 
 He is sifting out the hearts of men before his judgment-seat ; 
 Oh, be swift, my soul, to answer Him ! be jubilant, my feet : 
 
 Our God is marching on. 
 Chorus — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
 
 In the beauty of the lilies Christ was borne across the sea 
 With a glory in his bosom that transfigures you and me ; 
 As he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free, 
 
 While God is marching on. 
 Chorus — Glory, glory, hallelujah ! 
 
SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 
 
 (Matthew V., VI., VII.) 
 
 [While Hon. John M. Clayton, of Delaware, was Secretary of State 
 under President Zachary Taylor, I rode with him in a stage coach from 
 Dover, Del., to the steamboat at Smyrna Landing. It was before daylight. 
 There were several in the stage: all were disposed to listen to the states- 
 man, who was proverbial for conversational powers. Among other topics 
 the subject of Religion was introduced, and in this matter Mr. Clayton 
 was the leading spirit. He remarked: "My dear mother was a Methodist 
 to the day of her death, and a briglit Christian. I am a firm believer in 
 the Christian religion. At Washington we frequently meet with skeptical 
 persons, and with them I often have spirited controversies. I have read 
 many works on the Evidences of Christianity, and heard sermons preached 
 on the same subject ; but nothing that I have ever heard or read has con- 
 vinced me so thoroughly of the truth and divinity of religion as the Lord's 
 Sermon on the Mount and the Lord's Prayer.'' 7 
 
 However remotely Mr. Clayton lived from the Christian standard prac- 
 tically, he was theoretically a Christian through life, and in death he clung 
 to the cross and professed saving faith in the Redeemer, and no doubt felt 
 often in life and in death how great is the blessing of a pious mother, who 
 first taught him to lisp "Our Father which art in heaven." 
 
 " wondrous power ! how little understood ! 
 Entrusted to the mother's mind alone 
 To fashion genius, form the soul for good."] 
 
 « 
 
 And seeing the multitudes, he went up into a 
 mountain: and when he was set, his disciples came 
 unto him. And he opened his mouth, and taught 
 them, saying, 
 
 Blessed are the poor in spirit: for theirs is the 
 kingdom of heaven. Blessed are they that mourn : 
 for they shall be comforted. Blessed are the meek : 
 for they shall inherit the earth. Blessed are they 
 
SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 115 
 
 which do hunger and thirst after righteousness : for 
 they shall be filled. Blessed are the merciful : for 
 they shall obtain mercy. Blessed are the pure in 
 heart : for they shall see God. Blessed are the peace- 
 makers : for they shall be called the children of God. 
 Blessed are they which are persecuted for righteous- 
 ness' sake: for theirs is the kingdom of heaven. 
 Blessed are ye when men shall revile you, and per- 
 secute you, and shall say all manner of evil against 
 you falsely, for my sake. Rejoice, and be exceeding 
 glad : for great is your reward in heaven : for so per- 
 secuted they the prophets which were before you. 
 
 Ye are the salt of the earth : but if the salt have 
 lost his savour, wherewith shall it be salted? it is 
 thenceforth good for nothing, but to be cast out, and 
 to be trodden under foot of men. Ye are the light 
 of the world. A city that is set on an hill cannot 
 be hid. Neither do men light a candle, and put it 
 under a bushel, but on a candlestick : and it giveth 
 light unto all that are in the house. Let your light 
 so shine before men, that they may see your good 
 works, and glorify your Father which is in heaven. 
 
 Think not I am come to destroy the law, or the 
 prophets: I am not come to destroy, but to fulfil. 
 For verily I say unto you, Till heaven and earth pass, 
 one jot or one tittle shall in no wise pass from the 
 law, till all be fulfilled. Whosoever therefore shall 
 break one of these least commandments, and shall 
 teach men so, he shall be called the least in the 
 kingdom of heaven : but whosoever shall do, and 
 teach them, the same shall be called great in the 
 kingdom of heaven. For I say unto you, That ex- 
 
116 SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 
 
 cept your righteousness shall exceed the righteousness 
 of the scribes and Pharisees, ye shall in no case en- 
 ter into the kingdom of heaven. 
 
 Ye have heard that it was said by them of old 
 time, Thou shalt not kill ; and whosoever shall kill, 
 shall be in danger of the judgment : But I say unto 
 you, that whosoever is angry with his brother with- 
 out a cause, shall be in danger of the judgment : and 
 whosoever shall say to his brother, Raca, shall be in 
 danger of the council: but whosoever shall say, Thou 
 fool, shall be in danger of hell-fire. Therefore, if 
 thou bring thy gift to the altar, and there remember- 
 est that thy brother hath aught against thee, leave 
 there thy gift before the altar, and go thy way; first 
 be reconciled to thy brother, and then come and offer 
 thy gift. Agree with thine adversary quickly, while 
 thou art in the way with him ; lest at any time the 
 adversary deliver thee to the judge, and the judge 
 deliver thee to the officer, and thou be cast into pri- 
 son. Yerily I say unto thee, Thou shalt by no means 
 come out thence, till thou hast paid the uttermost 
 farthing. 
 
 Ye have heard that it was said by them of old 
 time, Thou shalt not commit adultery : But I say 
 unto you, That whosoever looketh on a woman to 
 lust after her, hath committed adultery with her 
 already in his heart. And if thy right eye offend 
 thee, pluck it out, and cast it from thee : for it is 
 profitable for thee that one of thy members should 
 perish, and not that thy whole body should be cast 
 into hell. And if thy right hand offend thee, cut it 
 off, and cast it from thee : for it is profitable for thee 
 
SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 117 
 
 that one of thy members should perish, and not that 
 thy whole body should be cast into hell. It hath 
 been said, Whosoever shall put away his wife, let 
 him give her a writing of divorcement : But I say 
 unto you, That whosoever shall put away his wife, 
 saving for the cause of fornication, causeth her to 
 commit adultery: and whosoever shall marry her 
 that is divorced, committeth adultery. 
 
 Again ye have heard that it hath been said by 
 them of old time, Thou shalt not forswear thyself, 
 but shalt perforin unto the Lord thine oaths : But I 
 say unto you, Swear not at all : neither by heaven ; 
 for it is God's throne: Nor by the earth; for it is 
 his footstool: neither by Jerusalem; for it is the 
 city of the great King : Neither shalt thou swear by 
 thy head, because thou canst not make one hair 
 white or black. But let your communication be, 
 Yea, yea; Nay, nay: for whatsoever is more than 
 these cometh of evil. 
 
 Te have heard that it hath been said, An eye for 
 an eye, and a tooth for a tooth. But I say unto you, 
 That ye resist not evil : but whosoever shall smite 
 thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other also. 
 And if any man will sue thee at the law, and take 
 away thy coat, let him have thy cloak also. And 
 whosoever shall compel thee to go a mile, go with 
 him twain. Give to him that asketh thee, and from 
 him that would borrow of thee, turn not thou away. 
 
 Ye have heard that it hath been said, Thou shalt 
 love thy neighbour, and hate thine enemy: But I 
 say unto you, Love your enemies, bless them that 
 curse you, do good to them that hate you, and pray 
 
118 SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 
 
 for tliem which despitefully use you, and persecute 
 you; that ye may be the children of your Father 
 which is in heaven : for he maketh his sun to rise 
 on the evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the 
 just and on the unjust. For if ye love them which 
 love you, what reward have ye? do not even the 
 publicans the same? And if ye salute your breth- 
 ren only, what do ye more than others f do not even 
 the publicans so? Be ye therefore perfect, even as 
 your Father which is in heaven is perfect. 
 
 Take heed that ye do not your alms before men, 
 to be seen of them: otherwise ye have no reward of 
 your Father which is in heaven. Therefore, when 
 thou doest thine alms, do not sound a trumpet before 
 thee, as the hypocrites do, in the synagogues, and in 
 the streets, that they may have glory of men. Ve- 
 rily I say unto you, They have their reward. But 
 when thou doest alms, let not thy left hand know 
 what thy right hand doeth ; that thine alms may be 
 in secret: and thy Father which seeth in secret, 
 himself shall reward thee openly. 
 
 And when thou prayest, thou shalt not be as the 
 hypocrites are: for they love to pray standing in 
 the synagogues, and in the corners of the streets, 
 that they may be seen of men. Verily I say unto 
 you, They have their reward. But thou, when thou 
 prayest, enter into thy closet, and when thou hast 
 shut thy door, pray to thy Father which is in secret ; 
 and thy Father, which seeth in secret, shall reward 
 thee openly. But when ye pray, use not vain repe- 
 titions, as the heathen do : for they think that they 
 shall be heard for their much speaking. Be ye not 
 
SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 119 
 
 therefore like unto them: for your Father knoweth 
 what things ye have need of before ye ask him. 
 After this manner therefore pray ye : 
 
 Our Father which art in heaven, hallowed be thy 
 name. Thy kingdom come. Thy will be done in earth 
 as it is in heaven. Give us this day our daily bread. 
 And forgive us our debts, as we forgive our debtors. 
 And lead us not into temptation, but deliver us from evil. 
 For thine is the kingdom, and the poiver, and the glory, 
 for ever. Amen. 
 
 For if ye forgive men their trespasses, your hea- 
 venly Father will also forgive you : but if ye forgive 
 not men their trespasses, neither will your Father 
 forgive your trespasses. 
 
 Moreover, when ye fast, be not as the hypocrites, 
 of a sad countenance : for they disfigure their faces, 
 that they may appear unto men to fast. Verily I 
 say unto you, They have their reward. But thou, 
 when thou fastest, anoint thine head, and wash thy 
 face; that thou appear not unto men to fast, but 
 unto thy Father which is in secret: and thy Father 
 which seeth in secret shall reward thee openly. 
 
 Lay not up for yourselves treasures upon earth, 
 where moth and rust doth corrupt, and where thieves 
 break through and steal: but lay up for yourselves 
 treasures in heaven, where neither moth nor rust 
 doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through 
 nor steal. For where your treasure is, there will 
 your heart be also. The light of the body is the 
 eye : if therefore thine eye be single, thy whole body 
 
120 SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 
 
 shall be full of light. But if thine eye be evil, thy 
 whole body shall be full of darkness. If therefore 
 the light that is in thee be darkness, how great is 
 that darkness ! 
 
 No man can serve two masters : for either he will 
 hate the one, and love the other ; or else he will hold 
 to the one, and despise the other. Ye cannot serve 
 God and mammon. Therefore I say unto you, Take 
 no thought for your life, what ye shall eat, or what 
 ye shall drink; nor yet for your body, what ye shall 
 put on. Is not the life more than 'meat, and the 
 body than raiment? Behold the fowls of the air: 
 for they sow not, neither do they reap, nor gather 
 into barns ; yet your heavenly Father feedeth them. 
 Are ye not much better than they? Which of you 
 by taking thought can add one cubit unto his sta- 
 ture? And why take ye thought for raiment? Con- 
 sider the lilies of the field, how they grow ; they toil 
 not, neither do they spin ; and yet I say unto you, 
 That even Solomon in all his glory was not arrayed 
 like one of these. Wherefore, if God so clothe the 
 grass of the field, which to-day is, and to-morrow is 
 cast into the oven, shall he not much more clothe you, 
 ye of little faith? Therefore take no thought, 
 saying, What shall we eat? or, What shall we drink? 
 or, Wherewithal shall we be clothed ? (For after all 
 these things do the Gentiles seek) : for your heavenly 
 Father knoweth that ye have need of all these things. 
 But seek ye first the kingdom of God, and his right- 
 eousness ; and all these things shall be added unto 
 you. Take therefore no thought for the morrow : for 
 
SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 121 
 
 the morrow shall take thought for the things of itself. 
 Sufficient unto the day is the evil thereof. 
 
 Judge not, that ye be not judged. For with what 
 judgment ye judge, ye shall be judged: and with 
 what measure ye mete, it shall be measured to you 
 again. And why beholdest thou the mote that is in 
 thy brother's eye, but eonsiderest not the beam that 
 is in thine own eye? Or how wilt thou say to thy 
 brother, Let me pull out the mote out of thine eye ; 
 and behold, a beam is in thine own eye? Thou 
 hypocrite, first cast out the beam out of thine own 
 eye ; and then shalt thou see clearly to cast out the 
 mote out of thy brother's eye. 
 
 Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither 
 cast ye your pearls before swine, lest they trample 
 them under their feet, and turn again and rend you. 
 
 Ask, and it shall be given you; seek, and ye 
 shall find ; knock, and it shall be opened unto you : 
 for every one that asketh, receiveth ; and he that 
 seeketh, findetk ; and to him that knocketh, it shall 
 be opened. Or what man is there of you, whom if 
 his son ask bread, will he give him a stone? Or if 
 he ask a fish, will he give him a serpent? If ye 
 then, being evil, know how to give good gifts unto 
 your children, how much more shall your Father 
 which is in heaven give good things to them that 
 ask him ? Therefore all things whatsoever ye would 
 that men should do to you, do ye even so to them : 
 for this is the law and the prophets. 
 
 Enter ye in at the strait gate; for wide is the 
 gate, and broad is the way, that leadeth to destruc- 
 tion, and many there be which go in thereat : be- 
 
122 SEKMON ON THE MOUNT. 
 
 cause, strait is the gate, and narrow is the way, 
 which leadeth unto life, and few there be that find 
 it. 
 
 Beware of false prophets, which come to you in 
 sheep's clothing, but inwardly they are ravening 
 wolves. Ye shall know them by their fruits : Do 
 men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles? 
 Even so every good tree bringeth forth good fruit ; 
 but a corrupt tree bringeth forth evil fruit. A good 
 tree cannot bring forth evil fruit, neither can a cor- 
 rupt tree bring forth good fruit. Every tree that 
 bringeth not forth good fruit is hewn down, and 
 cast into the fire. Wherefore, by their fruits ye 
 shall know them. 
 
 Not every one that saith unto me, x^ord, Lord, 
 shall enter into the kingdom of heaven ; but he 
 that cloeth the will of my Father which is in heaven. 
 Many will say to me in that day, Lord, Lord, have 
 we not prophesied in thy name? and in thy name 
 have cast out devils ? and in thy name done many 
 wonderful works? And then will I profess unto 
 them, I never knew you : depart from me, ye that 
 work iniquity. 
 
 Therefore, whosoever heareth these sayings of 
 mine, and cloeth them, I will liken him unto a wise 
 man, which built his house upon a rock : and the 
 rain descended, and the floods came, and the winds 
 blew, and beat upon that house ; and it fell not : 
 for it was founded upon a rock. And every one 
 that heareth these sayings of mine, and doeth them 
 not, shall be likened unto a foolish man, which built 
 his house upon the sand : and the rain descended, 
 
SERMON ON THE MOUNT. 123 
 
 and the floods came, and the winds blew, and beat 
 upon that house ; and it fell : and great was the 
 fall of it. 
 
 And it came to pass when Jesus had ended these 
 sayings, the people were astonished at his doctrine. 
 For he taught them as one having authority, and 
 not as the scribes. 
 
 "Praise God, from whom all blessings flow; 
 Praise Him, all creatures here below; 
 Praise Him above, ye heavenly host; 
 Praise Father, Son, and Holy Ghost." 
 
: 
 
.iilfp 
 
 
TOO 
 
 v?y".,.j, , ,vi 
 
 
 
 
 ^^«» 
 
 
 ,1*^ 
 

 
 £l>31§«S3 
 
 
 sSpTSr^feTb 
 
 ^^H 
 
 |13|g§g5i|S 
 
 
 BSfcfirS 
 
 S^ 
 
 ■8^3^^ 
 
 s&* 
 
 
 >^« 
 
 Bi£S4«^ 
 
 >3*| 
 
 l *Sl5Ife 
 
 >SP"i 
 
 as-hsks 
 
 > is 
 
 s^Sr^^te 
 
 m 
 
 jCSjjr^g^r 
 
 
 ^o» >'3P 
 
 
 °11 528 077 6 
 
 S»* 
 
 
 
 2»3 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 :n^p,