WILLI A&1 D. BARGE, CHICAGO. HISTORY *2> u\j of 2 2 20, line 27, instead of Dan, read H. W. 10 TABLE OF CONTENTS. History of Blount Township 874 Biographical 894 History of Pilot Township .- 904 Biographical 914 History of Newell Township 926 Biographical •" 950 History of Vance Township 969 Biographical 983 History of Butler Township 1000 Biographical 1013 History of Sidell Township 1024 Biographical 1030 Business Directory 1035 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS. Map Illustrating French and Indian War Frontispiece Indian Implements 197-207 Buffalo 209 Gen. George Rogers Clarke 245 Washington Medal 270 British Medal 273 Gen. W. H. Harrison 289 The Prophet 282 Fort Harrison in 1812 288 Plan of Battle of Tippecanoe 291 Map of Vermilion County 305 Joseph Barron 305 City Mills, Danville 311 Amber Mills, Danville 315 High School 329 County Court House 330 Ellsworth Coal Shaft 337 Coffeen & Pollock's Store 352 Lincoln Opera House 379 I lanville Planing Mill 444 Whitehall's < larriage Shops 466 Hoopeston Public School 715 McFerron's Bank Building 718 Clark's Hall 745 Pioneer Cabin 876 LIST OF PORTRAITS. William J . Moore 129 John Kyger 545 John L. Tincher 305 Alexander Pollock 625 A. C. Daniel 337 William Geddings 673 R. T. Leverich 384 L. W. Anderson 737 O. F. Harmon 417 David Dickson 785 H. A. Coffeen 465 J. G. Leverich 817 George Wheeler Jones 497 William ( !. Harrison : 865 William Sheets 513 J. Peters 977 HISTORIC NOTES- ON THE NORTHWEST. CHAPTER I. TOPOGRAPHY. The reader will have a better understanding of the manner in which the territory, herein treated of, was discovered and subse- quently occupied, if reference is made, in the outset, to some of its more important topographical features. Indeed, it would be an unsatisfactory task to try to follow the routes of early travel, or to undertake to pursue the devious wanderings of the aboriginal tribes, or trace the advance of civilized society into a country, without some preliminary knowledge of its topography. Looking upon a map of North America, it is observed that west- ward of the Alleghany Mountains the waters are divided into two great masses; the one, composed of waters flowing into the great northern lakes, is, by the river St. Lawrence, carried into the Atlantic Ocean ; the other, collected by a multitude of streams spread out like a vast net over the surface of more than twenty states and several ter- ritories, is gathered at last into the Mississippi River, and thence dis- charged into the Gulf of Mexico. As it was by the St. Lawrence River, and the great lakes connected with it, that the Northwest Territory was discovered, and for many years its trade mainly carried on, a more minute notice of this remark- able water communication will not be out of place. Jacques Cartier, a French navigator, having sailed from St. Malo, entered, on the 10th of August, 1535, the Gulf, which he had explored the year before, and named it the St. Lawrence, in memory of the holy martyr whose feast is celebrated on that day. This name was subsequently extended to the river. Previous to this it was called the River of Canada, the name given by the Indians to the whole country.* The drainage of the St. Lawrence and the lakes extends through 14 degrees of longi- tude, and covers a distance of over two thousand miles. Ascending * Father Chailevoix' "History and General Description of New France;" Dr. John G. Shea's translation ; vol. 1, pp. 37, 115. n 12 HISTORIC NOTES OF THE NORTHWEST. this river, we behold it flanked with bold crags and sloping hillsides ; its current beset with rapids and studded with a thousand islands ; combining scenery of marvelous beauty and grandeur. Seven hundred and fifty miles above its mouth, the channel deepens and the shores recede into an expanse of water known as Lake Ontario.* Passing westward on Lake Ontario one hundred and eighty miles a second river is reached. A few miles above its entry into the lake, the river is thrown over a ledge of rock into a yawning chasm, one hundred and fifty feet below ; and, amid the deafening noise and clouds of vapor escaping from the agitated waters is seen the great Falls of Niagara. At Buffalo, twenty-two miles above the falls, the shores of Niagara River recede and a second great inland sea is formed, having an average breadth of 40 miles and a length of 240 miles. This is Lake Erie. The name has been variously spelt, — Earie, Herie. Erige and Erike. It has also born the name of Conti.f Father Hennepin says : " The Hurons call it Lake Erige, or Erike, that is to say, the Lake of the Cat, and the inhabitants of Canada have softened the word to Erie ; " vide " A New Discovery of a Yast Country in America," p. 77 ; London edition, 1698. Hennepin's derivation is substantially followed by the more accurate and accomplished historian, Father Charlevoix, who at a later period, in 1721, in writing of this lake uses the following words : "The name it bears is that of an Indian nation of the Huron language, which was formerly settled on its banks and who have been entirely destroyed by the Iroquois. Erie in that language signifies cat, and in some accounts this nation is called the cat nation." He adds : " Some modern maps have given Lake Erie the name of Conti, but with no better success than the names of Conde, Tracy and Orleans which have been given to Lakes Huron, Superior and Michigan.":]; At the upper end of Lake Erie, to the southward, is Maumee Bay, of which more hereafter ; to the northward the shores of the lake again * Ontario has been favored with several names by early authors and map makers. Champlain's map. 1632, lays it down as Lac St. Louis. The map prefixed to Colden's '• History of the Five Nations" designates it as Cata-ra-qui, or Ontario Lake. The word is Huron- Iroquois, and is derived, in their language, from Ontra, a lake, and to, beautiful, the compound word meaning a beautiful lake; vide Letter of DuBois D'Avaugour, August 16, 1663, to the Minister: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 16. Baron LaHontan, in his work and on the accompanying map, calls it Lake Frontenac; ride " New Voyages to North America," vol. 1, p. 219. And Frontenac, the name by which this lake was most generally designated by the early French writers, was given to it in honor of the great Count Frontenac. Governor-General of Canada. f Narrative of Father Zenobia Membre, who accompanied Sieur La Salle in the voyage westward on this lake in 1679 ; vide " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi." by Dr. John G. Shea, p. 90. Barou La Hontan's "Voyages to North America," vol. 1, p. 217, also map prefixed ; London edition, 1703. Cadwalder Col- den's map. referred to in a previous note, designates it as "Lake Erie, or Okswego." ^Journal of a Voyage to North America, vol. 2, p. 2 ; London Edition, 1761. THE LAKES. 13 approach each other and form a channel known as the River Detroit, a French word signifying a strait or narrow passage. Northward some twenty miles, and above the city of Detroit, the river widens into a small body of water called Lake St. Clair. The name as now written is incorrect : " we should either retain the French form, Claire, or take the English Clare. It received its name in honor of the founder of the Franciscan nuns, from the fact that La Salle reached it on the day con- secrated to her."* Northward some twelve miles across this lake the land again encroaches upon and contracts the waters within another narrow bound known as the Strait of St. Clair. Passing up this strait, northward about forty miles, Lake Huron is reached. It is 250 miles long and 190 miles wide, including Georgian Buy on the east, and its whole area is computed to be about 21,000 square miles. Its magnitude fully justified its early name, La Mer-douce, the Fresh Sea, on account of its extreme vastness.f The more popular name of Huron, which has survived all others, was given to it from the great Huron nation of Indians who formerly inhabited the country lying to the eastward of it. Indeed, many of the early French writers call it Lac des Hurons, that is, Lake of the Hurons. It is so laid down on the maps of Hen- nepin, La Hontan, Charlevoix and Colden in the volumes before quoted. Going northward, leaving the Straits of Mackinaw, through which Lake Michigan discharges itself from the west, and the chain of Manitoulin Islands to the eastward, yet another river, the connecting link between Lake Huron and Superior, is reached. Its current is swift, and a mile below Lake Superior are the Falls, where the water leaps and tumbles down a channel obstructed by boulders and shoals, where, from time immemorial, the Indians of various tribes have resorted on account of the abundance of fish and the ease with which they are taken. Previous to the year 1670 the river was called the Sault, that is, the rapids, or falls. In this year Fathers Marquette and Dablon founded here the mission of " St. Marie du Sault " (St. Maiw of the Falls), from which the modern name of the river, St. Mary's, is derived.:}; Recently the United States have perfected the ship canal cut in solid rock, around the falls, through which the largest vessels can now pass, from the one lake to the other. Lake Superior, in its greatest length, is 360 miles, with a maximum breadth of 1-10, the largest of the five great American lakes, and the most extensive body of fresh water on the globe. Its form has been *Note by Dr. Shea, " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi," p. 143. tChamplain's map, 1632. Also "Memoir on the Colony of Quebec," August 4, 1663 : Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 16. i Charlevoix' "History of New France," vol. S, p. 110; also note. 14 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. poetically and not inaccurately described by a Jesuit Father, whose account of it is preserved in the Relations for the years 1669 and 1670 : " This lake has almost the form of a bended bow, and in length is more than 180 leagues. The southern shore is as it were the cord, the arrow being a long strip of land [Keweenaw Point] issuing from the south- ern coast and running more than 80 leagues to the middle of the lake." A glance on the map will show the aptness of the comparison. The name Superior was given to it by the Jesuit Fathers, " in conse- quence of its being above that of Lake Huron.* It was also called Lake Tracy, after Marquis De Tracy, who was governor-general of Canada from 1663 to 1665. Father Claude Allouez, in his " Journal of Travels to the Country of the Ottawas," preserved in the Relations for the years 1666, 1667, says : " After passing through the St. Mary's River we entered the upper lake, which will hereafter bear the name of Monsieur Tracy, an acknowledgment of the obligation under which the people of this country are to him." The good father, however, was mistaken ; the name Tracy only appears on a few ancient maps, or is perpetuated in rare volumes that record the almost for- gotten labors of the zealous Catholic missionaries ; while the earlier name of Lake " Superior " is familiar to every school-boy who has thumbed an atlas. At the western extremity of Lake Superior enter the Rivers Bois- Brule and St. Louis, the upper tributaries of which have their sources on the northeasterly slope of a water-shed, and approximate very near the head-waters of the St. Croix, Prairie and Savannah Rivers, which, issuing from the opposite side of this same ridge, flow into the upper Mississippi. The upper portions of Lakes Huron, Michigan, Green Bay, with their indentations, and the entire coast line, with the islands eastward and westward of the Straits of Mackinaw, are all laid down with quite a degree of accuracy on a map attached to the Relations of the Jesuits for the years 1670 and 1671, a copy of which is contained in Bancroft's History of the United States,f showing that the reverend fathers were industrious in mastering and preserving the geographical features of the wilderness they traversed in their holy calling. Lake Michigan is the only one of the five great lakes that lays wholly within the United States, — the other four, with their connect- ing rivers and straits, mark the boundary between the Dominion of Canada and the United States. Its length is 320 miles; its average breadth 70, with a mean depth of over 1,000 feet. Its area is some * Relations of 1660 and 1669. f Vol. 3, p. 152; fourth edition. LAKE MICHIGAN. 15 22,000 square miles, being considerably more than that of Lake Huron and less than that of Lake Superior. Michigan was the last of the lakes in order of discovery. The Hurons, christianized and dwelling eastward of Lake Huron, had been driven from their towns and cultivated fields by the Iroquois, and scat- tered about Mackinaw and the desolate coast of Lake Superior beyond, whither they were followed by their faithful pastors, the Jesuits, who erected new altars and gathered the remnants of their stricken follow- ers about them ; all this occurred before the fathers had acquired any definite knowledge of Lake Michigan. In their mission work for the year 1666, it is referred to " as the Lake Illinouek, a great lake adjoin- ing, or between, the lake of the Hurons and that of Green Bay, that had not [as then] come to their knowledge." In the Relation for the same year, it is referred to as " Lake Illeaouers," and " Lake Illinioues, as yet unexplored, though much smaller than Lake Huron, and that the Outagamies [the Fox Indians] call it Machi-hi-gan-ing." Father Hen- nepin says : " The lake is called by the Indians, ' Illinouek,' and by the French, ' Illinois,' " and that the " Lake Illinois, in the native lan- guage, signifies the ' Lake of Men.' " He also adds in the same para- graph, that it is called by the Miamis, " Mischigonong, that is, the great lake." * Father Marest, in a letter dated at Kaskaskia, Illinois, November 9, 1712, so often referred to on account of the valuable his- torical matter it contains, contracts the aboriginal name to Michigan, and is, perhaps, the first author who ever spelt it in the way that has become universal. He naively says, " that on the maps this lake has the name, without any authority, of the ' Lake of the Illinois? since the Illinois do not dwell in its neighborhood." f * Hennepin's " New Discovery of a Vast Country in America," vol. 1, p. 35. The name is derived from the two Algonquin words, Michi (mishi or missi), which signifies great, as it does, also, several or many, and Sagayigan, a lake, vide Henry's Travels, p. 37, and Alexander Mackenzie's Vocabulary of Algonquin Words. t Kip's Early Jesuit Missions, p. 222. CHAPTER II. DRAINAGE OF THE ILLINOIS AND WABASH. Tiie reader's attention will now be directed to the drainage of the Illinois and Wabash Rivers to the Mississippi, and that of the Maumee River into Lake Erie. The Illinois River proper is formed in Grundy county, Illinois, below the city of Joliet, by the union of the Kanka- kee and Desplaines Rivers. The latter rises in southeastern Wisconsin ; and its course is almost south, through the counties of Cook and Will. The Kankakee has its source in the vicinity of South Bend, Indiana. It pursues a devious way, through marshes and low grounds, a south- westerly course, forming the boundary-line between the counties of Laporte, Porter and Lake on the north, and Stark, Jasper and Newton on the south ; thence across the dividing line of the two states of Indi- ana and Illinois, and some fifteen miles into the county of Kankakee, at the confluence of the Iroquois River, where its direction is changed northwest to its junction with the Desplaines. The Illinois passes westerly into the county of Putnam, where it again turns and pursues a generally southwest course to its confluence with the Mississippi, twenty miles above the mouth of the Missouri. It is about five hun- dred miles long ; is deep and broad, and in several places expands into basins, which may be denominated lakes. Steamers ascend the river, in high water, to La Salle ; from whence to Chicago navigation is contin- ued by means of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. The- principal trib- utaries of the Illinois, from the north and right bank, are the Au Sable, Fox River, Little Vermillion, Bureau Creek, Kickapoo Creek (which empties in just below Peoria), Spoon River, Sugar Creek, and finally Crooked Creek. From the south or left bank are successively the Iro- quois (into the Kankakee), Mazon Creek, Vermillion, Crow Meadow, Mackinaw, Sangamon, and Macoupin. The Wabash issues out of a small lake, in Mercer county, Ohio, and runs a westerty course through the counties of Adams, Wells and Huntington in the state of Indiana. It receives Little River, just below the city of Huntington, and continues a westwardly course through the counties of Wabash, Miami and Cass. Here it turns more to the south, flowing through the counties of Carroll and Tippe- canoe, and marking the boundary-line between the counties of Warren 16 THE MAUMEE AND PORTAGES. 17 and Vermillion on the west, and Fountain and Park on the east. At Covington, the county seat of Fountain county, the river runs more directly south, between the counties of Vermillion on the one side, and Fountain and Parke on the other, and through the county of Vigo, some miles below Terre Haute, from which place it forms the boundary- line between the states of Indiana and Illinois to its confluence with the Ohio. Its principal tributaries from the north and west, or right bank of the stream, are Little River, Eel River, Tippecanoe, Pine Creek, Red Wood, Big Vermillion, Little Vermillion, Bruletis, Sugar Creek, Em- barras, and Little Wabash. The streams flowing in from the south and east, or left bank of the river, are the Salamonie, Mississinewa, Pipe Creek, Deer Creek, Wildcat, Wea and Shawnee Creeks, Coal Creek, Sugar Creek, Raccoon Creek, Otter Creek, Busseron Creek, and White River. There are several other, and smaller, streams not necessary here to notice, although they are laid down on earlier maps, and mentioned in old " Gazetteers" and "Emigrant's Guides." The Maumee is formed by the St. Joseph and St. Mary's Rivers, which unite their waters at Ft. Wayne, Indiana. The St. Joseph has its source in Hillsdale county, Michigan, and runs southwesterly through the northwest corner of Ohio, through the county of De Kalb, and into the county of Allen, Indiana. The St. Mary's rises in An Glaize county, Ohio, very near the little lake at the head of the Wabash, before referred to, and runs northwestwardly parallel with the Wabash, through the counties of Mercer, Ohio, and Adams, Indiana, and into Allen county to the place of its union with the St. Joseph, at Ft. Wayne. The principal tributaries of the Maumee are the Au Glaize from the south, Bear Creek, Turkey Foot Creek, Swan Creek from the north. The length of the Maumee River, from Ft. Wayne northeast to Maumee Bay at the west end of Lake Erie, is very little over 100 miles. A noticeable feature relative to the territory under consideration, and having an important bearing on its discovery and settlement, is the fact that many of the tributaries of the Mississippi have their branches interwoven with numerous rivers draining into the lakes. They not infrequently issue from the same lake, pond or marsh situated on the summit level of the divide from which the waters from one end of the common reservoir drain to the Atlantic Ocean and from the other to the Gulf of Mexico. By this means nature herself provided navig- able communication between the northern lakes and the Mississippi Valley. It was, however, only at times of the vernal floods that the 18 HISTORIC NOTES OF THE NORTHWEST. communication was complete. At other seasons of the year it was interrupted, when transfers by land were required for a short distance. The places where these transfers were made are known by the French term portage, which, like many other foreign derivatives, has become anglicized, and means a carrying place ; because in low stages of water the canoes and effects of the traveler had to be carried around the dry marsh or pond from the head of one stream to the source of that beyond. The first of these portages known to the Europeans, of which accounts have come down to us, is the portage of the Wisconsin, in the state of that name, connecting the Mississippi and Green Bay by means of its situation between the Wisconsin and Fox Rivers. The next is the portage of Chicago, uniting Chicago Creek, which empties into Lake Michigan at Chicago, and the Desplaines of the Illinois River. The third is the portage of the Kankakee, near the present city of South Bend, Indiana, which connects the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan with the upper waters of the Kankakee. And the fourth is the portage of the Wabash at Ft. Wayne, Indiana, between the Maumee and the Wabash, by way of Little River. Though abandoned and their former uses forgotten in the advance of permanent settlement and the progress of more efficient means of commercial intercourse, these portages were the gateways of the French between their possessions in Canada and along the Mississippi. Formerly the Northwest was a wilderness of forest and prairie, with only the paths of wild animals or the trails of roving Indians leading, through tangled undergrowth and tall grasses. In its undeveloped form it was without roads, incapable of land carriage and could not be traveled by civilized man, even on foot, without the aid of a savage guide and a permit from its native occupants which afforded little or no security to life or property. For these reasons the lakes and rivers, with their connecting portages, were the only highways, and they invited exploration. They afforded ready means of opening up the interior. The French, who were the first explorers, at an early day, as we shall hereafter see, established posts at Detroit, at the mouth of the Niagara River, at Mackinaw, Green Bay, on the Illinois River, the St. Joseph's of Lake Michigan, on the Maumee, the Wabash, and at other places on the route of inter-lake and river communication. By means of having seized these strategical points, and their influence over the Indian tribes, the French monopolized the fur trade, and although feebly assisted by the home government, held the whole Mississippi Valley and regions of the lakes, for near three quarters of a century, against all efforts of the English colonies, eastward of the Alleghany ridge, who, assisted by England, sought to wrest it from their grasp. CHICAGO PORTAGE. 19 Recurring to the old portage at Chicago, it is evident that at a com- paratively recent period, since the glacial epoch, a large part of Cook county was under water. The waters of Lake Michigan, at that time, found an outlet through the Desplaines and Illinois Rivers into the Mississippi.* This assertion is confirmed from the appearance of the whole channel of the Illinois River, which formerly contained a stream of much greater magnitude than now. The old beaches of Lake Michigan are plainly indicated in the ridges, trending westward several miles away from the present water line. The old state road, from Vincennes to Chicago, followed one of these ancient lake beaches from Blue Island into the city. The subsidence of the lake must have been gradual, requiring many ages to accomplish the change of direction in the flow of its waters from the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence. The character of the portage has also undergone changes within the memory of men still living. The excavation of the Illinois and Michigan Canal, and the drainage of the adjacent land by artificial ditches, has left little remaining from which its former appearance can now be recognized. Major Stephen H. Long, of the U. S. Topo- graphical Engineers, made an examination of this locality in the year 1823, before it had been changed by the hand of man, and says, con- cerning it, as follows : " The south fork of Chicago River takes its rise about six miles from the fort, in a swamp, which communicates also with the Desplaines, one of the head branches of the Illinois. Hav- ing been informed that this route was frequently used by traders, and that it had been traversed by one of the officers of the garrison, — who returned with provisions from St. Louis a few days before our arrival at the fort, — we determined to ascend the Chicago River in order to observe this interesting division of waters. We accordingly left the fort on the 7th day of June, in a boat which, after having ascended the river four miles, we exchanged for a narrow pirogue that drew less water, — the stream we were ascending was very narrow, rapid and crooked, presenting a great fall. It so continued for about three miles, when we reached a sort of a swamp, designated by the Canadian voy- agers under the name of 'Zws, nousscy and nosha mean father, and neebi, nipt or nepee mean water, as universally in the dialect of Algonquin tribes, as does the word missi mean great and sepi a river. 46 HISTORIC NOTES OK THE NORTHWEST. " Having descended as far as 41° 28', following the same direction, we find that turkeys have taken the place of game, and pisikious (buf- falo) or wild cattle that of other beasts. " At last, on the 25th of June, we perceived foot-prints of men by the water-side and a beaten path entering a beautiful prairie. We stopped to examine it, and concluding that it was a path leading to some Indian village we resolved to go and reconnoitre ; we accordingly left our two canoes in charge of our people, cautioning them to beware of a surprise ; then M. Jollyet and I undertook this rather hazardous discovery for two single men, who thus put themselves at the mercy of an unknown and barbarous people. We followed the little path in silence, and having advanced about two leagues we discovered a village on the banks of the river, and two others on a hill half a league from the former. Then, indeed, we recommended ourselves to God with all our hearts, and having implored his help we passed on undiscovered, and came so near that we even heard the Indians talking. We then deemed it time to announce ourselves, as we did, by a cry which we raised with all our strength, and then halted, without advancing any farther. At this cry the Indians rushed out of their cabins, and hav- ing probably recognized us as French, especially seeing a black gown, or at least having no reason to distrust us, seeing we were but two and had made known our coming, they deputed four old men to come and speak to us. Two carried tobacco-pipes well adorned and trimmed with many kinds of feathers. They marched slowly, lifting their pipes toward the sun as if offering them to it to smoke, but yet without uttering a single word. They were a long time coming the little way from the village to us. Having reached us at last, they stopped to con- sider us attentively. " I now took courage, seeing these ceremonies, which are used by them only with friends, and still more on seeing them covered with stuffs which made me judge them to be allies. I, therefore, spoke to them first, and asked them who they were. They answered that they were Illinois, and in token of peace they presented their pipes to smoke. They then invited us to their village, where all the tribe awaited us with impatience. These pipes for smoking are all called in this country calumets, a word that is so much in use that I shall be obliged to employ it in order to be understood, as I shall have to speak of it frecpnently. ; ' At the door of the cabin in which we were to be received was an old man awaiting us in a very remarkable posture, which is their usual ceremony in receiving strangers. This man was standing perfectly naked, with his hands stretched out and raised toward the sun, as if he wished to screen himself from its rays, which, nevertheless, passed PRESENTATION OF THE CALUMET. 47 through his ringers to his face. When we came near him he paid us this compliment : ' How beautiful is the sun, O Frenchman, when thou comest to visit us ! All our town awaits thee, and thou shalt enter all our cabins in peace.' He then took us into his, where there was a crowd of people, who devoured us with their eyes but kept a profound silence. We heard, however, these words occasionally ad- dressed to us : ' Well done, brothers, to visit us ! ' As soon as we had taken our places they showed us the usual civility of the country, which is to present the calumet. You must not refuse it unless you would pass for an enemy, or at least for being very impolite. It is, however, enough to pretend to smoke. While all the old men smoked after us to honor us, some came to invite us, on behalf of the great sachem of all the Illinois, to proceed to his town, where he wished to hold a council with us. We went with a good retinue, for all the people who had never seen a Frenchman among them could not tire looking at us ; they threw themselves on the grass by the wayside, they ran ahead, then turned and walked back to see us again. All this was done without noise, and with marks of a great respect entertained for us. " Having arrived at the great sachem's town, we espied him at his cabin door between two old men ; all three standing naked, with their calumet turned to the sun. He harangued us in a few words, to con- gratulate us on our arrival, and then presented us his calumet and made us smoke ; at the same time we entered his cabin, where we received all their usual greetings. Seeing all assembled and in silence, I spoke to them by four presents which I made. By the first, I said that we marched in peace to visit the nations on the river to the sea ; by the second, I declared to them that God, their creator, had pity on them, since, after their having been so long ignorant of him, he wished to become known to all nations ; that I was sent on his behalf with this design ; that it was for them to acknowledge and obey him ; by the third, that the great chief of the French informed them that he spread peace everywhere, and had overcome the Iroquois ; lastly, by the fourth, we begged them to give us all the information they had of the sea, and of nations through which we should have to pass to reach it. " When I had finished my speech, the sachem rose, and laying his hand on the head of a little slave whom he was about to give us, spoke thus : ' I thank thee, Black-gown, and thee, Frenchman,' addressing M. Jollyet, 'for taking so much pains to come and visit us. Never has the earth been so beautiful, nor the sun so bright, as to-day ; never has our river been so calm, nor so free from rocks, which your canoes have removed as they passed ; never has our tobacco had so fine a flavor, 48 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. nor our corn appeared so beautiful as we behold it to-day. Here is my son that I give thee that thou may est know my heart. I pray thee take pity on me and all my nation. Thou knowest the Great Spirit who has made us all ; thou speakest to him and hearest his word ; ask him to give me life and health, and come and dwell with us that we may know him.' Saying this, he placed the little slave near us and made us a second present, an all mysterious calumet, which they value more than a slave. By this present he showed us his esteem for our governor, after the account we had given of him. By the third he begged us, on behalf of his whole nation, not to proceed farther on account of the great dangers to which we exposed ourselves. " I replied that I did not fear death, and that I esteemed no happi- ness greater than that of losing my life for the glory of him who made us all. But this these poor people could not understand. The coun- cil was followed by a great feast which consisted of four courses, which we had to take with all their ways. The first course was a great wooden dish full of sagamity, — that is to say, of Indian meal boiled in water and seasoned with grease. The master of ceremonies, with a spoonful of sagamity, presented it three or four times to my mouth, as we would do with a little child ; he did the same to M. Jollyet. For the second course, he brought in a second dish containing three fish ; he took some pains to remove the bones, and having blown upon it to cool it, put it in my mouth as we would food to a bird. For the third course they produced a large dog which they had just killed, but, learning that we did not eat it, withdrew it. Finally, the fourth course was a piece of wild ox, the fattest portions of which were put into our mouths. " We took leave of our Illinois about the end of June, and em- barked in sight of all the tribe, who admire our little canoes, having never seen the like. "As Ave were discoursing, while sailing gently down a beautiful, still, clear water, we heard the noise of a rapid into which we were about to fall. I have seen nothing more frightful ; a mass of large trees, entire, with branches, — real floating islands, — came rushing from the mouth of the river Pekitanolii, so impetuously that we could not, without great danger, expose ourselves to pass across. The agitation was so great that the water was all muddy and could not get clear.* * Pekitanolii, with the aboriginals, signified " muddy water," on the authority of Father Marest, in his letter referred to in a previous note. The present name, Mis- souri, according to Le Page du Pratz, vol. 2, p. 157, was derived from the tribe, Mis- souris, whose village was some forty leagues above its mouth, and who massacred a French garrison situated in that part of the country. The late statesman and orator, Thomas A. Benton, referring to the muddiness prevailing at all seasons of the year in the Missouri River, said that its waters were "too thick to swim in and too thin to walk on." BLOT AGAINST MARQUETTE'S LIFE. 49 "After having made about twenty leagues due south, and a little less to the southeast, we came to a river called Ouabouskigou, the mouth of which is at 36° north.* This river comes from the country on the east inhabited by the Chaouanons, in such numbers that they reckon as many as twenty-three villages in one district, and fifteen in another, lying quite near each other. They are by no means warlike, and are the people the Iroquois go far to seek in order to wage an unprovoked war upon them ; and as these poor people cannot defend themselves they allow themselves to be taken and carried off like sheep, and, inno- cent as they are, do not fail to experience the barbarity of the Iroquois, who burn them cruelly.' Having arrived about half a league from Akansea (Arkansas River), we saw two canoes coining toward us. The commander was standing up holding in his hand a calumet, with which he made signs according to the custom of the country. He approached us, singing quite agreeably, and invited us to smoke, after which he presented us some sagamity and bread made of Indian corn, of which we ate a little. We fortunately .found among them a man who understood Illinois much better than the man we brought from Mitchigameh. By means of him, I first spoke to the assembly by ordinary presents. They admired what I told them of God and the mysteries of our holy faith, and showed a great desire to keep me with them to instruct them. " We then asked them what they knew of the sea ; they replied that we were only ten days' journey from it (we could have made the distance in five days) ; that they did not know the nations who inhab- ited it, because their enemies prevented their commerce with those Europeans ; that the Indians with fire-arms whom we had met were their enemies, who cut off the passage to the sea, and prevented their making the acquaintance of the Europeans, or having any commerce with them ; that besides we should expose ourselves greatly by passing on, in consequence of the continual war parties that their enemies sent out on the river; since, being armed and used to Avar, we could not, without evident danger, advance on that river which they constantly occupy. " In the evening the sachems held a secret council on the design of some to kill us for plunder, but the chief broke up all these schemes, and sending for us, danced the calumet in our presence, and then, to remove all fears, presented it to me. " M. Jollyet and I held another council to deliberate on what we should do, whether we should push on, or rest satisfied with the dis- *The Wabash here appears, for the first time, by name. A more extended notice of the various names by which this stream has been known will be given farther on. 4 50 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. covery that we had made. After having attentively considered that we were not far from the Gulf of Mexico, the basin of which is 31° 40' north, and we at 33° 40'; so that we could not be more than two or three days' journey off"; that the Mississippi undoubtedly had its mouth in Florida or the Gulf of Mexico, and not on the east in Vir- ginia, whose sea-coast is at 34° north, which we had passed, without having as yet reached the sea, nor on the western side in California, because that would require a west, or west-southwest course, and we had always been going south. We considered, moreover, that we risked losing the fruit of this voyage, of which we could give no information, if we should throw ourselves into the hands of the Span- iards, who would undoubtedly at least hold us as prisoners. Besides it was clear that we were not in a condition to resist Indians allied to Europeans, numerous and expert in the use of fire-arms, who contin- ually infested the lower part of the river. Lastly, we had gathered all the information that could be desired from the expedition. All these reasons induced us to return. This we announced to the Indians, and after a day's rest prepared for it. "After a month's navigation down the Mississippi, from the 42d to below the 34th degree, and after having published the gospel as well as I could to the nations I had met, we left the village of Akansea on the 17th of July, to retrace our steps. We accordingly ascended the Mississippi, which gave us great trouble to stem its currents. We left it, indeed, about the 38th degree, to enter another river (the Illinois), which greatly shortened our way, and brought us, with little trouble, to the lake of the Illinois. " We had seen nothing like this river for the fertility of the land, its prairies, woods, wild cattle, stag, deer, wild-cats, bustards, swans, ducks, parrots, and even beaver ; its many little lakes and rivers. That on which we sailed is broad deep and gentle for sixty-five leagues. During the spring and part of the summer, the only portage is half a league. " We found there an Illinois town called Kaskaskia, composed of seventy-four cabins ; they received us well, and compelled me to promise them to return and instruct them. One of the chiefs of this tribe, with his young men, escorted us to the Illinois Lake, whence at last we returned in the close of September to the Bay of the Fetid (Green Bay), whence we had set out in the beginning of June. Had all this voyage caused but the salvation of a single soul, I should deem all my fatigue well repaid, and this I have reason to think, for, when I was returning, I passed by the Indians of Peoria. I was three days announcing the faith in their cabins, after which, as we were embarking, they brought BIOGRAPHY OF JOLIET. 51 me, on the water's edge, a dying child, which I baptized a little before it expired, by an admirable providence for the salvation of that inno- cent soul." Count Frontenac, writing from Quebec to M. Colbert, Minister of the Marine, at Paris, under date of November 14, 1674, announces that " Sieur Joliet, whom Monsieur Talon advised me, on my arrival from France, to dispatch for the discovery of the South Sea, has returned three months ago. He has discovered some very fine countries, and a navi- gation so easy through beautiful rivers he has found, that a person can go from Lake Ontario in ;i bark to the Gulf of Mexico, there being only one carrying place (around Niagara Falls), where Lake Ontario communicates with Lake Erie. I send you, by my secretary, the map which Sieur Joliet has made of the great river he has discovered, and the observations he has been able to recollect, as he lost all his minutes and journals in the shipwreck he suffered within sight of Montreal, where, after having completed a voyage of twelve hundred leagues, he was near being drowned, and lost all his papers and a little Indian whom he brought from those countries. These accidents have caused me great regret."* Louis Joliet, or Jolliet, or Jollyet, as the name is variously spelled, was the son of Jean Joliet, a wheelwright, and Mary d'Abancour; he was born at Quebec in the year 1645. Having finished his studies at the Jesuit college he determined to become a member of that order, and with that purpose in view took some of the minor orders of the society in August, 1662. He completed his studies in 1666, but during this time his attention had become interested in Indian affairs, and he laid aside all thoughts of assuming the " black gown." That he acquired great ability and tact in managing the savages, is apparent from the fact of his having been selected to discover the south sea by the way of the Mississippi. The map which he drew from memory, and which was forwarded by Count Frontenac to France, was afterward attached to Marquette's Journal, and was published by Therenot, at Paris, in 1681. Sparks, in his " Life of Marquette," copies this map, and ascribes it to his hero. This must be a mistake, since it differs quite essentially from Marquette's map, which has recently been brought to public notice by Dr. Shea. Joliet's account of the voyage, mentioned by Frontenac, is published in Hennepin's " Discovery of a Vast Country in America." It is very meagre, and does not present any facts not covered by Marquette's nar- rative. In 1680 Joliet was appointed hydrographer to the king, and many * Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 121. 52 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. well-drawn maps at Quebec show that his office was no sinecure. After- ward, he made a voyage to Hudson's Bay in the interest of the king; and as a reward for the faithful performance of his duty, he was granted the island of Anticosti, which, on account of the fisheries and Indian trade, was at that time very valuable. After this, he signed himself Joliet d'Anticosty. In the year 1697, he obtained the seignory of Joliet on the river Etchemins, south of Quebec. M. Joliet died in 1701, leaving a wife and four children, the descendants of whom are living in Canada still possessed of the seignory of Joliet, among whom are Archbishop Taschereau of Quebec and Archbishop Tache of Red River. Mount Joliet, on the Desplaines River, above its confluence with the Kankakee, and the city of Joliet, in the county of Will, perpetuate the name of Joliet in the state of Illinois. Jacques Marquette was born in Laon, France, in 1637. His was- the oldest and one of the most respectable citizen families of the place. At the age of seventeen he entered the Society of Jesus; received or- ders in 1666 to embark for Canada, arriving at Quebec in September of the same year. For two years he remained at Three Rivers, study- ing the different Indian dialects under Father Gabriel Druillentes. At the end of that period he received orders to repair to the upper lakes, which he did, and established the Mission of Sault Ste. Marie. The following year Dablon arrived, having been appointed Superior of the Ottawa missions ; Marquette then went to the " Mission of the Holy Ghost" at the western extremity of Lake Superior; here he remained for two years, and it was his accounts, forwarded from this place, that caused Frontenac and Talon to send Joliet on his voyage to the Mis- sissippi. The Sioux having dispersed the Algonquin tribes at Lapointe, the latter retreated eastward to Mackinaw ; Marquette followed and founded there the Mission of St. Ignatius. Here he remained until Joliet came, in 1673, with orders to accompany him on his voyage of discovery down the Mississippi. Upon his return, Marquette remained at Mackinaw until October, 1674, when he received orders to carry out his pet project of founding the " Mission of the Immaculate Concep- tion of the Blessed Virgin " among the Illinois. He immediately set out, but owing to a severe dysentery, contracted the year previous, he made but slow progress. However, he reached Chicago Creek, De- cember 4, wdiere, growing rapidly worse, he was compelled to winter. On the 29th of the following March he set out for the Illinois town, on the river of that name. He succeeded in getting there on the 8th of April. Being cordially received by the Indians, he was enabled to realize his long deferred and much cherished project of establishing DEATH OF MARQUETTE. 53 the " Mission of the Immaculate Conception." Believing that his life was drawing to a close, he endeavored to reach Mackinaw before his death should take place. But in this hope he was doomed to disap- pointment ; by the time he reached Lake Michigan " he was so weak that he had to be carried like a child." One Saturday, Marquette and his two companions entered a small stream — which still bears his name — on the eastern side of Lake Michigan, and in this desolate spot, virtually alone, destitute of all the comforts of life, died James Marquette. His life-long wish to die a martyr in the holy cause of Jesus and the Blessed Virgin, was granted. Thus passed away one of the purest and most sacrificing servants of God, — one of the bravest and most heroic of men. The biographical sketch of Joliet has been collated from a number of reliable authorities, and is believed truthful. Our notice of Father Marquette is condensed from his life as written by Dr. Shea, than whom there is no one better qualified to perform the task. CHAPTER VIII. EXPLORATIONS BY LA SALLE. The success of the French, in their plan of colonization, was so great, and the trade with the savages, exchanging fineries, guns, knives, and, more than all, spirituous liquors for valuable furs, yielded such enormous profits, that impetus was given to still greater enterprises. They involved no less than the hemming in of the British colonies along the Atlantic coast and a conquest of the rich mines in Mexico, from the Spanish. These purposes are boldly avowed in a letter of M. Talon, the king's enterprising intendant at Quebec, in 1671 ; and also in the declarations of the great Colbert, at Paris, " I am," says M. Talon, in his letter to the king referred to, " no courtier, and assert, not through a mere desire to please the king, nor without just reason, that this portion of the French monarchy will become something grand. What I discover around me makes me foresee this ; and those colonies of foreign nations so long settled on the seaboard already tremble with fright, in view of what his majesty has accomplished here in the interior. The measures adopted to confine them within narrow limits, by taking possession, which I have caused to be effected, do not allow them to spread, without subjecting themselves, at the same time, to be treated as usurpers, and have war waged against them. This in truth is what by all their acts they seem to greatly fear. They already know that your name is spread abroad among the savages throughout all those countries, and that they regard your majesty alone as the arbitrator of peace and war ; they detach themselves insensibly from other Europeans, and excepting the Iroquois, of whom I am not as yet assured, we can safely promise that the others will take up arms whenever we please." " The principal result," says La Salle, in his memoir at a later day, u expected from the great perils and labors which I underwent in the discovery of the Mississippi was to satisfy the wish expressed to me by the late Monsieur Colbert, of finding a port where the French might establish themselves and harass the Spaniards in those regions from whence they derive all their wealth. The place I propose to fortify lies sixty leagues above the mouth of the river Col- bert (i. e. Mississippi) in the Gulf of Mexico, and possesses all the advantages for such a purpose which can be wished for, both on account 54 EARLY LIFE OF LA SALLE. 55 of its excellent position and the favorable disposition of the savages who live in that part of the country."* It is not our province to indulge in conjectures as to how far these daring purposes of Talon and Col- bert would have succeeded had not the latter died, and their active assistant, Robert La Salle, have lost his life, at the hands of an assassin, when in the act of executing the preliminary part of the enterprise. We turn, rather, to matters of historical record, and proceed with a condensed sketch of the life and voyages of La Salle, as it. was his dis- coveries that led to the colonization of the Mississippi Valley by the French. La Salle was born, of a distinguished family, at Rouen, France. He was consecrated to the service of God in early life, and entered the Society of Jesus, in which he remained ten years, laying the foundation of moral principles, regular habits and elements of science that served him so well in his future arduous undertakings. Like many other young men having plans of useful life, he thought Canada would offer better facilities to develop them than the cramped and fixed society of France. He accordingly left his home, and reached Montreal in 1666. Being of a resolute and venturesome disposition, he found employment in making explorations of the country about the lakes. He soon became a favorite of Talon, the intendant, and of Frontenac, the governor, at Quebec. He was selected by the latter to take com- mand of Fort Frontenac, near the present city of Kingston, on the St. Lawrence River, and at that time a dilapidated, wooden structure on the frontier of Canada. He remained in Canada about nine years, acquiring a knowledge of the country and particularly of the Indian tribes, their manners, habits and customs, and winning the confidence of the French authorities. He returned to France and presented a memoir to the king, in which he urged the necessity of maintaining Fort Frontenac, which he offered to restore with a structure of stone ; to keep there a garrison equal to the one at Montreal ; to em- ploy as many as fifteen laborers during the first year ; to clear and till the land, and to supply the surrounding Indian villages with Recollect missionaries in furtherance of the cause of religion, all at his own ex- pense, on condition that the king would grant him the right of seigniory and a monopoly of the trade incident to it. He further petitioned for title of nobility in consideration of voyages he had already made in Canada at his own expense, and which had resulted in the great bene- fit to the king's colony. The king heard the petition graciously, and * Talon's letter to the king: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 73. La Salle's Memoir to the king, on the necessity of fitting out an expedition to take possession of Louisiana: Historical Collections of Louisiana, part 1, p. 5. 56 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. on the 13th May, 1675, granted La Salle and his heirs Fort Frontenac, with four leagues of the adjacent country along the lakes and rivers above and below the fort and a half a league inward, and the adjacent islands, with the right of hunting and fishing on Lake Ontario and the circumjacent rivers. On the same day, the king issued to La Salle letters patent of nobility, having, as the king declares, been informed of the worthy deeds performed by the people, either in reducing or civilizing the savages or in defending themselves against their frequent insults, especially those of the Iroquois ; in despising the greatest dan- gers in order to extend the king's name and empire to the extremity of that new world ; and desiring to reward those who have thus ren- dered themselves most eminent; and wishing to treat most favorably Robert Cavalier Sieur de La Salle on account of the good and laudable report that has been rendered concerning his actions in Canada, the king does ennoble and decorate with the title of nobility the said cav- alier, together with his wife and children. He left France with these precious documents, and repaired to Fort Frontenac, where he per- formed the conditions imposed by the terms of his titles. He sailed for France again in 1677, and in the following year after he and Colbert had fully matured their plans, he again petitioned the king for a license to prosecute further discoveries. The king granted his request, giving him a permit, under date of May 12, 1678, to en- deavor to discover the western part of New France ; the king avowing in the letters patent that " he had nothing more at heart than the dis- covery of that country where there is a prospect of finding a way to penetrate as far as Mexico," and authorizing La Salle to prosecute dis- coveries, and construct forts in such places as he might think necessary, and enjoy there the same monopoly as at Fort Frontenac, — all on con- dition that the enterprise should be prosecuted at La Salle's expense, and completed within five years ; that he should not trade with the savages, who carried their peltries and beavers to Montreal ; and that the governor, intendant, justices, and other officers of the king in New France, should aid La Salle in his enterprise.* Before leaving France, La Salle, through the Prince de Conti, was introduced to one Henri de Tonti, an Italian by birth, who for eight years had been in the French service. Having had one of his hands shot off while in Sicily, he repaired to France to seek other employment. It was a most for- tunate meeting. Tonti — a name that should be prominently associ- ated with discoveries in this part of America — became La Salle's companion. Ever faithful and courageous, he ably and zealously fur- * Vide the petitions of La Salle to, and the grants from, the king, which are found at length in the Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 122 to 127. LOUIS HENNEPIN. 57 thered all of La Salle's plans, followed and defended him under the most discouraging trials, with an unselfish fidelity that has few paral- lels in any age. Supplied with this new grant of enlarged powers, La Salle, in com- pany with Tonti,- — or Tonty, as Dr. Sparks says he has seen the name written in an autograph letter, — and thirty men, comprising pilots, sailors, carpenters and other mechanics, with a supply of material necessary for the intended exploration, left France for Quebec. Here the party were joined by some Canadians, and the whole force was sent forward to Fort Frontenac, at the outlet of Lake Ontario, since this fort had been granted to La Salle. He had, in conformity to the terms of his letters patent, greatly enlarged and strengthened its de- fenses. Here he met Louis Hennepin, a Franciscan Friar, whom it seems had been sent thither along with Father Gabriel de la Ribourde and Zenobius Membre, all of the same religious order, to accompany La Salle's expedition. In the meantime, Hennepin was occupied in pastoral labors among the soldiers of the garrison, and the inhabitants of a little hamlet of peasants near by, and proselyting the Indians of the neighboring country. Hennepin, from his own account, had not only traveled over several parts of Europe before coming to Canada, but since his arrival in America, had spent much time in roaming about among the savages, to gratify his love of adventure and acquire knowledge. Hennepin's name and writings are so prominently connected with the early history of the Mississippi Valley, and, withal, his contradic- tory statements, made at a later day of his life, as to the extent of his own travels, have so clouded his reputation with grave doubt as to his regard for truth, that we will turn aside and give the reader a sketch of this most singular man and his claims as a discoverer. He was bold, courageous, patient and hopeful under the most trying fatigues ; and had a taste for the privations and dangers of a life among the savages, whose ways and caprices he well understood, and knew how to turn them to insure his own safety. He was a shrewd observer and possessed a faculty for that detail and little minutiae, which make a narrative racy and valuable. He was vain and much^given to self- glorification. He accompanied La Salle, in the first voyage, as far as Peoria Lake, and he and Father Zenobe Membre are the historians of that expedition. From Peoria Lake he went down the Illinois, under orders from La Salle, and up the Mississippi beyond St. Anthony's Falls, giving this name to the falls. This interesting voyage was not prosecuted voluntarily ; for Hennepin and his two companions were captured by the Sioux and taken up the river as prisoners, often in 58 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. great peril of their lives. He saw La Salle no more, after parting with him at Peoria Lake. He was released from captivity through the intervention of Mons. Duluth, a French Coureur de Bois, who had previously established a trade with the Sioux, on the upper Mississippi, by way of Lake Superior. After his escape, Hennepin descended the Mississippi to the mouth of the Wisconsin, which he ascended, made the portage at the head of Fox River, thence to Green Bay and Mack- inaw, by the route pursued by Joliet and Marquette on their way to the Mississippi, seven years before. From Mackinaw he proceeded to France, where, in 1683, he published, under royal authority, an account of his travels. For refusing to obey an order of his superiors, to return to America, he was banished from France. He went to Holland and obtained the favor and patronage of William III, king of England, to whose service, as he himself says, "he entirely devoted himself.''' In Holland, he received money and sustenance from Mr. Blathwait, King William's secretary of war, while engaged in preparing a new volume of his voyages, which was published at Utrecht, in 1697, and dedicated "To His Most Excellent Majesty William the Third." The revised edition contains substantially all of the first, and a great deal besides; for in this last work Hennepin lays claim, for the first time, to having gone down the Mississippi to its mouth, thus seeking to deprive La Salle of the glory attaching to his name, on account of this very dis- covery. La Salle had now been dead about fourteen years, and from the time he went down the Mississippi, in 1682, to the hour of his death, although his discovery was well known, especially to Hennepin, the latter never laid any claim to having anticipated him in the discov- ery. Besides, Hennepin's own account, after so long a silence, of his pretended voyage down the river is so utterly inconsistent with itself, especially with respect to dates and the impossibility of his traveling the distances within the time he alleges, that the story carries its own refutation. For this mendacious act, Father Hennepin has merited the severest censures of Charlevoix, Jared Sparks. Francis Parkman, Dr. Shea and other historical critics. His first work is generally regarded as authority. That he did go up the Mississippi river there seems to be no controversy, while grave doubts prevail as to many statements in his last publication, which would otherwise pass without suspicion were they not found in com- pany with statements known to be untrue. In the preface to his last work, issued in 1697, Father Hennepin assigns as a reason why he did not publish his descent of the Missis- sippi in his volume issued in 1683, " that I was obliged to say nothing of the course of the Mississippi, from the mouth of the Illinois down HENNEPIN AND LA SALLE. 59 to the sea, for fear of disobliging M. La Salle, with whom I began my discovery. This gentleman, alone, would have the glory of having dis- covered the course of that river. But when he heard that I had done it two years before him he could never forgive me, though, as I have said, I was so modest as to publish nothing of it. This was the true cause of his malice against me, and of the barbarous usage I met with in France." Still, his description of places he did visit ; the aboriginal names and geographical features of localities ; his observations, especially upon the manners and customs of the Indians, and other facts which he had no motive to misrepresent, are generally regarded as true in his last as well as in his first publication. His works, indeed, are the only repos- itories of many interesting particulars relating to the northwest, and authors quote from him, some indiscriminately and others with more caution, while all criticise him without measure. Hennepin was born in Belgium in 1640, as is supposed, and died at Utrecht, Holland, within a few years after issuing his last book. This was republished in London in 1698, the translation into English being wretchedly executed. The book, aside from its historical value and the notoriety attaching to it because of the new claims Hennepin makes, is quite a curiosity. It is made up of Hennepin's own travels, blended with his fictitious discoveries, scraps and odd ends taken from the writings of other travelers without giving credit ; the whole embellished with plates and a map inserted by the bookseller, and the text empha- sized with italics and displayed type ; all designed to render it a speci- men, as it probably was in its day, of the highest skill attained in the art of book-making. La Salle brought up the St. Lawrence to Fort Frontenac the anchors, cordage and other material to be used in the vessel which he designed to construct above the Falls of Niagara for navigating the western lakes. He already had three small vessels on Lake Ontario, which he had made use of in a coasting trade with the Indians. One of these, a brigantine of ten tons, was loaded with his effects; his men, including Fathers Gabriel, Zenobius Membre and Hennepin, who were, as Father Zenobia declares, commissioned with care of the spiritual direction of the expedition, were placed aboard, and on the 18th of November the vessel sailed westward for the Niagara River. They kept the northern shore, and run into land and bartered for corn with the Iroquois at one of their villages, situated where Toronto, Canada, is located, and for fear of being frozen up in the river, which here empties into the lake, had to cut the ice from about their ship. Detained by adverse winds, they remained here until the wind was favorable, 60 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. when they sailed across the end of the lake and found an anchorage in the mouth of Niagara River on the 6th of December. The season was far advanced, and the ground covered with snow a foot deep. Large masses of ice were floating down the river endangering the vessel, and it was necessary to take measures to give it security. Accordingly the vessel was hauled with cables up against the strong current. One of the cables broke, and the vessel itself came very near being broken to pieces or carried away by the ice, which was grinding its way to the open lake. Finally, by sheer force of human strength, the vessel was dragged to the shore, and moored with a strong hawser under a protect- ing cliff out of danger from the floating ice. A cabin, protected with palisades, for shelter and to serve as a magazine to store the supplies, was also constructed. The ground was frozen so hard that it had to be thawed out with boiling water before the men could drive stakes into it. The movements of La Salle excited, first the curiosity of the Iro- quois Indians, in whose country he was an intruder, and then their jeal- ousy became aroused as they began to fear he intended the erection of a fort. The Sieur de La Salle, says the frank and modest-minded Father Zenobe Membre, "with his usual address met the principal Iroquois chiefs in conference, and gained them so completely that they not only agreed, but offered, to contribute with all their means to the execu- tion of his designs. The conference lasted for some time. La Salle also sent many canoes to trade north and south of the lake among these tribes. ,, Meanwhile La Salle's enemies were busy in thwarting his plans. They insinuated themselves among the Indians in the vicinity of Niagara, and filled their ears with all sorts of stories to La Salle's discredit, and aroused feelings of such distrust that work on the fort, or depot for supplies, had to be suspended, and La Salle content himself with a house surrounded by palisades. A place was selected above the falls,* on the eastern side of the river, for the construction of the new vessel. The ground was cleared away, trees were felled, and the carpen- ters set to work. The keel of the vessel was laid on the 26th of Jan- uary, and some of the plank being ready to fasten on, La Salle drove the first spike. As the work progressed, La Salle made several trips, over ice and snow, and later in the spring with vessels, to Fort Frontenac, to hurry forward provisions and material. One of his vessels was lost on Lake Ontario, heavily laden with a cargo of valuable supplies, through the fault or willful perversity of her pilots. The disappointment over this calamity, says Hennepin, would have dissuaded any other person than ♦Francis Parkman, in his valuable work, "The Discovery of the Great West," p. 133, locates the spot at the mouth of Cayuga Creek on the American shore. THE FIRST SAIL ON LAKE ERIE. 61 La Salle from the further prosecution of the enterprise. The men worked industriously on the ship. The most of the Iroquois having gone to war with a nation on the northern side of Lake Erie, the few remaining behind were become less insolent than before. Still they lingered about where the work was going on, and continued expres- sions of discontent at what the French were doing. One of them let on to be drunk and attempted to kill the blacksmith, but the latter repulsed the Indian with a piece of iron red-hot from the forge. The Indians threatened to burn the vessel on the stocks, and might have done so were it not constantly guarded. Much of the time the only food of the men was Indian corn and fish ; the distance to Fort Fron- tenac and the inclemency of the winter rendering it out of power to procure a supply of other or better provisions. The frequent alarms from the Indians, a want of wholesome food, the loss of the vessel with its promised supplies, and a refusal of the neighboring tribes to sell any more of their corn, reduced the party to such extremities that the ship-carpenters tried to run away. They were, however, persuaded to remain and prosecute their work. Two Mohegan Indians, successful hunters in La Salle's service, were fortu- nate enough to bring in some wild goats and other game they had killed, which greatly encouraged the workmen to go on with their task more briskly than before. The vessel was completed within six months from the time its keel was laid. The ship was gotten afloat before en- tirely finished, to prevent the designs of the natives to burn it. She was sixty tons burthen, and called the " Griffin," a name given it by La Salle by way of a compliment to Count Frontenac, whose armorial bearings were supported by two griffins. Three guns were fired, and 11 Te Deums" chanted at the christening, and prayers offered up for a prosperous voyage. The air in the wild forest rung with shouts of joy; even the Iroquois, looking suspiciously on, were seduced with alluring draughts of brandy to lend their deep-mouthed voices to the happy occasion. The men left their cabins of bark and swung their hammocks under the deck of the ship, where they could rest with greater security from the savages than on the shore. The Griffin, under press of a favorable breeze, and with the help of twelve men on the shore pulling at tow-ropes, was forced up against the strong current of the Niagara River to calmer waters at the en- trance of the lake. On the 7th of August, 1679, her canvas was spread, and the pilot steering by the compass, the vessel, with La Salle and his thirty odd companions and their effects aboard, sailed out westward upon the unknown, silent waters of Lake Erie. In three days they reached the mouth of Detroit River. Father Hennepin was fairly 62 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. delighted with the country along this river — it was " so well situated and the soil so fertile. Vast meadows extending back from the strait and terminating at the uplands, which were clad with vineyards, and plum and pear and other fruit-bearing trees of nature's own planting, all so well arranged that one would think they could not have been so dis- posed without the help of art. The country was also well stocked with deer, bear, wild goats, turkeys, and other animals and birds, that supplied a most relishing food. The forest comprised walnut and other timber in abundance suitable for building purposes. So charmed was he with the prospect that he " endeavored to persuade La Salle to settle at the ' De Troit,' " it being in the midst of so many savage na- tions among whom a good trade could be established. La Salle would not listen to this proposal. He said he would make no settlement within one hundred leagues of Frontenac, lest other Europeans would be before them in the new country they were going to discover. This, says Hennepin, was the pretense of La Salle and the adventurers who were with him ; for I soon discovered that their intention was to buy all the furs and skins of the remotest savages who, as they thought, did not know their value, and thus enrich themselves in one single voyage. On Lake Huron the Griffin encountered a storm. The main-yards and*topmast were blown away, giving the ship over to the mercy of the winds. There was no harbor to run. into for shelter. La Salle, although a courageous man, gave way to his fears, and said they all were undone. Everyone thereupon fell upon their knees to say pray- ers and prepare for death, except the pilot, who cursed and swore all the while at La Salle for bringing him there to perish in a nasty lake, after he had acquired so much renown in a long and successful naviga- tion on the ocean. The storm abated, and on the 27th of August, the Griffin resumed her course northwest, and was carried on the evening of the same day beyond the island of Mackinaw to point St. Ignace, and safely anchored in a bay that is sheltered, except from the south, by the projecting mainland. CHAPTER IX. LA SALLE'S VOYAGE CONTINUED. St. Ignace, or Mackinaw, as previously stated, had become a princi- pal center of the Jesuit missions, and it had also grown into a head- quarters for an extensive Indian trade. Duly licensed traders, as well as the Coureurs de Bois, — men who had run wild, as it were, and by their intercourse with the nations had thrown off all restraints of civilized life, — resorted to this vicinity in considerable numbers. These, lost to all sense of national pride, instead of sustaining took every measure to thwart La Salle's plans. They, with some of the dissatis- fied crew, represented to the Indians that La Salle and his associates were a set of dangerous and ambitious adventurers, who meant to engross all the trade in furs and skins and invade their liberties. These jealous and meddlesome busybodies had already, before the arrival of the Griffin, succeeded in seducing fifteen men from La Salle's service, whom with others, he had sent forward the previous spring, under command of Tonty, with a stock of merchandise ; and, instead of going to the tribes beyond and preparing the way for a friendly recep- tion of La Salle, as they were ordered to do, they loitered about Mackinaw the whole summer and squandered the goods, in spite of Tonty's persistent efforts to urge them forward in the performance of their duty. La Salle sent out other parties to trade with the natives, and these went so far, and were so busy in bartering for and collect- ing furs, that they did not return to Mackinaw until November. It was now getting late and La Salle was warned of the dangerous storms that sweep the lakes at the beginning of winter; he resolved, therefore, to continue his voyage without waiting the return of his men. He weighed anchor and sailed westward into Lake Michigan as far as the islands at the entrance of Green Bay, then called the Pottawatomie Islands, for the reason that they were then occupied by bands of that tribe. On one of these islands La Salle found some of the men belonging to his advance party of traders, and who, having secured a large quantity of valuable furs, had long and impatientlj r waited his coming. La Salle, as is already apparent, determined to engage in a fur trade that already and legitimately belonged to merchants operating at 63 64 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Montreal, and with which the terms of his own license prohibited his interfering. Without asking any one's advice he resolved to load his ship with furs and send it back to Niagara, and the furs to Quebec, and out of the proceeds of the sale to discharge some very pressing debts. The pilot with five men to man the vessel were ordered to proceed with the Griffin to Niagara, and return with all imaginable speed and join La Salle at the mouth of the St. Joseph River, near the southern shore of Lake Michigan. The Griffin did not go to Green Bay City, as many writers have assumed in hasty perusals of the original authorities, or even penetrate the body of water known as Green Bay beyond the chain of islands at its mouth. The resolution of La Salle, taken, it seems, on the spur of the moment, to send his ship back down the lakes, and prosecute his voyage the rest of the way to the head of Lake Michigan in frail birchen canoes, was a most unfortunate measure. It delayed his discoveries two years, brought severe hardships upon himself and greatly embarrassed all his future plans. The Griffin itself was lost, with all her cargo, valued at sixty thousand livres. She, nor her crew, was ever heard of after leaving the Pottawatomie Islands. What became of the ship and men in charge remains to this day a mystery, or veiled in a cloud of conjecture. La Salle himself, says Francis Parkman, "grew into a settled conviction that the Griffin had been treacherously sunk by the pilot and sailors to whom he had intrusted her; and he thought he had, in after-years, found evidence that the authors of the crime, laden with the merchandise they had taken from her, had reached the Mississippi and ascended it, hoping to join Du Shut, the famous chief of the Coureurs de Bois, and enrich them- selves by traffic with the northern tribes.* The following is, substantially, Hennepin's account of La Salle's canoe voyage from the mouth of Green Bay south, along the shore of Lake Michigan, past Milwaukee and Chicago, and around the southern end of the lake ; thence north along the eastern shore to the mouth of the St. Joseph River ; thence up the St. Joseph to South Bend, mak- ing the portage here to the head-waters of the Kankakee ; thence down the Kankakee and Illinois through Peoria Lake, with an account of the building of Fort Crevecoeur. Hennepin's narrative is full of in- teresting detail, and contains many interesting observations upon the condition of the country, the native inhabitants as they appeared nearly two hundred years ago. The privation and suffering to which La Salle and his party were exposed in navigating Lake Michigan at that early day, and late in the fall of the year, when the waters were vexed with * Discovery of the Great West, p. 169. FIRST VOYAGE ON LAKE MICHIGAN. 65 tempestuous storms, illustrate the courage and daring of the under- taking. Their suffering did not terminate with their voyage upon the lake. Difficulties of another kind were experienced on the St. Joseph, Kan- kakee and Illinois Rivers. Hennepin's is, perhaps, the first detailed account we have of this part of the "Great West," and is therefore of great interest and value on this account. "We left the Pottawatomies to continue our voyage, being fourteen men in all, in four canoes. I had charge of the smallest, which carried five hundredweight and two men. My companions being recently from Europe, and for that reason being unskilled in the management of these kind of boats, its whole charge fell upon me in stormy weather. " The canoes were laden with a smith's forge, utensils, tools for car- penters, joiners and sawyers, besides our goods and arms. We steered to the south toward the mainland, from which the Pottawatomie Islands are distant some forty leagues ; but about midway, and in the night time, we were greatly endangered by a sudden storm. The waves dashed into our canoes, and the night was so dark we had great difficulty in keeping our canoes together. The daylight coming on, we reached the shore, where we remained for four days, waiting for the lake to grow calm. In the meantime our Indian hunter went in quest of game, but killed nothing other than a porcupine ; this, however, made our Indian corn more relishing. The weather becoming fair, we resumed our voyage, rowing all day and well into the night, along the western coast of the Lake of the Illinois. The wind again grew to fresh, and we landed upon a rocky beach where we had nothing to protect ourselves against a storm of snow and rain except the clothing on our persons. We remained here two days for the sea to go down, hav- ing made a little fire from wood cast ashore by the waves. We pro- ceeded on our voyage, and toward evening the winds again forced us to a beach covered with rushes, where we remained three days ; and in the meantime our provisions, consisting only of pumpkins and Indian corn purchased from the Pottawatomies, entirely gave out. Our canoes were so heavily laden that we could not carry provisions with us, and we were compelled to rely on bartering for such supplies on uur way. We left this dismal place, and after twelve leagues rowing came to another Pottawatomie village, whose inhabitants stood upon the beach to receive us. But M. La Salle refused to let anyone land, notwithstanding the severity of the weather, fearing some of his men might run away. We were in such great peril that La Salle flung himself into the water, after we had gone some three leagues farther, 5 66 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. and with the aid of his three men carried the canoe of which he had charge to the shore, upon their shoulders, otherwise it would have been broken to pieces by the waves. We were obliged to do the same with the other canoes. I, myself, carried good Father Gabriel upon my back, his age being so well advanced as not to admit of his ventur- ing in the water. We took ourselves to a piece of rising ground to avoid surprise, as we had no manner of acquaintance with the great number of savages whose village was near at hand. We sent three men into the village to buy provisions, under protection of the calu- met or pipe of peace, which the Indians at Pottawatomie Islands had presented us as a means of introduction to, and a measure of safety against, other tribes that we might meet on our way. 1 ' The calumet has always been a symbol of amit} 7 among all the In- dian tribes of North America, and so uniformly used by them in all their negotiations with their own race, and Europeans as well ; and Father Hennepin's description of it, and the respect that is accorded to its presence, are so truthful that we here insert his account of it at length : " This calumet," says Father Hennepin, " is the most mysterious thing among the savages, for it is used in all important transactions. It is nothing else, however, than a large tobacco pipe, made of red, black, or white stone. The head is highly polished, and the quill or stem is usually about two feet in length, made of a pretty strong reed or cane, decorated with highly colored feathers interlaced with locks of women's hair. Wings of gaudily plumaged birds are tied to it, mak- ing the calumet look like the wand of Mercury, or staff which ambas- sadors of state formerly carried when they went to conduct treaties of peace. The stem is sheathed in the skin of the neck of birds called 'Hilars' (probably the loon), which are as large as our geese, and spotted with white and black; or else with those of a duck (the little wood duck whose neck presents a beautiful contrast of colors) that make their nests upon trees, although the water is their ordinary ele- ment, and whose feathers are of many different colors. However, every tribe ornament their calumets according to their own fancy, with the feathers of such birds as they may have in their own country. "A pipe, such as I have described, is a pass of safe conduct among all the allies of the tribe which has given it ; and in all embassies it is car- ried as a symbol of peace, and is always respected as such, for the sav- ages believe some great misfortune would speedily befall them if they violated the public faith of the calumet. All their enterprises, declara- tions of war, treaties of peace, as well as all of the rest of their cere- monies, are sealed with the calumet The pipe is filled with the best CANOE VOYAGE ON LAKE MICHIGAN. 1'w tobacco they have, and then it is presented to those with whom they are about to conduct an important affair ; and after they have smoked out of it, the one offering it does the same. I would have perished," concludes Hennepin, " had it not been for the calumet. Our three men, carrying the calumet and being well armed, went to the little village about three leagues from the place where we landed ; they found no one at home, for the inhabitants, having heard that we refused to land at the other village, supposed we were enemies, and had aban- doned their habitations. In their absence our men took some of their corn, and left instead, some goods, to let them know we were neither their enemies nor robbers. Twenty of the inhabitants of this village came to our encampment on the beach, armed with axes, small guns, bows, and a sort of club, which, in their language, means a head- breaker. La Salle, with four well-armed men, advanced toward them for the purpose of opening a conversation. He requested them to come near to us, saying he had a party of hunters out who might come across them and take their lives. They came forward and took seats at the foot of an eminence, where we were encamped ; and La Salle amused them with the relation of his voyage, which he informed them he had undertaken for their advantage ; and thus occupied their time until the arrival of the three men who had been sent out with the calumet ; on seeing which the savages gave a great shout, arose to their feet and danced about. We excused our men from having taken some of their corn, and informed them that we had left its true value in goods ; they were so well pleased with this that they immediately sent for more corn, and on the next day they made us a gift of as much as we could conveniently find room for in our canoes. ' ; The next day morning the old men of the tribe came to us with their calumet of peace, and entertained us with a free offering of wild goats, which their own hunters had taken. In return, we presented them our thanks, accompanied with some axes, knives, and several little toys for their wives, with all which they were very much pleased. " We left this place and continued our voyage along the coast of the lake, which, in places, is so steep that we often found it difficult to obtain a landing; and the wind was so violent as to oblige us to carry our canoes sometimes upon top of the bluff, to prevent their being dashed in pieces. The stormy weather lasted four days, causing us much suffering ; for every time we made the shore we had to wade in the water, carrying our effects and canoes upon our shoulders. The water being very cold, most of us were taken sick. Our provisions again failed us, which, with the fatigues of rowing, made old Father Gabriel faint away in such a manner that we despaired of his life. HISTORIC XOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST. With a use of a decoction of hyacinth I had with me, and which I found of great service on our voyage, he was restored to his senses. We had no other subsistence but a handful of corn per man every twenty-four hours, which we parched or boiled : and. although reduced to such scanty diet, we rowed our canoes almost daily, from morning to night. Our men found some hawthorns and other wild berries, of which they ate so freely that most of them were taken sick, and we imagined that they were poisoned. •• Yet the more we suffered, the more, by God's grace, did I become stronger, so that I could outrow the other canoes. Being in great dis- tress. He. who takes care of his meanest creatures, provided us with an unexpected relief. We saw over the land a great many ravens and eagles circling in mid-air: from whence we conjectured there was prev near by. We landed, and. upon search, found the half of a wild goat which the wolves had strangled. This provision was very ac- ceptable, and the rudest of our men could not but praise a kind Provi- dence, who took such particular care of us. " Having thus refreshed ourselves, we continued our voyage directly to the southern part of the lake, every day the country becoming finer and the climate more temperate. On the 16th of October we fell in with abundance of game. Our Indian hunter killed several deer and wild goats, and our men a great many big fat turkey-cocks, with which we regaled ourselves for several days. On the ISth we came to the farther end of the lake.* Here we landed, and our men were sent out to prospect the locality, and found great quantities of ripe grapes. the fruit of which were as large as damask plums. We cut down the trees to gather the grapes, out of which we made pretty good wine, which we put into gourds, used as rlasks, and buried them in the sand to keep the contents from turning sour. Many of the trees here are loaded with vines, which, if cultivated, would make as good wine as any in Europe. The fruit was all the more relishing to us. because we wanted bread." Other travelers besides Hennepin, passing this locality at an early day. also mention the same fact. It would seem, therefore, that Lake Michigan had the same modifying influence upon, and equalized the temperature of, its eastern shore, rendering it as famous for its wild fruits and grapes, two hundred years ago, as it has since become noted for the abundance and perfection of its cultivated varieties. " Our men discovered prints of men's feet. The men were ordered * From the description given of the country, the time occupied, and forest growth, the voyagers must now be eastward of Michigan City, and where the lake shore trends more rapidly to the north. SAVAGES PLUNDER LA SALLE. 69 to be upon guard and make no noise. In spite of this precaution, one of our men. rinding a bear upon a tree, shot him dead and dragged him into camp. La Salle was verv angry at this indiscretion, and, to avoid surprise, placed sentinels at the canoes, under which our effects had been put for protection against the rain. There was a hunting party of Fox Indians from the vicinity of Green Bay. about one hun- dred and twenty in number, encamped near to us. who, having heard the noise of the gun of the man who shot the bear, became alarmed, and sent out some of their men to discover who we were. These spies, creeping upon their bellies, and observing great silence, came in the night-time and stole the coat of La Salle's footman and some goods secreted under the canoes. The sentinel, hearing a noise, gave the alarm, and we all ran to our arms. On being discovered, and thinking our numbers were greater than we really were, they cried out, in the dark, that they were friends. "We answered, friends did not visit at such unseasonable hours, and that their actions were more like those of robbers, who designed to plunder and kill us. Their headsman replied that they heard the noise of our gun. and, as they knew that none of the neighboring tribes possessed firearms, they supposed we were a war party of Iroquois, come with the design of murdering them : but now that they learned we were Frenchmen from Canada. whom they loved as their own brethren, they would anxiously wait until daylight, so that they could smoke out of our calumet. This is a compliment among the savages, and the highest mark they can give of their affection. " \Ve appeared satisfied with their reasons, and gave leave to four of their old men. only, to come into our camp, telling them we would not permit a greater number, as their young men were much given to stealing, and that we would not suffer such indignities. Accordingly. four of their old men came among us : we entertained them until morning, when they departed. After they were gone, we found out about the robbery of the canoes, and La Salle, well knowing the genius of the savages, saw. if he allowed this affront to pass without resenting it. that we would be constantly exposed to a renewal of like indigni- ties. Therefore, it was resolved to exact prompt satisfaction. La Salle, with four of his men. went out and captured two of the Indian hunters. One of the prisoners confessed the robbery, with the cir- cumstances connected with it. The thief was detained, and his comrade was released and sent to his band to tell their headsman that the cap- tive in custody would be put to death unless the stolen property were returned. •• The savages were greatly perplexed at La Salle's peremptory mes- 70 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. sage. They could not comply, for they had cut up the goods and coat and divided among themselves the pieces and the buttons; they there- fore resolved to rescue their man by force. The next day, October 30, they advanced to attack us. The peninsula we were encamped on was separated from the forest where the savages lay by a little sandy plain, on which and near the wood were two or three eminences. La Salle determined to take possession of the most prominent of these elevations, and detached five of his men to occupy it, following him- self, at a short distance, with all of his force, every one having rolled their coats about the left arm, which was held up as a protection against the arrows of the savages. Only eight of the enemy had tire- arms. The savages were frightened at our advance, and their young men took behind the trees, but their captains stood their ground, while we moved forward and seized the knoll. I left the two other Francis- cans reading the usual prayers, and went about among the men ex- horting them to their duty ; I had been in some battles and sieges in Europe, and was not afraid of these savages, and La Salle was highly pleased with my exhortations, and their influence upon his men. When I considered what might be the result of the quarrel, and how much more Christian-like it would be to prevent the effusion of blood, and end the difficulty in a friendly manner, I went toward the oldest savage, who, seeing me unarmed, supposed I came with designs of a mediator, and received me with civility. In the meantime one of our men observed that one of the savages had a piece of the stolen cloth wrapped about his head, and he went up to the savage and snatched the cloth away. This vigorous action so much terrified the savages that, although they were near six score against eleven, they presented me with the pipe of peace, which I received. M. La Salle gave his word that they might come to him in security. Two of their old men came forward, and in a speech disapproved the conduct of their young men ; that they could not restore the goods taken, but that, having been cut to pieces, they could only return the articles which were not spoiled, and pay for the rest. The orators presented, with their speeches, some garments made of beaver skins, to appease the wrath of M. La Salle, who, frowning a little, informed them that while he designed to wrong no one, he did not intend others should affront or injure him ; but, inas- much as they did not approve what their young men had done, and were willing to make restitution for the same, he would accept their gifts and become their friend. The conditions were fully complied with, and peace happily concluded without farther hostility. " The day was spent in dancing, feasting and speech-making. The chief of the band had taken particular notice of the behavior of the INDIAN SPEECH TO THE GRAY-COATS. 71 Franciscans. ' These gray-coats,'* said the chief of the Foxes, ' we value very much. They go barefooted as well as we. They scorn our beaver gowns, and decline all other presents. They do not carry arms to kill us. They natter and make much of our children, and give them knives and other toys without expecting any reward. Those of our tribe who have been to Canada tell us that Onnotio (so they call the Governor) loves them very much, and that the Fathers of the Gown have given up all to come and see us. Therefore, you who are captain over all these men, be pleased to leave with us one of these gray-coats, whom we will conduct to our village when we shall have killed what we design of the buffaloes. Thou art also master of these warriors ; remain with us, instead of going among the Illinois, who, already advised of your coming, are resolved to kill you and all of your soldiers. And how can you resist so powerful nation ? ' " The day November 1st we again embarked on the lake, and came to the mouth of the river of the Miamis, which comes from the south- east and falls into the lake." * While the Jesuit Fathers wore black gowns as a distinctive mark of their sect, the Recollects, or Franciscan missionaries, wore coats of gray. CHAPTER X. THE SEVERAL MTAMIS — LA SALLE'S VOYAGE DOWN THE ILLINOIS. Much confusion has arisen because, at different periods, the name of " Miami " has been applied to no less than five different rivers, viz. : The St. Joseph, of Lake Michigan ; the Maumee, often designated as the Miami of the Lakes, to distinguish it from the Miami which falls into the Ohio River below Cincinnati ; then there is the Little Miami of the Ohio emptying in above its greater namesake ; and finally the Wabash, which with more propriety bore the name of the " River of the Miamis." The French, it is assumed, gave the name " Miami " to the river emptying into Lake Michigan, for the reason that there was a village of that tribe on its banks before and at the time of La Salle's first visit, as already noted on page 24. The name was not of long duration, for it was soon exchanged for that of St. Joseph, by which it has ever since been known. La Hontan is the last authority who refers to it by the name of Miami. Shortly after the year named, the date being now unknown, a Catholic mission was established up the river, and, Charlevoix says, about six leagues below the portage, at South Bend, and called the Mission of St. Joseph ; and from this cir- cumstance, we may safely infer, the river acquired the same name. It is not known, either, by whom the Mission of St. Joseph was organ- ized ; very probably, however, by Father Claude Allouez. This good man, and to whose writings the people of the west are so largely indebted for many valuable historical reminiscences, seems to have been forgotten in the respect that is showered upon other more conspicuous though . less meritorious characters. The Mission of the Immaculate Conception, after Marquette's death, remained unoccupied for the space of two years, then Claude Jean Allouez received orders to proceed thither from the Mission of St. James, at the town of Maskoutens, on Fox River, Wisconsin. Leaving in October, 1676, on account of an exceptionally early winter, he was compelled to delay his journey until the following February, when he again started ; reaching Lake Mich- igan on the eve of St. Joseph, he called the lake after this saint, Embarking on the lake on the 23d of March, and coasting along the western shore, after numerous delays occasioned by ice and storm, he arrived at Chicago River. lie then made the portage and entered the 72 LA SALLE KEACHES THE ST. JOSEPH. 73 Kaskaskia village, which was probably near Peoria Lake, on the 8th of April, 1677. The Indians gave him a very cordial reception, and nocked from all directions to the town to hear the "Black Gown" relate the truths of Christianity. For the glorification of God and the Blessed Virgin Immaculate, Allonez " erected, in the midst of the village, a cross twenty-five feet high, chanting the Vexilla Regis in the presence of an admiring and respectful throng of Indians ; he covered it with garlands of beautiful flowers."* Father Allonez did not remain but a short time at the mission ; leaving it that spring he returned in 1678, and continued there until La Salle's arrival in the winter of 1679-80. The next succeeding decade Allonez passed either at this mission or at the one on St. Joseph's River, on the eastern side of Lake Michigan, where he died in 1690. Bancroft says: v Allouez has imperishably connected his name with the progress of discovery in the West ; unhonored among us now, he was not inferior in zeal and ability to any of the great missionaries of his time." We resume Hennepin's narrative : "We had appointed this place (the mouth of the St. Joseph) for our rendezvous before leaving the outlet of Green Bay, and expected to meet the twenty men we had left at Mackinaw, who, being ordered to come by the eastern coast of the lake, had a much shorter cut than we, who came by the western side ; besides this, their canoes were not so heavily laden as ours. Still, we found no one here, nor any signs that they had been here before us.f "It was resolved to advise M. La Salle that it was imprudent to remain here any longer for the absent men, and expose ourselves to the hardships of winter, when it would be doubtful if we could find the Illinois in their villages, as then they would be divided into fami- lies, and scattered over the country to subsist more conveniently. We further represented that the game might fail us, in which event we must certainly perish with hunger ; whereas, if we went forward, we would find enough corn among the Illinois, who would rather supply * "Allouez' Journal," published in Shea's " Discovery on Exploration of the Missis- sippi Valley." f In some works, the Geological Surveys of Indiana for 1873, p. 458, among others, it is erroneously assumed that La Salle was the discoverer of the St. Joseph River. While Fathers Hennepin and Zenobe Membre, who were with La Salle, may be the only accessible authors who have described it, the stream and its location was well known to La Salle and to them, as appears from their own account of it before they had ever seen it. Before leaving Mackinaw, Tonti was ordered to hunt up the deserters from, and to bring in the tardy traders belonging to, La Salle's party, and conduct them to the mouth of the St. Joseph. The pilot of the Griffin was under instruction to bring her there. Indeed, the conduct of the whole expedition leaves no room to doubt that the whole route to the Illinois River, by way of the St. Joseph and the Kankakee port- age, was well known at Mackinaw, and definitely fixed upon by La Salle, at least be- fore leaving the latter place. 74 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. fourteen men than thirty-two with provisions. We said further that it would be quite impossible, if we delayed longer, to continue the voyage until the winter was over, because the rivers would be frozen over and we could not make use of our canoes. Notwithstanding these reasons, M. La Salle thought it necessary to remain for the rest of the men, as we would be in no condition to appear before the Illi- nois and treat with them with our present small force, whom they would meet with scorn. That it would be better to delay our entry into their country, and in the meantime try to meet with some of their nation, learn their language, and gain their good will by presents. La Salle concluded his discourse with the declaration that, although all of his men might run away, as for himself, he would remain alone with his Indian hunter, and find means to maintain the three missionaries — meaning me and my two clerical brethren. Having come to this con- clusion, La Salle called his men together, and advised them that he expected each one to do his duty ; that he proposed to build a fort here for the security of the ship and the safety of our goods, and our- selves, too, in case of any disaster. None of us, at this time, knew that our ship had been lost. The men were quite dissatisfied at La- Salle's course, but his reasons therefor were so many that they yielded, and agreed to entirely follow his directions. " Just at the mouth of the river was an eminence with a kind of plateau, naturally fortified. It was quite steep, of a triangular shape, defended on two sides by the river, and on the other by a deep ravine which the water had washed out. We felled the trees that grew on this hill, and cleared from it the bushes for the distance of two musket shot. We began to build a redoubt about forty feet long by eighty broad, with great square pieces of timber laid one upon the other, and then cut a great number of stakes, some twenty feet long, to drive into the ground on the river side, to make the fort inaccessible in that direc- tion. We were employed the wdiole of the month of November in this work, which was very fatiguing, — having no other food than the bears our savage killed. These animals are here very abundant, be- cause of the great quantity of grapes they find in this vicinity. Their flesh was so fat and luscious that our men grew w T eary of it, and desired to go themselves and hunt for wild goats. La Salle denied them that liberty, which made some murmurs among the men, and they went unwillingly to their work. These annoyances, with the near approach of winter, together with the apprehension that his ship was lost, gave La Salle a melancholy which he resolutely tried to but could not con- ceal. "We made a hut wherein we performed divine service every Sun- FORT MIAMIS. 75 day ; and Father Gabriel and myself, who preached alternately, care- fully selected such texts as were suitable to our situation, and fit to inspire us with courage, concord, and brotherly love. Our exhorta- tions produced good results, and deterred our men from their meditated desertion. We sounded the mouth of the river and found a sand-bar, on which we feared our expected ship might strike ; we marked out a channel through which the vessel might safely enter by attaching buoys, made of inflated bear-skins, fastened to long poles driven into the bed of the lake. Two men were also sent back to Mackinac to await there the return of the ship, and serve as pilots.* " M. Tonti arrived on the 20th of November with two canoes, laden with stags and deer, which were a welcome refreshment to our men. He did not bring more than about one-half of his men, having left the rest on the opposite side of the lake, within three days' journey of the fort. La Salle was angry with him on this account, because he was afraid the men would run away. Tonti's party informed us that the Griffin had not put into Mackinaw, according to orders, and that they had heard nothing of her since our departure, although they had made inquiries of the savages living on the coast of the lake. This confirmed the suspicion, or rather the belief, that the vessel had been cast away. However, M. La Salle continued work on the building of the fort, which was at last completed and called Fort Miamis. " The winter was drawing nigh, and La Salle, fearful that the ice would interrupt his voyage, sent M. Tonti back to hurry forward the men he had left, and to command them to come to him immediately ; but, meeting with a violent storm, their canoes were driven against the beach and broken to pieces, and Tonti's men lost their guns and equipage, and were obliged to return to us overland. A few days, after this all our men arrived except two, who had deserted. We pre- pared at once to resume our voyage ; rains having fallen that melted the ice and made the rivers navigable. " On the 3d of December, 1679, we embarked, being in all thirty- three men, in eight canoes. We left the lake of the Illinois and went up the river of the Miamis, in which we had previously made soundings. We made about five-and-twenty leagues southward, but failed to discover the place where we were to land, and carry our canoes and effects into the river of the Illinois, which falls into that of the Meschasipi, that is, in the language of the Illinois, the great river. We had already gone beyond the place of the portage, and, not know- ing where we were, we thought proper to remain there, as we were expecting M. La Salle, who had taken to the land to view the country. *This is the beginning, at what is now known as Benton Harbor, Michigan. 76 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. We staid here quite a while, and, La Salle failing to appear, I went a distance into the woods with two men, who fired off their guns to notify him of the place where we were. In the meantime two other men went higher up the river, in canoes, in search of him. We all returned toward evening, having vainly endeavored to find him. The next day I went up the river myself, but, hearing nothing of him, I came back, and found our men very much perplexed, fearing he was lost. However, about four o'clock in the afternoon M. La Salle returned to us, having his face and hands as black as pitch. He carried two beasts, as big as muskrats, whose skin was very fine, and like ermine. He had killed them with a stick, as they hung by their tails to the branches of the trees. " He told us that the marshes he had met on his way had compelled him to bring a large compass ; and that, being much delayed by the snow, which fell very fast, it was past midnight before he arrived upon the banks of the river, where he fired his gun twice, and, hearing no answer, he concluded that we had gone higher up the river, and had, therefore, marched that way. He added that, after three hours' march, he saw a fire upon a little hill, whither he went directly and hailed us several times; but, hearing no reply, he approached and found no per- son near the fire, but only some dry grass, upon which a man had laid a little while before, as he conjectured, because the bed was still warm. He supposed that a savage had been occupying it, who fled upon his approach, and was now hid in ambuscade near by. La Salle called out loudly to him in two or three languages, saying that he need not be afraid of him, and that he was agoing to lie in his bed. La Salle received no answer. To guard against surprise, La Salle cut bushes and placed them to obstruct the way, and sat. down by the fire, the smoke of which blackened his hands and face, as I have already observed. Hav- ing warmed and rested himself, he laid down under the tree upon the dry grass the savage had gathered and slept well, notwithstanding the frost and snow. Father Gabriel and I desired him to keep with his men, and not to expose himself in the future, as the success of our enterprise depended solely on him, and he promised to follow our advice. Our savage, who remained behind to hunt, finding none of us at the portage, came higher up the river, to where we were, and told us we had missed the place. We sent all the canoes back under his charge except one, which I retained for M. La Salle, who was so weary that he was obliged to remain there that night. I made a little hut with mats, constructed with marsh rushes, in which we laid down together for the night. By an unhappy accident our cabin took fire, and we were very near being burned alive after we had gone to sleep." ABORIGINAL NAME OF "KANKAKEE." 77 Here follows Hennepin's description of the Kankakee portage, and of the marshy grounds about the headwaters of this stream, as already quoted on page 24. " Having passed through the marshes, we came to a vast prairie, in which nothing grows but grasses, which were at this time dry and burnt, because the Miamis set the grasses on fire every year, in hunt- ing for wild oxen (buffalo), as I shall mention farther on. We found no game, which was a disappointment to us, as our provisions had begun to fail. Our men traveled about sixty miles without killing anything other than a lean stag, a small wild goat, a few swan and two bustards, which were but a scanty subsistence for two and thirty men. Most of the men were become so weary of this laborious life that, were it practicable, they would have run away and joined the savages, who, as we inferred by the great fires which we saw on the prairies, were not very far from us. There must be an innumerable quantity of wild cattle in this country, since the ground here is every- where covered with their horns. The Miamis hunt them toward the latter end of autumn."* That part of the Illinois River above the Desplaines is called the Kankakee, which is a corruption of its original Indian name. St. Cosme, the narrative of whose voyage down the Illinois River, by way of Chicago, in 1699, and found in Dr. Shea's work of " Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi," refers to it as the The-a-li-ke, " which is the real river of the Illinois, and (says) that which we de- scended (the Desplaines) was only a branch." Father Marest, in his letter of November 9, 1712, narrating a journey he had previously made from Kaskaskia up to the Mission of St. Joseph, says of the Illi- nois River: "We transported all there was in the canoe toward the source of the Illinois (Indian), which they call Hau-ki-ki." Father Charlevoix, who descended the Kankakee from the portage, in his let- ter, dated at the source of the river Theakiki, September 17, 1721, says : " This morning I walked a league farther in the meadow, having my feet almost always in the water ; afterward I met with a kind of a pool or marsh, which had a communication with several others of dif- ferent sizes, but the largest was about a hundred paces in circuit; these are the sources of the river The-a-ki-ki, which, by a corrupted pronun- ciation, our Indians call Ki-a-ki-ki. Theak signifies a wolf, in what language I do not remember, but the river bears that name because the Mahingans (Mohicans), who were likewise called wolves, had formerly * Hennepin and his party were not aware of the migratory habits of the buffalo ; and that their scarcity on the Kankakee in the winter months was because the herds had gone southward to warmer latitude and better pasturage. 78 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. taken refuge on its banks." * The Mohicans were of the Algonquin stock, anciently living east of the Hudson River, where they had been so persecuted and nearly destroyed by the implacable Iroquois that their tribal integrity was lost, and they were dispersed in small fami- lies over the west, seeking protection in isolated places, or living at sufferance among their Algonquin kindred. They were brave, faithful to the extreme, famous scouts, and successful hunters. La Salle, ap- preciating these valuable traits, usually kept a few of them in his em- ploy. The "savage," or "hunter," so often referred to by Hennepin, in the extracts we have taken from his journal, was a Mohican. In a report made to the late Governor Xinian Edwards, in 1812, by John Hays, interpreter and Coureur de Bois of the routes, rivers and Indian villages in the then Illinois Territory, Mr. Hays calls the Kankakee the Quin-que-que, which was probably its French-Indian name.f Col. Guerdon S. Hubbard, who for many years, dating back as early as 1819, was a trader, and commanded great influence with the bands of Pottawatomies, claiming the Kankakee as their country, informs the writer that the Pottawatomie name of the Kankakee is Ky-an-ke-a-kee, meaning " the river of the wonderful or beautiful land, — as it really is, westward of the marshes. "A-kee," "Ah-ke " and "Aid," in the Algonquin dialect, signifies earth or land. The name Desplaines, like that of the Kankakee, has undergone changes in the progress of time. On a French map of Louisiana, in 1717, the Desplaines is laid down as the Chicago River. Just after Great Britain had secured the possessions of the French east of the Mississippi, by conquest and treaty, and when the British authorities were keenly alive to everything pertaining to their newly acquired possessions, an elaborate map, collated from the most authentic sources by Eman Bowen, geographer to His Majesty King George the Third, was issued, and on this map the Desplaines is laid down as the Illinois, or Chicago River. Many early French writers speak of it, as they do of the Kankakee above the confluence, as the " River of the Illi- nois." Its French Canadian name is An Plein, now changed to Des- plaines, or Riviere Au Plein, or Despleines, from a variety of hard maple, — that is to say, sugar tree. The Pottawatomies called it She- shik-mao-shi-ke Se-pe, signifying the river of the tree from which a great quantity of sap flows in the spring.:}; It has also been sanctified by Father Zenobe Membre with the name Divine River, and by authors * Charlevoix' " Journal of a Voyage to America," vol. 2, p. 184. London edition, 1761. t " History of Illinois and Life of Governor Edwards," by his son Ninian W. Edwards, p. 98. X Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 173. NAMES OF THE ILLINOIS. 79 of early western gazetteers, vulgarized by the appellation of Kickapoo Creek. Below the confluence of the Desplaines, the Illinois River was, by La Salle, named the Seignelay, as a mark of his esteem for the brilliant young Colbert, who succeeded his father as Minister of the Marine. On the great map, prepared by the engineer Franquelin in 16S4, it is called River Des Illinois, or Macoupins. The name Illinois, which, fortunately, it will always bear, was derived from the name of the con- federated tribes who anciently dwelt upon its banks. "We continued our course," says Hennepin, " upon this river (the Kankakee and Illinois) very near the whole month of December, at the latter end of which we arrived at a village of the Illinois, which lies near a hundred and thirty leagues from Fort Miamis, on the Lake of the Illinois. We suffered greatly on the passage, for the savages having set fire to the grass on the prairie, the wild cattle had fled, and we did not kill one. Some wild turkeys were the only game we secured. God's providence supported us all the while, and as we meditated upon the extremities to which we were reduced, regarding ourselves without hope of relief, we found a very large wild ox stick- ing fast in the mud of the river. We killed him, and with much diffi- culty dragged him out of the mud. This was a great refreshment to our men ; it revived their courage, — being so timely and unexpectedly relieved, they concluded that God approved our undertaking. The great village of the Illinois, where La Salle's party had now arrived, has been located with such certainty by Francis Parkman, the learned historical writer, as to leave no doubt of its identity. It was on the north side of the Illinois River, above the mouth of the Vermillion and below Starved Rock, near the little village of Utica, in La Salle county, Illinois.* " We found," continues Father Hennepin, " no one in the village, as we had foreseen, for the Illinois, according to their custom, had di- vided themselves into small hunting parties. Their absence caused great perplexity amongst us, for we wanted provisions, and yet did not dare to meddle with the Indian corn the savages had laid under ground for their subsistence and for seed. However, our necessity be- ing very great, and it being impossible to continue our voyage without any provisions, M. La Salle resolved to take about forty bushels of corn, and hoped to appease the savages with presents. We embarked again, with these fresh provisions, and continued to fall down the river, * Mr. Parkman gives an interesting account of his recent visit to, and the identifi- cation of, the locality, in an elaborate note in his " Discovery of the Great West," pp. 221, 222. 80 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. which runs directly toward the south. On the 1st of January we went through a lake (Peoria Lake) formed by the river, about seven leagues long and one broad. The savages call that place Pimeteoui, that is, in their tongue, ' a place where there is an abundance of fat animals. ' * Resuming Hennepin's narrative : "The current brought us, in the meantime, to the Indian camp, and M. La Salle was the first one to land, followed closely by his men, which increased the consterna- tion of the savages, whom we easily might have defeated. As it was not our design, we made a halt to give them time to recover them- selves and to see that we were not enemies. Most of the savages who had run away upon our landing, understanding that we were friends, returned ; but some others did not come back for three or four days, and after they had learned that we had smoked the calumet. " I must observe here, that the hardest winter does not last longer than two months in this charming country, so that on the 15th of Jan- uary there came a sudden thaw, which made the rivers navigable, and the weather as mild as it is in France in the middle of the spring. M. La Salle, improving this fair season, desired me to go down the river with him to choose a place proper to build a fort. AVe selected an eminence on the bank of the river, defended on that side by the river, and on two others by deep ravines, so that it was accessible only on one side. We cast a trench to join the two ravines, and made the eminence steep on that side, supporting the earth with great pieces of timber. We made a rough palisade to defend ourselves in case the Indians should attack us while we were engaged in building the fort ; but no one offering to disturb us, we went on diligently with our work. * Louis Beck, in his " Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri," p. 119, says: "The Indi- ans call the lake Pin-a-tah-wee, on account of its being frequently covered with a scum which has a greasy appearance." Owing to the rank growth of aquatic plants in the Illinois River before they were disturbed by the frequent passage of boats, and to the grasses on the borders of the stream and the adjacent marshes, and the decay taking place in both under the scorching rays of the summer's sun, the surface of the river and lake were frequently coated with this vegetable decomposition. Prof. School- craft ascended the Illinois River, and was at Fort Clark on the 19th of August, 1821. Under this date is the following extract from his "Narrative Journal": "About 9 o'clock in the morning we came to a part of the river which was covered for several hundred yards with a scum or froth of the most intense green color, and emitting a nauseous exhalation that was almost insupportable. We were compelled to pass through it. The fine green color of this somewhat compact scum, resembling that of verdegris, led us at the moment to conjecture that it might derive this character from some mineral spring or vein in the bed of the river, but we had reasons afterward to regret this opinion. I directed one of the canoe men to collect a bottle of this mother of miasmata for preservation, but its fermenting nature baffled repeated at- tempts to keep it corked. We had daily seen instances of the powerful tendency of these waters to facilitate the decomposition of floating vegetation, but had not before observed any in so mature and complete a state of putrefaction. It might certainly justify an observer less given to fiction than the ancient poets, to people this stream 'with the Hydra, as were the pestilential-breeding marshes of Italy."— Schoolcraft's "Central Mississippi Valley," p. 305. FORT CKEVECOEUR AND ITS LOCATION. 81 When the fort was half finished, M. La Salle lodged himself, with M. Tonti, in the middle of the fortification, and every one took his post. We placed the forge on the curtain on the side of the wood, and laid in a great quantity of coal for that purpose. But our greatest diffi- culty was to build a boat, — our carpenters having deserted us, we did not know what to do. However, as timber was abundant and near at hand, we told our men that if any of them would undertake to saw boards for building the bark, we might surmount all other difficulties. Two of the men undertook the task, and succeeded so well that we began to build a bark, the keel whereof was forty -two feet long. Our men went on so briskly with the work, that on the 1st of March our boat was half built, and all the timber ready prepared for furnishing it. Our fort was also very near finished, and we named it ' Fort Creve- coeur, ' because the desertion of our men, and other difficulties we had labored under, had almost ' broken our hearts. ' * " M. La Salle,' 1 says Hennepin, " no longer doubted that the Griffin was lost; but neither this nor other difficulties dejected him. His great courage buoyed him up, and he resolved to return to Fort Fron- tenac by land, notwithstanding the snow, and the great dangers attend- ing so long a journey. We had many private conferences, wherein it was decided that he should return to Fort Frontenac with three men, to bring with him the necessary articles to proceed with the discov- ery, while I, with two men, should go in a canoe to the River Me- schasipi, and endeavor to obtain the friendship of the nations who inhabited its banks. " M. La Salle left M. Tonti to command in Fort Crevecceur, and ordered our carpenter to prepare some thick boards to plank the deck of our ship, in the nature of a parapet, to cover it against the arrows of the savages in case they should shoot at us from the shore. Then, calling his men together, La Salle requested them to obey M. Tonti's orders in his absence, to live in Christian union and charity ; to be courageous and firm in their designs; and above all not to give credit to false reports the savages might make, either of him or of their com- rades who accompanied Father Hennepin." Hennepin and his two companions, with a supply of trinkets suitable * " Fort Crevecceur," or the Broken Heart, was built on the east side of the Illi- nois River, a short distance below the outlet of Peoria Lake. It is so located on the great map of Franquelin, made at Quebec in 1684. There are many indications on this map, going 1 to show that it was constructed largely under the supervision of La- Salle. The fact mentioned by Hennepin, that they went down the river, and that coal was gathered for the supply of the fort, would confirm this theory as to its location; for the outcrop of coal is abundant in the bluffs on the east side of the river below Peoria. There is also a spot in this immediate vicinity that answers well to the site of the fort as described by Fathers Hennepin and Membre. 6 82 HISTORIC NOTES OX THE NORTHWEST. for the Indian trade, left Fort Crevecauir for the Mississippi, on the 29th of February, 1G80, and were captured by the Sioux, as already stated. From this time to the ultimate discovery and taking possession of the Mississippi and the valleys by La Salle, Father Zenobe Membre was the historian of the expedition. La Salle started across the country, going up the Illinois and Kan- kakee, and through the southern part of the present State of Michigan. lie reached the Detroit River, ferrying the stream with a raft ; he at length stood on Canadian soil. Striking a direct line across the wilder- ness, he arrived at Lake Erie, near Point Pelee. By this time only one man remained in health, and with his assistance La Salle made a canoe. Embarking in it the party came to Niagara on Easter Monday. Leaving his comrades, who were completely exhausted, La Salle on the 6th of May reached Fort Frontenac, making a journey of over a thou- sand miles in sixty -five days, " the greatest feat ever performed by a Frenchman in America.' 1 * La Salle found his affairs in great confusion. His creditors had seized upon his estate, including Fort Frontenac. Undaunted by this new misfortune, he confronted his creditors and enemies, pacifying the former and awing the latter into silence. He gathered the fragments of his scattered property and in a short time started west with a com- pany of twenty-five men, whom he had recruited to assist in the prose- cution of his discoveries. He reached Lake Huron by the way of Lake Simcoe, and shortly afterward arrived at Mackinaw. Here he found that his enemies had been very busy, and had poisoned the minds of the Indians against his designs. We leave La Salle at Mackinaw to notice some of the occurrences that took place on the Illinois and St. Joseph after he had departed for Fort Frontenac. On this journey, as La Salle passed up the Illinois, he was favorably impressed with Starved Rock as a place presenting strong defenses naturally. He sent word back to Tonti, below Peoria Lake, to take possession of " The Rock " and erect a fortification on its summit. Tonti accordingly came up the river with a part of his avail- able force and began to work upon the new fort. While engaged in this enterprise the principal part of the men remaining at Fort Creve- cceur mutinied. They destroyed the vessel on the stocks, plundered the storehouse, escaped up the Illinois River and appeared before Fort Miami. These deserters demolished Fort Miami and robbed it of goods and furs of La Salle, on deposit there, and then fled out of the country. These misfortunes were soon followed by an incursion of the Iroquois, * Parkman's " Discovery of the Great West." DEATH OF FATHER GABRIEL. 83 who attacked the Illinois in their village near the Starved Rock. Tonti, acting as mediator, came near losing his life at the hand of an infuriated Iroquois warrior, who drove a knife into his ribs. Constantly an object of distrust to the Illinois, who feared he was a spy and friend of the Iroquois, in turn exposed to the jealousy of the Iroquois, who imag- ined he and his French friends were allies of the Illinois, Tonti remained faithful to his trust until he saw that he could not avert the blow meditated by the Iroquois. Then, with Fathers Zenobe Membre and Gabriel Rebourde, and a few Frenchmen who had remained faith- ful, he escaped from the enraged Indians and made his way, in a leaky canoe, up the Illinois River. Father Gabriel one fine day left his com- panions on the river to enjoy a walk in the beautiful groves near by, and while thus engaged, and as he was meditating upon his holy call- ing, fell into an ambuscade of Kickapoo Indians. The good old man, unconscious of his danger, was instantly knocked down, the scalp torn from his venerable head, and his gray hairs afterward exhibited in tri- umph by his young murderers as a trophy taken from the crown of an Iroquois warrior. Tonti, with those in his company, pursued his course, passing by Chicago, and thence up the west shore of Lake Michigan. Subsisting on berries, and often on acorns and roots which they dug from the ground, they finally arrived at the Pottawatomie towns. Pre- vious to this they abandoned their canoe and started on foot for the Mission of Green Bay, where they wintered. La Salle, when he arrived at St. Joseph, found Fort Miamis plun- dered and demolished. He also learned that the Iroquois had attacked the Illinois. Fearing for the safety of Tonti, he pushed on rapidly, only to find, at Starved Rock, the unmistakable signs of an Indian slaughter. The report was true. The Iroquois had defeated the Illi- nois and driven them west of the Mississippi. La Salle viewed the wreck of his cherished project, the demolition of the fort, the loss of his peltries, and especially the destruction of his vessel, in that usual calm way peculiar to him ; and, although he must have suffered the most intense anguish, no trace of sorrow or indecision appeared on his inflexible countenance. Shortly afterward he returned to Fort Miamis. La Salle occupied his time, until spring, in rebuilding Fort Miamis, holding conferences with the surrounding Indian tribes, and confeder- ating them against future attacks of the Iroquois. He now abandoned the purpose of descending the Mississippi in a sailing vessel, and de- termined to prosecute his voyage in the ordinary wooden pirogues or canoes. Tonti was sent forward to Chicago Creek, where he constructed a number of sledges. After other preparations had been made, La Salle 84 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. and his part} 7 left St. Joseph and came around the southern extremity of the lake. The goods and effects were placed on the sledges pre- pared by Tonti. La Salle's party consisted of twenty-three French- men and eighteen Indians. The savages took with them ten squaws and three children, so that the party numbered in all fifty-four persons. They had to make the portage of the Chicago River. After dragging their canoes, sledges, baggage and provisions about eighty leagues over the ice, on the Desplaines and Illinois Rivers, they came to the great Indian town. It was deserted, the savages having gone down the river to Lake Peoria. From Peoria Lake the navigation was open, and embarking, on the 6th of February, they soon arrived at the Mis- sissippi. Here, owing to floating ice, they were delayed till the 13th of the same month. Membre describes the Missouri as follows: "It is full as large as the Mississippi, into which it empties, troubling it so that, from the mouth of the Ozage (Missouri), the water is hardly drinkable. The Indians assured us that this river is formed b} r many others, and that they ascend it for ten or twelve days to a mountain where it rises ; that be3'ond this mountain is the sea, where they see great ships; that on the river are a great number of large villages. Although this river is very large, the Mississippi does not seem aug- mented by it, but it pours in so much mud that, from its mouth, the water of the great river, whose bed is also slimy, is more like clear mud than river water, without changing at all till it reaches the sea, a distance of more than three hundred leagues, although it receives seven large rivers, the water of which is very beautiful, and which are almost as large as the Mississippi." From this time, until they neared the mouths of the Mississippi, nothing especially worthy of note occurred. On the 6th of April they came to the place where the river divides itself into three channels. M. La Salle took the western, the Sieur Dautray the southern, and Tonti, accompanied by Membre, followed the middle channel. The three channels were beautiful and deep. The water became brackish, and two leagues farther it became perfectly salt, and advancing on they at last beheld the Gulf of Mexico. La Salle, in a canoe, coasted the borders of the sea, and then the parties assembled on a dry spot of ground not far from the mouth of the river. On the 9th of April, with all the pomp and ceremony of the Holy Catholic Church, La Salle, in the name of the French King, took pos- session of the Mississippi and all its tributaries. First they chanted the " Vexilla Regis'" and " Te Deum," and then, while the assembled voyageurs and their savage attendants fired their muskets and shouted " Vive le Roi," La Salle planted the column, at the same time pro- claiming, in a loud voice, " In the name of the Most High, Mighty, TAKING POSSESSION OF LOUISIANA. 85 Invincible, and Victorious Prince, Louis the Great, by the Grace of God King of France and of Navarre, Fourteenth of that name, I, this 9th day of April, one thousand six hundred and eighty-two, in virtue of the commission of His Majesty, which I hold in my hand, and which may be seen b} r all whom it may concern, have taken, and do now take, in the name of His Majesty and his successors to the crown, posses- sion of this country of Louisiana, the seas, harbors, ports, bays, adjacent straits, and all the people, nations, provinces, cities, towns, villages, mines, minerals, fisheries, streams and rivers within the extent of the said Louisiana, from the mouth of the great river St. Louis, otherwise called Ohio, as also along the river Colbert, or Mississippi, and the rivers which discharge themselves therein, from its source beyond the country of the Nadonessious (Sioux), as far as its mouth at the sea, and also to the mouth of the river of Palms, upon the assurance we have had from the natives of these countries that we were the first Europeans who have descended or ascended the river Colbert (Missis- sippi) ; hereby protesting against all who may hereafter undertake to invade any or all of these aforesaid countries, peoples or lands, to the prejudice of His Majesty, acquired by the consent of the nations dwelling herein. Of which, and of all else that is needful, I herebv take to witness those who hear me. and demand an act of the notary here present." At the foot of the tree to which the cross was attached La Salle caused to be buried a leaden plate, on one side of which were engraven the arms of France, and on the opposite, the following Latin inscription: LVDOVICUS MAGNUS REGNAT. NONO APRILIS CIO IOC LXXXII. ROBERTVS CAVALIER, CVM DOMINO DETONTI LEGATO, R, P. ZENOBIO MEMBRE, RECCOLLECTO, ET VIGINTI GALL1S PRIMVS HOC FLVMEN, INDE AB ILTNEORVM PAGO ENAVAGAVIT, EZVQUE OSTIVM FECIT PERVIVM, NONO APRILIS ANNI. CIO IOC LXXXI. Note. — The following is a translation of the inscription on the leaden plate: " Louis the Great reigns. "Robert Cavalier, with Lord Tonti as Lieutenant, R. P. Zenobe Membre, Recollect, and twenty Frenchmen, first navigated this stream from the country of the Illinois, and also passed through its mouth, on the 9th of April, 1G82." After which, La Salle remarked that His Majesty, who was the eldest son of the Holy Catholic Church, would not annex any country to his dominion without giving especial attention to establish the 86 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Christian religion therein. He then proceeded at once to erect a cross, before which the "Vexilla" and " Domine Salvum fac Regem" were sung. The ceremony was concluded by shouting "Vive le Roi ! " Thus was completed the discovery and taking possession of the Mississippi valley. By that indisputable title, the right of discovery, attested by all those formalities recognized as essential by the laws of nations, the manuscript evidence of which was duly certified by a no- tary public brought along for that purpose, and witnessed by the sig- natures of La Salle and a number of other persons present on the occa- sion, France became the owner of all that vast country drained by the Mississippi and its tributaries. Bounded by the Alleghanies on the east, and the Rocky Mountains on the west, and extending from an undefined limit on the north to the burning sands of the Gulf on the south. Embracing within its area every variety of climate, watered with a thousand beautiful streams, containing vast prairies and exten- sive forests, Math a rich and fertile soil that only awaited the husband- man's skill to yield bountiful harvests, rich in vast beds of bituminous coal and deposits of iron, copper and other ores, this magnificent domain was not to become the seat of a religious dogma, enforced by the power of state, but was designed under the hand of God to become the center of civilization, — the heart of the American republic, — where the right of conscience was to be free, without interference of law, and where universal liberty should only be restrained in so far as its unre- strained exercise might conflict with its equal enjoyment by all. Had France, with the same energy she displayed in discovering Louisiana, retained her grasp upon this territory, the dominant race in the valley of the Mississippi would have been Gallic instead of Anglo- Saxon. The manner in which France lost this possession in America will be referred to in a subsequent chapter. CHAPTER XI. LA SALLE'S RETURN, AND HIS DEATH IN ATTEMPTING A SETTLEMENT ON THE GULF. La Salle and his party returned up the Mississippi. Before they reached Chickasaw Bluffs, La Salle was taken dangerously ill. Dispatching - Tonti ahead to Mackinaw, he remained there under the care of Father Membre. About the end of July he was enabled to proceed, and joined Tonti at Mackinaw, in September. Owing to the threatened invasion of the Iroquois, La Salle postponed his projected trip to France, and passed the winter at Fort St. Louis. From Fort St. Louis, it would seem, La Salle directed a letter to Count Frontenac, giving an account of his voyage to the Mississippi. It is short and his- torically interesting, and was first published in that rare little volume, Thevenot's ''Collection of Voyages," published at Paris in ItiST. This letter contains, perhaps, the first description of Chicago Creek and the harbor, and as everything pertaining to Chicago of a historical charac- ter is a matter of public interest, we insert La Salle's account. It seems that, even at that early day, almost two centuries ago, the idea of a canal connecting Lake Michigan and the Illinois was a subject of consideration : '• The creek (Chicago Creek) through which we went, from the lake of the Illinois into the Divine River (the An Plein, or Des Plaines) is so shallow and so greatly exposed to storms that no ship can venture in except in a great calm. Neither is the country between the creek and the Divine River suitable for a canal ; for the prairies between them are submerged after heavy rains, and a canal would be immedi- ately filled up with sand. Besides this, it is not possible to dig into the ground on account of the water, that country being nothing but a marsh. Supposing it were possible, however, to cut a canal, it would be useless, as the Divine River is not navigable for forty leagues together; that is to say, from that place (the portage) to the village of the Illinois, except for canoes, and these have scarcely water enough in summer time." The identity of the " River Chicago," of early explorers, with the modern stream of the same name, is clearly established by the map of Franquelin of 1684, as well, also, as by the Memoir of Sieur de Tonti. 87 88 HISTORIC NOTES OX THE NORTHWEST. The latter had occasion to pass through the Chicago River more fre- quently than any other person of his time, and his intimate acquaint- ance with the Indians in the vicinity would necessarily place his decla- rations beyond the suspicion of a mistake. Referring to his being sent in the fall of 1687, by La Salle, from Fort Miamis, at the mouth of the St. Joseph, to Chicago, already alluded to, he says: "We went in canoes to the ' River Chicago, 1 where there is a portage which joins that of the Illinois." * The name of this river is variously spelled by early writers, " Chi- cagon,"f " Che-ka-kou," ^ " Chikgoua. ,, § In the prevailing Algonquin language the word signifies a polecat or skunk. The Aborigines, also, called garlic by nearly the same word, from which many authors have inferred that Chicago means "wild onion. " fl While La Salle was in the west, Count Frontenac was removed, and M. La Barre appointed Governor of Canada. The latter was the avowed enemy of La Salle. He injured La Salle in every possible * Tonti's Memoir, published in the Historical Collections of Louisiana, vol. 1, p. 59. t Joutel's Journal. X LaHontan. § Father Gravier's Narrative Journal, published in Dr. Shea's "Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi." I A writer of a historical sketch, published in a late number of "Potter's Monthly," on the isolated statement of an old resident of western Michigan, says that the Indi- ans living thereabouts subsequent to the advent of the early settlers called Chicago "Tuck-Chicago," the meaning of which was, "a place without wood," and thus in- vesting a mere fancy with the dignity of truth. The great city of the west has taken its name from the stream along whose margin it was first laid out, and it becomes im- portant to preserve the origin of its name with whatever certainty a research of all accessible authorities may furnish. In the first place, Chicago was not a place "with- out wood," or trees; on the contrary, it is the only locality where timber was anything like abundant for the distance of miles around. The north and south branches west- ward, and the lake on the east, afforded ample protection against prairie fires; and Dr. John M. Peck, in his early Gazetteer of the state, besides other authorities, especially mention the fact that there was a good quality of timber in the vicinity of Chicago, particularly on the north branch. There is nowhere to be found in the several Indian vocabularies of Sir Alexander Mackenzie, Dr. Edwin James, and the late Albert Gal- latin, in their extensive collections of Algonquin words, any expressions like those used by the writer in Potter's Monthly, bearing the signification which he attaches to them. In Mackenzie's Vocabulary, the Algonquin word for polecat is "Shi-kak." In Dr. James' Vocabulary, the word for skunk is "She-gahg (shegag); and Shig-gau-ga-win- zheeg is the plural for onion or garlic, literally, in the Indian dialect, "skunk-weeds." Dr. James, in a foot-note, says that from this word in the singular number, some have derived the name Chi-ka-qo, which is commonly pronounced among the Indians, Shig- gau-go, and Shi-gau-go-ong (meaning) at Chicago. An association of English traders, styling themselves the "Illinois Land Compa- ny," on the 5th of July, 1773, obtained from ten chiefs of the Kaskaskia. Cahokia and Peoria tribes, a deed for two large tracts of land. The second tract, in the description of its boundaries, contains the following expression: "and thence up the Illinois River, by the several courses thereof, to Chicago, or Garlic Creek:" and it may safely be as- sumed that the parties to the deed knew the names given to identify the grant. Were an additional reference necessary. " Wau Bun," the valuable work of Mrs. John H. Kinzie, might also be cited, p. 190. The Iroquois, who made frequent predatory excursions from their homes in New York to the Illinois country, called Chicago Kan- era- ghik ; vide Cadwalder Colden's " History of the Five Nations." MISFORTUNES OF LA SALLE'S COLONY. 89 way, and finally seized upon Fort Frontenac. To obtain redress, La- Salle went to France, reaching Rochelle on the 13th of December 1083. Seignelay (young Colbert), Secretary of State and Minister of the Marine, was appealed to by La Salle, and became interested and furnished him timely aid in his enterprise. Before leaving America La Salle ordered Tonti to proceed and finish " Fort St. Louis," as the fortification at Starved Rock, on the Illinois River, was named. "He charged me," says Tonti, " with the duty to go and finish Fort St. Louis, of which he gave me the government, with full power to dispose of the lands in the neighborhood, and left all his people under my command, with the exception of six French- men, whom he took to accompany him to Quebec. We departed from Mackinaw on the same day, he for Canada and I for the Illinois.* On his mission to France La Salle was received with honor by the kino- and his officers, and the accounts which he gave relative to Louisiana caused them to further his plans for its colonization. A squadron of four vessels was fitted out, the largest carrying thirty-six guns. About two hundred persons were embarked aboard of them for the purpose long projected, as we have foreseen, of establishing a settlement at the mouth of the Mississippi. The fleet was under the command of M. de Beaujeu, a naval officer of some distinction. He was punctilious in the exercise of authority, and had a wiry, nervous organization, as the portrait preserved of him clearly shows.f La Salle was austere, and lacked that faculty of getting along with men, for the want of which many of his best-laid plans foiled. A constant bickering and collision of cross purposes was the natural result of such repellant natures as he and Beaujeu possessed. After a stormy passage of the Atlantic, the fleet entered the Gulf of Mexico. Coasting along the northern shore of the gulf, they failed to discover the mouths of the Mississippi. Passing them, they finally landed in what is now known as Matagorda Bay, or the Bay of St. Barnard, near the River Colorado, in Texas, more than a hundred leagues westward of the Mississippi. The whole number of persons left on the beach is not definitely known. M. Joutel, one of the sur- vivors, and the chronicler of this unfortunate undertaking, mentions one hundred and eighty, besides the crew of the " Belle," which was lost on the beach, consisting of soldiers, volunteers, workmen, women and children.;}: The colony being in a destitute condition, La Salle, *Tonti's Memoir. f A fine steel engraving 1 copy of Mons. Beaujeu is contained in Dr. Shea's transla- tion of Charlevoix's " History of New France." {Spark's "Life of La Salle." 90 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. accompanied by Father Anastius Douay and twenty others, set out to reach the Mississippi, intending to ascend to Fort St. Louis, and there obtain aid from Tonti. They set out on the 7th of January, and after several days' journey, reached the village of the Cenis Indians. Here some of La Salle's men became dissatisfied with their hardships, and determined to slay him and then join the Indians. The tragic tale is thus related by Father Douay : " The wisdom of Monsieur de La Salle was unable to foresee the plot which some of his people would make to slay his nephew, as they suddenly resolved to do, and actually did, on the 17th of March, by a blow of an ax, dealt by one Liotot. They also killed the valet of the Sieur La Salle and his Indian ser- vant, Nika, who, at the risk of his life, had supported them for three years. The wretches resolved not to stop here, and not satistied with this murder, formed a design of attempting their commander's life, as they had reason- to fear his resentment and chastisement. As M. La Salle and myself were walking toward the fatal spot where his nephew had been slain, two of those murderers, who were hidden in the grass, arose, one on each side, with guns cocked. One missed Mon- sieur. La Salle ; the other, firing at the same time, shot him in the head. He died an hour after, on the 19th of March, 1687. " Thus," says Father Douay, " died our commander, constant in ad- versity, intrepid, generous, engaging, dexterous, skillful, capable of everything. He who for twenty years had softened the fierce temper of countless savage tribes was massacred by the hands of his own domes- tics, whom he had loaded with caresses. He died in the prime of life, in the midst of his course and labors, without having seen their success."* The colony which La Salle had left in Texas was surprised and destroyed by the Indians. Not a soul was left to give an account of the massacre. Of the twenty who accompanied him in his attempt to reach the Mississippi, Jouteh M. Cavalier, La Salle's brother, and four others determined to make a last attempt to find the Mississippi ; the others, including La Salle's murderers, became the associates of the less brutal Indians, and of them we have no farther account. After a long and toilsome journey Joutel and his party reached the Mississippi near the mouth of the Arkansas. Here they found two men who had been sent by Tonti to relieve La Salle. Embarking in canoes, they went up the Mississippi, arrived at Fort St. Louis in safety, and finally returned to France by w r ay of Quebec. From this period until 1693 the French made no further attempts to colonize the Lower Mississippi. They had no settlements below the * Fa.her Douay's Journal, contained in Dr. Shea's " Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi." BILOXI ASD MOBILE FOUNDED. Hi Ohio, and above that river, on the Illinois and the upper lakes, were scattered only a few missions and trading posts. Realizing the great importance of retaining possession of the Mis- sissippi valley, the French court fitted out an expedition which con- sisted of four vessels, for the purpose of thoroughly exploring the mouth of the Mississippi and adjacent territory. Le Moyne Iberville was put in command of the expedition. He was the third of the eleven sons of Baron Longueil. They all held commissions from the king, and con- stituted one of the most illustrious of the French Canadian families. The fleet sailed from Brest, France, on the 24th of October, 1698. They came in sight of Florida on the 27th of January, 1G99. They ran near the coast, and discovered that they were in the vicinity of Pensacola Bay. Here they found a colony of three hundred Spaniards. Sailing westward, they entered the mouth of the Mississippi on Quin- quagesima Monday, which was the 2d of March. Iberville ascended the river far enough to assure himself of its being the Mississippi, then, descending the river, he founded a colony at Biloxi Bay. Leaving his brother, M. de Sauvole, in command of the newly erected fort, he sailed for France. Iberville returned to Biloxi on the 8th of January, .and, hearing that the English were exploring the Mississippi, he took formal possession of the Mississippi valley in the name of the French king. He, also, erected a small four-gun fort on Poverty Point, 38 miles below New Orleans. The fort was constructed very rudely, and was occupied for only one year. In the year 1701 Iberville made a settlement at Mobile, and this soon became the principal French town on the gulf. The unavailing efforts of the king in the scheme of colonization induced a belief that a greater prosperity would follow under the stimulus of individual enterprise, and he determined to grant Louisiana to Monsieur Crozat, with a monopoly of its mines, supposed to be valuable in gold and silver, together with the exclusive right of all its commerce for the period of fifteen years. The patent or grant of Louis to M. Crozat is an interesting document, not only because it passed the title of the Mississippi valley into the hands of one man, but for the reason that it embraces a part of the history of the country ceded. We, therefore, quote the most valuable part of it. The instrument bears date Sep- tember 12th, 1712 : " Louis (the fourteenth), King of France and Navarre ; To all who shall see these presents, greeting : The care we have always had to procure the welfare and advantage of our subjects, having induced us,, notwithstanding the almost continual wars which we have been en- gaged to support from the beginning of our reign, to seek all possible opportunities of enlarging and extending the trade of our American 92 HISTORIC NOTES OX THE NORTHWEST. colonies, we did, in the year 16S3, give our orders to undertake a dis- covery of the countries and lands which are situated in the northern parts of America, between New France (Canada) and New Mexico. And "the Sienr de La Salle, to whom we committed that enterprise, having had success enough to confirm the belief that a communication might be settled from New France to the Gulf of Mex»ico by means of large rivers; this obliged us, immediately after the peace of liyewick (in 1697), to give orders for the establishment of a colony there (under Iberville in 1099), and maintaining a garrison, which has kept and preserved the possession we had taken in the year 1683, of the lands, coasts and islands which are situated in the Gulf of Mexico, between Carolina on the east, and old and New Mexico on the west. But a new war breaking out in Europe shortly after, there was no possi- bility till now of reaping from that new colony the advantages that might have been expected from thence; because the private men who are concerned in the sea trade were all under engagements with the other colonies, which they have been obliged to follow. And where- as, upon the information we have received concerning the disposition and situation of the said countries, known at present by the name of the province of Louisiana, we are of opinion that there may be estab- lished therein a considerable commerce, so much the more advan- tageous to our kingdom in that there has been hitherto a necessit} r of fetching from foreigners the greatest part of the commodities that may be brought from thence ; and because in exchange thereof we need carry thither nothing but the commodities of the growth and manu- facture of our own kingdom ; we have resolved to grant the com- merce of the country of Louisiana to the Sieur Anthony Crozat, our counsellor, secretary of the household, crown and revenue, to whom we intrust the execution of this project. We are the more readily inclined thereto because of his zeal and the singular knowledge he has acquired of maritime commerce, encourages us to hope for as good success as he has hitherto had in the divers and sundry enter- prises he has gone upon, and which have procured to our kingdom great quantities of gold and silver in such conjectures as have rendered them very welcome to us. For these reasons, being desirous to show our favor to him, and to regulate the conditions upon which we mean to grant him the said commerce, after having deliberated the affair in our council, of our own certain knowledge, full power and royal authority, we by these presents, signed by our hand, have appointed and do ap- point the said Sieur Crozat to carry on a trade in all the lands pos- sessed by us, and bounded by New Mexico and by the English of Caroli- na, all the establishments, ports, havens, rivers, and particularly the port LOUISIANA GRANTED TO CROZAT. 93 and haven of Isle Dauphin, heretofore called Massacre ; the river St. Lonis, heretofore called Mississippi, from the edge of the sea as far as the Illinois* together with the river St. Philip, heretofore called Mis- souris, and St. Jerome, heretofore called the Ouabache (the Wabash), with all the countries, territories, lakes within land, and the rivers which fall directly or indirectly into that part of the river St. Louis. Our pleasure is, that all the aforesaid lands, countries, streams, rivers and islands, be and remain comprised under the name of the Government of Louisiana, which shall be dependent upon the general government of New France, to which it is subordinate." Crozat was permitted to search and open mines, and to pay the king one-fifth part of all the gold and silver developed. Work in de- veloping the mines was to be begun in three years, under penalty of forfeiture. Crozat was required to send at least two vessels annually from France to sustain the colonies already established, and for the maintenance of trade. The next year, 1713, there were, within the limits of Crozat's vast grant, not more than four hundred persons of European descent. Crozat himself did little to increase the colony, the time of his subordinates being spent in roaming over the country in search of the precious metals. He became wearied at the end of three years spent in profitless adventures, and, in 1717, surrendered his grant back to the crown. In August of the same year the French king turned Louis- iana over to the " Western Company," or the " Mississippi Company," subsequently called " The Company of the Indies," at whose head stood the famous Scotch banker, John Law. The rights ceded to Law's company were as broad as the grant to Crozat. Law was an infla- tionist, believing that wealth could be created without limit by the mere issuing of paper money, and his wild schemes of finance were the most ruinous that ever deluded and bankrupted a confiding people. Louisiana, with its real and undeveloped wealth a hundred times mag- * The expression, " as far as the Illinois," did not refer to the river of that name, but to the country generally, on both sides of the Mississippi, above the month of tlie Ohio, which, under both the French and Spanish governments was denominated "the country of the Illinois," and this designation appeared in all their records and official letters. For example, letters, deeds, and other official documents bore date, respect- ively, at Kaskaskia, of the Illinois; St. Louis, of the Illinois; St. Charles, of the Illi- nois; not to identify the village where such instruments were executed merely, but to denote the country in which these villages were situated. Therefore, the monopoly of Crozat, by the terms of his patent, extended to the utmost limit of Louisiana, north- ward, which, by the treaty of Utrecht in 1713, was fixed at the 49th° of latitude; vide Stoddard's "Sketches of Louisiana," Brackenridge's "Views of Louisiana." From the year 1700 until some time subsequent to the conquest of the country by the British, in 1763, a letter or document executed anywhere within the present limits of the states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, or Missouri, would have borne the superscription of "Les Illinoix" or "the Illinois.'" 94 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. nitied, became tlie basis of a fictitious value, on which an enormous volume of stock, convertible into paper money, was issued. The stock rose in the market like a balloon, and chamber-maids, alike with wealthy ladies, barbers and bankers, — indeed, the whole French peo- ple, — gazing at the ascending phenomenon, grew mad with the desire for speedy wealth. The French debt was paid off; the depleted treasury filled ; poor men and women were made rich in a few days by the con- stantly advancing value of the stocks of the " Company of the West/' Confidence in the ultimate wealth of Louisiana was all that was re- quired, and this was given to a degree that would not now be credited as true, were not the facts beyond dispute. After awhile the balloon exploded ; people began to doubt ; they realized that mere confidence was not solid value ; stocks declined ; they awoke to a sorrowful contemplation of their delusion and ruin. Law, from the summit of his glory as a financier, fell into ignominy, and to escape bodily harm fled the country ; and Louisiana, from be- ing the source of untold wealth, sunk into utter ruin and contempt. It should be said to the credit of " the company " that they made some efforts toward the cultivation of the soil. The growth of tobacco, sugar, rice and indigo was encouraged. Negroes were imported to till the soil. New Orleans was laid out in 1718, and the seat of govern- ment of lower Louisiana subsequently established there. A settlement was made about Natchez. A large number of German emigrants were located on the Mississippi, from whom a portion of the Mississippi has ever since been known as the " German coast." The French settle- ments at Kaskaskia and Cahokia, begun, as appears from most authen- tic accounts, about the year 1700, — certainly not later, — were largely increased by emigration from Canada and France. In the year 1718 the " Company of the West'" erected a fortification near Kaskaskia, and named it Fort Chartes, having a charter from the crown so to do. It is situated in the northwest corner of Randolph county, Illinois, on the American bottom. It was garrisoned with a small number of soldiers, and was made the seat of government of "the Illinois." Under the mild government of the " Company," the Illinois marked a steady prosperity, and Fort Chartes became the center of business, fashion and gaiety of all "the Illinois country." In 1756 the fort was reconstruct- ed, this time with solid stone. Its shape was an irregular quadrangle, the exterior sides of the polygon being four hundred and ninety feet, and the walls were tw T o feet two inches thick, pierced with port-holes for cannon. The walls of the fort were eighteen feet high, and con- tained within, guard houses, government house, barracks, powder house, bake house, prison and store room. A very minute description FORT CHARTES. 95 is given of the whole structure within and without in the minutes of its surrender, October 10, 1765, by Louis St. Ange de Belrive, captain of infantry and commandant, and Joseph Le Febvre, the king's store- keeper and acting commissary of the fort, to Mr. Sterling, deputed by Mr. De Gage (Gage), governor of New York and commander of His Majesty's troops in America, to receive possession of the fort and conn- try from the French, according to the seventeenth article of the treaty of peace, concluded on the 10th of February, 1763, between the kings of France and Great Britain.* Fort Chartes was the strongest and most elaborately constructed of any of the French works of defense in America. Here the intendants and several commandants in charge, whose will was law, governed "the Illinois," administered justice to its inhabitants, and settled up estates of deceased persons, for nearly half a century. From this place the English commandants governed " the Illinois," some of them with great injustice and severitv, from the time of its surrender, in 1765, to 1772, when a great flood inun- dated the American Bottom, and the Mississippi cut a new channel so near the fort that the wall and two bastions on the west side were un- dermined and fell into the river. The British garrison then abandoned it, and their headquarters were afterward at Kaskaskia. Dr. Beck, while collecting material for his " Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri," in 1820, visited the ruins of old Fort Chartes. ' At that " time enough remained to show the size and strength of this remarkable fortification. Trees over two feet in diameter were growing within its walls. The ruin is in a dense forest, hidden in a tangle of under- growth, furnishing a sad memento of the efforts and blasted hopes of La Belle France to colonize "Les fflinoix" * The articles of surrender are given at length in the Paris Documents, vol 10, pp. 1161 to 1166. CHAPTER XII SURRENDER OF LOUISIANA BY THE INDIES COMPANY— EARLY ROUTES. In 1731 the company of the Indies surrendered to France, Louisiana, with its forts, colonies and plantations, and from this period forward to the time of the conquest by Great Britain and the Anglo-American colonies, Louisiana was governed through officers appointed by the crown. We have shown how, when and where colonies were permanently established by the French in Canada, about Kaskaskia, and in Lower Louisiana. It is not within the scope of our inquiries to follow these settlements of the French in their subsequent development, but rather now to show how the establishments of the French along the lakes and near the gulf communicated with each other, and the routes of travel by which they were connected. The convenient way between Quebec and the several villages in the vicinity of Kaskaskia was around the lakes and down the Illinois River, either by way of the St. Joseph River and the Kankakee port- age or through Chicago Creek and the Des Plaines. The long winters and severe climate on the St. Lawrence made it desirable for many people to abandon Canada for the more genial latitudes of southern Illinois, and the still warmer regions of Louisiana, where snows were unknown and flowers grew the year round. It only required the pro- tection of a fort or other military safeguards to induce the Canadians to change their homes from Canada to more favorable localities southward. The most feasible route between Canada and the Lower Mississippi settlements was by the Ohio River. This communication, however, was effectually barred against the French. The Iroquois Indians, from the time of Champlain, were allies, first of the Dutch and then of the English, and the implacable enemies of the French. The upper waters of the Ohio were within the acknowledged territory of the Iroquois, whose possessions extended westward of New York and Pennsylvania well toward the Scioto. The Ohio below Pittsburgh was, also, in the debatable ground of the Miamis northward, and Chickasaws south- ward. These nations were warring upon each other continually, and 96 THE JIAUMEE AND WABASH ROUTE. 97 the country for many miles beyond either bank of the Ohio was infested with war parties of the contending tribes.* There were no Indian villages near the Ohio River at the period concerning which we now write. Subsequent to this the Shawnees and Delawares, previously subdued by the Iroquois, were permitted by the latter to establish their towns near the confluence of the Scioto, Mus- kingum and other streams. The valley of the Ohio was within the confines of the " dark and bloody ground." Were a voyager to see smoke ascending above the forest line he would know it was from the camp fire of an enemy, and to be a place of danger. It would indi- cate the presence of a hunting or war party. If they had been suc- cessful they would celebrate the event by the destruction of whoever would commit himself to their hands, and if unfortunate in the chase or on the war-path, disappointment would give a sharper edge to their cruelty, f The next and more reliable route was that afforded by the Maumee and Wabash, laying within the territory of tribes friendly to the French. The importance of this route was noticed by La Salle, in his letter to Count Frontenac, in 1683, before quoted. La Salle says: "There is a river at the extremity of Lake Erie,;}: within ten leagues of the strait (Detroit River), which will very much shorten the way to the Illinois, it being navigable for canoes to within two leagues of their river." § As early as 1699, Mons. De Iberville conducted a colony of Canadians from Quebec to Louisiana, by way of the Maumee and Wa- bash. " These were followed by other families, under the leadership of M. Du Tessenet. Emigrants came by land, first ascending the St. Lawrence to Lake Erie, then ascending a river emptying into that lake to the portage of Des Miamis ; their effects being thence transported to the river Miamis, where pirogues,, constructed out of a single tree, and large enough to contain thirty persons, were built, with which the voyage down the Mississippi was prosecuted." || This memoir corre- sponds remarkably well with the claim of Little Turtle, in his speech to Gen. Wayne, concerning the antiquity of the title, in his tribe, to the portage of the Wabash at Fort Wayne. It also illustrates the fact that among the first French settlers in lower Louisiana were * A Miami chief said that his nation had no tradition of " a time when they were not at war with the Chickasaws/' t General William H. Harrison's Address before the Historical Society of Cin- cinnati. X The Maumee. § Meaning the Wabash. || Extract taken from a memoir, showing that the first establishments in Louisiana were at Mobile, etc., the original manuscript being among the archives in the depart- ment " De la Marine et Des Colonies," in Paris, France. 7 98 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. those who found their way thither through the " glorious gate," be- longing to the Miamis, connecting the Maumee and Wabash. Originally, the Maumee was known to the French as the " Miami," " Oumiami," or the " River of the Miamis," from the fact that bands of this tribe of Indians had villages upon its banks. It was also called " Ottawa," or " Tawwa," which is a contraction of the word Ottawa, as families of this tribe "resided on this river from time immemorial." The Shawnee Indian name is " Ottawa-sepe," that is " Ottawa River," By the Hurons, or Wyandots, it was called " Cagh-a-ren-du-te," the " River of the Standing Rock." * Lewis Evans, whose map was pub- lished in 1755, and which is, perhaps, the first English map issued of the territory lying north and west of the Ohio River, lays down the Miami as " Mine-a-mi," a way the Pennsylvania Indian traders had of pronouncing the word Miami. In 1703, Mons. Cadillac, the French commandant at Detroit, in his application for a grant of land six leagues in breadth on either side of the Maumee, upon which he pro- posed to propagate silk-worms, refers to the river as " Grand River " f As early as 1718 it is mentioned as the "Miamis River,";}: and it bore this name more generally than that of any other from 1718 to a pe- riod subsequent to the War of 1812. Capt Robert M'Afee, who was in the various campaigns up and down the Maumee during the War of 1812, and whose history of this war, published at Lexington, Ky., in 1816, gives the most authentic account of the military movements in this quarter, makes frequent mention of the river by the name of " Miami," occasionally designating it as the " Miami of the Lake." Gen. Joseph Harmar, in his report of the military expedition con- ducted by him to Fort Wayne, in October, 1790, calls the Miami the "Omee." He says: "As there are three Miamis in the northwestern territory, all bearing the name of Miami, I shall in the future, for dis- tinction's sake, when speaking of the Miami of the Lake, call it the * Omee,' and its towns the Omee Towns. By this name they are best known on the frontier. It is only, however, one of the many corrup- tions or contractions universally used among the French-Americans in pronouncing Indian names. 'Au-Mi,' for instance, is the contraction for 'Au Miami.' " § The habit of the " Coureur de Bois " and others using the mongrel language of the border Canadians, as well, also, the custom prevailing * "Account of the Present State of Indian Tribes, etc., Inhabiting Ohio." By John Johnson, Indian Agent, June 17, 1819. Published in vol. 1 of Archseologia Americana. f Sheldon's History of Michigan, p. 108. X Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 886 and 891. § C4en. Harmar's official letter to the Secretary of War, under date of November 23, 1790, published in the American State Papers. ORIGIN OF THE NAME MAUMEE. 99 among this class of persons in giving nicknames to rivers and locali- ties, has involved other observers besides Gen. Harmar in the same perplexity. Thomas Hutchins, the American geographer, and Capt. Harry Gordon visited Kaskaskia and the adjacent territory subsequent to the conquest of the northwest territory from the French, and be- came hopelessly entangled in the contractions and epithets applied to the surrounding villages on both sides of the Mississippi. Kaskaskia was abbreviated to "Au-kas" and St. Louis nicknamed " Pain Court " — Short Bread; Carondelet was called "Vide Pouche " — Empty Pocket; Ste. Genevieve was called "Missier" — Misery. The Kas- kaskia, after being shortened to Au-kaus, pronounced " Okau," has been further corrupted to Okaw, and at this day we have the singu- lar contradiction of the ancient Kaskaskia being called Kaskaskia near its mouth and " Okaw " at its source, The Miamis, or bands of their tribe, had villages in order of time ; first on the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan, then upon the Maumee; after this, 1750, they, with factions of other tribes who had become disaffected toward the French, established a mixed village upon the stream now known as the Great Miami, which empties into the Ohio, and in this way the name of Miami has been transferred, successively, from the St. Jo- seph to the Miami, and from the latter to the present Miami, with which it has become permanently identified.* The Miamis were, also, called the " Mau-mees," — this manner of spelling growing out of one of the several methods of pronouncing the word Miami — and it is doubtless from this source that the name of Maumee is derived f In this connection we may note the fact that the St. Marys and the Au-glaize were named by the Shawnee Indians, as follows ; The first was called by this tribe, who had several villages upon its banks, the " Co-kothe-ke-sepe," Kettle River; and the Auglaize "Cowthen-e- ke-sepe," or Fallen Timber River. These aboriginal names are given by Mr. John Johnson, in his published account of the Indian tribes before referred to4 We will now give a derivation of the name of the Wabash, which has been the result of an examination of a number of authorities. Early French writers have spelled the word in various ways, each en- deavoring, with more or less success, to represent the name as the sev- *The aboriginal name of the Great Miami was "Assin-erient," or Rocky River, from the word Assin, or Ussin, the Algonquin appellation for stone or stony. Lewis Evan's map of 1755. t In an official letter of Gen. Harrison to the Secretary of War, dated March 22, 1814, the name " Miamis " and "Matimees " are given as synonymous terms, referring to the same tribe. X Mr. Johnson had charge of the Indian affairs in Ohio for many years, and was especially acquainted with the Shawnees and their language. LffC. 100 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. eral Algonquin tribes pronounced it. First, we have Father Marquette's orthography, " Oua-bous-kigou ; " and by later French authorities it is spelled "Abache," "Ouabache," " Oubashe," " Oubache," " Oubash," " Oubask," " Oubache," " Wabascou," " Wabache." and " Waubache." It should be borne in mind that the French alphabet does not contain the letter W, and that the diphthong " on " with the French has nearly the same sound as the letter W of the English alphabet. The Jesuits sometimes used a character much like the figure S, which is a Greek contraction formulated by them, to represent a peculiar guttural sound among the Indians, and which we often, though imperfectly, represent by the letter W, or Wau.* That Wabash is an Indian name, and was early applied to the stream that now bears this name, is clearly established by Father Gravier. This missionary descended the Mississippi in the year 1700, and speak- ing of the Ohio and its tributaries, says : " Three branches are assigned to it, one that comes from the northwest (the Wabash), passing behind the country of the Oumiamis, called the St. Joseph,f which the Indians properly call the Ouabachei; the second comes from the Iroquois (whose country included the head-waters of the Ohio), and is called the Ohio ; and the third, which comes from the Chaou- anona^; (Shawnees). And all of them uniting to empty into the Mis- sissippi, it is commonly called Ouabachi." § In the variety of manner in which Wabash is spelled in the exam- ples given above, we clearly trace the Waw-bish-kaw, of the Ojibe- ways ; the Wabisca (pronounced Wa-bis-sa) of the modern Algon- quin ; Wau-bish of the Menominees, and Wa-bi of the ancient Algon- quins, words which with all these kindred tongues mean White. \\ Therefore the aboriginal of Wabash (Sepe) should be rendered White River. This theory is supported by Lewis Evans, who for manj' years was a trader among the Indians, inhabiting the country drained by the Wabash and its tributary waters. The extensive knowledge which he acquired in his travels westward of the Alleghanies resulted * Shea's Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi, p. 41, foot-note. For example, we find in the Journal of Marquette, 8ab8kig8, for Wabash. The same man- ner of spelling is also observed in names, as written by other missionaries, where they design to represent the sound of the French " ou," or the English W. t Probably a mistake of the copyist, and which should be the St. Jerome, a name given by the French to the Wabash, as we have seen in the extracts taken from Crozat's grant. Dr. Shea has pointed out numerous mistakes made by the copyist of the man- uscripts from which the " Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi " are composed. \ The Tennessee. S Father Gravier's Journal in Dr. Shea's Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi, pp. 120, 121. || The several aboriginal names for white, which we have given above, are taken from the vocabularies of Mackenzie, Dr. Ewin James and Albert Gallatin, which are regarded as standard authorities. ORIGIN OF THE NAME WABASH. 101 in his publishing, in 1755, a map, accompanied with an extended de- scription of the territory it embraced. In describing the Wabash, Mr. Evans calls it by the name the Iroquois Indians had given it, viz : the " Quia-agh-tena," and says " it is called by the French Ouabach, though that is truly the name of its southeastern branch." Why the White River, of Indiana, which is the principal southeastern branch of the Wabash, should have been invested with the English meaning of the word, and the aboriginal name should have been retained by the river to which it has always properly belonged, is easily explained, when we consider the ignorance and carelessness of many of the early travelers, whose writings, coming down to us, have tended to confuse rather than aid the investigations of the modern historian. The Ohio River below the confluence of the Wabash is designated as the Wabash by a majority of the early French writers, and so laid down on many of the contem- poraneous maps. This was, probably, due to the fact that the Wabash was known and used before the Ohio had been explored to its mouth. So fixed has become the habit of calling the united waters of these two streams Wabash, from their union continuously to their discharge into the Mississippi, that the custom prevailed long after a better knowledge of the geography of the country suggested the propriety of its aban- donment. Even after the French of Canada accepted the change, and treated the Ohio as the main river and the Wabash as the tributary, the French of Louisiana adhered to the old name. We quote from M. Le Page Du Pratz' History of Louisiana:* " Let us now repass the Mississippi in order to resume a description of the lands to the east, which we quit at the river Wabash. This river is distant from the sea four hundred and sixty leagues; it is reckoned to have four hundred leagues in length from its source to its conflu- ence with the Mississippi. It is called Wabash, though, according to the usual method, it ought to be called the Ohio, or Beautiful River, f seeing the Ohio was known under that name before its confluence was known ; and as the Ohio takes its rise at a greater distance off than the three others which mix together before they empty them- selves into the Mississippi, this should make the others lose their *The author was for sixteen years a planter of Louisiana, having gone thither from France soon after the Company of the West or Indes restored the country to the crown. He was a gentleman of superior attainments, and soon acquired a thorough knowledge of the B'rench possessions in America. He returned to France, and m 1758 published his " History of Louisiana," with maps, which, in 1763, was translated into English. These volumes are largely devoted to the experience of the author in the cultivation of rice, indigo, sugar and other products congenial to the climate and soil of Louisiana, and to quite an extended topographical description of the whole Mississippi Valley. yThe Iroquois' name for the Ohio was " O-io," meaning beautiful, and the French retained the signification in the name of "La Belle Riviere,'" by which the Ohio was known to them. 102 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. names; but custom has prevailed in this respect. The first known to ns which falls into the Ohio is that of the Miamis (Wabash), which takes its rise toward Lake Erie. It is by this river of the Miamis that the Canadians come to Louisiana. For this purpose they embark on the River St. Lawrence, go up this river, pass the cataracts quite to the bottom of Lake Erie, where they find a small river, on which they also go up to a place called the carriage of the Miamis, because that people come and take their effects and carry them on their "backs for two leagues from thence to the banks of the river of their name which I just said empties itself into the Ohio. From thence the Canadians go down that river, enter the Wabash, and at last the Mississippi, which brings them to New Orleans, the capital of Louisiana. They reckon eighteen hundred leagues from the capital of Canada to that of Louisiana, on account of the great turns and windings they are obliged to take. The river of the Miamis is thus the first to the north which falls into the Ohio, then that of the Chaouanons to the south, and lastly, that of the Cherokee, all which together empty themselves into the Mississippi. This is what we (in Louisiana) call the Wabash, and what in Canada and New England is called the Ohio." * A failure to recognize the fact that the Ohio below the mouth of the Wabash was, for a period of over half a century, known to the French as the Wabash, has led not a few later writers to erroneously locate ancient French forts and missionary stations upon the banks of the Wabash, which were in reality situated many miles below, on the Ohio.f * On the map prefixed to Du Pratz' history, the Ohio from the Mississippi up to the confluence of the Wabash is called the " Wabash ";' above this the Ohio is called Ohio, and the Wabash is called "The River of the Miamis," with villages of that tribe noted near its source. The Maumee is called the "River of the Carrying Place." The Upper Mississippi, the Illinois River and the lakes are also laid down, and, alto- gether, the map is quite accurate. t A noticeable instance of such a mistake will be found relative to the city of Vin- cennes. On the authority of LaHarpe, and the later historian Charlevoix, the French in the year 1700, established a trading post near the mouth of the Ohio, on the site of the more modern Fort Massac, in Massac county, 111., for the purpose of securing buffalo hides. The neighboring Mascotins, as was customary with the Indians, soon gathered about for the purpose of barter. Their numbers, as well as the expressed wish of the French traders, induced Father Merment to visit the place and engage in mission work. At the end of four or five years, in 1705, the establishment was broken up on account of a quarrel of the Indians among themselves, and which so threatened the lives of the Frenchmen that the latter fled, leaving behind their effects and 13,000 buffalo hides which they had collected. Some years later Father Marest, writing from Kaskaskia, in his letter before referred to, relates the failure of Father Merment to convert the Indians at this " post on the Wabash "; and on the authority of this letter alone, and although Father Marest only followed the prevailing style in calling the lower Ohio the Wabash, some writers, the late Judge John Law being the first, have contended that this post was on the Wabash and at Vincennes. Charlevoix says "it was at the mouth of the Wabash which discharges itself into the Mississippi." La Harpe, and also Le Suere, whose personal knowledge of the post was contemporaneous with its existence, definitely fix its position near the mouth of the Ohio. The latter gives the date of its beginning, and the former narrates an account of its trade and final abandonment. In this way an antiquity has been claimed for Vincennes to which it is not historically entitled. EAKLY ACCOUNT OF THE MAUMEE. 103 We now give a description of the Maumee and Wabash, the location of the several Indian villages, and the manners of their inhabitants, taken from a memoir prepared in 1718 by a French officer in Canada, and sent to the minister at Paris.* " I return to the Miamis River. Its entrance from Lake Erie is very wide, and its banks on both sides, for a distance of ten leagues up, are nothing but continued swamps, abounding at all times, espe- cially in the spring, with game without end, swans, geese, ducks, cranes, etc., which drive sleep away by the noise of their cries. This river is sixty leagues in length, very embarrassing in summer in consequence of the lowness of the water. Thirty leagues up the river is a place called La Glaise,-f where buffalo are always to be found ; they eat the clay and wallow in it. The Miamis are sixty leagues from Lake Erie, and number four hundred, all well formed men, and well tattooed ;:{: the women are numerous. They are hard working, and raise a species of maize unlike that of our Indians at Detroit. It is white, of the same size as the other, the skin much finer, and the meal much whiter. This nation is clad in deer skin, and when a woman goes with another man her husband cuts off her nose and does not see her any more. They have plays and dances, wherefore they have more occupation. The women are well clothed ; but the men use scarcely any covering, and are tattooed all over the bod} 7 . " From this Miami village there is a portage of three leagues to a little and very narrow stream,§ that falls, after a course of twenty leagues, into the Ohio or Beautiful River, which discharges into the Ouabache, a fine river that falls into the Mississippi forty leagues from the Cascachias. Into the Ouabache falls also the Casquinampo, | which communicates with Carolina ; but this is far off, and is always up stream. " The River Ouabache is the one on which the Ouyatanons *[ are settled. "Thev consist of five villages, which are contiguous the one to the other. One is called Oujatanon, the other Peanguichias,** and another *The document is quite lengthy, covering all the principal places and Indian tribes east of the Mississippi, and showing the compiler possessed a very thorough acquaint- ance with the whole subject. It is given entire in the Paris Documents, vol. 9; that relating to the Maumee and Wabash on pages 886 to 891. f Defiance, Ohio. % These villages were near the confluence of the St. Mary's and St. Joseph, and this is the first account we have of the present site of Fort Wayne. § Little River, that empties into the Wabash just below Huntington. |j The Tennessee River. *TThe " Weas," whose principal villages were near the mouth of Eel River, near Logansport, and on the Wea prairie, between Attica and La Fayette. **The ancient Piankashaw town was on the Vermilion of the Wabash, and the Miami name of the Vermilion was Piankashaw. 104 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Petitscotias, and a fourth Le Gros. The name of the last I do not recollect, but they are all Oujatanons, having the same language as the Miamis, whose brothers they are, and properly all Miamis, having the same customs and dress.* The men are very numerous ; fully a thousand or twelve hundred. " They have a custom different from all other nations, which is to keep their fort extremely clean, not allowing a blade of grass to remain within it. The whole of the fort is sanded like the Tuilleries. The village is situated on a high hill, and they have over two leagues of improvement where they raise their Indian corn, pumpkins and melons. From the summit of this elevation nothing is visible to the eye but prairies full of buffaloes. Their play and dancing are inces- sant.f "All of these tribes use a vast quantity of vermilion. The women wear clothing, the men very little. The River Ohio, or Beautiful river, is the route which the Iroquois take. It would be of importance that they should not have such intercourse, as it is very dangerous. Atten- tion has been called to this matter long since, but no notice has been taken of it." *The "Le Gros," that is, The Great (village), was probably "Chip-pe-co-ke," or the town of "Brush- wood," the name of the old village at Vincennes, which was the principal city of the Piankashaws. fThe village here described is Ouatanon, which was situated a few miles below La Fayette, near which, though on the opposite or north bank of the Wabash, the Stockade Fort of "Ouatanon" was established by the French. CHAPTER XIII. ABORIGINAL INHABITANTS — THE SEVERAL ILLINOIS TRIBES. The Indians who lived in and claimed the territory to which our attention is directed were the several tribes of the Illinois and Miami confederacies, — the Pottawatomies, the Kickapoos and scattered bands of Shawnees and Delawares. Their title to the soil had to be extin- guished by conquest or treatise of purchase before the country could be settled by a higher civilization ; for the habits of the two races, red and white, were so radically different that there could be no fusion, and they could not, or rather did not, live either happily or at peace together. We proceed to treat of these several tribes, observing the order in which their names have been mentioned ; and we do so in this con- nection for the reason that it will aid toward a more ready under- standing of the subjects which are to follow. The Illinois were a subdivision of the great Algonquin family. Their language and manners differed somewhat from other surround- ing tribes, and resembled most the Miamis, with whom they originally bore a very close affinity. Before Joliet and Marquette's voyage to the Mississippi, all of the Indians who came from the south to the mission at La Pointe, on Lake Superior, for the purposes of barter, were by the French called Illinois, for the reason that the first Indians who came to La Pointe from the south " called themselves Illinois" * In the Jesuit Relations the name Illinois appears as " Illi-mouek,' 1 " Illinoues," " Ul-i-ne-wek," " Allin-i-wek " and " Lin-i-wek." By Father Marquette it is " Ilinois," and Hennepin has it the same as it is at the present day. The ois was pronounced like our way, so that ouai, ois, wek and oueh were almost identical in pronunciation. f "Willinis" is Lewis Evans' orthography. Major Thomas Forsyth, who for many years was a trader and Indian agent in the territory, and subsequently the state, of Illinois, says the Confederation of Illinois * As we have given the name of Ottawas to all the savages of these countries, al- though of different nations, because the first who have appeared among the French have been Ottawas; so also it is with the name of the Illinois, very numerous, and dwelling toward the south, because the first who have come to the " point of the Holy Ghost for commerce called themselves Illinois. " — Father Claude Dablon, in the Jesuit Relations for 1670, 1671. t Note by Dr. Shea in the article entitled "The Indian Tribes of Wisconsin," fur- nished by him for the Historical Society of Wisconsin, and published in Vol. Ill oi' their collections, p. 128. 106 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. "called themselves Linneway" — which is almost identical with the Lin-i-wek of the Jesuits, having a regard for its proper pronuncia- tion, — " and that by others they were called Minneway, signifying men," and that their confederacy embraced the combined Illinois and Miami tribes ; " that all these different bands of the Minneway nation spoke the language of the present Miamis, and the whole considered them- selves as one and the same people, yet from their local situation, and having no standard to go by, their language became broken up into different dialects.''' * They were by the Iroquois called "Chick-tagh- ick&P Many theories have been advanced and much fine speculation in- dulged in concerning the origin and meaning of the word Illinois. We have seen that the Illinois first made themselves known to the French by that name, and we have never had a better signification of the name than that which the Illinois themselves gave to Fathers Mar- quette and Hennepin. The former, in his narrative journal, observes : " To say Illinois is, in their language, to say ' the men,' as if other Indians, compared to them, were mere beasts.''' f " The word Illinois signifies a man of full age in the vigor of his strength. This word Illi- nois comes, as it has already been observed, from Illini, which in the language of that nation signifies a perfect and accomplished man." ^ Subsequently the name Illini, Linneway, Willinis or Illinois, with more propriety became limited to a confederacy, at first composed of four subdivisions, known as the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Tamaroas and Peorias. Not many years before the discovery of the Mississippi by the French, a foreign tribe, the Metchigamis, nearly destroyed by wars w T ith the Sacs to the north and the Chickasaws to the south, to save themselves from annihilation appealed to the Kaskaskias for admission into their confederacy. § The request was granted, and the Metchiga- mis left their homes on the Osage river and established their villages on the St. Francis, within the limits of the present State of Missouri and below the mouth of the Kaskaskia. The subdivision of the Illinois proper into cantons, as the French writers denominate the families or villages of a nation, like that of other tribes was never very distinct. There were no villages exclu- sively for a separate branch of the tribe. Owing to intermarriage, adoption and other processes familiar to modern civilization, the sub- id 17. * Life of Black-Hawk, by Benjamin Drake, seventh edition, pp. 16 an( t Shea's Discovery and Exploration of the Mississippi Valley, p. 25. % Hennepin's Discovery of America, pp. 35 and 119, London edition, 169u. § Charlevoix's " Narrative Journal," Vol. II, p. 228. Also note of B. F. French, p. 61 of Vol. Ill, First Series of Historical Collections of Louisiana. LOCATION OF VILLAGES. 107 tribal distinctions were not well preserved ; and when Charlevoix, that acute observer, in 1721 visited these several Illinois villages near Kas- kaskia, their inhabitants were so mixed together and confounded that it was almost impossible to distinguish the different branches of the tribe from each other.* The first accounts vce have of the Illinois are given by the Jesuit missionaries. In the "Relations" for the year 1655 we find that the Lin-i-ouek are neighbors of the Winnebagoes ; again in the ''Rela- tions" for the next year, "that the Illinois nation dwell more than sixty leagues from here, f and beyond a great river, % which as near as can be conjectured flows into the sea toward Virginia. These people are warlike. They use the bow, rarely the gun, and never the canoe . When Joliet and Marquette were descending the Mississippi, they found villages of the Illinois on the Des Moines river, and on their return they passed through larger villages of the same nation situated on the Illinois river, near Peoria and higher up the stream. While the Illinois were nomads, though not to the extent of many other tribes, they had villages of a somewhat permanent character, and when they moved after game they went in a body. It would seem from the most authentic accounts that their favorite abiding places were on the Illinois river, from the Des Plaines down to its confluence with the Mississippi, and on the Mississippi from the Kaskaskia to the mouth of the Ohio. This beautiful region abounded in game ; its riv- ers were well stocked with fish, and were frequented by myriads of wild fowls. The climate was mild. The soil was fertile. By the mere turning of the sod, the lands in the rich river bottoms yielded bountiful crops of Indian corn, melons and squashes. In disposition and morals the Illinois were not to be very highly commended. Father Charlevoix, speaking of them as they were in 1700, says: "Missionaries have for some years directed quite a flour- ishing church among the Illinois, and they have ever since continued to instruct that nation, in whom Christianity had already produced a change such as she alone can produce in morals and disposition. Before the arrival of the missionaries, there were perhaps no Indians in any part of Canada with fewer good qualities and more vices. They have * " These tribes are at present very much confounded, and are become very inconsid- erable. There remains only a very small number of Kaskaskias, and the two villages of that name are almost entirely composed of Tamaroas and Metchigamis, a foreign nation adopted by the Kaskaskias, and originally settled on a small river you meet with going down the Mississippi." — Charlevoix' " Narrative Journal," Letter XXVIII, dated Kaskaskia, October 20, 1721; p. 228, Vol. II. t The letter is sent from the Mission of the Holy Ghost, at La Pointe. X The Mississippi. 108 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. always been mild and docile enough, but they were cowardly, treach- erous, fickle, deceitful, thievish, brutal, destitute of faith or honor, selfish, addicted to gluttony and the most monstrous lusts, almost un- known to the Canada tribes, who accordingly despised them heartily, but the Illinois were not a whit less haughty or self-complacent on that account. " Such allies could bring no great honor or assistance to the French ; yet we never had any more faithful, and, if we except the Abenaqui tribes, they are the only tribe who never sought peace with their ene- mies to our prejudice. They did, indeed, see the necessity of our aid to defend themselves against several nations who seemed to have sworn their ruin, and especially against the Iroquois and Foxes, who, by con- stant harrassing, have somewhat trained them to war, the former taking home from their expeditions the vices of that corrupt nation." * Father Charlevoix' comments upon the Illinois confirm the state- ments of Hennepin, who says : " They are lazy vagabonds, timorous, pettish thieves, and so fond of their liberty that they have no great respect for their chiefs."f Their cabins were constructed of mats, made out of flags, spread over a frame of poles driven into the ground in a circular form and drawn together at the top. " Their villages," sa)'s Father Hennepin,;}: " are open, not enclosed with palisades because they had no courage to defend them ; they would flee as they heard their enemies approaching." Before their acquaint- ance with the French they had no knowledge of iron and fire-arms. Their two principal weapons were the bow and arrow and the club. Their arrows were pointed with stone, and their tomahawks were made out of stag's horns, cut in the shape of a cutlass and terminating in a large ball. In the use of the bow and arrow, all writers agree, that the Illinois excelled all neighboring tribes. For protection against the missies of an enemy they used bucklers composed of buffalo hides stretched over a wooden frame. In form they were tall and lithe. They were noted for their swift- ness of foot. They wore moccasins prepared from buffalo hides ; and, in summer, this generally completed their dress. Sometimes they wore a small covering, extending from the waist to the knees. The rest of the body was entirely nude. The women, beside cultivating the soil, did all of the household drudgery, carried the game and made the clothes. The garments * Charlevoix's " History of New France," vol. 5, page 130. f Hennepin, page 132, London edition, 1698. X Page 132. MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. 109 were prepared from buffalo hides, and from the soft wool that grew upon these animals. Both the wool and hides were dyed with bril- liant colors, black, yellow or vermilion. In this kind of work the Illinois women were greatly in advance of other tribes. Articles of dress were sewed together with thread made from the nerves and ten- dons of deer, prepared by exposure to the sun twice in every twenty- four hours. After which the nerves and tendons were beaten so that their fibers would separate into a fine white thread. The clothing of the women w T as something like the loose wrappers worn by ladies of the present day. Beneath the wrapper were petticoats, for warmth in winter. With a fondness for finery that characterizes the feminine sex the world over, the Illinois women wore head-dresses, contrived more for ornament than for use. The feet were covered with moccasins, and leggings decorated with quills of the porcupine stained in colors of brilliant contrasts. Ornaments, fashioned out of clam shells and other hard substances, were worn about the neck, wrists and ankles ; these, with the face, hands and neck daubed with pigments, completed the toilet of the highly fashionable Illinois belle. Their food consisted of the scant}- products of their fields, and prin- cipally of game and fish, of which, as previously stated, there was in their country a great abundance. Father Allouez, who visited them in 1673, stated that they had fourteen varieties of herbs and forty-two varieties of fruits which they use for food. Their plates and other dishes were made of wood, and their spoons were constructed out of buffalo bones. The dishes for boiling food were earthen, sometimes glazed. * From all accounts, it seems that the Illinois claimed an extensive tract of country, bounded on the east by the ridge that divides the waters flowing into the Illinois from the streams that drain into the Wabash above the head waters of Saline creek, and as high up the Illi- nois as the Des Plaines, extending westward of the Mississippi, and reaching northward to the debatable ground between the Illinois, Chippeways, Winnebagoes, Sacs and Foxes. Their favorite and most populous cities were on the Illinois river, near Starved Rock, and * The account we have given of the manners, habits and customs of the Illinois is compiled from the following' authorities : La Hontan, Charlevoix, Hennepin, Tonti, Marquette, Joutel, the missionaries Marest, Rasles and Allouez. Besides, the historic letter of Marest, found in Kip's Jesuit Missions, is another from this distinguished priest, written from Kaskaskia to M. Bienville, and incorporated in Penicaut's Annals of Louisiana, a translation of which is contained in the Historical Collections of Louisi- ana and Florida, by B. F. French. In this letter of Father Marest, dated in 1711, is a very fine description of the customs of the Illinois Indians, and their prosperous condi- tion at Kaskaskia and adjacent villages. 110 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. below as far as Peoria. The missionary station founded by Father Marquette was, in all probability, near the latter place. Prior to the year 1700, Father Marest had charge of a mission at the neck, strait or narrows of Peoria lake. In Peoria lake, above Peoria, is a contracted channel, and this is evidently referred to by Father Gravier in his " Narrative Journal" where he states: " I ar- rived too late at the Illinois du Detroit, of whom Father Marest has charge, to prevent the transmigration of the village of the Kaskaskias, which was too precipitately made on vague news of the establishment on the Mississippi. I do not believe that the Kaskaskias would have thus separated from the Peouaroua and other Illinois du Detroit. At all events, I came soon enough to unite minds a little, and to prevent the insult which the Peouaroua and the Mouin-gouena were bent on offering to the Kaskaskias and French as they embarked. I spoke to all the chiefs in full council, and as they continued to preserve some respect and good will for me, we separated very peaceably. But I argue no good from this separation, which I have always hindered, seeing too clearly the evil results. God grant that the road from Chikagoua to this strait " (au Detroit) " be not closed, and the whole Illinois mission suffer greatly. I avow to you, Reverend Father, that it rends my heart to see my old flock thus divided and dispersed, and I shall never see it, after leaving it, without having some new cause of affliction. The Peouaroua, whom I left without a missionary (since Father Marest has followed the Kaskaskias), have promised me that they would preserve the church, and that they would await my return from the Mississippi, where I told them I went only to assure myself of the truth of all that was said about it." * The area of the original country of the Illinois was reduced by continuous wars with their neighbors. The Sioux forced them east- ward ; the Sac and Fox, and other enemies, encroached upon them from the north, while war parties of the foreign Iroquois, from the east, rapidly decimated their numbers. These unhappy influences were doing * Father Gravier's Journal in Shea's Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi, pp. 116 and 117. Dr. Shea, in a foot note, p. 116, says: "This designation {Illinois Du Detroit) does not appear elsewhere, and I cannot discover what strait is referred to. It evidently includes the Peorias.' 1 Dr. Shea's conjecture is very nearly correct. The narrows in Peoria lake retained the appellation of Little Detroit, a name handed clown from the French-Canadians. Dr. Lewis Beck, in his "Gazetteer of Illinois and Missouri," p. 124, speaks of "Little Detroit, an Indian village situated on the east bank of lake Peoria, six miles above Ft. Clark." On the map prefixed to the Gazetteer prepared in 1820 the contraction of the lake is shown and designated as " Little Detroit." We have seen from extracts from Father Marquette's Journal, quoted on a preced- ing page, that it was the Kaskaskias at whose village this distinguished missionary promised to return and to establish a mission, and that with the ebbing out of his life he fulfilled his engagement. From Father Gravier's Journal, just quoted, it is appar- ATTACK OF THE IKOQUOIS. Ill their fatal work, and the Illinois confederacy was in a stage of decline when they first came in contact with the French. Their afflictions made them accessible to the voice of the missionary, and in their weakness they hailed with delight the coming of the Frenchman with his prom- ises of protection, which were assured by guns and powder. The mis- fortunes of the Illinois drew them so kindly to the priests, the coureurs des Bois and soldiers, that the friendship between the two races never abated ; and when in the order of events the sons of France had de- parted from the Illinois, their love for the departed Gaul was inculcated into the minds of their children. The erection of Fort St. Louis on the Illinois, St. Joseph on the stream of that name, and the establishment at Detroit, for a while stayed the calamity that was to befall the Illinois. Frequent allusion has been made to the part the Iroquois took in the destruction of this powerful confederacy. For the gratification of the reader we give a condensed account of some of these Iroquois campaigns in the Illinois country. The extracts we take are from a memoir on the western Indians, by M. Du Chesneau,* dated at Quebec, September 13, 1681 : " To convey a correct idea of the present state of all those Indian na- tions it is necessary to explain the cause of the cruel war waged by the Iroquois for these three years past against the Illinois. The former were great warriors, cannot remain idle, and pretend to subject all other nations to themselves, and never want a pretext for commencing hos- tilities. The following was their assumed excuse for the present war: Going, about twenty years ago, to attack the Outagamis (Foxes), they met the Illinois and killed a considerable number of them. This continued during the succeeding years, and finally, having destroyed a great many, they forced them to abandon their country and seek refuge in very distant parts. The Iroquois having got quit of the Illinois, took no more trouble with them, and went to war against another nation called the Andostagues.f Pending this war the Illinois re- turned to their country, and the Iroquois complained that they had ent that the mission had for some years been in successful operation at the combined village of the Kaskaskias, Peorias and Mouin-gouena, situated at the Du Detroit of the Illinois; and also that the Kaskaskias, hearing- that the French were about to form es- tablishments on the lower Mississippi, in company with the French inhabitants of their ancient village, were in the act of going down the Mississippi at the time of Gravier's arrival, in September, 1700. All these facts taken together would seem to definitely locate the Mission of the Immaculate Conception of the Blessed Virgin Mary at the narrows, six miles above the present city of Peoria, which is upon the site of old Fort Clark, and probably, from the topography of the locality, upon the east bank of the strait. In conclusion, we may add that the Kaskaskias were induced to halt in their journey southward upon the river, which has ever since borne their name ; and the mission, transferred from the old Kaskaskias, above Peoria, retained the name of "The Immaculate Conception," etc. * Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 161 to 1G6. t The Eries, or Cats, were entirely destroyed by the Iroquois. 112 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. killed forty of their people who were on their way to hunt beaver in the Illinois country. To obtain satisfaction, the Iroquois resolved to make war upon them. Their true motive, however, was to gratify the English at Manatte* and Orange,f of whom they are too near neigh- bors, and who, by means of presents, engaged the Iroquois in this ex- pedition, the object of which was to force the Illinois to bring their beaver to them, so that they may go and trade it afterward to the English ; also, to intimidate the other Indians, and constrain them to to do the same thing. " The improper conduct of Sieur de la Salle, $ governor of Fort Frontenac, has contributed considerabh 7 to cause the latter to adopt this proceeding ; for after he had obtained permission to discover the Great River Mississippi, and had, as he alleged, the grant of the Illinois, he no longer observed any terms with the Iroquois. He ill- treated them, and avowed that he would convey arms and ammunition to the Illinois, and would die assisting them. "The- Iroquois dispatched in the month of April of last year, 1G80, an army, consisting of between five and six hundred men, who ap- proached an Illinois village where Sieur Tonty, one of Sieur de la Salle's men happened to be with some Frenchmen and two Recollect fathers, whom the Iroquois left unharmed. One of these, a most holy man,§ has since been killed by the Indians. But they would listen to no terms of peace proposed to them by Sieur de Tonty, who was slightly wounded at the beginning of the attack ; the Illinois having fled a hundred leagues thence, were pursued by the Iroquois, who killed and captured as many as twelve hundred of them, including women and children, having lost only thirty men. " The victory achieved by the Iroquois rendered them so insolent that they have continued ever since that time to send out divers war parties. The success of these is not yet known, but it is not doubted that they have been successful, because those tribes are very warlike and the Illi- nois are but indifferently so. Indeed, there is no doubt, and it is the universal opinion, that if the Iroquois are allowed to proceed they will subdue the Illinois, and in a short time render themselves masters of all the Outawa tribes and divert the trade to the English, so that it is absolutely essential to make them our friends or to destroy them." * New York. t Albany, New York. X It must be remembered that La Salle was not exempt from the jealousy and envy which is inspired in souls of little men toward those engaged in great undertakings ; and we see this spirit manifested here. La Salle could not have done otherwise than supply fire-arms to the Illinois, who were his friends and the owners of the country, the trade of which he had opened up at great hardship and expense to himself. § Gabriel Ribourde. DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS. 113 The Iroquois were not always successful in their western forays. Tradition records two instances in which they were sadly discomfited. The first was an encounter with the Sioux, on an island in the Missis- sippi, at the mouth of the Des Moines. The tradition of this engage- ment is preserved in the curious volumes of La Hontan, and is as fol- lows : " March 2nd, 1689, 1 arrived in the Mississippi. To save the labor of rowing we left our boats to the current, and arrived on the tenth in the island of Rencontres, which took its name from the defeat of four hundred Iroquois accomplished there by three hundred Nadouessis (Sioux). The story of the encounter is briefly this : A party of four hundred Iroquois having a mind to surprise a certain people in the neighborhood of the Otentas (of whom more anon), marched to the country of the Illinois, where they built canoes and were furnished with provisions. After that they embarked upon the river Mississippi, and were discovered by another little fleet that was sailing down the other side of the same river. The Iroquois crossed over immediately to that island which is since called Aux Rencontres. The Nadouessis, i. e., the other little fleet, being suspicious of some ill design, without knowing what people they were (for they had no knowledge of the Iroquois but by hear-say) — upon this suspicion, I say, they tugged hard to come up with them. The two armies posted themselves upon the point of the island, where the two crosses are put down in the map,* and as soon as the Nadouessis came in sight, the Iroquois cried out in the Illinese language: k Who are yeV To which the Nadouessis answered, 'Somebody'; and putting the same question to the Iroquois, received the same answer. Then the Iroquois put this question to 'em: ' Where are you going f " 'To hunt buffalo,' answered the Na- douessis / ' but, pray,' says the Nadouessis, ' what is your business ? ' ' To hunt men,' reply'd the Iroquois. ''Tis well, 1 says the Nadouessis ; ' we are men, and so you need go no farther." Upon this challenge, the two parties disembarked, and the leader of the Nadouessis cut his canoes to pieces, and, after representing to his warriors that they be- hoved either to conquer or die, marched up to the Iroquois, who received them at first onset with a cloud of arrows. But the Nadou- essis having stood their first discharge, which killed eighty of them, fell in upon them with their clubs in their hands before the others could charge again, and so routed them entirely. This engagement lasted for two hours, and was so hot that two hundred and sixty Iro- quois fell upon the spot, and the rest were all taken prisoners. Some of the Iroquois, indeed, attempted to make their escape after the action * On La Hontan 's map the place marked is designated by an island in the Missis- sippi, immediately at the mouth of the Des Moines. 114 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. was over ; but the victorious general sent ten or twelve of his men to pursue them in one of the canoes that he had taken, and accordingly they were all overtaken and drowned. The Nadouessis having ob- tained this victory, cut off the noses and ears of two of the cleverest prisoners, and supplying them with fusees, powder and ball, gave them the liberty of returning to their own country, in order to tell their countrymen that they ought not to employ women to hunt after men any longer. 1 '* The second tradition is that of a defeat of a war party of Iroquois upon the banks of the stream that now bears the name of " Iroquois River. 1 ' Father Charlevoix, in his Narrative Journal, referring to his passage down the Kankakee, in September, 1721, alludes to this defeat of the Iroquois in the following language : " I was not a little sur- prised at seeing so little water in the The-a-ki-ki, notwithstanding it receives a good many pretty large rivers, one of which is more than a hundred and twenty feet in breadth at its mouth, and has been called the River of the Iroquois, because some of that nation were surprised on its banks by the Illinois who killed a great many of them. This check mortified them so much the more, as they held the Illinois in great contempt, who, indeed, for the most part are not able to stanc} before them." f The tradition has been given with fuller particulars to the author, by Colonel Guerdon S. Hubbard, as it was related by the Indians to him. It has not as yet appeared in print, and is valuable as well as interesting, inasmuch as it explains why the Iroquois River has been so called for a period of nearly two centuries, and also because it gives the origin of the name Watseka. The tradition is substantially as follows: Many years ago the Iro- quois attacked an Indian village situated on the banks of the river a few miles below the old county seat, — Middleport, — and drove out the occupants with great slaughter. The fugitives were collected in the night time some distance away, lamenting their disaster. A wo- man, possessing great courage, urged the men to return and attack the Iroquois, saying the latter were then rioting in the spoils of the village and exulting over their victory ; that they would not expect danger from their defeated enemy, and that the darkness of the night would prevent their knowing the advance upon them. The warriors refused to go. The woman then said that she would raise a party of squaw r s and return to the village and fight the Iroquois ; adding that death or captivity would be the fate of the women and children on the morrow, *La Hontan's New Voyages to America, vol. 1, pp. 128, 129. t Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 199. INDIAN LEGEND. 115 and that they might as well die in an effort to regain their village and property as to submit to a more dreadful fate. She called for volun- teers and the women came forward in large numbers. Seeing the bravery of their wives and daughters the men were ashamed of their cowardice and became inspired with a desperate courage. A plan of attack was speedily formed and successfully executed. The Iroquois, taken entirely unawares, were surprised and utterly defeated. The name of the heroine who suggested and took an active part in this act of bold retaliation, bore the name of Watch-e-kee. In honor of her bravery and to perpetuate the story of the engagement, a coun- cil of the tribe was convened which ordained that when Watch-e-kee died her name should be bestowed upon the most accomplished maiden of the tribe, and in this way be handed down from one generation to another. By such means have the name and the tradition been pre- served. The last person who bore this name was the daughter of a Potta- watomie chief, with whose band Col. Hubbard was intimately associ- ated as a trader for many years. She was well known to many of the old settlers in Danville and upon the Kankakee. She was a person of great beauty, becoming modesty, and possessed of superior intelligence. She had great influence among her own people and w T as highly re- spected by the whites. She accompanied her tribe to the westward of the Mississippi, on their removal from the state. The present county seat of Iroquois county is named after her, and Col. Hubbard advises the author that Watseka, as the name is generally spelled, is incorrect, and that the orthography for its true pronunciation should be Watch-e- kee.* We resume the narration of the decline of the Illinois : La Salle's fortification at Starved Rock gathered about it populous villages of Illinois, Shawnees, Weas, Piankeshaws and other kindred tribes, shown on Franquelin's map as the Colonie Du Sr. de la Sallcf The Iroquois were barred out of the country of the Illinois tribes, and the latter enjoyed security from their old enemies. La Salle himself, speaking of his success in establishing a colony at the Rock, says : " There would be nothing to fear from the Iroquois when the nations of the south, * The Iroquois also bore the name of Can-o-wa-ga, doubtless an Indian name. It had another aboriginal name. Mocabella (which was, probably, a French-Canadian cor- ruption of the Kickapoo word Mo-gua), signifying a bear. Beck's Illinois and Mis- souri Gazetteer, p. 90. The joint commission appointed by the legislatures of Indiana and Illinois to run the boundary line between the two states, in their report in 1821, and upon their map deposited in the archives at Indianapolis, designate the Iroquois by the name of Pick-a-mink River. They also named Sugar Creek after Mr. McDon- ald, of Vincennes, Indiana, who conducted the surveys for the commission. fThis part of Franquelin's map appears in the well executed frontispiece of Park- insons Discovery of the Great West. 116 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. strengthened through their intercourse with the French, shall stop their conquest, and prevent their being powerful by carrying off a great number of their women and children, which they can easily do from the inferiority of the weapons of their enemies. As respects com- merce, that post will probably increase our traffic still more than has been done by the establishment of Fort Frontenac, which was built with success for that purpose ; for if the Illinois and their allies were to catch the beavers which the Iroquois now kill in the neighborhood in order to carry them to the English, the latter not being any longer able to get them from their own colonies would be obliged to buy from us, to the great benefit of those who have the privilege of this traffic. These were the views which the Sieur de la Salle had in placing the settlement where it is. The colony has already felt its effects, as all our allies, who had fled after the departure of M. de Frontenac, have returned to their ancient dwellings, in consequence of the confidence caused by the fort, near which they have defeated a party of Iroquois, and have built four forts to protect themselves from hostile incursions. The Governor, M. de la Barre, and the intendant, M. de Muelles, have- told Sieur de la Salle that they would write to Monseigneur to inform him of the importance of that fort in order to keep the Iroquois in check, and that M. de Sagny had proposed its establishment in 1678. Monsiegneur Colbert permitted Sieur de la Salle to build it, and granted it to him as a property." * The fort at Le Rocher (the rock) was constructed on its summit in 1682, and enclosed with a palisade. It was subsequently granted to Tonti and Forest, f It was abandoned as a military post in the year 1702 ; and when Charlevoix went down the Illinois in 1721 he passed the Rock, and said of it : " This is the point of a very high terrace stretching the space of two hundred paces, and bending or winding with the course of the river. This rock is steep on all sides, and at a distance one would take it for a fortress. Some remains of a palisado are still to be seen on it, the Illinois having formerly cast up an en- trenchment here, which might be easily repaired in case of any inter- ruption of the enemy. "J The abandonment of Fort St. Louis in 1702 was followed soon after by a dispersion of the tribes and remnants of tribes that La Salle and Tonti had gathered about it, except the straggling village of the Illinois. * Memoir of the Sieur de la Salle, reporting to Monseigneur de Seingelay the dis- coveries made by him under the order of His Majesty. Historical Collections of Louisiana, Part I, p. 42. t Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 494. \ Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 200. DECLINE OF THE ILLINOIS. 117 The Iroquois came no more subsequent to 1721, having war enough on their hands nearer home ; but the Illinois were constantly harassed by other enemies ; the Sacs, Foxes, Kickapoos and Pottawatomies. In 1722 their villages at the Rock and on Peoria Lake were besieged by the Foxes, and a detachment of a hundred men under Chevalier de Artaguette and Sieur de Tisne were sent to their assistance. Forty of these French soldiers, with four hundred Indians, marched by land to Peoria Lake. However, before the reinforcements reached their des- tination they learned that the Foxes had retreated with a loss of more than a hundred and twenty of their men. " This success did not, however, prevent the Illinois, although they had only lost twenty men, with some women and children, from leaving the Rock and Pimiteony, where they were kept in constant alarm, and proceeding to unite with those of their brethren who had settled on the Mississippi ; this was a stroke of grace for most of them, the small number of missionaries preventing their supplying so many towns scattered far apart ; but on the other side, as there was nothing to check the raids of the Foxes along the Illinois River, communication between Louisiana and New France became much less practicable."* The fatal dissolution of the Illinois still proceeded, and their ancient homes and hunting grounds were appropriated by the more vigorous Sacs, Foxes, Pottawatomies and Kickapoos. The killing of Pontiac at Cahokia, whither he had retired after the failure of his effort to rescue the country from the English, was laid upon the Illinois, a charge which, whether true or false, hastened the climax of their destruction. General Harrison stated that " the Illinois confederacy was com- posed of five tribes : the Kaskaskias, Cahokias, Peorians, Michiganians and the Temarois, speaking the Miami language, and no doubt branches of that nation. When I was first appointed Governor of the Indiana Territory (May, 1800), these once powerful tribes were re- duced to about thirty warriors, of whom twenty-five were Kaskaskias, four Peorians, and a single Michiganian. There was an individual lately alive at St. Louis who saw the enumeration made of them by the Jesuits in 1745, making the number of their warriors four thou- sand. A furious war between them and the Sacs and Kickapoos reduced them to that miserable remnant which had taken refuge amongst the white people in the towns of Kaskaskia and St. Genieve."f * History of New France, vol. 6, p. 71. t Official letter of Gen. Harrison to Hon. John Armstrong, Secretary of War, dated at Cincinnati, March 22, 1814: contained in Captain M'Afee's " History of the Late War in the Western Country." 118 HISTORIC NOTES OX THE NORTHWEST. By successive treaties their lands in Illinois were ceded to the United States, and they were removed west of the Missouri. In 1872 they had dwindled to forty souls — men, women and children all told. Thus have wasted away the original occupants of the larger part of Illinois and portions of Iowa and Missouri. In 16S4 their single vil- lage at La Salle's colony, could muster twelve hundred warriors. In the days of their strength they nearly exterminated the Winnebagoes, and their war parties penetrated the towns of the Iroquois in the valleys of the Mohawk and Genesee. They took the Metchigamis under their protection, giving them security against enemies with whom the latter could not contend. This people who had dominated over the surround- ing tribes, claiming for themselves the name Illini or Linneway, to rep- resent their superior manhood, have disappeared from the earth ; another race, representing a higher civilization, occupy their ancient domains, and already, even the origin of their name and the location of their cities have become the subjects of speculation. CHAPTER XIV. THE MIAMIS— THE MIAMI, PIANKESHAW, AND WEA BANDS. The people known to us as the Miamis formerly dwelt beyond the Mississippi, and, according to their own traditions, came originally from the Pacific. " If what I have heard asserted in several places be true, the Illinois and Miamis came from the banks of a very distant sea to the westward. It would seem that their first stand, after they made their first descent into this country, was at Moingona* At least it is certain that one of their tribes bears that name. The rest are known under the name of Peorias, Tamaroas, Caoquias and Kaskaskias." The migration of the Miamis from the west of the Mississippi, eastward through "Wisconsin and northern Illinois, around the south- ern end of Lake Michigan to Detroit, and thence up the Maumee and down the "Wabash, and eastward through Indiana into Ohio as far as the Great Miami, can be followed through the mass of records handed down to us from the missionaries, travelers and officers connected with the French. Speaking of the mixed village of Maskoutens, situated on Fox River, Wisconsin, at the time of his visit there in 1670, Father Claude Dabion says the village of the Fire-nation "is joined in the circle of the same barriers to another people, named Oumiami, which is one of the Illinois nations, which is, as it were, dismembered from the others, in order to dwell in these quarters, f It is beyond this great river ^ that are placed the Illinois of whom we speak, and from whom are detached those who dwell here with the Fire-nation to form here a transplanted colony." From the quotations made there remains little doubt that the Mi- amis were originally a branch of the great Illinois nation. This theory is confirmed by writers of our own time, among whom we may men- tion General "William II. Harrison, whose long acquaintance and official connection with the several bands of the Miamis and Illinois gave him * Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 227. Moingona, from undoubted authorities, was a name given to the Des Moines River; and we find on the original map, drawn by Marquette, the village of the Moingona placed on the Des Moines above a village of the Peorias on the same stream. t Father Dabion is here describing the same village referred to by Father Mar- quette in that part of his Journal which we have copied on page 44. X The Mississippi, of which the missionary had been speaking in the paragraph preceding that which we quote. 119 120 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. the opportunities, of which he availed himself, to acquire an intimate knowledge concerning them. "Although the language, manners and customs of the Kaskaskias make it sufficiently certain that they derived their origin from the same source with the Miamis, the connection had been dissolved before the French had penetrated from Canada to the Mississippi."* The assertion of General Har- rison that the tribal relation between the Illinois and Miamis had been broken at the time of the discovery of the Upper Mississippi valley by the French is sustained with great unanimity by all other authorities. In the long and disastrous wars waged upon the Illinois by the Iroquois, Sacs and Foxes, Kickapoos and other enemies, we have no instance given where the Miamis ever offered assistance to their ancient kinsmen. After the separation, on the contrary, they often lifted the bloody hatchet against them. Father Dablon, in the narrative from which we have quoted, f gives a detailed account of the civility of the Miamis at Mascouten, and the formality and court routine with which their great chief was surrounded. "The chief of the Miamis, whose name was Tetin- choua, was surrounded by the most notable people of the village', who, assuming the role of courtiers, with civil posture full of defer- ence, and keeping always a respectful silence, magnified the great- ness of their king. The chief and his routine gave Father Dablon every mark of their most distinguished esteem. The physiognomy of the chief was as mild and as attractive as any one could wish to see ; and while his reputation as a warrior was great, his features bore a softness which charmed all those who beheld him." Nicholas Perrot, with Sieur de St. Lussin, dispatched by Talon, the intendant, to visit the westward nations, with whom the French had intercourse, and invite them to a council to be held the follow- ing spring at the Sault Ste. Marie, was at this Miami village shortly after the visit of Dablon. Perrot was treated with great consider- ation by the Miamis. Tatinchoua "sent out a detachment to meet the French agent and receive him in military style. The detach- ment advanced in battle array, all the braves adorned with feathers, armed at all points, were uttering war cries from time to time. The Pottawatomies who escorted Perrot, seeing them come in this guise, prepared to receive them in the same manner, and Perrot put him- self at their head. When the two troops were in face of each other, they stopped as if to take breath, then all at once Perrot took the right, the Miamis the left, all running in Indian file, as though they wished to gain an advantage to charge. * Memoirs of General Harrison, by Moses Dawson, p. 62. t Relations, 1670, 1671. OF THE NAME MIAMI. 121 "But the Miamis wheeling in the form of an arc, the Pottawat- omies were invested on all sides. Then both uttered loud jells, which were the signals for a kind of combat. The Miamis fired a volley from their guns, which were only loaded with powder, and the Pottawatomies returned it in the same way ; after this they closed, tomahawk in hand, all the blows being received on the tom- ahawks. Peace was then made ; the Miamis presented the calumet to Perrot, and led him with all his chief escort into the town, where the great chief assigned him a guard of fifty men, regaled him mag- nificently after the custom of the country, and gave him the diver- sion of a game of ball.* 1 * The Miami chief never spoke to his subjects, but imparted his orders through some of his officers. On account of his advanced age he was dissuaded from attending the council to be held at Ste. Marie, between the French and the Indians ; however, he deputized the Pottawatomies to act in his name. This confederacy called themselves "Miamis," and by this name were known to the surrounding tribes. The name was not bestowed upon them by the French, as some have assumed from its resem- blance to 3Ion-ami, because they were the friends of the latter. When Hennepin was captured on the Mississippi by a war party of the Sioux, these savages, with their painted faces rendered more hideous by the devilish contortions of their features, cried out in angry voices, " L Mia-haina! Mia-hama ! ' and we made signs with our oars upon the sand, that the Miamis, their enemies, of whom they were in search, had passed the river upon their flight to join the Illinois, "f 1,1 The confederacy which obtained the general appellation of Miamis, from the superior numbers of the individual tribe to whom that, name more properly belonged,' ' were subdivided into three principal tribes or bands, namely, the Miamis proper, Weas and Piankeshaws. French writers have given names to two or three other subdivisions or families of the three principal bands, whose identity has never been clearly traced, and who figure so little in the accounts which we have of the Miamis, that it is not necessary here to specify their obsolete names. The different ways of writing * History of New France, vol. 3, pp. 166, 167. Father Charlevoix improperly locates this village, where Perrot was received 1 ; at " Chicago, at the lower end of Lake Michigan, where the Miamis then were," page 166, above quoted. The Miamis were not then at Chicago. The reception of Perrot was at the mixed village on Fox River, Wisconsin, as stated in the text. The error of Charlevoix, as to the location of this village, has been pointed out by Dr. Shea, in a note on page 166, in the "History of New France," and also by Francis Parkman, in a note on page 40 of his " Discovery of the Great West." t Hennepin, p. 187. 122 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Miamis are: Oumiamwek,* Oumamis,+ Maumees, :{: Au-Miami § (contracted to Au-Mi and Omee) and Mine-ami. j The French called the Weas Ouiatenons, Syatanons, Ouyatanons and Ouias ; the English and Colonial traders spelled the word, Ouicatanon,*j Way-ough-ta nies,*"" Wawiachtens,ff and Wehahs.^ For the Piankeshaws, or Pou-an-ke-k,i-as, as they were called in the earliest accounts, we have Peangnichias, Pian-gui-shaws, Pyan- ke-shas and Pianquishas. The Miami tribes were known to the Iroquois, or Five Nations of New York, as the Twight-wees, a name generally adopted by the British, as well as by the American colonists. Of this name there are various corruptions in pronunciation and spelling, examples of which we have in " Twich-twichs, 11 " Twick-twicks," " Twis-twicks, 1 ' k, Twigh-twees," and " Twick-tovies.' 1 The insertion of these many names, applied to one people, would seem a tedious superfluity, were it otherwise possible to retain the identity of the tribes to which these different appellations have been given by the French, British and American officers, traders and writers. It will save the reader much perplexity in pursuing a history of the Miamis if it is borne in mind that all these several names refer to the Miami nation or to one or the other of its respective bands. Besides the colony mentioned by Dablon and Charlevoix, on the Fox River of Wisconsin, Hennepin informs us of a village of Miamis south and west of Peoria Lake at the time he was at the latter place in 1679, and it was probably this village whose inhabit- ants the Sioux were seeking. St. Cosmie, in 1699, mentions the "village of the w Peanzichias-Miamis, who formerly dwelt on the ■ of the Mississippi, and who had come some years previous and settled ' on the Illinois River, a few miles below the confluence of the DesP^iiies.' 1 §§ The Miamis were within the territory of La Salle's colony, of which Starved Rock was the center, and counted thirteen hundred warriors. The Weas and Piankeshaws were also there, the former having five hundred warriors and the Piankeshaw band one hundred and fifty. This was prior to 1687. ||| At a later day the Weas "were at Chicago, but being afraid of the canoe people, left it. ,,a 1 *r Sieur de Courtmanche, sent westward in 1701 to negotiate with the tribes in that part of New France, w r as at " Chicago, where he found some Marquette. fLaHontan. % Gen. Harrison. §Gen. Harmar. | Lewis Evans. 1[ George Croghan's Narrative Journal. ** Croghan's List of Indian Tribes, tt John Heckwelder, a Moravian Missionary. %\ Catlin's Indian Tribes. SS St. Cosmie's Journal in " Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi," p. 58. Parkman's Discovery of the Great West, note on p. 290. ^,I1T Memoir on the Indian tribes, prepared in 1718: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 890. AT WAR WITH THE SIOUX. 123 Weas (Ouiatanons), a Miami tribe, who had sung the war-song against the Sioux and the Iroquois. He obliged them to lay down their arms and extorted from them a promise to send deputies to Montreal."* In a letter dated in 1721, published in his "Narrative Journal," Father Charlevoix, speaking of the Miamis about the head of Lake Michigan, says: " Fifty years ago the Miamis were settled on the southern extremity of Lake Michigan, in a place called Chicagou, from the name of a small river which runs into the lake, the source of which is not far distant from that of the river of the Illinois ; they are at present divided into three villages, one of which stands on the river St. Joseph, the second on another river which bears their name and runs into Lake Erie, and the third upon the river Ouabache, which empties its waters into the Mississippi. These last are better known by the appellation of Ouyatanons." f In 1694, Count Frontenac, in a conference with the Western In- dians, requested the Miamis of the Pepikokia band who resided on the Maramek,+ to remove, and join the tribe which was located on the Saint Joseph, of Lake Michigan. The reason for this request, as stated by Frontenac himself, was, that he wished the different bands of the Miami confederacy to unite, "so as to be able to exe- cute with greater facility the commands which he might issue." At that time the Iroquois were at war with Canada, and the French were endeavoring to persuade the western tribes to take up the tom- ahawk in their behalf. The Miamis promised to observe the Gov- ernor 1 s wishes and began to make preparations for the removal. § " Late in August, 1696, they started to join their brethren settled on the St. Joseph. On their way they were attacked by the Sioux, who killed several. The Miamis of the St. Joseph, learning this hostility, resolved to avenge their slaughter. They pursued the Sioux to their own country, and found them entrenched in their fort with some Frenchmen of the class known as coureurs des bois (bush- lopersV They nevertheless attacked them repeatedly with great res- olution, but were repulsed, and at last compelled to retire, after losing several of their braves. On their way home, meeting other Frenchmen carrying arms and ammunition to the Sioux, they seized all they had, but did them no harm." The Miamis were very much enraged at the French for supplying * History of New France, vol. 5, p. 142. t Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 1, p. 287. \ The Kalamazoo, of Michigan. § Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 624, 625. I Charlevoix' History of New France, vol. 5, p. 65. 124 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. their enemies, the Sioux, with guns and ammunition. It took all the address of Count Frontenac to prevent them from joining the Iroquois ; indeed, they seized upon the French agent and trader, Nicholas Perrot, who had been commissioned to lead the Maramek band to the St. Josephs, and would have burnt him alive had it not been for the Foxes, who interposed in his behalf. * This was the commencement of the bitter feeling of hostility with which, from that time, a part of the Miamis always regarded the French. From this period the movements of the tribe were observed by the French with jealous suspicion. We have already shown that in 1699 the Miamis were at Fort Wayne, engaged in transferring across their portage emigrants from Canada to Louisiana, and that, within a few years after, the Weas are described as having their fort and several miles of cultivated fields on the Wea plains below La Fayette. + From the extent and character of these improvements, it may be safely assumed that the Weas had been established here some years prior to 1718, the date of the Memoir. When the French first discovered the Wabash, the Piankeshaws were found in possession of the land on either side of that stream, from its mouth to the Vermilion River, and no claim had ever been made to it by any other tribe until 1804, the period of a ces- sion of a part of it to the United States by the Delawares, who had obtained their title from the Piankeshaws themselves.^: We have already seen that at the time of the first account we have relating to the Maumee and the Wabash, the Miamis had vil- lages and extensive improvements near Fort Wayne, on the Wea prairie below La Fayette, on the Vermilion of the Wabash, and at Vincennes. At a later day they established villages at other places, viz, near the forks of the Wabash at Huntington, on the Mississin- ewa,^ on Eel Paver near Logansport, while near the source of this river, and westward of Fort Wayne, was the village of the "Little Turtle." Near the mouth of the Tippecanoe was a sixth village. * Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 672. fVide, p. 104. X Memoirs of General Harrison, pp. 61, 63. ijThis stream empties into the Wabash near Peru, and on the opposite side of the river from that city. The word is a compound of missi, great, and assin, stone, signify- ing the river of the great or much stone. "The Mississinewa, with its pillared rocks, is full of geological as well as romantic interest. Some three miles from Peru the channel is cut thi'ough a solid wall of cherty silico-magnesian limestone. The action of the river and unequal disintegration of the rocks has carved the precipitous wall, which converts the river's course into a system of pillars, rounded buttresses, alcoves, chambers and overhanging sides." Prof. Collett's Report on the Geology of Miami county, Indiana. A WARLIKE PEOPLE. 125 Passing below the Vermilion, the Miamis had other villages, one on Sugar creek* and another near Terre Haute, f The country of the Miamis extended west to the watershed be- tween the Illinois and Wabash rivers, which separated their posses- sions from those of their brethren, the Illinois. On the north were the Pottawatomies, who were slowly but steadily pushing their lines southward into the territory of the Miamis. The superior numbers of the Miamis and their great valor enabled them to extend the limit of their hunting grounds eastward into Ohio, and far within the territory claimed by the Iroquois. "They were the undoubted proprietors of all that beautiful country watered by the Wabash and its tributaries, and there remains as little doubt that their claim ex- tended as far east as the Scioto.":}: Unlike the Illinois, the Miamis held their own until they were placed upon an equal footing with the tribes eastward by obtaining possession of fire-arms. With these implements of civilized warfare they were able to maintain their tribal integrity and the independ- ence they cherished. They were not to be controlled by the French, nor did they suffer enemies from any quarter to impose upon them without prompt retaliation. They traded and fought with the French, English and Americans as their interests or passions in- clined. They made peace or declared war against other nations of their own race as policy or caprice dictated. More than once they compelled even the arrogant Iroquois to beg from the governors of the American colonies that protection which they themselves had failed to secure by their own prowess. Bold, independent and flushed with success, the Miamis afforded a poor field for missionary work, and the Jesuit Relations and pastoral letters of the French priesthood have less to say of the Miami confederacy than any of the other western tribes, the Kickapoos alone excepted. The country of the Miamis was accessible, by way of the lakes, to the fur trader of Canada, and from the eastward, to the adven- turers engaged in the Indian trade from Pennsylvania, New York and Virginia, either by way of the Ohio River or a commerce car- ried on overland by means of pack-horses. The English and the French alike coveted their peltries and sought their powerful alli- *This stream was at one time called Rocky River, vide Brown's Western Gazet- teer. By the Wea Miamis it was called Ptoi-go-se-cou-e, "Sugar tree " (creek), vide statement of Mary Ann Baptiste to the author. fThe villages below the Vermilion and above Vincennes figure on some of the early English maps and in accounts given by traders as the lower or little Wea towns. Be- sides these, which were the principal ones, the Miamis had a village at Thorn town, and many others of lesser note on the Wabash and its tributaries. X Official Letter of General Harrison to the Secretary of War, before quoted. 126 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. ance, therefore the Miamis were harassed with the jealousies and diplomacy of both, and if they or a part of their several tribes be- came inveigled into an alliance with the one, it involved the hostility of the other. The French government sought to use them to check the westward advance of the British colonial influence, while the latter desired their assistance to curb the French, whose ambitious schemes involved nothing less than the exclusive subjugation of the entire continent westward of the Alleghanies. In these wars between the English and the French the Miamis were constantly reduced in numbers, and whatever might have been the result to either of the former, it only ended in disaster to themselves. Some- times they divided ; again they were entirely devoted to the interest of the English and Iroquois. Then they joined the French against the British and Iroquois, and when the British ultimately obtained the mastery and secured the valley of the Mississippi, — the long sought for prize, — the Miamis entered the confederacy of Pontiac to drive them out of the country. They fought with the British, — except the Piankeshaw band, — against the colonies during the revolutionary war. After its close their young men were largely occupied in the predatory warfare waged by the several Maumee and Wabash tribes upon the frontier settlements of Ohio, Pennsyl- vania, Virginia and Kentucky. They likewise entered the con- federacy of Tecumseh, and, either openly or in secret sympathy, they were the allies of the British in the war of 1812. Their history occupies a conspicuous place in the military annals of the west, extending over a period of a century, during which time they main- tained a manly struggle to retain possession of their homes in the valleys of the Wabash and Maumee. The disadvantage under which the Miamis labored, in encounters with their enemies, before they obtained fire-arms, was often over- come by the exercise of their cunning and bravery. "In the year 16S0 the Miamis and Illinois were hunting on the St. Joseph River. A party of four hundred Iroquois surprised them and killed thirty or forty of their hunters and captured three hundred of their women and children. After the victors had rested awhile they prepared to return to their homes by easy journeys, as they had reason to believe that they could reach their own villages before the defeated enemy would have time to rally and give notice of their disaster to those of their nation who were hunting in remoter places. But they were deceived ; for the Illinois and Miamis rallied to the number of two hundred, and resolved to die fighting rather than suffer their women and children to be carried away. In the meantime, because they DEFEAT OF THE IROQUOIS. 127 were not equal to their enemies in equipment of arms or numbers, they contrived a notable stratagem. After the Miamis had duly considered in what way they would at- tack the Iroquois, they decided to follow them, keeping a small dis- tance in the rear, until it should rain. The heavens seemed to favor their plan, for. after awhile it began to rain, and rained continually the whole day from morning until night. When the rain began to fall the Miamis quickened their march and passed by the Iroquois, and took a position two leagues in advance, where they lay in an am- buscade, hidden by the tall grass, in the middle of a prairie, which the Iroquois had to cross in order to reach the woods beyond, where they designed to kindle fires and encamp for the night. The Illi- nois and Miamis, lying at full length in the grass on either side of the trail, waited until the Iroquois were in their midst, when they shot off their arrows, and then attacked vigorously with their clubs. The Iroquois endeavored to use their fire-arms, but finding them of no service because the rain had dampened and spoiled the priming, threw them upon the ground, and undertook to defend themselves with their clubs. In the use of the latter weapon the Iroquois were no match for their more dexterous and nimble enemies. They were forced to yield the contest, and retreated, fighting until night came on. They lost one hundred and eighty of their warriors. The fight lasted about an hour, and would have continued through the night, were it not that the Miamis and Illinois feared that their women and children (left in the rear and bound) would be exposed to some surprise in the dark. The victors rejoined their women and children, and possessed themselves of the fire-arms of their enemies. The Miamis and Illinois then returned to their own country, without taking one Iroquois for fear of weakening themselves." Failing in their first efforts to withdraw the Miamis from the French, and secure their fur trade to the merchants at Albany and New York, the English sent their allies, the Iroquois, against them. A series of encounters between the two tribes was the result, in *This account is taken from La Hontan, vol. 2, pp. 63, 64 and 65. The facts con- cerning the engagement, as given by La Hontan, may be relied upon as substantially correct, for they were written only a few years after the event. La Hontan, as appears from the date of his letters which comprise the principal part of his volumes, was in this country from November, 1683, to 1689, and it was during this time that he was collecting the information contained in his works. The place where this engagement between the Miamis and Illinois against the Iroquois occurred, is a matter of doubt. Some late commentators claim that it was upon the Maumee. La Hontan says that the engagement was "near the river Oumamis." When he wrote, the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan was called the river Oumamis, and on the map accompanying La Hon- tan's volume it is so-called, while the Maumee, though laid down on the map, is designated by no name whatever. It would, therefore, appear that when La Hontan mentioned the Miami River he referred to the St. Joseph. 128 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. which the blood of both was profusely shed, to further the purposes of a purely commercial transaction. In these engagements the Senecas — a tribe of the Iroquois, or Five Nations, residing to the west of the other tribes of the confed- eracy, and, in consequence, being nearest to the Miamis, and more directly exposed to their fury — were nearly destroyed at the out- set. The Miamis followed up their success and drove the Senecas behind the palisades that inclosed their villages. For three years the war was carried on with a bitterness only known to exasperated savages. When at last the Iroquois saw they could no longer defend them- selves against the Miamis, they appeared in council before the Gov- ernor of New York, and, pittyingly, claimed protection from him, who, to say the least, had remained silent and permitted his own people to precipitate this calamity upon them. ''You say you will support us against all your kings and our enemies; we will then forbear keeping any more correspondence with the French of Canada if the great King of England will de- fend our people from the Twichtivieks and other nations over whom the French have an influence and have encouraged to destroy an abundance of our people, even since the peace between the two crowns," etc. -' The governor declined sending troops to protect the Iroquois against their enemies, but informed them: "You must be sensible that the Dowaganhaes, Twichtwicks, etc., and other remote Indians, are vastly more numerous than you Five Nations, and that, by their continued warring upon you, they will, in a few years, totally de- stroy you. I should, therefore, think it prudence and good policy in you to try all possible means to fix a trade and correspondence with all those nations, by which means you would reconcile them to your- selves, and with my assistance, I am in hopes that, in a short time, they might be united with us in the covenant chain, and then you might, at all times, without hazard, go hunting into their country, which, I understand, is much the best for beaver. I wish you would try to bring some of them to speak to me, and perhaj)s I might pre- vail upon them to come and live amongst you. I should think my- self obliged to reward you for such a piece of service as I tender your good advantage, and will always use my best endeavor to pre- serve you from all your enemies." * Speech of an Iroquois chief at a conference held at Albany, August 26, 1700, be- tween Richard, Earl of Belmont, Captain-General and Governor-in-Chief of His Maj- esty's provinces of New York, etc., and the sachems of the Five Nations. New York Colonial Documents, vol. 4. p. 729. • Wk -v* OECD DANVILLE TRADE WITH THE ENGLISH. 129 The conference continued several days, (hiring which the Iroquois stated their grievances in numerous speeches, to which the governor graciously replied, using vague terms and making no promisi s, after the manner of the extract from his speech above quoted, but placed great stress on the value of the fur trade to the English, and enjoining his brothers, the Iroquois, to bring all their peltries to Albany ; to maintain their old alliance with the English, offensive and defensive, and have no intercourse whatever, of a friendly na- ture, with the rascally French of Canada. The Iroquois declined to follow the advice of the governor, deeming it of little credit to their courage to sue for peace. In the meantime the governor sent emissaries out among the Miamis, with an invitation to open a trade with the English. The messengers were captured by the commandant at Detroit, and sent, as prisoners. t<> Canada. However, the Miamis. in Jul v. 1702, sent, through the sachems of the Five Nations, a message to the governor at Albany, advising him that many of the Miamis. with another nation, had removed to. and were then living at, Tjughsaghrondie,* near by the fort which the French had built the previous summer : that they had been informed that one of their chiefs, who had visited Albany two years before, had been kindly treated, and that they had now come forward to inquire into the trade of Albany, and see if goods could not be purchased there cheaper than elsewhere, and that they had intended to go to Canada with their beaver and peltries, but that they ventured to Albany to inquire if goods could not be secured on better terms. The governor replied that he was extremely pleased to speak with the Miamis about the establishment of a lasting friend- ship and trade, and in token of his sincere intentions presented his guests with guns, powder, hats, strouds. tobacco and pipes, and sent to their brethren at Detroit, waumpum, pipes, shells, nose and ear jewels, looking-glasses, tans, children* > toy-, and such other light articles as his guests could conveniently carry ; and. finally, assured them that the Miamis might come freely to Albany, where they would be treated kindly, and receive, in exchange for their peltries, everything as cheap as any other Indians in covenant of friei with the English. ~ During the same year 1 1702) the Miamis and Senecas settled their quarrels, exchanged prisoners, and established a peace between themselves.^ *The Iroquois name for the Straits of Detroit. t Proceedings of a conference between the parties mentioned above. New York Colonial Documents, vol. 4. pp. 979 to 981. X New York Colonial Documents, vol. 4, p. 989. 9 130 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. The French were not disposed to allow a portion of the fur trade to be diverted to Albany. Peaceable means were first used to dis- suade the Miamis from trading with the English ; failing in this, forcible means were resorted to. Captain Antoine De La Mothe Cadillac marched against the Miamis and reduced them to terms.* The Miamis were not unanimous in the choice of their friends. Some adhered to the French, while others were strongly inclined to trade with the English, of whom they could obtain a better quality of goods at cheaper rates, while at the same time they were allowed a greater price for their furs. Cadillac had hardly effected a coercive peace with the Miamis before che latter were again at Albany. ''I have,' 1 writes Lord Cournbury to the Board of Trade, in a letter dated August 20, 1708,f "been there five years endeavoring to get these nations [referring to the Miamis and another nation] to trade with our people, but the French have always dissuaded them from coming until this year, when, goods being very scarce, they came to Albany, where our people have supplied them with goods much cheaper than ever the French did, and they promise to return in the spring with a much greater number of their nations, which would be a very great advantage to this province. I did, in a letter of the 25th day of June last, inform your Lordships that three French soldiers, having deserted from the French at a place they call Le Destroit, came to Albany. Another deserter came from the same place, whom I examined myself, and I inclose a copy of his exam- ination, by which your Lordships will perceive how easily the French may be beaten out of Canada. The better I am acquainted with this country, and the more I inquire into matters, so much the more I am confirmed in my opinion of the facility of effecting that conquest, and by the method I then proposed.' 1 Turning to French documents we find that Sieur de Callier de- sired the Miamis to withdraw from their several widely separated villages and settle in a body upon the St. Joseph. At a great council of the westward tribes, held' in Montreal in 1694, the French In- tendant, in a speech to the Miamis, declares that "he will not believe that the Miamis wish to obey him until they make altogether one and the same fire, either at the River St. Joseph or at some other place adjoining it. He tells them that he has got near the Iroquois, and has soldiers at Katarakoui, ;{; in the fort that had been abandoned ; that the Miamis must get near the enemy, in order to imitate him * Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 671: note of the editor. t New York Colonial Documents, vol. 5, p. 65. \ At Fort Frontenac. URGED TO UNITE AT ONE PLACE. 131 (the Intendant), and be able to strike the Iroquois the more readily. My children," continued the Intendant, "tell me that the Miamis are numerous, and able of themselves to destroy the Iroquois. Like them, all are afraid. What! do you wish to abandon your country to your enemy? . . . Have you forgotten that I waged war against him, principally on your account, alone? Your dead are no longer visible in his country; their bodies are covered by those of the French who have perished to avenge them; I furnished you the means to avenge them, likewise. It depends only on me to receive the Iroquois as a friend, which I will not do on account of you, who would be destroyed were I to make peace without including you in its terms." * "I have heard," writes Governor Vaudreuil, in a letter dated the 2Sth of October, 1719, to the Council of Marine at Paris, "that the Miamis had resolved to remain where they were, and not go to the St. Joseph River, and that this resolution of theirs was dan- gerous, on account of the facility they would have of communicating with the English, who were incessantly distributing belts secretly among the nations, to attract them to themselves, and that Sieur Dubinson had been designed to command the post of Ouaytanons, where he should use his influence among the Miamis to induce them to go to the River St. Joseph, and in case they were not willing, that he should remain with them, to counteract the effect of those belts, which had already caused eight or ten Miami canoes to go that year to trade at Albany, and which might finally induce all of the Miami nation to follow the example, "f Finally, some twenty-five years later, as we learn from the letter of M. de Beauharnois, that this French officer, having learned that the English had established trading magazines on the Ohio, issued his orders to the command- ants among the Weas and Miamis, to drive the British off by force of arms and plunder their stores.^ Other extracts might.be drawn from the voluminous reports of the military and civil officers of the French and British colonial governments respectively, to the same purport as those already quoted ; but enough has been given to illustrate the unfortunate position of the Miamis. For a period of half a century they were placed betw r een the cutting edges of English and French pur- poses, during which there was no time when they were not threat- ened with danger of, or engaged in, actual war either with the French or the English, or with some of their several Indian allies. * Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 625. f Ibid, p. 894. % Ibid, p. 1105. 132 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. By this continual abrasion, the peace and happiness which should have been theirs was wholly lost, and their numbers constantly reduced. They had no relief from the strife, in which only injury could result to themselves, let the issue have been what it might between the English and the French, until the power of the latter was finally destroyed in 17G3 ; and even then, after the French had given up the country, the Miamis 'were compelled to defend their own title to it against the arrogant claims of the English. In the effort of the combined westward tribes to wrest 'their country from the English, subsequent to the close of the colonial war, the Miamis took a conspicuous part. This will be noticed in a subsequent chap- ter. After the conclusion of the revolutionary war, the several Miami villages from the Vermilion River to Fort "Wayne suffered severely from the attacks of the federal government under General Harmer, and the military expeditions recruited in Kentucky, and commanded by Colonels Scott and Wilkinson. Besides these dis- asters, whole villages were nearly depopulated by the ravages of small-pox. The uncontrollable thirst for whisky, acquired, through a long course of years, by contact with unscrupulous traders, reduced their numbers still more, while it degraded them to the last degree. This was their condition in 1814, when General Harrison said of them: "The Miamis will not be in our way. They are a poor, miserable, drunken set, diminishing every year. Becoming too lazy to hunt, they feel the advantage of their annuities. The fear of the other Indians has alone prevented them from selling their whole claim to the United States ; and as soon as there is peace, or when the British can no longer intrigue, they will sell."* The same authority, in his historical address at Cincinnati in 1838, on the aborigines of the Valley of the Ohio, says: "At any time before the treaty of Greenville in 1795 the Miamis alone could have fur- nished more than three thousand warriors. Constant war with our frontier had deprived them of many of their braves, but the ravages of small-pox was the principal cause of the great decrease in their numbers. They composed, however, a body of the finest light troops in the world. And had they been under an efficient system of discipline, or possessed enterprise equal to their valor, the settle- ment of the country would have been attended with much greater difficulty than was encountered in accomplishing it, and their final subjugation would have been delayed for some years.'' \ Yet their decline, from causes assigned, was so rapid, that when * Official letter of General Harrison to the Secretary of War, of date March 24, 1814. fP. 39 of General Harrison's address, original pamphlet edition. CESSION OF THEIR LANDS. 133 the Baptist missionary, Isaac McCoy, was among them from 1817 until 1822, and drawing conclusions from personal contact, declared that the Miamis were not a warlike people. There is, perhaps, in the history of the North American Indians, no instance parallel to the utter demoralization of the Miamis, nor an example of a tribe which stood so high and had tallen so low through the practice of all the vices which degrade human beings. Mr. McCoy, within the period named, traveled up and down the Wabash, from Terre Haute to Fort Wayne ; and at the villages near Montezuma, on Eel River, at the Mississinewa and Fort Wayne, there were continuous rounds of drunken debauchery whenever whisky could be obtained, of which men, women and children all partook, and life was often sacrificed in personal broils or by exposure of the debauchees to the inclemency of the weather. * By treaties, entered into at various times, from 1795 to 1845, in- clusive, the Miamis ceded their lands in Illinois, Indiana and Ohio, and removed west of the Mississippi, going in villages or by detach- ments, from time to time. At a single cession in 1838 they sold the government 177,000 acres of land in Indiana, which was only a fragment of their former possessions, still retaining a large tract. Thus they alienated their heritage, and gradually disappeared from the valleys of the Maumee and Wabash. A few remained on their reservations and adapted themselves to the ways of the white peo- ple, and their descendants may be occasionally met with about Peru, Wabash and Fort Wayne. The money received from sales of their lands proved to them a calamity, rather than a blessing, as it intro- duced the most demoralizing habits. It is estimated that within a period of eighteen years subsequent to the close of the war of 1812 more than rive hundred of them perished in drunken broils and lights. + The last of the Miamis to go westward were the Mississinewa band. This remnant, comprising in all three hundred and fifty per- sons, under charge of Christmas Dagney,^: left their old home in the * Mr. McCoy has contributed a valuable fund of original information in his History of Baptist Indian Missions, published in 1840. The volume contains six hundred and eleven pages. He mentions many instances of drunken orgies which he witnessed in the several Miami towns. We quote one of them: '"An intoxicated Indian at Fort Wayne dismounted from his horse and ran up to a young Indian woman who was his sister-in-law, with a knife in his hand. She first ran around one of the company pres- ent, and then another, to avoid the murderer, but in vain. He stabbed her with his knife. She then fled from the company. He stood looking after her, and seeing she did not fall, pursued her, threw her to the earth and drove his knife into her heart, in the presence of the whole company, none of whom ventured to save the girl's life." P. 85. t Vide American Cyclopaedia, vol. 11, p. 490. X His name was, also, spelled Dazney and Dagnett. He was born on the 25th of December, 1799, at the Wea village of Old Orchard Town, or We-au-ta->io, "The Risen Sun," situated two miles below Fort Harrison. His father, Ambroise Dagney, 134 HISTOKIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. fall of 1S4C>, and readied Cincinnati on canal-boats in October of that year. Here they were placed upon a steamboat and taken down the Ohio, up the Mississippi and Missouri, and landed late in the season at Westport, near Kansas City. Ragged men and nearly naked women and children, forming a motley group, were huddled upon the shore, alone, with no friends to relieve their wants, and exposed to the bitter December winds that blew from the chilly plains of Kansas. In 1670 the Jesuit Father Dablon introduces the Miamis to our notice at the village of Maskoutench. where we see the chief surrounded by his officers of state in all the routine of bar- baric display, and the natives of other tribes paying his subjects the greatest deference. The Miamis, advancing eastward, in the rear of the Hue of their valorous warriors, pushed their villages into Michi- gan, Indiana, and as far as the river still bearing their name in Ohio. Coming in collision with the French, English and Americans, re- duced by constant wars, and decimated, more than all, with vices contracted by intercourse with the whites, whose virtues they failed to emulate, they make a westward turn, and having, in the progress of time, described the round of a most singular journey, we at last behold the miserable and friendless remnant on the same side of the was a Frenchman, a native of Kaskaskia, and served during Harrison's campaign against the Indians, in 1811, in Captain Scott's company, raised at Vincennes. He took part in the battle of Tippecanoe. His mother, Me-chin-quam-e-sha, the Beauti- ful Shade Tree, was the sister of Jocco, or Tack-ke-ke-kah, "The Tall Oak," who was chief of the Wea band living at the village named, and whose people claimed the country east of the Wabash, from the mouth of Sugar Creek to a point some dis- tance below Terre Haute. "Me-chin-quam-e-sha" died in 1822, and was buried at Fort Harrison. Christmas Dagney received a good education under the instruction of the Catholics. He spoke French and English with great fluency, and was master of the dialects of the several Wabash tribes. For many years he was government inter- preter at Fort Harrison, and subsequently Indian agent, having the superin tendency of the AVabash Miamis, whom he conducted westward. On the 16th of February, 1819. he was married to "Mary Ann Isaacs," of the Brothertown Indians, who had been spending a few weeks at the mission house of Isaac McCoy, situated on Raccoon Creek, — or PisJieica, as it was called by the Indians, — a few miles above Armysburg. The marriage was performed by Mr. McCoy " in the presence of our Indian neighbors, who were invited to attend the ceremony. And we had the happiness to have twenty- three of the natives partake of a meal prepared on the occasion." Vide page 64 in his book, before quoted. This was, doubtless, the first marriage that was celebrated after the formality of our laws within the present limits of Parke country. By the terms of the treaty at St. Mary's, concluded on the 2d of October. 1818, one section of land was reserved for the exclusive use of Mr. Dagney, and he went to Washington and selected a section that included the village of Armysburg, which at that time was the county seat, and consisted of a row of log houses formed out of sugar-tree logs and built continuously together, from which circumstance it derived the name of " String- town." As a speculation the venture was not successful, for the seat of justice was removed to Rockville, and town lots at Stringtown ceased to have even a prospective value. Mr. Dagney's family occupied the reservation as a farm until about 1846. Mr. Dagney died in 1848, at Coldwater Grove, Kansas. Her second husband was Babtise Peoria. Mrs. Babtise Peoria had superior opportunities to acquire an extensive knowl- edge of the Wabash tribes between Vincennes and Fort Wayne, as she lived on the Wabash from 1817 until 1846. She is now living at Paola, Kansas, where the author met her in November, 1878. REMOVAL WESTWARD. 135 Mississippi from whence their warlike progenitors had come nearly two centuries before. From Westport the Mississinewas were conducted to a place near the present village of Lowisburg, Kansas, in the county named (Miami) after the tribe. Here they suffered greatly. Nearly one third of their number died the first year. They were homesick and disconsolate to the last degree. ' ; Strong men would actually weep, as their thoughts recurred to their dear old homes in Indiana, whither many of them would make journeys, barefooted, begging their way, and submitting to the imprecations hurled from the door of the white man upon them as they asked for a crust of bread. They wanted to die to forget their miseries." "I have seen," says Mrs. Mary Baptiste to the author, "mothers and fathers give their little children away to others of the tribe for adoption, and after singing their funeral songs, and joining in the solemn dance of death, go calmly away from the assemblage, to be seen no more alive. The Miamis could not be reconciled to the prairie winds of Kansas ; they longed for the woods and groves that gave a partial shade to the flashing waters of the Wah-pe-sha."* The AVea and Piankeshaw bands preceded the Mississinewas to the westward. They had become reduced to a wretched community of about two hundred and fifty souls, and they suffered severely. during the civil war, in Kansas. The Miamis, Weas, Piankeshaws, and the remaining fragments of the Kaskaskias, containing under that name what yet remained of the several subdivisions of the old IHini confederacy, were gathered together by Baptiste Peoria, and consolidated under the title of The Confederated Tribes. t This *The peculiar sound with which Mrs. Baptiste gave the Miami pronunciation of Wabash is difficult to express in mere letters. The principal accent is on the first syl- lable, the minor accent on the last, while the second syllable is but slightly sounded. The word means "white" in both the Miami and Peoria dialects. In treating upon the derivation of the word Wabash (p. 100), the manuscript containing the statements of Mrs. Baptiste was overlooked. fThis remarkable man was the son of a daughter of a sub-chief of the Peoria tribe. He was born, according to the best information, in 1793, near the confluence of the Kankakee and Maple, as the Des Plaines River was called by the Illinois Indians and the French respectively. His reputed father was a French Canadian trader liv- ing with this tribe, and whose name was Baptiste. Young Peoria was called Batticy by his mother. Later in life he was known as Baptiste the Peoria, and finally as Bap- tiste Peoria. The people of his tribe gave the name a liquid sound, and pronounced it as if it were spelled Paola. The county seat of Miami county, Kansas, is named after him. He was a man of large frame, active, and possessed of great strength and courage. Like Keokuk, the great chief of the Sacs and Fox Indians, Paola was fond of athletic sports, and was an expert horseman. He had a ready command both of the French Canadian and the English languages. He was familiar with the dialects of the Pottawatomies, Shawnees, Delawares, Miamis and Kickapoos. These qualifications as a linguist soon brought him into prominence among the Indians, while his known integrity commended his services to the United States government. From the year 1821 to the year 1838 he assisted in the removal of the above-named tribes from Indi- 136 HISTOKIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. little confederation disposed of their reservation in Miami county, Kansas, and adjacent vicinity, and retired to a tract of reduced dimensions within the Indian Territory. Since their last change of location in 1867 they have made but little progress in their efforts toward a higher civilization. The numbers of what remains of the once numerous Illinois and Miami confederacies are reduced to less than two hundred persons. The Miamis, like the unfortunate man who has carried his dissipations beyond the limit from which there can be no healthy reaction, seem not to have recovered from the vices contracted before leaving the states, and with some notable exceptions, they are a listless, idle people, little worthy of the spirit that inspired the breasts of their ancestors. ana and Illinois to their reservations beyond the Mississippi. His duties as Indian agent brought him in contact with many of the early settlers on the Illinois and the Wabash, from Vincennes to Fort Wayne. In 1818, when about twenty-five years of age, Batticy represented his tribe at the treaty at Edwardsville. By this treaty, which is signed by representatives from all the five tribes comprising the Illinois or Illini nation of Indians, viz, the Peorias. Kaskaskias, Mitchigamias, Cahokias and Tamaoris, it appears that for a period of years anterior to that time the Peorias had lived, and were then living, separate and apart from the other tribes named. Treaties with the Indian Tribes, etc., p. 247, government edition. 1837. By this treaty the several tribes named ceded to the United States the residue of their lands in Illinois. For nearly thirty years was Baptiste Peoria in the service of the United States. In 1867 Peoria became the chief of the consolidated tribes of the Miamis and Illinois, and went with them to their new reservation in the northeast corner of the Indian Territory, where he died on the 13th of September, 1873, aged eighty years. Some years before his death he married Mary Baptiste, the widow of Christmas Dagney, who, as before stated, still survives. I am indebted to this lady for copies of the " Western Spirit," a newspaper published at Paola, and the "Fort Scott Monitor," containing obituary notices and biographical sketches of her late husband, from which this notice of Baptiste Peoria has been summarized. Baptiste may be said to be "the last of the Peorias." He ' made a manly and persistent effort to save the fragment of the Illinois and Miamis, and by precepts and example tried to encourage them to adopt the ways of civilized life. CHAPTER XV. THE POTTAW ATOMIES. When the Jesuits were extending their missions westward of Quebec they found a tribe of Indians, called Ottawas, living upon a river of Canada, to which the name of Ottawa was given. After the dispersion of the Hurons by the Iroquois, in 1649, the Ottawas, to the number of one thousand, joined five hundred of the discom- fited Hurons, and with them retired to the southwestern shore of Lake Superior.* The fugitives were followed by the missionaries, who established among them the Mission of the Holy Ghost, at La Pointe, already mentioned. Shortly after the establishment of the mission the Jesuits made an enumeration of the western Algonquin tribes, in which all are mentioned except the Ojibbeways and Pian- keshaws. The nation which dwelt south of the mission, classified as speaking the pure Algonquin, is uniformly called Ottawas, and the Ojibbeways, by whom they were surrounded, were never once noticed by that name. Hence it is certain that at that early day the Jesuits considered the Ottawas and Ojibbeways as one people, f In close consanguinity with the Ottawas and Ojibbeways were the Pottawatomies, between whom there was only a slight dialectical difference in language, while the manners and customs prevailing in the three tribes were almost identical.:}; This view was again re- asserted by Mr. Gallatin: ''Although it must be admitted that the Algonquins, the Ojibbeways, the Ottawas and the Pottawatomies speak different dialects, these are so nearly allied that they may be considered rather as dialects of the same, than as distinct languages."^ This conclusion of Mr. Gallatin was arrived at after a scientific and analytical comparison of the languages of the tribes mentioned. In confirmation of the above statement we have the speeches of three Indian chiefs at Chicago in the month of August, 1821. Dur- ing the progress of the treaty, Keewaygooshkum, a chief of the first authority among the Ottawas, stated that ''the Chippewas, the Pot- * Jesuit Relations for 1666. t Albert Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, p. 27. X Jesuit Relations. § Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, p. 29. 137 138 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. tawatomies and the Ottawas were originally one nation. We sepa- rated from each other near Michilimackinac. We were related by the ties of blood, language and interest, but in the course of a long time these things have been forgotten," etc. At the conclusion of this speech, Mich-el, an aged chief of the Chippewas, said : "My Brethren, — I am about to speak a few words. I know you expect it. Be silent, therefore, that the words of an old man may be heard. "My Brethren, — You have heard the man who has just spoken. We are all descended from the same stock, — the Pottawatomies, the Chippeways and the Ottawas. We consider ourselves as one. Why should we not always act in concert '. " Metea, the most powerful of the Pottawatomie chieftains, in his speech made this statement: "Brothers, Chippeways and Ottawas, — we consider ourselves as one people, which you know, as also our father* here, who has trav- eled over our country." Mr. Schoolcraft, in commenting on the above statements, re- marks : "This testimony of a common origin derives additional weight from the general resemblance of these tribes in person, man- ners, customs and dress, but above all by their having one council- tire and speaking one language. Still there are obvious characteris- tics which will induce an observer, after a general acquaintance, to pronounce the Pottawatomies tall, fierce, haughty ; the Ottawas short, thick-set, good-natured, industrious ; the Chippeways warlike, daring, etc. But the general lineaments, or, to borrow a phrase from natural history, the suite features, are identical, f The first mention that we have of the Pottawatomies is in the Jesuit Relations for the years 1639-40. They are then mentioned as dwelling beyond the River St. Lawrence, and to the north of the great lake of the ITurons. At this period it is very likely that the Pottawatomies had their homes both north of Lake Huron and south of it, in the northern part of the present State of Michigan. Twenty-six or seven years after this date the country of the Potta- watomies is described as being "about the Lake of the Ilimouek. ,, ;{; They were mentioned as being "a warlike people, hunters and fish- ers. Their country is very good for Indian corn, of which they plant fields, and to which they willingly retire to avoid the famine that is too common in these quarters. They are in the highest de- gree idolaters, attached to ridiculous fables and devoted to polygamy. * Lewis Cass. f Schoolcraft's Central Mississippi Valley, pp. 357, 360, 368. \ Lake Michigan. THE POTTAWATOMIES. 139 We have seen them here* to the number of three hundred men, all capable of bearing arms. Of all the people that I have associated with in these countries, they are the most docile and the most affectionate toward the French. Their wives and daughters are more reserved than those of other nations. They have a species of civility among them, and make it apparent to strangers, which is very rare among our barbarians, "t In 1670 the Pottawatomies had collected at the islands at the mouth of Green Bay which have taken their name from this tribe. Father Claude Dablon, in a letter concerning the mission of St. Francis Xavier, which was located on Green Bay, in speaking of this tribe, remarks that "the Pouteouatami, the Ousaki, and those of the Forks, also dwell here, but as strangers, the fear of the Iro- quois having driven them from their lands, which are between the Lake of the Hurons and that of the. Illinois. "J In 1721, says Charlevoix, "the Poutewatamies possessed only one of the small islands at the mouth of Green Bay, but had two other villages, one on the St. Joseph and the other at the Nar- rows. "£ Driven out of the peninsula between lakes Huron and Michigan, the Pottawatomies took up their abode on the Bay de Noquet, and other islands near the entrance of Green Bay. From these islands they advanced southward along the west shore of Lake Michigan. Extracts taken from Hennepin's Narrative of La Salle's Voyage mention the fact that the year previous to La Salle's coming west- ward (1678), he had sent out a party of traders in advance, who had bartered successfully with the Pottawatomies upon the islands named, and who were anxiously waiting for La Salle at the time of his arrival in the Griffin. Hennepin further states that La Salle's party bartered with the Pottawatomies at the villages they passed on the voyage southward. From this time forward the Pottawatomies steadily moved south- ward. When La Salle readied the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan there were no Pottawatomies in that vicinity. Shortly after this date, however, they had a village on the south bank of this stream, near the present city of Xiles. Michigan. On the northern bank was a village of Miamis. The Mission of St. Joseph was here established and in successful operation prior to 1711, from which fact, with other incidental circumstances, it has been inferred that * La Pointe. X Jesuit Relations, 1670-71. t Jesuit Relations, 1666-7. § Detroit. 140 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. the Pottawatomies, as well as the mission, were on the St. Joseph as early as the year 1700.* Father Charlevoix fixes the location of both the mission and the military post as being at the same place beyond a doubt. " It was eight days yesterday since I arrived at this post, where we have a mission, and where there is a commandant with a small garrison. The commandant's house, which is a very sorry one, is called the fort, from its being surrounded by an indifferent palisado, which is pretty near the case in all the rest, except Forts Chambly and Cata- rocony, which are real fortresses. We have here two villages of Indians, one of Miamis and the other of Pottawatomies, both of them mostly Christians ; but as they have been for a long time with- out any pastors, the missionary who has lately been sent them will have no small difficulty in bringing them back to the exercise of their religion.'" f The authorities for locating the old mission and fort of St. Joseph near Niles are Charlevoix, Prof. Keating and the Rev. Isaac Mc- Coy. Commenting on the remains of the old villages upon the St. Joseph River at the time Long's expedition passed that way, in 1S23, the compiler states that "the prairies, woodland and river were rendered more picturesque by the ruins of Strawberry, Rum and St. Joseph's villages, formerly the residence of the Indians or of the first French settlers. It was curious to trace the difference in the remains of the habitations of the red and white man in the midst of this distant solitude. While the untenanted cabin of the * Some confusion has arisen from a confounding of the Mission of St. Joseph and Fort St. Joseph with the Fort Miamis. The two were distinct, some miles apart, and erected at different dates. It is plain, from the accounts given by Hennepin, Membre and LaHontan, that Fort Miamis was located on Lake Michigan, at the month of the St. Joseph. It is equally clear that the Mission of St. Joseph and Fort St. Joseph were some miles up the St. Joseph River, and a few miles below the "portage of the Kankakee " at South Bend. Father Charlevoix, in his letter of the 16th of August, 1721, — after having in a previous letter referred to his reaching the St. Joseph and going up it toward the fort, — says: "We afterward sailed up twenty leagues before we reached the fort." Vol. 2, p. 94. Again, in a subsequent letter (p. 184): " I de- parted yesterday from the Fort of the River St. Joseph and sailed up that river about six leagues. I went ashore on the right and walked a league and a quarter, first along the water side and afterward across a field in an immense meadow, entirely covered with copses of wood." And in the next paragraph, on the same page, follows his description of the sources of the Kankakee, quoted in this work on page 77. Here, then, we have the position of Fort St. Joseph and the mission of that name and the two villages of the Pottawatomies and the Miamis, on the St. Joseph River, six leagues below South Bend. In Dr. Shea's Catholic Missions, page 423, it is stated that " La Salle, on his way to the Mississippi, had built a temporary fort on the St. Joseph, not far from the portage leading to the The-a-ki-ke"; and Mr. Charles R. Brown, in his Missions, Forts and Trading Posts of the Northwest, p. 14, says that "Fort Miamis, built at the mouth of the St. Joseph's River by La Salle, was afterward called St. Joseph, to distinguish it from (Fort) Miamis, on the Maumee." In this instance neither of these writers follow the text of established authorities, t Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, pp. 93, 94. ST. JOSEPH. 141 Indian presented in its neighborhood but the remains of an old cornfield overgrown with weeds, the rude hut of the Frenchman was surrounded with vinos, and with the remains of his former garden- ing exertions. The asparagus, the pea vine and the woodbine still grow about it, as though in defiance of the revolutions which have dispersed those who planted them here. The very names of the villages mark the difference between their former tenants. Those of the Indians were designated by the name of the fruit which grew abundantly on the spot or of the object which they coveted most, while the French missionary has placed his village under the patron- age of the tutelar saint in whom he reposed his utmost confidence."" The asparagus, the pea-vine and the woodbine preserved the identity of the spot against the encroachments of the returning for- ests until 1822, when Isaac McCoy established among the Pottawat- omies the Baptist mission called Carey, out of respect for the Rev. Mr. Carey, a missionary of the same church in Hindostan. "It is said that the Pottawatoinies themselves selected this spot for Carey's mission, it being the site of their old village. This must have been very populous, as the remains of corn-hills are very visible at this time, and are said to extend over a thousand acres. The village was finally abandoned about fifty years ago (1773), but there are a few of the oldest of the nation who still recollect the sites of their respective huts. They are said to frequently visit the establishment and to trace with deep feeling a spot which is endeared to them.' 1 f On a cold winter night in 1833 a traveler was ferried over the St. Joseph at the then straggling village of Niles. " Ascending the bank, a beautiful plain with a clump of trees here and there upon its surface opened to his view. The establishment of Carey's mission, a long, low, white building, could be distinguished afar off faintly in the moonlight, while several winter lodges of the Pottawatoinies were plainly visible over the plain/ 1 + Concerning the Pottawatomie village near Detroit, and also some of the customs peculiar to the tribe, we have the following account. It was written in 1718 : § "The fort of Detroit is south of the river. The village of the Pottawatoinies adjoins the fort; they lodge partly under Apaquois,|i * Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, pp. 147, 148. t Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 153, McCoy's History of Baptist Indian Mis- sions. X Hoffman's Winter in the West, vol. 1, p. 225. § Memoir on the Indians between Lake Erie and the Mississippi. Pans Documents, vol. '9, p. 887. . || Apaquois, matting made of flags or rushes; from apee, a leaf, and wigquouim, a hut. They cover their huts with mats made of rushes platted. Carver's Travels. 142 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. which are made of mat-grass. The women do all the work. The men belonging to that nation are well clothed, like our domiciliated Indians at Montreal. Their entire occupation is hunting and dress ; thev make use of a great deal of vermilion, and in winter wear buffalo robes richly painted, and in summer either blue or red cloth. They play a good deal at La Crosse in summer, twenty or more on each side. Their bat is a sort of a little racket, and the ball with which they play is made of very heavy wood, somewhat larger than the balls used at tennis. When playing they are entirely naked, except a breech cloth and moccasins on their feet. Their body is completely painted with all sorts of colors. Some, with white clay, trace white lace on their bodies, as if on all the seams of a coat, and at a distance it would be apt to be taken for silver lace. They play very deep and often. The bets sometimes amount to more than eight hundred livres. They set up two poles, and commence the game from the center ; one party propels the ball from one side and the others from the opposite, and whichever reaches the goal wins. This is fine recreation and worth seeing. They often play village against village, the Poux* against the Ottawas or Hurons, and lay heavy stakes. Sometimes Frenchmen join in the game with them. The women cultivate Indian corn, beans, peas, squashes and melons, which come up very fine. The women and girls dance at night ; adorn themselves considerably, grease their hair, put on a white shift, paint their cheeks with vermilion, and wear whatever wampum they possess, and are very tidy in their way. They dance to the sound of the drum and sisiquoi, which is a sort of gourd con- taining some grains of shot. Four or five young men sing and beat time with the drum and sisiquoi, and the women keep time and do not lose a step. It is very entertaining, and lasts almost the entire night. The old men often dance the Medicine. f They resemble a set of demons ; and all this takes place during the night. The young men often dance in a circle and strike posts. It is then they recount their achievements and dance, at the same time, the war dance ; and whenever they act thus they are highly ornamented. It is altogether very curious. They often perform these things for tobacco. When they go hunting, which is every fall, they carry their apaquois with them, to hut under at night. Everybody follows, * The Pottawatomies were sometimes known by the contraction Poux. La Hontan uses this name, and erroneously confounds them with the Puans or Winnebagoes. In giving the coat-of-arms of the Pottawatomies, representing a dog crouched in the grass, he says: "They were called Puants." Vol. 2, p. 84. t Medicine dance. ORIGIN OF POTTAWATOMIE. 143 men, women and children. They winter in the forest and return in the spring.'" The Pottawatomies swarmed from their prolific hives about the islands of Mackinaw, and spread themselves over portions of Wis- consin, and eastward to their ancient homes in Michigan. At a later day they extended themselves upon the territory of the ancient Illinois, covering a large portion of the state. From the St. Joseph River and Detroit their bands moved southward over that part of Indiana north and west of the Wabash, and thence down that stream. They were a populous horde of hardy children of the forests, of great stamina, and their constitutions were hardened by the rigorous climate of the northern lakes. Among the old French writers the orthography of the word Pottawatomies varied to suit the taste of the writer. We give some of the forms: Poutouatimi,* Pouteotatamis,t Poutouatamies,^; Pou- tewatamis, >J Pautawattamies, Puttewatamies, Pottowottamies and Pottawattamies. | The tribe was divided into four clans, the Golden Carp, the Frog, the Crab, and the Tortoise. 1 The nation was not like the Illinois and Miamis, divided into separate tribes, but the different bands would separate or unite according to the scarcity or abundance of game. The word Pottawatomie signifies, in their own language, we are mailing a fire, for the origin of which they have the following tradi- tion : " It is said that a Miami, having wandered out from his cabin, met three Indians whose language was unintelligible to him; by signs and motions he invited them to follow him to his cabin, where they were hospitably entertained, and where they remained until after dark. During the night two of the strange Indians stole from the hut, while their comrade and host were asleep ; they took a few embers from the cabin, and, placing these near the door of the hut, they made a fire, which, being afterward seen by the Miami and remaining guest, was understood to imply a council fire in token of peace between the two nations. From this circumstance the Miami called them in his language Wa-Jto-na-ha, or the fire-makers, which, being translated into the language of the three guests, produced the term by which their nation has ever since been distinguished." After this the Miamis termed the Pottawatomies their younger brothers ; but afterward, in a council, this was changed, from the * Jesuit Relations. § Charlevoix, t Father Membre. || Paris Documents. iJoutel's Journal. II Enumeration of the Indian tribes, the Warriors and Armorial Bearings of each Nation, made in 1736. Published in Documentary History of New York. 144 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. circumstance that they resided farther to the west; "as those nations which reside to the west o,f others are deemed more ancient."* The Pottawatomies were unswerving in their adherence to the French, when the latter had possession of the boundless Northwest. In 1712, when a large force of Mascoutins and Foxes besieged De- troit, they were conspicuous for their fidelity. They rallied the other tribes to the assistance of the French, and notified the besieged garrison to hold out against their enemies until their arrival. Mak- ■is-abie, the war chief of the Pottawatomies, sent word through Mr. de Vincennes, "just arrived from the Miami country, that he would soon be at Detroit with six hundred of his warriors to aid the French and eat those miserable nations who had troubled all the country." The commandant, M. du Buisson, was gratified when he ascended a bastion, and looking toward the forest saw the army of the nations issuing from it ; the Pottawatomies, the Illinois, the Missouris, the Ottawas, the Sacs and the Menominees were there, armed and painted in all the glory of war. Detroit never saw such a collection. "My Father," says the chief to the commandant, "I speak to you on the part of all the nations, your children who are before you. What you did last year in drawing their flesh from the fire, which the Ou- tagamies (Foxes) were about to roast and eat, demands we should bring you our bodies to make you the master of them. We do not fear death, whenever it is necessary to die for you. We have only to request that you pray the father of all nations to have pity on our women and our children, in case we lose our lives for you. We beg you throw a blade of grass upon our bones to protect them from the flies. You see, my father, that we have left our villages, our women and children to hasten to join you. Have pity on us ; give us some- thing to eat and a little tobacco to smoke. We have come a long ways and are destitute of everything. Give us powder and balls to fight with you." Makisabie, the Pottawatomie, said to the Foxes and Mascoutines: "Wicked nations that you are, you hope to frighten us by all the red color which you exhibit in your village. Learn that if the earth is covered with blood, it will be with yours. You talk to us of the English, they are the cause of your destruction, because you have listened to their bad council. . . . The English, who are cowards, only defend themselves by killing men by that wicked strong drink, which has caused so many men to die after drinking it. Thus we shall see what will happen to you for listening to them." f * Long's Expedition to the Sources of the St. Peter's River, vol. 1, pp. 91, 92, 93. fThe extracts we have quoted are taken from the official report of Du Buisson. WARS AGAINST THE WHITES. 145 The Pottawatomies sustained their alliance with the French con- tinuously to the time of the overthrow of their power in the north- west. They then aided their kinsman, Pontiac, in his attempt to recover the same territory from the British. They fought on the side of the British against the Americans throughout the war of the revolution, and their war parties made destructive and frequent raids upon the line of pioneer settlements in Pennsylvania, Kentucky, ( )hio and Indiana. In the war of 1812 they were again ranged on the side of the British, with their bloody hands lifted alike against' the men, women and children of "the States." In the programme of Pontiac'' s war the capture of Post St. Joseph, on the St. Joseph's river of Lake Michigan, was assigned to the Pottawatomies, which was effected as will be hereafter narrated. It was also the Pottawatomies who perpetrated the massacre at Chicago on the 15th day of August, 1812. Bands of this tribe, from their villages on the St. Joseph, the Kankakee and the Illinois rivers, whose numbers were augmented by the appearance of Metea with his warriors, from their village westward of Fort Wayne, fell upon the forces of Captain Ileald, and the defenseless women and chil- dren retreating with him after the surrender of Fort Dearborn, and murdered or made prisoners of them all. Metea was a conspicuous leader in this horrible affair.* Robert Dixon, the British trader sent out among the Indians during the war of 1S12 to raise recruits for Proctor and Tecumseh, gathered in the neighborhood of Chicago, which after the massacre was his place of general rendezvous, nearly one thousand warriors of as wild and cruel savages as ever disgraced the human race. They were the most worthless and abandoned desperadoes whom Dixon had been enabled to collect from among all the tribes he had visited. These accomplices of the British were to be let loose upon the re- mote settlements under the leadership of the Pottawatomie chief, Mai-pock, or Mai-po, a monster in human form, who distinguished himself with a girdle sewed full of human scalps, which he wore around his waist, and strings of bear's claws and bills of owls and hawks around his ankles, worn as trophies of his power in arms and as a terror to his enemies, t relating to the siege of Detroit. The manuscript copy of it was obtained from the archives at Paris, by Gen. Cass, when minister to France, and is published at length in volume III of the History of Wisconsin, compiled by the direction of the legislature of that state by William R. Smith, President of the State Historical Society ; a work of very great value, not only to the State of Wisconsin but to the entire Northwest, for the amount of reliable historical information it contains. * Hall and McKenney's History of the Indian Tribes of North America, vol. 2, pp. 59, 60. t McAfee's History of the Late War, pp. 297, 298. 10 146 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Their manners, like their dialect, were rough and barbarous as compared with other Algonquin tribes. They were not the civil, modest people, an exceptional and christianized band of whom the Jesuits before quoted drew a nattering description. " It is a fact that for many years the current of emigration as to the tribes east of the Mississippi has been from the north to the south. This was owing to two causes : the diminution of those animals from which the Indians derive their support, and the pressure of the two great tribes, — the Ojibbeways and the Sioux, — to the north and west. So long ago as 1795, at the treaty of Greenville, the Potta- watomies notified the Miamis that they intended to settle upon the Wabash. They made no pretensions to the country, and the only excuse for the intended aggression was that they were tired of eating fish and wanted meat.'''''" And come they did. They bore down upon their less populous neighbors, the Miamis, and occupied a large portion of their territory, impudently and by sheer force of numbers, rather than by force of arms. They established numerous villages upon the north and west bank of the Wabash and its tributaries flowing in from that side of the stream above the Vermilion. They, with the Sacs, Foxes and Kickapoos, drove the Illinois into the vil- lages about Ivaskaskia, and portioned the conquested territory among themselves. By other tribes they were called squatters, who justly claimed that the Pottawatomies never had any land of their own, and were mere intruders upon the prior rights of others. They were foremost at all treaties where lands were to be ceded, and were clam- orous for a lion's share of presents and annuities, particularly where these last were the price given for the sale of others' lands rather than their own.f Between the years 1789 and 1837 the Pottawato- mies, by themselves, or in connection with other tribes, made no less than thirty-eight treaties with the United States, all of which, — excepting two or three which were treaties of peace only, — were for cessions of lands claimed wholly by the Pottawatomies, or in com- mon with other tribes. These cessions embraced territory extending from the Mississippi eastward to Cleveland, Ohio, and reaching over the entire valleys of the Illinois, the Wabash, the Maumee and their tributaries.^: They also had villages upon the Kankakee and Illinois rivers. Among them we name 3£ine?naung, or Yellow Head, situated a * Official letter to the Secretary of War, dated March 22, 1814. t Schoolcraft's Central Mississippi Valley, p. 358. X Treaties between the United States and the several Indian tribes, from 1778 to 1837: Washington, D.C., 1837. THEIR VILLAGES. 147 few miles north of Momence, at a point of timber still known as Yellow Head Point; She-mar-gar, or the Soldier's Village, at the mouth of Soldier Creek, that runs through Kankakee City, and the village of ''Little Rock " or Shaw-waw-nas-see, at the mouth of Rock Creek, a few miles below Kankakee City.* Besides these, the Pot- tawatomies had villages farther down the Illinois, particularly the great town of Co?no, Gumo, or Gumbo as the pioneers called it, at the upper end of Peoria Lake. They had other towns on the Milwaukee River, Wisconsin. On the St. Joseph, near Niles, was the village of To-pe?i-?ie-bee, the great hereditary chief of the Pottawatomie nation ; higher up, near the present village of White Pigeon, was situated AYap-pe-me-me } s, or White Pigeon's town. Westward of Fort Wayne, Indiana, nine miles, was Mus-fowa-wa-sepe-otan, "the town of old Red Wood creek,'' where resided the band of the distinguished war- rior and orator of the Pottawatomies, Metea, whose name in their language signifies kiss me. Finally, the renowned Kesis, or the sun, the old friend of Gen- eral Hamtrauck and the Americans, in a speech to General Wayne at the treaty of Greenville in 1795, said that his village "was a day's walk below the Wea towns on the Wabash," referring, doubtless, to the mixed Pottawatomie and Kickapoo town which stood on the site of the old Shelby farm, on the north bank of the Vermilion, a short distance above its mouth. f The positions of several of the principal Pottawatomie villages have been given for the purpose of showing the area of country over which this people extended themselves. As late as 1823 their hunting grounds appeared to have been "bounded on the north by the St. Joseph (which on the east side of Lake Michigan separated them from the Ottawas) and the Milwacke,^: which, on the west side of the lake, divided them from the Menomonees. They spread to the south along the Illinois River about two hundred miles ; to the west * The location of these three villages of Pottawatomies is fixed by the surveys of reservations to Mine-maung, Shernargar and Shaw-waw-nas-see respectively, secured to them by the second article of a treaty concluded at Camp Tippecanoe, near Logans- port, Indiana, on the 20th of October. 1832, between the United States and the chiefs and head men of the Pottawatomie tribe of Indians of the prairie and of the Kanka- kee. The reservations were surveyed in the presence of the Indians concerned and General Tipton, agent on the part of the United States, in the month of May, 1834, by Major Dan W. Beckwith, surveyor. The reservations were so surveyed as to include the several villages we have named, as appears from the manuscript volumes of the surveys in possession of the author. t Journal of the Proceedings at the Treaty of Greenville: American State Papers on Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 580. The author has authorities and manuscripts from which the location of Kesis' band at the mouth of the Vermilion may be quite confi- dently affirmed. | Milwaukee. 148 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. their grounds extended as far as Rock River, and the Mequin or Spoon River of the Illinois ; to the east they probably seldom passed beyond the Wabash."* After the Kickapoos and Pottawatomies had established themselves in the valley, of the Wabash, it was mutually agreed between them and the Miamis that the river should be the dividing line, — the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos to occupy the west, and the Miamis to remain undisturbed on the east or south side of the stream. It was a hard bargain for the Miamis, who were unable to maintain their rights, f The Pottawatomies were among the last to leave their possessions in Illinois and Indiana, and it was the people of this tribe with whom the first settlers came principally in contact. Their hostility ceased at the close of the war of 1812. After this their intercourse with the whites was uniformly friendly, and they bore the many im- positions and petty grievances which were put upon them by not a few of their unprincipled and unfeeling white neighbors with a for- bearance that should have excited public sympathy. The Pottawatomies owned extensive tracts of land on the Wabash, between the mouth of Pine Creek, in Warren county, and the Fort Wayne portage, which had been reserved to them by the terms of their several treaties with the United States. They held like claims upon the Tippecanoe and other westward tributaries of the Wabash, and elsewhere in northwestern Indiana, eastern Illinois and southern Michigan. These reservations are now covered by some of the finest farms in the states named. The treaties by which such reser- vations were granted generally contained a clause that debarred the owner from alienating them without having first secured the sanction of the President of the United States. This restriction was de- signed to prevent unprincipled persons from overreaching the Indian, who, at best, had only a vague idea of the fee simple title to, and value of, real estate. It afforded little security, however, against the wiles of the unscrupulous, and whenever the Indian could be in- duced by the arts of his "-White Brother"' to put his name to an instrument, the purport of which, in many instances, he did not at all understand as forever conveying away his possessions, the ratify- ing signature of the President followed as a matter of department routine. The greater part of the Pottawatomie reservations was retroceded to the United States in exchange either for annuities or for lands west of the Mississippi, and the title disposed of in this way. * Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 171. f The writer was informed of this agreement by Mary Baptiste. THE EXODUS. 149 The final emigration of the Pottawatomies from the Wabash, under charge of Col. Pepper and Gen. Tipton, of Indiana, took place in the summer of 1838. Many are yet living who witnessed the sad exodus. The late Sanford Cox has recorded his impressions of this event in the valuable little book which he published.* "Hearing that this large emigration, numbering nearly a thousand of all ages and sexes, would pass within eight or nine miles west of La Fayette, a few of us procured horses and rode over to see the retiring band, as they reluctantly wended their way toward the setting sun. It was, indeed, a mournful spectacle to see these children of the forest slowly retiring from the homes of their childhood, where were not only the graves of their loved ancestors but many endearing scenes to which their memories would ever recur as sunny spots along their pathway through the wilderness. They felt that they were bidding a last farewell to the hills, the valleys and the streams of their infancy : the more exciting hunting grounds of their advanced youth ; the stern and bloody battle-fields on which, in riper man- hood, they had received wounds, and where many of their friends and loved relatives had fallen, covered with gore and with glory. All these they were leaving behind, to be desecrated by the plowshare of the white man. As they cast mournful glances back toward these loving scenes that were rapidly fading in the distance, tears fell from the cheek of the downcast warrior, — old men trembled, matrons wept, the swarthy maiden's cheek turned pale, and sighs and half-suppressed sobs escaped from the motley groups, as they passed along, some on foot, some on horseback, and others in wagons, sad as a funeral pro- cession. I saw several of the aged warriors glancing upward to the sky as if invoking aid from the spirits of their departed sires, who were looking down upon them with pity from the clouds, or as if they were calling upon the great spirit to redress the wrongs of the red man, whose broken bow had fallen from his hand. Ever and anon one of the throng would strike off from the procession into the woods and retrace his steps back to the old encampments on the Wabash, Ell River, or the Tippecanoe, declaring that he would die there rather than be banished from his country. Thus would scores leave the main party at different points on the journey and return to their former homes ; and it was several years before they could be induced to join their countrymen west of the Mississippi." This body, on their westward journey, passed through Danville, Illinois, where they halted several days, being in want of food. The * Recollections of the Early Settlement of the Wabash Valley, La Fayette, Ind., 1860, pp. 154, 155. 150 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. commissary department was wretchedly supplied. The Indians begged for food at the houses of the citizens. Others, in their extremity, killed rats at the old mill on the North Fork and ate them to appease their hunger. Without tents or other shelter, many of them, with young babes in their arms, walked on foot, as there was no adequate means of conveyance for the weak, the aged or infirm. Thus the mournful procession passed across the state of Illinois. The St. Joseph band were removed westward the same year. So strong was their attachment to southern Michigan and northern Indiana, that the Federal government invoked the aid of troops to coerce their removal. The soldiers surrounded them, and, as prison- ers of war, compelled them to leave. At South Bend, Indiana, was the village of Chichipe Outipe. The town was on a rising ground near four small lakes, and contained ten or twelve hundred christian- ized Pottawatomies. Benjamin M. Petit, the Catholic missionary in charge at Po-ke-ganns village on the St. Joseph, asked Bishop Brute for leave to accompany the Indians, but the prelate withheld his consent, not deeming it proper to give even an implied indorsement of the cruel act of the government. But being himself on their route, he afterward consented. The power of religion then appeared. Amid their sad march he confirmed several, while hymns and prayers, chanted in Ottawa, echoed for the last time around their lakes. Sick and well were carried off alike. After giving all his Episcopal bless- ing, Bishop Brute proceeded with Petit to the tents of the sick, where they baptized one and confirmed another, both of whom ex- pired soon after. The march was resumed. The men, women and elder children, urged on by the soldiers in their rear, were followed with the wagons bearing the sick and dying, the mothers, little chil- dren and property. Thus they proceeded through the country, tur- bulent at that time on account of the Mormon war, to the Osage River, Missouri, where Mr. Petit confided the wretched exiles to the care of the Jesuit Father J. Hoecken.* In the year 1846 the different bands of Pottawatomies united on the west side of the Mississippi. A general treaty was made, in which the following clause occurs: "Whereas, the various bands of the Pottawatomie Indians, known as the Chippeways, Ottawas and Pottawatomies, the Pottawatomies of the Prairie, the Pottawatomies of the Wabash, and the Pottawatomies of Indiana, have, subsequent to the year 1820, entered into separate and distinct treaties with the * Extract from Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 397. THE POTTAWATOMIE NATION. 151 United States, by which they have been separated and located in different countries, and difficulties have arisen as to the proper distributions of the stipulations under various treaties, and being the same people by kindred, by feeling and by language, and having in former periods lived on and owned their lands in com- mon, and being desirous to unite in one common country and again become one people and receive their annuities and other benefits in common, and to abolish all minor distinctions of bands by which they have heretofore been divided, and are anxious to be known as the Pottawatomie Nation, thereby reinstating the national character ; and whereas, the United States are also anxious to restore and concentrate said tribes to a state so desirable and necessary for the happiness of their people, as well as to enable the government to arrange and manage its intercourse with them ; now, therefore, the United States and said Indians do hereby agree that said people shall hereafter be known as a nation, to be called the Pottawatomie Nation." Pursuant to the terms of this treaty, the Pottawatomies received $850,000, in consideration of which they released all lands owned by them within the limits of the territory of Iow T a and on the Osage Paver in Missouri, or in any state or place whatsoever. Eighty- seven thousand dollars of the purchase money coining to them was paid, by cession from the United States, of 576,000 acres of land lying on both sides of the Kansas River. The tract embraces the finest body of land within the present state of Kansas, and Topeka, the state capital, has since been located nearly in the center of the reservation. AYhile the territory was going through the process of organization, adventurers trespassed upon the lands of the Potta- watomies, sold them whisky, and spread demoralization among them. The squatters who intruded upon the farmer-Indians killed their stock and burned some of their habitations, all of which was borne without retaliation. Notwithstanding the old habendum, clause inserted in Indian treaties (as a mere matter of form, as may be in- ferred from the little regard paid to it) that these lands should inure to Pottawatomies, "their heirs and assigns forever," the squatter sovereigns wanted them, and resorted to all the well-known methods in vogue on the border to make it unpleasant for the Indians, who were progressing with assured success from barbarism to the ways of civilized society. The usual result of dismemberment of the re- serve followed. The farmer-Indians, who so desired, had their por- tions of the reserve set off in severalty, the uncivilized members of the tribe had their proportion set off in common. These last, which 152 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. were exchanged for money, or lands farther southward, fell into the possession of a needy railroad corporation. We gather from the several reports of the commissioners on In- dian affairs that, in 1863, the tribe numbered 2,274, inclusive of men, women and children, which was an alarming decrease since the cen- sus of 1854. The diminution was caused, probably, aside from the casualties of death, by some having returned to their former homes east of the Missouri, while many of the young and wild men of the tribe went to the buffalo grounds to enjoy the exciting and unre- strained freedom of the chase. The farmers raised 3,720 bushels of wheat, 45,000 of corn, 1,200 of oats and 1,000 tons of hay, and had 1,200 horses, 1,000 cattle and 2,000 hogs, as appears from the offi- cial report for 1863. The Catholic school at St. Mary's enumerated an average of ninety-five boys and seventy-five girls in 1863, and in 1866 the total number was two hundred and forty scholars. Of his pupils the superintendent says: "They not only spell, read, write and cipher, but successfully master the various branches of geography, history, book-keeping, grammar, philosophy, logic, geometry and astronomy. Besides this, they are so docile, so wulling to improve, that between school-hours they employ their time, with pleasure, in learning w r hatever handiwork may be assigned to them ; and they particu- larly desire to become good farmers." The girls, in addition to their studies, are "trained to whatever is deemed useful to good housekeepers and accomplished mothers.' 1 The Pottawatomies attested their fidelity to the government by the volunteering of seventy-five of their young men in the "army of the Union. " In 1867, out of a population of 2,400, 1,400 elected to become citizens of the United States, under an enabling act passed by con- gress. Of those who became citizens, some did well, others soon squandered their lands and joined the wild band. There are still a few left in Michigan, while about one hundred and eighty remain in Wisconsin. CHAPTER XVI. THE KICKArOOS AND MASCOUTINS. The Kickapoos and Mascoutins, if there was more than a nominal difference between the two tribes, are here treated of together, for reasons explained farther on in the chapter. The name of the Kick- apoos has been written by the French, "Kicapoux," "Kickapous," "Kikapoux," " Quickapous," "Kickapoos," "Kikabu." This tribe has long been connected witli the northwest, and have acquired a notoriety for the wars in which they were engaged with other tribes, as well for their persistent hostility to the white race, which con- tinued uninterrupted for more than one hundred and fifty years. They were first noticed by Samuel Champlain, who, in 1612, dis- covered the "Mascoutins residing near the place called Sakinam," meaning the country of the Sacs, comprising that part of the state of Michigan bordering on Lake Huron, in the vicinity of Saginaw Bay.; Father Claude Allouez visited the mixed village of Miamis, Kick- apoos and Mascoutins on Fox River, Wisconsin, in the winter of 1669-70. Leaving his canoe at the water's edge he walked a league over beautiful prairies and perceived the fort. The savages, having discovered him, raised the cry of alarm in their villages, and then ran out to receive the missionary with honor, and conducted him to the lodge of the chief, where they regaled him with refreshments, and further honored him by greasing his feet and legs. Every one took their places, a dish was filled with powdered tobacco ; an old man arose to his feet, and, tilling his two hands with tobacco from the dish, addressed the missionary thus : "This is well, Black-robe, that thou hast come to visit us; have pity on us. Thou art a Manitou.f We give thee wherewith to * Memoir of Louis XIV, and Cobert, Minister of France, on the French Limits in North America: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 378, and note by E. B. O'Callaghan, the editor, on p. 293. f Manitou, with very few changes in form of spelling or manner of pronunciation, is the word used almost universally by the Algonquin tribes to express a spirit or God having control of their destinies. Their Manitous were numerous. It was also an expression sometimes applied to the white people, — particularly the missionaries. At first they regarded the Europeans as spirits, or persons possessing superior intelligence to themselves. 154 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. smoke. The Nadoiiessious and the Iroquois eat us up ; have pity on us. We often are sick, our children die, we are hungry. Listen, my Manitou, I give thee wherewith to smoke, that the earth may yield us corn, that the rivers may furnish us with fish, that sickness no more shall kill us, that famine no longer shall so harshly treat us." At each wish, the old men who were present answered by a great " O-oh ! "* The good father was shocked at this ceremony, and replied that they should not address such requests to him. Protesting that he could afford them no relief other than offering prayers to Him who was the only and true God, of whom he was only the servant and messenger, t Father Allouez says in the same letter that four leagues from this village "are the Kikdbou and Kitchigamick, who speak the same language with the Machkouteng/' 1 The Kickapoos were not inclined to receive religious impressions from the early missionaries. In fact, they appear to have acquired their first notoriety in history by seizing Father Gabriel Ribourde, whom they "carried away and broke his head/ 1 as Tonti quaintly expresses it in referring to this ruthless murder. Again, in 1728, as Father Ignatius Guignas, compelled to abandon his mission among the Sioux, on account of the victory of the Foxes over the French, was attempting to reach the Illinois, he, too, fell into the hands of the Kickapoos and Mascoutins, and for five months was held a cap- tive and constantly exposed to death. During this time he was con- demned to be burnt, and was only saved through the friendly inter- vention of an old man in the tribe, who adopted him as a son. While held a prisoner, the missionaries from the Illinois relieved his necessities by sending timely supplies, which Father Guignas used to gain over the Indians. Having induced them to make peace, he was taken to the Illinois missions, and suffered to remain there on parole until November, 1729, when his old captors returned and took him back to their own country \% after which nothing seems to have been known concerning the fate of this worthy mis- sionary. The Kickapoos early incurred the displeasure of the French by *The o-oh of the Algonquin and the yo-hah of the Iroquois (Colden's History of the Five Nations) is an expression of assent given by the hearers to the remarks of the speaker who is addressing them, and is equivalent to good or bravo! The Indians indulged in this kind of encouragement to their orators with great liberality, drawing out their o-ohs in unison and with a prolonged cry, especially when the speaker's utterances harmonized with their own sentiments. t Jesuit Relations, 1669-70. t Shea's Catholic Missions, p. 379. MIGRATIONS OF THE KICKAPOOS. 155 committing depredations south of Detroit. A band living at the mouth of the Maumee River in 1712, with thirty Mascoutins, were about to make war upon the French. They took prisoner one Langlois, a messenger, on his return from the Miami country, whither he was bringing many letters from the Jesuit Fathers of the Illinois villages, and also dispatches from Louisiana. The letters and dispatches were destroyed, which gave much uneasiness to M. Du Boisson, the commandant at Detroit. A canoe laden with Kicka- poos, on their way to the villages near Detroit, was captured by the Hurons and Ottawas residing at these villages, and who were the allies of the French. Among the slain was the principal Kickapoo chief, whose head, with those of three others of the same tribe, were brought to De Boisson, who alleges that the Hurons and Ottawas committed this act out of resentment, because the previous winter the Kickapoos had taken some of the Hurons and Iroquois prisoners, and also because they considered the Kickapoo chief to be a "true Outtagamie" ; that is, they regarded him as one of the Fox nation.* From the village of Machkoutench, where first Father Claude Allouez, and afterward Father Marquette, found the Kickapoos inhab- iting the same village with the Muscotins and Miamis, the Kickapoos and the Muscotins appear to have passed to the south, extending their flanks to the right in the direction of Rockf- River, and their left to the southern trend of Lake Michigan. Referring to the country on Fox River about Winnebago Lake, Father Charlevoix says::£ "All this country is extremely beautiful, and that which stretches to the southward as far as the river of the Illinois is still more so. It is, however, inhabited by two small nations only, who are the Kickapoos and the Mascoutins. 11 Father Charlevoix, £ speaking of Fox River, says: "The largest of these, 11 referring to the streams that empty into the Illinois, "is called Pisticoui, and proceeds from the line country of the Mascoutins." * Extract from M. Du Boisson's official report to the Marquis De Vaudreuil, gov- ernor- g-en era! of New France, of the siege of Detroit, dated June 15, 1712. This val- uable paper is published entire in vol. 3 of Wm. R. Smith's History of Wisconsin, a work that contains many important documents not otherwise accessible to the gen- eral public. Indeed, the publications of the Historical Society of Wisconsin, of which Judge Smith's two volumes are the beginning, are the repository of a fund of infor- mation of great utility, not only to the people of that state, but to the entire North- west. tRock River — Assin-Sepe — was also called Kickapoo River, and so laid down on a map of La Salle's discoveries. X Narrative Journal, vol. 1, p. 287. | Vol. 2, p. 199. || "The Fox River of the Illinois is called by the Indians Pish-ta-ko. It is the same mentioned by Charlevoix under the name of Pisticoui, and which flows as he, 156 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Prior to 1718 the Mascoutins and Kickapoos had villages upon the banks of Rock River, Illinois. "Both these tribes together do not amount to two hundred men. They are a clever people and brave warriors. Their language and manners strongly resemble those of the Foxes. They are the same stock. They catch deer by chasing them, and even at this day make considerable use of bows and arrows."* On a French map, issued in 1712, a village of Mas- coutins is located near the forks of the north and south branches of Chicago River. From references given, it is apparent that this people, like the Miamis and Pottawatomies, were progressing south and eastward. This movement was probably on account of the fierce Sioux, whose encroaching wars from the northwest were pressing them in this direction. Even before this date the Foxes, with Mascoutins and Kickapoos, were meditating a migration to the Wabash as a place of security from the Sioux. This threatened exodus alarmed the French, who feared that the migrating tribes would be in a position on the Wabash to effect a junction with the Iroquois and English, which would be exceedingly detrimental to the French interests in the northwest. From an official document relative to the "occurrences in Canada, sent from Quebec to France in 1695, the Department at Paris is informed that the Sioux, who have mustered some two or three thousand warriors for the purpose, would come in large num- bers to seize their village. This has caused the outagamies to quit their country and disperse themselves for a season, and afterward return and save their harvest. They are then to retire toward the river Wabash to form a settlement, so much the more permanent, as they will be removed from the incursions of the Sioux, and in a position to effect a junction easily with the Iroquois and the English without the French being able to prevent it. Should this project be realized, it is very apparent that the Mascoutins and Kickapoos will be of the party, and that the three tribes, forming a new village of fourteen or fifteen hundred men, would experience no difficulty in considerably increasing it by attracting other nations thither, which would be of most pernicious consequence, "f That the Mascoutins, at least, did go soon after this date toward the lower Wabash is con- says, through the country of the Mascoutins." Long's Second Expedition, vol. 1, p. 176. The Algonquin word Pish-tah-te-koosh, according to Edwin James' vocabulary, means an antelope. The Pottawatomies, from whom Major Long's party obtained the word Pish-ta-ko, may have used it to designate the same animal, judging from the similarity of the two words. * Memoir prepared in 1718 on the Indians between Lake Erie and the Missis- sippi: Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 889. f Paris Documents, vol. 9, p. 619. OF THE NAME MASCOUTINS. 157 elusively shown by the fact of their presence about Juchereau's trading post, which was erected near the mouth of the Ohio in the year 1700. It is doubtful if either the Foxes or the Kickapoos followed the Mascoutins to the Wabash country, and it is evident that the Mas- coutins who survived the epidemic that broke out among them at Juchereau's post on the Ohio soon returned to the north. The French effected a conciliation with the Sioux, and for a number of years subsequent to 1705 we find the Mascoutins back again among the Foxes and Kickapoos upon their old hunting grounds in northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin. The Kickapoos entered the plot of the Mascoutins to capture the post of Detroit in 1712, and the latter had repaired to the neighbor- hood of Detroit, and were awaiting the arrival of the Kickapoos to execute their purposes, when they were attacked by the confedera- tion of Indians who were friendly toward the French and had hast- ened to the relief of the garrison. * The Mascoutins were called "Machkoutench,"t "Machkouteng," "Maskouteins " and "Masquitens," by French writers. The Eng- lish called them "Masquattimes,":}: " Musquitons, " § "Mascou- tins,"! and " Musquitos, " a corruption used by the American colo- nial traders, and "Meadows, 1 ' the English synonym for the French word " prairie. "T The derivation of the name has been a subject of discussion. Father Marquette, with some others, following the example of the Hurons, rendered it " fire-nation" while Fathers Allouez and Char- levoix, with recent American authors, claim that the word signifies a prairie, or "a land bare of trees, 1 ' such as that which this people inhabit.** The name is doubtless derived from mus-kor-tence,j"f or mus-ko-tia, a prairie, a derivative from shoutay or scote, the word for fire.^ " The Mascos or Mascoutins were, by the French traders of a more recent day, called gens des prairies, and lived and hunted on the great prairies between the Wabash and Illinois Iiivers.' 1 §>< That * History of New France, vol. 5, p. 257. t Fathers Claude Allouez and Marquette. X George Croghan's Narrative Journal. § Minutes of the treaty at Greenville in 1795. || Samuel R. Brown's Western Gazetteer. •[[ It was some years after the conquest of the northwest from the French before the name " prairie " became naturalized, as it were, into the English language. ** Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 1, p. 287. Father Allouez, in the Jesuit Re- lations between the years 1670 and 1671. ft Note of Callaghan: Paris Documents, vol. 10. XX Tanner, Gallatin, Mackenzie and Johnson's vocabularies of Algonquin words. §§ Manuscript account of this and other tribes, by Major Forsyth, quoted by Drake, in his Life of Black Hawk. 158 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. the word Muskotia is synonymous with, and has the same meaning as, the word prairie, is further confirmed by the fact that the Indians prefixed it to the names of those animals and plants found exclu- sively on the prairies." Were the Kickapoos and Mascoutins separate tribes, or were they one and the same ? These queries have elicited the attention of scholars well versed in the history of the North American Indians, among whom might be named Schoolcraft, Gallatin and Shea. Sufficient references have been given in this chapter to show that, by the French, the Kickapoos and Mascoutins were regarded as dis- tinct tribes. If necessary, additional extracts to the same purport could be produced from numerous French documents down to the close of the French colonial war, in 1763, all bearing uniform testi- mony upon this point. The theory has been advanced that the Mascoutins and Kickapoos were bands of one tribe, first known to the French by the former name, and subsequently to the English by the latter, under which name alone they figure in our later annals. + This supposition is at variance with English and American authorities. It was a war party of Kickapoos and Mascoutins, from their contiguous villages near Fort Ouitanon, on the Wabash, who captured George Croghan, the English plenipotentiary, below the mouth of that river in 1765.;}; Sir William Johnson, the English colonial agent on Indian affairs, in the classified list of Indians within his department, prepared in 1763, enumerates both the Kickapoos and Mascoutins, locating them "in the neighborhood of the fort at Wawiaghta, and about the Wabash River. "§ Captain Imlay, "commissioner for laying out lands in the back settlements," — as the territory west of the Alleghanies was termed at that period, — in his list of westward Indians, classifies the Kickapoos (under the name of Vermilions) and the Muscatines, lo- cating these two tribes between the Wabash and Illinois Rivers. This was in 1792. || The distinction between these two tribes was main- tained still later, and down to a period subsequent to the year 1816. At that time the Mascoutins were residing on the west bank of the Wabash, between Vincennes and the Tippecanoe River, while their old neighbors, the Kickapoos, were living a short distance above *For example, mus-ko-tia-chit-ta-mo, prairie squirrel; mus-ko-ti-pe-neeg, prairie potatoes. Edwin James' Catalogue of Plants and Animals found in the country of the Ojibbeways. See further references on page 35. fThe Indian Tribes of Wisconsin: Historical Collections of that State, vol. 3, p. 130. F % Vide his Narrative Journal. § Colonial History of New York, vol. 7: London Documents, p. 583. || Imlay's America, third edtion, London, 1797, p. 290. KICKAPOOS AND MASCOUTINS ONE PEOPLE. 159 them in several large villages. At this date the Kickapoos could raise four hundred warriors.* From the authors cited, — and other references to the same effect would be produced but for want of space, — it is evident that the English and the Americans, equally with the French, regarded the Kickapoos and Mascoutins as separate bands or subdivisions of a tribe. While this was so, the language, manners and customs of the two tribes were not only similar, but the two tribes were almost invaria- bly found occupying continguous villages, and hunting in company with each other over the same country. "The Kickapoos are neigh- bors of the Mascoutins, and it seems that these two tribes have always been united in interests. "f There is no instance recorded where they were ever arrayed against each other, nor of a time when they took opposite sides in any alliance with other tribes. Another noticeable fact is that, with but one exception, the Mascoutins were never known as such in any treaty with the United States, while the Kickapoos were parties to many. We have seen that the former were occupying the Wabash country in common with the latter as far back, at least, as 1765, when they captured Croghan, until 1816 ; and in all of the treaties for the extinguishment of the title of the several Indian tribes bordering on the Wabash and its tributaries, the Mascoutins are nowhere alluded to, while the Kickapoos are prominent parties to many treaties at which extensive tracts of coun- try were ceded. No man living, in his time, was better informed than Gen. Harrison, — who conducted these several treaties on behalf of the United States, — of the relations and distinctions, however trifling, that may have existed among the numerous Indian tribes with whom, in a long course of official capacity, he came in contact, either with the pen. around the friendly council-fire, or with the up- lifted sword upon the field of hostile encounter. In all his volumi- nous correspondence during the years when the northwest was com- mitted to his charge the General makes no mention of the Mascoutins * Western Gazetteer, by Samuel R. Brown, p. 71. This work of Mr. Brown's is exceedingly valuable for the amount of reliable information it affords not obtainable from any other source. He was with Gen. Harrison in the campaigns of the war of 1812. In the preface to his Gazetteer he says: " Business and curiosity have made the writer acquainted with a large portion of the western country never before described. Where personal knowledge was wanting I have availed myself of the correspondence of many of the most intelligent gentlemen in the west. ' ' At the time Mr.Brown was compil- ing material for his Gazetteer, "the Harrison Purchase was being run out into townships and sections," and Mr. Brown came in contact with the surveyors doing the work, and derived much information from them. The book is carefully prepared, covering a topographical description of the country embraced, its towns, rivers, counties, popula- tion, Indian tribes, etc., and altogether is one of the most authentic and useful books relative to " the west," which was attracting the attention of emigrants at the time of its publication. t Charlevoix' History of New France. 160 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. by that name, but often refers to "the Kickapoos of the prairies," to distinguish them from other bands of the same tribe who occupied villages in the timbered portions of the Wabash and its tributaries.* At a subsequent treaty of peace and friendship, concluded on the 27th of September, 1815, between Governor Ninian Edwards, of Illinois Territory, and the chiefs, warriors, etc., of the Kickapoo nation, Wash-e-own, who at the treaty of Vincennes signed as a Mas- coutin, was a party to it, and in this instance signed as a Kickapoo. No Mascoutins by that name appear in the record of the treaty.! The preceding facts, negative and direct, admit of the following inferences : that there were two subdivisions of the same nation, known first to the French, then to the English, and more recently to the Americans, the one under the name of Kickapoos and the other as Mascoutines ; that they spoke the same language and ob- served the same customs ; that they were living near each other, and always had a community of interest in their wars, alliances and migrations ; and that since the United States have held dominion over the territory of the northwest the Kickapoos and Mascoutines have considered themselves as one and the same people, whose tri- bal relations w T ere so nearly identical that, in all official transactions with the federal government, they were recognized only as Kicka- poos. And is it not apparent, after all, that there was only a nom- inal distinction between these two tribes, or, rather, families of the same tribe ? Were not the Mascoutins bands of the Kickapoos who dwelt exclusively on the prairies ? It seems, from authorities cited, that this question admits of but one answer. The destruction that followed the attempt of the Mascoutins to capture Detroit was, perhaps, one of the most remorseless in which white men took a part of which we have an account in the annals of Indian warfare. As before stated, the Muscotins in 1712 laid siege to the Fort, hearing of which the Pottawatomies, with other tribes friendly to the French, collected in a large force for their assistance. * The only treaty which the Mascoutins. as such, were parties to was the one concluded at Vincennes on the 27th of September, 1792, between the several Wabash tribes and Gen. Rufus Putnam, on behalf of the United States. Two Mascoutins signed this treaty, viz, Waush-eown and At-schat-schaw. Three Kickapoo chiefs also signed the parchment, viz, Me-an-ach-kah, Ma-en-a-pah and Mash-a-ras-a, the Black Elk, and, what is singular, this last person, although a Kickapoo, signs himself to the treaty as "The Chief of The Meadows." This treaty was only one of peace and friend- ship. The text of the treaty is found in the American State Papers, Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 388; in Judge Dillon's History of Indiana, edition of 1859, pp. 293, 294, and in the Western Annals, Pittsburg edition, pp. 605, 606. The names of the tribes and of the individual chiefs who participated in it are not given in any of the works cited. They only appear in the copy on file at the War Department and in the original manu- script journal of Gen. Putnam. The author is indebted to Dr. Israel W. Andrews, president of Marietta College, for transcripts from Gen. Putnam's journal. t Treaties with the Indian Tribes, Washington edition, p. 172. IDENTITY OF KICKAPOOS WITH THE MASCOUTINS. 161 The Muscotines, after protracted efforts, abandoned the position in which they were attacked, and fled, closely pursued, to an intrenched position on Presque Isle, opposite Hog Island, near Lake St. Clair, some distance above the fort. Here they held out for four days against the combined French and Indian forces. Their women and children were actually starving, numbers dying from hunger every day. They sent messengers to the French officer, begging for quar- ter, offering to surrender at discretion, only craving that their re- maining women and children and themselves might be spared the horror of a general massacre. The Indian allies of the French would submit to no such terms. "At the end of the fourth day, after fighting with much courage," says the French commander, "and not being able to resist further, the Muscotins surrendered at discretion to our people, who gave them no quarter. Our Indians lost sixty men, killed and wounded. The enemy lost a thousand souls — men, women and children. All our allies returned to our fort with their slaves (meaning the captives), and their amusement was to shoot four or five of them every day. The Hurons did not spare a single one of theirs. "* "We find no instance in which the Kickapoos or Muscotins assisted either the French or the English in any of the intrigues or wars for the control of the fur trade, or the acquisition of disputed territory in the northwest. At the close of Pontiac's conspiracy, the Kicka- poos, whose temporary lodges were pitched on the prairie near Fort Wayne, notified Captain Morris, the English ambassador, on his way from Detroit to Fort Chartes, to take possession of "the coun- try of the Illinois" ; that if the Miamis did not put him to death, they themselves would do so, should he attempt to pass their camp.f Still later, on the 8th of June, 1765, as George Croghan, likewise an English ambassador, on his route by the Ohio River to Fort Chartes, was attacked at daybreak, at the mouth of the Wabash, by a party of eighty Kickapoo and Mascoutin warriors, who had set out from Fort Ouiatanon to intercept his passage, and killed two of his men and three Indians, and wounded Croghan himself, and all the rest of his party except two wdiite men and one Indian. They then made all of them prisoners, and plundered them of everything they had.} * Official Report of M. Du Boisson on the Siege of Detroit. t Parkman's History of the Conspiracy of Pontiac, 3d single volume edition, p. 474. X The narrative, Journal of Col. George Croghan, "who was sent, at the peace of 1768, etc., to explore the country adjacent to the Ohio River, and to conciliate the Indian nations who had hitherto acted with the French." [ReprintedJ from Feather- stonhaugh Am. Monthly Journal of Geology, Dec. 1831. Pamphlet, p. 17. 11 162 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Having thrown such obstacles as were within their power against the French and English, the Kickapoos were ready to offer the same treatment to the Americans ; and, when Col. Rogers Clark was at Kaskaskia, in 177S, negotiating peace treaties with the west- ward Indians, his enemies found a party of young Kickapoos the willing instruments to undertake, for a reward promised, to kill him. As a military people, the Kickapoos were inferior to the Miamis, Delawares and Shawnees in movements requiring large bodies of men, but they were preeminent in predatory warfare. Parties con- sisting of from five to twenty persons were the usual number com- prising their war parties. These small forces would push out hun- dreds of miles from their villages, and swoop down upon a feeble settlement, or an isolated pioneer cabin, and burn the property, kill the cattle, steal the horses, capture the women and children, and be off again before an alarm could be given of their approach. From such incursions of the Kickapoos the people of Kentucky suffered severely."" A small war party of these Indians hovered upon the skirts of Gen. Harmer's army when he was conducting the campaign against the upper Wabash tribes, in 1790. They cut out a squad of ten regular soldiers of Gen. Harmer by decoying them into an ambuscade. Jackson Johonnot, the orderly sergeant in command of the regulars, gave an interesting account of their capture and the killing of his companions, after they were subjected to the severest hunger and fatigue on the march, and the running of the gauntlet on reaching the Indian villages, f The Kickapoos were noted for their fondness of horses and their skill and daring in stealing them. They were so addicted to this practice that Joseph Brant, having been sent westward to the Maumee River in 1788, in the interest of the United States, to bring about a reconciliation with the several tribes inhabiting the Maumee and Wabash, wrote back that, in his opinion, tl the Kickapoos, with the Shawnees and Miamis, were so much addicted to horse stealing that it would be difficult to break them of it, and as that kind of business was their best harvest, they would, of course, declare for war and decline giving up any of their country.";}: * One of the reasons urged to induce the building of a town at the falls of the Ohio was that it would afford a means of strength against, and be an object of terror to, "our savage enemies, the Kickapoo Indians." Letter of Col. Williams, January 3, 1776, from Boonsborough, to the proprietors of the grant, found in Sketches of the West, by James Hall. t Sketches of Western Adventure, by M'Lung, contains a summarized account, taken from Johonnot's original narrative, published at Keene, New Hampshire, 1816. % Stone's Life of Joseph Brant, vol. 2, p. 278. KICKAPOOS DESTROY THE ILLINOIS. 111:! Between the years 1786 and 1796, the Kickapoo war parties, from their villages on the Wabash and Vermilion Rivers, kept the settle- ments in the vicinity of Kaskaskia in a state of continual alarm. Within the period named they killed and captured a number of men, women and children in that part of Illinois. Among their notable captures was that of William Biggs, whom they took across the prairies to their village on the west bank of the Wabash, above Attica, Indiana.* Subsequent to the close of the Pontiac war, the Kickapoos, as- sisted by the Pottawatomies, almost annihilated the Kaskaskias at a place since called Battle Ground Creek, on the road leading from Kaskaskia to Shawneetown, and about twenty-five miles from the former place, f The Kaskaskias were shut up in the villages of Kaskaskia and Cahokia, and the Kickapoos became the recognized proprietors of a large portion of the territory of the Kaskaskias on the west, and the hunting grounds of the Piankeshaw-Miamis on the east, of the dividing ridge between the Illinois and Wabash Rivers. The principal Kickapoo towns were on the left bank of the Illinois, near Peoria, and on the Vermilion, of the Wabash, and at several places on the west bank of the latter stream.;}: The Kickapoos of the prairie had villages west of Charleston, Illinois, about the head- waters of the Kaskaskia and in many of the groves scattered over the prairies between the Illinois and the Wa- bash and south of the Kankakee, notable among which were their towns at Elkhart Grove, on the Mackinaw, twelve miles north of Bloomington, and at Oliver's Grove, in Livingston county, Illinois. These people were much attached to the country along the Ver- milion River, and Gen. Harrison had great trouble in gaining their consent to cede it away. The Kickapoos valued it highly as a desirable home, and because of the minerals it was supposed to contain. In a letter, dated December 10, 1809, addressed to the * Biggs was a tall and handsome man. He had been one of Col. Clark's soldiers, and had settled near Bellefountaine. He was well versed in the Indians' ways and their language. The Kickapoos took a great fancy to him. They adopted him into their tribe, put him through a ridiculous ceremony which transformed him into a genuine Kickapoo, after which he was offered a handsome daughter of a Kickapoo brave for a wife. He declined all these flattering temptations, however, purchased his freedom through the agency of a Spanish trader at the Kickapoo village, and returned home to his family, going down the Wabash and Ohio and up the Mississippi in a canoe. His- torical Sketch of the Early Settlements in Illinois, etc., by John M. Peck, read before the Illinois State Lyceum, August 16, 1832. In 1826, shortly before his death, Mr. Biggs published a narrative of his experience " while he was a prisoner with the Kick- apoo Indians." It was published in pamphlet form, with poor type, and on very com- mon paper, and contains twenty-three pages. t J. M. Peck's Historical Address. X Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois, J. M. Peck's Address, and Gen. Harrison's Memoirs. 164 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Secretary of War, by Gen. Harrison, the latter, — referring to the treaty at Fort Wayne in connection with his efforts at that treaty to induce the Kickapoos to release their title to the tract of country bounded on the east by the Wabash, on the south by the northern line of the so-called Harrison Purchase, extending from opposite the mouth of Raccoon Creek, northwest fifteen miles ; thence to a point on the Vermilion River, twenty-five miles in a direct line from its mouth; thence down the latter stream to its confluence, — says "he was extremely anxious that the extinguishment of title should extend as high up as the Vermilion River. This small tract [of about twenty miles square] is one of the most beautiful that can be con- ceived, and is, moreover, believed to contain a very rich copper mine. The Indians were so extremely jealous of any search being made for this mine that the traders were always cautioned not to approach the hills which were supposed to contain it."* In the desperate plans of Tecumseh and his brother, the Prophet, to unite all of the Indian tribes in a war of extermination against the whites, the Kickapoos took an active part. Gen. Harrison made extraordinary efforts to avert the troubles that culminated in the bat- tle of Tippecanoe. The Kickapoos were particularly uneasy ; and in 1S06 Gen. Harrison dispatched Capt. fin. Prince to the Yermil- ion towns with a speech addressed to all the chiefs and warriors of the Kickapoo tribe, giving Capt. Prince further instructions to pro- ceed to the villages in the prairies, if, after having delivered the speech at the Yermilion towns, he discovered that there would be no danger in proceeding beyond. The speech, which was full of good words, had little effect, and "shortly after the mission of Capt. * General Harrison's Official Letter: American State Papers of Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 726. It was not copper, but a mineral having something like the appearance of silver, that the Indians so jealously guarded. Recent explorations among the bluffs on the Little Vermilion have resulted in the discovery of a number of ancient smelting furnaces, with the charred coals and slag remaining in and about them. The furnaces are crude, consisting of shallow excavations of irregular shape in the hillsides. These basins, averaging a few feet across the top, were lined with fire-clay. The bottoms of the pits were connected by ducts or troughs, also made of fire-clay, leading into reser- voirs a little distance lower down the hillside, into which the metal could flow, when reduced to a liquid state, in the furnaces above. The pits were carefully filled with earth, and every precaution was taken to prevent their discovery, a slight depression in the surface of the ground being the only indication of their presence. The mines are from every appearance entitled to a claim of considerable antiquity, and are probably "the silver mines on the Wabash " that figure in the works of Hutchins, Imlay, and other early writers, as the geological formation of the country precludes there being any of the metals as high up or above "Ouiatanon," in the vicinity of which those authors, as well as other writers, have located these mines. The most plausible ex- planation of the use to which the metal was put is given by a half-breed Indian, whose ancestors lived in the vicinity and were in the secret that, after being smelted, the metal was sent to Montreal, where it was used as an alloy with silver, and con- verted into brooches, wristbands, and other like jewelry, and brought back by the traders and disposed of to the Indians. PA-KOI-SHEE-CAN. 165 Prince, the Prophet found means to bring the whole of the Kicka- poos entirely under his influence. He prevailed on the warriors to reduce their old chief, Joseph Renard's son, to a private man. He would have been put to death but for the insignificance of his char- acter. "* The Kickapoos fought in great numbers, and with frenzied cour- age, at the battle of Tippecanoe. They early sided with the British in the war that was declared between the United States and Great Britain the following June, and sent out numerous war parties that kept the settlements in Illinois and Indiana territories in constant peril, while other warriors represented their tribe in almost every battle fought; on the western frontier during this war. As the Pottawatomies and other tribes friendly to the English laid siege to Fort Wayne, the Kickapoos, assisted by the Winneba- goes, undertook the capture of Fort Harrison. They nearly suc- ceeded, and would have taken the fort but for one of the most he- roic and determined defenses under Capt. (afterward Gen.) Zachary Taylor. Capt. Taylor's official letter to Gen. Harrison, dated September 10, 1812, contains a graphic account of the affair at Fort Harrison. The writer will here give the version of Pa-hoi-shee-can, whom the French called La Farine and the Americans The Flour, the Kicka- poo chief who planned the attack and personally executed the most ■difficult part of the programme. f First, the Indians loitered about the fort, having a few of their women and children about them, to induce a belief that their pres- ence was of a friendly character, while the main body of warriors were secreted at some distance off, waiting for favorable develop- ments. Under the pretense of a want of provisions, the men and * Memoirs of Gen. Hamson, p. 85. A foot-note on the same page is as follows: 1 ' Old Joseph Renard was a very different character, a great warrior and perfectly sav- age — delighting in blood. He once told some of the inhabitants of Vincennes that he used to be much diverted at the different exclamations of the Americans and the French while the Indians were scalping them, the one exclaiming Oh Lord! oh Lord! oh Lord! — the other Mon Dieu! mon Dieu! mon Dieit! " fThe account here given was narrated to the author by Mrs. Mary A. Baptiste, substantially as it was told to her by " Pa-koi-shee-can." This lady, with her hus- band, Christmas Dagney, was at Fort Harrison in 1821, where the latter was assisting in disbursing annuities to the assembled Indians. The business, and general spree which followed it, occupied two or three days. La Farine was present with his people to receive their share of annuities, and the old chief, having leisure, edified Mr. Dag- ney and his wife with a minute description of his attempt to capture the fort, pointing out the position of the attacking party and all the movements on the part of the Indians, La Farine was a large, fleshy man, well advanced in years and a thorough savage. As he related the story he warmed up and indulged in a great deal of pan- tomime, which gave force to, while it heightened the effect of, his narration. The particulars are given substantially as they were repeated to the author. The lady of whom he received it had never read an account of the engagement. 166 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. women were permitted to approach the fort, and had a chance to inspect the fort and its defenses, an opportunity of which the men fully availed themselves. A dark night, giving the appearance of rain, favored a plan which was at once put into execution. The warriors were called to the front, and the women and children retired to a place of safety. La Farine, with a large butcher knife in each hand, extended himself at full length upon the ground. He drove one knife into the ground and drew his body up against it, then he reached forward, with the knife in the other hand, and driv- ing that into the ground drew himself along. In this way he ap- proached the lower block-house, stealthily through the grass. He could hear the sentinels on their rounds within the fortified enclo- sure. As they advanced toward that part of the works where the lower block-house was situated, La Farine would lie still upon the ground, and when the sentinels made the turn and were moving in the opposite direction, he would again crawl nearer.* In this manner La Farine reached the very walls of the block-house. There was a crack between the logs of the block-house, and through this opening the Kickapoo placed a quantity of dry grass, bits of wood, and other combustible material, brought in a blanket tied about his back, so as to form a sack. As the preparation for this incendiarism was in progress, the sentinels passed within a very few feet of the place, as they paced by on the opposite side of the block-house. Everything being in readiness, and the sentinels at the farther end of the works, La Farine struck a fire with his flint and thrust it between the logs, and threw his blanket quickly over the opening, to prevent the light from flashing outside, and giving the alarm before the building should be well ablaze. When assured that the fire was well under way, he fell back and gave the signal, when the attack was immedi- ately begun by the Indians at the other extremity of the fort. The lower block-house burned up in spite of all the efforts of the gar- rison to put out the fire, and for awhile the Indians were exultant in the belief of an assured and complete victory. Gen. Taylor con- structed a barricade out of material taken from another building, and by the time the block-house burned the Indians discovered a new line of defenses, closing up the breach by which they expected to effect an entrance, f * Capt. Taylor, being- suspicious of mischief, took the precaution to order sentinels to make the rounds within the inclosure, as appears from his official report. fThe Indians, exasperated by the failure of their attempt upon Fort Harrison, made an incursion to the Pigeon Roost Fork of White River, where they massacred twenty-one of the inhabitants, many of them women and children. The details of some of the barbarities committed on this incursion are too shocking to narrate. They TERRITORY OF THE KICKAPOOS. 167 in 1819, at a treaty concluded at Edwardsville, Illinois, they ceded to the United States all of their lands. Their claim included the following territory: "Beginning on the Wabash River, at the upper point of their cession, made by the second article of their treaty at Vincennes on the 9th of December, 1809 ;* thence running northwestwardly! to the dividing line between the states of Illinois and Indiana ;;{: thence along said line to the Kankakee River ; thence with said river to the Illinois River; thence down the latter to its mouth ; thence in a direct line to the northwest corner of the Vin- cennes tract, § and thence (north by a little east) with the western and northern boundaries of the cessions heretofore made by the Kickapoo tribe of Indians, to the beginning. Of which tract of land the said Kickapoo tribe claim a large portion by descent from their ancestors, and the balance by conquest from the Illinois Nation and uninterrupted possession for more than half a century.'''' An exam- ination, extended through many volumes, leaves no doubt of the just claims of the Kickapoos to the territory described, or the length of time it had been in their possession. With the close of the war of 1812, the Kickapoos ceased their active hostilities upon the whites, and within a few years afterward disposed of their lands in Illinois and Indiana, and, with the excep- tion of a few bands, went westward of the Mississippi. "The Kickapoos," says ex-Go v. Reynolds, "disliked the United States so much that they decided, when they left Illinois that they would not reside within the limits of our government,' ' but would settle in Texas. || A large body of them did go to Texas, and when the are given by Capt. M'Affe in his History of the Late War in the Western Country, p. 155. The garrison at Fort Harrison was cut off from communication with Vincennes for several days, and reduced to great extremity for want of provisions. They were relieved by Col. Russell. After this officer had left the fort, on his return to Vincennes, he passed several wagons with provisions on their way up to the fort under an escort of thirteen men, commanded by Lieut. Fairbanks, of the regular army. This body of men were surprised and cut to pieces by the Indians, two or three only escaping, while the provisions and wagons fell into the hands of the savages. Vide M'Affe, p. 155. * At the mouth of Raccoon Creek, opposite Montezuma. t Following the northwestern line of the so-called Harrison Purchase. % The state line had not been run at this time, and when it was surveyed in 1821 it was discovered to be several miles west of where it was generally supposed it would be. The territory of the Kickapoos extended nearly as far east as La Fayette, as is evident from the location of some of their villages. § By the terms of the fourth article of the treaty of Greenville the United States reserved a tract of land on both sides of the Wabash, above and below Vincennes, to cover the rights of the inhabitants of that village who had received grants from the French and British governments. In 1803, for the purpose of settling the limits of this tract, General Harrison, on the 7th of June, 1803, at Fort Wayne, concluded a treaty with the Miamis, Kickapoos, Shawnees, Pottawatomies and Delawares. This cession of land became known as the Vincennes tract, and its northwest corner extends some twelve miles into Illinois, crossing the Wabash at Palestine. I Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 8. 168 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Lone Star Republic became one of the United States the Kickapoos retired to New Mexico, and subsequently some of them went to Old Mexico. Here on these isolated borders the wild bands of Kicka- poos have for years maintained the reputation of their sires as a busy and turbulent people.* A mixed band of Kickapoos and Pottawatomies, who resided on the Vermilion River and its tributaries, became christianized under the instructions of Ka-en-ne-kuck. This remarkable man, once a drunkard himself, reformed and became an exemplary christian, and commanded such influence over his band that they, too, became christians, abstained entirely from whisky, which had brought them to the verge of destruction, and gave up many of the other vices to which they were previously addicted. Ka-en-ne-kuck had religious services every Sunday, and so conscientious were his people that they abstained from labor and all frivolous pastimes on that day.f Ka-en-ne-kuck' s discourses were replete with religious thought, and advice given in accordance with the precepts of the Bible, and are more interesting because they were the utterances of an unedu- cated Indian, who is believed to have done more, in his sphere of action, in the cause of temperance and other moral reforms, than any other person has been able to accomplish among the Indians, although armed with all the power that education and talent could confer. Ka-en-ne-kuck' s band, numbering about two hundred persons, migrated to Kansas, and settled upon a reservation within the pres- ent limits of Jackson and Brown counties, where the survivors, and the immediate descendants of those who have since died, are now residing upon their farms. Their well-cultivated fields and their uniform good conduct attest the lasting effect of Ka-en-ne-kuck' s teachings. The wild bands have always been troublesome upon the south- western borders, plundering upon all sides, making inroads into the settlements, killing stock and stealing horses. Every now and then * In 1854 a band of them were found by Col. Marcy, living near Fort Arbuckle. He says of them: "They are intelligent, active and brave; they frequently visit and traffic with the prairie Indians, and have no fear of meeting these people in battle, provided the odds are not more than six to one against them." Marcy 's Thirty Years of Army Life on the Border, p. 95. fOne of Ka-en-ne-kuck's sermons was delivered at Danville, Illinois, on the 17th of July, 1831, to his own tribe, and a large concourse of citizens who asked permission to be present. The sermon was delivered in the Kickapoo dialect, interpreted into Knglish, sentence at a time as spoken by the orator, by Gurdeon S. Hubbard, who spoke the Kickapoo as well as the Pottawatomie dialect with great fluency. The sermon was taken down in writing by Solomon Banta, a lawyer then living in Danville, and for- warded by him and Col. Hubbard to Judge James Hall, at Van d alia, Illinois, and pub- lished in the October number (1831) of his " Illinois Monthly Magazine." CHARACTERISTICS. 169 their depredations form the subject of items for the current news- papers of the day. For years the government has failed in efforts to induce the wild band to remove to some point within the Indian Territory, where they might be restrained from annoying the border settlements of Texas and New Mexico. Some years ago a part of the semi-civilized Kickapoos in Kansas, preferring their old wild life to the ways of civilized society, left Kansas and joined the bands to the southwest. These last, after twelve years' roving in quest of plunder, were induced to return, and in 1875 they were settled in the Indian Territory and supplied with the necessary implements and provisions to enable them to go to work and earn an honest liv- ing. In this commendable effort at reform they are now making very satisfactory progress.* In 1875 the number of civilized Kick- apoos within the Kansas agency was three hundred and eight-five, while the wild or Mexican band numbered four hundred and twenty, as appears from the official report on Indian affairs for that year. As compared with other Indians, the Kickapoos were industrious, intelligent, and cleanly in their habits, and were better armed and clothed than the other tribes, t The men, as a rule, were tall, sin- ewy and active ; the women were lithe, and many of them by no means lacking in beauty. Their dialect was soft and liquid, as com- pared with the rough and guttural language of the Pottawatomies.:}: They kept aloof from the white people, as a rule, and in this way preserved their characteristics, and contracted fewer of the vices of the white man than other tribes. Their numbers were never great, as compared with the Miamis or Pottawatomies ; however, they made up for the deficiency in this respect by the energy of their movements. In language, manners and customs the Kickapoos bore a very close resemblance to the Sac and Fox Indians, whose allies they generally were, and with whom they have by some writers been confounded. * Report of Commissioner on Indian Affairs for the year 1875. t Reynolds' Pioneer History of Illinois. X Statement of Col. Hubbard to the writer. CHAPTER XVII. THE SHAWNEES AND DELA WARES. The Shawnees were a branch of the Algonquin family, and in manners and customs bore a strong resemblance to the Delawares. They were the Bedouins of the wilderness, and their wanderings form a notable instance in the history of the nomadic races of North America. Before the arrival of the Europeans the Shawnees lived on the shores of the great lakes eastward of Cleveland. At that time the principal Iroquois villages were on the northern side of the lakes, above Montreal, and this tribe was under a species of subjec- tion to the Adirondacks, the original tribe from whence the several Algonquin tribes are alleged to have sprung,* and made "the plant- ing of corn their business.'" " The Adirondacks, however, valued themselves as delighting in a more manly employment, and despised the Iroquois in following a business which they thought only fit for women. But it once hap- pened that game failed the Adirondacks, which made them desire some of the young men of the Iroquois to assist them in hunting. These young men soon became much more expert in hunting, and able to endure fatigues, than the Adirondacks expected or desired ; in short, they became jealous of them, and one night murdered all the young men they had with them." The chiefs of the Iroquois complained, but the Adirondacks treated their remonstrances with contempt, without being apprehensive of the resentment of the Iro- quois, "for they looked upon them as women/ 1 The Iroquois determined on revenge, and the Adirondacks, hear- ing of it, declared war. The Iroquois made but feeble resistance, and were forced to leave their country and fly to the south shores of the lakes, where they ever afterward lived. "Their chiefs, in order to raise their people's spirits, turned them against the Satanas, a less warlike nation, who then lived on the shores of the lakes." The Iroquois soon subdued the Satanas, and drove them from their country, f * Adirondack is the Iroquois name for Algonquin. t < 'olden's History of the Five Nations, pp. 22, 23, The Shawnees were known to the Iroquois by the name of Satanas. Same authority. 170 WANDERINGS OF THE SHAWNEES. 171 In 1632 the Shawnees were on the south side of the Delaware.* From this time the Iroquois pursued them, each year driving them farther southward. Forty years later they were on the Tennessee, and Father Marquette, in speaking of them, calls them Chaouanons, which was the Illinois word for southerners, or people from the south, so termed because they lived to the south of the Illinois cantons. The Iroquois still waged war upon the Shawnees, driving them to the extremities mentioned in the extracts quoted from Father Marquette's journal, f To escape further molestation from the Iroquois, the Shaw- nees continued a more southern course, and some of their bands penetrated the extreme southern states. The Suwanee River, in Florida, derived its name from the fact that the Shawnees once lived upon its banks. Black Hoof, the renowned chief of this tribe, was born in Florida, and informed Gen. Harrison, with whom for many years he was upon terms of intimacy, that he had often bathed in the sea. "It is well known that they were at a place which still bears their namej on the Ohio, a few miles below the mouth of the Wabash, some time before the commencement of the revolutionary war, where they remained before their removal to the Sciota, where they were found in the year 1774 by Gov. Dunmore. Their removal from Florida was a necessity, and their progress from thence a flight rather than a deliberate march. This is evident from their appear- ance when they presented themselves upon the Ohio and claimed protection of the Miamis. They are represented by the chiefs of the Miamis and Delawares as supplicants for protection, not against the Iroquois, but against the Creeks and Seminoles, or some other south- ern tribe, who had driven them from Florida, and they are said to have been literally sans prov ant et sans culottes [hungry and naked]. § After their dispersion by the Iroquois, remnants of the tribe were found in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio and Pennsylvania, but after the return of the main body from the south, they became once more united, the Pennsylvania band leaving that colony about the same time that the Delawares did. During the forty years following that period, the whole tribe was in a state of perpetual war with America, either as British colonies or as independent states. By the treaty of * De Laet. t Vide p. 49 of this work. X Shawneetown, Illinois. §Gen. Harrison's Historical Address, pp. 30, 31. This history of the Shawnees, says Gen. Harrison, was brought forward at a council at Vincennes in 1810, to resist the pretensions of Tecumseh to an interference with the Miamis in the disposal of their lands, and however galling the reference to these facts must have been to Tecumseh. he was unable to deny them. 172 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Greenville, they lost nearly all the territory they had been permitted to occupy north of the Ohio.* In 1819 they were divided into four tribes, — the Pequa,+ the Me- quachake, the Chillicothe, and the Kiskapocoke. The latter tribe was the one to which Tecumseh belonged. They were always hos- tile to the United States, and joined every coalition against the gov- ernment. In 1806 they separated from the rest of the tribe, and took up their residence at Greenville. Soon afterward they removed to their former place of residence on Tippecanoe Creek, Indiana.^: At the close of Gen. Wayne's campaign, a large body of the Shawnees settled near Cape Girardeau, Missouri, upon a tract of land granted to them and the Delawares in 1793, bv Baron de Ca- rondelet, governor of the Spanish provinces west of the Mississippi. § From their towns in eastern Ohio, the Shawnees spread north and westward to the headwaters of the Big and Little Miamis, the St. Mary's, and the Au Glaize, and for quite a distance down the Mau- mee. They had extensive cultivated fields upon these streams, which, with their villages, were destroyed by Gen. Wayne on his return from the victorious engagement with the confederated tribes on the field of "fallen timbers." Gen. Harmer, in his letter to the Secretary of War, communicating the details of his campaign on the Maumee, in October, 1790, gives a fine description of the country, and the location of the Shawnee, Delaware and Miami vil- lages, in the neighborhood of Fort Wayne, as they appeared at that early day. We quote: "The savages and traders (who were, perhaps, the worst savages of the two) had evacuated their towns, and burnt the principal village called the Omee*l together with all the traders' houses. This village lay on a pleasant point, formed by the junc- tion of the rivers Omee and St. Joseph. It was situate on the east * Gallatin. t " In ancient times they had a large fire, which, being burned down, a great puffing and blowing was heard among the ashes; they looked, and behold a man stood up from the ashes! hence the name Piqua — a man coming out of the ashes, or made of ashes." \ Account of the Present State of the Indian Tribes Inhabiting Ohio : Archseologia Americana, vol. 1, pp. 274, 275. Mr. Johnson is in error in locating this band upon the Tippecanoe. The prophets' town was upon the west bank of the Wabash, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe. § Treaties with the Several Indian Tribes, etc.: Government edition, 1837. The Shawnees and Delawares relinquished their title to their Spanish grant by a treaty concluded between them and the United States on the 26th of October, 1832. J "The army returned to this place [Fort Defiance] on the 27th, by easy marches, laying waste to the villages and corn-fields for about fifty miles on each side of the Miami [Maumee]. There remains yet a great number of villages and a great quantity of corn to be consumed or destroyed upon the Au Glaize and Miami above this place, which will be effected in a few days." Gen. Wayne to the Secretary of War: Ameri- can State Papers on Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 491. If The Miami village. COUNTRY OF THE SHAWNEES. 173 bank of the latter, opposite the mouth of St. Mary, and had for a long time past been the rendezvous of a set of Indian desperadoes, who infested the settlements, and stained the Ohio and parts adjacent with the blood of defenseless inhabitants. This day we advanced nearly the same distance, and kept nearly the same course as yester- day ; we encamped within six miles of the object, and on Sunday, the 17th, entered the ruins of the Omee town, or French village, as part of it is called. Appearances confirmed accounts I had received of the consternation into which the savages and their trading allies had been thrown by the approach of the army. Many valuables of the traders were destroyed in the confusion, and vast quantities of corn and other grain and vegetables were secreted in holes dug in the earth, and other hiding places. Colonel Hardin rejoined the army." "Besides the town of Omee, there were several other villages situ- ate upon the banks of three rivers. One of them, belonging to the Omee Indians, called Kegaiogue,* was standing and contained thirty houses on the bank opposite the principal village. Two others, consisting together of about forty-five houses, lay a few miles up the St. Mary's, and were inhabited by Delawares. Thirty-six houses occupied by other savages of this tribe formed another but scattered town, on the east bank of the St. Joseph, two or three miles north from the French village. About the same distance down the Omee River, lay the Shawnee town of Chillicothe, consisting of fifty-eight houses, opposite which, on the other bank of the river, were sixteen more habitations, belonging to savages of the same nation. All these I ordered to be burnt during my stay there, together with great quantities of corn and vegetables hidden as at the principal village, in the earth and other places by the savages, who had aban- doned them. It is computed that there were no less than twenty thousand bushels of corn, in the ear, which the army either con- sumed or destroyed, "f The Shawnees also had a populous village within the present limits of Fountain county, Indiana, a few miles east of Attica. They gave their name to Shawnee Prairie and to a stream that dis- charges into the Wabash from the east, a short distance below "VVill- iamsport. * Ke-ki-ong-a. — "The name in English is said to signify a blackberry patch [more probably a blackberry bush] which, in its turn, passed among the Miamis as a symbol of antiquity." Brice's History of Fort Wayne, p. 23. fGen. Harmer's Official Letter. It will be observed that Gen. Harmer treats the French Omee or Miami village as a separate town from that of Ke-ki-ong-a. His de- scription is so minute, and his opportunities so favorable to know the facts, that there is scarcely a probability of his having been mistaken. 174 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. In 1854 the Shawnees in Kansas numbered nine hundred persons, occupying a reservation of one million six hundred thousand acres. Their lands were divided into severalty. They have banished whisky, and many of them have fine farms under cultivation. Be- ing on the border of Missouri, they suffered from the rebel raids, and particularly that of Gen. Price in 1864. In 1865 they numbered eight hundred and forty-five persons. They furnished for the Union army one hundred and twenty-five men. The Shawnees have illus- trated by their own conduct the capability of an Indian tribe to become civilized.* The Delawares called themselves Lenno Lenape, which signifies "original" or "unmixed" men. They were divided into three clans : the Turtle, the Wolf and the Turkey. When first met with by the Europeans, they occupied a district of country bounded eastwardly by the Hudson River and the Atlantic ; on the west their territories extended to the ridge separating the flow of the Delaware from the other streams emptying into the Susquehanna River and Chesapeake Bay.f They, according to their own traditions, "many hundred years ago resided in the western part of the continent ; thence by slow emigration, they at length reached the Alleghany River, so called from a nation of giants, the Allegewi, against whom the Delawares and Iroquois (the latter also emigrants from the west) carried on successful war ; and still proceeding eastward, settled on the Dela- ware, Hudson, Susquehanna and Potomac rivers, making the Dela- ware the center of their possessions.^ By the other Algonquin tribes the Delawares were regarded with the utmost respect and veneration. They were called "'fathers," ' ' grandfathers, ' 1 etc. " When William Penn landed in Pennsylvania the Delawares had been subjugated and made women by the Iroquois." They were prohibited from making war, placed under the sovereignty of the Iroquois, and even lost the right of dominion to the lands which they had occupied for so many generations. Gov. Penn, in his treaty with the Delawares, purchased from them the right of possession merely, and afterward obtained the relinquishment of the sovereignty from the Iroquois. § The Delawares accounted for their humiliating relation to the Iroquois by claiming that their assumption of the role of women, or mediators, was entirely voluntary on their part. * Gale's Upper Mississippi. \ Taylor's History of Ohio, p. 33. f Gallatin's Synopsis of the Indian Tribes, p. 44. ^Gallatin's Synopsis, etc. DELAWARES BECOME WOMEN. 175 They said they became "peacemakers," not through compulsion, but in compliance with the intercession of different belligerent tribes, and that this position enabled their tribe to command the respect of all the Indians east of the Mississippi. While it is true that the Delawares were very generally recognized as mediators, they never in any war or treaty exerted an influence through the possession of this title. It was an empty honor, and no additional power or ben- efit ever accrued from it. That the degrading position of the Dela- wares was not voluntary is proven in a variety of ways. "We possess none of the details of the war waged against the Lenapes, but we know that it resulted in the entire submission of the latter, and that the Iroquois, to prevent any further interruption from the Delawares, adopted a plan to humble and degrade them, as novel as it was ef- fectual. Singular as it may seem, it is nevertheless true that the Lenapes, upon the dictation of the Iroquois, agreed to lay aside the character of warriors and assume that of women."* The Iroquois, while they were not present at the treaty of Greenville, took care to inform Gen. Wayne that the Delawares were their subjects — " that they had conquered them and put petticoats upon them." At a council held July 12, 1742, at the house of the lieutenant-governor of Pennsylvania, where the subject of previous grants of land was under discussion, an Iroquois orator turned to the Delawares who were present at the council, and holding a belt of waumpum, ad- dressed them thus: "Cousins, let this belt of waumpum serve to chastise you. You ought to be taken by the hair of your head and shaked severely, till you recover your senses and become sober. . . . But how came you to take upon yourself to sell land at all ? " refer- ring to lands on the Delaware River, which the Delawares had sold some fifty years before. "We conquered you ; we made women of you. You know you are women, and can no more sell land than women ; nor is it fit you should have the power of selling lands, since you would abuse it." The Iroquois orator continues his chas- tisement of the Delawares, indulging in the most opprobrious lan- guage, and closed his speech by telling the Delawares to remove immediately. "We don't give you the liberty to think about it. You may return to the other side of the Delaware, where you came from ; but we don't know, considering how you had demeaned your- selves, whether you will be permitted to live there. "f The Quakers who settled Pennsylvania treated the Delawares in * Discourse of Gen. Harrison. t Minutes of the Conference at Philadelphia, in Colden's History of the Five Nations. 176 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. accordance with the rules of justice and equity. The result was that during a period of sixty years peace and the utmost harmony pre- vailed. This is the only instance in the settling of America by the English where uninterrupted friendship and good will existed be- tween the colonists and the aboriginal inhabitants. Gradually and by peaceable means the Quakers obtained possession of the greater portion of their territory, and the Delawares were in the same situa- tion as other tribes, — without lands, without means of subsistence. They were threatened with starvation. Induced by these motives, some of them, between the years 1740 and 1750, obtained from their uncles, the Wyandots, and with the assent of the Iroquois, a grant of land on the Muskingum, in Ohio. The greater part of the tribe re- mained in Pennsylvania, and becoming more and more dissatisfied with their lot, shook off the yoke of the Iroquois, joined the French and ravaged the frontiers of Pennsylvania. Peace was concluded at Easton in 1758, and ten years after the last remaining bands of the Delawares crossed the Alleghanies. Here, being removed from the influence of their dreaded masters, the Iroquois, the Delawares soon assumed their ancient independence. During the next four or five decades they were the most formidable of the western tribes. While the revolutionary war was in progress, as allies of the British, after its close, at the head of the northwestern confederacy of Indians, they fully regained their lost reputation. By their geographical position placed in the front of battle, they were, during those two wars, the most active and dangerous enemies of America.* The territory claimed by the Delawares subsequent to their being driven westward from their former possessions, is established in a paper addressed to congress May 10, 1779, from delegates assem- bled at Princeton, New Jersey. The boundaries of their country, as declared in the address, is as follows: "From the mouth of the Alleghany River, at Fort Pitt, to the Venango, and from thence up French Creek, and by Le Boeuf, f along the old road to Presque Isle, on the east. The Ohio River, including all the islands in it, from Fort Pitt to the Ouabache, on the south; thence up the River Oua- bache to that branch, Ope-co-mee-cah,\ and up the same to the head thereof; from thence to the headwaters and springs of the Great Miami, or Rocky River ; thence across to the headwaters and springs of the most northwestern branches of the Scioto River ; thence to * In the battle of Fallen Timbers there were three hundred Delawares out of seven hundred Indians who were in this engagement: Colonial History of Massachusetts, vol. 10. t A fort on the present site of Waterford, Pa. X This was the name given by the Delawares to White River, Indiana. MAKE PEACE. 177 the westernmost springs of Sandusky River ; thence down said river, including the islands in it and in the little lake,'"" to Lake Erie, on the west and northwest, and Lake Erie on the north. These boundaries contain the cessions of lands made to the Delaware nation by the Wayandots and other nations J- and the country we have seated our grandchildren, the Shawnees, upon, in our laps ; and we promise to give to the United States of America such a part of the above described country as would be convenient to them and us, that they may have room for their children's children to set down upon. "J After "Wayne's victory the Delawares saw that further contests with the American colonies would be worse than useless. They submitted to the inevitable, acknowledged the supremacy of the Caucasian race, and desired to make peace with the victors. At the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, there were present three hundred and eighty-one Delawares, — a larger representation than that of any other Indian tribe. By this treaty they ceded to the United States the greater part of the lands allotted to them by the Wyandots and Iroquois. For this cession they received an annuity of $1, 000. § At the close of the treaty, Bu-kon-ge-he-las, a Delaware chief, spoke as follows: Father: | Your children all well understand the sense of the treaty which is now concluded. We experience daily proofs of your increasing kindness. I hope we may all have sense enough to enjoy our dawning happiness. Many of your people are yet among us. I trust they will be immediately restored. Last winter our king came forward to you with two; and when he returned with your speech to us, we immediately prepared to come forward with the remainder, which we delivered at Fort Defiance. All who know me know me to be a man and a warrior, and I now declare that I will for the future be as steady and true a friend to the United States as I have heretofore been an active enemy. "*[ This promise of the orator was faithfully kept by his people. They evaded all the efforts of the Shawnee prophet, Tecumseh, and the British who endeavored to induce them, by threats or bribes, to violate it.** * Sandusky Bay. fThe Hurons and Iroquois. % Pioneer History, by S. P. Hildreth, p. 137, where the paper setting forth the claims of the Delawares is copied. § American State Papers: Indian Affairs, vol. 1. || Gen. Wayne. "[ American State Papers: Indian Affairs, vol. 1, p. 582. ** Bu-kon-ge-he-las was a warrior of great ability. He took a leading part in manceuvering the Indians at the dreadful battle known as St. Clair's defeat. He rose from a private warrior to the head of his tribe. Until after Gen. Wayne's great victory 12 178 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. The Delawares remained faithful to the United States during the war of 1S12, and, with the Shawnees, furnished some very able war- riors and scouts, who rendered valuable service to the United States during this war. After the treaty of Greenville, the great body of Delawares re- moved to their lands on White River, Indiana, whither some of their people had already preceded them. Their manner of obtaining possession of their lands on White River is thus related in Dawson's Life of Harrison: "The land in question had been granted to the Delawares about the year 1770, by the Piankeshaws, on condition of their settling "upon it and assist- ing them in a war with the Kickapoos. " These terms were complied with, and the Delawares remained in possession of the land. The title to the tract of land lying between the Ohio and White Rivers soon became a subject of dispute between the Piankeshaws and Delawares. A chief of the latter tribe, in 1803, at Tincennes, stated to Gen. Harrison that the land belonged to his tribe, "and that he had with him a chief who had been present at the transfer made by the Piankeshaws to the Delawares, of all the country be- tween the Ohio and White Rivers more than thirty years previous." This claim was disputed by the Piankeshaws. They admitted that while they had granted the Delawares the right of occupancy, vet they had never conveyed the right of sovereignty to the tract in question. Gov. Harrison, on the 19th and 27th of August, 1804, concluded treaties with the Delawares and Piankeshaws by which the United States acquired all that tine country between the Ohio and Wabash Rivers. Both of "these tribes laying claim to the land, it became in 1794, he had been a devoted partisan of the British and a mortal foe to the United States. He was the most distinguished warrior in the Indian Confederacy; and as it was the British interests which had induced the Indians to commence, as well as to con- tinue, the war, Buck-on-ge-he-las relied upon British support and protection. This support had been given so tar as relates to provisions, arms and ammunition; but at the end of the battle referred to, the gates of Fort Miamis, near which the action was fought, were shut, by the British within, against the wounded Indians after the battle. This opened the eyes of the Delaware warrior. He collected his braves in canoes, with the design of proceeding up the river, under a flag of truce, to Fort Wayne. On approaching the British fort he was requested to land. He did so, and addressing the British officer, said, " What have you to say to me?" The officer re- plied that the commandant wished to speak with him. "Then he may come here," was the chief's reply. " He will not do that," said the sub-officer; "and you will not be suffered to pass the fort if you do not comply." "What shall prevent me?" "These," said the officer, pointing to the cannon of the fort. "I fear not your cannon," replied the intrepid chief. "After suffering the Americans to insult and treat you with such contempt, without daring to fire upon them, you cannot expect to frighten me." Buck-on-ge-he-las then ordered his canoes to push off from the shore, and the fleet passed the fort without molestation. A note [No. 2]: Memoirs of Gen. Harrison. BECOME CITIZENS. 179 necessary that both should be satisfied, in order to prevent disputes in the future. In this, however, the governor succeeded, on terms, perhaps, more favorable than if the title had been vested in only one of these tribes ; for, as both claimed the land, the value of each claim was considerably lowered in the estimation of both; and, therefore, by judicious management, the governor effected the pur- chase upon probably as low, if not lower, terms that if he had been obliged to treat with only one of them. For this tract the Pianke- shaws received $700 in goods and $200 per annum for ten years; the compensation of the Delawares was an annuity of $300 for ten years. The Delawares continued to reside upon White River and its branches until 1819, when most of them joined the band who had emigrated to Missouri upon the tract of land granted jointly to them and the Shawnees, in 1793, by the Spanish authorities. Others of their number who remained scattered themselves among the Miamis, Pottawatomies and Kickapoos ; while still others, including the Mo- ravian converts, went to Canada. At that time, 1819, the total num- ber of those residing in Indiana was computed to be eight hundred souls.* Iii 1829 the majority of the nation were settled on the Kansas and Missouri rivers. They numbered about 1,000, were brave, en- terprising hunters, cultivated lands and were friendly to the whites. In 1853 they sold to the government all the lands granted them, ex- cepting a reservation in Kansas. During the late Rebellion they sent to the United States army one hundred and seventy out of their two hundred able-bodied men. Like their ancestors they proved valiant and trustworthy soldiers. Of late years they have almost entirely lost their aboriginal customs and manners. They live in houses, have schools and churches, cultivate farms, and, in fact, bid fair to become useful and prominent citizens of the great Republic. * Their principal towns were on the branches of White River, within the present limits of Madison and Delaware counties, and the capital of the latter is named after the " Miincy" or " Mon-o-sia " band. Pipe Creek and Kill Bud- Creek, branches of White River, are also named after two distinguished Delaware chiefs. CHAPTER XVIII. THE INDIANS: THEIR IMPLEMENTS, UTENSILS, FORTIFICATIONS, MOUNDS, AND THEIR MANNERS AND CUSTOMS. Before the arrival of the Europeans the use of iron was but little known to the North American Indians. Marquette, in speaking of the Illinois, states that they were entirely ignorant of the use of iron tools, their weapons being made of stone.* This was true of all the Indians who made their homes north of the Ohio, but south of that stream metal tools were occasionally met with. When Hernando De Soto, in 1539-43, was traversing the southern part of that terri- tory, now known as the United States, in his vain search for gold, some of his followers found the natives on the Savanna Eiver using hatchets made of copper. + It is evident that these hatchets were of native manufacture, for they were "said to have a mixture of gold." The southern Indians "had long bows, and their arrows were made of certain canes like reeds, very heavy, and so strong that a sharp cane passeth through a target. Some they arm in the point with a sharp bone of a fish, like a chisel, and in others they fasten certain stones like points of diamonds.":*: These bones or "scale of the armed fish" were neatly fastened to the head of the arrows with splits of cane and fish glue.§ The northern Indians used arrows with stone points. Father Rasles thus describes them : •'Arrows are the principal arms which they use in war and in the chase. They are pointed at the end with a stone, cut and sharpened in the shape of a serpent's tongue ; and, if no knife is at hand, they use them also to skin the animals they have killed."' "The bow- strings were prepared from the entrails of a stag, or of a stag's skin, which they know how to dress as well as any man in France, and with as many different colors. They head their arrows with the teeth of fishes and stone, which they work very finely and handsomely. ,, *| * Sparks' Life of Marquette, p. 281. t A Narrative of the Expedition of Hernando De Soto, by a Gentleman of Elvas; published at Evora in 1557, and afterward translated and published in the second volume of the Historical Collections of Louisiana, p. 149. \ Idem, p. 124. § Du Pratz' History of Louisiana: English translation, vol. 2, pp. 223, 224. I Kip's Jesuit Missions, p. 39. II History of the First Attempt of the French to Colonize Florida, in 1562, by Rene' Laudonniere: published in Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, vol. 1, p. 170. 180 THEY USE STOXE IMPLEMENTS. 181 Most of the hatchets and knives of the northern Indians were likewise made of sharpened stones, "which they fastened in a cleft piece of wood with leathern thongs."* Their tomahawks were con- structed from stone, the horn of a stag, or "from wood in the shape of a cutlass, and terminated by a large ball. 11 The tomahawk was held in one hand and a knife in the other. As soon as they dealt a blow on the head of an enemy, they immediately cut it round with the knife, and took off the scalp with extraordinary rapidity. I Du Pratz thus describes their method of felling trees with stone implements and with fire: "Cutting instruments are almost con- tinually wanted ; but as they had no iron, which of all metals is the most useful in human society, they were obliged, with infinite pains, t<> form hatchets out of large flints, by sharpening their thin edge, and making a hole through them for receiving the handle. To cut down trees with these axes would have been almost an impracticable work ; they were, therefore, obliged to light fires round the roots of them, and to cut away the charcoal as the fire eat into the tree. 11 ;}; Charlevoix makes a similar statement: "These people, before we provided them with hatchets and other instruments, were very much at a loss in felling their trees, and making them fit for such uses as they intended them for. They burned them near the root, and in order to split and cut them into proper lengths they made use of hatchets made of flint, which never broke, but which required a prodigious time to sharpen. In order to fix them in a shaft, they cut off the top of a young tree, making a slit in it, as if they were going to draft it, into which slit they inserted the head of the axe. The tree, growing together again in length of time, held the head of the hatchet so firm that it was impossible for it to get loose ; they then cut the tree at the length they deemed sufficient for the handle. 11 ^ When they were about to make wooden dishes, porringers or spoons, they cut the blocks of wood to the required shape with stone hatchets, hollowed them out with coals of fire, and polished them with beaver teeth, jj Early settlers in the neighborhood of Thorntown, Indiana, no- ticed that the Indians made their hominy-blocks in a similar manner. Round stones were heated and placed upon the blocks which were to be excavated. The charred wood was dug out with knives, and * Hennepin, vol. 2, p. 103. t Letter of Father Rasles in Kip's Jesuit Missions, p. 40. i Volume 2, p. 223. § Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 126. 1 Hennepin, vol. 2, p. 103. 182 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. then the surface was polished with stone implements. These round stones were the common property of the tribe, and were used by individual families as occasion required.- "They dug their ground with an instrument of wood, which was fashioned like a broad mattock, wherewith they dig their vines as in France; they put two grains of maize together."! For boiling their victuals they made use of earthen kettles.^; The kettle was held up by two crotches and a stick of wood laid across. The pot ladle, called by them rnikoine, laid at the side.§ "In the north they often made use of wooden kettles, and made the water boil by throwing into it red hot pebbles. Our iron pots are esteemed by them as much more commodious than their own." That the North American Indians not only used, but actually manufactured, pottery for various culinary and religious purposes admits of no argument. Hennepin remarks: "Before the arrival of the Europeans in North America both the northern and southern savages made use of, and do to this day use, earthen pots, especially such as have no commerce with the Europeans, from whom they may procure kettles and other movables."^ M. Pouchot, who was ac- quainted with the manners and customs of the Canadian Indians, states "that they formerly had usages and utensils to which they are now scarcely accustomed. They made pottery and drew fire from wood." ** In 1700, Father Gravier, in speaking of the Yazoos, says: "You see there in their cabins neither clothes, nor sacks, nor kettles, nor guns ; they carry all with them, and have no riches hut earthen pots, quite well made, especially little glazed pitchers, as neat as you would see in France. 1 ' ft The Illinois also occasionally used glazed pitch- ers.^ The manufacturing of these earthen vessels was done by the women. §^ By the southern Indians the earthenware goods were used for religious as well as domestic purposes. Gravier noticed several in their temples, containing bones of departed warriors, ashes, etc. * Statements of early settlers. t Laudormiere. p. 174. X Hennepin, vol. 2, p. 105. § Pouchot's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 186. || Charlevoix 1 Narrative Journal, vol. 2, pp. 123. 124. *T Volume 2, pp. 102, 103. This work was written in 1697. ** Pouchot's Memoirs, vol. 2, p. 219. ffGravier's Journal, published in Shea's Early Voyages Up and Down the Missis- sippi, p 135. XX Vide P- 109 of this work. §§ Gravier 's Journal, published in Shea's Early Voyages Up and Down the Missis- sippi, p. 135; also, Du Pratz' History of Louisiana, vol. 2, p. 166. INDIAN FORTIFICATIONS. 183 The American Indians, both northern and southern, had most of their villages fortified cither by wooden palisades, or earthen breastworks and palisades combined. De Soto, on the 19th of June, 1541, entered the town of Paeaha," which was very great, walled, and beset with towers, and many loopholes were in the towers and wall.f Charlevoix said: " The Indians are more skillful in erect- ing their fortifications than in building their houses. Here you see villages surrounded with good palisades and with redoubts ; and they are very careful to lay in a proper provision of water and stones. These palisades are double, and even sometimes treble, and generally have battlements on the outer cireumvallation. The piles, of which they are composed, are interwoven with branches of trees, without any void space between them. This sort of fortifica- tion was sufficient to sustain a long siege whilst the Indians were ignorant of the use of fire-arms.' 1 ^: La Hontan thus describes these palisaded towns : ''Their villages are fortified with double palisadoes of very hardwood, which are as thick as one's thigh, and fifteen feet high, with little scpiares about the middle of courtines. 1, § These wooden fortifications were used to a comparatively late day. At the siege of Detroit, in 1712, the Foxes and Mascoutins resisted, in a wooden fort, for nineteen days, the attack of a much larger force of Frenchmen and Indians. In order to avoid the fire of the French, they dug holes four or five feet deep in the bot- tom of their fort, j The western Indians, in their fortifications, made use of both earth and wood. An early American author remarks: "The re- mains of Indian fortifications seen throughout the western country, have given rise to strange conjectures, and have been supposed to appertain to a period extremely remote; but it is a fact well known that in some of them the remains of palisadoes were found by the first settlers. ,,a j When Map Long's party, in 1823, passed through Fort Wayne, they inquired of Metea, a celebrated Pottawatomie chief well versed in the lore of his tribe, whether he had ever heard of any tradition accounting for the erection of those artificial mounds which are found scattered over the whole country. "He immediately replied that they had been constructed by the Indians as fortifica- * Probably in the limits of the present state of Arkansas. t Account by the Gentleman of Elvas, p. 172. I Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 128. § Vol. 2. p. 6. || Dubuisson's Official Report. IT Views of Louisiana: Brackenridge, p. 14. 184 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. tions before the white man had come among them. He had always heard this origin ascribed to them, and knew three of those con- structions which were supposed to have been made by his nation. One is at the fork of the Kankakee and the Des Plaines Rivers, a second on the Ohio, which, from his description, was supposed to be at the mouth of the Muskingum. He visited it. but could not de- scribe the spot accurately, and a third, which he had also seen, he stated to be on the head-waters of the St. Joseph of Lake Michigan. This latter place is about forty miles northwest of Fort Wayne.'" One of the Miami chiefs, whom the traders named Le Gros, told Barron' :: ' that " he had heard that his father had fought with his tribe in one of the forts at Piqua, Ohio; that the fort had been erected by the Indians against the French, and that his father had been killed during one of the assaults made upon it."f While at Chicago, and "with a view to collect as much informa- tion as possible on the subject of Indian antiquities, we inquired of Robinson + whether any traditions on this subject were current among the Indians. He observed that these ancient fortifications were a frequent subject of conversation, and especially those in the nature of excavations made in the ground. He had heard of one made by the Kickapoos and Fox Indians on the Sangamo River, a stream running into the Illinois. This fortification is distinguished by the name of Etnataek. It is known to have served as an in- trenchment to the Kickapoos and Foxes, who were met there and defeated by the Pottawatomies, the Ottawas and Chippeways. No date was assigned to this transaction. We understood that the Et- nataek was near the Kickapoo village on the Sangamo. "§ Near the dividing line between sections 4 and 5, township 31 north, of range 1 1 east, in Kankakee county, Illinois, on the prairie about a mile above the mouth of Rock Creek, are some ancient mounds. Ck One is very large, being about one hundred feet base in diameter and about twenty feet high, in a conic form, and is said to contain the remains of two hundred Indians who were killed in the celebrated battle between the Illinois and Chippeways, Delawares and Shawnees ; and about two chains to the northeast, and the same * An Indian interpreter. + Long's Expedition to the Sources of the St. Peters, vol. 1, pp. 121, 122. X Robinson was a Pottawatomie half-breed, of superior intelligence, and his state- ments can be relied upon. He died, only a few years ago, on the Au Sable River. § Long's Expedition, vol. 1, p. 121. This stream is laid down on Joliet's map, pub- lished in 1681, as the Pierres Sanguines. In the early gazetteers it is called Sangamo: vide Beck's Illinois and Missouri Gazetteer, p. 154. Its signification in the Pottawat- omie dialect is "a plenty to eat ": Early History of the West and Northwest, by S. R. Beggs, p. 157. This definition, however, is somewhat doubtful. INDIAN MOUNDS. 185 distance to the northwest, are two other small mounds, which are said to contain the remains of the chiefs of the two parties.' 1 * Uncorroborated Indian traditions are not entitled to any high degree of credibility, and these quoted are introduced to refute the often repeated assertion that the Indians had no tradition concerning the origin of the mounds scattered through the western states, or that they supposed them to have been erected by a race who occu- pied the continent anterior to themselves. These mounds were seldom or never used for religious purposes by the Algonquins or Iroquois, but Penicault states that when he visited the Natchez Indians, in 1704, "the houses of the Sunsr are built on mounds, and are distinguished from each other by their size. The mound upon which the house of the Great Chief, or Sun, is built is larger than the rest, and its sides are steeper. The temple in the village of the Great Sun is about thirty feet high and forty -eight in circumference, with the walls eight feet thick and covered with a matting of canes, in which they keep up a perpetual fire.":}: De Soto found the houses of the chiefs built on mounds of differ- ent heights, according to their rank, and their villages fortified with palisades, or walls of earth, with gateways to go in and out. £ When Gravier, in 1700, visited the Yazoos, he noticed that their temple was raised on a mound of earth. !j He also, in speaking of the Ohio, states that "it is called by the Illinois and Oumiamis the river of the Akansea, because the Akansea formerly dwelt on it. "* The Akansea or Arkansas Indians possessed many traits and cus- toms in common with the Natchez, having temples, pottery, etc. A still more important fact is noticed by Du Pratz, who was inti- mately acquainted with the Great Sun. He says: "The temple is about thirty feet square, and stands on an artificial mound about eight feet high, by the side of a small river. The mound slopes insensibly from the main front, which is northward, but on the other sides it is somewhat steeper.'' According to their own traditions, the Natchez "were at one * Manuscript Kankakee Surveys, conducted by Dan W. Beckwith, deputy govern- ment surveyor, in 1834. Major Beckwith was intimately acquainted with the Potta- watoimes of the Kankakee, whose villages were in the neighborhood, and without doubt the account of these mounds incorporated in his Field Notes was communicated to him by them. t The chiefs of the Natches were so called because they were supposed to be the direct descendants of a man and woman, who, descending from the sun, were the first rulers of this people. X Annals of Louisiana: Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida, new series, pp. 94, 95. § Account by the Gentleman of Elvas. I Early Voyages Up and Down the Mississippi, p. 136. H Idem, p. '120. 186 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. time the most powerful nation in all North America, and were looked upon by the other nations as their superiors, and were, on that account, respected by them. Their territory extended from the River Iberville, in Louisiana, to the Wabash.' 1 ''" They had over five hundred suns, and, consequently, nearly that many villages. Their decline and retreat to the south was owing not to the superi- ority in arms of the less civilized surrounding tribes, but was due to the pride of their own chiefs, who, to lend an imposing magnificence to their funeral rites, adopted the impolitic custom of having hun- dreds of their followers strangled at their pyre. Many of the mounds, scattered up and down valleys of the Wabash, Ohio and Mississippi, while being the only, may be the time-defying monu- ments of the departed power and grandeur of these two tribes. The Indian manner of making a fire is thus related by Hennepin : "Their way of making a fire, which is new and unknown to us, is thus : they take a triangular piece of cedar wood of a foot and a half in length, wherein they bore some holes half through ; then they take a switch, or another small piece of hard wood, and with both their hands rub the strongest upon the weakest in the hole, which is made in the cedar, and while they are thus rubbing they let fall a sort of dust or powder, which turns into fire. This white dust they roll up in a pellet of herbs, dried in autumn, and rubbing them all together, and then blowing upon the dust that is in the pellets, the fire kindles in a moment.'^ The food of the Indians consisted of all the varieties of game, fishes and wild fruits in the vicinity ; and they cultivated Indian corn, melons and squashes. From corn they made a preparation called sagamite. They pulverized the corn, mixed it with water, and added a small proportion of ground gourds or beans. The clothing of the northern Indians consisted only of the skins of wild animals, roughly prepared for that purpose. Their southern brethren were far in advance of them in this respect. "Many of the women wore cloaks of the bark of the mulberry tree, or of the feathers of swans, turkies or Indian ducks. The bark they take from young mulberry shoots that rise from the roots of trees that have been cut down. After it is dried in the sun they beat it to make all the woody parts fall off, and they give the threads that remain a second beating, after which they bleach them by exposing them to the tlew. When they are well whitened they spin them about the coarseness of pack-thread, and weave them in the following manner: * Du Pratz' History of Louisiana, vol. 2, p. 14G. f Ibid, vol. 2. p. 103. THEIR CANOES. 187 They plant two stakes in the ground about a yard and a half asunder, and having stretched a cord from the one to the other, they fasten their threads of bark double to this cord, and then interweave them in a curious manner into a cloak of about a yard square, with a wrought border round the edges. 11 * The Indians had three varieties of canoes, elm-bark, birch-bark and pirogues. "Canoes of elm-bark were not used for long voyages, as they were very frail. When the Indians wish to make a canoe of elm-bark they select the trunk of a tree which is very smooth, at the time when the sap remains. They cut it around, above and below, about ten, twelve or fifteen feet apart, according to the num- ber of people which it is to carry. After having taken off the whole in one piece, they shave off the roughest of the bark, which they make the inside of the canoe. They make end ties of the thickness of a finger, and of sufficient length for the canoe, using young oak or any other flexible and strong wood, and fasten the two larger folds of the bark between these strips, spreading them apart with wooden bows, which are. fastened in about two feet apart. They sew up the two ends of the bark with strips drawn from. the inner bark of the elm, giving attention to raise up a little the two extremities, which they call pinces, making a swell in the middle and a curve on the sides, to resist the wind. If there are any chinks, they sew them together with thongs and cover them with chewing-gum, which they crowd by heating it with a coal of fire. The bark is fastened to the wooden bows by wooden thongs. They add a mast, made of a piece of wood and cross-piece to serve as a yard, and their blankets serve them as sails. These canoes will carry from three to nine persons and all their equipage. They sit upon their heels, without moving, as do also their children, when they are in, from fear of losing their balance, when the whole machine would upset. But this very seldom happened, unless struck by a flaw of wind. They use these vessels particularly in their war parties. "The canoes made of birch bark were much more solid and more artistically constructed. The frames of these canoes are made of strips of cedar wood, which is very flexible, and which they render as thin as a side of a sword-scabbard, and three or four inches wide. They all touch one another, and come up to a point between the two end strips. This frame is covered with the bark of the birch tree, sewed together like skins, secured between the end strips and tied * Du Pratz, vol. 2, p. 231; also, Gravier's Voyage, p. 134. The aboriginal method of procuring thread to sew together their garments made of skins has already been no- ticed in the description of the manners and customs of the Illinois. 188 HISTORIC NOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST. along the ribs with the inner bark of the roots of the cedar, as we twist willows around the hoops of a cask. All these seams are cov- ered with gum,* as is done with canoes of elm bark. They then put in cross-bars to hold it and to serve as seats, and a long pole, which they lay on from fore to aft in rough weather to prevent it from being broken by the shocks occasioned by pitching. They have with them three, six, twelve and even twenty-four places, which are designated as so many seats. The French are almost the only people who use these canoes for their long voyages. They will carry as much as three thousand pounds. "f These were vessels in which the fur trade of the entire northwest has been carried on for so many years. They were very light, four men being able to carry the largest of them over portages. At night they were unloaded, drawn upon the shore, turned over and served the savages or traders as huts. They could endure gales of wind that would play havoc with vessels of European manufacture. In calm water, the canoe men, in a sitting posture, used paddles ; in stemming currents, rising from their seats, they substituted poles for paddles, and in shooting rapids, they rested on their knees. Pirogues were the trunks of trees hollowed out and pointed at the extremities. A fire was started on the trunk, out of which the pirogue was to be constructed. The fire was kept within the desired limits by the dripping of water upon the edges of the trunk. As a part became charred, it was dug out with stone hatchets and the tire rekindled. This kind of canoes was especially adapted for the navi- gation of the Mississippi and Missouri ; the current of these streams carrying down trees, which formed snags, rendered their navigation by bark canoes exceedingly hazardous. It was probably owing to this reason, as well as because there were no birch trees in their country, that the Illinois and Miamis were not, as the Jesuits re- marked, ''canoe nations;" they used the awkward, heavy pirogue instead. Each nation was divided into villages. The Indian village, when unfortified, had its cabins scattered along the banks of a river or the *"The small roots of the spruce tree afford the irattap with which the bark is sewed, and the gum of the pine tree supplies the place of tar and oakum. Bark, some spare wattap and gum are always carried in each canoe, for the repairs which fre- quently become necessary." Vide Henry's Travels, p. 14. t The above extracts are taken from the Memoir Upon the Late War in North Amer- ica Between the French and English, 1755-1760, by M. Pouchot; translated and edited by Franklin Hough, vol. 2, pp. 216, 217, 218. Pouchot was the commandant at Fort Niagara at the time of its surrender to the English. He was exceedingly well versed in all that pertained to Indian manners and customs, and his work received the indorse- ment of Marquis Vaudreuil, Governor of Canada. Of the translation, there were only two hundred copies printed. WIGWAMS. 189 shores of a lake, and often extended for three or four miles. Each cabin held the head of the family, the children, grandchildren, and often the brothers and sisters, so that a single cabin not unfrequently contained as many as sixty persons. Some of their cabins were in the form of elongated squares, of which the sides were not more than five or six feet high. They were made of bark, and the roof was prepared from the same material, having an opening in the top for the passage of smoke. At both ends of the cabin there were entrances. The fire was built under the hole in the roof, and there were as many fires as there were families. The beds were upon planks on the floor of the cabin, or upon simple hides, which they called appic/timov, placed along the parti- tions. They slept upon these skins, wrapped in their blankets, which, during the day, served them for clothing. Each one had his particular place. The man and wife crouched together, her back being against his body, their blankets passed around their heads and feet, so that they looked like a plate of ducks. * These bark cabins were used by the Iroquois, and, indeed, by many Indian tribes who lived exclusively in the forests. The prairie Indians, who were unable to procure bark, generally made mats out of platted reeds or flags, and placed these niats around three or four poles tied together at the ends. They were, in form, round, and terminated in a cone. These mats were sewed together with so much skill that, when new, the rain could not penetrate them. This variety of cabins possessed the great advantage that, when they moved their place of residence, the mats of reeds were rolled up and carried along by the squaws. f "•The mistiness of these cabins alone, and that infection which was a necessary consequence of it, would have been to any one but an Indian a severe punishment. Having no windows, they were full of smoke, and in cold weather they were crowded with dogs. The Indians never changed their garments until they fell off by their very rottenness. Being never washed, they were fairly alive with vermin. In summer the savages bathed every day, but immediately afterward rubbed themselves with oil and grease of a very rank smell. " In winter they remained unwashed, and it was impossible to enter their cabins without being poisoned with the stench."' All their food was very ill-seasoned and insipid, "and there pre- vailed in all their repasts an uncleanliness which passed all concep- * Extract from Pouchot's Memoirs, pp. 185. 186. t Letter of Father Marest, Kip's Jesuit Missions, p. 199. 190 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. tion. There were very few animals which did not feed cleaner."* They never washed their wooden or bark dishes, nor their porringers and spoons. t In this connection William Biggs states: "They:}: plucked off a few of the largest feathers, then threw the duck, — feathers, entrails and all, — into the soup-kettle, and cooked it in that manner. "§ The Indians were cannibals, though human flesh was only eaten at war feasts. It was often the case that after a prisoner had been tortured his body was thrown into "the war-kettle, 1 ' and his remains greedily devoured. This fact is uniformly asserted by the early French writers. Members of Major Long's party made especial inquiries at Fort Wayne concerning this subject, and were entirely convinced. They met persons who had attended the feasts, and saw Indians who acknowledged that they had participated in them. Joseph Barron saw the Pottawatomies with hands and limbs, both of white men and Cherokees, which they were about to devour. Among some tribes cannibalism was universal, but it appears that among the Pottawatomies and Miamis it was restricted to a frater- nity whose privilege and duty it was on all occasions to eat of the enemy's flesh; — at least one individual must be eaten. The flesh was sometimes dried and taken to the villages. |; The Indians had some peculiar funeral customs. Joutel thus records some of his observations: "They pay a respect to their dead, as appears by their special care of burying them, and even of putting into lofty coffins the bodies of such as are considerable among them, as their chiefs and others, which is also practiced among the Accanceas, but they. differ in this respect, that the Accan- ceas weep and make their complaints for some days, whereas the Shawnees and other people of the Illinois nation do just the con- trary, for when any of them die they wrap them up in skins and then put them into coffins made of the bark of trees, then sing and dance about them for twenty-tour hours. Those dancers take care to tie calabashes, or gourds, about their bodies, with some Indian corn in them, to rattle and make a noise, and some of them have a drum, made of a great earthen j'ot, on which they extend a wild goat's skin, and beat thereon with one stick, like our tabors. During that rejoicing they threw their presents on the coffin, as bracelets, * Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, pp. 132, 133. fFor a full account of their lack of neatness in the culinary department, vide Hen- nepin, vol. 2, p. 120. \ The Kickapoos. § Narrative of William Biggs, p. 9. || Long's Expedition to the sources of the St. Peters, vol. 1, pp. 103-106. BURIAL CEREMONIES. 191 pendants or pieces of earthenware. When the ceremony was over they buried the body, with a part of the presents, making choice of such as may be most proper for it. They also bury with it some store of Indian wheat, with a jwt to boil it in, for fear the dead per- son should be hungry on his long journey, and they repeat the cere- mony at the year's end. A good number of presents still remaining, they divide them into several lots and play at a game called the stick to give them to the winner."* The Indian graves were made of a large size, and the whole of the inside lined with bark. On the bark was laid the corpse, accom- panied with axes, snow-shoes, kettle, common shoes, and, if a wo- man, carrying-belts and paddles. This was covered with bark, and at about two feet nearer the surface, logs were laid across, and these again covered with bark, so that the earth might by no means fall upon the corpse. \ If the deceased, before his death, had so expressed his wish, a tree was hollowed out and the corpse deposited within. After the body had become entirely decomposed, the bones were often collected and buried in the earth. Many of these wooden sepulchres were dis- covered by the early settlers in Iroquois county, Illinois. Doubt- less they were the remains of Pottawatomies, who at that time re- sided there. After a death they took care to visit every place near their cabins, striking incessantly with rods and raising the most hideous cries, in order to drive the souls to a distance, and to keep them from lurk- ing about their cabins. + The Indians believed that every animal contained a Manitou or God, and that these spirits could exert over them a beneficial <>r prejudicial influence. The rattlesnake was especially venerated by them. Henry relates an instance of this veneration. He saw a snake, and procured his gun, with the intention of dispatching it. The Indians begged him to desist, and, "with their pipes and to- bacco-pouches in their hands, approached the snake. They sur- rounded it. all addressing it by turns and calling it their grand- father, but yet kept at some distance. During this part of the cer- emony, they filled their pipes, and each blew the smoke toward the snake, which, as it appeared to me, really received it with pleasure. In a word, after remaining coiled and receiving incense for the space of half an hour, it stretched itself along the ground in visible good * Joutel's Journal: Historical Collections of Louisiana, vol. 1. pp. 187, 188. t Extract from Henry's Travels, p. 150. \ Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 154. 192 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. humor. The Indians followed it, and, still addressing it by the title of grandfather, beseeched it to take care of their families dur- ing their absence, and also to open the hearts of the English, that that they might till their (the Indians') canoes with ruin.* This reverence of the Indians for the rattlesnake will account for the vast number of these reptiles met with by early settlers in localities fa- vorable for their increase and security. The clefts in the rocky cliffs below Niagara Falls were so infested with rattlesnakes that the Indians removed their village to a place of greater security. The Indians had several games, some of which have been already noticed. McCoy mentions a singular occurrence of this nature : "A Miami Indian had been stabbed with a knife, who lingered, and of whose recovery there was doubt. On the 12th of May a party re- solved to decide by a game of moccasin whether the man should live or die. In this game the party seat themselves upon the earth opposite to each other, while one holds a moccasin on the ground with one hand, and holds in the other a small ball ; the ball he affects to conceal in the moccasin, and does either insert it or not, as he shall choose, and then leaves the opposite party to guess where the ball is. In order to deceive his antagonist, he incessantly utters a kind of a sing-song, which is repeated about thrice in a minute, and moving his hands in unison with the notes, brings one of them, at every repetition, to the mouth of the moccasin, as though he had that moment inserted the ball. One party played for the wounded man's recovery and the other for his death Two games were played, in both of which the side for recovery was triumphant, and so they concluded the man would not die of his wounds."! The Indians had a most excellent knowledge of the topography of their country, and they drew the most exact maps of the coun- tries they were acquainted with. They set down the true north according to the polar star ; the ports, harbors, rivers, creeks, and coasts of the lakes ; roads, mountains, woods, marshes and meadows. They counted the distances by journeys and half-journeys, allowing to every journey five leagues. These maps were drawn upon birch bark.:}: ''Previous to General Brock's crossing over to Detroit, he asked Tecumseh what sort of a country he should have to pass through in case of his preceding farther. Tecumseh took a roll of elm bark, and extending it on the ground, by means of four stones, drew forth his scalping knife, and, with the point, etched upon the * Alexander Henry's Travels, p. 176. t Baptist Missions, p. 98. iLaHontan, vol. 2, p. 13. MARRIAGE AND RELIGION. 193 bark a plan of the country, its hills, woods, rivers, morasses, a plan which, if not as neat, was fully as accurate as if it had been made by a professional map-maker.* In marriage, they had no ceremony worth mentioning, the man and the woman agreeing that for so many bucks, beaver hides, or, in short, any valuables, she should be his wife. Of all the passions, the Indians were least influenced by love. Some authors claim that it had no existence, excepting, of course, mere lust, which is pos- sessed by all animals. "By women, beauty was commonly no mo- tive to marriage, the only inducement being the reward which she received. It was said that the women were purchased by the night, week, month or winter, so that they depended on fornication for a living ; nor was it thought either a crime or shame, none being esteemed as prostitutes but such as were licentious without a re- ward, "f Polygamy was common, but was seldom practiced except by the chiefs. On the smallest offense husband and wife parted, she taking the domestic utensils and the children of her sex. Chil- dren formed the only bond of affection between the two sexes ; and of them, to the credit of the Indian be it said, they were very fond. They never chastised them, the only punishment being to dash, by the hand, water into the face of the refractory child. Joutel noticed this method of correction among the Illinois, and nearly a hundred years later Jones mentions the same custom as existing among the Shawnees. % The Algonquin tribes, differing in this respect from the southern Indians, had no especial religion. They believed in good and bad spirits, and thought it was only necessary to appease the wicked spirits, for the good ones "were all right anyway." These bad spirits were thought to occupy the bodies of animals, fishes and rep- tiles, to dwell in high mountains, gloomy caverns, dangerous whirl- pools, and all large bodies of water. This will account for the offerings of tobacco and other valuables which they made when passing such places. No ideas of morals or metaphysics ever en- tered the head of the Indians ; they believed what was told them upon those subjects, without having more than a vague impression of their meaning. Some of the Canadian Indians, in all sincerity, compared the Holy Trinity to a piece of pork. There they found the lean meat, the fat and the rind, three distinct parts that form * James 1 Military Occurrences in the Late War Between Great Britain and the United States, vol. 1, pp. 291, 292. * Journal of Two Visits made to Some Nations West of the Ohio, by the Rev. David Jones: Sabin's reprint, p. 75. t Idem. 13 194 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. the same piece."" Their ideas of heaven was a place full of sen- sual enjoyments, and free from physical pains. Indeed, it is doubt- ful if, before their mythology was changed by the partial adoption of some of the doctrines of Christianity, they had any idea of spir- itual reward or punishment. Wampum, prior to and many years subsequent to the advent of the Europeans, was the circulating medium among the North Ameri- can Indians. It is made out of a marine shell, or periwinkle, some of which are white, others violet, verging toward black. They are perforated in the direction of the greater diameter, and are worked into two forms, strings and belts. The strings consist of cylinders strung without any order, one after another, on to a thread. The belts are wide sashes in which the white and purple beads are arranged in rows and tied by little leathern strings, making a very pretty tissue. Wampum belts are used in state affairs, and their length, width and color are in proportion to the importance of the affair being negotiated. They are wrought, sometimes, into figures of considerable beauty. These belts and strings of wampum are the universal agent with the Indians, not only as money, jewelry or ornaments, but as annals and for registers to perpetuate treaties and compacts between indi- viduals and nations. They are the inviolable and sacred pledges which guarantee messages, promises and treaties. As writing is not in use among them, they make a local memoir by means of these belts, each of which signify a particular affair or a circum- stance relating to it. The village chiefs are the custodians, and com- municate the affairs they perpetuate to the young people, who thus learn the history, treaties and engagements of their nation. + Belts are classified as message, road, peace or war belts. White signifies peace, as black does war. The color therefore at once indicates the intention of the person or tribe who sends or accepts a belt. So general was the importance of the belt, that the French and English, and the Americans, even down as late as the treaty of Greenville, in 1795, used it in treating with the Indians.;}: * Pouchot's Memoir, vol. 2, p. 223. t The account given above is taken from a note of the editor of the documents relative to the Colonial History of New York, etc., vol. 9. Paris Documents, p. 556. \ The explanation here given will assist the reader to an understanding of the grave significance attached to the giving or receiving of belts so frequently referred to in the course of this work. CHAPTER XIX. STONE IMPLEMENTS. The stone implements illustrated in this chapter are introduced as specimens of workmanship of the comparatively modern Indians, who lived and hunted in the localities where the specimens were found. The author is aware that similar implements have been illustrated and described in works which relate to an exclusively prehistoric race. Without entering into a discussion concerning the so-called ''Mound Builders," that being a subject foreign to the scope of this work, it may be stated that some theorists have placed the epoch of the "prehistoric race" quite too far within the bounda- ries of well-established historical mention, and have assigned to the "Mound Builders" remains and relics which were undoubtedly the handiwork of the modern American Indians.* Indeed many of the stone implements, also much of the pottery, and many of the so-called ancient mounds and excavations as well, found throughout the west, may be accounted for without going I>eyond the era of the Xorth American Indian in quest of an explana- tion. It is not at all intended here to question the fact of the exist- ence of the prehistoric race, or to deny that they have left more or less of their remains, but the line of demarkation between that race * Mr. H. N. Rust, of Chicago, in his extensive collection, has many implements similar to those attributed to prehistoric man, which he obtained from the Sioux Indi- ans of northwestern Dakota, with whom they were in daily use. Among his samples are large stone hammers with a groove around the head, and the handles nicely at- tached. The round stone, with flattened sides, generally regarded as a relic of a lost race, he found at the door of the lodges of the Sioux, with the little stone hammer, hooded with rawhide, to which the handle was fastened, with which bones, nuts and other hard substances were broken by the squaws or children as occasion required. The appearance of the larger disc, and the well-worn face of the hammer, indicate their long and constant use by this people. The round, egg-shaped stone, illustrated by Fig. 9, supposed to belong to the prehistoric age, Mr. Rust found in common use among this tribe. The manner of fastening the handle is illustrated in the cuts. Figs. 9 and 36. The writer is indebted to Mr. Rust for favors conferred in the loan of imple- ments credited to his collection, as well, also, for his valuable aid in preparing the illustrated portion of this chapter. The other implements illustrated were selected from W. C. Beckwith's collection. The Indians informed Mr. Rust that these clubs (Figs. 8 and 9) were used to kill buffalo, or other animals that had been wounded; as implements of offense and defense in personal encounters ; as a walking-stick (the stone being used as a handle) by the dandies of the tribe; and they were carried as a mace or badge of authority in the rites and ceremonies of the societies established among these Indians, which were similar in some respects to our fraternities. 105 196 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. and the modern Indian cannot be traced with satisfaction until after large collections of the remains of both races shall have been secured and critically compared under all the light which a careful examina- tion of historical records will shed upon this new and interesting field of inquiry. Stone implements are by no means peculiar to North America; they have been found all over the inhabitable world. EurojDe is especially prolific in such remains. "While the material of which they are made varies according to the geological resources of the several countries in which they are found, there is a striking similarity in the shape, size and form of them all. At the present time like implements are in use among some of the South Sea Islanders, and by a few tribes of North American Indians living in remote sections, and enjojdng but a limited intercourse with the enlightened world. The stone age marks an important epoch in the progress of races of men from the early stages of their existence toward a higher civ- ilization. After they had passed the stone age, and learned how to manipulate iron and other metals, their advance, as a general rule, has been more rapid. The implements here illustrated are specimens of some of the more prominent types of the vast number which have been found throughout the valleys of the Maumee, Wabash and Illinois Rivers, and the sections of country drained by their tributaries. They are picked up about the sites of old Indian villages, in localities where game was pursued, on the hillsides and in the ravines where they have become exposed by the rains, and in 'the furrows turned up by the plowshare. They are the remains of the early occupants of the territory we have described, — testimonials alike of their necessities and their ingenuity, and were used by them until an acquaintance with the Europeans supplied them with weapons and utensils formed out of metals." It will be observed from extracts found in the preceding chapter that our Indians made and used implements of copper and stone, manufactured pottery, some of which was glazed, wove cloth of fiber and also of wool, erected fortifications of wooden palisades, or of palisades and earth combined, to protect their villages from their enemies, excavated holes in the ground, which were used for defen- * It may be well to state in this connection that the implements illustrated in this work, except the handled club, Figs. 9 and 36, were not found in mounds or in their vicinity, but werejgathered upon or in the immediate neighborhood of places known to the early settlers as the sites of Piankeshaw, Miami, Pottawatomie and Kickapoo vil- lages, and in the same localities where have been found red-stone pipes of Indian make, knives, hatchets, gun-barrels, buckles, flints for old-fashioned fusees, brooches, wrist- bands, kettles, and other articles of European manufacture. STONE IMPLEMENTS. 197 give purposes, and erected mounds of earth, some of which were used for religious rites, and others as depositories for their dead. All these facts are well attested by early Spanish, French and Amer- ican authors, who have recorded their observations while passing through the country. We have also seen in previous chapters that our "red men" cultivated corn and other products of the soil, and were as much an agricultural people as is claimed for the "Mound Builders." The specimens marked Figs. 1, 2 and 3 are samples of a lot of one hundred and sixteen pieces, found in 1878 in a "pocket" on Wm. Pogue's farm, a few miles southeast of Rossville, Vermilion Fig. 1=^. Vermilion county, 111. Vermilion county. 111. Vermilion county, 111. county, Illinois. Mr. Pogue had cleared off a piece of ground for- merly prairie, on which a growth of jack oak trees and underbrush had encroached since the early settlement of the county. This land had never been cultivated, and as it was being broken up, the plow- share ran into the "nest," and turned the implements to view. They were closely packed together, and buried about eight inches below the natural surface of the ground, which was level with the other parts of the field, and had no appearance of a mound, excava- tion, or any other artificial disturbance. Two of the implements, judging from their eroded fractures, were broken at the time they 198 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. were deposited, and one other was broken in two by the plow. The material of which they are composed is white chert. The samples illustrated are taken as an average, in size and shape, of the whole lot, the largest of which is 3f inches wide by 7 inches long, and the smallest 2 inches wide by nearly 4 inches in length. Some of them are nearly oval, others long and pointed at both ends, in others the "shoulders' 1 are well denned, while, for the most part, they are broadly rounded at one end and pointed at the other. They are all in the rough, and no finished implement was found with or near them. Indeed the whole lot are apparently in an unfinished condition. With very little dressing they could be fashioned into perfect im- plements, such as the " neshers, " " scrapers, " " knives, " " spear ' ' and "arrow" heads described farther on. There are no quarries or deposits of flint of the kind known to exist within many miles of the locality where these implements were found. We can only con- jecture the uses for which they were designed. We can imagine the owner to have been a merchant or trader, who had dressed them down or procured them at the quarries in this condition, so they would be lighter to carry to the tribes on the prairies, where they could be perfected to suit the taste of the purchaser. We might further imagine that the implement merchant, threatened with some approaching danger, hid them where they were afterward found, and never returned. The eroded appearance of many of the "find" bear witness that the lot were buried a great many years ago.* Fig. 4 is an axe and hammer combined. The material is a fine-grained granite. The handle is attached with thongs of rawhide- passed around the groove, or with a split stick or forked branch wythed around, and either kind of fastening could be tightened by driv- ing a wedge between the attachment and the surface of the implement, which on the back is slightly concaved to hold the wedge in place. Figs. 5, 6 and 7 are also axes; material, dark p>opular "fleshers," and were used in skinning animals, cutting up the flesh, Fig. 4 = ] Heretofore it has been the opinion that these instruments are granite Vermilion county, Til. *The writer has divided the "lot," sending samples to the Historical Societies of "Wisconsin and Chicago, and placed others in the collections of H. N. Rust, of Chicago; Prof. John Collett, of Indianapolis; Prof. A. H. Worthen, Springfield, Illinois; Jose- phus Collett, of Terre Haute, while the others remain in the collection of W. C. Beck- with, at Danville, Illinois. STONE IMPLEMENTS. 199 and for scraping hides when preparing them for tanning. The re- cent discoveries of remains of the ancient "Lake Dwellers," of Switzerland, have resulted in finding similar implements attached to handles, making them a very formidable battle-axe. Fig. 5=U Fig. 6=y 2 . Vermilion county, 111. Vermilion co., 111. (H. N. Rust's Collection.) From the implements obtained by Mr. Rust of the Sioux it can readily be seen how implements like Fig. 6, although tapering from the bit to the top, could be attached to handles by means of a rawhide band. Before fastening on the handle the rawhide would be soaked in water, and on drying would tighten to the roughened surface of the stone with a secure grip. A blow given with the cut- ting edge of this implement would tend to wedge it the more firmly into the handle." *In the Fifth Annual Report of the .Regents of the University of New York (Albany. 1852. page 105), Mr. L. H. Morgan illustrates the ga-ne-a-ga-o-dus-ha, or war club, used by " the Iroquois at the period of their discovery." The helve is a crooked piece of wood, with a chisel-shaped bit formed out of deer's horn — shaped like Fig. No. 7, on the next page — inserted at the elbow, near the larger end; and in many respects it resembles the clubs illustrated in Plate X, vol. 2, of Dr. Keller's work on the " Lake Dwellings of Switzerland and other parts of Europe." Mr. Morgan remarks that "in later times apiece of steel was substituted for the deer horn, thus making it a more deadly weapon than formerly." There is little doubt that the Indians used such implements as Figs. 5, 6 and 1 for splitting wood and various other pur- poses. The fact of their being used for splitting wood was mentioned by Father Charlevoix over a hundred and fifty years ago, as appears from extracts on page 181 of this book, quoted from his Narrative Journal. 200 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Fig. 7=M Fig. 1 is another style of axe. The mate- rial out of which it is composed is greenstone, admitting of a fine polish. There would be no difficulty at all in shrinking a rawhide band to its surface, and the somewhat polished condi- tion of its sides above the "bit" would indi- cate a long application of this kind of a fasten- ing. It could also be used as a chisel in exca- vating the charred surface of wood that was being fashioned into canoes, mortars for crack- ing corn, or in the construction of other domes- tic utensils. Fig. 8 is a club or hammer, or both. Its material is dark quartz. Some varieties of this implement have a groove cut around the cen- ter, like Fig. 9. The manner of handling it in- volves the use of rawhide, and, with some, is performed substantially in the same manner as in Figs. 5, 6 and T, except that the band of rawhide is broader, and extends some distance on either side of the lesser diameter Vermilion county, 111. Fig. 8=}{. Fig. 36. Vermilion countv. Til. (H. N. Rust's Collection.) Dakota. (H. N. Rust's Collection.) of the stone. In other instances they are secured in a hood of rawdiide that envelops nearly the whole implement, leaving the point or one end of the stone slightly exposed, as in Fig. 36." * Air. Rust has in his collection a number of such implements, some of them ■weighing several pounds, which, along with the ones illustrated, were obtained by him ifromthe Sioux of northwest Dakota, and which are "hooded" in the manner here described. Mr. Wm. Gurley, of Danville, Illinois, while in southwestern Colorado in 1876, saw many such clubs in use by the Ute Indians. They were entirely encased in rawhide, having short handles. The handles were encased in the rawhide that •extended continuously, enveloping both the handle and the stone. The TJtes used these in jlenients as hammers in crushing corn, etc., the rawhide covei'ing of some being \~votk. through from long use, and exposing the stone. IMPLEMENTS FOR DESTRUCTIVE PURPOSES. 201 Fig. 9 was obtained from the Sioux by Mr. Rust. The stone is -composed of semi-transparent quartz. Its uses have already been described. Fig. 9. Northwest Dakota (H. N. Rust's Collection). Fig. 10 Figs. 10 and 11 were probably used as spear-heads, they are ■certainly too large for arrow-heads, and too thick and roundish to answer the purpose of knives. The material is white chert. The edges of Fig. 11=%. both these implements are spiral, the "wind" of the opposite edges being quite uniform. Whether this was owing to the design of the maker or the twist in the grain of the chert, from which they are made, is a conjecture at best. Fig. 12 Vermilion county, III. Vermilion county, 111. Vermilion county, 111. Fig. 12 was probably a spear or knife. The material is dark flint. A piece of quartz is impacted in the upper half of the blade, the chipping through of which displays the skill of the person who made it. The shoulders of the implement are unequal, and the angle of its edges are not uniform. It is flatter upon one side than upon the other. These irregularities would throw it out of balance, and seemingly preclude its use as an arrow, while its strong shank and deep yokes above the shoulder would admit of its being firmly secured to a handle. Fig. 13 was probably intended for an arrow-head, and thrown aside because of a flaw on the surface opposite that shown in the cut. 202 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. It is introduced to illustrate the manner in which the work Fig. 13=^. progresses in making such implements. From an exam- ination it would appear that the outline of the implement is first made. After this, one side is reduced to the re- quired form. Then work on the opposite side begins, the point and edges being first reduced. The flakes are chipped off from the edges upward toward the center of and against the part of the stone to be cut away. In this manner the delicate point and completed edges are pre- served while the implement is being perfected, leaving the shoulders, neck and shank the last to be finished. Fig. 14 is formed out of dark-colored, hard, fine-grained flint. Its edges are a uniform spiral, making nearly a half-turn from shoulder Fig. 14=^ Fig.15=^. Fig. 16=^. mnion county, 111. Vermilion county, 111. (H. N. Rust's Collection.) Vermilion county, 111. to point. It is neatly balanced, and if used as an arrow-head its wind or twist would, without doubt, give a rotary motion to the shaft in its flight. It is very ingeniously made, and its delicately chipped surface shows that the man who made the implement intentionally gave it the peculiar shape it possesses. Fig. 15 is made out of fine-grained blue flint. It is unusually long in proportion to its breadth. Its edges are neatly beveled from a line along its center, and are quite sharp. Its well defined shoulders and head, with the yoke deeply cut between to hold the thong, would indicate its use as an arrow-point. AKROW HEADS. 203 Fig. 16 is a perfect implement, and its surfaces are smoother than the. observer might infer from the illustration. Its edges are very sharp and smooth and parallel to the axis of the implement. Its head, unlike that of the other implements illustrated, is round and pointed, with cutting edges as carefully formed as any part of the blade. It has no yoked neck in which to bury a thong or thready and there seems to be no way of fastening it into a shaft or handle. It may be a perfect instrument without the addition of either. It is made out of blue flint. ARROW HEADS. Several different forms of implements (commonly recognized as arrow heads) are illustrated, to show some of the more common of the many varieties found everywhere over the country. Fig. 17 has uniformly slanting edges, sharp barbs and a strong shank. The material from which it is made is white chert. For shooting fish or in pursuing game or an enemy, where it was intended that the im- plement could not be easily withdrawn from the flesh in which it might, be driven, the prominent barbs would secure a firm hold. Fig. 18 is composed of blue flint ; its outline is more rounded than the preceding specimen, while a spiral form is given to its deli- cate and sharp point. Fig. 18=}4. Fig. 20= i^. Fio. 19=}£ Vermilion county, 111. Vermilion county, 111. Vermilion county, 111. Vermilion county, 111. Fig. 19 is composed of white chert. Its surface is much smoother than the shadings in the cut would imply. Its shape is very much like a shield. Its barbs are prominent, and the instrument would make a wide incision in the body of an animal into which it might be forced. Fig. 20, like Fig. 17, has sharp and elongated barbs. It is fash- ioned out of white chert, and is a neat, smooth and well-balanced implement. 204 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Fig. 21 = i Fig. 21 is made from yellowish-brown quartz, semi-transparent and inclined to be impure. The surfaces are oval from edge to edge, while the edges themselves are beautifully serrated or notched, as is shown in the cut. It is, perhaps, a sample of the finest work- manship illustrated in this chapter. Indeed, among the many collections which the writer has had oppor- tunities to examine, he has never seen a specimen that was more skillfully made. Fig. 22 may be an arrow-point or a reamer. The material is white chert. Between the stem and the notches the implement is quite thick, tapering gradu- ally back to the head, giving great support to this part of the implement. Fig. 23 is an arrow-point, or would be so regarded. Its stem is roundish, and has a greater diameter than the cut would indicate to the eye. The material from which it is formed is white chert. Vermilion county, 111. Fig. 22= V 9 . * Fig. 23= U Fig. 24= U Fig. 25=M- Vermilion co., 111. Vermilion co., 111. Vermilion co., 111. Vermilion co., 111. Figs. 24 and 25 are specimens of the smaller variety of " points " with which arrows are tipped that are used in killing small game. Fig. 24 is made out of black "trap-rock," and Fig. 25 out of flesh- colored flint. Fig. 26 is displayed on account of its peculiar form ; the under surface is nearly flat, and the other side has quite a ridge or spine running the entire length from head to point. Besides this the head Fig. 26=3^. Vermilion county, 111. and point turn upward, giving a uniform curve to the implement. If used as an arrow-point, the shaft, in consequence of the shape of the stone, would describe a curved line when shot from the bow. It is made of white flint. No suggestions are offered as to its probable uses. VARIETIES OF IMPLEMENTS FOR DOMESTIC USES. 205 IMPLEMENTS FOR DOMESTIC USES. Fig. 27 is a pestle or pounder. It is made out of common gran- ite. There are many different styles of this implement, some varieties are more conical, while others are more bell-shaped than the one illustrated. They are used for crushing corn and other like purposes. The one illus- trated has a concave place near the center of the base ; this would the better adapt it to cracking nuts, as the hollow space would protect the kernel from being too severely crushed. In connection with this stone, the Indians sometimes used mortars, made either of wood or stone, into which the articles to be pulverized could be placed ; or the corn or beans could be done up in the folds Vermilion county, Illinois. of a skin, or inclosed in a leathern bag, and ( H - N - Rust ' s collection.) then crushed by blows struck with either the head or rim of the pestle. The stone mortars were usually flat discs, slightly hollowed out from the edges toward the center. Fig. 28 may be designated as a flesher or scraper. The specimen illustrated is made of white flint. It is very thin, considering the breadth and length of the implement, and has sharp cutting edges all the way around. It might be used as a knife, as well as for a variety of other purposes. It is an unusually smooth and highly finished tool. It and its mate, which is considerably broader, and proportioned more like p IG 29=%. Fig. 29, were found sticking perpendicular in the ground, with their points barely ex- posed above the surface, on the farm of "Wm. Foster, a few miles east of Danville, Illinois. Both of them will Fig. 28=1 Vermilion county, 111. make as clean a cut through several folds of paper as the blade of a good pocket-knife. Fig. 29 is composed of an impure purplish flint, like Fig. 28, and was probably used for similar purposes. Vermilion co., 111. It is very much 206 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Vermilion county, 111. Fig. 30= J^. Fig. 30, as the illustration shows, is rougher- edged than the two preceding ones. The side opposite the one shown has a more uneven sur- face than the other. A smooth, well-defined groove runs across the implement (as shown by the dark shading) as though it were intended to be fastened to a helve, although the groove would afford good support for the thumb, if the implement were used only with the hand. The material is a coarse, impure, grayish flint. Fig. 31 might be said to combine the qualities of a qo_iv knife, gimlet and bodkin. Its cutting edges extend all p IG< 31 _i/ around, and along the stem the edges are quite abrupt. The implement was origi- nally much longer, but it appears to have lost about an inch in length, its point hav- ing been broken off. The blade will cut cloth or paper very readily. The mate- rial is white flint. Fig. 32 may be classed with Fig. 31. The material is dark fine-grained flint, and the implement perfect. There is a per- ceptible wind to the edges of the stem, while the edges of the head are parallel with the plane of the implement, and so sharp that they will cut cloth, leather or paper. It was probably used to bore holes and cut out skins that were being manu- factured, into clothing and other articles. Fig. 33 may have been made for the same uses as Figs. 31 and 32. The blade is shaped like a spade, the stem representing the handle. It tapers from the bit of the blade where the stem joins the shoulder, which is the thickest part of the imple- ment, and from the shoulder it tapers to both ends. The bit is shaped like a gouge, and makes a circular incision. It is a smooth piece of workmanship, made Vermilion , _. x county, 111. out ot white flint. F Vermilion county. 111. FiG.33=^. Vermilion county, 111. STONE IMPLEMENTS. 207 Fig. 34 lias been designated as a "rimmer." The Fig. 34= J£ material of which it is made is flesh-colored flint. The stem is nearly round, and the implement could be used for piercing holes in leather or wood. Another use at- tributed to it is for drilling holes in pipes, gorgets, discs and other implements formed out of stone where the material was soft enough to admit of being perforated in this way. Fig. 35. By common consent this implement has received the name of "discoidal stone." The one illus- Fig 35=i/ trated is composed of fine dark-gray granite offered ment,— by the similar Vermilion county, 111. Several theories have been as to the uses of this imple- Vennilion county, 111. (H. N Collection.) Rust 1 one that they are quoits used Indians in playing a game to that of "pitching horse- shoes 11 ; that they were employed in another game resembling "ten-pins," in which the stone would be grasped on its concave side by the thumb and second finger, while the fore-finger rested on the outer edge, or rim, and that by a peculiar motion of the arm in hurling the stone it would describe a convolute figure as it rolled along upon the ground. We may suggest that implements like this might be used as paint cups, as their convex surface would enable the warrior to grind his pigments and reduce them to powder, preparatory to decorating his person. The implements illustrated were, no doubt, put to many other uses besides those suggested. As the pioneer would make his house, furniture, plow, ox yokes, and clear his land with his axe, so the Indians, in the poverty of their supply, we may assume, were com- pelled to make a single tool serve as many purposes as their ingenu- ity could devise. CHAPTER XX. THE WAR FOR THE FUR TRADE. Formerly the great Northwest abounded in game and water-fowl. The small lakes and lesser water-courses were full of beaver, otter and muskrats. In the forests were found the marten, the raccoon, and other fur-bearing animals. The plains, partially submerged, and the rivers, whose current had a sluggish now, the shallow lakes, producing annual crops of wild rice, of nature's own sowing, teemed with wild geese, duck and other aquatic fowl bursting in their very fatness.* The turkey, in his glossy feathers, strutted the forests, some of them being of prodigious size, weighing thirty-six pounds, f The shy deer and the lordly elk, crowned with outspreading horns, grazed upon the plain and in the open woods, while the solitary moose browsed upon the buds in the thick copsewood that gave him food and a hiding place as well. The fleet-footed antelope nibbled at the tender grasses on the prairies, or bounded away over the ridges to hide in the valleys beyond, from the approach of the stealthy wolf or wily Indian. The belts of timber along the water-courses * "The plains and prairies (referring to the country on either side of the Illinois River) are all covered with buffaloes, roebucks, hinds, stags, and different kind of fallow deer. The feathered game is also here in the greatest abundance. We find, particu- larly, quantities of swan, geese and ducks. The wild oats, which grow naturally on the plains, fatten them to such a degree that they often die from being smothered in their own grease." — Father Marest's letter, written in 1712. We have already seen, from a description given on page 103, that water-fowl were equally abundant upon the Maumee. f In a letter of Father Rasles, dated October 12, 1723, there is a fine description of the game found in the Illinois country. It reads: " Of all the nations of Canada, there are none who live in so great abundance of everything as the Illinois. Their rivers are covered with swans, bustards, ducks and teals. One can scarcely travel a league without finding a prodigious multitude of turkeys, who keep together in flocks, often to the number of two hundred. They are much larger than those we see in France. I had the curiosity to weigh one, which I found to be thirty-six pounds. They have hanging from the neck a kind of tuft of hair half a foot in length. "Bears and stags are found there in very great numbers, and buffaloes and roebucks are also seen in vast herds. Not a year passes but they (the Indians) kill more than a thousand roebucks and more than two thousand buffaloes. From four to five thousand of the latter can often be seen at one view grazing on the prairies. They have a hump on the back and an exceedingly large head. The hair, except that on the head, is curled and soft as wool. The flesh has naturally a salt taste, and is so light that, although eaten entirely raw, it does not cause the least indigestion. When they have killed a buffalo, which appears 'to them too lean, they content themselves with taking the- tongue, and going in search of one which is fatter." Vide Kip's Jesuit Missions, pp. 38, 39. the hunter's paradise. 209 afforded lodgment for the bear, and were the trellises that supported the tangled wild grapevines, the fruit of which, to this animal, was an article of food. The bear had for his neighbor the panther, the wild cat and the lynx, whose carnivorous appetites were appeased in the destruction of other animals. Immense herds of buffalo roamed over the extensive area bounded on the east by the Alleghanies and on the north by the lakes, embracing the states of Ohio, Indi- ana, Illinois, Wisconsin and the southern half of Michigan. Their trails checkered the prairies of Indiana and Illinois in every direction, the marks of which, deep worn in the turf, remained for many years after the disappearance of the animals that made them.* Their numbers when the country was first known to Europeans were immense, and beyond computation. In their migrations southward in the fall, and on their return from the blue-grass regions of Ken- tucky in the spring, the Ohio Kiver was obstructed for miles during the time occupied by the vast herds in crossing it. Indeed, the French called the buffalo the "Illinois ox," on account of their numbers found in "the country of the Illinois," using that expres- sion in its wider sense, as explained on a preceding page. So great importance was attached to the supposed commercial value of the buffalo for its wool that when Monst Iberville, in 1698, was engaged to undertake the colonization of Louisiana, the king instructed him to look after the buffalo wool as one of the most important of his duties; and Father Charlevoix, while traveling through "The Illinois," observed that he was surprised that the buffalo had been so long neglected. f Among the favorite haunts of the buffalo were the marshes of the Upper Kankakee, the low lands about the lakes of northern Indiana, where the oozy soil furnished early as. well as late pasturage, the briny earth upon the Au Glaize, and the Salt Licks upon the Wabash and Illinois rivers were tempting places of resort. From the summit of the high hill at Ouiatanon, over- looking the Wea plains to the east and the Grand Prairie to the west, * " Nothing," says Father Charlevoix, writing of the country about the confluence of the Fox with the Illinois River, " is to be seen in this course but immense prairies, inter- spersed with small groves which seem to have been planted by the hands of men. The grass is so very high that a man would be almost lost in it, and through which paths are to be found everywhere, as well trodden as they could have been in the most popu- lated countries, although nothing passes over them but buffaloes, and from time to time a herd of deer or a few roebuck ": Charlevoix' Narrative Journal, vol. 2, p. 200. t Brackenridge's Views of Louisiana. 14 210 HISTORIC NOTES ON" THE NORTHWEST. as far as the eye could reach in either direction, the plains were seen covered with groups, grazing together, or, in long files, stretching away in the distance, their dark forms, contrasting with the green- sward upon which they fed or strolled, and inspiring the enthusiasm of the Frenchman, who gave the description quoted on page 104. Still later, when passing through the prairies of Illinois, on his way from Vincennes to Ouiatanon, — more a prisoner than an ambassa- dor, — George Croghan makes the following entry in his daily jour- nal : "18th and 19th of June, 1765. — We traveled through a pro- digious large meadow, called the Pyankeshaws' hunting ground. Here is no wood to be seen, and the country appears like an ocean. The ground is exceedingly rich and partially overgrown with wild hemp.* The land is well watered and full of buffalo, deer, bears, and all kinds of wild game. 20th and 21st. — We passed through some very large meadows, part of which belonged to the Pyanke- shaws on the Vermilion River. The country and soil were much the same as that we traveled over for these three days past. Wild hemp grows here in abundance. The game is very plenty. At any time in a half hour we could kill as much as we wanted, "f Gen. Clark, in the postscript of his letter dated November, 1779, narrating his campaign in the Illinois country, says, concerning the prairies between Kaskaskia and Vincennes, that "there are large meadows extending beyond the reach of the eye, variegated with groves of trees appearing like islands in the seas, covered with buffaloes and other game. In many places, with a good glass, you may see all that are upon their feet in a half million acres. -^ It is not known at what time the buffalo was last seen east of the Mis- sissippi. The Indians had a tradition that the cold winter of 17 — , — called by them "the great cold,'''' on account of its severity, — destroyed them. " The snow was so deep, and lay upon the ground for such a length of time, that the buffalo became poor and too weak to resist the inclemency of the weather;" great numbers of them perished, singly and in groups, and their bones, either as iso- lated skeletons or in bleaching piles, remained and were found over the country for many years afterwards. § * Further on in his Journal Col. Croghan again refers to " wild hemp, growing in the prairies, ten or twelve feet high, which if properly cultivated would prove as good and answer all the purposes of the hemp we cultivate." Other writers also mention the wild hemp upon the prairies, and it seems to have been supplanted by other grasses that have followed in the changes of vegetable growth. t Croghan' s Journal. i Clark's Campaign in the Illinois, p. 92. § On the 4th of October, 1786, one day's march on the road from Vincennes to the Ohio Falls, Captains Zigler's and Sti-ong's companies of regulars came across five buffalo. The animals tried to force a passage through the column, when the commanding officer THE DESTRUCTION OF THE GAME. 211 Before the coming of the Europeans the Indians hunted the game for the purpose of supplying themselves with the necessary food and clothing. The scattered tribes (whose numbers early writers greatly exaggerated) were few, when compared with the area of the coun- try they occupied, and the wild animals were so abundant that enough to supply their wants could be captured near at hand with such rude weapons as their ingenuity fashioned out of wood and stone. With the Europeans came a change. The fur of many of the animals possessed a commercial value in the marts of Europe, where they were bought and used as ornaments and dress by the aristocracy, whose wealth and taste fashioned them into garments of extraordi- nary richness. Canada was originally settled with a view to the fur trade, and this trade was, to her people, of the first importance — the chief motor of her growth and prosperity. The Indians were sup- plied with guns, knives and hatchets by the Europeans, in place of their former inferior weapons. Thus encouraged and equipped, and accompanied by the coureur des hois, the remotest regions were pen- etrated, and the fur trade extended to the most distant tribes. Stim- ulated with a desire for blankets, cotton goods and trinkets, the In- dians now began a war upon the wild animals in earnest ; and their wanton destruction for their skins and furs alone from that period forward was so enormous that within the next two or three genera- tions the improvident Indians in many localities could scarcely find enough game for their own subsistence. The coureur des hois were a class that had much to do with the development of trade and with giving a knowledge of the geogra- phy of the country. They became extremely useful to the mer- chants engaged in the fur trade, and were often a source of great annoyance to the colonial authorities. Three or four of these peo- ple, having obtained goods upon credit, would join their stock, put their property into a birch bark canoe, which they worked them- selves, and accompany the Indians in their excursions or go directly ordered the men to fire upon them. The discharge killed three and wounded the others: Joseph Buell's Narrative Journal, published in S. P. Hildreth's Pioneer History. Thirteen years later, in December, 1799, Gov. St. Clair and Judge Jacob Burnett, on their way overland from Cincinnati to Vincennes, camped out over night, at the close of one of their days' journeys, not a great ways east of where the old road from Louisville to Vincennes crosses White River. The next day they encountered a severe snow-storm, during which they surprised eight or ten buffalo, sheltering themselves from the storm behind a beech-tree full of dead leaves which had fallen beside of the trace and hid the travelers from their view. The tree and the noise of the wind among its leaves prevented the buffalo from discovering the parties until the latter had approached within two rods of the place where they stood. They then took to their heels and were soon out of sight. One of the company drew a pistol and fired, but without effect: Burnett's Notes on the Northwest Territory, p. 72. 212 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. into the country where they knew they were to hunt.* These voyages were extended twelve or fifteen months (sometimes longer) before the traders would return laden with rich cargoes of fur, and often followed by great numbers of the natives. During the short time required to settle their accounts with the merchants and pro- cure credit for a new stock, the traders would contrive to squander their gains before they returned to their favorite mode of life among the savages, their labor being rewarded by indulging themselves in one month's dissipation for fifteen of exposure and hardship. "We may not be able to explain the cause, but experience proves that it requires much less time for a civilized people to degenerate into the ways of savage life than is required for the savage to rise into a state of civilization. The indifference about amassing property, and the pleasure of living free from all restraint, soon introduced a licen- tiousness among the coureur des bois that did not escape the eye of the missionaries, who complained, with good reason, that they were a disgrace to the Christian religion, "f " The food of the coureur des bois when on their long expeditions was Indian corn, prepared for use by boiling it in strong lye to re- move the hull, after which it was mashed and dried. In this state it is soft and friable like rice. The allowance for each man on the voyage, was one quart per day ; and a bushel, with two pounds of prepared fat, is reckoned a month's subsistence. No other allow- ance is made of any kind, not even of salt, and bread is never thought of; nevertheless the men are healthy on this diet, and ca- pable of performing great labor. This mode of victualing was es- sential to the trade, which was extended *to great distances, and in canoes so small as not to admit of the use of any other food. If the men were supplied with bread and pork, the canoes would not carry six months' rations, while the ordinary duration of the voyage was not less than fourteen. No other men would be reconciled to such fare except the Canadians, and this fact enabled their employ- ers to secure a monopoly of the fur trade. "^ "The old voyageurs derisively called new hands at the business mcmgeurs de lard (pork eaters), as, on leaving Montreal, and while en route to Mackinaw, their rations were pork, hard bread and pea *The merchandise was neatly tied into bundles weighing 1 sixty or seventy pounds; the furs received in exchange were compressed into packets of about the same weight, so that they could be conveniently carried, strapped upon the back of the voi/ageur, around the portages and other places where the loaded canoes could effect no passage. fSir Alexander Mackenzie's Voyages, etc., and An Account of the Fur Trade, etc. t Henry's Travels, p. 52. THE COUREUR DES BOIS. 213 soup, while the old voyageurs in the Indian country ate corn soup and such other food as could be conveniently procured."* " The eoureur des bois were men of easy virtue. They would eat, riot, drink and play as long as their furs held out," says La Hontan, "and when these were gone they would sell their embroi- dery, their laces and their clothes. The proceeds of these exhausted, they were forced to go upon new voyages for subsistence.' 'f They did not scruple to intermarry with the Indians, among whom they spent the greater part of their lives. They made excel- lent soldiers, and in bush fighting and border warfare they were more than a match for the British regulars. "Their merits were hardihood and skill in woodcraft; their chief faults were insubor- dination and lawlessness.";}: Such were the characteristics of the French traders or eoureur des hois. They penetrated the remotest parts, voyaged upon all of our # western rivers, and traveled many of the insignificant streams that afforded hardly water enough to float a canoe. Their influence over the Indians (to whose mode 1 of life they readily adapted themselves) was almost supreme. They were efficient in the service of their king, and materially assisted in staying the downfall of French rule in America. There is no data from which to ascertain the value of the fur trade, as there were no regular accounts kept. The value of the trade to the French, in 17<>3, was estimated at two millions of livres, and this could have been from only a partial return, as a large per cent of the trade was carried on clandestinely through Albany and New York, of which the French authorities in Canada could have no knowledge. With the loss of Canada, and the west to France, and owing to the dislike of the Indians toward the English, and the want of experience by the latter, the fur trade, controlled at Montreal, fell into decay, and the Hudson Bay Company secured the advan- tages of its downfall. During the winter of 1783-4 some merchants *Vol. 2 Wisconsin Historical Collection, p. 110. Judge Lockwood gives a very fine sketch of the eoureur des bois and the manner of their employment, in the paper from which we have quoted. fLa Hontan, vol. 1, pp. 20 and 21. X Parkman's Count Frontenac and New France, p. 209. Judge Lockwood, in the paper referred to, speaking of the eoureur des bois as their relations existed to the fur trade in 1817, thus describes them: " These men engaged in Canada, generally for five years, for Mackinaw and its dependencies, transferrable like cattle, to any one who wanted them, at generally about 500 livres a year, or, in our currency, about $83.33, furnished with a yearly equipment or outfit of two cotton shirts, one three-point or triangular blanket, a portage collar and one pair of shoes. They were obliged to pur- chase their moccasins, tobacco and pipes at any price the trader saw fit to charge for them. At the end of five years the voyageurs were in debt from $50 to $150, and could not leave the country until they paid their indebtedness." 214 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. of Canada united their trade under the name of the k ; Northwest Company "; they did not get successfully to work until 1787. Dur- ing that year the venture did not exceed forty thousand pounds, but by exertion and the enterprise of the proprietors it was brought, in eleven years, to more than triple that amount (equal to six hundred thousand dollars), yielding proportionate profits, and surpassing any- thing then known in America.* The fur trade was conducted by the English, and subsequently by the Americans, substantially upon the system originally estab- lished by the French, with this distinction, that the monopoly was controlled by French officers and favorites, to whom the trade for particular districts was assigned, while the English and Americans controlled it through companies operating either under charters or pei'mits from the government. Goods for Indian trade were guns, ammunition, steel for striking fire, gun-flints, and other supplies to repair fire-arms; knives, hatchets, kettles, beads, men's shirts, blue and red cloths for blankets and petticoats ; vermilion, red, yellow, green and blue ribbons, gener- ally of English manufacture ; needles, thread and awls ; looking- glasses, children's toys, woolen blankets, razors for shaving the head, paints of all colors, tobacco, and, more than all, spirituous liquors. For these articles the Indians gave in exchange the skins of deer, bear, otter, squirrel, marten, lynx, fox, wolf, buffalo, moose, and particularly the beaver, the highest prized of them all. Such was the value attached to the skins and fur of the last that it. became the standard of value. All other values were measured by the beaver, the same as w r e now use gold, in adjusting com- mercial transactions. All differences in exchanges of property or in payment for labor were first reduced in value to the beaver skin. Money was rarely received or paid at any of the trading-posts, the only circulating medium were furs and peltries. In this exchange a pound of beaver skin was reckoned at thirty sous, an otter skin at six livres, and marten skins at thirty sous each. This was only about half of the real value of the furs, and it was therefore always agreed to pay either in furs at their equivalent cash value at the fort or double the amount reckoned at current fur value, f When the French controlled the fur trade, the posts in the interior of the country were assigned to officers who were in fayor at head- quarters. As they had no money, the merchants of Quebec and Montreal supplied them on credit with the necessary goods, which * Mackenzie's Voyages, Fur Trade, etc. t Henry's Travels and Pouchot's Memoirs. THE FUR TRADE. 215 were to be paid for in peltries at a price agreed upon, thus being required to earn profits for themselves and the merchant. These officers were often employed to negotiate for the king with the tribes near their trading-posts and give them goods as presents, the price for the latter being paid by the intendant upon the approval of the governor. This occasioned many hypothecated accounts, which were turned to the profit of the commandants, particularly in time of war. The commandants as well as private traders were obliged to take out a license from the governor at a cost of four or five hundred livres, in order to carry their goods to the posts, and to charge some effects to the king's account. The most distant posts in the north- west were prized the greatest, because of the abundance and low price of peltries and the high price of goods at these remote estab- lishments. Another kind of trade was carried on by the couretirs des bois, who, sharing the license with the officer at the post, with their canoes laden with goods, went to the villages of the Indians, and followed them on their hunting expeditions, to return after a season's trading with their canoes well loaded. If the coureurs des bois were in a condition to purchase their goods of first hands a quick fortune was assured them, although to obtain it they had to lead a most danger- ous and fatiguing life. Some of these traders would return to France after a few years 1 venture with wealth amounting to two million five hundred thousand Iivres." :: " The French were not permitted to exclusively enjoy the enormous profits of the fur trade. We have seen, in treating of the Miami Indians, that at an early day the English and the American colonists were determined to share it, and had become sharp competitors. We have seen (page 112) that to extend their trade the English had set their allies, the Iroquois, upon the Illinois. So formidable were the inroads made by the English upon the fur trade of the French, by means of the conquests to which they had incited the Iroquois to gain over other tribes that were friendly to the French, that the latter became "of the opinion that if the Iroquois were allowed to proceed they would not only subdue the Illinois, but become masters of all the Ottawa tribes, t and divert the trade to the English, so that it was absolutely necessary that the French should either make the Iroquois their friends or destroy them.\ You perceive, my Lord, * Pouchot's Memoirs. f Whose territories embraced all the country west of Lake Huron and north of Illinois, — one of the most prolific beaver grounds in the country. % Memoir of M. Du Chesneau, the Intendant, to the King, September 9, 1681, before quoted. 216 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. that the subject which we have discussed [referring to the efforts of the English of New York and Albany to gain the beaver trade] is to determine who will be master of the heaver trade of the south and southwest."* In the struggle to determine who should be masters of the fur trade, the French cared as little, — perhaps less, — for their Indian allies than the British and Americans did for theirs. The blood that was shed in the English and French colonies north of the Ohio River, for a period of over three-quarters of a century prior to 1763, might well be said to have been spilled in a war tor the fur trade, f In the strife between the rivals, — the French endeavoring to hold their former possessions, and the English to extend theirs, — the strait of Detroit was an object of concern to both. Its strategical position was such that it would give the party possessing it a decided advantage. M. Du Lute, or L'Hut, under orders from Gov. De ^Nonville, left Mackinaw with some fifty odd coureurs des hois in 1688, sailed down Lake Huron and threw up a small stockade fort on the west bank of the lake, where it discharges into the Eiver St. Clair. The following year Capt. McGregory,— Major Patrick Ma- gregore, as his name is spelled in the commission he had in his pocket over the signature of Gov. Dongan, — with sixty Englishmen and some Indians, with their merchandise loaded in thirty-two canoes, went up Lake Erie on a trading expedition among the In- dians at Detroit and Mackinaw. They were encountered and cap- tured by a body of troops under Tonty, La Forest and other omcers, who, with coureur de hois and Indians from the upper country, were on their way to join the French forces of Canada in a campaign against the Iroquois villages in Xew York.;}: The prisoners were sent to Quebec, and the plunder distributed among the captors. Du Lute's stockade was called Fort St. Joseph. In L688 the fort was placed in command of Baron LaHontan.§ Fort St. Joseph served the purposes for which it was constructed, and a few years later, in 1701, Mons. Cadillac established Fort Pont- chartrain on the present site of the city of Detroit, for no other pur- * M. De La Barre to the Minister of the Marine, November 4, 1683: Paris Docu- ments, vol. 9, p. 210, t War was not formally declared between France and England, on account of colonial difficulties, until May, 175\>, but the discursory broils between their colonies in America had been going 1 on from the time of their establishment. % Tonty's Memoir, and Paris Documents, vol. 9. pp. 363 and 866. § Fort Du Luth. or St. Joseph, as it was afterward called, was ordered to be erected in 1686, '" in order to fortify the pass leading to Mackinaw against the English." Du Luth, who erected it, was in command of fifty men. Several parties of English were either captured or sent back from this post within avearor two from its establishment. Vide Paris Documents, vol. 9, pp. 300, 302, 306, 383. ENGLISH AND AMERICAN TRADERS. 217 pose than to check the English in the prosecution of the fur trade in that country. "' The French interests were soon threatened from another direc- tion. Traders from Pennsylvania found their way westward over the mountains, where they engaged in traffic with the Indians in the valleys of eastern Ohio, and they soon established commercial rela- tions with the Wabash tribes. + It appears from a previous chapter that the Miamis were trading at Albany in 1708. To avert this danger the French were compelled at last to erect military posts at Fort Wayne, on the Maumee (called Fort Miamis), at Ouiatanon and Yincennes, upon the Wabash. J Prior to 1750 Sieur de Ligneris was commanding at Fort Ouiatanon, and St. Ange was in charge at Yincennes. As soon as the English settlements reached the eastern slope of the Alleghanies, their traders passed over the ridge, and they found it exceedingly profitable to trade with the western Indians. They could sell the same quality of goods for a third or a half of what the French usually charged, and still make a handsome profit. This new and rich field was soon overrun by eager adventurers. In the meantime a number of gentlemen, mostly from Yirginia, procured an act of parliament constituting kk The Ohio Company," and grant- ing them six hundred thousand acres of land on or near the Ohio River. The objects of this company were to till the soil and to open up a trade with the Indians west of the Alleghanies and south of the Ohio. The French, being well aware that the English could offer their goods to the Indians at greatly reduced rates, feared that they would lose the entire Indian trade. At first they protested "against this invasion of the rights of His Most Christian Majesty" to the gov- ernor of the English colonies. This did not produce the desired effect. Their demands were met with equivocations and delays. At last the French determined on summary measures. An order * Statement of Mons. Cadillac of his reasons for establishing a fort on the Detroit River, copied in Sheldon's Early History of Michigan, pp. 85-90. t An Englishman by the name of Crawford had been trading on the Wabash prior to 1749. Vide Irving's Life of Washington, vol. 1, p. 48. JThe date of the establishment of these forts is a matter of conjecture, owing to the absence of reliable data. A " Miamis " is referred to in 1719, and in the same year Sieur Duboisson was selected as a suitable person to take command at Ouiatanon, and in 1735 M. de Vincenne is alluded to, in a letter written from Kaskaskia, as com- mandant of the Post on the Wabash. However, owing to the successive migrations of the Miami Indians, the "Miamis" mentioned in such documents, in 1719, may have referred to the Miami and Wea villages upon the Kalamazoo and St. Joseph rivers, in the state of Michigan. The post at Vincennes, it may be safely assumed, was garri- soned as early as 1735, and Ouiatanon, below La Fayette, and Miamis, at Fort Wayne, some years before, in the order of time. 218 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. was issued to the commandants of their various posts on Lake Erie,, the Ohio and the Wabash, to seize all English traders found west of the Alleghanies. In pursuance of this order, in 1751, four English traders were captured on the Vermilion of the Wabash and sent to Canada.'- Other traders, dealing with the Indians in other locali- ties, were captured and taken to Presque Isle,f and from thence to Canada. The contest between the rival colonies still went on, increasing in the extent of its line of operations and intensifying in the ani- mosity of the feeling with which it was conducted. We quote from a memoir prepared early in 1752, by M. de Longueuil, commandant at Detroit, showing the state of affairs at a previous date in the Wabash country. It appears, from the letters of the commandants at the several posts named, from which the memoir is compiled, that the Indian tribes upon the Maumee and Wabash, through the successful efforts of the English, had become very much disaffected toward their old friends and masters. M. de Ligneris, commandant at the Ouyatanons, says the memoir, believes that great reliance is not to be placed on the Maskoutins, and that their remaining neutral is all that is to be expected from them and the Ivickapous. He even adds that "we are not to reckon on the nations which appear in our interests ; no Wea chief has appeared at this post for a long time. M. de Yilliers, commandant at the Miamis, — Ft. Wayne, — has been disappointed in his expectation of bringing the Miamis back from the White River, — part of whom had been to see him, — the small-pox having put the whole of them to rout. Coldfoot and his son have died of it, as well as a large portion of our most trusty Indians. Le GriSj chief of the Tepicons,$ and his mother are likewise dead; they arc a loss, because they were well disposed toward the French." The memoir continues: ' w The nations of the River St. Joseph, who were to join those of Detroit, have said they would be ready to perform their promise as soon as Ononontio§ would have sent the necessary number of Frenchmen. The commandant of this post writes, on the 15th of January, that all the nations appear to take * Paris Documents, vol. 10, p. 248. f Near Erie, Pennsylvania. X This is the first reference we have to Tippecanoe. Antoine Gamelin, the French merchant at Vincennes, — whom Major Hamtramck sent, in 1790, to the Wabash towns with peace messages, — calls the village, then upon this river, Qtii-ie-pi-cow-nae. The name of the Tippecanoe is derived from the Algonquin word Ke-non-ge, or Ke-no-zha — from Kenose, long, the name of the long-billed pike, a fish very abundant in this stream, vide Mackenzie's and James' Vocabularies. Timothy Flint, in his Geography and History of the Western States, first edition, published at Cincinnati, 1828, vol. 2, p. 125, says: " The Tippecanoe received its name from a kind of pike called Pic-ca-nau by the savages." The termination is evidently Frenchified. § The name by which the Indians called the governor of Canada. FRENCH TRADERS KILLED. 219 sides against us ; that he would not be responsible for the good dispositions these Indians seem to entertain, inasmuch as the Miamis are their near relatives. On the one hand, Mr. de Jon- caire* repeats that the Indians of the beautiful riverf are all English, for whom alone they work ; that all are resolved to sustain each other ; and that not a party of Indians go to the beautiful river but leave some [of their numbers] there to increase the rebel forces. On the other hand, "Mr. de St. Ange, commandant of the post of Vincennes, writes to M. des Ligneris [at Ouiatanon] to use all means to protect himself from the storm which is ready to burst on the French ; that he is busy securing himself against the fury of our enemies." "The Pianguiehias, who are at war with the Chaouanons, ac- . cording to the report rendered by Mr. St. Clin, have declared entirely against us. They killed on Christmas Jive Frenchmen at the Ver- milion. Mr. des Ligneris, who was aware of this attack, sent off a detachment to secure the effects of the Frenchmen from being plun- dered ; but when this detachment arrived at the Vermilion, the Piankashaws had decamped. The bodies of the Frenchmen were found on the ice.^; "M. des Ligneris was assured that the Piankashaws had commit- ted this act because four men of their nation, had been killed by the French at the Illinois, and four others had been taken and put in irons. It is said that these eight men were going to fight the Chick- asaws, and had, without distrusting anything, entered the quarters of the French, who killed them. It is also reported that the French- men had recourse to this extreme measure because a Frenchman and * A French half-breed having great influence over the Indians, and whom the French authorities had sent into Ohio to conciliate the Indians. t The Ohio. % Col. Croghan's Journal, before quoted, gives the key to the aboriginal name of this stream. On the 22d of June, 1765, he makes the following entry: " We passed through a part of the same meadow mentioned yesterday; then came to a high wood- land and arrived at Vermilion River, so called from a fine red earth found there by the Indians, with which they paint themselves. About a half a mile from where we crossed this river there is a village of Piankashaws, distinguished by the addition of the name of the river" (that is, the Piankashaws of the Vermilion, or the Vermilions, as they were sometimes called). The red earth or red chalk, known under the provincial name of red keel, is abundant everywhere along the bluffs of the Vermilion, in the shales that overlay the outcropping coal. The annual fires frequently ignited the coal thus exposed, and would burn the shale above, turn it red and render it friable. Carpen- ters used it to chalk their lines, and the successive generation of boys have gathered it by the pocketful. Those acquainted with the passion of the Indian for paint, particu- larly red, will understand the importance which the Indians would attach to it. Hence, as noted by Croghan, they called the river after the name of this red earth. Vermilion is the French word conveying the same idea, and it is a coincidence merely that Ver- milion in French has the same meaning as this word in English On the map in "Volney's View of the Soil and Climate of the United States," Phila. ed. 1804, it is called Red River. The Miami Indian name of the Vermilion was Piankashaiv. as ap- pears from Gen. Putnam's manuscript Journal of the treaty at Vincennes in 1792 220 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. two slaves had been killed a few days before by another party of Piankashaws, and that the Indians in question had no knowledge of that circumstance. The capture of four English traders by M. de Celoron's order last year has not prevented other Englishmen going to trade at the Yermilion River, where the Rev. Father la Richardie wintered."* The memoir continues: "On the 19th of October the Pianka- shaws had killed two more Frenchmen, who were constructing pirogues lower down than the Post of Vincenne. Two days after- ward the Piankashaws killed two slaves in sight of Fort Vincenne. The murder of these nine Frenchmen and these two slaves is but too certain. A squaw, the widow of one of the Frenchmen who had been killed at the Yermilion, has reported that the Pianguichias, Illinois and Osages were to assemble at the prairies of , the place where Messrs. de Yilliers and de Noyelle attacked the Foxes about twenty years ago, and when they had built a fort to secure their families, they were to make a general attack on all the French. "The Miamis of Rock Rivei-f have scalped two soldiers belong- ing to Mr. Yilliers' fort. ^ This blow was struck last fall. Finally, the English have paid the Miamis for the scalps of the two soldiers belonging to Mr. de Yilliers' garrison. To add to the misfortunes, M. des Ligneris has learned that the commandant of the Illinois at Fort Charters would not permit Sieurs Delisle and Fonblanche, who had contracted with the king to supply the Miamis, Ouyaton- ons, and even Detroit with provisions from the Illinois, to purchase any provisions for the subsistence of the garrisons of those posts, on the ground that an increased arrival of troops and families would consume the stock at the Illinois. Famine is not the sole scourge we experience ; the smallpox commits ravages ; it begins to reach Detroit. It were desirable that it should break out and spread gen- erally throughout the localities inhabited by our rebels. It would be fully as good as an army." The Piankashaws, now completely estranged from the French, withdrew, almost in a body, from the Wabash, and retired to the Big Miami, whither a number of Miamis and other Indians had, * Father Justinian de la Richardie came to Canada (according to the Lisfe Crono- logique, No. 429) in 1716. He served many years in the Huron country, and also in the Illinois, and died in Fehruary, 1758. Biographical note of the editor of Paris Documents : Col. Hist, of New York, vol. 9, p. 88. The time when and the place at which this missionary was stationed on the Vermilion River is not given. The date was before 1750, as is evident from the text. The place was probably at the large Piankashaw town where the traders were killed. fThe Big Miami River of Ohio, on which stream, near the mouth of Loramies Creek, the Miamis had an extensive vdlage, hereafter referred to. J Ft. Wayne, where Mr. Vilhers was then stationed in charge of Fort Miamis. PICKAW1LLANY. 221 some years previous, established a village, to be nearer the English traders. The village was called Pickawillany, or Piektown. To the English and Iroquois it was known as the Tawixtwi Town, or Miamitown. It was located at the mouth of what has since been called Loramie's creek. The stream derived this name from the fact that a Frenchman of that name, subsequent to the events here nar- rated, had a trading-house at this place. The town was visited in 1751 by Christopher Gist, who gives the following description of it:* "The Twightee town is situated on the northwest side of the Big Min e ami River, about one hundred and fifty miles from its mouth. It consists of four hundred families, and is daily increasing. It is accounted one of the strongest Indian towns in this part of the con- tinent. The Twightees are a very numerous people, consisting of many different tribes under the same form of government. Each tribe has a particular chief, or king, one of which is chosen indiffer- ently out of any tribe to rule the whole nation, and is vested with greater authority than any of the others. They have but lately traded with the English. They formerly lived on the farther side of the "Wabash, and were in the French interests, who supplied them with some few trifles at a most exorbitant price. They have now revolted from them and left their former habitations for the sake of trading with the English, and notwithstanding all the artifices the French have used, they have not been able to recall them." George Croghan and Mr. Montour, agents in the English interests, were in the town at the time of Gist's visit, doing what they could to inten- sify the animosity of the inhabitants against the French. Speeches were made and presents exchanged to cement the friendship with the English. While these conferences were going on, a deputation of Indians in the French interests arrived, with soft words and valu- able presents, marching into the village under French colors. The deputation was admitted to the council-house, that they might make the object of their visit known. The Piankashaw chief, or king, "Old Britton," as he was called, on account of his attachment for the English, had both the British and French flags hoisted from the council-house. The old chief refused the brandy, tobacco and other presents sent to him from the French king. In reply to the speeches of the French ambassadors he said that the road to the French had been made foul and bloody by them ; that he had cleared a road to our brothers, the English, and that the French had made that bad. The French flag was taken down, and the emissaries * Christopher Gist's Journal. 222 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. of that people, with their presents, returned to the French post from whence they came. When negotiations failed to win the Miamis back to French authority, force was resorted to. On the 21st of June, 1752, a party of two hundred and forty French and Indians appeared before Pick- awillany, surprised the Indians in their corn-fields, approaching so suddenly that the white men who were in their houses had great difficulty in reaching the fort. They killed one Englishman and fourteen Miamis, captured the stockade fort, killed the old Pianka- shaw king, and put his body in a kettle, boiled it and ate it up in retaliation for his people having killed the French traders on the Vermilion River and at Vincennes.* "Thus," says the eloquent historian, George Bancroft, "on the alluvial lands of western Ohio began the contest that was to scatter death broadcast through the world, "f * The account of the affair at Pickawillany is summarized from the Journal of Capt. Wm. Trent and other papers contained in a valuable book edited by A. T. Goodman, secretary of the Western Reserve Historical Society, and published by Robert Clarke • & Co., 1871, entitled "Journal of Captain Trent." f Old Britton's successor was his son, a young man, whose name was Mu-she- gu-a-nock-que, or "The Turtle." The English, and Indians in their interests, had a very high esteem for the young Piankashaw king. It is said by some writers, and there is much probability of the correctness of their opinion, that the great Miami chief, Little Turtle, was none other than the person here referred to. His age would correspond very well with that of the Piankashaw, and members of one band of the Miami nation frequently took up their abode with other bands or families of their kin- dred. CHAPTER XXL THE WAR FOR THE EMPIRE. ITS LOSS TO THE FRENCH. Tiik English not only disputed the right of the French to the fur trade, but denied their title to the valley of the Mississippi, which lay west of their American colonies on the Atlantic coast. The grants from the British crown conveyed to the chartered pro- prietors all of the country lying between certain parallels of latitude, according to the location of the several grants, and extending west- ward to the South Sea, as the Pacific was then called. Seeing the weakness of such a claim to vast tracts of country, upon which no Englishman had ever set his foot, they obtained deeds of cession from the Iroquois Indians, — the dominant tribe east of the Mississip- pi, — who claimed all of the country between the Alleghanies and the Mississippi by conquest from the several Algonquin tribes, who occu- pied it. On the 13th of July, 1701, the sachems of the Five Nations conveyed to William III, King of Great Britain, "their beaver- hunting grounds northwest and west from Albany," including a broad strip on the south side of Lake Erie, all of the present states of Michigan, Ohio and Indiana, and Illinois as far west as the Illi- nois River, claiming "that their ancestors did, more than fourscore years before, totally conquer, subdue and drive the former occupants out of that country, and had peaceable and quiet possession of the same, to hunt beavers in, it being the only chief place for hunting in that part of the world," etc.* The Iroquois, for themselves and heirs, granted the English crown "the whole soil, the lakes, the *The deed is found in London Documents, vol. 4, p. 908. The boundaries of the grant are indefinite in many respects. Its westward limit, says the deed, " abutts upon the Twichtwichs [Miamis], and is bounded on the right hand by a place called Quadoge." On Eman Bowen's map, which is certainly the most authentic from the British standpoint, is a " pecked line " extending from the mouth of the Illinois river, up that stream, to the Desplaines, thence across the prairies to Lake Michigan at Quadoge or Quadaghe, which is located on the map some distance southeast of Chicago, which is also shown in its correct place, and at or near the mouth of the stream that forms the harbor at Michigan City, formerly known by the French as Riviere du Cke- min, or " Trail River," because the great trail from Chicago to Detroit and Ft. Wayne left the lake shore at this place. The "pecked line," — as Mr. Bowen calls the dotted line which he traces as the boundary of the Iroquois deed of cession, — extends from Michigan City northward through the entire length of Lake Michigan, the Straits of Mackinaw and between the Manitou-lin islands and the main shore in Lake Huron; thence into Canada around the north shore of Lake Nipissing; and thence down the Ottawa River to its confluence with the St. Lawrence. 223 224 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. rivers, and all things pertaining to said tract of land, with power to erect forts and castles there," only reserving to the grantors and "their descendants forever the right of hunting upon the same," in which privilege the grantee "was expected to protect them." The grant of the Iroquois was confirmed to the British crown by deeds of renewal in 1726 and 1744. The reader will have observed, from what has been said in the preceding chapters upon the Illinois and Miamis and Pottawatomies relative to the pretended conquests of the Iroquois, how little merit there was in the claim they set up to the territory in question. Their war parties only raided upon the country, — they never occupied it; their war parties, after doing as much mischief as they could, returned to their own country as rapidly as they came. Still, their several deeds to the English crown were a "color of title" on which the latter laid great stress, and paraded at every treaty with other powers, where questions involv- ing the right to this territory were a subject of discussion. " x " The war for the fur trade expanded into a struggle fo« empire that convulsed both continents of America and Europe. The limit assigned this work forbids a notice of the principal occurrences in the progress of the French-Colonial War, as most of the military movements in that contest were outside of the territory we are con- sidering. There were, however, two campaigns conducted by troops recruited in the northwest, and these engagements will be noticed. We believe they have not heretofore been compiled as fully as their importance would seem to demand. In 1758 Gen. Forbes, with about six thousand troops, advanced against Fort Du Quesne. f In mid-September the British troops had only reached Loyal-hannon, J where they raised a fort. "Intelli- gence had been received that Fort Du Quesne was defended by but eight hundred men, of whom three hundred were Indians, "§ and Major Grant, commanding eight hundred Highlanders and a com- pany of Virginians, was sent toward the French fort. On the third * The Iroquois themselves, — as appears from an English memoir on the Indian trade, and contained among the London Documents, vol. 7, p. 18, — never supposed they had actually conveyed their right of dominion to these lands. Indeed, it appears that the Indians generally could not comprehend the purport of a deed or grant in the sense that the Europeans attach to these formidable instruments. The idea of an absolute, fee-simple right of an individual, or of a body of persons, to exclusively own real estate against the right of others even to enter upon it, to hunt or cut a shrub, was beyond the power of an Indian to comprehend. From long habit and the owner- ship (not only of land but many articles of domestic use) by the tribe or village of property in common, they could not understand how it could be held otherwise. t At the present site of Pittsburgh, Pa. X Loyal-hannon, afterward Fort Ligonier, was situated on the east side of Loyal- hannon Creek, Westmoreland county, Pa., and was about forty-five miles from Fort Du Quesne; vide Pennsylvania Archives, XII, 389. § Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 311. DEFEAT OF THE ENGLISH. 225 day's march Grant had arrived within two miles of Fort Du Quesne. Leaving his baggage there, he took position on a hill, a quarter of a mile from the fort, and encamped." Grant, who was not aware that the garrison had been reinforced by the arrival of Mons. Aubry, commandant at Fort Chartes, with four hundred men from the Illinois country, determined on an am- buscade. At break of day Major Lewis was sent, with four hundred men, to lie in ambush a mile and a half from the main body, on the path on which they left their baggage, imagining the French would send a force to attack the baggage guard and seize it. Four hundred men were posted along the hill facing the fort to cover the retreat of MacDonald's company, which marched w.ith drums beating toward the fort, in order to draw a party out of it, as Major Grant had rea- son to believe there were, including Indians, only two hundred men within it. -f M. de Ligneris, commandant at Fort Du Quesne, at once assem- bled seven or eight hundred men, and gave the command to M. Aubry. ^ The French sallied out of the fort, and the Indians, who had crossed the river to keep out of the way of the British, returned and made a flank movement. Aubry, by a rapid movement, attacked the different divisions of the English, and completely routed and dispersed them. The force under Major Lewis was compelled to give way. Being flanked, a number were driven into the river, most of whom were drowned. The English lost two hundred and seventy killed, forty-two wounded, and several prisoners ; among the latter was Grant. On the 22d of September M. Aubry left Fort Du Quesne, with a force of six hundred French and Indians, intending to reconnoitre the position of the English at Loyal-hannon. "He found a little camp in front of some intrenchments which would cover a body of two thousand men. The advance guard of the French detachment having been discovered, the English sent a captain and fifty men to reconnoitre, who fell in with the detach- ment and were entirely defeated. In following the fugitives the French fell upon this camp, and surprised and dispersed it. "The fugitives scarcely gained the principal intrenchment, which M. Aubry held in blockade two days. He killed two hundred horses and cattle." The French returned to Fort Du Quesne mounted. § "The English lost in the engagement one hundred and fifty men, *The hill has ever since borne Grant's name, t Craig's History of Pittsburgh, p. 74. JGarneau's History of Canada, Bell's translation, vol. 2, p. 214. § Pouchot's Memoir, p. 130. 15 226 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. killed, wounded and missing. The French loss was two killed and seven wounded." The Louisiana detachment, which took the principal part in both of these battles, was recruited from the French posts in "The Illi- nois." and consisted of soldiers taken from the garrison in that terri- tory, and the roureurs des l>oi*, traders and settlers in their respective neighborhoods. It was the "first battalion ever raised within the limits of the present states of Illinois, Indiana and Michigan. After the action of Loyal-hannon, "the Louisiana detachment, as well as those from Detroit, returned home."* Soon after their departure, and on the 24th of November, the French abandoned Fort Dn Quesne. Pouchot says: "It came to pass that by blundering at Fort Du Quesne the French were obliged to abandon it for want of provisions." This may have been the true reason for the abandonment, but doubtless the near approach of a large English army, commanded by Gen. Forbes, had no small influence in accelerating their movements. The fort was a mere stockade, of small dimensions, and not suited to resist the attacks of artillery.! Having burnt the stockade and storehouses, the garrison sepa- rated. One hundred retired to Presque Isle, by land. Two hundred, by way of the Alleghany, went to Venango. The remaining hun- dred descended the Ohio. About forty miles above its confluence with the Mississippi, and on a beautiful eminence on the north bank of the river, they erected a fort and named it Fort Massac, in honor of the commander, M. Massac, who superintended its construction. This was the last fort erected by the French on the Ohio, and it was occupied by a garrison of French troops until the evacuation of the country under the stipulations of the treaty of Paris. Such was the origin of Fort Massac, divested of the romance which fable has thrown around its name.";}; * Letter of Marquis Montcalm: Paris Documents, vol. 10, p. 901. t Hildreth's Pioneer History, p. 42. X Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, vol. 1, p. 317. Gov. Reynolds, who visited the remains of Fort Massac in 1855, thus describes its l-emains: " The outside walls were one hundred and thirty-five feet square, and at each angle strong bastions were erected. The walls were palisades, with earth between the wood. A large well was sunk in the fortress, and the whole appeared to have been strong and substantial in its day. Three or four acres of gravel walks were made on the north of the fort, on which the soldiers paraded. The walks were made in exact angles, and beautifully graveled with pebbles from the river. The site is one of the most beautiful on La Belle Rivere, and commands a view of the Ohio that is charming and lovely. French genius for the selection of sites for forts is eminently sustained in their choice of Fort Massacre." The Governor states that the fort was first established in 1711, and "was enlarged and made a respectable fortress in 1756." Vide Reynolds 1 Life and Times, pp. 28, 29. This is, probably, a mistake. There are no records in the French official documents of any military post in that vicinity until the so-called French and Indian war. CHANGE OP WAR-PLAN. 227 On the dav following the evacuation, the English took peaceable possession of the smoking ruins of Fort Du Quesne. They erected a temporary fortification, named it Fort Pitt, in honor of the great English statesman of that name, and leaving two hundred men as a garrison, retired over the mountains. On the 5th of December, 1758, Thomas Pownall, governor of Massachusetts Bay Province, addressed a memorial to the British Ministry, suggesting that there should be an entire change in the method of carrying on the war. Pownall stated that the French were superior in battles fought in the wilderness ; that Canada never could be conquered by land campaigns ; that the proper way to succeed in the reduction of Canada would be to make an attack on Quebec by sea, and thus, by cutting off supplies from the home gov- ernment, Canada would be starved out.*. Pitt, if he did not act on the recommendations of Gov. Pownall, at least had similar views, and the next year (1759), in accordance with this plan, Gen. Wolfe made a successful assault on Quebec, and from that time, the supplies and reinforcements from the home gov- ernment being cut off, the cause of the French in Canada became almost hopeless. During this year the French made every effort to stir up the Indians north of the Ohio to take the tomahawk and scalping-knife in hand, and make one more attempt to preserve the northwest for the joint occupancy of the Gallic and American races. Emissa- ries were sent to Lake Erie, Detroit, Mackinaw, Ouiatanon, Vincennes, Kaskaskia and Fort Chartes, loaded with presents and ammunition, for the purpose of collecting all those stragglers who had not enter- prise enough to go voluntarily to the seat of war. Canada was hard pressed for soldiers; the English navy cut off most of the rein- * Pownall's Administration of the Colonies, Appendix, p. 57. Thomas Pownall, born in England in 1720, came to America in 1753; was governor of Massachusetts Bay, and subsequently was appointed governor of South Carolina. He was highly edu- cated, and possessed a thorough knowledge of the geography, history and policy of both the French and English colonies in America. His work on the "Administration of the American Colonies " passed through many editions. In 1756 he addressed a memorial to His Highness the Duke of Cumberland, on the conduct of the colonial war, in which he recommended a plan for its further prosecution. The paper is a very able one. Much of it compiled from the official letters of Marquis Vaudreuil, Governor- General of Canada, written between the years 1743 and 1752, showing the policy of the French, and giving a minute description of their settlements, military establishments in the west, their manner of dealing with the Indians, and a description of the river communications of the French between their possessions in Canada and Louisiana. In 1776 he revised Evans' celebrated map of the " Middle British Provinces in America." After his return to England he devoted himself to scientific pursuits. He was a warm friend of the American colonists in the contest with the mother country, and de- nounced the measures of parliament concerning the colonies as harsh and wholly unwarranted, and predicted the result that followed. He died in 1805. 228 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. forcements from France, while the English, on the contrary, were constantly receiving troops from the mother country. Mons. de Aubry, commandant at Fort Chartes, persuaded four hundred men from the "Illinois country" to follow him eastward. Taking with him two hundred thousand pounds of flour, he em- barked his heterogeneous force in bateaux and canoes. The route by way of the Ohio was closed ; the English were in possession of its headwaters. He went down the Mississippi, thence up the Ohio to the mouth of the Wabash. Having ascended the latter stream to the Miami villages, near the present site of Fort Wayne, his fol- lowers made the portage, passed down the Maumee, and entered Lake Erie. During the whole course of their journey they were being con- stantly reinforced by bands of different tribes of Indians, and by Canadian militia as they passed the several posts, until the army was augmented to sixteen hundred men, of whom there were six hundred French and one thousand Indians. An eye-witness, in speaking of the appearance of the force, said : " When they passed the little rapid at the outlet of Lake Erie (at Buffalo) the flotilla ap- peared like a floating island, as the river was covered with their bateaux and canoes."'" Aubry was compelled to leave his flour and provisions at the Miami portage. He afterward requested M. de Port-neuf, com- mandant at Presque Isle, to take charge of the portage, and to send it constantly in his bateaux, f Before Aubry reached Presque Isle he was joined by other bodies of Indians and Canadians from the region of the upper lakes. They were under the command of French traders and commandants of interior posts. At Fort Machaultj: he was joined by M. de Lignery ; the latter had assembled the Ohio Indians at Presque Isle. § It was the original intention of Aubry to recapture Fort Du Quesne from the English. On the 12th of July a grand council was held at Fort Machault, in which the commandant thanked the Indians for their attendance, threw down the war belt, and told them he would set out the next day for Fort Du Quesne. Soon after messengers arrived with a packet of letters for the officers. After reading them Aubry told the Indians: "Children, I have received bad news; the Eng- lish are gone against Niagara. We must give over thoughts of going down the river to Fort Du Quesne till we have cleared that place of *Pouchot's Memoirs, vol. 1, pp. 186, 187 fldem, p. 152. \ Located at the mouth of French Creek, Pennsylvania. § Idem, 187. aubky's campaign. 229 the enemy. If it should be taken, our road to you is stopped, and you must become poor." Orders were immediately given to pro- ceed with the artillery, provisions, etc., up French Creek, and the Indians prepared to follow.* These letters were from M. Pouchot, commandant at Niagara, f and stated that he was besieged by a much superior force of English and Indians, who were under the command of Gen. Predeaux and Sir William Johnson. Aubry answered these letters on the next day, and said he thought they might fight the enemy successfully, and compel them to raise the siege. The Indians who brought these mes- sages to Pouchot informed him that they, on the part of the Indians with Aubry and Lignery, had offered the Iroquois and other Indian allies of the English five war belts if they would retire. These prom- ised that they would not mingle in the quarrel. "We will here recall the fact that Pouchot, by his letter of the 10th, had notified Lignery and Aubry that the enemy might be four or five thousand* strong without the Indians, and if they could put themselves in condition to attack so large a force, he should pass Chenondac to come to Niagara by the other side of the river, where. he would be in con- dition to drive the English, who were only two hundred strong on that side, and could not easily be reinforced. This done, they could easily come to him, because after the defeat of this body they could send bateaux to bring them to the fort." M. Pouchot now recalled his previous request, and informed Aubry that the enemy were in three positions, in one of which there were three thousand nine hundred Indians. He added, could Aubry succeed in driving the enemy from any of these positions, he had no doubt they would be forced to raise the siege. ^ Aubry 1 s route was up French Creek to its head-waters, thence making the portage to Presque Isle and sailing along the shores of Lake Erie until he reached Niagara. Arriving at the foot of Lake Erie he left one hundred and fifty men in charge of his canoes, and with the remainder advanced toward Niagara. Sir William John- son was informed, on the evening of the 23d, of this advance of the French, and ordered his light infantry and pickets to take post on the left, on the road between Niagara Falls and the fort; antl these, after reinforcing them with grenadiers and parts of the 46th and 44th regiments, were so arranged as to effectually support the guard left * Extract from a letter dated July 17, 1759, of Col. Mercer, commandant at Fort Pitt, published in Craig's Olden Time, vol. 1, p. 194. t Fort Niagara was one of the earliest French military posts, and situated on the right, or American shore of Lake Ontario, at the mouth of Niagara River. It has figured conspicuously in all of the wars on the lake frontier. X Pouchot's Memoirs, vol. 1, pp. 186, 187, 188. 230 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. in the trenches. Most of his men were concealed either in the trenches or by trees. On the morning of the 24th the French made their appearance. They were marching along a path about eight feet wide, and ''were in readiness to fight in close order and without ranks or files." On their right were thirty Indians, who formed a front on the enemy's left. The Indians of the English army advanced to speak to those of the French. Seeing the Iroquois in the latter' s company, the French Indians refused to advance, under pretext that they were at peace with the first named. Though thus abandoned by their chief force, Aubry and Lignery still proceeded on their way, thinking that the few savages they saw were isolated men, till they reached a narrow pathway, when they discovered great numbers beyond. The English Indians then gave the war-whoop and the action com- menced. The English regulars attacked the French in front, while the Indians poured in on their flank. Thus surprised by an am- buscade, and deserted by their savage allies, the French proved easy victims to the prowess of far superior numbers. They were assailed in front and rear by two thousand men. The rear of the column, unable to resist, gave way, and left the head exposed to the enemy's fire, which crushed it entirely. An Indian massacre followed, and the pursuit of the victors continued until they were compelled to desist by sheer fatigue. Almost all the French officers were killed, wounded or taken prisoners. Among the latter was Aubry. Those who escaped joined M. Rocheblave, and with his detachment re- treated to Detroit and other western lake posts.* This defeat on the shores of Lake Erie was very severe on the struggling western settlements. Most all of the able-bodied men had gone with Aubry, many never to return. In 1760 M. de Mac- ( Jarty, commandant at Fort Chartes, in a letter to Marquis Yaudreuil, stated that "the garrison was weaker than ever before, the check at Niagara having cost him the elite of his men. "f It is apparent, from the desertion of Aubry by his savage allies, that they perceived that the English were certain to conquer in the end. They felt no particular desire to prop a falling cause, and tli ns de^rted Mons. Aubry at the crisis when their assistance was most needed. Thus was defeated the greatest French-Indian force ever collected in the northwest.;}: * The account of this action has been compiled from Mante, p. 226; Pouchot, vol. l r p. 192; and Garneau's History of Canada, vol. 2, pp. 250, 251, Bell's translation. t Paris Documents, vol. 10, p. 1093. \ Aubry returned to Louisiana and remained there until after the peace of 1763. In 1765 he was appointed governor of Louisiana, and surrendered the colony, in March, THE DOWNFALL OF FRENCH RULE. 231 The next day after Aubry's defeat, near Fort Niagara, the fortress surrendered. After the surrender of Niagara and Fort Du Quesne, the Indian allies of France retired to the deep recesses of the western forests, and the English frontiers suffered no more from their depredations. Settlements were gradually formed on the western side of the Alle- ghanies, and they remained secure from Indian invasions. In the meantime many Canadians, becoming satisfied that the conquest of Canada was only a mere question of time, determined, before that event took place, to remove to the French settlements on the lower Mississippi. "Many of them accordingly departed from Canada by way of the lakes, and thence through the Illinois and Wabash Rivers to the Mississippi.' 1 * After the surrender of Quebec, in 1759, Montreal became the headquarters of the French in Canada, and in the spring of 1760 Mons. Levi, the French commander-in-chief, besieged Quebec. The arrival of an English fleet compelled him to relinquish his designs. Amherst and Johnson formed a junction, and advanced against Montreal. The French governor of Canada, Marquis Vaudreil, believing that further resistance was impossible, surrendered all Canada to the English. This included the western posts of Detroit, Mackinaw, Fort Miami, Ouiatanon, Yincennes, Fort St. Joseph, etc. After this war ceased to be waged in America, though the treaty of Paris was not concluded until February, 1763, the most essential parts of which are contained in the following extracts : "In order to establish peace on solid and durable foundations, and to remove forever all subjects of dispute with regard to the limits of the British and French territories on the continent of America, it is agreed that for the future the confines between the dominions of his Britannic Majesty and those of His Most Christian Majesty in that part of the world, shall be fixed irrevocably by a line drawn along the middle of the River Mississippi from its source to the River Iberville, and from thence by a line drawn along the middle of this river and the lakes Maurepas and Pontchartrain, to the sea ; and for this purpose the most Christian King cedes, in full right, and guarantees to his Britannic Majesty, the river and port of Mobile, and everything which he possesses, or ought to possess, on the left side of the Mississippi, with the exception of the town of 1766, to the Spanish governor, Ulloa. After the expulsion of Ulloa, he held the government until relieved by O'Reilly, in July, 1769. He soon afterward sailed for France. The vessel was lost, and Aubry perished in the depths of the sea. * Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, vol. 1, p. 305. 232 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. New Orleans and of the island on which it is situated ; it being well understood that the navigation of the Mississippi shall be equally free, as well to the subjects of Great Britain as to those of France, in its whole length and breadth, from its source to the sea."* Thus Gallic rule came to an end in North America. Its downfall was the result of natural causes, and was owing largely to the differ- ence between the Frenchmen and the Englishmen. The former, as a rule, gave no attention to agriculture, but found occupation in hunting and trading with the Indians, acquiring nomadic habits that unfitted them for the cultivation of the soil ; their families dwelt in villages separated by wide stretches of wilderness. AYhile the able men were hunting and trading, the old men, women and children produced scanty crops sown in " common fields, 11 or inclosures of a piece of ground which were portioned off among the families of the village. The Englishman, on the other hand, loved to own land, and pushed his improvements from the coast line up through all the valleys extending westward. Reaching the summit of the Allegha- nies, the tide of emigration flowed into the valleys beyond. Every cabin was a fort, every advancing farm a new line of intrenchrnent. The distinguishing characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon is consistency and firmness in his designs, and, more than all, his love for a home. In the trials and hardships necessarily connected with the opening up of the wilderness these traits come prominently into play. The result was, that the English colonies prospered in a degree hitherto unknown in the annals of the world's progress. And by way of con- trast, how little did the French have to show in the way of lasting improvements in the northwest after it had been in their possession for nearly a century! However, the very traits that disqualified the Gaul as a successful colonist gave him a preeminent advantage over the Anglo-Saxon in the influence he exerted upon the Indian. He did not want their *"0n the 3d day of the previous November, France, by a secret treaty ceded to Spain all her possessions west of the Mississippi. His Most Christian Majesty made known to the inhabitants of Louisiana the fact of the cession by a letter, dated April 21, 1764. Don Ulloa, the New Spanish governor, arrived at New Orleans in 1766. The French inhabitants objected to the transfer of Louisiana to Spain, and, resorting to arms, compelled Ulloa to return to Havana. In 1769, O'Reilly, with a Spanish force, arrived and took possession. He killed six of the ringleaders and sent others to Cuba. Spain remained in possession of Louisiana until March, 1801, when Louisiana was retroceded to the French republic. The French made preparations to occupy Lousiana, and an army of twenty-five thousand men was designed for that territory, but the fleet and army were suddenly blockaded in one of the ports of Hol- land by an English squadron. This occurrence, together with the gloomy aspect of affairs in Europe, induced Napoleon, who was then at the head of the French republic, to cede Louisiana to the United States. The tneaty was dated April 30, 1803. The actual transfer occurred in December of the same year." Vide Stoddard's Sketches of Louisiana, pp. 71, 102. FRENCH WAYS WITH THE INDIANS. 233 lands ; he fraternized with them, adopted their ways, and nattered and pleased them. The Anglo-Saxon wanted their lands. From the start he was clamorous for deeds and cessions of territory, and at once began crowding the Indian out of the country. "The Iro- quois told Sir Wm. Johnson that they believed soon they should not be able to hunt a bear into a hole in a tree but some Englishman would claim a right to the property of it, as being found in his tree. 1 '* The happiness which the Indians enjoyed from their intercourse with the French was their perpetual theme ; it was their golden age. "Those who are old enough to remember it speak of it with rap- ture, and teach their children to venerate it, as the ancients did the reign of Saturn. 'You call us your children,' said an aged chief to Gen. Harrison, ' why do you not make us happy, as our fathers the French did? They never took from us our lands, which, indeed, were in common between us. They planted where they pleased, and cut wood where they pleased, and so did we ; but now, if a poor Indian attempts to take a little bark from a tree to cover him from the rain, up comes a white man and threatens to shoot him, claim- ing the tree as his own.'' "f *Pownall's Administration of the Colonies. t Memoirs of Gen. Harrison, p. 134. CHAPTER XXII. PONTIAC'S WAR TO RECOVER THE NORTHWEST FROM THE ENGLISH. After the surrender of Canada to the English by the Marquis Vaudreuil, Sir Jeffery Amherst, commander-in-chief of His Majesty's forces in North America, ordered Major Robert Rogers to ascend the lakes and take possession of the western forts. On the 13th of September Rogers, with two hundred of his rangers, left Montreal. After weeks of weary traveling, they reached the mouth of Cuyahoga River, the present site of Cleveland, on the 7th of November. Here they were met by Pontiac, a celebrated Ottawa chieftain, who asked Rogers what his intentions were, and how he dared enter that coun- try without his permission. Rogers replied that the French had been defeated ; that Canada was surrendered into the hands of the British ; and that he was on his way to take possession of Detroit, Mackinaw, Miamis and Ouitanon. He also proposed to restore a general peace to white men and Indians alike. "Pontiac listened with attention, but only replied that he should stand in the path of the English until morning." In the morning he returned, and allowed the English to advance. He said there would be no trouble so long as they treated him with deference and respect. Embarking on the 12th of November, they arrived in a few days at Maumee Bay, at the western end of Lake Erie. The western Indians, to the number of four hundred, had collected at the mouth of Detroit River. They were determined to massacre the entire party under Rogers. It afterward appeared that they were acting under the influence of the Trench commandant at Detroit. Rogers pre- vailed upon Pontiac to use his influence to induce the warlike Indians to disband. After some parleying, Pontiac succeeded, and the road was open to Detroit. Before his arrival at Detroit Rogers had sent in advance Lieuten- ant Brehm with a letter to Captain Beletre, the commandant, inform- ing the latter that his garrison was included in the surrender of Canada. Beletre wholly disregarded the letter. He declared he thought it was a trick of the English, and that they intended to obtain possession of his fortress by treachery. He made use of every endeavor to excite the Indians against the English. "He 234 DETROIT SURRENDERED. 235 displayed upon a pole, before the yelling multitude, the effigy of a crow pecking a man's head, the crow representing himself, and the head, observes Rogers, 'being meant for my own.' "* Rogers then sent forward Captain Campbell kt with a copy of the capitulation and a letter from the Marquis Yaudreuil, directing that the place should be given up in accordance with the articles agreed upon between him and General Amherst." The French command- ant could hold out no longer, and, much against his will, was com- pelled to deliver the fortress to the English. The lilies of France were lowered from the flagstaff, and their place was taken by the cross of St. George. Seven hundred Indian warriors and their families, all of whom had aided the French by murdering innocent women and children on the frontiers of Pennsylvania and New York, greeted the change with demoniacal yells of apparent pleasure ; but concealed in their breasts was a natural dislike for the English. Dissembling for the present, they kept their hatred to themselves, for the late successes of British arms had awed them into silence. It was on the 29th of November, 1700, that Detroit was given over to the English. The garrison, as prisoners of war. were taken to Philadelphia. Rogers sent an officer up the Maumee, and from thence down the Wabash, to take possession of the posts at the portage and at Oui- atanon. Both of these objects were attained without any difficulty. On account of the lateness of the season the detachment which had started for Mackinaw returned to Detroit, and all efforts against the posts on the upper lakes were laid aside until the following sea- son. In that year the English took possession of Mackinaw, Green Bay and St. Joseph. The French still retained possession of Vin- cennes and Fort Chartes.f It always was the characteristic policy of the French to render the savages dependent upon them, and with that design in view they had earnestly endeavored to cultivate among the Indians a desire for European goods. By prevailing upon the Indians to throw aside hides and skins of wild beasts for clothing of European manufacture, to discontinue the use of their pottery for cooking utensils of iron, to exchange the bow and arrow and stone weapons for the gun, the knife and hatchet of French manufacture, it was thought that in the course of one or two generations they would become dependent upon their French neighbors for the common necessaries of life. When * Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac, p. 150. t This account of the delivery of the western forts to Rogers has been collated from his Journal and from. Parkman's Conspiracy of Pontiac. 236 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. this change in their customs had taken place, by simply withholding the supply of ammunition they could coerce the savages to adopt any measures that the French government saw fit to propose. The pol- icy of the French was not to force, but to lead, the savages into sub- jection. They told the barbarians that they were the children of the great king, who had sent his people among them to preserve them from their implacable enemies, the English. Flattering them, asking their advice, bestowing upon them presents, and, above all, showing them respect and deference, the French gained the good will of the savages in a degree that no other European nation ever equaled. After the surrender of the western posts all this was changed. The accustomed presents formerly bestowed upon them were withheld. English traders robbed, bullied and cheated them. English officers treated them with rudeness and contempt. But, most of all, the steady advance of the English colonists over the mountains, occupy- ing their lands, driving away their game, and forcing them to retire farther west, alarmed and exasperated the aborigines to the limit of endurance. "The wrongs and neglect the Indians felt were inflamed by the French coureurs de hois and traders. They had every motive to excite the tribes against the English, such as their national rancor, their religious antipathies, and most especially the fear'of losing the profitable Indian trade." Every effort was made to excite and in- flame the slumbering passions of the tribes of the Northwest. Secret councils were held, and different plans for obtaining possession of the western fortresses were discussed. The year after Rogers ob- tained Detroit there was, in the summer, an outbreak, but it was easily quelled, being only local. The next year, also, there was another disturbance, but it, like the former, did not spreads During these two years one Indian alone, — Pontiac, — compre- hended the situation. He read correctly the signs and portents of the times. He well knew that English supremacy on the North American continent meant the destruction of his race. He saw the great difference between the English and the French. The former were settlers, the latter traders. The French came to the far west for their beaver skins and peltries, while the English would only be satisfied with their lands. Pontiac soon arrived at the conclusion that unless the ceaseless flow of English immigration was stopped, it would not be many decades before the Indian race would be driven from the face of the earth. Well has time justified this opin- ion of the able Indian chieftain! To accomplish his designs, Pontiac was well aware that he must induce all the tribes of the northwest to join him. Even then he PONTIAC'S WAR. 1>:!7 had doubts of final success. To encourage him, the French traders informed him " that the English had stolen Canada while their com- mon father was asleep at Versailles ; that he would soon awaken and again wrest his domains from the intruders ; that even now large French armies were on their way up the St. Lawrence and Missis- sippi rivers." Pontiac believed these tales, for let it be borne in mind that this was previous to the treaty of Paris, and late in the autumn of 1762 he sent emissaries with black wampum and the red tomahawk to the villages of the Ottawas, Pottawatomies, Sacs, Foxes, Menominees, Illinois, Miamis, Shawnees, Delawares, Wyan- dots, Kickapoos and Senecas. These emissaries were instructed to inform the various tribes that the English had determined to exter- minate the northwestern Indians ; to accomplish this they intended to erect numerous fortifications in the territory named ; and also that the English had induced the southern Indians to aid them.* To avert these inimical designs of the English, the messengers of Pon- tiac proposed that on a certain day all the tribes, by concerted action, should seize all the English posts and then attack the whole English border. Pontiac' s plan was contrived and developed with wonderful secrecy, and all of a sudden the conspiracy burst its fury simultane- ously over all the forts held by the British west of the Alleghanies. By stratagem or forcible assault every garrison west of Pittsburgh, excepting Detroit, was captured. Fort St. Joseph, on the river of that name, in the present state of Michigan, was captured by the Pottawatomies. These emissaries of Pontiac collected about the fort on the 23d of May, 1763, and under the guise of friendship effected an entrance within the palisades, when they suddenly turned upon and massacred the whole garrison, except the commandant, Ensign Slussee and three soldiers, whom they made prisoners and sent to Detroit. The Ojibbeways effected an entry within the defenses of Fort Mackinaw, the gate being left open while the Indians were amusing the officer and soldiers with a game of ball. In the play the ball was knocked over within the palisade. The players, hurrying through the gates, seemingly intent on regaining the ball, seized their knives and guns from beneath the blankets of their squaws, where they had been purposely concealed, and commenced an indis- criminate massacre, f * The Chickasaws and Cherokees were at that time, though on their own responsi- bility, waging war aginst some of the tribes of the northwest. fA detailed account of this most horrible massacre is given by the fur-trader Alex- 238 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Ensign Holmes, who was in command at Fort Miami,* learned that to the Miamis in the vicinity of his post was allotted the de- struction of his garrison. Holmes collected the Indians in an assembly, and charged them with forming a conspiracy against his post. They confessed ; said that they were influenced by hostile Indians, and promised to relinquish their designs. The village of Pontiac was within a short distance of the post, and some of his im- mediate followers doubtless attended the assembly. Holmes sup- posed he had partially allayed their irritation, as appears from a letter written ftom him to Major Gladwyn.f On the 27th of May a young Indian squaw, who was the mistress of Holmes, requested him to visit a sick Indian woman who lived in a wigwam near at hand. " Having confidence in the girl. Holmes followed her out of the fort." Two Indians, who were concealed behind the hut, as he approached it, fired and ''stretched him life- less on the ground." The sergeant rushed outside of the palisade to learn the cause of the firing. He was immediately seized by the Indians. The garrison, who by this time had become thoroughly alarmed, and had climbed upon the palisades, was ordered to surren- der by one Godefroy, a Canadian. They were informed, if they submitted their lives would be spared, otherwise they all would be massacred. Having lost their officers and being in great terror, they threw open the gate and gave themselves up as prisoners. Accord- ing to tradition, the garrison was afterward massacred.;*: Fort Ouiatanon was under the command of Lieut. Jenkins, who had no suspicion of any Indian troubles, and on the 1st of June, when he was requested by some of the Indians to visit them in their cabins near by, he unhesitatingly complied with the request. Upon his entering the hut he was immediately seized by the Indian war- riors. Through various other stratagems of a similar nature several of the soldiers were also taken. Jenkins was then told to have the soldiers m the fort surrender. "For," said the Indians, "should your men kill one of our braves, we shall put you all to death." ander Henry, an eye-witness and one of the few survivors, in his interesting Book of Travels and Adventures, p. 85. * Now Fort Wayne. Fort Miamis, March 30th, 1763. f Since my Last Letter to You, wherein I Acquainted You of the Bloody Belt being in this Village, I have made all the search I could about it, and have found it not to be True; Whereon I Assembled all the chiefs of this Nation, & after a long and trouble- some Spell with them, I Obtained the Belt, with a Speech, as You will Receive En- closed; This affair is very timely Stopt, and I hope the News of a Peace will put a Stop to any further Troubles with these Indians, who are the Principal Ones of Setting Mischief on Foot. I send you the Belt, with this Packet, which I hope You will For- ward to the General. \ Brice's History of Fort Wayne. PONTIAC'S FAILURE. 239 Jenkins thinking that resistance would be useless, ordered the re- maining soldiers to deliver the fort to the Indians. During the night the Indians resolved to break their plighted word, and mas- sacre all their prisoners. Two of the French residents, M. M. Mai- gonville and Lorain, gave the Indians valuable presents, including wampum, brandy, etc., and thus preserved the lives of the English captives. Jenkms, in his letter to Major Gladwyn, commandant at Detroit, states that the Weas were not favorably inclined toward Pontiac's designs ; but being coerced by the surrounding tribes, they undertook to carry out their part of the programme. Well did they succeed. Lieut. Jenkins, with the other prisoners, were, within a few days afterward, sent across the prairies of Illinois to Fort Char- tres. Detroit held out, though regularly besieged by Pontiac in person, for more than fifteen months, when, at last, the suffering garrison was relieved by the approach of troops under Gen. Bradstreet. In the meantime Pontiac confederates, wearied and disheartened by the protracted struggle, longed for peace. Several tribes abandoned the declining fortune of Pontiac ; and finally the latter gave up the con- test, and retired to the neighborhood of Fort Miamis.- Here he remained for several months, when he went westward, down the Wabash and across the prairies to Fort Chartres. The latter fort remained in possession of a French officer, not having been as yet surrendered to the English, the hostility of the Indians preventing its delivery ; and by agreements of the two governments, France and England, it was left in charge of the veteran St. Ange. The English having acquired the territory herein considered, by conquest and treaty, from France, renewed their efforts to reclaim authority over it from its aboriginal inhabitants. To effect this object, they now resort to conciliation and diplomacy. They sent westward George Croghan."' After closing a treaty with the Indians at Fort Pitt, Croghan started on his mission on the 15th of May 1765, going down the Ohio in two bateaux. His movements were known to the hostile * Croghan was an old trader who had spent his life among the Indians, and was versed in their language, ways and habits of thought, and who well knew how to flat- ter and cajole them. Besides this. Croghan enjoyed the advantage of a personal ac- quaintance with many of the chiefs and principal men of the Wabash tribes, who had met him while trading at Pickawillany and other places where he had trading estab- lishments. Among the Miami, Wea and Piankashaw bands Croghan had many Indian friends whose attachments toward him were very warm. He was a veteran, up to all the arts of the Indian council house, and had in years gone by conducted many impor- tant treaties between the authorities of New York and Pennsylvania with the Iroquois, Delawares and Shawnees. In the war for the fur trade Croghan suffered severely; the French captured his traders, confiscated his goods, and bankrupted his fortune. 240 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. tribes. A war party of eighty Kickapoos and Mascoutins, '"spirited up " to the act by the French traders at Ouiatanon, as Croghan says in his Journal, left the latter place, and captured Croghan and his party at daybreak on the 8th of June, in the manner narrated in a previous chapter.* He was carried to Vincennes, his captors con- ducting him a devious course through marshes, tangled forests and small prairie, to the latter place. f After Croghan had procured wearing apparel ^his captors had stripped him well-nigh naked) and purchased some horses he crossed the Wabash, and soon entered the great prairie which he describes in extracts we have already taken from his journal. His route was up through Crawford, Edgar and Yermilion counties, fol- lowing the old traveled trail running along the divide between the Embarrass and the Wabash, and which was a part of the great high- way leading from Detroit to Kaskaskia;:}: crossed the Yermilion River near Danville, thence along the trail through Warren county, Indiana. Croghan, still a prisoner in charge of his captors, reached Ouiatonon on the afternoon of the 23d of June.§ Here the Weas, *P. 161. f Croghan, in his Journal, says: " I found Vincennes a village of eighty or ninety French families, settled on the east side of the river, being one of the finest situations that can be found. The French inhabitants hereabouts are an idle, lazy people, a parcel of renegadoes from Canada, and are much worse than the Indians. They took secret pleasure at our misfortune, and the moment we arrived they came to the Indians, exchanging trifles for their valuable plunder. Here is likewise an Indian village of Piankashaws, who were much displeased with the party that took me, telling them that ' our and your chiefs are gone to make peace, and you have begun war, for which our women and children will have reason to cry.' Port Vincent is a place of great consequence for trade, being a fine hunting country all along the Wabash." % That part of the route from Kaskaskia east, from the earliest settlement of Illi- nois and Indiana, was called "the old Vincennes trace." "This trace," says Gov. Reynolds, in his Pioneer History of Illinois, p. 79, "was celebrated in Illinois. The Indians laid it out more than one hundred and fifty years ago. It commenced at Detroit, thence to Ouiatonon, on the Wabash, thence to Vincennes and thence to Kas- kaskia. It was the Appian way of Illinois in ancient times. It is yet (in 1852) visible in many places between Kaskaskia and Vincennes." It was also visible for years after the white settlements began, between the last place, the Vermilion and Ouiatonon, on the route described. — [Author. § Croghan says of Ouiatonon that there were " about fourteen French families liv- ing in the fort, which stands on the north side of the river; that the Kickapoos and Mascoutins, whose warriors had taken us, live nigh the fort, on the same side of the river, where they have two villages, and the Ouicatonons or Wawcottonans [as Croghan variously spells the name of the WeasJ have a village on the south side of the river." "On the south side of the Wabash runs a. high bank, in which are several very fine coal mines, and behind this bank is a very large meadow, clear for several miles." The printer made a mistake in setting up Croghan 's manuscript, or else Croghan himself committed an unintentional error in his diary in substituting the word south for north in describing the side of the river on which the appearances of coal banks are found. The only locality on the banks of the Wabash, above the Vermilion, where the carbonifer- ous shales resembling coal are exposed is on the west, or north bank, of the river, about four miles above Independence, at a place known as "Black Rock" which, says Prof. Collett, in his report on the geology of Warren county, Indiana, published in the Geolog- ical Survey of Indiana for 1873, pp. 224-5, " is a notable and romantic feature in the river scenery." "A precipitous or overhanging cliff exhibits an almost sheer descent of a SUCCESS OF CROGHAN'S MISSION. 241 from the opposite side of the river, took great interest in Mr. Croghan, and were deeply "concerned at what had happened. They charged the Kiekapoos and Mascoutins to take the greatest care of him, and the Indians and white men captured with him, until their chiefs should arrive from Fort Chartres, whither they had gone, some time before, to meet him, and who were necessarily ignorant of his being captured on his way to the same place." From the 1th to the sth of July Croghan held conferences with the Weas, Pianke- shaws, Kiekapoos and Mascoutins, in which, he says, "I was lucky enough to reconcile those nations to His Majesty's interests, and ob- tained their consent to take possession of the posts in their country which the French formerly possessed, and they offered their services should any nation oppose our taking such possession, all of which they confirmed by four large pipes."* On the 11th a messenger arrived from Fort Chartres requesting the Indians to take Croghan and his party thither ; and as Fort Chartres was the place to which he had originally designed going, he desired the chiefs to get ready to set out with him for that place as soon as possible. On the 13th the chiefs from "the Miamis " came in and renewed their "ancient friendship with His Majesty." On the 18th Croghan, with his party and the chiefs of the Miami and other tribes we have mentioned, forming an imposing procession, started off across the country toward Fort Chartres. On the way (neither Croghan' s official report or his private journal show the place) they met the great "Pontiac himself, together with the deputies of the Iroquois, Delawares and Shawnees,! who had gone on around to Fort Chartres with Capt. hundred and forty feet to the Wabash, at its foot. The top is composed of yellow, red, brown or black conglomerate sandrock, highly ferruginous, and in part pebbly. At the base of the sandrock, where it joins upon the underlying carbonaceous, and pyritous shales are 'pot 1 or 'rock-houses,' which so constantly accompany this formation in southern Indiana. Some of these, of no great height, have been tunneled back under the cliff to a distance, of thirty or forty feet by force of the ancient river once flowing at this level. 1 ' The position, in many respects, is like Starved Rock, on the Illinois, where La Salle built Fort St. Louis, and commands a fine view of the Wea plains, across the river eastward, and, before the recent growth of timber, of an arm of the Grand Prairie to the westward. The stockade fort and trading-post of Ouiatonon has often been confounded with the Wea villages, which were strung for several miles along the margin of the prairie, near the river, between Attica and La Fayette, on the south or east side of the river; and some writers have mistaken it for the village of Keth- tip-e-ca-nuk, situated on the north bank of the Wabash River, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe. The fort was abandoned as a military post after its capture from the British by the Indians. It was always a place of considerable trade to the English, as well as the French. Thomas Hutchins, in his Historical and Topographical Atlas, pub- lished in 1778, estimates "the annual amount of skins and furs obtained at Ouiatonon at forty thousand dollars." * Croghan's official report to Sir Wm. Johnson: London Documents, vol. 7, p. 780. t These last-named Indian deputies, with Mr. Frazer, had gone down the Ohio with Croghan, and thence on to Fort Chartres. Not hearing anything from Croghan, or knowing what had become of him, Pontiac and these Indian deputies, on learning that Croghan was at Ouiatanon, set out for that place to meet him. 16 242 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Frazer. The whole party, with deputies from the Illinois Indians, now returned to Ouiatanon, and there held another conference, in which were settled all matters with the Illinois Indians. " Pontiac and the Illinois deputies agreed to everything which the other tribes had conceded in the previous conferences at Ouiatanon, all of which was ratified with a solemn formality of pipes and belts.""* Here, then, upon the banks of the Wabash at Ouiatonon, did the Indian tribes, with the sanction of Pontiac, solemnly surrender pos- session of the northwest territory to the accredited agent of Great Britain, f Croghan and his party, now swollen to a large body by the accession of the principal chiefs of the several nations, set out "for the Miamis, and traveled the whole way through a fine rich bottom, alongside the Ouabache, arriving at Eel River on the 27th. About six miles up this river they found a small village of the Twightwee, situated on a very delightful spot of ground on the bank of the river.";}: Croghan's private journal continues: "July 28th, 29th, 30th and 31st we traveled still alongside the Eel River, passing through line clear woods and some good meadows, though not so large as those we passed some days before. The country is more overgrown with woods, the soil is sufficiently rich, and well watered with springs." On the 1st of August they "arrived at the carrying place be- tween the River Miamis and the Ouabache, which is about nine miles long in dry seasons, but not above half that length in freshets.'' 1 "Within a mile of the Twightwee village," says Croghan, "I was met by the chiefs of that nation, who received us very kindly. Most part of these Indians knew me, and conducted me to their village, where they immediately hoisted an English flag that / had formerly given them at Fort Pitt. The next day they held a council, after which they gave me up all the English prisoners they had, and ex- pressed the pleasure it gave them to see [that] the unhappy differ- ences which had embroiled the several nations in a war with their brethren, the English, were now so near a happy conclusion, and that peace was established in their country. "§ * Croghan's official report, already quoted. f It is true that Pontiac, with deputies of all the westward tribes, followed Croghan to Detroit, where another conference took place; but this was only a more formal rati- fication of the surrender which the Indians declared they had already made of the country at Ouiatonon. ^The Miami Indian name of this village was Ke-na-pa-com-a-qua. Its French name was A l'Anguille, or Eel River town. The Miami name of Eel River was Kin- na-peei-kuoh Sepe, or Water Snake (the Indians call the eel a water-snake fish) River. The village was situated on the north bank of Eel River, about six miles from Logans- port. It was scattered along the l-iver for some three miles. §The following is Mr. Croghan's description of the "Miamis," as it appeared in PONTIAC'S TRAGIC DEATH. 24:5 From the Miamis the party proceeded down the Maumee in canoes. "About ninety miles, continues the journal, from the Miamis or Twightwee we came to where a large river, that heads in a large 'lick^ falls into the Miami River; this they call 'The Forks.' The Ottawas claim this country and hunt here.* This nation for- merly lived at Detroit, but are now settled here on account of the richness of the country, where game is always to be found in plenty.' 1 From Defiance Croghan's party were obliged to drag their canoes several miles, "on account of the rifts which interrupt the naviga- tion," at the end of which they came to a village of Wyandottes, who received them kindly. From thence they proceeded in their canoes to the mouth of the Maumee. Passing several large bays and a number of rivers, they reached the Detroit River on the 16th of August, and Detroit on the following morning, f As for Pontiac, his fate was tragical. He was fond of the French, and often visited the Spanish post at St. Louis, whither many of his old friends had gone from the Illinois side of the river. One day in 1767, as is supposed, he came to Mr. St. Ange (this veteran soldier of France still remained in the country), and said he was going over to Cahokia to visit the Kaskaskia Indians. St. Ange endeavored to dissuade him from it, reminding him of the little friendship existing between him and the British. Pontiac' s answer was : "Captain, I am a man. I know how to fight. I have always fought openly. They will not murder me, and if any one attacks me as a brave man, 1765: "The Twightwee village is situated on both sides of a river called St. Joseph's. This river, where it falls into the Miami River, about a quarter of a mile from this place, is one hundred yards wide, on the east side of which stands a stockade fort some- what ruinous." The Indian village consists of about forty or fifty cabins, besides nine •or ten French houses, a runaway colony from Detroit during the late Indian war; they were concerned in it, and being afraid of punishment came to this post, where they .have ever since spirited up the Indians against the English. All the French residing .here are a lazy, indolent people, fond of breeding mischief, and they should not be suffered to remain. The country is pleasant, the soil rich and well watered." *The place referred to is the mouth of the Auglaize, often designated as "The Forks " in many of the early accounts of the country. It may be noted that Croghan, like nearly all other early travelers, overestimates distances. f Croghan describes Detroit as a large stockade "inclosing about eighty houses. It stands on the north side of the river on a high bank, and commands a very pleasant prospect for nine miles above and below the fort. The country is thick settled with French. Their plantations are generally laid out about three or four acres in breadth on the river, and eighty acres in depth; the soil is good, producing plenty of grain. All the people here are generally poor wretches, and consist of three or four hundred French families, a lazy, idle people, depending chiefly on the savages for their subsist- ence. Though the land, with little labor, produces plenty of grain, they scarcely raise as much as will supply their wants, in imitation of Indians, whose manners and customs they have entirely adopted, and cannot subsist without them. The men, women and children speak the Indian tongue perfectly well." At the conclusion of the lengthy conferences with the Indians, in which all matters were " settled to their satisfaction," Croghan set out from Detroit for Niagara, coasting along the north shore of Lake Erie in a birch canoe, arriving at the latter place on the 8th of October. 244 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. I am his match." Pontiac went over the river, was feasted, got drunk, and retired to the woods to sing medicine songs. In the meanwhile, an English merchant named Williamson bribed a Kas- kaskia Indian with a barrel of rum and promises of a greater reward if he would take Pontiac' s life. Pontiac was struck with a pa-ka- ma-gon — tomahawk, and his skull fractured, causing death. This murder aroused the vengeance of all the Indian tribes friendly to Pontiac, and brought about the war resulting in the almost total ex- termination of the Illinois nation. He was a remarkably fine-looking man, neat in his person, and tasty in dress and in the arrangement of his ornaments. His complexion is said to have approached that of the whites. " St. Ange, hearing of Pontiac' s death, kindly took charge of the body, and gave it a decent burial near the fort, the site of which is now covered by the city of St. Louis. "Neither mound nor tablet," says Francis Parkman, "marked the burial- place of Pontiac. For a mausoleum a city has arisen above the for- est hue, and the race whom he hated with such burning rancor tram- ple with unceasing footsteps over his forgotten grave." *I. N. Nicollet's Report, etc., p. 81. Mr. Nicollet received his information con- cerning Pontiac from Col. Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, and Col. Pierre Menard, of Kaskaskia, who were personally acquainted with the facts. CHAPTER XXIII. GEN. CLARK'S CONQUEST OF "THE ILLINOIS." After the Indians had submitted to English rule the west en- joyed a period of quiet. When the American colonists, long com- plaining against the oppressive acts of the mother country, broke out into open revolt, and the war of the revolution fairly began, the English, from the westward posts of Detroit, Vincennes and Kaskaskia, incited the Indians against the frontier settlements, and from these depots supplied their war parties with guns and ammunition. The depredations of the Indians in Kentucky were so severe that in the fall of 1777 George Rogers Clark conceived, and next year executed, an expe- dition against the French settle- ments of Kaskaskia and Vin- cennes, which not only relieved Kentucky from the incursions of the savages, but at the same time resulted in consequences which are without parallel in the annals of the Northwest.* 6EN. CLARK. * Gen. Clark was born in Albemarle county, Virginia, on the 19th of November, 1752, and died and was buried at Locust Grove, near Louisville, Kentucky, in February, 1818. He came to Kentucky in the spring of 1775, and became early identified as a conspicuous leader in the border wars of that country. The border settlers of Kentucky could not successfully contend against the numerous and active war parties from the Wabash who were continually lurking in their neighborhoods, coming, as Indians do, stealthily, striking a blow where least expected, and escaping before assistance could relieve the localities which they devastated, killing women and children, destroying live stock and burning the pioneers' cabins. Clark conceived the idea of capturing Vincennes and Kaskaskia. Keeping his plans to himself, he proceeded to Williams- burg and laid them before Patrick Henry, then governor of Virginia, who promptly aided in their execution. From Gov. Henry Clark received two sets of instructions, one, to enlist seven companies of men, ostensibly for the protection of the people of Kentucky, which at that time was a county of Virginia, the other, a secret order, to attack the British post of Kaskaskia! The result of his achievements was overshad- owed by the stirring events of the revolution eastward of the Alleghanies, where other heroes were winning a glory that dazzled while it drew public attention exclusively to •245 246 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. The account here given of Clark^s campaign in "The Illinois" is taken from a manuscript memoir composed by Clark himself, at the joint request of Presidents Jefferson and Madison.* We prefer giving the account in Gen. Clark's own words, as far as practicable. The memoir of Gen. Clark proceeds: " On the (24th) of June, 1778, we left our little island, f and run about a mile up the river in order to gain the main channel, and shot the falls at the very mo- ment of the sun being in a great eclipse, which caused various con- jectures among the superstitious. As I knew that spies were kept on the river below the towns of the Illinois, I had resolved to march part of the way by land, and of course left the whole of our bag- gage, except as much as would equip us in the Indian mode. The whole of our force, after leaving such as was judged not competent to [endure] the expected fatigue, consisted only of four companies, commanded by Captains John Montgomery, Joseph Bowman, Leonard Helms and William Harrod. My force being so small to what I expected, owing to the various circumstances already men- tioned, I found it necessary to alter my plans of operation. " I had fully acquainted myself that the French inhabitants in those western settlements had great influence among the Indians in general, and were more beloved by them than any other Europeans ; that their commercial intercourse was universal throughout the west- ern and northwestern countries, and that the governing interest on the lakes was mostly in the hands of the English, who were not much beloved by them. These, and many other ideas similar thereto, caused me to resolve, if possible, to strengthen myself by such train of conduct as might probably attach the French inhabit- ants to our interest, and give us influence in the country we were aiming for. These were the principles that influenced my future conduct, and, fortunately, I had just received a letter from Col. them. The west was a wilderness, — excepting the isolated French settlements about Kaskaskia, and at Vincennes and Detroit, — and occupied only by savages and wild animals. It was not until after the great Northwest began to be settled, and its capa- bilities to sustain the empire, — since seated in its lap, — was realized, that the magni- tude of the conquest forced itself into notice. The several states of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, carved out of the territory which he so gloriously won, — nay, the whole nation, — owe to the memory of George Rogers Clark a debt of gratitude that cannot be repaid in a mere expression of words. An account of his life and eminent services, worthy of the man, yet remains to be written. *.Iudge John B. Dillon, when preparing his first history of Indiana, in 1843, had access to Clark's original manuscript memoir, and copied copious extracts in the vol- ume named, and it is from this source that the extracts appearing in this work were taken. This book of Judge Dillon is not to be confounded with a History of Indiana, prepared and published by him in 1859. His first book, although somewhat crude, is exceedingly valuable for the historical matter it contains relating to the whole North- west, while the latter is a better digested history of the state of which he was an emi- nent citizen. t At Louisville. clark's campaign. 247 Campbell, dated Pittsburgh, informing me of the contents of the treaties* between France and America. As I intended to leave the Ohio at Fort Massac, three leagues below the Tennessee, I landed on a small island in the mouth of that river, in order to prepare for the march. In a few hours after, one John Duff and a party of hunters coming down the river were brought to by our boats. They were men formerly from the states, and assured us of their happiness in the adventure. . . . They had been but lately from Kaskaskia, and were able to give us all the intelligence we wished. They said that Gov. Abbot had lately left Port Yincennes, and gone to Detroit on business of importance ; that Mr. Eochblave commanded at Kas- kaskia, etc.; that the militia was kept in good order, and spies on the Mississippi, and that all hunters, both Indians and others, were ordered to keep a good look-out for the rebels ; that the fort was kept in good order as an asylum, etc., but they believed the whole to proceed more from the fondness for parade than the expectation of a visit ; that if they received timely notice of us. they would collect and give us a warm reception, as they were taught to harbor a most horrid idea of the rebels, especially the Virginians ; but that if we could surprise the place, which they were in hopes we might, they made no doubt of our being able to do as we pleased ; that they hoped to be received as partakers in the enterprise, and wished us to put full confidence in them, and they would assist the guides in conducting the party. This was agreed to, and they proved valua- ble men. ki The acquisition to us was great, as I had no intelligence from those posts since the spies I sent twelve months past. But no part of their information pleased me more than that of the inhabitants viewing us as more savage than their neighbors, the Indians. I was determined to improve upon this if I was fortunate enough to get them into my possession, as I conceived the greater the shock I could give them at first the more sensibly would they feel my lenity, and become more valuable friends. This I conceived to be agree- able to human nature, as I had observed it in many instances. Having everything prepared, we moved down to a little gullv a small distance above Massac, in which we concealed our boats, and set out a northwest course. The weather was favorable. In some parts water was scarce, as well as game. Of course we suffered drought and hunger, but not to excess. On the third day John *The timely information received of the alliance between the United States and France was made use of by Gen. Clark with his usual tact and with great success, as will be seen farther on. 248 HISTORIC NOTES OX THE NORTHWEST. Saunders, our principal guide, appeared confused, and we soon dis- covered that lie was totally lost, without there was some other cause of his present conduct. " I asked him various questions, and from his answers I could scarcely determine what to think of him, — whether or not that he was lost, or that he wished to deceive us. . . . The cry of the whole detachment was that he was a traitor. He begged that he might be suffered to go some distance into a plain that was in full view, to try to make some discovery whether or not he was right. I told him he might go, but that I was suspicious of him, from his conduct ; that from the first day of his being employed he always said he knew the way well ; that there was now a different appearance ; that I saw the nature of the country was such that a person once acquainted with it could not in a short time forget it ; that a few men should go with him to prevent his escape, and that if he did not discover and take us into the hunter's road that led from the east into Kaskaskia, which he had frequently described, I would have him immediately put to death, which I was determined to have done. But after a search of an hour or two he came to a place that he knew perfectly, and we discovered that the poor fellow had been, as they call it, bewildered. " On the fourth of July, in the evening, we got within a few miles of the town, where we lay until near dark, keeping spies ahead, after which we commenced our march, and took possession of a house wherein a large family lived, on the bank of the Kaskaskia River, about three-quarters of a mile above the town. Here we were in- formed that the people a few days before were under arms, but had concluded that the cause of the alarm was without foundation, and that at that time there was a great number of men in town, but that the Indians had generally left it, and at present all was quiet. We soon procured a sufficiency of vessels, the more in ease to convey us across the river. "With one of the divisions I marched to the fort, and ordered the other two into different quarters of the town. If I met with no resist- ance, at a certain signal a general shout was to be given and certain parts were to be immediately possessed, and men of each detach- ment, who could speak the French language, were to run through every street and proclaim what had happened, and inform the inhab- itants that every person that appeared in the streets would be shot down. This disposition had its desired effect. In a very little time we had complete possession, and every avenue was guarded to prevent any escape to give the alarm to the other villages in case of opposi- clark's conquest. 249 tion. Various orders had been issued not worth mentioning. I don't suppose greater silence ever reigned among the inhabitants of a place than did at this at present ; not a person to be seen, not a word to be heard by them, for some time, but, designedly, the greatest noise kept up by our troops through every quarter of the town, and patrols continually the whole night around it, as intercepting any information was a capital object, and in about two hours the whole of the inhabitants were disarmed, and informed that if one was taken attempting to make his escape he should be immediately put to death." When Col. Clark, by the use of various bloodless means, had raised the terror of the French inhabitants to a painful height, he surprised them, and won their confidence and friendship, by perform- ing, unexpectedly, several acts of justice and generosity. On the morning of the 5th of July a few of the principal men were arrested and put in irons. Soon afterward M. Gibault, the priest of the vil- lage, accompanied by five or six aged citizens, waited on Col. Clark, and said that the inhabitants expected to be separated, perhaps never to meet again, and they begged to be permitted to assemble in their church, and there to take leave of each other. Col. Clark mildly told the priest that he had nothing to say against his religion ; that it was a matter which Americans left for every man to settle with his God ; that the people might assemble in their church, if they would, but that they must not venture out of town. Nearly the whole French population assembled at the church. The houses were deserted by all who could leave them, and Col. Clark gave orders to prevent any soldiers from entering the vacant buildings. After the close of the meeting at the church a deputation, consisting of M. Guibault and several other persons, waited on Col. Clark, and said "that their present situation was the fate of war, and that they could submit to the loss of their property, but they solic- ited that they might not be separated from their wives and children, and that some clothes and provisions might be allow r ed for their support." Clark feigned surprise at this request, and abruptly exclaimed, "Do you mistake us for savages '. I am almost cer- tain you do from your language ! Do you think that Americans intend to strip women and children, or take the bread out of their mouths? My countrymen, " said Clark, "disdain to make war upon helpless innocence. It was to prevent the horrors of Indian butchery upon our own wives and children that we have taken arms and penetrated into this remote stronghold of British and Indian barbarity, and not the despicable prospect of plunder; that now the 250 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. king of France had united his powerful arms with those of America, the war would not, in all probability, continue long, but the inhabit- ants of Kaskaskia were at liberty to take which side they pleased, without the least danger to either their property or families. Nor would their religion be any source of disagreement, as all religions were regarded with equal respect in the eye of the American law, and that any insult offered to it would be immediately punished." "And now," Clark continues, "to prove my sincerity, you will please inform your fellow-citizens that they are quite at liberty to conduct themselves as usual, without the least apprehension. I am now convinced, from what I have learned since my arrival among you, that you have been misinformed and prejudiced against us by British officers, and your friends who are in confinement shall imme- diately be released."* In a few minutes after the delivery of this speech the gloom that rested on the minds of the inhabitants of Kaskaskia had passed away. The news of the treaty of alliance between France and the United States, and the influence of the mag- nanimous conduct of Clark, induced the French villagers to take the oath of allegiance to the state of Virginia. Their arms were restored to them, and a volunteer company of French militia joined a detach- ment under Capt. Bowman, when that officer was dispatched to take possession of Cahokia. The inhabitants of this small village, on hearing what had taken place at Kaskaskia, readily took the oath of allegiance to Virginia. The memoir of Clark proceeds: " Post Vincennes never being out of my mind, and from some things that I had learned I suspected that Mr. Gibault, the priest, was inclined to the American interest previous to our arrival in the country. He had great influence over the people at this period, and Post Vincennes was under his juris- diction. I made no doubt of his integrity to us. I sent for him, and had a lone; conference with him on the subject of Post Vincennes. In answer to all my queries he informed me that he did not think it worth my while to cause any military preparation to be made at the Falls of the Ohio for the attack of Post Vincennes, although the place was strong and a great number of Indians in its neighborhood, who, to his knowledge, were generally at war; that the governor had, a few weeks before, left the place on some business to Detroit ; that he expected that when the inhabitants were fully acquainted with what had passed at the Illinois, and the present happiness of their friends, and made fully acquainted with the nature of the war, their sentiments would greatly change; that he knew 7 that his appearance * Clark's Memoir. SECURES VINCENNES. 251 there would have great weight, even among the savages ; that if it was agreeable to me he would take this business on himself, and had no doubt of his being able to bring that place over to the Amer- ican interest without my being at the trouble of marching against it ; that the business being altogether spiritual, he wished that another person might be charged with the temporal part of the embassy, but that he would privately direct the whole, and he named Dr. Lafont as his associate. "This was perfectly agreeable to what I had been secretly aim- ing at for some days. The plan was immediately settled, and the two doctors, with their intended retinue, among whom I had a spy, set about preparing for their journey, and set out on the 14th of July, with an address to the inhabitants of Post Vincennes, authorizing them to garrison their own town themselves, which would convince them of the great confidence we put in them, etc. All this had its desired effect. Mr. Gibault and his party arrived safe, and after their spending a day or two in explaining matters to the people, they universally acceded to the proposal (except a few emissaries left by Mr. Abbot, who immediately left the country), and went in a body to the church, where the oath of allegiance was administered to them in a most solemn manner. An officer was elected, the fort immediately [garrisoned], and the American flag displayed to the astonishment of the Indians, and everything settled far beyond our most sanguine hopes. The people here immediately began to put on a new face, and to talk in a different style, and to act as perfect freemen. With a garrison of their own, with the United States at their elbow, their language to the Indians was immediately altered. They began as citizens of the United States, and informed the Indians that their old father, the king of France, was come to life again, and was mad at them for fighting for the English ; that they would advise them to make peace with the Americans as soon as they could, otherwise they might expect the land to be very bloody, etc. The Indians began to think seriously ; throughout the country this was the kind of language they generally got from their ancient friends of the Wabash and Illinois. Through the means of their correspondence spreading among the nations, our batteries began now to play in a proper channel. Mr. Gibault and party, accom- panied by several gentlemen of Post Vincennes, returned to Kas- kaskia about the 1st of August with the joyful news. During his absence on this business, which caused great anxiety to me (for without the possession of this post all our views would have been blasted), I was exceedingly engaged in regulating things in the Illi- 252 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. nois. The reduction of these posts was the period of the enlistment of our troops. I was at a great loss at the time to determine how to act, and how far I might venture to strain my authority. My instructions were silent on many important points, as it was impos- sible to foresee the events that would take place. To abandon the country, and all the prospects that opened to our view in the Indian department at this time, for the want of instruction in certain cases, I thought would amount to a reflection on government, as having no confidence in me. I resolved to usurp all the authority necessary to carry my points. I had the greater part of our [troops] reenlisted on a different establishment, commissioned French officers in the country to command a company of the young inhabitants, estab- lished a garrison at Cahokia, commanded by Capt. Bowman, and another at Kaskaskia, commanded by Capt. Williams. Post Vin- cennes remained in the situation as mentioned. CqI. William Linn, who had accompanied us as a volunteer, took charge of a party that was to be discharged upon their arrival at the Falls, and orders were sent for the removal of that post to the mainland. Capt. John Montgomery was dispatched to government with letters. . . . I again turned my attention to Post Vincennes. I plainly saw that it would be highly necessary to have an American officer at that post. Capt. Leonard Helm appeared calculated to answer my pur- pose ; he was past the meridian of life, and a good deal acquainted with the Indian [disposition]. I sent him to command at that post, and also appointed him agent for Indian affairs in the department of the Wabash. . . . About the middle of August he set out to take possession of his new command."'' Thus, ,1 says Clark, referring to * "An Indian chief called the Tobacco's Son, a Piankeshaw, at this time resided in a village adjoining Post Vincennes. This man was called by the Indians ' The Grand Door to the Wabash ' ; and as nothing of consequence was to be undertaken by the league on the Wabash without his assent, I discovered that to win him was an object of signal importance. I sent him a spirited compliment by Mr. Gibault ; he returned it. I now, by Capt. Helm, touched him on the same spring that I had done the inhab- itants, and sent a speech, with a belt of wampum, directing Capt. Helm how to man- age if the chief was pacifically inclined or otherwise. The captain arrived safe at Post Vincennes, and was received with acclamations by the people. After the usual cere- mony was over he sent for the Grand Door, and delivered my letter to him. After having read it, he informed the captain that he was happy to see him, one of the Big Knife chiefs, in this town; it was here he had joined the English against him; but he confessed that he always thought they looked gloomy; that as the contents of the let- ter were of great moment, he could not give an answer for some time; that he must collect his counsellors on the subject, and was in hopes the captain would be patient. In short, he put on all the courtly dignity that he was master of, and Capt. Helm fol- lowing his example, it was several days before this business was finished, as the whole proceeding was very ceremonious. At length the captain was invited to the Indian council, and informed by Tobacco that they had maturely considered the case in hand, and had got the nature of the war between the English and us explained to their sat- isfaction; that as we spoke the same language and appeared to be the same people, he always thought that he was in the dark as to the truth of it, but now the sky was CLARK'S INFLUENCE OVER THE INDIANS. 253 Helm's success, "ended this valuable negotiation, and the saving of much blood. ... In a short time almost the whole of the various tribes of the different nations on the Wabash, as high as the Ouia- tanon, came to Post Vincennes, and followed the example of the Grand Door Chief; and as expresses were continually passing be- tween Capt. Helm and myself the whole time of these treaties, the business was settled perfectly to my satisfaction, and greatly to the advantage of the public. The British interest daily lost ground in this quarter, and in a short time our influence reached the Indians on the River St. Joseph and the border of Lake Michigan. The French gentlemen at the different posts we now had possession of engaged warmly in our interest. They appeared to vie with each other in promoting the business, and through the means of their correspondence, trading among the Indians, and otherwise, in a short time the Indians of various tribes inhabiting the region of Illinois came in great numbers to Cahokia, in order to make treaties of peace with us. From the information they generally got from the French gentlemen (whom they implicitly believed) respecting us, they were truly alarmed, and, consequently, we were visited by the greater part of them, without any invitation from us. Of course we had greatly the advantage in making use of such language as suited our [interest]. Those treaties, which commenced about the last of August and continued between three and four weeks, were probably conducted in a way different from any other known in America at that time. I had been always convinced that our general conduct with the Indians was wrong ; that inviting them to treaties was con- sidered by them in a different manner from what we expected, and imputed by them to fear, and that giving them great presents con- firmed it. I resolved to guard against this, and I took good pains to make myself acquainted fully with the French and Spanish methods of treating Indians, and with the manners, genius and dis- position of the Indians in general. As in this quarter they had not yet been spoiled by us, I was resolved that they should not be. I began the business fully prepared, having copies of the British trea- ties." At the first great council, which was opened at Cahokia, an Indian chief, with a belt of peace in his hand, advanced to the table at which cleared up; that he found that the ' Big Knife' was in the right; that perhaps if the English conquered, they would serve them in the same manner that they intended to serve us; that his ideas were quite changed, and that he would tell all the red people on the Wabash to bloody the land no more for the English. He jumped up, struck his breast, called himself a man and a warrior, said that he was now a Big Knife, and took Capt. Helm by the hand. His example was followed by all present, and the evening was spent in merriment." 254 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Col. Clark was sitting; another chief, bearing the sacred pipe of the tribe, went forward to the table, and a third chief then advanced with lire to kindle the pipe. When the pipe was lighted it was fig- uratively presented to the heavens, then to the earth, then to all the good spirits, to witness what was about to be done. After the ob- servance of these forms the pipe was presented to Clark, and after- ward to every person present. An Indian speaker then addressed the Indians as follows : " Warriors, — You ought to be thankful that the Great Spirit has taken pity on you, and cleared the sky and opened your ears and hearts, so that you may hear the truth. We have been deceived by bad birds flying through the land. But we will take up the bloody hatchet no more against the Big Knife," and we hope, as the Great Spirit has brought us together for good, as he is good, that we may be received as friends, and that the belt of peace may take the place of the bloody belt.' 1 "I informed them," says Clark, "that I had paid attention to what they had said, and" that on the next day I would give them an answer, when I hoped the ears and hearts of all people would be opened to receive the truth, which should be spoken without decep- tion. I advised them to keep prepared for the result of this day, on which, perhaps, their very existence as a nation depended, etc., and dismissed them, not suffering any of our people to shake hands with them, as peace was not yet concluded, telling them it was time enough to give the hand when the heart could be given also. They replied that ' such sentiments were like men who had but one heart, and did not speak with a double tongue.' The next day I delivered them the following speech : 'Men and Warriors, — Pay attention to my words: You informed me yesterday that the Great Spirit had brought us together, and that you hoped, as he was good, that it would be for good. I have also the same hope, and expect that each party will strictly adhere to whatever may be agreed upon, whether it be peace or war, and hence- forward prove ourselves worthy of the attention of the Great Spirit. I am a man and a warrior, — not a counsellor. I carry war in my * The early border men of Virginia and her county of Kentucky usually carried very large knives. From this circumstance the Virginians were called, in the Illinois (Miami) dialect, She-mol-sea, meaning the "Big Knife." At a later day the same appellation, under the Chippewayan word Che-mo-ko-man, was extended, by the Indians, to the white people generally, — always excepting the Englishman proper, whom they called the Sag-e-nash, and the Yankees to whom they gave the epithet of Bos-to-ne-ly , i.e., the Bostonians. The term is derived from the Miami word mal-she, or mol-sea, a knife, or the Ojibbeway mo-Jco-man, which means the same thing. The prefix che or she emphasizes the kind or size of the instrument, as a huge, long or big knife. Such is the origin of the expression " long knives," frequently found in books where Indian characters occur. CLARK'S SPEECH TO THE INDIANS. 255 right hand, and in my left, peace. I am sent by the great council of the Big Knife, and their friends, to take possession of all the towns possessed by the English in this country, and to watch the motions of the red people ; to bloody the paths of those who attempt to stop the course of the river, but to clear the roads from us to those who desire to be in peace, that the women and children may walk in them without meeting anything to strike their feet against. I am ordered to call upon the Great Fire for warriors enough to darken the land, and that the red people may hear no sound but of birds who live on blood. I know there is a mist before your eyes. I will dispel the clouds, that you may clearly see the cause of the war between the Big Knife and the English, then you may judge for yourselves which party is in the right, and if you are warriors, as you profess to be, prove it by adhering faithfully to the party which you shall believe to be entitled to your friendship, and do not show yourselves to be squaws. 'The Big Knives are very much like the red people. They don't know how to make blankets and powder and cloth. They buy these things from the English, from whom they are sprung. They live by making corn, hunting and trade, as you and your neighbors, the French, do. But the Big Knives, daily getting more numerous, like the trees in the woods, the land became poor and hunting scarce, and having but little to trade with, the women began to cry at seeing their children naked, and tried to learn how to make clothes for themselves. They soon made blankets for their husbands and chil- dren, and the men learned to make guns and powder. In this way we did not want to buy so much from the English. They then got mad with us, and sent strong garrisons through our country, as you see they have done among you on the lakes, and among the French. They would not let our women spin, nor our men make powder, nor let us trade with anybody else. The English said we should buy everything of them, and since we had got saucy we should give two bucks for a blanket, which we used to get for one ; we should do as they pleased ; and they killed some of our people, to make the rest fear them. This is the truth, and the real cause of the war between the English and us, which did not take place until some time after this treatment. w But our women became cold and hungry and continued to cry. Our young men got lost for want of counsel to put them in the right path. The whole land was dark. The old men held down their heads for shame, because they could not see the sun ; and thus there was mourning for many years over the land. At last the Great 256 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Spirit took pity on us, and kindled a great council fire, that never goes out, at a place called Philadelphia. He then stuck down a post, and put a war tomahawk by it, and went away. The sun immediately broke out, the sky was blue again, and the old men held up their heads and assembled at the fire. They took up the hatchet, sharpened it, and put it into the hands of our young men, ordering them to strike the English as long as they could find one on this side of the great waters. The young men immediately struck the war post and blood was shed. In this way the war began, and the English were driven from one place to another until they got weak, and then they hired you red people to fight for them. The Great Spirit got angry at this, and caused your old father, the French king, and other great nations, to join the Big Knives, and fight with them against all their enemies. So the English have be- come like deer in the woods, and you may see that it is the Great Spirit that has caused your waters to be troubled, because you have fought for the people he was mad with. If your women and chil- dren should now cry, you must blame yourselves for it, and not the Big Knives. ' You can now judge who is in the right. I have already told you who I am. Here is a bloody belt and a white one, take which you please. Bel;ave like men, and don't let your being surrounded by the Big Knives cause you to take up the one belt with your hands while your hearts take up the other. If you take the bloody path, you shall leave the town in safety, and may go and join your friends, the English. We will then try, like warriors, who can put the most stumbling-blocks in each other's way, and keep our clothes longest stained with blood. If, on the other hand, you should take the path of peace, and be received as brothers to the Big Knives, with their friends, the French ; should you then listen to bad birds that may be flying through the land, you will no longer deserve to be counted as men, but as creatures with two tongues, that ought to be destroyed without listening to anything you might say. As I am convinced you never heard the truth before, I do not wish you to answer be- fore you have taken time to counsel. We will, therefore, part this evening, and when the Great Spirit shall bring us together again, let us speak and think like men, with but one heart and one tongue.' "The next day after this speech a new fire was kindled with more than usual ceremony ; an Indian speaker came forward and said : They ought to be thankful that the Great Spirit had taken pity on them, and opened their ears and their hearts to receive the truth. He had paid great attention to what the Great Spirit had CLARK TREATS WITH THE INDIANS. 257 put into niv heart to say to them. They believed the whole to be the truth, as the Big Knives did not speak like any other people they had ever heard. They now saw they had been deceived, and that the English had told them lies, and that I had told them the truth, just as some of their old men had always told them. They now believed that we were in the right ; and as the English had forts in their country, they might, if they got strong enough, want to serve the red people as they had treated the Big Knives. The red people ought, therefore, to help us, and they had, with a cheer- ful heart, taken up the belt of peace, and spurned that of war. They were determined to hold the former fast, and would have no doubt of our friendship, from the manner of our speaking, so different from that of the English. They would now call in their warriors, and throw the tomahawk into the river, where it could never be found. They would suffer no more bad birds to fly through the land, disquieting the women and children. They would be careful to smooth the roads for their brothers, the Big Knives, whenever they might wish to come and see them. Their friends should hear of the good talk I had given them ; and they hoped I would send chiefs among them, with my eyes, to see myself that they were men, and strictly adhered to all they had said at this great fire, which the Great Spirit had kindled at Cahokia for the good of all people who would attend it." The sacred pipe was again kindled, and presented, figuratively, to the heavens and the earth, and to all r the good spirits, as witness of what had been done. The Indians and the white men then closed the council by smoking the pipe and shaking hands. With no ma- terial variation, either of the forms that were observed, or with the speeches that were made at this council, Col. Clark and his officers concluded treaties of peace with the Piankeshaws, Ouiatenons, Kick- apoos, Illinois, Kaskaskias, Peorias, and branches of some other tribes that inhabited the country between Lake Michigan and the Mississippi. Gov. Henry soon received intelligence of the successful progress of the expedition under the command of Clark. The French inhab- itants of the villages of Kaskaskia, Cahokia and Post Vincennes took the oath of allegiance to the State of Virginia. In October, 1778, the General Assembly of the State of Virginia passed an act which contained the following provisions, viz: All the citizens of the Commonwealth of Virginia tk who are already settled or shall hereafter settle on the western side of the Ohio, shall be in- cluded in a distinct county, which shall be called Illinois county / 17 258 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. and the governor of this commonwealth, with the advice of the council, may appoint a county lieutenant, or commandant-in-chief, in that county, during pleasure, who shall appoint and commission so many deputy commandants, militia officers and commissaries as he shall think proper in the different districts, during pleasure ; all of whom, before they enter into office, shall take the oath of fidelity to this commonwealth and the oath of office, according to the form of their own religion. And all civil officers to which the inhabit- ants have been accustomed, necessary for the preservation of the peace and the administration of justice, shall be chosen by a major- ity of the citizens in their respective districts, to be convened for that purpose by the county lieutenant, or commandant, or his deputy, and shall be commissioned by the said county lieutenant or com- mandant-in-chief. ' ' Before the provisions of the law were carried into effect, Henry Hamilton, the British lieutenant-governor of Detroit, collected an army, consisting of about thirty regulars, fifty French volunteers, and four hundred Indians. With this force he passed down the River Wabash, and took possession of Post Vincennes on the 15th of December, 1778. JN"o attempt was made by the population to defend the town. Capt. Helm was taken and detained as a prisoner, and a number of the French inhabitants disarmed. Clark was aware that Gov. Hamilton, now that he had regained possession of Vincennes, would undertake the capture of his forces, and realizing his danger, he determined to forestall Hamilton and capture the latter. His !plans were at once formed. He sent a por- tion of his available force by boat, called The Willing, with instruc- tions to Capt. Rogers, the commander, to proceed down the Missis- sippi and up the Ohio and Wabash, and secrete himself a few miles below Vincennes, and prohibit any persons from passing either up or down. With another part of his force he marched across the country, through prairies, swamps and marshes, crossing swollen streams — ■ for it was in the month of February, and the whole country was flooded from continuous rains — and arriving at the banks of the Wabash near St. Francisville, he pushed across the river and brought his forces in the rear of Yincennes before daybreak. So secret and rapid were his movements that Gov. Hamilton had no notice that Clark had left Kaskaskia. Clark issued a notice requiring the people of the town to keep within their houses, and declaring that all persons found elsewhere would be treated as enemies. Tobacco's Son tendered one hundred of his Piankashaw braves, himself at their head. Clark declined their services with thanks, saying his SURRENDER OF HAMILTON. 259 own force was sufficient. Gov. Hamilton had just completed the fort, consisting of strong block-houses at each angle, with the cannon placed on the upper floors, at an elevation of eleven feet from the surface. The works were at once closely invested. The ports were so badly cut, the men on the inside could not stand to their cannon . for the bullets that would whiz from the rifles of Clark's sharp- shooters through the embrasures whenever they were suffered for an instant to remain open. The town immediately surrendered with joy, and assisted at the siege. After the first offer to surrender upon terms was declined, Hamilton and Clark, with attendants, met in a conference at the Catholic church, situated some eighty rods from the fort, and in the afternoon of the same day, the 24th of February, 1779, the fort and garrison, consisting of seventy-five men, surrendered at discretion.* The result was that Hamilton and his whole force were made prison- ers of war.f Clark held military possession of the northwest until the close of the war, and in that way it was secured to our country. At the treaty of peace, held at Paris at the close of the revolutionary war, the British insisted that the Ohio River should be the northern boundary of the United States. The correspondence relative to that treaty shows that the only ground on which "'the American commis- sioners relied to sustain their claim that the lakes should be the boundary was the fact that Gen. Clark had conquered the country, and was in the undisputed military possession of it at the time of the negotiation. This fact was affirmed and admitted, and was the chief ground on which British commissioners reluctantly abandoned their claim. "^ *Two days after the Willing arrived, its crew much mortified because they did not share in the victory, although Clark commended them for their diligence. Two days before Capt. Rogers' arrival with the Willing, Clark had dispatched three armed boats, under charge of Capt. Helm and Majors Bosseron and Le Grass, up the Wabash, to intercept a fleet which Clark was advised was on its way from Detroit, laden with supplies for Gov. Hamilton at Vincennes. About one hundred and twenty miles up the river the British boats, seven in number, having aboard military supplies of the value of ten thousand pounds sterling money and forty men, among whom was Philip De Jean, a magistrate of Detroit, were captured by Capt. Helm. The writer has before him the statement of John McFall, born near Vincennes in 1798. He lived near and in Vincennes until 1817. His grandfather, Ralph Mattison, was one of Clark's soldiers who accompanied Helm's expedition up the Wabash, and he often told McFall, his grandson, that the British were lying by in the Vermilion River, near its mouth, where they were surprised in the night-time and captured by Helm without firing a shot. tThis march, from its daring conception, and the obstacles encountered and over- come, is one of the most thrilling events in our history, and it is to be regretted that the limited space assigned to other topics precludes its insertion. X Burnett's Notes on the Northwest Territory, p. 77. CHAPTER XXIV. THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY — THE ORDINANCE OF 1787 — BILL OF RIGHTS — FREE SCHOOL SYSTEM — PROVISIONS FOR STATES — OLD BOUNDARIES BETWEEN CANADA AND LOUISIANA— INDIAN WARS — THE INDIAN COUNTRY RAVAGED. Col. Clark having captured Gov. Hamilton's forces at Vin- cennes, and reestablished the authority of Virginia over the north- west territory, Col. John Todd, commissioned as lieutenant for the county of Illinois, in the spring ot 1779 proceeded to Kaskaskia and Vincennes, and organized a government under the act of the Gen- eral Assembly of Virginia of October, 1778, for the establishing of " Illinois County." Col. Todd formed courts of justice, and pro- vided other machinery to secure peace and good order among the inhabitants. The court was comprised of several magistrates, who dispensed justice, in the absence of statutes specifically defining their powers, pretty much according to their own unrestrained no- tions of equity, applied according to the emergency of each particu- lar case, as it would come before them, much after the manner of the early French commandants.* The northwest territory soon became a source of trouble to the continental congress. Besides the claims of Virginia, Xew York, Massachusetts and Connecticut asserted title to portions of it by virtue of their ancient charters. f These conflicting claims were the subjects of much discussion and legislative action in the states named, and by congress as well. Congress, on the 6th of Septem- ber, 1780, requested the several states "having claims to waste and unappropriated lands in the western country to cede a portion *"The court" was one of high authority, and among the powers it arrogated to itself was the right of disposing of the public lands. After having granted some twenty-two thousand acres to private individuals, by orders entered i'rom time to time upon their records, "the court" partitioned large tracts among themselves; the recip- ient member would, out of modesty, absent himself from "court" on the day the entry was made on the journal by his associates in his favor, "so that it might appear to be the act of his fellows only." Official letter of Gen. Harrison, January 19, 1802. The evil grew to such proportions that Gen. Harner, in 1787, issued a military order suppressing it. f Connecticut, claiming through her charter granted on the 23d of April, 1662, by King Charles the Second, passed a resolution in 1783, to the effect "That all the land lying west of the western limits of Pennsylvania and east of the Mississippi, and be- tween the forty-first and forty-second parallels of latitude," was hers. 260 CESSION OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY. 261 thereof to the United States.* Virginia, on the 2d of January, 1781, released her claim to the northwest territory, reserving one hundred and fifty thousand acres near the falls of the Ohio, which she had promised to Gen. Clark, and the officers and soldiers of his regiment who marched with him, and preserving to the French and Canadian inhabitants of Kaskaskia, Vincennes and neighboring villages their titles to the lands claimed by them.f However, owing to conditions imposed by the terms of cession, further legislation intervened, and the Virginia delegates did not execute the deed of release until the 1st of March, 1784. New York followed Virginia, and ceded her claim on the 1st of March, 1781 ; then Massachusetts, on the 1 8th of April, 1785, executed her release, and on the 11th of September, 1786, the Connecticut delegates delivered a deed of cession from that state, reserving a strip of territory west of Pennsylvania, and bordering on the lakes, since known as the Western Reserve.^ Before these disputes were settled it was proposed in congress to divide the territory into states by parallel lines of latitude and merid- ians of longtitude.§ It seems that the States of Virginia and Mas- sachusetts had made their grants with reference to a previous reso- lution of congress, limiting the area of the states, to be formed out of the territory named, to a hundred and fifty miles square, and therefore further legislation by these states became necessary. In July, 1786, congress passed another resolution, looking to a division of the territory into not less than three nor more \\iaxijive states, and Massachusetts and Virginia gave their assent to this modification. All differences and conflicts of title being now settled, congress, on the 13th day of July, 1787, adopted unanimously, "An ordinance for the government of the territory of the United States northwest of the Ohio. 1 ' The act, when considered with respect to the times in which it was adopted, was a most radical document. It made sweeping changes in the whole theory of social laws as practiced in Europe, and contravened the prevailing opinions of many of our own people, emerging, as they then were, from the accumulated prejudices of the old world into the daydawn of a new and experimental government. "For the purpose of extending the fundamental principles of civil * Old Laws of the U.S. fXI Hen. Statutes of Virginia, p. 326. {Vol. 16, Am. S. Papers, p. 94. §01d Congressional Journals, vol. 4, pp. 379 and 380; Land Laws, p. 34. The prospective states were to be named as follows: Washington, Illinoia, Michigania, Sylvania, Saratoga, Pelisipia, Mesopotamia, Polypotamia, Chersonisus and Assenispia. The act for such division of the territory, and naming of the states to be formed out of it. was passed unanimously, with the exception of the vote of South Carolina, on the 23d of March, 1784. 262 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. and religious liberty forever, and to fix and establish those principles as a basis of all laws, constitutions and governments which should thereafter be formed within the territory," the ordinance impressed conditions upon every acre of the soil, prohibited certain arbitrary practices of power, and enjoined beneficial acts to be performed, which have resulted in the largest measure of happiness and pros- perity. The act was a " compact between the original states and the people and states within the territory, to remain unalterable un- less changed by common consent." It is, therefore, in the nature of a bill of rights — a Magna Charta — to every inhabitant of the five several states since formed out of the territory to which the ordi- nance was applied.* The act forever prohibited slavery or involun- tary servitude, thus ennobling honest labor, and endowing it with a dignity it could not have attained in competition with the unrequited toil of human chattels. Heretofore the plan of governments was one of force, in which the intelligent few dominated over the ignorant many. The Ameri- can Declaration of Independence announced the new theory that all men should be free, and that the people should govern them- selves. This they could not be, or do unless they possessed an enlarged intelligence, a requirement that rendered a system for the general education of the masses necessary. Happily, congress real- ized the force of this, and nobly provided the means. Subsequent to the cession by Virginia of the northwest territory to the United States, and at the time congress passed the act of May 20, 1785, relative to the disposition and sale of the public lands northwest of the Ohio, one thirty-sixth part of the whole of this vast domain was reserved and set apart for the maintenance of public schools ; and so determined was congress that the educational system to be inau- gurated in the northwest territory should not be balked by any unwise legislation of the future states to be formed therein, that the great plan was carried into the ordinance of 1787, where it was further declared that " religion, morality and knowledge being necessary to good government and happiness of mankind, schools and the means *The act, among other things, fixes the law of descent upon the just and equitable terms of equality in the division of real estate among the heirs of the ancestor, thus cutting up by the roots the European doctrine of primogeniture ; it provides for perfect liberty of conscience, and declares that no person demeaning himself in a peaceable and orderly manner should ever be molested on account of his mode of worship or religious sentiment; it secures to every one the writ of habeas corpus, and the right of trial by jury; it makes all offenses bailable except capital crimes, and while it provides that all fines shall be moderate, it prohibits the infliction of cruel or unusual punish- ments; it declares that no person shall be deprived of his liberty or property but by the judgment of his peers or the law of the land, and prevents the body politic from taking his property or demanding his services without making full compensation, etc. SUBDIVISION OF THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY. 263 of education shall forever he encouraged.''''* The act of May 20, 1785, is the quarry from whence was procured the "corner-stone" laid by our forefathers deep in the ordinance of 1787, upon which the states, since formed out of the old northwest territory, have, with most generous hand, established a system of public schools which is a guarantee of our national life and the citadel of our lib- ■erties. The provision — the ordinance of 1787 — contains relative to a subdivision of the territory is, "that there shall be formed in said territory no less than three nor more than five states ; the western state to be bounded by the Mississippi, the Ohio and the Wabash Rivers ; a direct line drawn from the Wabash and Post St. Vincent •due north to the territorial line between the United States and Canada, and [west] by said territorial line to the Lake of the Woods and Mississippi, f The middle state shall be bounded by the said direct line, the Wabash from Post St. Vincent to the Ohio ; b}' the Ohio, and by a direct line drawn due north from the mouth of the Great Miami to said territorial line.;}: The eastern state shall be bounded by the last-mentioned direct line, the Ohio, Pennsylvania and the said territorial line."§. The act provided "that the boundaries of these three states should be subject to alteration if congress should find it expedient," with ' ' authority to form one or two states in that part of the territory lying north of an east and west line drawn through the southerly bend or extreme of Lake Michigan." The wording of the pro- viso, and a want of means for a correct geographical knowledge of the lake region, led to a sharp controversy in adjusting the boundaries of the two additional states. When the ordinance was passed, the current maps of the day represented the "southern bend 1 '' of Lake Michigan as being quite far north of its true position. While the convention was in session at Chillicothe, in 1802, a hunter, well acquainted with the country, told some of the members that Lake Michigan extended much farther south than was generally supposed. This caused the convention to alter the bound- ary prescribed by congress, so that the line between the then terri- * One section in every township, section 16, being selected on account of its central position, and known as the school section, was set apart in the act of May 20, 1785, for public schools. The proceeds arising from the sales thereof called the school fund, is a sacred fund, the yearly accruing interest from which is expended in the maintenance of " free schools " within the township. fThis is the embryo of the present state of Illinois. X Here is foreshadowed the future state of Indiana. §Out of this last the state of Ohio was formed. j[ It was under this discretionary clause that the states of Michigan and Wisconsin were subsequently formed. 264 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. tory of Michigan and the incipient state of Ohio, should be direct from the most northern cape of the Mauniee Bay.* In 1818, when Illinois was about to become a state, her delegate in congress, Nathanial Pope, procured an amendment of the act for its admission, so as to extend its northern boundary to the parallel of 42° 30' north latitude, t By a literal construction of the ordi- nance of 1787, two tiers of counties in northern Illinois would have been within the limits of Wisconsin. These changes, made through a wise forethought, have secured the harbor of Toledo to Ohio, Michigan City to Indiana and Chicago to Illinois. Soon after the passage of the ordinance, a party of New Engend- ers, under the name of The Ohio Company, bought live millions of acres of land lying along the Ohio, between the Muskingum and Sciota rivers. Gen. Rufus Putnam, the agent of the company, with a colony from Massachusetts, landed at the mouth of the Muskingum on the 7th of April, 1788, and proceeded to lay out a town, to which the name of Marietta was given. ^ Another sale was made to John C. Simms, embracing a tract of two millions of acres, fronting upon the Ohio, between the Great and Little Miami rivers. This was known as "The Simms Purchase, 11 and its beauty and fertility soon attracted immigration. In this way the settlements westward of the Alleghanies and north of the Ohio were fairly begun. Maj.-Gen. Arthur St. Clair was chosen by congress, on the 5th of October, 1787, as the first governor of the Northwest Territory. The subdivisions of New France, when owned by the French, for political purposes, seems not to have been clearly defined or well understood. Originally, La Salle, under his grant, claimed all of the territory between the Mississippi and the Wabash, — as appears from a letter of his lately published in the rare collections of P. Margry, — and also a strip ten leagues wide, on the west side of the Missis- sippi, to the mouth of the Ohio. He gave the name of "Louisiana to all the country watered by the Mississippi below the mouth of the Ohio, 11 a name, says Father Charlevoix, writing in 1743, which it still retains. Shortly after this the line was changed, and, says the great geographer, Thomas Pownall, quoting from maps and authorities accessible in 1756, the time at which he wrote, "the line which now divides Canada and Louisiana in the Illinois country begins from the Wabash at the mouth of Vermilion River, thence to the post called Le Rocher [Starved Rock] on the River Paeorias [the * Burnett's Notes on the Northwest Territory, p. 360. t Ford's History of Illinois, p. 19. % Pioneer History, p. 205. POSTS RETAINED BY GREAT BRITAIN". 2GS Illinois], and from thence to the peninsula formed at the confluence of Rocky [Rock] River and the Mississippi. 1 '* While the English owned the northwest, it was governed from Quebec, through officers or commandants stationed at Detroit, Fort Chartres and other mili- tary posts in the territory. Having thus briefly noted some of the subdivisions of the northwest by France and Great Britain for ad- ministrative purposes, those of our own government will be noticed. By the terms of the definite treaty of peace, concluded at Paris on the 3d of September, 1783, between the United States and Great Britain, the boundary between the possessions of the two powers was established along the lakes substantially as it now remains. Among other stipulations, Great Britain was, without delay, to sur- render the several military posts within the acknowledged territory of the United States. She declined to perform this part of the treaty, and on the 8th of December, 1785, the American minister, John Adams, addressed a letter to Lord Carmarthen, the English secretary of state, protesting "that although a period of three years had elapsed since the signing of the preliminary treaty, and more than two years since that of the definite treaty, the posts of Niagara, Presque Isle, Sandusky, Detroit, Michilimackinack, with others, and a considerable territory around each of them, all within the incon- testible limits of the United States, are still held by British garrisons, to the loss and injury of the United States, 11 etc.,f and demanding "that all of His Majesty^ armies and garrisons be forthwith with- drawn, 11 etc. To which, on the 28th of February, 1786, the British secretary replied, admitting that while Mr. Adams was correct in his construction of the seventh article of the treaty, the fourth article of the same, stipulating "that creditors on either side should meet with no lawful impediment to the recovery of all bona fide debts, hereto- fore contracted, had not been fulfilled on the part of the people of the United States. 11 :}: The reasons put forward by Lord Carmarthen were a mere pre- text. The true cause for the action of Great Britain in retaining possession of these military posts was to prolong her enjoyment of the fur trade and continue her influence over the several Indian tribes. With her it was the old desire to continue '■'"master of the fur * Appendix to The Administration of the Colonies, p. 16. This line, it would appear, placed all of the country north of it and east of the Wabash in the jurisdiction of Canada, and the territory to the south of the line and west of the Wabash within the confines of Louisiana. t Secret Journals of Congress, vol. 4, p. 186. % Secret Journals of Congress, vol. 4, p. 187. Massachusetts and Virginia, for good reasons, refused to comply with the article of the treaty concerning the collection of debts. 266 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. trade.'''' Her traders, in conjunction with the Canadians and coureurs de hois, had, since the submission of the westward Indians to her authority, in 1765, extended and perfected the "fur trade" over the entire northwest, and were reaping such profits as they never before realized, while the supply of goods required by the Indians absorbed a vast quantity of British manufactures. Unfortunately, the revolutionary war was concluded without Great Britain's having made any provisions for her Indian allies, who con- tinued their hostilities. No treaties had ever been made between the United States aiid the Wabash tribes, and the latter continued their hostilities upon the people of Kentucky, in which the injuries and murders seemed to have been reciprocal.* The government tried peaceable means to put an end to these depredations. Failing in this, expeditions were sent out, the first under command of Gen. Harmar, who, in the fall of 1790, destroyed the villages about Fort Wayne, as noticed on page 173. The next, by Gen. Charles Scott, in June, 1791, who burnt several villages above and below La Fayette, and carried a number of women and children captives to Fort Washington, where they were held as pris- oners. A third, under Gen. Wilkinson, who, in the summer of the same year, burned the Wea village above Logansport and destroyed some Kickapoo villages on the west side of the river, taking away with him a number of women and children, as Scott had done before him. Old scores with long accumulating interest were paid back. From Yincennes to Fort Defiance the heart of the Indian country had been ravaged. The principal villages along the Wabash and Maumee were destroyed. The fields were devastated, and the In- dians, suffering for food and shelter, were made to feel the retribu- tive hand of the Americans, whom traders within our borders, and other subjects of Great Britain in Canada, had heretofore taught them to despise. While the expeditions of Scott and Wilkinson were being exe- cuted, Gov. St. Clair was organizing a force with which, under instructions from the war department, he was to proceed to the forks of the Maumee and there establish a permanent military post, from which forces could be sent as occasion required, to punish such tribes as might dare to further molest the border settlements. On the way to the Maumee his army, consisting of about 1,400 men, was, on the 4th of November, 1791, attacked by the confederated * American State Papers, vol. 4, p. 13. It was estimated that between the years 1783 and 1790 no less than fifteen hundred persons were killed and captured in that state and adjacent territory, and upward of twenty thousand horses and other property, estimated at $75,000, were taken or destroyed by the Indians: Idem, p. 88. TREATY AT VINCENNES. 267 Indians, and almost totally destroyed. The calamity was one of the most severe ever sustained by the United States at the hands of the Indians until the time of the recent defeat of Custer. The bat- tle ground is in Mercer county, Ohio, and since known as Fort Recovery. The government, too feeble and greatly embarrassed, financially, from its struggle with Great Britain, could not speedily retrieve its loss. St. Clair resigned his commission in disgrace and Gen. Wayne — Mad Anthony, of revolutionary fame — was appointed military commander of the northwest in his stead. While the new general was recruiting his forces and subjecting them to a discipline that rendered their subsequent movements invincible, the government again tried to bring the Wabash tribes to a treaty of peace. The latter, now arrogant beyond measure from their victory, declined all overtures, and basely murdered Messrs. Hardin, Freeman and Trueman, who were sent with messages of peace to them. Gen. Putnam, the agent of the Ohio company, at Marietta, offered his services, and at the hazard of his life undertook to visit the hostile tribes and induce them to come to Philadelphia or Fort Washington and enter into negotiations. He was soon satisfied that the Indians would neither go to Philadelphia nor Fort Washington. Persisting in his efforts, however, several of the Wabash tribes agreed to meet him at Yincennes. Thither he went, starting from Fort Washington on the 26th of August, in company with the Moravian missionary, John Heckwelder, and the surviving prisoners — consisting mostly of women and little children — captured at the Wea towns by Scott and Wilkinson the previous year. The party, numbering in all one hundred and forty persons, were put in boats and taken down the Ohio and up the Wabash, ascending which they reached Vincennes on the afternoon of the 12th. The Indians, already notified of its coming, "were assembled upon the banks of the river, and when they saw their friends approaching," says Heckwelder, "they dis- charged their guns in token of joy, and sang the praises of their friends in tunes peculiar to themselves." The prisoners were immediately delivered to their friends with a happy speech by Gen. Putnam. From the 13th to the 23d the Indians were daily coming in to participate in the treaty. Delegates representing the Eel Creek, Wea, Pottawatomie, Mas- coutin, Kickapoo, Piankeshaw, Kaskaskia and Peoria tribes being present, a conference was opened in the council house on the morn- ing of the 24th. Here Gen. Putnam assured the assembled chiefs that the United States desired peace ; that ample time and opportu- 268 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. nity would be given to them all to talk with the United States about all that had happened ; to settle all old scores and to begin anew. An answer was deferred until the next day, when the council was again convened, at which the speakers chosen to reply on behalf of their respective tribes rose up in succession, and spoke upon strings — i. e., giving presents — of wampum. The drift of their speeches was that the whites should not take their land, but remain on the east and south side of the Ohio, letting that river be the mutual bound- dary. Their speeches were not clear, and Gem Putnam requested a more definite answer, with which they gratified him in the after- noon. Among other things, the Indian speakers stated "that they did not wish to live too near the white people, as there were bad persons on both sides ; that they wished to trade with us, and con- cluded with a request that the French dwelling in the vicinity of Vincennes might not be deprived of the lands which had been given them by the forefathers of the speakers in times past."* Definite articles of peace were concluded and signed on the 27th of September, 1792, and this was the first treaty ever entered into between the United States and the several Wabash tribes. As here- tofore intimated, it was a treaty of peace and friendship only. Gen. Putnam, as appears from his receipt, dated May 22, 1792, to the war department, had taken with him, besides a quantity of goods for presents, "the following silver ornaments: twenty medals, thirty pairs of arm and wristbands, twelve dozen of brooches, thirty pairs of nose jewels, thirty pairs of ear jewels, and two large white wam- pum belts of peace, with a silver medal suspended to each, bearing the arms of the United States."\ The chiefs of the several tribes having "signed the articles of treaty, ' ' says the Journal of Gen. Putnam, ' ' the latter arose and delivered the following speech to them : ' ' Brothers, listen to what I say : We have been for some days past industriously engaged in a good work, namely, in establishing & peace, and we have happily succeeded, through the influence of the Great Spirit. "Brothers, we have wiped off the blood, — we have buried the hatchet on both sides; and all that is past shall be forgotten. (Takes up the belts.) "Brothers, this is the bell of peace, which I now present you in the name of the United States. This belt shall be the evidence of, and the pledge tor, the performance of the articles of the treaty of * Vide Heckwelder's journal in the book before quoted, pp. 116, 117. t Putnam "s Manuscript Journal of the Treaty of Vincennes. THE GREAT PEACE BELT. 269 peace which we have concluded between the United States and your tribes this day. " Brothers, whenever you look on this, remember that there is a perpetual peace and friendship between you and us, and that you are now under the protection of the United States. "Brothers, we both hold this belt in our hands, — here, at this end, the United States hold it, and you hold it by the other end. The road, you see, is broad, level and clear. We may now pass to one another easy and without difficulty. Brothers, the faster we hold this belt the happier we shall be. Our women and children will have no occasion to be afraid any more. Our young men will observe that their wise men performed a good work. tk Brothers, be all strong in that which is good. Abide all in this path, young and old, and you will enjoy the sweetness of peace.' 1 (Delivers the belts.) The connection which the relic here illustrated sustains with the treaty at Vincennes will now be shown. We leave the treaty for a moment while we narrate the circumstances under which this medal, together with the other one illustrated farther on, was found. For the purposes of description, the first may be designated as the "Washington medal,"" although it is an engraving, and the latter as the "British medal.' 1 The former is believed to be none other than the silver medal "suspended to the white wampum belt of peace'''' pre- sented by Gen. Putnam, and referred to in his speech. The two medals, the illustrations of which are the exact size of the originals, and fine representations of the sides of the medals they display, were found in April, 1855, at the old, so-called, Kicka- poo Indian burying-gronnd, near the mouth of the Middle Fork of the Vermilion River, four miles west of Danville, Illinois, in a grave which had become exposed by the giving way of the high bluff, on the brink of which this grave, with many others, is situated.* * The old burial-place bears the appearance of having been used by the Indians for many years prior to the time of the cession of the territory along the Vermilion by the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos. It is a level plateau of several acres, at an elevation that commands a fine view of both streams, overlooking the bluffs beyond, and taking in a wide scope of the prairies, before the timber and undergrowth had intercepted the view. The plateau is terminated at the westward by a precipitous bluff, the foot of which, nearly a hundred feet below, is washed by the Middle Fork. Of late years the stream has encroached upon the bluff at the water-line, causing the earth to slide down from above. Two young men, John Ecard and Hiram Chester, then living upon the farm of Samuel Chester, near by, were passing along the water's edge, in the month of April, 1855, and found a skull and some other parts of a human skeleton that had fallen out of a grave above and rolled down the hill. The skull was well preserved, and had clinging to it the remains of a rotted band, filled with plain brooches, about a half an inch in diameter, made of silver, which, owing to their delicate structure and the length of time they had been buried, crumbled to pieces on exposure to the air. The young men, following an accessible path that led up the hill, proceeded to the 270 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. The Washington medal consists of a thin plate of silver let into a rim of the same metal. It was made and engraved by hand. On the side not illustrated is engraved " the coat of arms of the United States — the American eagle, with wings outspread, the shield upon grave out of which the remains had fallen, and found a part of the grave still intact. Ecard took a stick, and digging around in that portion of the grave that yet remained, quickly unearthed both of the medals, which were highly discolored. He sold them to Samuel Chester, and the latter disposed of them to the present owner, Josephus Collett, of Terre Haute, to whom the writer is indebted for permission to illustrate them. The writer has the affidavit of Samuel Chester as to the time, place and manner of their finding. Mr. Chester was informed of the facts within a few moments after their dis- covery, and immediately went over to the spot in company with the young men, of whom he then and there received the particulars substantially as given. DESCRIPTION OF THE MEDAL. 271 its breast; a bundle of arrows in one foot and an olive branch in the other ; and the stars, representing the several states, about the head of the bird, from which lines radiate, representing the sun's rays. The 'eye,' by which the medal is suspended, shows no signs of having been used ; the delicate tracings of the engraver appear as perfect as when first made. These facts would seem to preclude the idea that it was worn about the person as an ornament. Among the manuscript papers of Gen. Putnam relating to the treaty of Yincennes is a speech, in his own handwriting, in which he particularly describes one side of this medal.* We quote extracts from Gen. Putnam's speech: "Brothers, the engravings on this medal distinguish the United States from all other nations ; it is called their arms, and no other nation has the like. The principal figure is a broad eagle. This bird is a native of this island, and is to be found in no other part of the world ; and both you and the Americans being also born on this island, and having grown up together with the eagle, they have placed him in their arms, and have engraved him on this medal, by which the great chief, Gen. Washington, and all the people of the United States hold this belt fast. The wings of the eagle are ex- tended to give protection to all our friends, and to assure you of our protection so long as you hold fast this belt. In his right foot the eagle holds the branch of a tree, which with us is an emblem of peace, and it means that we love peace, and wish to live in peace with all our neighbors, and is to assure you that while you hold this belt fast you shall always be in peace and security, whether you are pursuing the chase, or reposing yourselves under the shadow of the bough. In the left foot of this bird is placed a bundle of arrows ; by this is meant that the United States have the means of war, and that when peace cannot be obtained or maintained with their neigh- bors on just terms, and that if, notwithstanding all their endeavors for peace, war is made upon them, they are prepared for it."f * " Whether this explanation, or the substance of it, was delivered at Vincennea, we cannot say. It does not appear in the journal of the proceedings." Letter of Dr. Andrews, custodian of the Putnam papers at Marietta College, Ohio, to the writer. However, while the journal may be silent on this point, it was doubtless delivered, as appears from the remarks of an Indian chief two years later, at Greenville, noticed farther on. fit will be borne in mind that prior to this treaty the tribes represented at Vin- cennes had never held official or diplomatic relations with the United States, and it was highly proper that our coat of arms, and the signification of its several parts, should be explained to them. The bill of account of Gen. Putnam against the United States shows that at this treaty he delivered one of the peace belts, six of the medals, and a quantity of other jewelry itemized in the account, and that he retained the other peace belt, medals, etc., in his custody. Extract from the Putnam papers, supplied to the writer by Dr. Andrews. 272 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. The obverse side of the medal, illustrated, required no explana- tion from Gen. Putnam ; it interpreted its own story to the Indian clearer than any words could do. The Indian has thrown his toma- hawk, the emblem of war, at the foot of the tree, under whose roots it was to be typically buried. The extended pipe is the universal token of peace, which Washington, representing the United States, with outstretched hands was about to receive and smoke, as the Indian had already done. These friendly acts assured protection to the pioneer plowman and his cabin in the background. All this is plain to the merest novice in picture reading. Turning to the minutes of the great treaty held at Greenville, in 1T95, we take the following extracts from two speeches of Kesis, or the Sun, a prominent Pottawatomie chief, who took an active part in both of the treaties at Vincennes and Greenville. "Elder Brother:* If my old chiefs were living, I should not pre- sume to speak in this assembly ; but as they are dead, I now address you in the name of the Pottawatomies, as Massas has spoken in the name of the three fires, of which we are one.f I have to express my concurrence in sentiment with him. It is two years since I assisted at the treaty of Vincennes. My voice there represented the three fires. I then said it will take three years to accomplish a general peace." In another speech (made in order of time before the one quoted), Kesis says : " Brother, the Master of Life had pity on me when he permitted me to come and take you \ first by the hand. "With the same hand and heart I then possessed I now salute you. When I gave you my hand you said I thank you, and am glad to take your hand, Pottawatomie ; and you thanked the other Indians, also, and told them you had opened a road for them to come and see you."$ * Referring to Gen. Wayne. fMassass was a Chippewa, and the expression, of the three fires being one, is intended by Kesis to refer to the fact that the Ottawas, Chippeways and Pottawato- mies were one nation. | Meaning the United States. § " Opening a road " has the peculiar signification that the parties who have given and received a "road belt"' are at liberty to go to and from, and visit each other freely, as friends, without danger of molestation. It seems that Kesis was the custo- dian of several of these belts or records, for at Greenville he displayed a road belt which he said he had received from the United States, to which the eagle was sus- pended holding an olive branch which, he said, had been explained as " a leaf of that great tree under whose shade we and all our posperity should repose in prosperity and happiness." He also displayed a war belt which, he said, "was presented to us by the British, and has involved us for four years past in misery and misfortune." This war belt he gave to Gen. Wayne, saying: " You may burn it if you please, or trans- form it into a necklace for some handsome squaw, and thus change its original design and appearance, and prevent forever its future recognition. It has caused us much misery, and I am happy in parting with it." Kesis, as stated in another speech made by him at the same treaty, and quoted in foot-note on page 147, said his village was a ENGLISH MEDAL. 273 The British medal was struck with a die. It is of pure silver, or silver containing very little alloy, nearly a quarter of an inch thick, and weighing nearly four ounces, troy weight. On the reverse side (not illustrated) is the coat-of-arms of Great Britain. The hole through which the string was passed, unlike the Washington medal, is badly worn, while the finer lines of the bust of the British king are also worn away, showing that that side of the medal had been worn against the breast or clothing of its owner. All the delicate lines on the coat-of-arms side are as perfect as when the medal was struck. It is without date. A correspondence with the custodian of medals in the British Museum in London, England, has resulted in disclos- ing that a duplicate is among the collections of that institution, and that the die with which they were struck was made either in the year 1786 or 1787, and that many like them had been presented to the Indians.* day's walk below Ouiatanon, referring-, as is believed, to the mixed Kickapoo and Pot- tawatomie village at the mouth of the Vermilion River. Now, the same people occu- pied a village called the Old Kickapoo Town, within a short distance of the old bury- ing ground we have described, and this last was not abandoned as a permanent village until the year 1819, as the writer is informed by early settlers who were cognizant of the fact. It is probable that Kesis was buried there, and the medals with him, where they were afterward found in the manner narrated. * This circumstance makes the medal illustrated another witness of the fact that subsequent to the treaty of peace in 1783 British subjects continued distributing 18 274 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Resuming the notice of the treaty at Vincennes, peace being now proclaimed, Gen. Putnam informed the Indians that he should have a piece of artillery fired on the occasion ; that he would fire the first gun, and that each of those chiefs who had received belts should follow the example. After the conclusion of this ceremony, all of the Indians — we here quote from Heckwelder's journal, which states that eight can- non were fired, the first by Gen. Putnam himself, the rest by the chiefs who had received the belts — "all the Indians performed a dance in the council house, to express their rejoicings at the peace. Each nation was painted in a different style, and all took the utmost pains to make themselves appear as fierce and terrific as possible. They commenced by proceeding, with drums and singing, through all the streets of the town ; they then adjourned to the council house, where they sung and related their warlike deeds. The figures and grimaces which they made during this dance, the disfigured and ferocious countenances, the instruments of war they whirled about, with which they dealt blows upon the posts and benches, the rattling -of deer's claws about their legs, the green garlands about their necks and waists, and their naked bodies, presented a scene which I am unable to describe. All, however, passed off in an orderly manner, .at least in their way. 1 '' The distribution of presents began on the 3d of September, and continued several days, and on the 5th of October Father Heck- welder, with sixteen of the chiefs and one Indian woman, in charge of Lieut. Prior, two pilots and two soldiers, started overland on pack-horses for Philadelphia, by way of the falls at Louisville. At the latter place they continued the voyage in three canoes, passing up the Ohio by Fort Washington, Gallipolis, Marietta, AVheeling and Pittsburgh, at all of which places they were received with pub- lic demonstrations. From Pittsburgh they went, by way of Bethle- hem, to Philadelphia. The treaty concluded by Gen. Putnam was laid before the United States Senate in February, 1793, where it lin- gered until January, 1794, the senate refusing to ratify it because the fourth article recognized the right of the Indians "to their lands, as being theirs and theirs only."f "Most of the principal chiefs of the Wabash Indians," says the medals bearing the coat-of-arins and bust of their king among the Indians within the ceded territory, thus keeping up the old relation of the latter as children of their " British father." * Life of Heckwelder. by Rondthaler, p. 117. tGen. Putnam had only carried out his orders, and the objectionable clause was almost literally in the words of his instructions from the Secretary of War. BRITISH INVASION ON THE MAUMEE. 275 Secretary of War to the President, in a letter of the 2d of January, 17!M, "who visited Philadelphia, having died of the smallpox, it would have been improper to attempt with the remainder any ex- planation of the fourth article of the treaty," and therefore the sen- ate refused, by a vote of twenty-one to four, to give it effect. While the senate was engaged in deliberating over that, which at best might be called a technicality when compared with the benefit that would have resulted from a ratification of the treaty of Yincennes, the Indians were increasing in their feelings of hostility, and gather- ing in numbers, and concentrating their forces against the govern- ment. Still the latter renewed its efforts to secure a peace. In March, 1793, the President appointed Messrs. Randolph, of Vir- ginia, Lincoln, of Massachusetts, and Pickering, of Pennsylvania, to treat with the northwestern tribes, who proceeded to the Niagara River, intending to go from there to Sandusky. On their way they met Red Jacket and some other chiefs of the Seneca nation, who advised them that the western Indians, to whom the President had sent a speech, inviting them to a treaty, would not attend because the British had not been invited to be present, "and that it was necessary they should attend, because they originally called the Indians to war against the United States.* Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe, "commanding the king's forces in Upper Canada, antici- pating the coming of the commissioners, had in April "come from Niagara through the woods to Detroit, and had gone from thence to the foot of the Rapids, and three companies of Col. England's regiment had followed him, to assist in building a fort there." \ Having thus invaded the territory of the United States, Gov. Simcoe now intimated that he would be pleased to assist in attempting a reconciliation between the United States and the Indians. The com- missioners, unhappily, were not in a position to decline his friendly aid, and accordingly the preliminary courtesies between the Gov- ernor of Canada and the commissioners were opened at Navy Hall, the house of the former, opposite Fort Niagara, on the 17th of May. Here the latter were detained by delays they could not foresee or prevent. In the meantime large delegations of the several westward tribes already named, together with representatives of the Five Nations and Cherokees, were assembled in a grand council about Gov. Simcoe' s rising fort at the Rapids of the Maumee, and were engaged in settling their minor differences, and agreeing upon a united plan of action preliminary to, and to be insisted upon, at the * A. S. Papers on Indian Affairs, p. 342. t Letter from Detroit, dated April 17, 1794, idem p. 480. 276 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. treaty proposed to be held with the United States commissioners at Sandusky. Several messages, as a basis of peace, passed between the two parties, the views of each being widely apart. In August the commissioners went up the lake to the mouth of the Detroit River, so that less time would be consumed by the bearers of dis- patches between themselves and the Indian council at the Rapids. The Indians would not recede from their sine qua non, which was no less than the Ohio River as the boundary between themselves and the United States. This could not be conceded, for the reason that by the treaties of Fort Mcintosh and Fort Harmar the govern- ment had acquired a large tract on the north and west side of that stream, portions of which had been purchased by citizens of the United States, who were then actually living upon the same. The commissioners agreed to purchase the lands over again from any tribes having claims to any part thereof who had not been present or represented at the treaties by which the United States had acquired its title. Brothers, replied the Indians, money to us is of no value, and to most of us unknown, and as no consideration whatever can induce us to sell the lands on which we get sustenance for our women and children, we hope we may be allowed to point out a mode by which your settlers may be recompensed and peace thereby obtained. We know these settlers are poor, or they never would have ventured to live in a country which has been in continual trouble ever since they crossed the Ohio. Divide, therefore, this large sum of money which you have offered to us among these people ; give to each, also, a portion of what you said you would give to us annually over and above this very large sum of money, and we are persuaded they would most readily accept of it in lieu of the lands you sold them. If you add the great sums you must expend in raising and paying armies, with a view to force us to yield our country, you will cer- tainly have more than sufficient for the purpose of repaying these settlers for all their labor and improvements. You have talked to us about concessions. It appears strange that you should expect any from us, who have only been defending our just rights against your invasions. We want peace ; restore us our country, and we will be enemies no longer. . . . We shall be persuaded that you mean to do* us justice if you agree that the Ohio shall remain the boundary line between us. If you will not consent thereto, our meeting will be altogether unnecessary.' 1 * * Extracts from the joint answer of the Pottawatomies, Chippeways, Ottawas Miamis, Shawnees, Delawares, Wyandots, Muncies, the Seven Nations of Canada, the Senecas of the Au Glaize, Mohegans and other tribes, dated at Miami Rapids, August 13, 1793. CLOSE OF THE INDIAN WAR. 277 The commissioners could make no such concessions, as must have been foreseen by the Indians and their evil advisers. Gen. Wayne moved his forces from Fort Greenville, where he had wintered, and on the — day of August, 1794, obtained a deci- sive victory over the Indians, almost under the guns of the British fort. After destroying villages and fields the whole length of the Maumee and the Au Glaize, his army returned to Greenville, where he passed a second winter. In the following summer delegates from the several tribes met him, and after a conference extending over five months, a treaty was signed, leaving the Indians with the dimen- sions of their territories vastly curtailed, and themselves for the first time recognized as the children of a new father, — "The Fifteen Fires," as they called the United States. Gen. Wayne's success, and the happy negotiations of Chief- Justice Jay, terminated the differences, for the present at least, between our government on the one side and the Indians and Great Britain on the other. The several military posts held by the English within our territory, including Fort Miami, erected by Gov. Simcoe, were surrendered early in 1796 ; Gen. Wayne, authorized by the president so to do, receiving possession of them on behalf of the United States. He at once arranged to have Detroit and the other works provisioned and garrisoned, and 4ate in the season embarked by way of the lake for Erie. On the way he was attacked with gout of the stomach, of which he died before the vessel reached the port. CHAPTER XXV. THE NORTHWEST TERRITORY DIVIDED— WILLIAM HENRY HARRISON APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF THE INDIANA TERRITORY— ITS SUB- DIVISION INTO COUNTIES — BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF GOVERNOR HARRISON — TECUMSEH AND HIS BROTHER THE PROPHET'S CON- FEDERACY—ORGANIZATION OF ILLINOIS TERRITORY— INDIAN HOS- TILITIES—THE ADVANCE OF POPULATION — CONCLUSION. Peace being secured, emigration poured into Ohio so rapidly, extending itself westward to the Great Miami, that at the beginning of the year 1800 the population was nearly sufficient to entitle the territory to be advanced to the second grade of government.* Ac- cordingly, on the 7th of May of that year, congress passed an act for a division of the territory, to take eifect on the 4th day of the following July. By this act all that part of the Northwest Territory lying "to the westward of a line beginning at the Ohio, opposite the mouth of Kentucky River, and running from thence to Fort Recovery, and thence north until it shall intersect the territorial line between the United States and Canada, shall, for the purposes of temporary gov- ernment, constitute a separate territory, to be called the Indiana Territory. ' ' The territory eastward of this line retained the old name of the "Territory of the United States northwest of the Ohio River," and by the terms of the act Chillicothe was made the seat of government of the latter, and Vincennes of the former, territory, f Gen. Wm. H. Harrison, then delegate in congress for the old Northwest Terri- tory, was appointed governor, and John Gibson, secretary, of the new Indiana Territory. The governor reached Vincennes early in the year 1801, having been preceded thither by the secretary the * Under the Ordinance of 1787 thex*e were two grades of territorial government. The first was composed of the judges and governor; the second grade began when the inhabitants numbered sixty thousand, and consisted of a territorial legislature, com- prising a house of representatives, elected by the people, and a council, appointed by the president and senate of the United States. fOld Land Laws, p. 451. The name given to the western subdivision could not have been more appropriate, as it contained within its boundaries the most numerous and by far the most populous Indian tribes east of the Mississippi. The name Indiana, however, was not original, having been formerly applied to a tract of country on the southeast of the Ohio, about the Great Kanawha, granted to Col. George Morgan, Indian trader and agent, prior to the beginning of the revolutionary war. 278 TERRITORIAL COUNTIES. 279 previous July. Gov. Harrison called the judges of the territory together at Yincennes for the purpose of passing the necessary laws and setting the machinery of government in motion. On the 3d of February the governor issued proclamations altering the boundaries of Knox, Randolph and St. Clair counties, previously formed, and creating the new county of Clark. By the terms of the first procla- mation the county of Knox was extended some thirty miles into Illi- nois, south of Yincennes, and extending from thence north by a little east to the mouth of the Calumet River, A line was extended from the westward boundary of Knox through the "Sink-Hole Spring" — a prominent landmark on the west side of the state, nearly on the present boundary line between the counties of Randolph and St. Clair — to the Mississippi. The territory south of this line was called Randolph county, Kaskaskia being the county seat. All of Illinois west of Knox, the whole of Wisconsin, and all that part of Michigan lying north of a line drawn northeast from the mouth of the Calumet River and west of the dividing line between Ohio and Indiana, ex- tended north through the Straits of Mackinaw, the boundary between the United States and Canada, was formed into the county of St. Clair, the county seat of which was established at Cahokia. The county of Knox began at the ''''cave in the rock" on the Ohio, thirty miles below the mouth of the Wabash, thence up the Ohio to the mouth of Blue River, and up this stream to the crossing of the old road from Yincennes to Louisville ; from thence to the nearest point on White River, and up the same to the branch thereof which runs toward Fort Recovery, and from the head-springs of said branch to Fort Recovery ; thence along the line separating Ohio from Indi- ana until its intersection with the line drawn northeast from the mouth of the Calumet River, and thence southward along the eastern boundary of St. Clair and Randolph counties to the Ohio River at the cave in the rock. The new county of Clark was a gore, its base being on the Ohio, between the mouths of the Big Blue and Ken- tucky rivers, bounded on the west by Knox county, and on the east by the Indian line of cession, running from the mouth of the Kentucky river north by east to Fort Recovery. Springfield, near the Ohio River, was made the county seat of Clark, while Yincennes remained the county seat of Knox, as before. On the 29th of November, 1802, the eastern division of the northwest territory became a state, and was admitted into the Union, bearing the name of Ohio. While Ohio had remained as the northwest territory, the peninsula of Michigan was attached to it for judicial purposes. The greater portion of the peninsula had 280 HISTOEIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. been organized into a county and given the name of Wayne, in 1796, by Gov. St. Clair, who was present with Gen. Wayne, at Detroit, when that post was surrendered to the United States by the English commander. By the act of congress providing for the admission of Ohio as a state, Michigan was taken from Ohio and attached to the Indiana territory. The people of Ohio resented what they considered as an illegal interference by congress, in thus disposing of territory which, under the ordinance of 1787, would have remained as a part of and tributary to Ohio, until such time as it was formed into a state.* Gov. Harrison, on the 24th of January, 1803, issued a proclama- tion establishing the county of Wayne, the boundaries of which embraced the whole of the lower peninsula, except a strip running the length of Lake Michigan west of Branch county, and a small portion of Indiana and Ohio lying north of a line drawn due east from the southern extremity of the lake.f On the 11th of January, 1805, congress established Michigan as a separate territory, and Gen. William Hull was appointed as its governor, Detroit being designated the capital. :£ Gov. Harrison brought with him the prestige of an established reputation as a military officer and a statesman. As ensign he served with Gov. St. Clair, and as aide-de-camp of Gen. Wayne, he bore a distinguished part in the successful campaigns of the lat- ter against the northwest Indians. He was secretary of the north- west territory and a delegate in congress from the eastern division. On the formation of the Indiana territory he was not only made its governor, but commissioned as superintendent of Indian affairs in the northwest, which he administered with a skill and success never equaled by any other person through whom our government has had dealings with the Indians. During the long period he had * By a literal construction of the ordinance of 1787, all that part of Michigan lying east from a line drawn from the mouth of the Miami north to the middle of the Straits of Mackinaw would have belonged to Ohio, while the territory lying west of this line would have remained as a part of Indiana until it was formed into a state. fThe proclamation defines the boundaries as follows: "Beginning at a point where an east and west line passing through the southerly extreme of Lake Michigan would intersect a north and south line passing through the most easterly bend of said lake; thence north along the last mentioned line to the boundary of the United States; thence along the said boundary line to a point where a due east and west line passing through the southerly extreme of Lake Michigan would intersect the same; thence west to the place of beginning, and which said county shall be designated and known as the county of Wayne, and that the inhabitants of said county shall have and enjoy [from the date hereof] all the rights, privileges and immunities whatsoever which to a county and the inhabitants thereof in any wise appertains." Detroit remained as the seat of government, and the officers who held commissions in the old county of Wayne were continued in office. Vide Executive Records of the Indiana territory. X The name Michigan is derived from the two Chippewa Mitchaw (great) and Sagi- gan (lake). Vide Blois' Gazetteer of Michigan, p. 177. GEN". HARBISON. 281 charge of the Indian affairs, he extinguished the title of the Indians to a greater part of the territory within the limits of Indiana and Illinois, and in all his dealings with this unfortunate race his con- duct was marked with a uniform kindness and fair dealing that won for him the most implicit confidence and esteem of the Indians themselves and the applause of the government. His private and official correspondence abun- dantly illustrate the tender re- gard he had for the Indians, and the care with which he al- ways sought to protect their rights against the designs of the unscrupulous, while at the same time he was equally so- licitous to shield the white peo- ple against all aggressions from the red. It is said that Gov. Harrison was personally ac- quainted with almost every prominent chief of the many tribes within his jurisdiction, and by his address, tact and well- known integrity, he attracted to his person many of the leading savages in bonds of closest friendship. These prominent traits en- abled him to exert an influence over the Indians that few other men could have commanded, and by the exercise of which he often restrained the lawlessness of the savage and protected the pioneer's cabin. Beginning with the time of his appointment as governor, and ending with the close of the war of 1812, his vigilance and skill during all the time of that memorable struggle shielded the ex- tended lines of the western frontier from incursions of the savages. The early settlers of western Ohio, Indiana, Illinois and Michigan might well have hailed him as the "father of the west." His fame as a soldier and commander is a part of the military his- tory of the country. He was born in Charles City county, Virginia, February 9, 1773, and died April 4, 1841, at Washington, of an ill- ness supposed to have been induced in consequence of the fatigue and excitement incident to his inauguration as the ninth president of the United States.* * The vignette of Gov. Harrison was supplied by Harper Bros., copyright owners of Lossing's Field-Book of the "War of 1812, from which it is taken. GEN. HARRISON. 282 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. Early in 1806 Gov. Harrison was advised that a Shawnee Indian had set himself up as a prophet. This man avowed that he had been deputed by the Great Spirit to reform the manners of the red people ; to revive all their old customs which had been laid aside since their intercourse with the white people ; that all the manners in dress and other innovations borrowed by the Indians from the whites were to be abolished, and that when these reforms were effected the comfort and happiness enjoyed by their forefathers would be restored, on condition of their obedience to the will and orders of the Prophet. The latter pretended to fore- ,^ss, tell future events, declared that he was invulnerable to the arms or shot of his enemy, and he promised the same inviolability to those of his followers who would devote themselves entirely to his ser- vice, and assist him in the cause which he had espoused. * This new light dawned upon the Indians at Greenville, Ohio, in the person of "Lol- a-waw-chic-ka, " or the Loud Voice, brother of Tecumseh. + The Prophet, the name by which he was generally desig- nated, soon gathered about him a large number of follow- ers, composed of a few Shaw- nee warriors of his own tribe and numerous persons from other tribes, many of whom had fled for their crimes.;}: For some time the Prophet's influence in his own neighborhood was trifling ; his fame, however, spread among the more distant THE PROPHET. * Memoirs of Gen. Harrison, p. 81. t Judges Hall and McKenney, in their History of the Indian Tribes of North America, vol. 1, p. 47, following Benjamin Drake's Manuscript of the Life of Tecumseh and the Prophet, before its publication by the author, give the name as Tens-kwau-ta- waw, meaning the Open Door. Drake's Life of Tecumseh, p. 88. The name of the prophet and its signification, as given in the text, is taken from a speech sent by the prophet to Gen. Harrison, in August, 1808, found in full in the Memoirs of General Harrison, p. 108, and being the name, with its meaning, as given by none other than the prophet himself, may be regarded as the more correct. % The fine illustration of the prophet here given was first used in Lossing's Picto- rial Field Book of the War of 1812, p. 189, published by Harper Brothers, who kindly furnished the cut for insertion in this work. ENGLISH INFLUENCE. 283 tribes, and miracles without number were attributed to him. He gathered about him a horde of deluded savages, whose numbers were swollen daily by accessions of the disaffected from the various tribes, the Winnebagoes, and particularly the Kickapoos, furnishing large numbers of enthusiastic proselytes. So great was the infatua- tion of his followers that while listening to his teachings they wholly neglected to provide for their own subsistence, and as reports pre- vailed abroad that they were supplied with every luxury through the supernatural power of the Prophet, they were actually starving.* The principal Delaware chiefs being opposed to the schemes of the Prophet, the latter, to get rid of them, brought charges of witchcraft against three of the old Delaware chiefs, and caused them to be burned at the stake. In the spring of 1808 the Prophet and his adherents moved from Greenville and took up their abode on the Wabash, near the mouth of the Tippecanoe, on a tract of land claimed to have been granted them by the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos, + without the consent of the Miamis, who were the rightful owners. The Prophet was merely a screen, behind which his brother, Tecumseh, a man of much more ability, was perfecting a confedera- tion of all the tribes in a grand scheme of hostility against the people of the United States, and involving no less than a bold attempt to check the westward advance of white emigration and the recovery of all previously-ceded lands north and westward of the Ohio. In this movement was but too plainly visible the hands of English traders and the baneful influence emanating from Quebec, Montreal, Sand- wich and Maiden.:}: After the surrender of the several military posts by the British authorities, medals bearing the head of the English king on the obverse, and the British coat-of-arms on the reverse, continued persistently to be distributed among the principal Indian chiefs, the same as they had been bestowed before, and the Indians were still taught, in this most pernicious and effectual manner, to regard the English sovereign as their father. § To preserve harmony, as far as practicable, in a chronological order of treating events, Tecumseh' s movements will be dropped, to note the fact of a subdivision of the Indiana territory. On the 3d of February, 1809, congress passed an "Act," whereby "all that part of the Indiana territory which lies west of the Wabash River, * Memoirs of General Harrison, p. 81. t McAffee, p. 11. Drake's Tecumseh, p. 105. X Situated a few miles below Detroit, on the Canadian side of the river. § Samuel K. Brown's History of the Second War for Independence. 284 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. and a line drawn from that river and Post Vincennes due north to the territorial line between the United States and Canada, should, for the purposes of a territorial government, constitute a separate territory, and be called Illinois. 1 '* Nmnian Edwards, then chief justice of Kentucky, was appointed governor, and Nathaniel Pope, an eminent member of the Kaskaskia bar, secretary of the Illinois Territory, which was thus started on the way of the first grade of its existence. Kaskaskia, with the romance of a century and the mists of more remote tradition clinging about its venerable precincts, was selected as the seat of government. Tecumseh had an able assistant in the person of Blue Jacket, the great Shawnee warrior. The two held similar views, the leading principles of which were to combine all the tribes to prevent the sale of land by a single tribe, to join the British in the event of war, with the hope of recovering the lands previously ceded. They held that in the treaty of Greenville the United States had admitted the right to the lands to be jointly in all the tribes, and, therefore, had no right to purchase territory of a single tribe without the consent of all the others, f " The various tribes in the habit of visiting Detroit and Sandwich were annually subsidized by the British. Where the American agent at Detroit gave one dollar by way of an annuity, the British agent on the other side of the river would give the Indians ten. This course of iniquity had the intended effect ; the Indians were impressed with a great aversion for the Americans, and desired to recover the lands ceded at Greenville, and for which they were yearly receiving the stipulated annuity. They wished again to try their strength with the Big Knife, in order to wipe away the dis- grace of their defeat by Gen. Wayne. They were still promised aid by the British in the advent of a war between the latter and the United States.":}: The teachings of the Prophet and the schemes of Tecumseh could have only one result. Gen. Harrison saw the storm that was too surely approaching, and exerted himself, with great address, to pro- tect the inhabitants committed to his care, scattered, as they were, at great distances over an extensive territory. By an admirable sys- tem he had spies, in the guise of traders, and Indians, whom he had by his winning manners drawn about him, in the villages of all of the disaffected tribes, by means of whom he was kept fully informed * Second U. S. Statutes at Large, p. 114. t McAfee's History of the Late War, p. 9. % McAfee, p. 9. PLANS OF TECUMSEH. 285 of the purposes of Tecuinseh and his brother, the Prophet. While Tecumseh was traveling, visiting the various tribes in the northwest, and perfecting his schemes, the governor was preparing for what he knew would surely come — war. The Prophet, becoming bolder every day, at last, in the month of April, 1809, required his followers "to take up the hatchet against the white people, to destroy the inhabitants of Vincennes and those on the Ohio, who lived as low down as its mouth and as high up as Cincinnati, telling them that the Great Spirit had ordered them to do this, and that their refusal would result in their own de- struction. " A number of Chippeways, Ottawas and Pottawatomies were so alarmed at this bold avowal that they hurried away from the Prophet.* The estimated force of the Prophet at this time was from six to eight hundred men ; and if, as it was reported, the defection had extended to all the tribes between the Illinois River and Lake Michigan, that number might be doubled. f The governor dispatched another one of his interpreters, Joseph Barron, to the Prophet's town, in the hope that, when informed of the strength and resources of the United States, the Indians would be prevented from commencing hostilities. This speech was deliv- ered to the Prophet by Barron, in the presence of Tecumseh. No answer was made, but one was promised to be sent back by the interpreter. The latter lodged for the night with Tecumseh, when a general conversation ensued, in which Tecumseh denied " an in- tention to make war, but declared that it was not possible to be friends with the United States, unless the latter would abandon the idea of extending settlements further to the north and west, and explicitly acknowledge the principle that all the lands in the west- ern country were the common property of all the tribes. The Great Spirit, 1 ' 1 said Tecumseh, "gave this island to his red chil- dren. He placed the whites on the other side of the big water. They were not contented with their own, but came to take ours from us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes — we can go no farther. They have taken upon them to say this tract is the Mi- ami's, this is the Delaware's, and so on ; but the Great Spirit intended it as the common property of all. Our father tells us that we have no business upon the Wabash — that the land belongs * Memoirs of Gen. Harrison, pp. 126, 127. f Idem, 138. About this time an old Piankashaw, named Grosble, or Big-Corn, a particular friend to Gen. Harrison and the United States, asked the former for permis- sion to move beyond the Mississippi, alleging that he heard nothing among the Indians but news of war, and as he intended to take no part in it he wished to be out of danger. 286 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. to other tribes. The Great Spirit ordered us to come here, and here we will stay." Tecumseh told the interpreter that he would come to Yinceimes and visit Gen. Harrison, and bring with him about thirty of the principal men. Accordingly, on the 12th of August, 1810, Tecum- seh arrived at Yincennes, where a council was held, at which mu- tual explanations were made in the presence of a large concourse of Indians, militia and the citizens of the town. Tecumseh, in his speech, took the grounds of a common ownership by all the Indians of all the lands, and of the inability of one tribe to dispose of any part of it without the consent of all the others. He grew very vio- lent as the interpreter was rendering Gen. Harrison's reply. The Indians sprang to their feet, seizing their tomahawks and war clubs, bending their eyes fiercely upon the governor. The militia were quickly marched up to the scene of the difficulty, and order was re- stored. The next morning Tecumseh, greatly mortified at his dis- play of anger and bad manners, met the governor with an apology. The latter assured him that he would submit his propositions to the president, adding, at the same time, that there was little probability of their being acceded to. " Well," said Tecumseh, " as the great chief is to determine the matter, I hope the Great Spirit will put sense enough into his head to induce him to direct you to give up this land. It is true he is so far off that he will not be injured by the war. He may still sit in his town and drink his wine whilst you and I will have to fight it out."* And fight it out they did, as we will now proceed to show. Events transpiring subsequent to the conference at Yincennes clearly demonstrated that there was no other alternative ; either the Prophet's town had to be destroyed, and the purposes of Tecumseh thwarted, or else the advancing line of white population would be driven back from whence it came. The boldness and insolence of the assemblage at the Prophet's town increased daily ; hostile parties were continually leaving that place for the white settlements, where they killed the inhabitants and stole their horses. Finally, Gov. Harrison received orders to proceed to the Prophet's town with a military force, which he was only to use after all efforts to effect a peaceable dispersion of its occupants had failed. The governor left Yincennes on the 26th of September, 1811, with a force of nine hundred effective men, com- posed of the 1th Reg. U. S. regulars, with a body of militia, and a * Memoirs of Gen. Harrison, p. 159. TIPPECANOE CAMPAIGN. 287 hundred and thirty volunteer dragoons. The regulars had been organized for some time, and were well drilled and ably officered. James Miller, who subsequently immortalized himself at Lundy's Lane by replying, when asked if he could take the English battery on the hill, "I will try, sir," and in the heroism and success with which, he made the effort, being the lieutenant-colonel. * The mili- tia, who were all volunteers, had been well trained by the governor in person in all those peculiar evolutions practiced by Gen. Wayne's army, and which had been found so efficient in operating against the Indians in a covered country. On the 3d of October the army, moving up on the east side of the Wabash, reached a place on the bank of the stream some two miles above the old Wea village of We-au-ta-no, ""The Risen Sun, 1 ' called by many the "-Old Orchard Town," and time out of mind, by the early French traders, Terre Haute. Here the governor halted, according to his instructions, within the boundary of the country already ceded by the Indians, and occupied his time in erecting a fort, while waiting the return of messengers whom he had dispatched to the Prophet's town, demand- ing the surrender of murderers, and the return of stolen horses sheltered there, and requiring that the Shawnees, Winnebagoes, Pottawatomies and Kickapoos collected there should disperse and return to their own tribes. The messengers were treated with great insolence by the Prophet and his council, who, to put an end to all hopes of peace, sent out a small war party to precipitate hostilities. This war party, finding no stragglers about the governor's encamp- ment, shot at and wounded one of his sentinels. The Delaware chiefs who went with the messengers to the Prophet's town advised the governor, on their return, that it would be in vain to expect that anything short of force would obtain satisfaction for past injuries or security for the future. They also informed him that the strength of the Prophet was daily increasing by accessions of ardent and giddy young men from every tribe, and particularly from those along and beyond the Illinois River. The new fort was finished on the 28th of October, and by the unanimous request of all the officers it was christened "Fort Har- risony* *This intrepid officer was so extremely ill of the fever when the regiment marched that he could scarcely walk. He did go, however, as far as Ft. Harrison, and on the completion of this work he could go no farther, and the fort, with a garrison con- sisting of invalids like himself, was assigned to his command. f The illustration is copied from a lithograph in possession of M M. Redford, Dan- ville, Illinois. It is one of a number of impressions printed by Modesit & Hager in 1848. It was drawn from descriptions given by old settlers who were well acquainted 288 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. On the 29th of October Gov. Harrison moved up the Wabash, crossing Raccoon Creek at Armysburg, and ferrying his army over the Wabash at the mouth of the former stream on boats sent up the river for that purpose. The army encamped on the 2d of November some two miles below the mouth of the Big Vermilion, and about a mile below the encampment a block-house, partly jutting over the river, twenty-five feet square, was erected on the edge of a small prairie sloping down to the water's edge. The block-house was gar- FORT HARRISON IN 1812. risoned with a sergeant and eight men, in whose charge were left the boats which up to this time had been used for the transportation of supplies.* On the 3d the army left the block-house, crossed the Ver- milion and entered the prairies, the route passing just east of State with the fort and surroundings before its demolition, and was pronounced a faithful and good representation. Samuel R. Brown, in his Western Gazetteer, p. 69, gives an account he received from the French traders at Fort Harrison, in 1816, of" the traditional great battles fought between the Indians, many years ago, on the ground at Fort Harrison. On account of the rarity of the volume in which it is found, the veracity of its author, the time when and persons from whom he received it, and the interest attaching to the tradition, we insert it here : "The French have a tradition that an exterminating battle was fought in the begin- ning of the last century, on the ground where Fort Harrison now stands, between the Indians living on the Mississippi and those of the Wabash. The bone of contention was the lands lying between those rivers, which both parties claimed. There were about a thousand warriors on each side. The condition of the fight was that the vic- tors should possess the lands in dispute. The grandeur of the prize was peculiarly calculated to inflame the ardor of savage minds. The contest commenced about sun- rise. Both parties fought desperately. The Wabash warriors came off conquerors, having seven men left alive at sunset, and their adversaries but ./we. The mounds are still to be seen where it is said the slain were buried." * Memoirs of General Harrison: Dillon's Indiana, p. 463. Harrison's march. 289 Line city; from thence to Crow's Grove, where the army went into camp for the night. It was from this point that Capt. Prince was sent forward to find a crossing place at Pine Creek."' In passing through this prairie country, the army was frequently made to practice all those forma- tions which it was probable they would have to assume in action. On the -tth of November the army approached the very difficult pass of Pine Creek. This stream presents a curious spectacle in that country. For many miles before it discharges itself into the Wabash its course is through an immense mass of rock, the sides of which in some places are perpendicular. Few places can be found where the stream may be crossed with facility. The Indian path, upon which the army was then marching, led to a defile ex- tremely difficult of passage, and would have afforded the enemy an opportunity to make an attack very unfavorable to the troops. f In the course of the night of the 4th of November, Gov. Harrison sent Capt. Prince with a small force;}; to discover a passage higher up the stream. This officer returned at ten o'clock the following morning, with a report that " a few miles higher up he had found a good cross- ing place," since known as the "army ford" where the prairies on each side skirted the creek." On the evening of the 5th the army encamped within nine or ten miles of the Prophet's town. The 6th was consumed by the governor in working his army over difficult ground toward the Indian town, and in edeavoring to speak with the Indians who, in great numbers, now swarmed about his front and flanks, declining to communicate with his interpreters, and "continued to insult our people by their gestures." Every invi- tation to a parley by the interpreters, who were some distance in front for that purpose, "was answered by menace and insult." It was evident that the Indians intended to fight, and the troops, in high spirits, wanted to be led to the attack immediately. This the governor would not permit until every effort for a peaceable solu- tion of the difficulties were exhausted. The army being within a short distance of the town, the governor was determined not to jeopardize his men by advancing nearer that evening, nor until he * Tipton's Journal. The track of Harrison's army remained for many years. The army encamped in the grove upon its return. t The governor knew that it had been selected for an ambuscade by the Indians, once, in the year 1786, when Gen. George R. Clarke commanded an expedition against the Indians of the Wabash, which failed from a mutiny of the troops eight miles above Vincennes, and a second time, in 1790, when Col. Hamtramck marched up the Wabash to make a diversion in favor of Gen. Harmar. The governor, with a knowl- edge of this fact, had no notion of leading his army into this defile. X Tipton's scouts. Vide his Narrative Journal. 19 290 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. knew precisely the situation of the village and the character of the intervening ground. Maj. Davis, who, with the other officers, desired, like the men, immediate action, replied that from the right of the position of the dragoons, in front, the openings made by low grounds of the Wabash could be seen ; that in company with his adjutant, D. Floyd, he had advanced to the bank, which descends to the low grounds, and had a fair view of the cultivated lields and the houses of the town, to which the open woods where the army then was, continued without interruption. The governor said he would advance if he could get a suitable person to proceed to the town with a flag. Capt. T. Dubois, of Vincennes, offered his services, and proceeded, with an interpreter, to the Prophet, desiring to know whether he would now comply with .the terms that had been so often proposed to him. The army, in order of battle, moved slowly toward the town. Directly a message came from ( ^apt. Dubois, with word that the Indians, who were near him in considerable numbers, would return no answer to the interpreter, although sufficiently near to hear what was said to them, and that, upon his advancing, the Indians endeavored to cut him off from the army. The governor could no longer hesitate in treating the In- dians as enemies. He recalled Capt. Dubois, and moved up with a determination to attack them. He had not proceeded far before he was met by three Indians, one of them a principal counsellor of the Prophet, who said they were sent to know why the army was ad- vancing ; that the Prophet wished to avoid hostilities ; that pacific messages had been returned to the governor by his messengers, the Miami and Pottawatomie chiefs, who, unfortunately, had proceeded back on the south side of the Wabash, thus missing the governor, who was marching up on the other. Hostilities were suspended accordingly, and a meeting was agreed upon to take place the next day, for the purpose of fixing upon terms of peace. The governor told the deputation that he would go on to the Wabash and encamp for the night. Marching a short distance farther, he came in view of the town, which was seen at some distance up the river, upon a commanding eminence. Maj. Davis had mistaken some scattering houses in the fields below for the town itself. The ground below the town being unfavorable for an encampment, the army continued its march in the direction of the town, for the purpose of obtaining a better sit- uation beyond. The dragoons becoming entangled in a piece of ground covered with brush and the tops of fallen trees, a halt was ordered, and the position of the cavalry changed to some open fields TIPPECANOE BATTLE-GROUND. 291 adjacent to the river. The Indians, seeing this nianceuver as the army approached the town, supposed they intended to attack it, and immediately prepared for its defense. The governor rode forward and requested some of the Indians to come to him, assuring them that nothing was "farther from his thoughts than of attacking them ; that the ground below the town was not fit for an encampment and that his movements were for no other purpose than to search for a better one above. He then asked if there was any other water con- venient besides that in the Wabash, and an Indian with whom the governor was well acquainted referred him to the creek which the army had crossed two miles back, and that ran through the prairie to the north of the village. A halt was ordered, and three officers sent out, who, returning in half an hour, reported that they had found on the creek, since called Burnett's Creek, an elevated spot nearly sur- rounded by an open prairie and supplied with water and fuel. To this place (since famous as the Tippecanoe battle-ground, about eight 292 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. miles north of La Fayette, Indiana, on the northwest side of the Wabash) the army repaired, and went into camp for the night.* The illustration will assist the reader, while perusing an account of the engagement contained in the following extracts taken from Gov. Harrison's official report. "I then took leave of the chief, and a mutual promise was again made for a suspension of hostilities until we could have an interview on the following day. I found the ground destined for the encamp- ment not altogether such as I could wish it. It was, indeed, admira- bly calculated for the encampment of regular troops that were opposed to regulars, but it afforded great facility for the approach of savages. It was a piece of dry oak land, rising about ten feet above the level of a marshy prairie in front (toward the Indian town), and nearly twice that height above a similar prairie in the rear, through which, and near to this bank, ran a small stream clothed with willows and brushwood. Toward the left flank this bench of high land widened considerably, but became gradually harrow in the opposite direction, at the distance of one hundred and fifty yards from the right flank terminated in an abrupt point. The two columns of infantry occupied the front and rear of this ground, at the distance of about one hundred and fifty yards from each other, on the left, and something more than half that distance on the right flank. These flanks were filled up, the first by two companies of mounted riflemen, amounting to one hundred and twenty men, under the command of Maj.-Gen. Wells, of the Kentucky militia, who served as major, the other by Spencer's company of mounted riflemen, which amounted to eighty men. The front line was composed of one battalion of United States infantry, under the command of Major Floyd, flanked on the right by two companies of militia, and on the left by one company. The rear line was composed of a battalion of United States troops under command of Capt. Bean, acting as major, and four companies of militia infantry under Lieut. -Col. Decker. The regular troops of this line joined the mounted riflemen under Gen. Wells on the left flank, and Col. Decker's battalion formed an angle with Spencer's company on the left. "Two troops of dragoons, amounting to, in the aggregate, about sixty men, were encamped in the rear of the left flank, and Capt. Parke's troop, which was larger than the other two, in the rear of the front line. Our order of encampment varied little from that *The illustration of the battle-ground was drawn by the historical writer, B. J. Lossing, who visited the locality in 1860, and appears in his Field Book of the War of 1812; and the positions of the several corps are located on the plan in conformity with the official account of the battle. BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 293 above described, excepting when some peculiarity of the ground made it necessary. For a night attack the order of encampment was the order of battle, and each man slept immediately opposite to his post in the line. In the formation of my troops I used a single rank, or what is called Indian hie, because in Indian warfare, where there is no shock to resist, one rank is nearly as good as two, and in that kind of warfare the extension of line is of the first importance. Raw troops also manoeuver with much more facility in single than in double ranks. It was my constant custom to assemble all the field officers at my tent every evening by signal, to give them the watchword and the instructions for the night; those given for the night of the 6th were that each troop which formed a part of the exterior line of the encampment should hold its own ground until relieved. The dragoons were ordered to parade, in case of a night attack, with their pistols in their belts, and to act as a corps of reserve. The camp was defended by two captains' 1 guards, consisting each of four non-commissioned officers and forty-two privates, and two subalterns' guards of twenty non-commissioned officers and privates, the whole under the com- mand of a field officer of the day. The troops were regularly called up an hour before day, and made to continue under arms until it was quite light. "On the morning of the Tth I had risen at a quarter after four o'clock, and the signal for calling out the men would have been given in two minutes when the attack commenced. It began on our left flank ; but a signal gun was fired by the sentinels, or by the guard, in that direction, which made not the least resistance, but abandoned their officer and fled into camp, and the first notice which the troops of that flank had of the danger was from the yells of the savages within a short distance of the line; but even under those circumstances the men were not wanting to themselves or the occa- sion. Such of them as were awake, or were easily awakened, seized their arms and took their stations ; others, which were more tardy, had to contend with the enemy in the doors of their tents. The storm first fell upon Capt. Barton's company of the -tth IT. S. Reg., and Capt. Geiger's company of mounted riflemen, which formed the left angle of the rear line. The fire upon these was exceedingly severe, and they suffered considerably before relief could be brought to them. Some few Indians passed into the encampment near the angle, and one or two penetrated to some distance before they were killed. I believe all the other companies were under arms and tol- erably formed before they were fired on. The morning was dark and cloudy ; our fires afforded a partial light, which, if it gave us 294 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. some opportunity for taking our positions, was still more advanta- geous to the enemy, affording them the means of taking a surer aim ; they were, therefore, extinguished. Under all these discouraging circumstances, the troops (nineteen- twentieths of whom never had been in action before") behaved in a manner that can never be too much applauded. They took their place without noise, and less confusion than could have been expected from veterans placed in the same situation. As soon as I could mount my horse I rode to the angle that was attacked. I found that Barton's company had suffered severely, and the left of Geiger's entirely broken. I imme- diately ordered Cook's company, and the late Capt. Wentworth's, under Lieut. Peters, to be brought up from the center of the rear line, where the ground was much more defensible, and formed across the angle in support of Barton's and Geiger's. My attention was then engaged by a heavy firing upon the left of the front line, where were stationed the small company of United States riflemen (then, however, armed with muskets), and the companies of Bean, Snell- ing and Prescott, of the 4th Reg. I found Major Daviess forming the dragoons in the rear of those companies, and understanding that the heaviest part of the enemy's fire proceeded from some trees about fifteen or twenty paces in front of those companies, I directed the major to dislodge them with a part of the dragoons. Unfortu- nately, the major's gallantry determined him to execute the order with a smaller force than was sufficient, which enabled the enemy to avoid him in front and attack his flanks. The major was mortally wounded, and his party driven back. The Indians were, however, immediately and gallantly dislodged from their advantageous posi- tion by Capt. Snelling at the head of his company. "In the course of a few minutes after the commencement of the attack the Are extended along the left flank, the whole of the front, the right flank and part of the rear line. Upon Spencer's mounted riflemen and the right of Warwick's company, which was posted on the right of the rear line, it was excessively severe. Capt. Spencer and his first and second lieutenants were killed, and Capt. Warwick was mortally wounded. Those companies, however, still bravely maintained their posts, but Spencer had suffered so severely, and having originally too much ground to occupy, I reinforced them with Robb's company of riflemen, which had been driven, or by mistake ordered, from their positions on the left flank toward the center of the camp, and filled the vacancy that had been occupied by Robb with Prescott' s company of the 4th United States regiment. My great object was to keep the lines entire, to prevent the enemy from BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE. 295 breaking into the camp, until daylight, which should enable me to make a general and effectual charge. With this in view, I had rein- forced every part of the line that had suffered much, and as soon as the approach of morning discovered itself I withdrew from the front line Snelling's, Porey's (under Lieut. Albright) and Scott's, and from the rear line Wilson's, companies, and drew them up upon the left flank ; and at the same time I ordered Cook's and Bean's companies, the former from the rear, and the latter from the front, line, to reinforce the right flank, foreseeing that at these points the enemy would make their last efforts. Major Wells, who commanded on the left flank, not knowing my intentions precisely, had taken command of these companies, and had charged the enemy before I had formed the body of dragoons with which I meant to support the infantry. A small detachment of these were, however, ready, and proved amply sufficient for the purpose. The Indians were driven by the infantry at the point of the bayonet, and the dragoons pursued and forced them into a marsh, where they could not be followed. Capt. Cook and Lieut. Larabee had, agreeable to my order, marched their com- panies to the right flank, and fprmed them under the fire of the ene- my, and, being then joined by the riflemen of that flank, had charged the Indians, killed a number and put the rest to precipitate flight. A favorable opportunity was here offered to pursue the enemy with dragoons, but being engaged at that time on the other flank, I did not observe it till it was too late. "I have thus, sir, given you the particulars of an action which was certainly maintained with the greatest obstinacy and persever- ance by both parties. The Indians manifested a ferocity uncommon even with them. To their savage fury our troops opposed that cool and deliberate valor which is characteristic of the christian sol- dier."* We note a few of the incidents connected with the campaign. The night was dark in consequence of clouds, which occasionally discharged a drizzling rain, affording the Indians a chance to creep up so near the sentries as to hear them challenged when relieved. The} 7 intended to rush upon the sentinels and kill them before they could fire ; but one of the sentinels discovering an Indian creeping toward him in the grass, fired his gun, the report of which was in- stantly followed by an Indian yell, and a desperate charge upon the left flank. The Indians advanced to the wild music of their rattles, made of deers' hoofs, the shrill noise of their gun chargers, blowing * General Harrison's Official Report: American State Papers, vol. 5, pp. 777, 778. 296 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. them as whistles, and furious savage yells, that arose in the darkness above the peals of the musketry. They fought like the very demons they were, inspired by the incantations of the Prophet, who, secure from flying bullets, occupied an adjacent eminence and sang kt the war song." He had told his followers that the American bullets would prove harmless. Soon after the beginning of the battle word was sent him that his men were falling. He encouraged them to tight on, saying it would soon be as he predicted, and then sang the louder. The Indians rushed up to the bayonets of our men, and in one instance, related by (Japt. Snelling, an Indian adroitly pushed the bayonet of a soldier aside, and clave his head with a war club. The Winnebago warriors distinguished themselves by their bravery. The governor exposed himself constantly, and was present at every point on the lines as they were severally pressed by the enemy. His clothing, hat, and even his hair, were cut by the enemy's balls.* The 7th was spent in burying the dead on the field where they fell, caring for the wounded, and fortifying the camp. On the 8th of November the village was reconnoitred, and gave evidence of having been abandoned in great haste. The household utensils were all left, and some guns, still in the covers in which they had been imported, and a quantity of prime double-glazed English rifle powder. Hogs and poultry were found, running through the village, a large quantity of corn and a vast number of kettles. Gen. John Tipton, who took a prominent part in this campaign, says in his daily journal that the Americans destroyed two thousand bushels of corn, besides six wagon loads which they hauled away from the vil- lage, r Everything useful to the army was removed, and then the *0f the little more than eight hundred Americans in the action, the killed and wounded numbered one hundred and eighty-eight. An unusual per cent of the wounded died or lost their limbs on account, as the surgeons said, of the Indians having chewed their balls, causing them to tear the flesh severely, and make a more ragged wound than a smooth ball would do. The Indians were estimated by some at six hundred; the traders, whose opportunities for knowing were good, said there were at least eight hundred. The previous summer there were four hundred and fifty war- riors at the Prophet's town, and these were joined a few days before the battle by all the Kickapoos of the prairie, and by many other bands from the Pottawatomie villages on the Illinois, and the St. Josephs of Lake Michigan. It being in the dark, the Indians were enabled to carry many of their dead and wounded away without their being observed; still thirty-eight of their warriors were found upon the field. Of the Kick- apoos braves in the battle belonging to Pa-hoi- shee-can, or " LaFarine's " band alone, fourteen of the severely hurt, who got away from the Wabash, afterward died of their wounds, and were buried near their village, four miles west of Danville, where their graves, still to be seen, were pointed out to the early salt boilers in 1819, by the sur- vivors who were cognizant of the facts. fTipton's Journal of the "Indian Campaign of 1811 " contains many interesting items. It was first published by the enterprising proprietor of the Indianapolis "News," in the issue of the 5th of May, 1879. It covers the late Gen. Tipton's daily movements from the time his company left Corydon on the 12th of September, 1811, to his return home on the 24th of November, a period of seventy-four days. Much of RETURN MARCH. 297 village and everything in it was committed to the flames. " The vil- lage is on the west side of the Wabash, miles above Vincennes, on the second bank, about two hundred yards from the river, and neat built. This is the main town ; but it is scattering, a mile long, all the way a tine corn field." On the 9th the troops were put in motion, returning by the same route they had come. The wounded were placed in wagons drawn by oxen, of which there was scarcely a sufficient number for this humane purpose. All camp equipage and baggage, owing to the insufficiency of transportation, was destroyed, the governor setting the example by knocking his own to pieces and throwing it into the fire. The whole army cheer- fully followed his example, and the camp was quickly strewed with debris of furniture, mess boxes, plates, dishes and bottles. "With all this, it was difficult to make the wagons contain those who could neither walk nor ride. The wounded were dying every day. Early in the action two or three of the army fled, reaching the block-house below the Vermilion, and spread exaggerated news of the battle and the defeat of Harrison. And as the troops were returning, they "•were frequently met on their way by persons coming to learn the fate of their children or friends."* The army was reduced to the scantiest of rations, part of the time living upon parched corn ; and on the 13th of November they reached the block-house, as appears from Tipton's Journal, just as a timely boat was arriving with much needed provisions. The next day as many of the sick and wounded as the boat would hold were placed aboard and sent down the river. The main army reached Fort Harrison on the 14th of November, and Vincennes four days later, where they were met with great re- joicing by the inhabitants. In its results, the engagement at Tippecanoe ranks as one of the most important ever fought against the Indians in the west. It may be said to have been the opening battle of the war of 1812, although the formal declaration of hostilities was deferred until the following June. However many and grave were the irritating causes in the Atlantic states which had threatened the peace of the two countries, had they not existed, still, the continued aggressions of the Indians, operated upon as they were by traders within our borders and other subjects of Great Britain in Canada, would have provoked collision, t his time was occupied in advance of the array, either in picking out crossing places of streams or other difficult portions, and in scouting. * Samuel R. Brown's History of the Second War of the Independence: Auburn, 1815, vol. 1, p. 227. fThe causes culminating in the action at Tippecanoe, the movements of the Amer- ican forces before and after the engagement, and the incidents connected with the campaign, are taken from Dawson's Life of Harrison, McAfee's History of the Late 298 HISTOKIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. While the Indian difficulties described in this chapter were transpiring, matters between the United States and Great Britain were fast assuming a warlike hue. An embargo was laid upon all our shipping, to protect it against the unwarrantable interference of English cruisers. Our commerce upon the high seas was almost entirely destroyed by the policy of Great Britain and France, then engaged in the mighty struggle for empire upon the continent of Europe. The depleted navy of England was recruited by seizure of Americans aboard of American vessels and empressing them into her service. War was declared on the 19th of June, 1812. Since the battle of Tippecanoe "the frontiers," wrote Gen. Har- rison, " never enjoyed more perfect repose." Still the Indians were powerful, thoroughly organized, and fully supplied with guns and ammunition from Canada,] and were eagerly looking at the toma- hawk long uplifted in the hand of their English father, and only waiting the time when it should fall upon the head of the Ameri- cans, to begin an active and determined war of extermination upon all of the western settlements. Notwithstanding these facts were so apparent, and the importance of providing a naval force upon Lake Erie and an army for the protection of the northwest had been urged upon the secretary of war and others, still the war department refused to do anything commensurate with the magnitude of the danger. William Hull, governor of the Michigan territory, was appointed to the command of the westward frontiers ; and, although he advised the department that it was idle to attempt to hold the territory with less than three thousand well-equipped soldiers, little attention was paid to his demands. However, through the activ- ity of the governors of Ohio, Kentucky and Indiana, a small army of militia volunteers, with the 4th United States regiment of regu- lars (Miller's regiment of Tippecanoe fame) as a nucleus, was tardily recruited. Owing to the wide extent of thinly-settled country from which the forces were drawn, the difficulty of obtaining munitions and provisions and moving them over districts unprovided with roads to points of concentration, but very slow progress was made. Before Hull could reach Detroit the enemy, who had received in- telligence of the declaration of war before Hull was notified of the fact, had already begun the war by the capture of a schooner, along with a quantity of baggage and some thirty officers and privates aboard of her, while on its way from Miami Rapids to Detroit. Overcoming all delays, Gen. Hull reached Spring Wells, three War in the Western Country, and Tipton's Journal, all regarded as sources of original and authentic information. LOSS OF TERRITORY. 299 miles below Detroit, only to be confronted with a naval and mil- itary force of the enemy in a more forward state of concentration upon the Canadian side of the river. The commanding general, on the 12th of the month, moved his forces across the river, issued a florid proclamation to the inhabitants of Canada, whose soil he had invaded, and in the course of a few days retreated back to his old quarters. On the 16th of the same month, without striking a blow, Gen. Hull surrendered Detroit and his whole force to Sir Isaac Brock, governor-general of Canada. This most unexpected calamity was followed by intelligence, received on the 28th of July, that the port of Mackinaw had been captured by the British. Fast upon this startling news came the surrender of Fort Dearborn to the Indians by Capt. ITeald, on the 15th of August, and the mas- sacre or capture of the inhabitants and soldiers. Thus, in less than sixty days after the declaration of hostilities, the whole northwest, from the Detroit to the Mississippi River, was in the hands of the British or their Indian allies under the lead of English traders. Fort Wayne and Fort Harrison were the only points at which the United States presented resistance. The plans of Tecumseh succeeding more happily than he could have expected, it was determined to lay siege to Forts Wayne and Harrison simultaneously, as the only "remaining obstacles in the way of driving the white inhabitants over the Ohio" River. Fort Wayne was accordingly besieged, and closely invested by the sav- ages until it was relieved by Gen. Harrison, who had been appointed to the chief command of the northwest immediately after the sur- render of Hull. We will now let Capt. Taylor tell how nearly the Indians suc- ceeded in gaining possession of Fort Harrison, only noting the fact that his official report, written immediately after the assault, before opportunity was given him to acquire more accurate information, erroneously names the Miamis as a part of the attacking force. M'Affee, as well as others, writing at a later date, correctly state that the enemy were Kickapoos and Winnebagoes only. "Fort Harrison, September 10. "Dear Sir, — On Thursday evening, the 3d instant, after retreat beating, four guns were heard to fire in the direction where two young men (citizens who resided here) were making hay, about four hundred yards distant from the fort. I was immediately impressed with the idea that they had been killed by the Indians, as the Pro- phet's party would soon be here for the purpose of commencing 300 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. hostilities, and that they had been directed to leave this place, as we were about to do. I did not think it prudent to send out at that late hour of the night to see what had become of them, and their nut coming in convinced me that I was right in my conjecture. I waited till eight o'clock next morning, when I sent out a corporal with a small party to find them, if it could be done without running too much risk of being drawn into an ambuscade. He soon sent back to inform me that he had found them both killed, and wished to know my further orders. I sent the cart and oxen and had them brought in and buried. They had been shot with two balls, scalped and cut in the most shocking manner. Late in the evening of the 4th instant old Joseph Lenar and about thirty or forty Indians arrived from the Prophet's town with a white flag, among whom were about ten women, and the men were composed of the chiefs of the different tribes that compose the Prophet's party. A Shawnee man, that could speak good English, informed me that old Lenar intended to speak to me next morning, and try to get something to eat. "At retreat beating I examined the men's arms and found them all in good order, and completed their cartridges to fifteen rounds per man. As I had not been able to mount a guard of more than six privates and two non-commissioned officers for some time past, and sometimes part of them every other day, from the unheal thiness of the company, I had not conceived my force adequate to the defense of this post, should it be vigorously attacked, for some time past, "As I had just recovered from a very severe attack of the fever, I was not able to be up much through the night. After tattoo, I cautioned the guard to be vigilant, and ordered one of the non-com- missioned officers, as the sentinels could not see every part of the garrison, to walk around on the inside during the whole night, to prevent the Indians taking any advantage of us, provided they had any intention of attacking us. About 11 o'clock I was awakened by the firing of one of the sentinels. I sprang up, ran out and ordered the men to their posts, when my orderly-sergeant, who had charge of the upper block-house, called out that the Indians had fired the lower block-house (which contained the property of the contractor, which was deposited in the lower part, the upper having been assigned to a corporal and ten privates as an alarm post). The guns had begun to fire pretty smartly from both sides. I directed the buckets to be got ready and water brought from the well and the fire extinguished immediately, as it was perceivable at that time ; but from debility or some other cause the men were very slow in execut- ATTACK ON FORT HARRISON. 301 ing my orders, — the word fire appeared to throw the whole of them into confusion, — and by the time they had got the water and broken open the door, the fire had unfortunately communicated to a quantity of whisky (the stock having licked several holes through the lower part of the building, after the salt that was stored there, through which the fire had been introduced without being discovered, as the night was very dark), and in spite of every exertion we could make use of in less than a moment it ascended to the roof and baffled every effort we could make to extinguish it. As the block-house adjoined the barracks that made part of the fortifications, most of the men immediately gave themselves up for lost, and I had the greatest difficulty 7 in .getting my orders executed. And, sir, what from the raging of the fire, the yelling and howling of several hundred Indi- ans, the cries of nine women and children (a part, soldiers' and a part citizens' wives, who had taken shelter in the fort), and the despondency of so many of the men, which was worse than all, I can assure you that my feelings were unpleasant, and, indeed, there were not more than ten or fifteen men able to do a great deal, — the others being sick or convalescent ; and to add to our other misfor- tunes, two of the strongest men in the fort, and that I had every confidence in, jumped the picket and left us. I saw by throwing off a part of the roof that joined the block-house that was on fire, and keeping the end perfectly wet, the whole row of buildings might be saved, and leave only an opening of eighteen or twenty feet for the entrance of the Indians after the house was consumed, and that a temporary breastwork might be executed to prevent their even enter- ing there. I convinced the men that this might be accomplished, and it appeared to inspire them with new life, and never did men act with more firmness and desperation. Those that were able (while the others kept up a constant fire from the other block-house and the two bastions') mounted the roofs of the houses, with Dr. Clark at their head, who acted with the greatest firmness and pres- ence of mind the whole time the attack lasted, which was seven hours, under a shower of bullets, and in less than a moment threw off as much of the roof as was necessary. This was done only with a loss of one man and two wounded, and I am in hopes neither of them dangerously. The man that was killed was a little deranged, and did not get off the house as soon as directed, or he would not have been hurt ; and although the barracks were several times in a blaze, and an immense quantity of fire against them, the men used such exertions that they kept it under, and before day raised a tem- porary breastwork as high as a man's head, although the Indians 802 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. continued to pour in a heavy fire of ball and innumerable quantity of arrows during the whole time the attack lasted, in every part of the parade. I had but one other man killed, nor any other wounded inside the fort, and he lost his life by being too anxious. He got into one of the galleys in the bastion and fired over the pickets, and called out to his comrades that he had killed an Indian, and, neglecting to stoop down, in an instant he was shot dead. One of the men that jumped the pickets returned an hour before day, and, running up toward the gate, begged for God's sake for it to be opened. I sus- pected it to be a stratagem of the Indians to get in, as I did not recollect the voice. I directed the men in the bastion, where I hap- pened to be, to shoot him, let him be who he would, and one of them fired at him, but fortunately he ran up to the other bastion, where they knew his voice, and Dr. Clark directed him to lie down close to the pickets, behind an empty barrel that happened to be there, and at daylight I had him let in. His arm was broken in a most shocking manner, which he says was done by the Indians, which, I suppose, was the cause of his returning. I think it probable that he will not recover. The other they caught about one hundred and thirty yards from the garrison, and cut him all to pieces. After keeping up a constant fire until about six o'clock the next morning, which we began to return with some effect after daylight, they re- moved out of reach of our guns. A party of them drove up the horses that belonged to the citizens here, and as they could not catch them very readily, shot the whole of them in our sight, as well as a number of their hogs. They drove off the whole of the cattle, which amounted to sixty-five head, as well as public oxen. I had the vacancy filled up before night [which was made by the burning of the block-house] with a strong row of pickets which I got by pulling down the guard-house."* The events following the relief of Fort Wayne, and the failure at Fort Harrison, were the formation of a navy upon Lake Erie and the raising of a large military force by Gen. Harrison, under diffi- culties and such depressing delays as would have discouraged almost any other officers than Harrison and the immortal Perry. On the 10th day of September, 1813, Perry met the British fleet of vessels at the head of Lake Erie, and captured every one of them in an engagement that shed imperishable fame upon every officer and private of his command. Harrison's army collected upon the * Gen. Taylor's report, read in connection with the account given by the commander on the other side, — Old Joseph Lenar, as Taylor calls "La Farine," or Pa-koi-shee-can, — found on page 165, will give the reader a very full understanding of the ingenuity and boldness of the attack on Fort Harrison and the heroism of its defense. tecumseh's death. 303 peninsula formed by Sandusky Bay, with the venerable Gov. Isaac Shelby in his gray hairs at the head of his children, the gallant Kentucky militia, were transported across the lake to Maiden, which the fleeing Proctor had burned at their approach. Retreating up the River Thames, the forces of Proctor and Tecumseh were brought to an engagement near the Moravian towns, where, on the 5th of October, they were defeated in an action as brilliant upon the land as was Capt. Barclay's upon the water. The Indians were posted in a swamp, and were commanded by Tecumseh in person, who went down in the thickest of the tight, gallantly encouraging his men. His prediction was verified to the letter — he and Harrison had "fought it out"; the confederation he had molded dropped to pieces. The several tribes hastened to Gen. Harrison's headquarters to say they wanted peace. It was the last great combination of the Indians against the whites ; and it is a historical coincidence that the confederations of both Pon- tiae and Tecumseh to check the ever westward flow of immigration should have met their final overthrow in the vicinity of Detroit, and on British soil. Happily for the west, that owing largely to the exertions of its own people, the lost territory was recovered, and when the treaty of peace was concluded in 1815, the old boundary lines remained as before, without the loss of a single acre. Upon the restoration of peace, immigration received a new im- pulse. Indiana, having sufficiently increased her population, was, on the 11th of December, 1816, admitted as a state in the Union. Two years afterward, December 3, 1818, Illinois followed Indiana in the sisterhood of states. The campaigns of Harmar, Scott, Wilkinson, St. Clair, Wayne and Harrison gave the volunteers a knowledge of the beauty and fertility of the western country, and may well be said to have been so many exploring expeditions. As soon as the Indian titles to the several portions of the territory were successively extinguished, population poured in, often in advance of the government surveys. The Ohio and the Mississippi were the base, and the Illinois, the Wabash, the Miami and their tributaries, with other principal streams, were the supporting columns upon which the settlements respectively formed and gradually extended itself to the right and left from these waters until the intervening country was filled. Within little more than half a century, population has extended itself northward over the states of Indiana and Illinois, and coun- ties have been organized like the blocks of a building, one upon 304 HISTORIC NOTES ON THE NORTHWEST. the other, until now those hitherto wild and uninhabited wastes com- prise the most wealthy, enterprising and populous portions of these two states. The order in which these counties were organized and filled can be more properly carried forward in their respective county histories in an unbroken continuity from the place where the writer now bids the reader a hearty good-bye. ILL r>o. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. BY H. W. BECKWITH. That part of Illinois now known as Vermilion county was orig- inally a portion of New France. It, together with all the immense territory lying west of the Alleghanies and north of the Ohio, be- longed, by right of discovery and occupation, to the King of France from the year 1682 to 1763. During this time, for administrative purposes, *New France was divided into two immense districts, the one known as Canada and the other as Louisiana, and at one period prior to 1745 the division line of the "Illinois country" began on the Wabash, at the mouth of the Vermilion River, thence northwest to La Salle's old fort on the Illinois River, a few miles above Ottawa. North of this line was Canada ; south of it, and west of the Wabash, was Louisiana. At that time the county seat for that part of Ver- milion county south of the line named was Fort Chartes. North of this line the country was governed from the Post of Detroit ; and if a French trader, then living along the Vermilion River, wished to get married to an Indian girl, he would have, in the absence of a nearer parish priest, to go either to Fort Chartes or Detroit, if he wished to lawfully celebrate the ceremony. They seldom went to this trouble, however. At the conclusion of the French colonial war in 1763 the country eastward of the Mississippi and west of the Alleghanies was ceded to Great Britain, and this power held and exercised dominion over it for some fifteen years, through an organization or board known as "The Lords Commissioners of the Council of Trade and Planta- tions," or "Lords of Trade." While the revolutionary war was in progress, the western country, by the capture of Kaskaskia and other settlements within its borders, fell, in 1778, into the hands of Virginia, through the conquest of Gen. George Rogers Clark and his soldiers, citizens of that state. After this Vermilion became a part of "Illinois county," in the State of Virginia. Our own gov- 306 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. eminent acquired title to the northwest by deeds of cession from Virginia, together with releases from Connecticut, Massachusetts and New York, of such claims as these states might have had to parts of it under their old charters from the British crown. Afterward, and under the ordinance of 1787, passed by congress for its govern- ment, the country became known as "The territory of the United States northwest of the River Ohio.'' In the year 1800 the territory was divided, when that part of it tying west of a line drawn from the mouth of the Kentucky River to Fort Recovery — the old battle- field of St. Clair's defeat, in the edge of Mercer county, Ohio, four miles east of the Indiana state line — thence north to the British possessions, was named and governed as "The Indiana Territory"; the capitol at Vincennes. In the formation of counties,' by virtue of the proclamation of Gen. Harrison, as governor, issued on the 3d day of February, 1801, a part of Vermilion county lay in the county of Knox, and the other portion in St. Clair, the same as sections of it were formerly in Canada and Louisiana, with the difference that the line established by Gov. Harrison split our county by a nearly north and south line, while that fixed, over half a century before, by Mons. Vaudreuil, governor of New France, divided it in an oppo- site direction. Again, in 1809, after the Illinois Territory had been formed off of the Indiana Territory, by a line running from the mouth of the Ohio up the Wabash to Vincennes, thence north to the British Possessions, and when Nathaniel Pope, acting as governor, issued his proclamation on the 28th day of April, 1809, reforming the boundary lines between the counties of Randolph and St. Clair, and that portion of Knox lying west of the territorial line, Ver- milion county fell wholly within the county of St. Clair. Our county seat by the change was now Cahokia, on the west side of the state, opposite the lower suburbs of St. Louis. At this time had any per- son living within the present limits of Vermilion a deed he de- sired to record, it would have required a journey of nearly two hundred miles, and no little skill in finding the way to the county seat. Two years before Illinois was admitted as a state into the Union the county of Crawford was formed, and at that time Vermilion county was a part of its territory. Here, in the round of changes, our new county seat was shifted back across the state to the banks of the Wabash, at Palestine, situated at the mouth of La Motte Creek, where in 1812 was a block-house, called Fort La Motte, that stood on the extreme northern limit of settlements in eastern Illi- nois. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 307 In 1819, the year after Illinois was made a state, the county of Clark was formed off the northern part of Crawford, with the county seat established some miles higher up the Wabash, at a place called Aurora, which in turn became the county seat of all that region bordering on the Indiana line, and extending north as far as the Illi- nois and Kankakee Rivers. As it was when Vermilion county was a part of Clark, and while Aurora was the county seat, that the first permanent settlement was begun within the present limits of Ver- milion, we will defer further reference to the formation of counties in the chain of succession until we have noticed the incoming of the first pioneers. It was fur and salt that first attracted attention of white people in this direction. Prior to this date, the title of the Indians claiming the country along the waters of the Vermilions had not been wholly extinguished. At the treaty concluded at St. Mary's, Ohio, on the 2d of October, 1818, between Jonathan Jennings, Lewis Cass and Benjamin Parke, commissioners of the United States, and the Pottawatomie nation of Indians, Me-te-a — "Kiss me," Ke-sis — "The Sun," To-pin-ne-bee, Pe-so-tem, and thirty other principal chiefs of that tribe, ceded the following tract of country : " Beginning at the mouth of Tippecanoe River, and running up the same to a point twenty-five miles in a direct line from the Wabash River; thence on a line as nearly paral- lel to the general course of the Wabash River as practicable, to a point on the Vermilion River twenty-five miles from the Wabash River ; thence down the Vermilion River to its mouth ; thence up the Wabash River to the place of beginning." By the second arti- cle of this treaty the United States agreed to purchase any just claim which the Kick-a-poos might have to any part of the ceded country below Pine Creek. The next year, by the treaty of Edwards ville, concluded on the 13th of July, 1819, the latter tribe ceded a large section of country between the Illinois River and the Wabash, in- clusive of that ceded by the Pottawatomies, and which is more par- ticularly described in the chapter on the Kickapoos, and will be found on page 167 of the general history. Immediately following this latter treaty, another treaty was concluded on the 30th of August, 1819, at Fort Harrison, between the United States, through its commissioner, Benjamin Parke, and that particular tribe or band who, in this treaty, described themselves as u The chiefs, warriors and head men'of the tribe of Kickapoos of the Vermilion, in which, to the end that the United States might be enabled to fix with other Indians a boundary between their respective claims, these Kickapoos 308 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. described the country to which they had a rightful claim as follows : "Beginning at the northwest corner of the Vincennes tract" — see the General History, page 167, for the location of the Vincennes tract, — "thence westerly to the boundary established by a treaty with the Piankashaws on the 30th of December, 1805." This line runs north seventy-eight degrees west from the northwest corner of the Vincennes tract to the ridge that divides the waters flowing into the Wabash from the streams that drain directly to the Mississippi, "to the dividing ridge between the waters of the Embarras and Little Wabash ; thence by the said ridge to the sources of the Vermilion River ; thence by the said ridge to the head of Pine Creek ; thence by said creek to the Wabash River ; thence by the said river to the mouth of the Vermilion River, and thence by [up] the Vermilion and the boundary heretofore established to the place of beginning." This treaty was signed by Wah-co-haw, "The Grey Fox"; Kitch- e-mak-quaw, "Big Bear"; Te-cum-the-na, "Track in the Prairie"; Pe-le-che-ah, "The Panther"; Mac-a-ca-naw (none of the treaties to which this chief was a party give the signification of his name) ; Ka- an-eh-ka-ka or Ka-an-a-kuck, "The Drunkard's Son," as he was first called, or "The Prophet," a name which he assumed after he reformed and became a religious teacher; Pa-koi-shee-can, or "The Flour," and whom the French called "La Ferine." However singular these names may appear to us, doubtless the parties to whom they belonged were men of distinction during the time they owned and lived within the territory they relinquished. We have mentioned in the General History, page 164, the fact of the Kickapoos having ceded the tract of country between the Vermilion and the mouth of Raccoon Creek, below Newport, Indiana, and ex- tending from the Wabash westward some fifteen miles. In an address delivered by the writer before the Historical Society in May, 1878, it was stated that "a history of our county would not be complete un- less it went back of the time when the settlements began ; that the mind would constantly recur to the unwritten chapter, would go back beyond the recollection of the l oldest inhabitant, ' and busy itself with the inquiries, Who first explored this part of our country? Who owned it before the United States acquired it ? Who were the aboriginal proprietors ? What were their tribal names ? Where were their villages located?" These questions the writer has en- deavored to answer in the General History preceding that of the County History in this volume. One other topic in which the writer supposed the citizens of this locality would be interested was as to when and how our government extinguished the Indian titles to HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 309 the lands drained by the Vermilion River and its tributaries. This last question has now been answered. In less than a month after the treaty at Fort Harrison, August, 1819, the Vermilion River was explored. The inducement was the hope of discovering salt. It appears, from an affidavit made to Joseph Barron, who for many years was Gen. Harrison's in- terpreter, ' and well vWsed in the dialects of all the Indian tribes who lived, hunted or claimed to own the lands wa- tered by the Wabash and the streams flowing into it, that he was at the "Vermilion Salines'" as early as the year 1801. He further made oath that he was again at the same " salt spring, situated on the Big Vermilion River, on the north side, about one and a half miles above the old 'Kickapoo town, 1 and about fifteen or eighteen miles from the Big Wabash River, in the county of Clark, state of Illi- nois, on the 22d day of September, 1819, in company with Lambert Bona, Zachariah Cicott" [as we know the name, or Shecott, as spelled by the justice of the peace who wrote and verified the affi- davits to which Bona, Cicott and Barron had sworn before him on on the 8th of December, 1819], "and Truman Blackmail, together with four Shawnee Indians whom he [Barron] had hired and paid to go with him and show him minerals, salt springs, etc." The occasion of these affidavits, with several others of which the writer obtained copies from the archives at Springfield, was that the legislature had previously passed a liberal law to encourage the dis- covery and development of saline water, by the terms of which any person making such discoveries should have the exclusive right to manufacture salt within a given area. Conflicting claims arose di- rectly as to the rights of several parties, and it was several years before they were finally adjusted, and the letters and affidavits sent in to Gov. Bond from the contestants afford reliable dates and other interesting matter relating to "the first settlement of the county." The parties returned, and Capt. Blackmail organized a second JOSEPH BARRON. 310 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. expedition without the knowledge or sanction of Barron. His party consisted of himself, his brother- — Remember Blackman — George Beckwith, Seymour Treat, Peter Allen and Francis Whitcomb. They crossed the Wabash at the mouth of Otter Creek in the latter part of October, and struck out in a northwest course through the timber and prairies, keeping the direction with a small pocket compass, un- til they arrived at a stream supposed to be the Big Vermilion, about twenty-five miles, as they inferred, from the Wabash River. Here they encamped on the 31st of October, 1819. Capt. Blackman pointed out a smooth spot of low ground from twenty to thirty rods across where he said there was salt water. There was no vegetation growing upon the surface, and no traces of people ever having been there, "except," — says Peter Allen in his affidavit, — "in some few places where the Indians had sunk curbs of bark into the soil for the purpose of procuring salt water." Capt. Blackman set two or three men to work with spades, and by digging two or three feet into the saturated soil saline water was pro- cured. This was boiled down in a kettle brought along for that pur- pose. About two gallons of water yielded four ounces of good clear salt. An experimental well was dug a few rods from the former, where the brine was much stronger. It was agreed by Capt. Black- man that Treat, Whitcomb and Beckwith should be partners in the discovery of the salt water, and each pay his portion of the ex- penses. Beckwith and Whitcomb were left in charge to hold pos- session against the intrusion of other explorers, and to go on devel- oping the saline water, while the others returned to Fort Harrison and procured a team, tools and provisions, with a view to future ope- rations. In the latter part of November, 1819, Treat returned, com- ing up the Wabash and Vermilion rivers in a pirogue, with tools, provisions, his wife and children. With the assistance of Beckwith and Whitcomb — both good axmen — a cabin was quickly erected and Treat's family took immediate possession. In this way and at this place began the first permanent settlement within the present limits of Vermilion county. Mr. Treat's family suffered all the pri- vations incident to their situation. Their nearest neighbors were on North Arm Prairie, some forty miles away. The old Kickapoo town, a mile below their cabin, was deserted. The fence inclosing the cornfield had tumbled to the ground. Weeds rankled where formerly the Indian squaw had hoed her corn and cultivated her squashes. A year later, Treat, writing to the governor, says "that his family had remained on the ground ever since their arrival, except one who has fallen a victim to the sufferings and privations which they have had HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 311 to endure, in a situation so remote from a settled country, without the means of procuring the ordinary comforts of life." Capt. Blackmail, it seems, did not do as he agreed. Instead of making an application to the governor in the name of Barron and the other parties interested, he look the lease, or permit, in his own name. The other parties complained and presented their own claims to the governor, in numerous affidavits and letters, and it was some three years before the difficulties were finally adjusted. In the mean- time several wells were sunk, one of them by Beckwith and Whit- comb at their own expense, to the depth of fifty feet, mostly by drilL- ing through solid rock. The salt was excellent in quality, purity and strength. Great expectations were raised as to the benefit that would accrue to the people of the Wabash Valley from these salt works. The writer has before him a letter addressed, on the 8th of June, 1820, by James B. MeCall, from Vincennes, to Gov. Bond, in which the former says, " the people of the eastern section of your state are very anxious that the manufacture of salt might be gone into. Ap- pearances at the Vermilion salines justify the belief that salt may be made north of this sufficient for the consumption of all the settlers on the Wabash, and much below the present prices. Nearly all of the salt consumed above the mouth of the Wabash is furnished by Kentucky, and the transportation so far up streams materially en- hances the price, and in the present undeveloped state of the country as to money, prevents a majority of the farmers from procuring the quantity of this necessary article that their stock, etc., requires." On the 13th of December, 1822, the conflicting claimants, or as- signees of them, settled their differences at Vandalia before Gov. Bond, in an agreement which defined the shares of each. During this and the following year the manufacture of salt was increased. Nothing, however, was done on a scale equal to the demands until in 1824, and after John W. Vance obtained possession of the salines. In the spring of 1824 Vance brought twenty-four large iron kettles from Louisville, in a batau, down the Ohio, up the Wabash and Ver- milion to the mouth of Stony Creek, about four miles southeast of Danville. The water being low and the channel obstructed by a sand- bar at the mouth of the creek, the boat was abandoned, and the ket- tles hauled from thence to the salt works by ox teams. Soon after this the number of kettles was increased to eighty, holding a hun- dred and forty gallons each. They were set in a double row in a furnace constructed of stone at the bench of the hill near the wells. A hundred gallons of brine was required to make a bushel of salt, and from sixty to eighty bushels was a good week's run. The salt 312 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. sold readily at the works for from $1.25 to $1.50 per bushel. Much of it was taken down the river in pirogues to supply the country below. A great deal was taken away in wagons, and much of it in sacks on horseback by persons who were too poor to own a team. It was not an unusual occurrence to see people at the "works " from the settlements at Buffalo, Hart and Elkhart Groves, from the San- gamon and Illinois Rivers, and from the neighborhood of Rockville and Rosedale, Indiana. In those days, says Mr. H. A. Coffeen, in an excellent little volume issued by him in 1870, and which is the pioneer history of our country, "the motto seemed to be more wagon roads to the salt works." The discovery of enormous quantities of brine upon the Ka- nawha River, and the completion of a government pier at the mouth of the Chicago Creek, making a practical harbor so that vessels on the lake could safely enter there, created a competition that put an end to the further manufacture of salt in Vermilion county. The works after this were a loss to every one who under- took to run them. They were abandoned, and the long row of buildings that had grown up in palmier days became vacant. For many years afterward the sole occupant was a singular old lady whom the people called "Mother Bloss." She lived all alone, spending her time in knitting or in boiling a little salt at the old furnace when the weather was pleasant, and would bring the pro- ducts of her industry to town and barter them for sugar, coffee, snuff and such other little luxuries as her limited means would allow. Nothing now remains of the old salt works except the furrowed hillside, where some of the furnace stones point above the overlay- ing grass, and a few depressions in the ground that mark the posi- tion of several of the wells. They are situated over half a mile west of the crossing of the middle fork, in the bottom, near the north bank of the salt fork, and between the cultivated fields and the river. The Indians told Maj. Yance that they and the French traders had made salt at these springs for at least seventy or eighty years before they were developed by the white people ; and the old Indians said they had no recollection of the time, it was so long ago since their people first commenced making salt there. The well- worn trails of buffalo and other wild animals were found converg- ing to this brakish ooze from many directions, and the abundance of game that collected there to eat the salty earth is proven by the quantity of broken arrow-heads which have been found in this localitv ever since the settlement of the country. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 313 The salt works were the nucleus of settlements in that vicinity, as they were, also, the beginning of the county. The next begin- ning, in the order of time, was made in 1820, by Jaipes D. Butler, who "took up a claim," as squatting on apiece of land before it was surveyed or put in market was called, just west of Catlin. He was from Chittenden county, Vermont ; moved to Clark county, Ohio ; lived there six years, when, with two or three other persons, he came to Vermilion county. His cabin was erected on the right hand side of the road leading from Catlin to the fair ground, and on the east side of the branch which still bears his name. He put in a crop, and, in company with his neighbors, returned in the fall to Ohio. The next spring he brought out his family. His neighbors would not come back with him; they abandoned their "little beginnings 1 ' be- cause their families were afraid to submit themselves, so far from civilization, to the mercy of the Indians, whose numerous bands were roaming over this country at that time. When Butler's fam- ily moved in, their nearest neighbor south was Henry Johnson, on the Little Vermilion, while Treat's family, at the salt works, with Whitcomb and the two Beckwiths, Dan and George, were their only neighbors in that direction. Within two or three years Robert Trickle came to Butler's Point, then John Light, and soon after Asa Elliott. Whitcomb took a wife and went from the salt works to Catlin, where he built a home and lived for many years. At a later day, Butler, greatly prospered by his industry and thrift, built a larger house — in fact, a mansion, so considered at the time — out on the prairie near the northeast portion of the present Catlin fair-ground inclosure. The logs were square hewn ; the cor- ners of the building were cut even with the line of the walls. Butler was a man of good business capacity, and possessed a practical mind. This, with his good house and the accession of enterprising neigh- bors, soon made "Butler's Point" the focal center of the country many miles around. Near Butler's house stood a large oak tree, all alone, out well beyond the line of timber skirting the branch, where for years it had bid defiance to the annual prairie fire. It was called " Butler's lone tree," and was a landmark and sentinel that served as a guide to travelers crossing the prairies from the south and west. A Lewis Bailey, in 1823, made a "tomahawk improvement," as little clearings in the timber were called in those days, west of the salt works some six miles, on what is now known as a part of the old Radclifre farm. Bailey sold out to Harvey Luddington, who was well known in Danville, where he lived since 1828 until his 314 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. death within the past year. The branch near by became known to the early settlers as Luddington's branch. It is now called Stony Creek. Within a few years afterward a Mr. "Walker opened a farm higher up the creek, and the place became known as "Walker's Point." The facts narrated in reference to the early settlement at Butler's Point, and upon the Little Vermilion and Stony Creek, are produced from a narrative given the writer by Annis Butler, daughter of Jas. D. Butler, afterward the wife of Marquis Snow, and after this the wife of Cyrus Douglas. Her reminiscences are quite lengthy, and were taken down in writing by the writer of this, at the time and substantially as related to him at her house in Fairmount, on the 12th of August, 1876. The lady was in excellent health at the time, and exceedingly quick in both mind and body. Her recollection of events was remarkable, and her faculty in relating them minute and exact. She had always enjoyed excellent health, and time had dealt so gently with her that her appearance betrayed no evidence of her age. The writer has been thus particular, that the reader may give proper credit to her statements wherein they differ from the "recol- lections" of other "old settlers." She was born in 1805, and was about sixteen years old when she came to Catlin Township with her father. She lived in that part of the county until in March, 1877, when she died at her home in Fairmount. Concerning her first marriage, she says that her husband, Marquis Snow, drove one of her father's teams when the family moved from Ohio to Illinois, and that her acquaintance with him began before that time. Mr. Douglas and his intended bride were at the salt works. She was there also, as was Marquis Snow. The groomsman took their girls on horseback, each pony carrying two persons, the groom in front, the bride behind, following in single file along an Indian trail, leading from the salt works to Denmark. Dan and George Beckwith, dressed in buckskin blouse, breeches and moccasins, brought up the rear on foot. Squire Treat's cabin was about fourteen feet square, built of small round logs. Douglas was married first, and then Marquis and Miss Annis stood up, and joining hands, their marriage was next duly solemnized. The ceremony of this double wedding was per- formed on the 27th day of January, 1825. It has been erroneously stated that these weddings were the first ever celebrated in Vermil- ion county. These were, perhaps, the first in this part of what is now known as Vermilion county. Then, Vermilion was a part, and only a small part, of Edgar county, and Squire Treat was one of the justices of the peace for the county of Edgar. Before laying aside HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 315 Mrs. Douglas's narrative, we will extract two or three incidents which she relates. They are unimportant in themselves, but will illustrate the necessities of society, and the condition of this part of the country at that time, and will assist the reader in drawing con- trasts between the " early duvs " and now. After Baily sold out to Luddington he cleared out to the "Illi- nois River country, 1 ' leaving his wife and two or three small children at the salt works. The children were taken sick. The wife soon became ill, too. There was no other woman at the salt works, the men laboring there being all unmarried. Whitcomb took care of the sick mother and her children. With his own hands he did all their washing. No female help could be had. No doctors or drug stores, from where aid or medicines could be procured, were nigh. No food, such as invalids require, could be procured. One by one the chil- dren, wasting away, day after day, died. No plank or lumber was to be had, and coffins were made out of rough boards, split from a walnut tree that grew a short distance from Butler's branch. In these rude caskets, roughly made by the men with such tools as they possessed, the bodies of the little ones were placed in the ground. The sick mother, unable to leave her couch, could drop no tear at the graves of her dear ones. There were none to mourn at the funeral, — no relatives, no friends, no minister, — only the sad faces of strong men inured to hardships, who silently performed the last rites. The walnut tree, says Mrs. Douglas, was called the "coffin tree." Neighbors came from a long distance and rived boards from this tree. It was straight-grained, and slabs could be split off of it with little difficulty. From such material as this were formed the burial- cases of a number of the early settlers. One spring, some two years before Mr. Snow's marriage, he was making sugar at the camp near the salt works, and as he was hauling sugar water from the trees to the camp on a "bob-sled." a panther came near him. He motioned to Lewis Bailey, who was at the camp fire, to bring the rifle, but Bailey did not see him. All the while the panther was eyeing Mr. Snow sharply ; whenever he moved, the panther would move in the same direction. He mounted a fallen tree, still trying to attract Bailey's attention. He was afraid to run, lest the panther would spring upon him. The panther got upon the log himself, and followed Snow up as the latter slowly retreated, walk- ing backward upon the log and facing the crouching animal. At last Mr Snow gave a loud halloo, not daring to turn his eye away from the panther in the direction of the camp. His shout quickly brought 316 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. Bailey to his assistance, and frightened the panther away at the same time. ISTo more sugar was made at that camp until the next year. The Blackmans and Treat brought up a lot of hogs from Terre Haute to the salt works in 1820 or 1821, and turned them loose in the woods, where they throve and multiplied astonishingly. The animals lived upon grass and the abundance of mast found in the timber. In time the hogs grew wild, and the males were dangerous. They spread their numbers many miles up the Middle Fork and Salt Fork, and down the Vermilion below Danville. The round, plump form, the result- of domestication, gave way as the animals bred back to a wild condition, and their bodies became tall and thin, their legs long, and their whole appearance grew so changed that they looked very little like civilized hogs. They became common property in the woods, and were killed off as wild game. Leaving the narrative of Mrs. Douglas, the writer was told by Mr. Jackson, now living on the Little Yermilion, that these hogs were so wild it was impossible to domesticate them. His people caught a large one, with dogs, and brought it to Danville and put it in a pen. It would eat no corn or any other food, but walked around the pen continually, chafing and frothing at the mouth, like the wildest beast he ever saw caged in a menagerie. Thus it walked and chafed and starved to death under the restraint of its confine- ment. Besuming Mrs. Douglas' narrative, this lady states that her father in 1823 made the first mill, or "corn cracker" ever used either in Yermilion or Champaign counties. It consisted of a "gum," or section of a hollow tree, some four feet long by two feet in diameter. Into this was set a stationary stone, selected with reference to as flat a surface as could be procured. The revolving burr, like the stationary stone, consisted of a granite boulder, or "nigger head," as the old settlers called the stone, which are distributed freely over the ground everywhere. The stones were broken and dressed into a circular form, and the grinding surfaces were furrowed, so as to give them cutting edges, by Mr. Butler, with the aid of such tools as he could manufacture at his forge for the purpose. A hole was drilled on the upper side of the rotary burr, near the rim. A pole was inserted in this, and the other end placed into a hole in a beam some six or eight feet directly above the center of the hopper. By taking hold of the pole with the hand near the burr, and exerting a "push and pull" movement, a rotary motion was given to the mill. Its capacity, with a lively, muscular man as the motive power, was about one bushel of tolerably well cracked corn per hour. The corn was put into the gum with one hand, while the burr was revolved HISTOKY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 317 with the other. "I have," says Mrs. Douglas, "ground many a time on this mill, and so has Uncle Harvey Luddington." It served the wants of the settlement at Butler's Point until the water-mill was built on the north fork at Danville. Afterward it was taken to the "Big Grove," in Champaign county, by Mr. Trickle, where it did work for the whole neighborhood, then consisting of five or six families, among whom it sustained its reputation as a good and reli- able mill. During the time this machine was the only "first-class mill" in the county, the nearest place where flour and good meal could be procured was from the water-mill on Raccoon Creek, across the Wabash, below Montezuma. The year before I was married to my- first husband, continues Mrs. Duglass in her statement, he, in company with Seymour Treat, George and Dan Beckwith, went off "on a lark" to Chicago. The Indians had told them about Chicago, the trading post, and the "big, big water," and the young men were curious and determined to know for themselves how the country looked up that way. They had a little bacon and meal, an Indian pony to carry their provisions and blankets, and to help them over the streams, and a pocket com- pass. Thus equipped, they started. They got lost on the way, in the confusion of trails crossing the country ; however, they were put on the right trail by an Indian whom they met. They got through pleasantly and safe enough, saw what was to be seen at Fort Dear- born, and returned. They had a first-rate time going up and re- turning, which occupied the better part of two weeks. After the party had returned to the salt works, although they had gone one hundred and twenty-eight miles to Fort Dearborn, they might have traveled sixty miles farther north, and, if asked where they had been, might have replied, in truth, that they had not been outside of the county, for at that date Edgar county extended to the Wisconsin line. They slept out in the open air all the way going and return- ing, except one night when they were the guests of a Pottawatomie chief, and an old acquaintance, at his village on the Kankakee. The Indians treated the travelers with the greatest kindness, giving up their skin blankets for them to sleep upon, while they themselves lay upon the bare ground. There were then no white men's houses between the salt works and Chicago, except Treat's cabin at Den- mark, and Geurdon S. Hubbard's trading house at the Iroquois. This was, perhaps, the first "free" or "grand excursion" from Vermilion county to Chicago. The reader can draw the contrast : Then, it was the Indian trail called "Hubbard's trace," over wild, uninhabited prairies, and terminating on the desolate sand-ridge 318 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. crowned with stunted oak trees, relieved in the distance by the white- washed barracks of Fort Dearborn, beyond which was a sluggish creek that meandered a devious course into Lake Michigan. Now, the trip is made on the cushioned seat of the railway car, speeding in a few brief hours, all the way through cultivated fields or by thrifty villages, to the mighty city that has since arisen and become alike a pride and wonder of the west. In 1820 Henry Johnson and Absalom Starr began the nucleus of settlements on the Little Vermilion, some two miles west of George- town. The writer has a copy of a letter addressed to William Lowery, the member from Clark county in the Illinois legislature, from Henry Johnson, dated "Achilles township," November 22, 1822, in which he says that "he had a knowledge of the affairs of this township since October, 1820." From the text of the letter it is quite appar- ent "Achilles township" embraced the whole territory of Clark county watered by the two Vermilions and extending as far north as the Kankakee. Thomas O'Neil opened up the so-called Caroway Farm at "Brooks' Point" in 1821. A little later he settled on the Vermilion River. Capt. Achilles Morgan and his two daughters, — the one married to Henry Martin, the other to George Brock, — arrived at the salt works in 1821, all the way from Virginia. They passed down through "Brooks' Point," where they lodged one night in an Indian wigwam made of bark. Then they pursued their way to the south side of the Little Vermilion, about three miles west of Georgetown, where they found a home. In 1822 Mr. Dickson Will- iams and others extended the picket line of settlements still higher up the Little Vermilion. With them, or soon after, we hear of the Swanks, the McDonalds, Mr. McDowell and G. W. Cassiday. We might give other names, only in doing so we should encroach upon the field already covered by other writers, to whom were assigned the histories of the several townships, where the reader will find the names of the persons by whom and the order in which the several townships, respectively, were settled. The purpose in this connection is to show that the line of immigration into Vermilion county was from the south toward the north. On the 3d of January, 1823, Edgar county was formed off of Clark, and by the fifth section of the act, passed on the 3d of Janu- ary, 1823, for its organization, all that tract of country north of said Edgar county, to Lake Michigan, was attached to the county of Edgar, for judicial purposes. Our county-seat was again changed, still working its way north. The first business transacted in the new county of Edgar was at the house of Jonathan Mayo, on the North HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 319 Ann Prairie. Shortly after this the seat of justice was located at Paris. The date of the report of the commissioners fixing the county seats is April 21, 1823. Amos Williams, late of Yermilion county, was the surveyor who laid off the original town of Paris. Within the next three years the population along the Little Yer- milion and northward of that stream had increased sufficiently to justify the formation of another new county. Accordingly, by section one of the act of the 18th of January, 1826 (Laws of 1826-7, page 50), it was declared that all that tract of country within the following bounds, to wit : " Beginning on the state line between Illinois and Indiana, at the northeast corner of Edgar county [the act organizing Edgar county fixed its northern boundary by a line running east and west between townships 16 and 17], thence west with the line divid- ing townships 16 and 17 to the southwest corner of township 17 north, of range 10 east ; thence north to the northwest corner of township 22 north ; thence east to the Indiana state line ; thence south with the state line to the place of beginning, should constitute a separate county, to be called Yermilion." This description would strike off one tier of townships, or six miles, from the north end of the county, and extend its west line about ten miles into Champaign. By the seventh section of the act referred to, "all that tract of coun- try lying east of range 6, east of the 3d principal meridian and north of Yermilion county, as far north as the Illinois and Kankakee rivers, was attached to Yermilion county for judicial purposes." The attached territory embraced all of the country now occupied by Champaign, Iroquois and Ford counties, two tiers of townships on the east side of Livingston, two-thirds of the width of Grundy county south of the Kankakee (which comprises more than half the area of that county), and nearly one and one half congressional townships in the southwest corner of Will. This region was dis- posed of substantially in the following order: Iroquois county was formed in 1833, and by the terms of the act for its establishment, the old boundary line of Yermilion was extended six miles farther north, making the line where it now is. Champaign county was stricken off by the act of February, 1833, by the terms of which Yermilion lost half of range 14, fractional range 11 and range 10, thus reducing the old limits of Yermilion county ten miles on the west in its entire length. Livingston county was organized in 1837, by which ten full townships and a half of two others was taken from Yermilion. Grundy was established in 1841, and by the act for its formation she acquired that portion of Yermilion which we have indicated. In January, 1836, Will county was formed out of 320 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. Cook and that portion of Iroquois between the present northern limit of Iroquois county and the Kankakee. After the formation of the several counties named, there still remained a remnant — a "boot- leg," or "pan-handle," as it was called — of the old attached ter- ritory. The "boot-leg" of this fragment consisted of a strip lying between Iroquois and Will (or latterly Kankakee county) on the east and Livingston and Grundy on the west. It was only six miles in breadth and nearly fifty miles long. South of this was a block sixteen miles north and south, by eighteen miles east and west, with a "toe" of two townships extending eighteen miles still farther east. The three northern townships of the boot-leg — Reed, Essex and Norton — were disposed .of: The first went to Will and the two last to Kankakee county. The remainder was organized into the county of Ford in 1859. Our member in the legislature acted un- wisely, perhaps, in submitting to the loss of territory on the west side of the county in the organization of Champaign. The latter has the greater width of the two. The dismembered strip would have always been valuable to Vermilion, while the people living in it could have been, in all probability, as well, if not better, accommo- dated had the old relations been retained. A small county has a correspondingly less influence in a conference, at a political conven- tion, state or congressional, and in the legislature, than the larger and more populous ones, as little counties have, unfortunately, often learned to their cost. While Vermilion is by no means a small county as compared with Edwards or Ford, or many others, in the state,- still, when contrasted or coming in a collision with such coun- ties as Adams, Sangamon or McLean, her interests are apt to suffer. Hence it will be seen that Chicago, as well as all that territory lying north of the Kankakee, was never in, and formed no part of, Ver- milion county proper. , True, while Vermilion was a part of Edgar the latter did embrace all the territory south of the Wisconsin line. Before Vermilion county was organized, however, to wit, on the 13th of January, 1825, Peoria county was formed off of Pike, and took in all the territory north of the Illinois and Kankakee Rivers, from Indiana state line west to the boundary established by that act, between the old county of Pike and the new county of Peoria. The writer is aware that old settlers yet living would, if necessary, make their affidavits that Chicago was at one time in Vermilion county, and that William Reed, the sheriff, paid out of his own pocket the taxes due from property-owners at Chicago rather than travel there to collect them, and that Harvey Luddington, having occasion to go to Chicago, was deputized by Sheriff Reed to obtain the taxes due HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 321 in Cook county. Mr. Luddington, H. Cunningham and others have often told the writer this story. The old. settlers were doubtless correct in their statements as to the manner of payment of this tax ; but they are mistaken as to the time, which could only have been between the years 1823 and 1825, while Cook was a part of Edgar, and before the formation of Peoria and Vermilion, during which period Mr. Reed was acting as sheriff of Edgar, and while Mr. Lud- dington and the others were citizens of that county, though residing within the present limits of Vermilion. In those days new counties were being organized with such rapidity, and the special laws were accessible to so few of the people, that a mistake such as the one here pointed out was quite likely to occur, particularly where the narrators are speaking of past events with no data to refresh their recollections. By the second section of the act establishing Vermilion county, "John Boyd and Joel Phelps, of Crawford, and Samuel Prevo, of Clark county, were appointed commissioners to meet at .the house of James Butler, on the second Monday of March, then next ; and, after taking oath for a faithful discharge of their trust, to examine for, and determine on, a place for the permanent seat of justice of the county, taking into consideration the convenience of the people, the situation of the settlements, with an eye to the future population and eligibility of the place.' 1 The act required that "the owners of the land selected as a county seat should donate and convey the same to the county in a quantity not less than twenty acres in a square form, and not more than twice as wide, to be laid off in lots and to be sold by the county commissioners for the purpose of erect- ing public buildings. In case of a refusal of the owner to donate the required ground, the commissioners were required to locate the county-seat on the lands of some other person who would make the donation contemplated by the act.' 1 An' examination of the old private laws shows that it was a gen- eral custom in those days for the Legislature to require a donation of lands as a condition for the location of county seats, believing that the people of the new county should share the profits of the lucky land-owner. The act further provided that, in the event the county seat was located within the bounds of the Saline reservation on the Big Ver- milion River — the Saline lands, by act of congress, had become the property of the state — the county commissioners should, as soon as practicable, purchase of the state the quarter or half section desig- nated for the use of the county. And the act further provided, sec- B 322 HISTORY OF VERMILION" COUNTY. tion 3, that "all courts should be held at the house of James Butler until public buildings were erected for the purpose, unless changed to another place by order of the county commissioners." Boyd and his associates, after a casual examination of the country, made their report, by which they located the county seat some six miles west of Danville and back a distance from the south side of the Salt Fork. A more unfavorable place could hardly have been selected ; the surface was cold, flat, clay ground. It is doubtful if ordinary wells could have been secured, to say nothing of cellars or drainage, which are indispensable for the convenience and health of a town. It would have been impossible ever to have attracted enter- prising men to such a spot ; and if the county seat had been estab- lished there, it never would have grown to the dignity of a city, or even attained the respectability of the average modern town. It would have remained an unsightly, ragged, sickly village, not unlike several of the old county seats in the state, that lingered along for years only to die anfl be forgotten. Fortunately for the future welfare of the county, Vance, the les- see, refused to yield his rights. The citizens generally were very much dissatisfied with the site selected, and sent up a remonstrance coupled with a prayer for the removal of the county seat to a more desirable location, and for relief generally. Accordingly, on the 26th day of December, 1826 (private laws of Illinois, 1826-7, page 2,) the general assembly passed an act, which recites in the preamble: "Whereas, the seat of justice of Vermilion county has been located by the commissioners appointed at the last session on land which was then and still is leased by the governor for a term of years to certain persons for the manufacture of salt ; and whereas, the said lessees are unwilling to surrender the same, or any part, for the use of the county, in consequence of which no improvements can be made thereon ; and the citizens having petitioned for its removal, and for remedy whereof,"" "therefore" it was enacted, "that Will- iam Morgan, Zachariah Peter and John Kirkpatrick, of Sangamon county, be declared commissioners to explore the county and desig- nate the place, which, on being located, should forever remain the permanent seat of justice of Vermilion county." The same sec- tion further provided, that in case the new commissioners "should locate the county seat within the Saline reservation, the state would relinquish its title to a half quarter section, or fractional section, on the Vermilion River, not exceeding eighty acres, in the reservation, upon which the county seat might be located, for the use of the county, on condition that congress would confirm the same to the HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 323 county.' 1 On the 31st of January, 1827, the new commissioners reported to the county commissioners "that, in their opinion, the lands donated by Guy W. Smith and Dan "W. Beekwith, near the mouth of the North Fork of the Vermilion River, was the most suitable place in the county for such county seat." A most fortunate choice it was. A better site could not have been selected. In the whole state there is not a spot of ground where Nature herself has combined so many advantages of drainage, surface soil, water, coal, timber, stone, gravel and all else that is required for the successful growth of an inland city ; and the act of the commissioners in establishing the county seat here has largely contributed to the growth and development of the entire county. The thought of making a town at Danville was not original with Messrs. Morgan, Peter and Kirkpatrick. The chiefs and head men of the " Miami- Piankeshaws " had, about a hundred years before, selected it as the place of one of their principal villages, giving it the name of Piankeshaw. It is highly probable — indeed, the writer has but little doubt, after consulting many authorities, and making a personal examination of the country on the Vermilion River below and above Danville — that the old village of Piankeshaw, referred to in French documents as far back as 1719, and in the subsequent accounts of English and early American writers, was strung along the north fork from the northwestern city limits to Main street, thence along the Vermilion River as far as the extreme of east Danville, and extending back, in an irregular line a half a mile or more, from the bluffs of the two streams. The old corn hills, grown over with blue-grass, heaps of stone where fires had been made, the absence of forest, excepting a few large oak trees, and other appearances scattered over the area of ground we have described, clearly indicated its former occupation to the early white visitants. In fact, the Potta- watomie Indians told Col. Guerdon S. Hubbard in 1819 or 1820 that it used to be "the big Piankashaw tovm." We will summarize a description of the locality at the time it was determined to establish the county seat here. Let the reader fancy all the houses in and about the city taken away ; remove the fences, gardens and lawns ; obliterate the streets and walks, and all other signs of civilization ; restore the trees to the surrounding forest, and look upon the land- scape as it appeared to Guerdon S. Hubbard in 1819, to Harvey Luddington and Jacob Swisher in 1821, or to Alvin Gilbert, Hesi- kiah Cunningham, the Leneve Brothers, John H. Murphy, Leander Rutledge or William Bandy, a few years later, and before the white settlers had made many of their marks upon it. You see a line of 324 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. stalwart oaks upon the river bluffs, and others, like solitary sentinels, scattered at wide intervals over an open plain. Westward of Stony Creek, and extending from east Danville northwest, in the direction of the woollen factory, are patches of hazel and jack oak, both of recent growth. In the vicinity of the high school, extending north and west well toward the bluffs, and embracing nearly all of Tinch- ertown, is a broad meadow, set in with blue-grass, and having the marks of old corn hills plainly visible over many acres of it. Under the hill, west of Mill street, and in the other bottom extending from the mouth of the North Fork below the red bridge, are other ancient corn fields, also overrun with blue-grass. Along the bluffs of the North Fork and Vermilion, at a convenient distance from some of the numerous springs that bubble out of the hillsides, are scattering wigwams formed of bark, or the naked lodge poles of other huts. These are only the temporary abode of roving bands of Kickapoos or Pottawatomies while on their hunting rounds. Eastward of Ver- milion street is, seemingly, a prairie, with a few stunted bushes that grow for a single season, only to be burned to the ground b}^ the autumnal fires. The Piankashaws are gone, and desolation broods over their ancient village. Some quarter of a century or more before the white settlers came, the rightful dwellers on the Vermilion had been swept away by the aggressive advances of their more powerful neighbors, the Pottawatomies and Kickapoos. Beckwith and Smith having entered into bond to execute a deed to the county for the lands, severally agreed by them to be donated m the event of their being selected as the place for the county seat, on the incoming of the report of the locating commissioners, the board of county commissioners, consisting of Asa Elliott, Achilles Morgan and James McClewer, ordered the lands to be laid off into town lots, and appointed the 10th of April, 1827, as the day when the lots would be offered at public sale. Notice of the sale was ordered to be published in the Illinois Intelligencer, issued at Van- dalia, the state capital, and also in a newspaper at Indianapolis, Indiana ; these being the nearest newspapers. The town was laid out by the county, through its commissioners. Dan. W. Beckwith, the county surveyor, was employed by the commissioners to run out one hundred lots. The day of sale having come around, a large number of people were collected ; bidding was lively, Harvey Lud- dington acting as auctioneer. Forty-two lots were sold, from which the county realized nine hundred and twenty-two dollars and eighty- seven cents. The average price was about twenty-two dollars per HISTOKY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 325 lot, a trilling price when compared with their present value, as most of the lots sold were on Main and Vermilion streets, in the vicinity of the public square. It will be observed, from facts narrated, that Danville was not created as a private enterprise. It is, on the con- trary, the bantling of the whole county, whose people, in their cor- porate capacity, are responsible for its good fame and proper behav- ior. We may say that the county has, as yet, had no reason to deny, or be otherwise than proud of, its issue. The commissioners who laid it out named it after the man — "Dan" W. Beckwith — who earliest lived here, adding the "ville" to his christian name. His name is often referred to as Daniel or Danel. His name in full was Dan, without any other addition. The day of the sale was pleasant, and the warm sun invited a large number- of rattlesnakes out of their den in the limestone crev- ices on the river side at the foot of Clark street. In the afternoon the bidders at the sale amused themselves with a "■snake hunt," killing seventy-five or eighty, some of them over six feet long, in the course of a short time. In this connection the writer will state that for years after the settlement at Danville the neighborhood was infested with great numbers of these serpents, not to mention black snakes, racers, moccasins, and like repulsive, though harmless, rep- tiles. The rattlesnakes would rendezvous in their dens on the hill- side through the winter, and spread themselves over the adjacent country during the summer months. Before the state quarried the stone with which the old abutments at the Wabash railway bridge are built, the rock ledges from which this material was taken stood out in bold relief along the river bluffs at and near Danville. The open seams in the ledges afforded a comfortable lodgment for the rattlesnakes. The Indians called the rattlesnake their "grand- father,''' 1 and through superstition would never permit one to be harmed or destroyed. Hence their numbers multiplied rapidly in localities favorable for their protection and increase ; and the in- coming whites were annoyed, and often frightened, with familiar liberties they would take in and about the houses. The writer will illustrate with one or two incidents. Mr. Cunningham and John Murphy occupied log cabins near together on the west side of Ver- milion street, south of the public square. One evening subsequent to 1830, Samuel Russel was down there courting the girls. As he was being lighted out, the taper which the young lady held in her hand reflected upon the shining skin of a rattlesnake coiled up on the doorstep at his feet. Recently Mr. Gustavus Pierson, now in the city, informed the writer that, many years ago when he was a 326 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. lad, he, in company with his mother and brother, was spending the evening at the house of the mother of the writer, and among the other incidents which she related was one to the effect that one evening, after dusk, she went out to the wood-pile, and gathered up with her hands an apron full of fagots, which she brought into the house, and emptied upon the tire by dropping the folds of her apron. Immediately a rattlesnake, over two feet long, which she had thrown into the fire along with the fagots, crawled out from the flames. The government surveys were extended north of the Vermilion River in 1821, and the settlement of that part of the country went forward with commendable progress. The several township histories will show the manner, the time, and by whom. From an' examina- tion of that part of the volume it will appear that the two Vermilion Rivers were the base, and that the Middle Fork, North Fork and the two Stony Creeks were the supporting columns on which the population of the county was formed. The early settlers clung to the timber. They did not expect or believe the prairies ever would or could be settled. Indeed they did not wish it ; and many of the early comers were dissatisfied, and sold out their improvements and moved to newer counties, when they saw their "cattle range" en- croached upon by the advance of farms from the timber line into the open prairie. Gradually, however, the prejudice against the open prairie was overcome ; people learned that they could live entirely away from the timber. Settlements were extended pro- gressively from the timber lines, until now the whole intervening space is covered with blooming fields. The monotony of the former waste, prairie landscape is relieved with school-houses, churches, villages, groves, orchards and cheerful farm buildings. Public roads and railways, lined in with fence or hedge, have supplanted the trails of the Indian and the paths of wild animals. The prairie fires no longer light up the evening sky, as in the days of yore. A popu- lation noted for their intelligence and thrifty toil have carried for- ward the beginning made by the early pioneer, and developed the resources of the county, and given it a position among the foremost in the state. We will now look at Danville, and see how it appeared in the second year of its existence. The first houses erected here may be assigned to the following respective localities : George Wier, where Mill street crosses the L, B. and W. Ry.; Seymour Treat, at the woolen factory ; Gilbert's Tavern, a double log-house; at the west end of Main street, on the south side; Dan Beckwith's new house in Main street, just west across the ravine from Schroeder's chair HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 327 factory; Beekwith's old pioneer cabin was on the edge of the bluff, nearly on a line between the seminary and the Red Bridge ; then Amos Williams', on the bluff at the foot of Clark street; next, still following the bluffs around, and near the several springs, after the fashion of the old Indian town, was a house near the foot of Walnut street; northeast from there, and on Vermilion street, were the cabins of Hezekiah Cunningham and John H. Murphy ; across the street and south of the alley was Dr. Asa R. Palmer's log residence; west of Vermilion street and on the north side of the square, was a two-story hewn log-house, the largest and best building in the town, the property of George Haworth. The Lincoln Hall block was occupied with a hewn log-house of lesser pretensions, built by the sheriff, William Reed, who designed it for a residence, though, as we shall see directly, it was put to a more public use. Part of the ground now covered by Mrs. Sch mitt's block was graced with Beas- ley's blacksmith-shop, though shortly afterward it was purchased by Leander Rutledge, and converted into the first manufactory in the county, where the lathe, run by foot, turned out bedstead posts, table and chair rounds, to the astonishment of the settlers, when they saw how real furniture was made. There were several other buildings besides those enumerated, but which the writer, at this late day, has not been able to definitely locate. There were not exceed- ing eleven or twelve families, including the heads of those we have named, living in Danville at this time. The streets had not been lined nor cut out as yet. A stranger going through would have seen the houses scattered around, without any apparent order, some of them hidden in clumps of bushes ; and if the day was pleasant, and early in the week, the stranger might have seen Mrs. Rutledge' s washing ''out drying' 1 upon the limbs of the small trees on Main street, in front of her good man's door. He then could have fol- lowed the only traveled road, which led a zig-zag course, across lots, in a northwest direction, to the woolen factory. The county commissioners' court, like our former county seats, itinerated around a good deal before the place for the transaction of public business became permanently fixed. The first meeting of the Board — composed of John D. Alexander, Achilles Morgan and James D. Butler — was on the 6th of March, 1826, at Butler's house, near Catlin. On the 18th of the same month another session was held there, at which time was selected the first grand jury which ever served for the county. We give the names, as the time will fix a date prior to which we may know the citizenship of some of the early settlers, who served the county in a responsible, judicial capac- 328 HISTOKY OF VERMILION COUNTY. ity, viz : John Haworth, Henry Canaday, Barnett Starr, Robert Dixon, Edward Doyl, John Cassaday, James McClewer, Alexander McDonald, Henry Johnson, Henry Martin, Jonathan,. Haworth, William Haworth, Jacob Brazelton, Peleg Spencer, sr., Isaac M. Howard, Robert Trickle, John Current, John Lamm, Francis Whit- comb, Amos Wooden, Jesse Gilbert, Cyrus Douglas, Harvey Lud- dington and George Beckwith. At the September term, 1826, a new board appears, the names of Asa Elliott and James McClewer taking the place of Butler and Alexander. On the first Monday of June, 1827, the commissioners met at the house of Asa Elliott ; and, on the first Monday of Sep- tember following, at the house of Amos Williams, in Danville. Here the affairs of the county were conducted until the county purchased the log-house built by Reed, on the Lincoln Hall lot, with the design of fitting it up for public use'. This was the first court-house. It did not stand on the corner now known as Short's Bank, as supposed by some, but on the west side of the same lot near the alley. It was one story high, with space for a low attic above, about sixteen feet square, and made out of heavy logs, hewn inside and out. Sub- sequently the county sold it, with the lot, to Hezekiah Cunningham, who agreed to provide the county, for the term of two years, unless the new court-house should be completed before that time, with a place for holding courts, etc., in the upper story of the large frame building erected by Cunningham and Murphy, on the southwest cor- ner of the Public Square, and which was only removed a few years ago to make place for the splendid brick block of E. B. Martin. The first court-house was removed, some years after Cunningham pur- chased it, to a lot on the corner of North and Hazel streets, where, in after years, it was weather-boarded, and formed the prominent feature of the wings attached to it on the east and north by James Parmer. It, with its attachments, remained here until May or June, 1876, when the whole was destroyed by fire. At the December term, 1830, the county board ordered notice to be given for the reception of plans and bids for a permanent court- house. Nothing, however, was done until December of the follow- ing year, when notice was again given, declaring that at the next term of the court bids would be received. The records show that work was begun on the new court-house early in 1832, and prosecuted with vigor throughout that year. Guerdon S. Hubbard — still living, and well known to all our old citizens — was the contractor ; and John H. Murphy, the active superintendent in charge of the work, to whom special credit is due for the interest he manifested in, and HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 329 the integrity with which he discharged his trust. The brick were mostly made by Norman D. Palmer, at his farm, northwest of the city. The building was completed in 1833, and was used for nearly forty years by the county, and until its destruction by fire in 1872. It stood on that part of the Public Square, now included between the wings of the present court-house, on the east and north, and the side- walks of Main and Vermilion streets on the south and west. It was a two-story brick building, some forty or fifty feet square, with main entrances on the south and west sides, and a door on the north. The lower story was in one room for court purposes ; the upper part was divided into four rooms for the convenience of juries, etc. The old building in its time was honored by the presence of some of the most noted persons in our nation, called thither either in the capacities of judges or counsel. Judge Treat, now of the United States circuit court, Judge David Davis, of the United States senate, presided here as our circuit judges. Col. E-. D. Baker, afterward governor of Oregon, and who was killed at Ball's Bluif, Virginia, during the rebellion, and Edward Hannigan, of Indiana, whose repu- tation as an orator was national, have filled its walls with their elo- quence. Here has the musical voice of Leonard Swett, the sparkling wit of Usher F. Linder, and the dramatic magnetism of D. W. Vor- hees, often charmed jurors and spectators. The immortal Lincoln, during the many years he itinerated the circuit, regularly attended the Vermilion courts, and in the course of a long, successful and scrupulously honest practice of his profession, became personally acquainted with, and warmly attached to, almost every man in the county. In due time after the old court-house burned the board of super- visors began maturing plans for a new building. First they appoint- ed a committee, consisting of two of their number, — Bradley Butter- field, of Butler township, and Henry Talbot, of Sidell, with whom they associated the writer, making a committee of three. Under their instructions the committee examined three court-houses in Illinois, one in Michigan and two in Indiana, and spent much other time in collecting information as to what errors should be avoided and what advantages should be secured in the construction of the new court- house. It was the announced desire of the board of supervisors that the new building should be located on the spot it now occupies, the county having owned the ground since the donation in 1827. The peculiar shape of the ground, being barely sufficient for it, necessarily determined the shape of the building, a fact which the committee took pains to impress upon the several architects whom 330 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. they invited to submit plans. This explanation is made to answer the ever-recurring inquiries, Why was the new court-house built in the shape it is ? Why was it not constructed after the usual manner of public buildings \ The limited quantity of ground owned by the county, and the number and size of the rooms required for courts, offices, vaults, etc., for the present and future wants of the county, would admit of a structure of no other form or proportion. The committee found only one architect,- — E. E. Myers, of Detroit, Mich- igan, — out of the twelve or thirteen with whom they conferred, who successfully solved the problem, and his plans the committee recom- mended to the board, by whom they were unanimously adopted, after first having examined those of the other architects. The build- VEKMILION COUNTY COURT-HOTSE. ing was erected under the supervision of an efficient committee, whose names appear in another part of this work. The supervisors as a body, as well as those of their members who comprised the com- mittee, are to be commended for the zeal and fidelity with which they managed the public funds in erecting both the new court-house and the jail. It can be said to their credit, — an unusual thing in the history of many other counties in the construction of public build- ings, — that not a dollar was misapplied, and the contractors in both instances were strictly held to the terms of their engagements, and no part of the work, from foundation to top, was allowed to be slighted in the least. Indeed, Vermilion county, as a rule that has scarcely had an exception, has been singularly fortunate in the char- acter, ability and integrity of her public servants. EARLY SCHOOLS. The first school in Danville was taught in Haworth's smoke- house, a little structure ten or twelve feet square. It was made of HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 331 logs, without a floor, and its only openings were the door and a square hole cut at the opposite side for light and ventilation. It stood west of Haworth's house, and back some distance north from the line of the sidewalk, on the ground now partially covered by the room occupied by Baum's drug store. Mrs. Lucy Russell, wife of Sam. Russell, and a daughter of Solomon Gilbert, was one of the scholars, as were also her brother, Othneal Gilbert, and two or three of her sisters. Dr. Norten Beckwith was the teacher. The scholars numbered some eight or ten. After this a school-house — the first built expressly for that purpose — was constructed upon a lot on south Hazel street, and northwest from Wright's mill, set apart by the county commissioners for educational purposes. It was made of small logs, about twelve by fifteen feet in size, covered with clapboards, the chimney was upon the outside, built up with stone and sticks, and mudded after a fashion of a "Kentucky cabin," the opening occupied nearly the whole of one side of the building. At first it had no floor; subsequently a floor was laid with "puncheons,''' as the outside slab or first cut sawed off of a log was called. The seats were made of the same material, smooth side up, supported on wooden legs. Among the teachers who taught here at different times can be named Harvey Luddington and Enoch Kingsbury. Uncle Harvey also taught a Sunday-school here. At a later day James A. Davis reached Danville, without anything except the wearing apparel upon his person, having lost all his effects com- ing up the Wabash on a boat. Among strangers, and out of means, but with a determination that has always inspired him to do some- thing, he looked around at once for a job. Dr. Beckwith finding that Davis possessed a remarkably good education, said he was just the man that Danville needed. He wrote up a paper and circulated it through the town, and raised a list of scholars, and Davis opened a school at once in the log cabin. Being a man of energy and a thorough disciplinarian, this sterling Englishman soon acquired the reputation of a successful teacher, which he so worthily retained in the county for many years afterward. From Vermilion street a little way south of the square, a trail led off southeast across lots to the school-house. It was obscured by thick hazel bushes, whose branches interlocked overhead. The teachers and scholars (as Mr. Davis, Mr. Luddington, Mrs. Manning, Mrs. Russell and others have told the writer) would have to part the bushes in some places with their hands to effect a passage. The temporary first school-house was burned up. A Mr. Henry Blunt had collected some two hundred venison hams and stored 332 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. them in Haworth's smoke-house, where he was smoking and drying them, intending to ship them to New Orleans by flat-boat. Some of the mischievous men about the town (and they were all alike in that respect, and did not stop at carrying with a high hand if any fun was to be had out of the undertaking) amused Blunt at a neighbor- ing grocery one evening, while their confederates fired the building. The alarm was not given until the blaze was fairly under way, when Blunt and those keeping his company hurried over, too late to save the property. Blunt supposed, of course, that the fire was acci- dental, and had caught from the smudge with which he was curing his meat. Although his anticipated speculation was spoiled, yet venison half roasted or otherwise was quite cheap in Danville. The market was fairly glutted with it. The next school-house was the one built by Amos Williams, on his own ground, and at his own expense, on the west side of Frank- lin street, just north of Leonard's planing-mill. This was fully twenty feet square, some twelve or fourteen feet high in the clear, and constructed out of logs hewn inside and out. It had a door and two windows fronting east, and was further lighted with a row of three or four 8 X 10 window lights in width, and extending nearly the length of the three other sides. The floor was made of sawed plank, matched and evenly laid. In winter time a stove occupied the center of the room. A double row of seats (one of which was in front, low down, next to the floor, and the other raised up like a gallery, some three or feet back of and above the first, with the wall behind and sloping desks in front) extended around three sides of the room, with openings cut near the middle of each row, and provided with steps, so the scholars could ascend to the higher plat- form. Here the " three months* schooV* was held for many years, and until a better system of education was adopted, and more pre- tentious buildings were constructed. If the boys, — who for the most part ran wild in the streets, — should see a stranger coming into town dressed in gloss-worn breeches and a shabby-genteel coat, with the ancient rents neatly patched, and his other worldly effects tied up in a bandana handker- chief, and suspended at the end of a walking-stick over his shoulder, they would become alarmed. There was no mistaking the appear- ance and garb of the itinerant school-master, and if he could cipher as far as the rule-of-three his presence foretold that a "three-months school" would probably be taken up. Soon after this the "Street Arabs" might be seen gathered at the old school-house, the smaller ones, in tow-linen breeches, seated in a row upon the lower benches, HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 333 their bare feet blackened and cracked open with seams from exposure to wind and weather. The larger boys were perched upon the seats above. Here the unruly were regularly thrashed through the rudi- ments, and were always in a state of semi-rebellion, while those,— and they were very few, — who were more submissive and well be- haved were allowed to do pretty much as they pleased, so far as get- ting their lessons well was concerned. There was little or no confidence or sympathy between teacher and scholar. As a rule, the former was brutal, and believed, as he practiced to the letter, the doctrine that ' l to spare the rod was to spoil the child, ' ' while the latter resented as they smarted under such inhuman treatment. Those who have survived this kind of an education can and do congratulate the chil- dren of to-day as they contrast the past with the present system of teaching. The "big girls" also occupied places upon the higher seats. A few of these u big girls, 1 ' — at least, they then seemed quite large to the writer, — are still living. Among them might be men- tioned the wives of Judge Davis, Hon. J. G. English, Dr. Woodbury and Mr. Manning. In another part of the work has been noted the progress made in the manner of conducting schools since the time when the children were emancipated from the tyranny of the "trav- eling school-master.' 1 DAN W. BECKWITH. The name of this pioneer is so frequently referred to in connec- tion with the early settlers that the writer may here state that Dan W. Beckwith was born in 1795, in the present limits of Bedford county, Pennsylvania. His father was among the Connecticut set- lers, from New London, in the valley of the Wyoming, and his mother was a survivor of the Wyoming massacre, being a little girl at the time the Indians destroyed the inhabitants of the valley. Dan was one of a family of six brothers and two sisters. Three of his brothers lived in Vermilion county at an early day, viz : Jefferson H., called Hiram; Norten, the doctor; Sebastian and George M. George and Dan left New York state, whither their father had emi- grated from Pennsylvania some years before, and reached Fort Har- rison as the so-called Harrison Purchase was being surveyed, in the summer of 1816. From Yigo county the two brothers went on to the North Arm prairie in 1818, and were living with Johnathan Mayo's family at the time Illinois was admitted as a state into the Union. From there they came to the salt works in the fall of the next year. George was a citizen of the county until 1834, when he opened a farm on the Kankakee, a mile below the mouth of Rock Creek, 334 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. where he died some twenty years ago. Dan W. died at Danville in December, 1835. The writer has no personal recollection of him ; but from descriptions given by many citizens still living, the deceased was a man fully six feet two inches in height, broad, square shoul- dered and straight, spare of flesh, though muscular, and weighing when in health about a hundred and ninety pounds. He was, like his brother, an expert axrnan, and a pioneer, as his people for three generations back before him had been. His first mercantile venture was an armful of goods suitable for Indian barter, which he kept in a place partly excavated in a side of the hill at Denmark, as early, probably, as the year 1821. Subsequently he built a log hut on the brow of the hill, a little west of south of the Danville Seminary. His next store room was just west of the elm tree at the west end of Main street. He was county surveyor from the time of the organi- zation of the county until his death. GURDON S. HUBBARD. The writer deems it but just to refer to another early settler, whose name, like the last, is not found in the township histories. "We allude to Col. Gurdon S. Hubbard. He is a native of Vermont. At the age of sixteen years he left Montreal, to come west and en- gage in business for the American Fur Company, whose headquarters were at Mackinaw. He reached Chicago some time in October, 1818, by way of the lakes, following the route of the great discov- erer La Salle. He crossed our county early the following year. The trading posts of the Illinois brigade of the American Fur Company were on the Iroquois, the Embarrass and Little "Wabash. Mr. Hub- bard followed the Indians in their hunting rounds, and in this way acquired an early knowledge of all the country between the "Wabash and Illinois Rivers, as far north as Chicago and as far south as Vin- cennes. In 1824 he succeeded Antonin Des Champs, who for nearly forty years before had charge of the company's trade between the Illinois and Wabash, and abandoned the posts on the Illinois, and introduced pack-horses in the place of boats, using the "Hubbard's trace," as his trail from Chicago to the salt works was called, to conduct the fur trade. In 1827 he abandoned the posts on the Em- barrass and Little "Wabash, and shortly after constructed the first frame building — a store house — ever erected in Danville or the county. It is still standing on the south side of the public square, opposite Martin's block. This became the headquarters of the Indian fur trade in this part of the country. Among his clerks were Samuel Russell and "William Bandy, both living. He had also with HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 335 him three Frenchmen, viz : Noel Vassar, Nicholas Boilvin and Toussaint Blean. Boilvin married a daughter of Dr. Woods, and Bleau a daughter of Dr. A. R. Palmer. The Indians would tile into town on their ponies, sometimes fifty or a hundred, with their furs, their squaws and pappooses, when trade at-IIubbard's corner would be unusually lively for a few days. The Indians would camp on the bluff east of Walnut street or farther down toward the railway bridge, where they would enjoy themselves and feast on bread made out of flour, and upon meat and other luxuries, for which they had exchanged their furs. Mr. Bandy re- lates many ludicrous incidents that occurred during his connection with Hubbard's trading house. In 1832, the fur trade having declined on account of the scarcity of fur-bearing animals in, and the dispersion of the Indians from, this section of country, Col. Hubbard converted his stock into white goods, — as merchandise suitable for white people were called to distinguish them from the kind adapted to the Indian trade. During the same year he sold out his stock to Dr. Fithian, and in 1833 took up his permanent residence in Chicago, where he still lives, hale and genial as ever. The old records of the county, and the archives of early laws at Springfield, abundantly illustrate the activity and energy of this remarkable and public-spirited man. While a citizen of this county he was always foremost in every en- terprise calculated to develop the infant resources of the county, and he has retained the same commendable reputation at Chicago for now almost a half century. As canal commissioner he cast the first shovel of earth out of the Illinois and Michigan Canal. Few hands have aided more than his in building up that great city ; and no man did more than he to give Vermilion county and Danville a start. We will now again go back in point of time, as, for the sake of convenience and brevity, it is preferred in this chapter to treat mat- ters topically, rather than in chronological order, and note some troubles with the Indians, in which citizens of Vermilion county bore an honorable part. The first of these was in 1827, in the so-called "Winnebago war," and the second in 1832, in the " Blackhawk war." The Winnebagoes, a tribe that occupied the country in northern Illinois and southern Wisconsin, between Green Bay and the Mississippi, became greatly outraged at indignities committed by some brutish, unprincipled white men in charge of two keel boats ascending the Mississippi river, near Prairie du Chien. We take the following extract from Ex-Governor "Reynolds' Life and 336 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. Time'': The boatmen landed at a camp of Winnebagoes, not far above Prairie du Cliien. The boatmen made the Indians drunk — and no doubt were so themselves, — when they captured some six or seven squaws, who were also drunk. These squaws were forced on the boats for the most corrupt and brutal purposes. But not satis- fied with this outrage on female virtue, the boatmen took the squaws with them in the boats to Fort Snelling, and returned with them. When the Indians became sober, and realized the injury done them in this delicate point, they mustered all their forces, amounting to several hundred, and attacked the boats in which the squaws were confined. The boats were forced to approach near the shore in a narrow pass of the river, and thus the infuriated savages assailed one boat, and permitted the other to pass down during the night. It was a desperate and furious fight for a few minutes, between a good many Indians, exposed in open canoes, and only a few boatmen, protected to some extent by their boat. The savages killed several white men and wounded v many more, leaving barely enough to navi- gate the boat. The boat got fast on the ground, and the whites seemed doomed ; but with great exertion, courage and hard fighting the Indians were repelled. In the battle the squaws escaped to their husbands, and, no doubt, the whites did not try to prevent it. Thus commenced and ended the bloodshed of the "Winnebago war." Blood had been shed, and, as a consequence, every Winnebago be- came the enemy of every white person. War parties were fitted out, who attacked, indiscriminately, every white person within their reach. One of these parties, led by the distinguished "Red Bird," killed and scalped two men and a child, and the inhabitants within the territory above described became at once greatly alarmed. The Pottawatomies about Chicago and westward of there sympathized with the Winnebagoes, and were upon the eve of openly joining them. The federal government ordered a movement of troops under Gen. Atkinson, while Gov. Edwards, of Illinois, ordered out a regi- ment, with instruction for them to march to Galena. It was while these movements were being matured and executed that the inhab- itants at Fort Dearborn became greatly distressed over their threat- ened destruction, and dispatched Col. Hubbard to Vermilion county for troops. Col. Hubbard left Chicago in the afternoon, and reached his trading-post, on the Iroquois, that night in the rain. He pushed on to Sugar Creek, which he found swollen beyond its banks, which obliged him to wait until daylight. The same day he reached Spen- cer's, two miles south of Danville, from whence runners were dis- HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 337 patched to the settlements on the little Vermilion. Here follows the narrative of H. Cunningham. hezekiah Cunningham's narrative relating to the winnebago war. Here follows the narrative of Mr. Cunningham : I was out in the Winnebago war. Myself, Joshua Parish, now living at Georgetown, Abel Williams, living near Dallas, and almost ninety years old, and Gurdon S. Hubbard, of Chicago, are the only survivors, according to the best of my present information. In the night-time, about the 15th or 20th of July, 1827, I was awakened by my brother-in-law, Alexander McDonald, telling me that Mr. Hubbard had just come in from Chicago with the word that the Indians were about to massacre the people there, and that men were wanted for their protection at once. The inhabitants of the county capable of bearing arms had been enrolled under the militia laws of the state, and organized as "The Vermilion County Battal- ion," in which I held a commission as captain. I dressed myself and started forthwith to notify all the men belonging to my company to meet at Butler's Point (six miles southwest of Danville), the place where the county business was then conducted and where the militia met to muster. The captains of the other companies were notified, the same as myself, and they warned out their respective companies the same as I did mine. I rode the remainder of the night at this work up and down the Little Vermilion. At noon the next day the battalion was at Butler's Point. Most of the men lived on the Little Vermilion River, and had to ride or walk from six to twelve miles to the place of rendezvous. Volunteers were called for, and in a little while fifty men, the required number, were raised. Those who agreed to go then held an election of their officers for the campaign, choosing Achilles Morgan, captain ; Major Bayles, first lieutenant, and Col. Isaac R. Moores as second. The names of the private men, as far as I now remember them, are as follows : George M. Beckwith, John Beasley, myself (Hezekiah Cun- ningham), Julian Ellis, Seaman Cox, James Dixon, Asa Elliot, Francis Foley, William Foley, a Mr. Hammers, Jacob Heater, a Mr. Davis, Evin Morgan, Isaac Goen, Jonathan Phelps, Joshua Parish, William Reed, John Myers ("Little Vermilion John"), John Saulsbury, a Mr. Kirkman, Anthony Swisher, George Swisher, Joseph Price, George Weir, John Vaughn, Newton Wright and Abel Williams. Many of the men were without horses, and the neighbors who had horses and did not go loaned their animals to those who did. Still there were 338 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. five men wlio started afoot, as there were no horses to be had for them. We disbanded, after we were mustered in, and went home to cook five days' rations, and were ordered to be at Danville the next day. The men all had a pint of whisky, believing it essential to mix a little of it with the slough water we were to drink on our route. Abel Williams, however, was smart enough to take some ground coffee and a tin cup along, using no stimulants whatever. He had warm drinks on the way up to Chicago, and coming back all of us had the same. We arrived at the Yermilion River about noon on Sunday, the day after assembling at Butler's Point. The river was up, running, bank full, about a hundred 'yards wide, with a strong current. Our men and saddles were taken over in a canoe. We undertook to swim our horses, and as they were driven into the water the current would strike them and they would swim in a circle and return to the shore a few rods below. Mr. Hubbard, provoked at this delay, threw off his coat and said, "Give me Old Charley," meaning a large, steady- going horse, owned by James Butler, and loaned to Jacob Heater. Mr. Hubbard, mounting this horse, boldly dashed into the stream, and the other horses were quickly crowded after him. The water was so swift that "old Charley" became unmanageable, when Mr. Hubbard dismounted on the upper side and seized the horse by the mane, near the animal's head, and swimming with his left arm, guided the horse in the direction of the opposite shore. We were afraid he would be washed under the horse, or struck by his feet and be drowned ; but he got over without damage, except the wetting of his broadcloth pants and moccasins. These he had to dry on his person as we pursued our journey. I will here say that a better man than Mr. Hubbard could not have been sent to our people. He was well known to all the settlers. His generosity, his quiet and determined courage, and his integrity, were so well known and appreciated that he had the confidence and goodwill of everybody, and was a well-recognized leader among us pioneers. At this time there were no persons living on the north bank of the Vermilion River near Danville, except Robert Trickle and George Weir, up near the present woolen factory, and William Reed and Dan Beckwith ; the latter had a little log cabin on the bluff of the Yermilion, near the present highway bridge, or rather on the edge of the hill east of the highway some rods. Here he kept store, in addition to his official duties as constable and county surveyor. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 339 The store contained a small assortment of such articles as were suit- able for barter with the Indians, who were the principal customers. We called it "The Saddle-bags Store," because the supplies were brought up from Terre Haute in saddle-bags, that indispensable accompaniment of every rider in those days, before highways were provided for the use of vehicles. Mr. Reed had been elected sheriff the previous March, receiving fifty-seven out of the eighty votes that were cast at the election, and which represented about the entire voting population of the county at that time. Both Reed and Dan wanted to go with us, and after quite a warm controversy between them, as it was impossible for them both to leave, it was agreed that Reed should go, "and that Beckwith would look after the affairs of both until Reed's return. Amos Williams was building his house at Danville at this time, the sale of lots having taken place the previous April. Crossing the North Fork at Denmark, three miles north of Dan- ville, we passed the cabin of Seymour Treat. He was building a mill at that place, and his house was the last one in which a family was living until we reached Hubbard's trading post, on the north bank of the Iroquois River, near what has since been known as the town of Buncombe, and from this trading house there was no other habitation, Indian wigwams excepted, on the line of our march until we reached Fort Dearborn. It was a wilderness of prairie all the way, except a little timber we passed through near Sugar Creek and at the Iroquois. Late in the afternoon we halted at the last crossing of the North Fork, at Bicknell's Point, a little north of the present town of Ross- ville. Here three of the footmen turned back, as the condition of the streams rendered it impossible for them to continue longer with us. Two men who had horses also left us. After a hasty lunch we struck out across the eighteen-mile prairie, the men stringing out on the trail Indian file, reaching Sugar Creek late in the night, where we went into camp on the south bank, near the present town of Milford. The next day before noon we arrived at Hubbard's Trading House, which was on the north bank of the Iroquois, about a quar- ter of a mile from the river. A lot of Indians, some of them half naked, were lying and lounging about the river-bank and trading house ; and when it was proposed to swim our horses over, in ad- vance of passing the men in boats, the men objected, fearing the Indians would take our horses, or stampede them, or do us some other mischief. Mr. Hubbard assured us that these savages were 340 . HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. friendly, and we afterward learned that they were Pottawatomies, known as "Hubbard's Band," from the fact that he had long traded with and had a very great influence over them. It is proper to state here that we were deficient in arms. We gathered up squirrel-rifles, flint-locks, old muskets, or anything like a gun that we may have had about our houses. Some of us had no fire-arms at all. I myself was among this number. Mr. Hubbard supplied those of us who had inefficient weapons, or those of us who were without them. He also gave us flour and salt pork. He had lately brought up the Iroquois River a supply of these articles. We remained at Hubbard's Trading House the remainder of the day, cooking rations and supplying our necessities. The next morning we again moved forward, swimming Beaver Creek, and crossing the Kankakee River at the rapids, just at the head of the island near Momence; pushing along, we passed Yellowhead's village. The old chief, with a few old men and the squaws and pappooses, were at home ; the young men were off on a hunt. Remaining here a little time we again set out, and, going about five miles, encamped at the point of the timber on Yellowhead's Creek. The next morning we again set out, crossing a branch of the Calumet to the west of the Blue Island. All the way from Danville we had followed an Indian trail, since known as "Hubbard's trace." There was no sign of roads ; the prairies and whole country was crossed and re- crossed by Indian trails, and we never could have got through but for the knowledge which Mr. Hubbard had of the country. It had been raining for some days before we left home, and it rained almost every day on the route. The streams and sloughs were full of water. We swam the former and traveled through the latter, some- times almost by the hour. Many of the ponds were so deep that our men dipped up the water to drink as they sat in their saddles. Col. Hubbard fared better than the rest of us — that is, he did not get his legs wet so often, for he rode a very tall, iron-gray stallion, that Peleg Spencer, sr., living two miles south of Danville, loaned him. The little Indian pony which Hubbard rode in from the Iro- quois to Spencer's was so used up as to be unfit for the return journey. We reached Chicago about four o'clock on the evening of the fourth day, in the midst of one of the most severe rainstorms I ever experienced, accompanied by thunder and vicious lightning. The rain we did not mind ; we were without tents, and were used to wet- ting. The water we took within us hurt us more than that which fell upon us, as drinking it made many of us sick. The people of Chicago were very glad to see us. They were ex- HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. ' 341 pecting an attack every hour since Col. Hubbard had left them, and as we approached they did not know whether we were enemies or friends, and when they learned that we were friends they gave us a shout of welcome. They had organized a company of thirty or fifty men, composed mostly of Canadian half-breeds, interspersed with a few Americans, all under command of Capt. Beaubien ; the Americans, seeing that we were a better looking crowd, wanted to leave their associates and join our company. This feeling caused quite a row, and the officers finally restored harmony, and the discontented men went back to their old command. The town of Chicago was composed at this time of six or seven American families, a number of half-breeds, and a lot of idle, vaga- bond Indians loitering about. I made the acquaintance of Robert and James Kinzie, and their father, John Kinzie. "We kept guard day and night for some eight or ten days, when a runner came in — I think from Green Bay — bringing word that Gen. Cass had concluded a treaty with the Winnebagoes, and that we might now disband and go home. The citizens were overjoyed at the news, [and in their gladness they turned out one barrel of gin, one barrel of brandy, one barrel of whisky, knocking the heads of the barrels in. Everybody was invited to take a free drink, and, to tell the plain truth, everybody did drink. The ladies at Fort Dearborn treated us especially well. I say this without disparaging the good and cordial conduct of the men toward us. The ladies gave us all manner of good things to eat ; they loaded us with provisions, and gave us all those delicate atten- tions that the kindness of woman's heart would suggest. Some of them — three ladies, whom I understood were recently from JSTew York — distributed tracts and other reading matter among our com- pany, and interested themselves zealously in our spiritual as well as temporal welfare. We started on our return, camping out of nights, and] reaching home on the evening of the third day. The only good water we got going out or coming back was at a remarkable spring bursting out of the top of a little mound in the midst of a slough, a few miles south of the Kankakee, I shall never forget this spring ; jt was a curiosity, found in the situation I have described. In conclusion, under the bounty act of 1852 I received a warrant for eighty acres of land for my services in the campaign above nar- rated. 342 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. THE BLACK HAWK WAR. Were the writer so inclined, it would not be proper, in a mere local history, to enter into all the causes that led to the so-called l " Black Hawk "War," or detail the movements of the opposing forces over the wide extent of country in which the several cam- paigns of that war were conducted. It will he necessary, however, to premise some facts relating to that war, in order that the reader may the more readily understand the connection which citizens of this county may have had with it. As stated in the general history, the Sauk and Fox Indians owned the territory north of Rock River, by conquest from ancient Illinois tribes. Their principal village for a long period of time was on the north side of Rock River, near its junction with the Mississippi, and the most populous Indian town within the borders of our state. In 1804 a few Indians of this tribe went to St. Louis, where they made a cession of lands to the United States, embracing a large extent of country, and including the principal village. Subsequently a second treaty was made, by which the terms of the first were substantially ratified. "Black Hawk," a chief of great distinction, claimed that neither himself nor the band of which he was the leader, all of them residing at this village, had any knowledge of this treaty. In 1828,. the government having previously surveyed, sold to private parties a quantity of land in and around "Black Hawk's village." The white settlers and Indians soon came in collision. Black Hawk's band refused to leave. They destroyed the crops of the white set- tlers, and acted generally in a menacing manner, claiming that the white people had no business there. The squatters, in turn, pulled down the fences where the Indian squaws had planted their corn, and let their stock destroy the crops. The governments, national and state, interfered with a military force, and, without going to the the extremity of physical force, Black Hawk's band, in 1831, were finally driven across the Mississippi. Black Hawk had no love at all for the people of the United States. His band were active partisans on the side of the British in the war of 1812. In the winter of 1831-1832, after having solemnly agreed the year before that they would remain peaceably on the west side of the river, Black Hawk and his band recrossed the river and took possession of their ancient village, having with them, says ex- Gov. Reynolds, "about five hundred warriors, and women, children and dogs in proportion." Black Hawk had brought his women and children, cooking utensils and all of the personal property of his band along with him, a circumstance that gives great plausibil- HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 343 ity to his often-repeated avowal, that his intentions were peaceable, and that if his women were not permitted to plant a crop in their old fields, he intended to accept the invitation of the Winnebagoes and plant corn near some of their villages. His presence on the east side of the Mississippi caused the greatest alarm. In fact, the memorials and petitions addressed to the governor for protection, together with his own naming proclamations based thereon, spread a panic throughout the whole country. The frontier was threat- ened, and the governor promptly called out the militia to protect it. A force of mounted volunteers was soon collected, embracing in its numbers many of the best and most influential citizens in the state. A concentration of forces, says Benjamin Drake in his "Life of Black Hawk," was made at Dixon's Ferry, on Bock Biver, about thirty miles below the encampment of Black Hawk and his party. Had a conference now been sought with the Indians, their prompt submission cannot be doubted. Black Hawk, whatever might have been his previous expectations, had received no addition of strength from other tribes ; he was almost destitute of provisions ; had com- mitted no act of hostility against the whites, and with all his wo- men, children and baggage, was in the vicinity of an army, princi- pally of mounted volunteers, many times greater than his own band of braves. He would probably have been glad of any reasonable pretext for retracing his precipitate steps. Unfortunately, no effort for a council was made. A body of impetuous volunteers dashed on, without caution or order, to Sycamore Creek, within three miles of the camp of Black Hawk's party. He instantly sent a white flag to meet them, for the purpose of holding a council, and agree- ing to return to the west side of the Mississippi. Unfortunately for the cause of humanity, as well as the good faith of the United States, this flag was held to be but a decoy. The bearers of it were taken into camp. " Shortly after, " says Gov. Reynolds, " six armed In- dians appeared on horseback. Without orders some officers and a few soldiers immediately gave chase, following the armed Indians some three or four miles, in which two Indians were overtaken and killed. During the skirmish, which extended some four or five miles over the smooth prairie between the encampment and the mouth of Sycamore Creek, the volunteers at the camp, knowing that blood was shed, attempted to kill the three unarmed Indians who had been* taken into custody as hostages under the protection of the white flag. One Indian was killed, but in the dark and con- fusion the other two escaped unhurt." While this fight was going on, Black Hawk (wholly ignorant that hostilities had begun, and 344 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. not even anticipating any) was at his camp at the time entertaining a number of his Pottawatomie friends with a feast on dog meat. '"The retreating Indians," says Gov. Reynolds, "had almost reached Black Hawk's camp, where the feast was broken up by the whooping, yelling Indians with the whites at their heels. The uproar alarmed Black Hawk and the Indians at the feast, and they, in a hasty, tumultuous manner, snatched up their arms, mounted their horses and rushed out in all the fury of a mad lioness, in defense of their women and children. Black Hawk took a pru- dent and wise stand, concealing himself behind some woods, it being then nearly dark, and suffered the straggling forces of Maj. Stillman to approach him. This aged warrior and his baud (all he could muster at the moment)," continues Gov. Reynolds, "marched out from their concealment and fell with fury and havoc upon the disorderly troops of Stillman, who were scattered for miles over the prairie. It was a crisis — they fought in defense of all they held most sacred on earth. Black Hawk turned the tide of war and chased the whites with great fury." Such were the circumstances under which the first blood in the Black Hawk war was shed, and the battle became known as " Stillman' s Defeat." Emboldened by his brilliant success in this engagement, and finding that he would not be permitted to capitulate, he sent out his war parties, removed his women and children up Rock River, and a regular border war was commenced. The murders which his men committed upon the frontier settlers naturally increased the alarm throughout the state, additional volunteers rushed to the seat of war, and the commanding general commenced his military oper- ations for a regular campaign. One of Black Hawk's war parties, striking across the country southeast from Sycamore Creek, fell upon the Hall family at the mouth of Indian Creek, on Fox River, a few miles above Ottawa, and most brutally murdered them all except two girls, whom they carried off into captivity. At this time there were a few infant settlements, above Ottawa, and upon the Du Page River, at Naperville, and along Hickory Creek that empties into the Des Plaines, near the present city of Joliet. There were no people living nearer those neighborhoods, south and east, than the settlements in Vermilion county. Hence, the endangered settlements looked in this direction as the speediest source of relief. The reader will bear in mind that in those days there were no means of quick transmission of intelligence, and that the people in this part of the state (beyond a few who took the Springfield papers may have known that Black Hawk was again in Illinois) had no HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 345 knowledge of the hostile acts which we have enumerated until in- formed in the following manner: Mr. Kingsbury was conducting religious services in the upper story of Cunningham's store (which was used for such as well as for court purposes). The inhabitants of the Fox River country and Hickory Creek were fleeing from their homes, says the Rev. R. S. Beggs, in his interesting book, through fear of the dreaded enemy. They came with their cattle and horses, some bare-headed and others bare-footed, crying, "the Indians ! " "the Indians ! " Those that were able hurried on with all speed for Danville. Two or three of them, one without a hat, found their way to Danville, and on that bright sabbath day, all breathless with fatigue and fear, alarmed the town and broke up Mr. Kingsbury's meeting with the dreadful stories. Fast on this came the word that Stillman had been defeated. This was soon exaggerated into rumors, supposed at the time to be well grounded, that all of the white troops had been killed or scattered, and that all of the Indians, having joined Black Hawk's victorious warriors, would soon be down upon us, destroying, burning and killing in every direction. True there was, as it was afterward learned, no cause for all of this alarm ; but at the time the people acted in the full belief that the hour was one of extremest peril. The flying fugitives must be re- lieved at once from the murderous pursuit of the Indians. Not a moment was to be lost. A call was made for a forlorn force to go to their assistance. " Volunteers were called for, and in less than two hours," says Col. Othneal Gilbert, "thirty-one of us were ready and on the march to save the settlers." The families of the advance expedition hastily cooked them some provisions ; shot-guns, squirrel-rifles, flint-lock muskets, and other inferior weapons, were got together hastily, with which the company were armed. Those who had no horses were promptly provided by other citizens, who cheerfully loaned them. A meeting was held by the members of the company for the election of officers, as was customary in all volunteer expeditions, and commanders chosen for the occasion without regard to the position they may have held in the regularly enrolled militia. Dan Beckwith, major of the Vermilion county militia, was elected captain, and by three o'clock in the afternoon the men were on the way toward Joliet. Night overtook them at Bicknell's Crossing of the North Fork, where they went into camp. The next morning they went out upon the great prairie, and in the course of the day got between the retreating families, which they met coming this way, and the Indians, who were supposed to be 346 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. in close pursuit. After passing the fugitives, and seeing no sign of Indians, they pursued their course northward still farther for several hours, when they deflected their line of march more to the west, crossing the Iroquois near Spring Creek, that being the more direct route to Hickory Creek. They went into camp late, at the close of a hard day's march. During the next day they crossed the Kankakee River, near the present city of that name, and held their way toward the settlements supposed to be in the greatest danger. Hoping still to render assistance to other settlers, or rescue their property. They went on to Hickory Creek, and scoured the country and groves in that direction. They saw nobody, white or red, ex- cept some Pottawatomies along the Kankakee, who were friendly and personally .known to the officers and many of the men. Aside from the fatigue and privations endured, the men met with no incident or loss going or coming. However, they were very near one of Black Hawk's war parties, secreted, as they afterward learned, in a grove — supposed from its description to be "the twelve mile grove." One evening Dr. Fithian and George Beckwith were sent out as spies to reconnoiter this grove, with instructions to return to a designated spot, where it was intended the company should go into camp for the night. The dusk had fallen as the spies were per- forming the work assigned. They approached quite near the grove, when, from some cause they could not explain, their horses were seized with a fright that rendered them entirely beyond the control of their riders. They became frantic at every effort to urge them forward. By this time it was so dark that the scouts deeming it imprudent to penetrate the grove, returned toward the place where they expected to find their comrades. The latter were alarmed at the protracted absence of their scouts, not knowing what had be- come of them ; and as they approached, the sound of their horses' feet aroused the camp, now all strung with a sense of danger. "Who goes there? " rang out in the still night air. Dr. Fithian says that immediately on hearing the challenge, his ear also caught the click- ing sound of the guns as they were being cocked all along the line, a few rods in front of them. He answered, quickly as he could, in a choking way, "friends !" to which the reply instantly followed: "If friends, advance at once and give the counter-sign, or we wil blow you to h — 1." Dr. Fithian tells the writer that Major Beckwith interviewed Black Hawk after the war, at Jefferson's barracks, while the latter was held a prisoner. Black Hawk there told the Major that a band of his warriors had been watching the movements of Beckwith 's men dur- HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 347 ing the day, and that they were secreted in the grove named on the evening that Fithian and his companion reconnoitered it. The details here given of the first expedition that went out in the Black Hawk war is taken from the accounts given to the writer by Alvan Gilbert, whose lamented death is only of recent occurrence, Dr. William Fithian and Samuel Russell, who still survive. They all actively par- ticipated in the events respectively narrated by them. The eminent standing of these gentlemen is so well known that any comments of the writer would be superfluous. In the meantime, while the advance corps were out, the Yermil- ion county militia were concentrated at Danville, and put upon the march. Previous to this Col. Isaac R. Moores had been notified by Gov. Reynolds to have his regiment, the Vermilion county militia, in readiness, in the event their services should be required. No marching orders had been given, and no intimation of hostilities had been received. Immediately on the alarm the volunteers got in readiness, and Col. Hubbard furnished several four-horse wagons, loaded with provisions, for their subsistence. The force consisted of three hundred mounted men. Every part of the county was repre- sented in this body by many of its best citizens, — Col. Hubbard among the number, — under command of Col. Moores, John II. Mur- phy acting as his Aide. Many names of these patriotic citizen-sol- diers will be found in the several township histories and biographical sketches, prepared by other writers. The route of the regiment was by way of "Hubbard's trace " to his trading-post on the Iroquois, and from thence northwest by another Indian trail to Joliet. The first night out the regiment encamped at Bicknell crossing. The next morning, after they had gotten well out on the prairies, they saw ahead of them Major Beckwith's command, filing over the dividing ridge, on their return. The meeting was very cordial on both sides. Most of Beckwith's company fell right in with the regiment and went on. A few others, Beckwith among them, returned to Danville to see their families for a moment, when they hastened back, overtook and joined the regiment. From Joliet Capt. Morgan L. Payne, and his com- mand, were dispatched north gome thirty miles on Du Page River, with instructions to there erect a block-house and protect property which had been abandoned by the inhabitants in their flight. Col. Moores also commenced a fortification at Joliet, and was prosecuting this work when his command was ordered to Ottawa, the headquar- ters of Gen. Atkinson. By this time a much larger force of volun- teers had been mustered in than the state needed. Black Hawk's Indians, except a few straggling war parties, were being closely pur- 348 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. sued up Fox River toward the Four Lakes country, as the little lakes in the vicinity of Madison, Wisconsin, were then called. There was no use or room for any more troops, and Col. Moores' regiment was discharged and, except Payne's command, allowed immediately to •return home. The writer will relate a few incidents, the first as told by Col. Hubbard and Dr. Fithian. As the regiment was moving from Joliet to Ottawa, Dr. Fithian, Bolilvin, Col. Hubbard and several others struck across the prairie in advance of the troops, Hubbard leading the way, as he was well acquainted with the country. On their way they saw a place where the grass was disturbed, as if by parties who had followed a course nearly at right angles to the direc- tion Hubbard's squad was pursuing. The latter at once followed this trail, while the regiment, which had now come up, was halted. Soon a pair of saddle-bags was found, then a prayer book, then a miniature portrait. The tall grass was bent and broken down, as if a fearful struggle had taken place. A camp kettle was picked up, and just beyond the mutilated remains of a white man. The body was that of the Dunkard and itinerant preacher, Payne, a man well known to the early settlers between the Wabash and Illinois Rivers, as a harmless and eccentric religious enthusiast. He had left the vicinity of Naperville having no fears of the Indians, whom he said would do him no harm. When his friends, tried to dissuade him from crossing the county at such a dangerous time, he said, even if the Indians should show an unfriendly disposition, his fine gray mare could outrun any Indian pony. He was mistaken ; for falling in with one of Black Hawk's war parties, he was by them most foully murdered. The Indians scalped off his long flowing white beard, which extended quite to his loins, and fastened it to a pole. On the top of the pole, stuck upright in the ground, they fastened a whisp of grass, pointing in the direction they had gone. The beard and the grass waved defiantly, as much as to say, "We killed this man. This is our trail. If you white people do not like it, just come on and help yourselves if you can." Capt. Payne, according to instructions, built a fort and block- house not a great way from Naperville, and inclosed them with about one half acre of ground, with a palisade about ten feet high. The fort was erected about forty rods from the Du Page River, a short distance west of a large spring. The day after the company arrived at Naperville, William Brown and a boy some fifteen years old were detailed to go with a wagon to Butterfield's pasture, some two miles from camp, and bring in a lot of clapboards that had been HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 349 made there by some citizen before the Indian disturbances. A party of rive Indians fired upon Brown and the boy. Brown was killed and scalped, the boy escaped to the camp. The Indians captured the wagon and horses. They cut the harness to pieces, and ran the wagon against a tree, and broke one of the fore wheels. It was the only wagon the company had. It was mended by Leander Rutledge, and the harness was repaired by somebody else of the company, and both were brought home. The horses, which were the property of Peleg Spencer, sr., were taken off by the Indians. Young Brown was the only person from this county killed by the enemy. He was the son of a widow lady living near Kyger's Mill. The inhabitants about JSTaperville had fled, seemingly with great precipitation, aban- doning their property. Mr. JSTapcr had left his store unlocked, with a large quantity of goods inside. Cattle and other live stock were roaming about. Mr. Samuel Russell who was assisting in the quar- termaster's department, informs the writer that Payne's command, as well as the other companies of the regiment in charge of Col. Moores, would take cattle as their necessities required, and issue requisitions for future payment when the owners might be found. Some seventy women and children, who had escaped to Chicago on the first attack from the Indians, when the cholera broke out in Chicago, were conducted back to Naperville, and placed within the fort for safety. Within a short time after the discharge of Col. Moores' forces, Capt. Payne's command was also relieved, when they returned home, after an absence of between thirty and forty days. For the account here given of the movements of Capt. Payne the writer is indebted to Leander Rutledge and Greenville Graves, both members of Payne's company, and still living. The early citizens of Vermilion county and Danville, like the present inhabitants, were not lacking in enterprise. We will give a few illustrations in support of this assertion. On the 3d of January, 1831, they memorialized the governor to secure the location of a gov- ernment land office at Danville. The land office was secured. Samuel McRoberts was the first receiver and J. C. Alexander the register. The land office remained at Danville for a period of nearly twenty-five years, and contributed largely toward attracting settlers to the county. In 1832 a postal route was established from Chicago, via Danville, to Vincennes, and in 1836 from Danville, via Decatur, to Springfield, and in the same year another postal route was secured from Danville to Ottawa, and a fourth route from Indianapolis, via Danville (Indi- ana), Rockville, Montezuma and Newport, to Danville. A few years later still another mail route was established between Springfield and 350 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. La Fayette, via Danville. In this way was Danville and the county connected with the principal mail routes through the forethought and energy of her citizens. Tlie reader will bear in mind that our county and city labored under serious disadvantages as long as the water or river routes were the only highways of commerce. Being back from the Wabash our farmers and the business men in Danville were compelled to take their products to river towns and haul all merchandise and other commodities back. The whole country as far west as the Sangamon was thus made tributary to and wholly de- pendent upon La Fayette, Attica, Covington, Perry ville, Eugene and Clinton for their supplies. It was not until after the modern system of transportation by railroads was successfully inaugurated that we were released from our bondage to the Wabash river or the canal running alongside of it. Had the people been less enterprising it is doubtful if their condition to-day would have been any better, and that railways were not sooner secured was only because the country was not then sufficiently developed to justify a construction of these costly highways. First the Danville people tried to slack-water the Vermilion and render it navigable to its mouth. Failing in this, they petitioned congress, in company with citizens of other counties, as early as 1831 to grant a strip of land between Vincennes and Chicago for a rail- road. In 1835 a charter was secured for the Chicago & Yincennes Railway, and among the charter members appear the names of Grur- don S. Hubbard (who a few years before had taken up his residence at Chicago), John H. Murphy and Isaac R. Moores, of Danville. The same year a charter was secured for a railroad from Quincy to the Indiana state line in the direction of La Fayette, via Springfield, Decatur and Danville, under the name of the "Northern Cross Rail- road." This is now none other than the great Wabash. THE GREAT WABASH. At this time our county was ably represented in the legislature by Dr. Fithian. He predicted the financial ruin that would surely overwhelm the state if the legislature persisted in its wild scheme of general internal improvements — a project with which the people of the state then seemed infatuated. When he saw he could not pre- vent the plan from being carried into effect, and that the public money was going to be wasted, anyway, he skillfully managed that work should begin at once on that part of the "Northern Cross" running through his county. Accordingly, a large portion of the $1,800,000 appropriated to the "Northern Cross" was expended in HISTORY OF VERMILION" COUNTY. 351 1837, 1838 and 1S39 in grading the road-bed from the Champaign county line east to the Yermilion, and in the heavy cuts and fills adjacent to that stream, and in erecting the three large abutments of piers standing in or near the river itself. Thus the heaviest and most expensive part of the road east of the Sangamon was practi- cally finished before the "crash" came, which put an end to the "system." Here matters rested until 1853, when the project of extending the railroad from Decatur east across the state was again taken up. The heavy work previously done by the state in Yermilion county was too valuable to be thrown away. It was the lodestone that drew the iron rails to Danville. This is not all • another rail- road corporation was building a line from Toledo up the Mauraee and down the Wabash. Its projectors had intended, originally, to keep down on the east side of the Wabash, through Covington, and make their St. Louis connection by way of Paris. Luckily its pro- jectors met the parties who were extending the Great Western rail- road — as the new organization was called — in New York, and learning that the latter road was assured of an early completion to Danville, the former corporation changed their route and crossed the Wabash at Attica and came on to Danville. The writer may state, what he knows to be true, that it was the intention of the Wabash road to make Danville its terminal point. They did in fact operate the section between Danville and the state line for a spell, in conformity with its agreement. The two corporations disagreed about a trivial matter, when the Wabash company withdrew to the state line, compelling the Great Western to follow them. Here they remained for eight years, and until the consolidation of the two roads in 1865, when Danville again became the end of a running division. The first engine that ever ran into Danville was The Pioneer. It crossed the bridge over the Yermilion River in the latter part of October, 1856. The writer had the satisfaction of riding over on the engine with the engineer. The connection with the Wabash con- struction train was made some five miles northeast of Danville, in Makemson's timber, one cold drizzly day well on toward the last of November. The writer was on the ground, as were a large num- ber of other citizens, to see the last spike driven. The next day the Wabash engines were in our town, waking up its quiet streets to new life and busy stir, which has since continued with an ever in- creasing activity. 352 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. CHICAGO & EASTERN ILLINOIS. Although this is a comparatively new road it must not be pre- sumed that consequently it should be placed among the list of unim- portant lines, for just the very opposite is the fact. However much older roads have assumed in the credit of opening up and developing this part of the state, no less can, in justice, be said of the line under consideration. Let any one take a map of eastern Illinois published prior to 1870, and he will observe that much of what is now known as the most desirable portions of the state was entirely without rail- road facilities. Some places through which this line now passes were forty miles from a railroad station. It will therefore be seen under what disadvantages this part of the country labored, and a good reason will easily be discovered for its tardy development. Then, also, the country including this county and much more valuable country was cut off entirely from communication with the great me- tropolis of the west, Chicago. It is, therefore, not surprising that so complete and prosperous a road as the Chicago & Eastern Illinois railroad should be built up in eight years, for its construction was an urgent necessity, and it takes no philosopher to comprehend that the causes which led to the building of the road will ultimately make it the most important line passing through this section. While numberless roads have been projected, and many built, in different portions of the state, wherever local pride or an itching for speculation could secure the needed aid, with few exceptions they have not only proved failures, but have bankrupted and disgusted their patrons. This line, however, unlike nearly all born under the peculiar law passed by the Illinois legislature but a short time before, has gradually from the first gained in public favor, and though it received large donations from the townships through which it was built, there are few persons, and perhaps none, who regret having aided so worthy an enterprise. The leading citizens of this county had long felt the necessity of a direct outlet for travel and commercial purposes with Chicago, and to that end, in 1868, a bill was passed by the legislature which au- thorized the townships through which it was proposed to run, to vote bonds in aid of its construction. Among the prominent ones in this county who interested themselves in the project were John L. Tincher, H. W. Beckwith and Alvan Gilbert. It was through Mr. Tincher's influence that the charter was obtained. The people gen- erally in the eastern part of the county were interested and anxious for the success of the enterprise. Danville township voted $72,000 for the construction of the road, and $75,000 for the erection of the car-shops, which are located at that city. Ross township also voted HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 353 $24,00(1, and Grant $18,000. In 1871 the road was completed to Danville. J. E. Young, of Chicago, was the contractor, and built the road. The 'road was originally bonded for $5,000,000, which represents the supposed value at that time, but in consequence of great shrinkages in all stocks about that time and since, its actual value is probably somewhat less at present. In 1874 the company failed, and the property was placed in the hands of a receiver, in the person of Gen. A. Anderson, who continued to manage the affairs of the line until 1877. On the 17th of April of the year named the road was sold to a new corporation for $1,450,000. The present officials of the new corporation are F. AY. Huidekoper, of Meadville, Pennsylvania, president ; Thomas W. Shannon, of New York, vice- president ; A. S. Dunham, secretary ; J. C. Calhoun, treasurer ; O. S. Lyford, general superintendent ; Robert Forsyth, general freight agent. Mr. Dunham has been connected with the road ever since the formation of the first company. Mr. J. G. English, of the city of Danville, is a member of the board of directors. In 1872 the company then in existence began the construction of a branch from Bismark, in Newell township, to Brazil, Indiana. The road is completed and in running order to the coal-fields in Fountain county. The machine-shops referred to have been built in the northeastern part of the city of Danville, and are in successful operation, employ- ing about two hundred hands. The whole enterprise may now be said to be on a solid basis, and systematically and successfully conducted. Large expenditures are being made for repairs and for the purchase of new material and steel rails. The business of the line, through the discreet management of its present officers, and by a liberal course toward its patrons, is already very large and rapidly increasing. Without taking up space to note the many preliminary meetings, conferences, etc., covering a period of four or five years, in which many citizens of Danville spent a good deal of time and money in aid of the "Indianapolis, Crawfordsville & Danville," and the "Danville, Urbana, Bloomiugton & Pekin" railroads, we may say that the first was extended as far west as Crawfordsville late in the year 1869, while the latter was completed from Pekin to Danville in January, 1870. Trains ran from Danville to Pekin for a period of some nine months. In the meantime the gap between Crawfords- ville and Danville was closed up. The connection of the rails was made <>n the prairie some eight miles east of Danville in September, 1870, and through trains were put upon the road shortly afterward. 354 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. In November of the following year the route from the Ohio at Evansville to Lake Michigan, at Chicago, was established by the completion of the Evansville, Terre Haute & Chicago and Chicago, Danville & Vincennes railroad lines. Within the next year the La Fayette, Bloomington & Muncie railroad was extended across the northern part of our county, connecting that most enterprising portion of our population with an eastern outlet for the products of their well-tilled and bountiful fields. Another enterprise in the way of railroad transportation deserves special mention, not so much for the encouragement it received from citizens of the county, as for the pluck and persistent efforts of its projectors in putting through an enterprise in the face of the most discouraging obstacles. We allude to the "narrow-gauge," built almost entirely through the unaided efforts of Mr. Gifford, and the Penfield Brothers, of Rantoul. This line opens up to market a wide belt of rich agricultural country, extending the entire width of our county ; and the annual shipments of live stock and grain would astonish citizens, if they would take the pains to consult the statistics of the business of this company, and see the enormous tonnage of this seemingly little, though important line. To the above railroad lines has been added still another, — largely aided by local subscription, — the Paris & Danville, giving the southern townships of the county long needed facilities. Here, then, we have Vermilion county traversed east and west by no less than four of these great and indispensable arteries of communication, and by another trunk line traversing the entire \ength of the county north and south, making in all over one hun- dred and thirty miles of completed track within the limits of the county, which is only twenty-two miles broad by forty-two miles long. There are few, very few, other counties in the state so abun- dantly supplied with railroad facilities as Vermilion, yet the enter- prise of our people is not supplied ; their demands require still more railroads ; and the writer here predicts the early completion of two other roads, one from the southwest part of the county, putting Sidell and Carroll townships in communication with the focal system at Danville; and the other — a branch line — from Marysville to Danville. Then every part of the county will be connected — without more than one transfer — with Chicago, Toledo, Indianapolis, Evansville, Cairo, Cincinnati and St. Louis, and through these with all the tide-water ports of the Gulf and the Atlantic. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 355 TWENTY-FIFTH REGIMENT ILLINOIS VOLUNTEERS. CONTRIBUTED BY CAPTAIN ACHILLES MARTIN. The 25th 111. Vol. Inf., three companies of which (A, B and D) were from Vermilion county, was organized in Vermilion county, June 1, 1861, and mustered into service at St. Louis, Missouri, August 4, 1861, and from there transported by rail to Jefferson City, Missouri, and thence to Sedalia, Missouri, and marched to Springfield, Missouri, under Gen. Fremont, in pursuit of Gen. Price's army, and from thence to Rolla, Missouri, where, with a portion of Fremont's army, it spent the early part of the winter of 1861 and 1862, but returned to Springfield, Missouri, in Feb- ruary, 1862, under command of Gen. Siegel, and pursued Gen. Price's army to Benton ville, Arkansas, where, on the 6th, Yth and 8th of March, 1862, the memorable battle of "Pea Ridge" was fought. The 25th Reg., having been held in support until early morn of the third day, took the front under the immediate com- mand of Gen. Siegel, in support of the artillery which opened the engagement. After a fierce contest with grape, canister and shell at short range, the enemy's batteries were silenced, and the mem- orable order, "Up, 25th, Minutes ! Col. Minutes!" was given by Gen. Siegel in person, and the next moment the regiment, under the most terrific fire of musketry, with other troops, charged the enemy in a thick wood, where, after a fierce and deadly contest, the enemy's lines gave way, and the whole army was soon in full retreat, and thus was victory brought out of what but a few hours before was considered, by the general commanding, a defeat. The regiment was highly complimented for its gallantry in this (its first) engagement. Then, in connection with the army, it took up the line eastward, where, after a long and tedious march, it arrived at Bates- ville, in Arkansas, and was there detached from the army, and, with nine other regiments under command of Gen. Jeff. C. Davis, marched eastward to Cape Girardeau, Missouri, a distance of two hundred and fifty miles in nine days, having made an average of about twenty- eight miles per day. The regiment then, by river transportation, joined Gen. Halleck's army in the siege of Corinth, Mississippi, which place was soon evacuated by the enemy ; and after a short stay in Mississippi marched eastward under command of Gen. Buell by way of Nashville, Tennessee, to Louisville, Kentucky, a distance of nearly five hundred miles, in the month of August, in the most extreme heat and drouth. Here a few days were spent in reorgan- 356 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. izing the army, when it was ordered in pursuit of Gen. Bragg' s army, then invading Kentucky. Later, the battle of Perryville, or Chaplain Hills, was fought between a portion of the two armies, wherein the 25th Reg., and more than sixty thousand other well- equipped soldiers, were compelled to act as spectators in the slaugh- ter of a portion of our army under command of Gen. McCook, because, the general commanding said, that McCook had brought on the engagement without his orders. After this battle the regi- ment returned to Nashville, Tennessee, and Gen. Rosecrans put in command of the army then known as the Army of the Cumberland, which remained at Nashville until the last of December, 1862, when it was advanced to Murfreesboro, Tennessee, and met the enemy under command of Gen. Bragg at Stone River, Tennessee, on the 30th of December, 1862, and at the dawning of the 31st the enemy attacked in great force". The 25th Reg. being in the unfortunate right wing of our army, was soon sharply engaged, when the charge grew fierce and deadly. The line on the left of the 25th gave way, and being fiercely assailed in front and left, the regiment was com- pelled to change front under a most withering fire. Here the color- bearer was stricken down and the flag lay on the ground, when Col. Williams, of the regiment (than whom no more worthy patriot has died), raised the colors with his own hands, and having indicated the new line to be formed, he planted the flag firmly, and uttered in loud tones his living and dying words: "Boys, we will plant the flag here and rally around it, and here we will die ! " The next moment, with flag-staff in hand, he fell. The regiment, after twice repulsing the enemy in front, finding itself flanked on both right and left, retired from its position and fell to the rear, leaving more than one-third of its number dead and wounded on the field. The enemy was finally checked, and the battle continued sullenly until the 2d of January, 1863, when Gen. Breckenridge made his cele- brated assault on the left wing of our army. The charge was brill- iant beyond comparison. The shock of battle was terrific. Our left was broken, defeated and driven back. Fresh troops were in like manner swept away like chaff before the wind. Fifty pieces of artillery were brought to bear on the enemy's right. The earth trembled and shook as a leaf in the storm beneath the iron mon- sters, as they poured their storm of death into the advancing col- umn, and yet their onward march was as the march of destiny, until the shout from Gen. Negley rang out — "Who'll save the left?" "The 19th 111.," was the reply — the 25th 111. being close in their support. They did save the left, and the 25th held HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 357 the front thus earned until the retreat of the enemy, while the heaps of the enemy's dead testified to gallantry worthy of a better cause. The regiment, in connection with the army, next marched south in pursuit of Gen. Bragg' s army till it reached the Tennessee River, near Stevenson, Alabama. To cross this river in the face of the enemy and lay the pontoon bridge was given in charge of this regiment alone ; consequently, at early morn our shore was lined with skirmishers and a battery of artillery, while the regiment em- barked in pontoon boats and rowed away to the opposite shore a mile distant, drove the enemy back, laid the bridge and was cross- ing the entire army over by eleven o'clock a.m. The sight of this little circumstance was extremely grand, but the danger great. The regiment next crossed over Sand Mountain and Lookout Mountain and entered into the valley, again engaging the enemy in the terri- ble battle of Chickaniauga, Georgia, where it left more than two- thirds of its number among the dead and wounded on the field, all of whom fell into the hands of the enemy. This battle, for severity, stands second to none in the history of the war, and no regiment iu the engagement suffered greater loss than the 25th 111. The regi- ment was next called to meet the enemy at the battle of Chattanooga, under command of Gen. U. S. Grant, and when the order came to storm Mission Ridge, the 25th Reg. was assigned the front, or skir- mish line, where it advanced slowly until within a few rods of the enemy's guns, when, with a simultaneous charge, in connection with the 35th 111., carried the enemy's works, captured their batteries, broke their lines on Mission Ridge, and made way for a magnifi- cent victory. Along the entire line here again the carnage was great, but the achievements brilliant in the extreme. The regiment was then ordered to east Tennessee, where it spent the winter in various unimportant campaigns, and in the spring of 1864 rejoined the Army of the Cumberland, near Chattanooga, under command of Gen. Sherman, and started on that memorable campaign to Atlanta, Georgia, at which place it terminated its service and returned home to be mustered out. During the months of this campaign, the endurance of both offi- cers and men of the regiment was taxed to its utmost — it was one long and tedious battle, often violent and destructive, then slow and sullen, both armies seeking advantage by intrenching, manceuvering, flanking and by sudden and by desperate charges, the 25th 111. bear- ing its equal burden of the toils, the dangers and losses, as will more fully appear from the following order or address, delivered by Col. 358 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. W. H. Gibson, commanding the brigade, on its taking leave of the army, at Atlanta, Georgia, August 20, 1864, to wit : "Soldiers of the Twenty-fifth Illinois Volunteers : As your term of three years' service has expired, and you are about to proceed to your state to be mustered out, it is fitting and proper that the colonel com- manding should express to each and all his earnest thanks for the cheerful manhood with which, during the present campaign, you have submitted to every hardship, overcome every difficulty, and for the magnificent heroism with which you have met and vanquished the foe. Your deportment in camp has been worthy true soldiers, while your conduct in battle has excited the admiration of your companions in arms. Patriotic thousands and a noble state will give you a recep- tion worthy of your sacrifice and your valor. You have done your duty. The men who rallied under the starry emblem of our nation- ality at Pea Ridge, Corinth, Chaplain Hills, Stone River, Chicka- mauga, Mission Ridge, Noonday Creek, Pinetop Mountain, Kenesaw Mountain, Chattahoochee, Peach Tree Creek and Atlanta having made history for all time and coming generations to admire, your services will ever be gratefully appreciated. Officers and soldiers, farewell. May God guarantee to each health, happiness and useful- ness in coming life, and may our country soon merge from the gloom of blood that now surrounds it and again enter upon a career of progress, peace and prosperity." THIRTY-SEVENTH REGIMENT ILLINOIS VOLUNTEERS. CONTRIBUTED BY GEN. J. C. BLACK. This regiment was recruited in the counties of Lake, La Salle, McIIenry, McLean, Cook, Vermilion and Rock Island, and was or- ganized at Chicago, and mustered into the United States service on the 18th of September, 1861. Its colonel was Julius White, since major-general ; its major was J. C. Black, now of Danville, Illinois, who recruited and took to camp Co. K from Vermilion county. The muster role of Co. K showed representatives from many of the old families of Vermilion county : Fithian, Bandy, English, Morgan, Clapp, Brown, Henderson, Allison, Conover, Black, Culbertson, Johns, Canaday, Lamm, Myers, Payne, Songer, Thrapp, Delay, Folger, Gibson, Liggett, and others. Some of these representatives died in service ; some returned home full of the honors of a well- rendered service, and are to day prominent among our business and professional men. Peter Walsh, the late prosecuting attorney; HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 359 William P. Black, of Chicago ; William M. Bandy, editor of the "Post," Danville; W. H. Fithian, of Fithian, Illinois; George H. English, and many are farming in this vicinity. These are of the living. Among the dead we recall Fitzgeral, Marlatt, Reiser, Snider, Adkins, Barnard, Hyatt, Henderson, Stute, Brewer, Conover, George Johns and Jas. Culbertson. These died without fear and without reproach. THE LEFT WING OF THE 37tH ILLINOIS KEGIMENT AT PEA RIDGE. Co. K. was distinctively the boys' company ; its recruits were most of them under age at the time of enlistment. In the Memorial Hall at Springfield, Illinois, are found only two captured flags ; one was taken from the Mexicans at Buena Vista, the other was taken from the rebels at the battle of Pea Ridge by the 37th 111. Vol. Inf. "The boys" did their share wherever they went. Mustered into service on the 18th of September, they entered the Department of the Missouri the next day, and took part in Hunter's campaign against Price in southwestern Missouri, marching to Springfield and back to Laurine Caulmint. In the dead of winter, breaking up their encampment, they joined in Pope's campaign against the guerrillas. In the spring of 1862 the 37th set out on the route for northwestern Arkansas, and participated in the bloody battle of Pea Ridge on the 6th, 7th and 8th of March, which raged with especial fury on the 7th, near Lee town, when the 37th received the charge of McCul- 360 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. lough's and Mcintosh's column, and when in thirty minutes it lost one hundred and twenty men out of an effective present force of seven hundred and fifty ; but the charge was broken, and the enemy withdrew. After this battle Gen. Custer was ordered to Batesville and Helena with the entire force, except the 37th 111., one battalion of the 1st Mo. Cav., and one section of the Peoria battery; and until June this force was kept in the extreme front in the enemy's coun- try, fifty-five miles in advance of any assistance, feeling the pulse of rebeldom beating daily in this its farthest extremity. Marching and counter-marching over one hundred miles frontage of mountainous region, ambushed and bushwhacked day and night, it kept the flag at the front, and always flying. In the summer of 1862 the 37th joined the larger forces. It bore its share in the marches and skir- mishes in southwestern Missouri, and finally, on the 7th day of De- cember, assisted in the terrible fight and brilliant victory at Prairie Grove, where, in the capture of a battery and the assault upon the enemy in their chosen position, the 37th, reduced to three hundred and fifty men, lost seventy-eight killed and wounded ; but they took the battery. It returned to St. Louis from there, and were sent to Cape Girardeau, whence it started after Gen. Marmaduke, over- taking him on the banks of the St. Francis River at Chalk Bluffs. The fight at this point freed southeast Missouri of all rebel forces, and won for the 37th high praise in the reports of the commanding general. They then returned to St. Louis, and joined the forces under Gen. Grant, and participated in the siege of Vicksburg. From this time on, the path of the 37th was away from its Ver- milion county comrades, the 25th, 35th, 79th, 125th Inf., 4th Cav., and the old 12th Reg., some of whom swung across the continent, via Chattanooga and Atlanta, to the sea. The 37th marched to the south ; it fought and beat the rebels at Yazoo City, joined in the campaign after Forrest from Memphis, and after chasing him out of Tennessee via Mississippi, returned and took part in the Red River campaign ; in the meantime bearing a light share in the fight near Morganzia Bend. From Duvall's Bluff the regiment was sent, via New Orleans, to Barrancas and Pollard ; thence to Mobile, and participated in the last great siege of the war, and in its last great battle; for Lee surrendered at 10 o'clock a.m., and at 5.45 p.m. of the same day the federal troops assaulted and captured the Blakele} r batteries. The time occupied from the firing of the first gun until they were in possession was ten minutes ; the loss was six hundred men on the Union side ; captured, three thousand prison- HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 361 ers, forty-two cannons and the city of Mobile. In this charge the 37th was the extreme left regiment, and Co. K was the extreme left of the entire line, which advancing in a semicircle, struck the rebel works almost at the same instant along the whole front, the right and left being a little in the advance. After this engagement the 37th was removed to the Department of Texas, where it remained until August, 1866, being among the last of the United States vol- unteers discharged from service. The 37th veteranized in 1864. It was in the service five years from the time of recruiting ; it marched and moved four times from Lake Michigan to the gulf; it moved on foot nearly six thousand miles, and journeyed by water and land conveyance nearly ten thou- sand miles more ; it bore its part in thirteen battles and skirmishes, and two great sieges. The survivors of Co. K are in Oregon, Cali- fornia, Texas, Missouri and Illinois. They, like the vast mass of their fellow volunteer soldiers, are, most of them, respected and useful citizens. May their age grow green and be honorable, and their days full of prosperity, is the wish of the chronicler. SEVENTY-THIRD REGIMENT ILLINOIS VOLUNTEERS. CONTRIBUTED BY W. H. NEWLIN AND W. R. LAWRENCE. Under the call of the President for three hundred thousand vol- unteers, July 6, 1862, Illinois was required to furnish nine regiments. Upon this call the 73d regiment was organized, of which companies C and E were from Vermilion county. Six days after the call, Pat- terson McNutt, Mark D. Hawes and Richard N. Davis began to recruit a company of infantry in and about Georgetown, and, soon after, Wilson Burroughs, Charles Tilton and David Blosser com- menced raising a company near Fairmount. McNutt' s company, consisting of eighty-live men, were assembled on the 23d at George- town, where they were sworn in by 'Squire John Newlin. After this ceremony, McNutt, Hawes and Davis were elected captain, first and second lieutenant, respectively. The next day the men went to the Y, the present site of Tilton, where they were furnished trans- portation to Camp Butler, arriving there the next morning. With the exception of a few squads, this was the first company in this camp under that call. Early in August twenty-one recruits arrived from Georgetown, making the total number one hundred and six. About this time Capt. Burroughs, having organized his company, 362 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. arrived with seventy men, which, being recruited from Capt. Mc- Nutt's company, made their complement. The first military duty done at this camp was guarding about three thousand prisoners, who had been captured at Fort Donelson. Toward the latter part of August steps were taken to organize the regiment, and this was accomplished on the 21st, the regiment numbering eight hundred and six men ; James F. Jaques being chosen colonel, Benjamin F. North cott, lieutenant-colonel; ¥ra. A. Presson, major ; R. R. Randall, adjutant, and James S. Barger, chaplain. This has been known as the "preachers' regiment," on account of the fact that all of the principal officers were ministers of the gospel. The regiment was the second mustered into service under the call. Of this regiment McNutt's company was designated C, and was the color company, and Burroughs' company, E. On the 27th the regiment was ordered to the field, and, without arms, they were transported to Louisville. The first camp was in the outskirts of Louisville, near the L. & N. R.R. depot. After awhile the regiment was armed, and in the early part of September the camp was moved to a point some four miles from the city, where a division was formed with the 73d and 100th 111. and the 79th and 88th Ind. as one brigade, under the com- mand of Col. Kirk. While in this camp, great commotion was caused by the defeat of the Union troops at Richmond, Kentucky, and the division was ordered under arms, and made a rapid advance of near a day's march, when, meeting the retreating forces, they returned to camp. About the middle of September the 73d was sent to Cincinnati, to assist in defending it against the threatened attack of Kirby Smith. The regiment returned to Louisville in the latter part of September. A reorganization of the army now caused the 73d to be brigaded with the 44th 111. and the 2d and 15th Mo., making a part of the division under Gen. Phil Sheridan. On the 1st day of October the army of one hundred thousand, under Gen. Buell, moved from Louisville to meet Gen. Bragg, who with Kirby Smith was over- running the country in that vicinity. The weather was very hot and dry, and here the experience of all new regiments, of disposing of superfluous accoutrements such as overcoats, knapsacks, etc., began, and the line of march was strewed with a variety of handy, though dispensable articles. On the 8th Sheridan's division neared Doctor's Fork, a fine stream of water near Perryville. The Union soldiers were anxious to reach this point, and the rebels were determined to check their advance, and, from a skirmish, this grew to be a desper- HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 363 ate battle. Through some blonder the 73d was advanced nearly a quarter of a mile in front of the main line, up to the very jaws of a rebel battery, and near the columns of the main rebel infantry. In the nick of time it was ordered to fall back, and the rebel battery immediately opening upon them, they obeyed with alacrity, and gained the main line without serious loss. In the fight that ensued the 73d was in the front line. Co. C had in this fight about seventy men engaged, of whom John J. Halstead, Zimri Lewis, Josiah Cooper, James E. Moore, Samuel Boen, John S. Long, F. M. Stevens and D. W. Doops were wounded, Cooper and Lewis subse- quently dying of their wounds. In Co. E, John Murdock lost his life, and J. M. Dougherty and John L. Moore were dangerously wounded. From here the army was marched to Nashville, which place was . reached on the 7th of November, and the army went into camp. By this time Gen. Buell had been succeeded by Gen. Rosecrans. The campaign through Kentucky and part of Tennessee, though but of five weeks' duration, was an eventful one to the new troops. It had been almost a continual round of marching, counter-march- ing, skirmishing and fighting through a rough country that had already been stripped of almost everything in the shape of forage. This sudden baptism into the rugged experiences of war told sadly upon many whose lives had been passed in the quiet scenes of the village or farm. During the six weeks' encampment at Nashville and Mill Creek, eleven men of Co. C died and thirteen were dis- charged for disability ; and of Co.E, ten died and ten were discharged for disability. Hawes and Davis, of Co. C, resigned on account of sickness, and T. D. Kyger and W. R. Lawrence were promoted to the vacancies. Lieut. Blosser, of Co. E, resigned, and one Presson was promoted from another company to fill the vacancy. Less than three months had elapsed, and the two companies had lost fifty-four men. On the 26th of December the camp at Mill Creek was broken, and the march for Murfreesboro' was begun in further pursuit of Bragg, who had greatly reinforced his army. On the 30th the vicinity of Murfreesboro' was reached, and almost immediately skir- mishing began. This was a most hotly contested field, in which, however, the Federal troops proved victorious. The 73d lost in this severely, and the two companies from Vermilion were sufferers, John Dye and James Yoho being killed, Lieut. Lawrence and Daniel Laycott taken prisoner, and George Pierce severely wounded. Rosecrans was proud of this victory and of the men under his com- 364 .HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. mand, and made a special order providing for a roll of honor, to be composed of one name from every company, to be selected by the members of the company. Co. C selected Sergt. Wm. H. Newlin. In June our regiment came in contact with the rebels at a point near Fairfield, and Alexander Nicholson, of Co. C, was wounded. In August, Capt. McNutt resigned, and Lieut. Kyger was promoted captain, Second Lieut. Lawrence to first lieutenant, and David A. Smith succeeded to the second lieutenancy. Lieut. Lawrence had returned in May after a five months' absence in Libby Prison. On the 10th of September the army again advanced toward Chat- tanooga, to dislodge Bragg from that position. In the many engage- ments in the vicinity of Chattanooga the 73d took active part, but in the one at Crawfish Springs, on the 20th of September, the bri- gade to which the 73d belonged played a most important part, and displayed a degree of bravery seldom equaled ; contending with and holding in check the massed columns of the rebels at a most critical moment. Cos. E and C suffered severely. Sergt. John Lewis, of C, and color bearer, fell, but held the flag aloft. It was taken by Corp. Austin Henderson, of Co. C, but he carried it only a few steps, when he was wounded. Each of the color-guard, who took the flag, was either almost instantly killed or wounded. In this engagement at least a fourth of the brigade had been left on the field, either dead, wounded or prisoners. Lieut. D. A. Smith, Artemus Terrell and Enoch Smith, of Co. C, were killed. Lieut. Lawrence, Sergts. John Lewis and Wm. Sheets, Corp. Henderson, privates John Burk, Samuel Hewit, John Bostwick, Henderson Goodwine and H. C. Henderson were wounded. Sergt. W. H. Newlin, Enoch Brown, W. F. Ellis and John Thornton were taken prisoners. All of these prisoners, except Newlin, died at Anderson- ville prison.* ISTewlin was taken to Danville, Virginia, and about six months later made his escape to the Union lines. Of those of Co. C who went into this battle, more than one-third were killed, wounded or captured. Co. E lost Wm. C. McCoy, killed, and H. Neville, wounded. The activity of battle was not the only hard- ship our heroes had to bear, for at this time, on account of scarcity of rations, and the long continued foraging by both armies on the surrounding country, the soldiers were not only often hungry but in many cases half starved. On the 24th of October Lieut. Lawrence resigned, leaving Capt. Kyger the only commissioned officer in the company. * Sergt. Newlin, some years ago, published a very interesting narrative of his escape. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 365 In November the fights of Lookout Mountain and Mission Ridge took place, and as usual the 73d was in front. The nag of the 73d again fell from the hands of the new color-bearer Harty, to be snatched up by Kyger, and by him and Harty, who had risen, was one of the first planted on the heights of the mountain. In this engagement Stephen Newlin and Nathaniel Henderson, of Co. C, and Win. Hickman, of E, were wounded. In March the 73d inarched to Cleveland, Tenn., where it remained in camp until called into the Atlanta campaign. The movement of Sherman's army on the mem- orable campaign began with the month of May, 1864, and that part to which the 73d belonged broke camp at Cleveland on the 3d of that month. It is safe to say that from this date until Sep- tember 4, the 73d was under fire eight days out of ten, Sundays not excepted. It was a continuous fight from Caloosa Springs to Lovejoy Station. During the Atlanta campaign, and until the end of the war, the 73d was in the 1st brigade 2d division and 4th Army Corps. In the battles of Buzzard Roost, Dalton and Resaca, the regiment was engaged and suffered some loss. At Burnt Hickory, Dallas and New Hope Church, the regiment was also engaged. The actions at Big Shanty Pine and Lost Mountains, brought the regi- ment by the middle of June in full view of Kenesaw Mountain. The enemy's works at this place were very strong, and well-nigh im- pregnable ; but when the order came to advance and take them, the lines swept forward and occupied them with comparative ease, but just as the federal soldiers were fairly in possession, the rebels were strongly reinforced, and the Union forces, embracing the 73d, fell back to their original position. In this engagement, though this regiment was in the line of the heaviest firing, but being on the lowest part of the ground, the shots from the enemy passed harmlessly over their heads. On the 17th of July the regiment crossed the Chattahoochee River, and on the 20th was engaged in the battle of Peach Tree Creek. In this battle the 73d occupied a very dangerous position, and did most splendid execution, having but one man killed and a dozen slightly wounded. Shortly after this the army had settled down in front of Atlanta. After the capture of Atlanta, a siege of six weeks, the army marched toward Chattanooga, arriving there about the 20th of September. From Chattanooga the line of march lay through Huntsville and Linnville, arriving in due time at Pulaski, where the skirmishers began to come in contact with those of Hood's army. In the vicinity of Columbia the 73d took an active part, in one instance sustaining the shock of cavalry. This was about the 24th to 28th of November. 366 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. All the way to Columbia, whither the Union forces were retiring, followed closely by Hood and his army, there was continual fight- ing, in which the 73d was almost constantly engaged. This was the last stand of any consequence made by the rebels in Tennessee. It was an obstinately contested field, and seemed to be the destruc- tion of the last hope of the rebels to maintain their cause in this part of the country. The hardships endured by Thomas' army in the last few days of this struggle were extreme, but not more so in the actual conflict than in the forced marches, hunger and loss of sleep ; and to accord equal bravery and endurance to the 73d, is only to repeat what has already been written by some of the most critical historians of the country. A few days later the regiment made, in the assault on the enemy at Harpeth Hill, in the vicinity of Nashville, their last charge, which proved to be one of the most splendid in their experience. As if indicating that the 73d had reaped sufficient glory, the remnants of the rebel army withdrew from Tennessee, and left our heroes in possession of the state and twelve or fifteen thousand prisoners. The Union army marched now to Huntsville, Alabama, arriving there on the 5th of January, 1865 ; the 73d remaining here until the 28th of March, at which time it left by railroad for East Ten- nessee. While encamped near Blue Springs the war closed, and the regiment was ordered to Nashville, where, on the 12th of June, it was mustered out, and in a few days started for Springfield, going on the same train with the 79th 111. Two trains conveyed the 73d as it was going to the theater of war ; the war over, one train, no larger than either of the two mentioned, conveyed both the regiments from Nashville to Springfield, indicating that the hardships of army life had dealt severely with their ranks. At Springfield the boys received their final pay and discharges, and dispersed to their several homes, having been absent from the county within a few days of three years. The heroic dead of this regiment, whose absence was most notable on the home trip, lie buried,, some in graves dug by friendly hands ; but were tombstones erected for those whose bodies were hastily pushed into the unwelcome so.il of Kentucky and Tennessee, they would almost be equivalent to the milestones to mark the road of the army through the country, which they fought to retain in the Union. Twenty-six men of the 73d were made prisoners, and of these sixteen died of hunger and ill-treatment. Of the keepers of these last, as did Jefferson on the subject of slavery, so say we: "We tremble" for them, "when we HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 367 consider that God is just, and that his vengeance will not sleep forever." THIRTY-FIFTH REGIMENT ILLINOIS INFANTRY. This regiment, nearly five companies of which were from Ver- milion county, was organized at Decatur on the 3d of July, 1861, and was one of the very first to go forward to defend the country from the rebel hordes who were not only threatening the life of the nation, but whose grasp seemed to be already encircling it. Companies D, E, F and I were almost wholly from this county, and also a large number of Co. A, the last named being under the command of Capt. Philip D. Hammond, of Danville. Co. D was .raised in Catlin, and had for its officers William R. Timmons, cap- tain ; U. J. Fox, first lieutenant, and Josiah Timmons, second lieu- tenant. Co. |E was officered by William L. Oliver, L. J. Eyman, and George C. Maxon, captain, first and second lieutenants, respect- ively. This company was raised in the townships of Georgetown and Carroll. Co. F was a Danville company, and had for captain, A. C. Keys ; first lieutenant, John Q. A. Luddington, and second lieutenant, J. M. Sinks. Co. I was raised in the vicinity of Catlin and Fairmount. Of this company, A. B. B. Lewis was elected cap- tain; Joseph Truax, first, and Joseph F. Clise, second lieutenant. In the organization of the regiment, W. P. Chandler, of Dan- ville, was elected lieutenant-colonel ; and, by the disabling of Col. Smith at the battle of Pea Ridge, Col. Chandler was put in command, and was afterward promoted to the office. On the 23d of July the regiment was accepted as Colonel G. A. Smith's Independent Regiment of Illinois Volunteers, and on the 4th of August left Decatur for the theatre of war. The regiment arrived at Jefferson barracks, Missouri, the next day, where it re- mained one week, and then removed to Marine Hospital, St. Louis, where it was mustered into service. On the 5th of September it was transported by rail to Jefferson City, Missouri, and from thence, on the 15th of October, to Sedalia, to join Gen. Sigel's advance on Springfield, arriving at that j)oint on the 26th of October. From November 13 to 19 the regiment was on the march from Springfield to Rolla. From January 24, 1862, the army to which the 35th was attached was in pursuit of Gen. Price, and here our regiment began to experience a taste of real war. At the memorable battle of Pea Ridge the regiment took active part, and lost in killed and wounded a number of its bravest men, among the wounded being Col. Smith. At the siege of Corinth the regiment took an impor- 368 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. tant part, and was at that place upon its evacuation on the 30th of May. At Perryville and Stone River the regiment was also en- gaged, at the latter place losing heavily in killed and wounded. This was during the first three days of January, 1863. The regi- ment was the first on the south side of the Tennessee River, crossing that stream on the 28th of August. At the battle of Chickamauga, September 20, the regiment was engaged, and again suffered severely. Bv the 22d of September the regiment was at Chattanooga. In the battle of Mission Ridge, on November 23-5, the regiment was placed in a most dangerous and important position, being in the front line, and displayed great valor and coolness, being led to within twenty steps of the rebel works on the crest of the hill. In the assault all of the color-guard were shot down, and Col. Chand- ler carried the flag into the enemy's works, followed by his men. By December 7 the regiment was at Knoxville, from which point it was sent on various important and dangerous expeditions. The regiment was assigned to duty next in the Atlanta campaign, and to recount all of the incidents, skirmishes and fights in which the 35th took part would be only to repeat what has been said over and over in regard to other regiments. The reader will simply turn to the story as related elsewhere, and appropriate it here. Suffice it to say that at Rocky Face, Resaca, Dallas, Mud Creek and Kennesaw the regiment was fully tested in coolness and bravery, and never disappointed its commanders. On the 31st of August the regiment started to Springfield, Illinois, where it was mustered out on the 27th of September, 1864. ONE HUNDRED AND TWENTY-FIFTH REGIMENT. I ONTRIBTJTED BY COL. WILLIAM MANN. The 125th Reg. 111. Vol. was raised under the call by President Lincoln, and was organized and mustered into the service of the United States on the 3d of September, 1862, at Danville, Illinois. It was composed of seven companies (A, B, C, D, G, I, K) from Vermilion, and three companies (E, F and H) from Champaign. The regiment was organized by the selection of the following officers: Oscar F. Harmon, Danville, colonel; James W. Langley, Champaign, lieutenant-colonel ; John B. Lee, Catlin, major ; Wm. Mann, Danville, adjutant; Levi "W. Sanders, chaplain, and John McElroy, surgeon. The principal officers of Co. A, as organized, were : Clark Ralston, captain ; Jackson Charles, first lieutenant, and Harrison Low, second lieutenant. Of Co. B, Robert Steward was HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 369 captain; William R. Wilson, first, and S. I). Conover, second . lieu- tenant. Of Co. C, William W. Fellows was captain; Alexander Pollock, first lieutenant, and James D. New, second. Co. D had for captain, George W. Galloway; .lames B. Stevens, first, and John L. Jones, second lieutenant. John II. Gass was captain of Co. G, Ephraim S. Ilowells, first, and Josiah Lee, second lieutenant. Co. I was officered by Levin Vinson, John E. Vinson and Stephen Brothers as captain, first and second lieutenants, respectively. The officers of Co. K were: George W. Cook, captain; Oliver P. Hunt, first lieutenant, and Joseph F. Crosby, second. Immediately on its being received into the service, it was sent to Cincinnati, where it was placed in the fortifications around Covington, Kentucky, but was in a few days sent to Louisville, Kentucky, which at that time was threatened by Bragg, and up- on his retreat was connected with the pursuing forces, and received its "baptism of fire 11 at the battle of Perry ville, Kentucky, assist- ing in driving the rebel army out of the state. After the battle above named it took up the line of march for Nashville, Tennessee, which will long be remembered by its members as being the most severe campaign of their service, owing to their inexperience in such duties, and many of the regiment contracted diseases that resulted in death or complete disability. During the winter following the regiment did duty in the fortifications, and on patrol and picket service in and around the city. Owing to the ignorance of camp life and the scar- city of supplies, this period was more disastrous to the organization than any of its subsequent battles. Severe picket duty, tiresome drills, and the dull routine of camp life, made up the sum of the regiment's duties until they were ordered to report to Gen. Rose- ■crans, who was about to take up the gauntlet thrown down by Bragg at Chattanooga. Proceeding by a circuitous route through western Tennessee and northern Alabama, driving the enemy at Rome and other minor points, the brigade to which the regiment belonged, then connected with Gen. Gordon Granger's Reserve Corps, the command found it- self in position in front of the enemy on the eve of what proved to be a disastrous battle to the federal forces, the day of Chickamauga. In that battle the 125th took a prominent part, by defending and holding positions of importance. On the retirement of Rosecrans to Chattanooga after his comparative defeat, the brigade, then com- manded by Col. Dan. McCook, was placed to defend Rossville Gap, an important pass, while Gen. Thomas collected the remnants of the army, to resist the farther advance of the victorious foe. In the E 370 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. defense of this important position the regiment was under a severe fire, and met with loss ; but held its ground through the day, and checked the enemy in its front. After nightfall it was ordered to retire, and was among the last to leave the field, marching to Chat- tanooga, where it took part within the fortifications, and awaited the approach of the enemy. Here it remained until it was determined that Bragg did not intend to push his successes farther, when the regiment was sent to a point up the Tennessee River known as "Caldwell's Ford," at the mouth of Chickamauga Creek. Here it experienced an incident which was one of the most startling and try- ing of its career. The camp* was pitched about one half mile back from the river, on the hillside, an exposed position, but rendered necessary by the nature of the ground. On the opposite side of the river was a rebel picket post, and a hill of some dimensions. The opportunity to attack was deemed so favorable by the rebels, that, on the night of the 16th of November, 1863, they placed a heavy battery of eight guns in position, and at the break of day opened fire on the camp. The bursting of shells and the crack of solid shot through the tents was the first sound heard by the command in the morning. It was truly a grand reveille, and certainly the men never responded more quickly than they did on that memorable morning to roll-call. Amid the thunder of the rebel guns, and the quick and gallant response of our own battery (two guns placed to assist the regiment), the command was formed in line of battle, ex- pecting the river to be crossed and the camp attacked. The execu- tion of our guns, however, soon informed the enemy that they had undertaken a difficult task, and, as was afterward learned, finding that they were experiencing loss, retired. The only loss sustained by the regiment was the death of the chaplain, Levi W. Sanders, who was struck by a round shot in the head and instantly killed. At Caldwell's Ford the regiment remained until the advance was made which culminated in the battle of Mission Ridge, and the de- feat of the enemy. In this battle it did not take an active part until the enemy was in full retreat, assisting in driving him beyond reach. Learning of the threatened attack of Knoxville by a portion of the forces from the eastern army, it was sent to the relief of that post. Accomplishing that object, it returned and went into camp on Chick- amauga Creek, at a place known as Lee and Gordon Mills, Georgia. Here it awaited the reorganization of the army, and was* placed in the 3d brigade, 3d division of the 14th Army Corps, Gen. Jeff. C. Davis, commanding. And now commenced the most vigorous part of the regiment's career. On the advance of the grand army on HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 371 what is known as the "Atlanta campaign," it was under fire many times, and participated in several battles in approaching that city. In the battle of Kennesaw Mountain, Peach Tree Creek, Tennessee, and other engagements, the regiment suffered severely, and at the end of that campaign nearly or quite one half of the command that entered upon it were numbered among the dead or wounded. At Kennesaw Mountain, on the fatal 27th of June, 1864, it lost one half of the command. Just previous to the order to charge being given, the regiment mustered two hundred and forty guns. After the charge, and when the list was made of the casualties, it was found that over one half had been killed or wounded. Here fell Col. Har- mon, Capt. Fellows, Capt. Lee, Lieut. McLean, and many a brave private, whose names are embalmed in the hearts of friends, and referred to with sadness after a lapse of fifteen years. Col. Harmon had been chiefly instrumental in raising the regiment. He had left honors and a lucrative profession at home, to respond to his coun- try's call, and gave his life in its defense. His name will be remem- bered so long as a member of the command lives, and venerated by them. This campaign ended in the battle of Jonesborough, in which the regiment suffered severe loss, as they did at Peach Tree Creek, and the subsequent capture of Atlanta. At Atlanta a reorganization of the army occurred, and the con- coction of the great campaign known in history as the tw March to the Sea," under Sherman. With that army the regiment took up the line of march toward the coast, and without any startling inci- dent aside from skirmishes, etc., reached Savannah about the 20th of December, 1864, and participated in the honor attending the cap- ture of that important post. It lost many men in this campaign, through capture, sickness, etc. Crossing the Savannah at Sister's Ferry, at the commencement of the campaign which culminated in the surrender of the Confederate forces and the suppression of the great rebellion, after the evacuation of Richmond, it advanced with the left wing of the army and participated in its last battle at Ben- tonville, a small town in North Carolina, losing quite heavily. On the surrender of Johnston it inarched to Washington, where it re- mained several weeks, and was then sent to Chicago, where it was mustered out, paid and discharged from the service of the United States after nearly three years of active service, with hardly one-half of those who had started with it from Danville remaining. Many had died or had been killed in action, others had been discharged from disability arising from wounds or diseases contracted by expo- 372 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. sure and the severity of campaign life, and a few, a very few, had been lost by desertion. And thus ended the services of the 125th regiment Illinois Volunteers in the ''Great Rebellion.''' THE PRESS. The Illinois Printing Company was organized under the laws of the state, in July, 1874, with a capital stock of $50,000. It has been prosperous from the beginning, and, by fair dealing and energetic effort, has won for itself a large trade in Illinois and adjoining states, and a reputation which places it among the first-class printing and blank-book manufacturing establishments in the state. The com- pany occupy six rooms, 50x100 feet, all of which are filled with the best class of printing and book-binding material, machinery and merchandise adapted to the trade in which it is engaged. The Illi- nois Printing Company was organized when the times were very hard and money scarce. Its rapid and healthy growth has been a matter of surprise to its competitors and wonder to all who are acquainted with its history. It now has an acquaintance and finan- cial standing in commercial circles which enables it to buy goods at the lowest cash figures, thereby making it possible to compete with the best houses in the country. About forty hands have constant employment at this establishment, at the highest ruling wages. The company expects to manufacture $100,000 worth of goods this year, and find a ready sale for them. The Danville News was es- tablished in October, 1873, and in July, 1874, passed under the control of the Illinois Printing Company, under which manage- ment it still remains. The News has had a steady and healthy growth of circulation and influ- ence, and ranks in all respects with the best newspapers in the country. The weekly edition is a handsome quarto of forty- eight columns. The daily edi- tion was established on the 13th of October, 1870, at the ear- nest solicitation of the enterprising citizens of Danville, who desired a morning daily which would give them the latest news in DAILY NEWS BUTLniNG. HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 373 the famous and critical presidential contest. The Daily News has taken the press dispatches from the first, and at once gained a large circulation in the city and a compass of many miles, which has increased steadily to the present time. With every facility for local and general news — a telegraph office being in the editor's room; a diligent and experienced corps of assistants, the best newspaper library to be found in eastern Illinois, the most careful business management, and a constantly increasing patronage, the weekly and daily News has a bright and promising outlo'ok for the future. George W. Flynn, president and manager, was born on the 25th of August, 1828, at Bainbridge, Chenango county, New York. He came to Illinois in May, 1849, and was for several years prominently connected with the Urbana Union, Urbana, being a portion of the time sole editor and proprietor; also of the Gazette and Union, Champaign, and of the CJtamipaign County Gazette. He did faithful duty during the war of the rebellion, giving three years' active ser- vice as adjutant of the 25th 111. Inf. After leaving the army he became the senior member of the firm of G.W. Flynn & Co., job printers and bookbinders, Urbana, Illinois, retaining the position until his removal to Danville, Illinois, in 1874. He was the first to move in the organization of the Illinois Printing Company, and has held the positions of president, manager and director ever since the date of its incorporation. William Ray Jewell, vice-president and editor, was born in Spen- cer county, Kentucky, August 7, 1837, and removed with his father's family, in boyhood, to Sullivan county, Indiana, settling twenty miles south of Terre Haute. He worked on a farm until fifteen years of age, when he entered the printing office of the Wabash Cotirier at Terre Haute, where he learned the printing business. He worked his way in the printing office through Moses Soule's select school in Terre Haute, read law under the kind assistance of Henry Musgrove and Hon. R. W. Thompson, and subsequently entered and graduated from the Northwestern Christian University, Indianapolis, Indiana, now Butler University. For some years he was an active and successful preacher of the Christian church. lie served in the war of 1861-5, as lieutenant of Co. G, 72d Ind. Inf. Being discharged on account of sickness, he was soon recommis- sioned as captain by Gov. Morton, and assigned to the recruiting service of the state, but soon accepted a call to the 7th Ind. Inf. as their chaplain, with which regiment he was mustered out of the ser- vice at the expiration of the term of enlistment. Mr. Jewell removed from La Fayette, Indiana, to Danville, Illinois, in November, 1873, 374 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. being one of the founders of the News, and one of the original in- corporators of the Illinois Printing Company. He has held the position of vice-president and editor since July, 1875. Joseph H. Woodmansee, secretary and treasurer, was born in Butler county, Ohio, March 24, 1830. At the age of seventeen he went to Cincinnati, where he learned the trade of machinist, and remained in the city until 1854, when he was married to Susan M. Horr, and soon after removed to Paris, Illinois. In 1856 he re- moved to Urbana, Illinois, and in August, 1862, enlisted in Co. G, 76th Reg. 111. Vol., and was honorably discharged at New Orleans, in June, 1865. In 1871 he was appointed assistant assessor of in- ternal revenue, which position he held until the office was abolished. In 1873 he became a" member of the firm of G. W. Flynn & Co., printers and blank book makers, and in September, 1874, removed to Danville, Illinois, with the printing office, which was incorporated into the Illinois Printing Company. At the first meeting of the directors of said company he was elected secretary and treasurer, which office he still occupies. The Danville Daily and Weekly Times, edited and published by A. G. Smith, is a paper that is widely copied from, and its editorials are often repeated by the press of the state. It is independent re- publican in politics, and is noted for the freedom with which it dis- cusses popular questions. At times it has enjoyed a larger patronage than was ever accorded to any other Danville newspaper. The Times was founded in February, 1868, and has had no change in proprietor- ship. The Danville Weekly Post was established in the city of Danville, Vermilion county, Illinois, in June, 1878, by Messrs. Jacobs & Thompson. It is the only democratic paper in the county, and has quite an extensive circulation. It is recognized as one of the leading journals of the state printed outside the cities, and is perfectly relia- ble. It is an eight-column quarto, neatly printed ; subscription price, $1.50 per year. Messrs. Jacobs & Thompson, the editors and pro- prietors, are both young men, but have had several years' experience in the newspaper business. They were the founders and publishers of the Chrisman (Illinois) Leader, and were running that paper pre- vious to their removal to Danville. They are probably the youngest newspaper men in the state. The junior member of the firm, — Mr. Thompson, — has always taken a very active part in politics, and seems to be somewhat of a favorite among leading politicians through- out this part of the state. The Danville Weekly Commercial, the oldest newspaper now HISTOKY OF VERMILION COUNTY. 375 (July, 1879,) published in Vermilion county, was established by the banking and real-estate firm of Short A: Wright, and the first number issued on the 5th of April, 1866, under the editorial charge of P. D. Hammond. The paper was originally published in quarto form, eight columns to the page: An A. B. Taylor cylinder press, the first power press ever set up in the county, was used in printing it. In connection with the newspaper department, the presses and mate- rial necessary to a first-class job printing office were added, the whole forming an establishment rarely to be found in a city of the size of Danville at that date. The Commercial has been a firm and consist- ent advocate of the principles held by the republican party, though oftentimes criticising methods and men of its party ; has advocated and still advocates the cause of temperance and prohibition of the liquor traffic ; favored the cause of education ; shown itself the friend of good morals and religion, and been foremost in favoring such measures of public policy as have added immensely to the growth and prosperity of Danville and Vermilion county. On the 10th of October, 1867, Mr. J. G. Kingsbury became the editorial associate of Mr. Hammond, the latter still remaining the managing editor. At the same date Mr. Wright retired from the firm of Short & Wright, as proprietors, and was succeeded by Abraham Sandusky and An- drew Gundy, old residents of the county, the proprietorship becom- ing merged in the firm of John C. Short & Co. On the 12th of December, 1867, the proprietors of the Commer- cial purchased the stock, material and good will of the Danville Plaindealer, and merged the latter journal with the former under the name of the Danville Commercial and Plaindealer. Under the consolidation Col. R. H. Johnson, late editor of the Plaindealer, be- came associate editor with Messrs. Hammond and Kingsbury. With the second number, issued in 1868, the paper was enlarged to a nine- column folio. With the issue of May 14, 1868, "Plaindealer" was dropped from the title, and the original name of the paper was re- sumed. With the issue of the Commercial of September 17, 1868, Mr. P. D. Hammond retired from editorial connection with it, in order to assume editorial charge of the Lafayette (Ind.) Journal. Upon this change Mr. J. G. Kingsbury became managing editor, Col. Johnson remaining associate editor, a position he continued to fill until the 25th of March, 1869. With the issue of the Commercial ot August 5, 1869, it was announced that Jesse Harper, late of Williams- port, Indiana, had purchased an interest in the paper. On the 14th day of July, 1873, Jesse Harper retired from all editorial connection with, and proprietorship of, the Commercial, having sold his interest to A. 376 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. Harper, his nephew, and brother of O. E. Harper, who became pub- lishers under the firm name of Harper Brothers. From this date until November 20 of the same year the editorial work of the paper was performed by O. E. Harper and Maj. E. A. Kouthe. On the latter date Mr. Park T. Martin, of Shelbyville, Illinois, announced through the columns of the Commercial that he had purchased the sole remaining interest of John C. Short & Co., and that he had assumed the editorship from that date, and that the business of the office would be conducted under the firm name of Harpers & Martin. Maj. Routhe was continued on the paper as associate editor. In the early spring of 1874 Mr.S. H. Huber purchased an interest in the paper, an additional amount of capital was furnished, and the partnership was merged into a joint stock company under the general incorporation law of the state, with the corporate name "The Com- mercial Company of Danville, Illinois." The authorized capital was $15,000, of which $11,200 was paid up, and divided in nearly equal proportions between the four incorporators : O. E. Harper, A. Har- per, Park T. Martin and S. H. Huber. The company was organized by the election of A. Harper as president, and Park T. Martin as secretary and business manager. The latter was continued as man- aging editor, a position still held by him. With the increase of capital great improvements were made in the office, the old hand- power press giving place to a fine Chicago Taylor cylinder, with steam for the motive power, being the first newspaper press in the city run by steam. At the same time the paper was enlarged and changed to a six-column quarto in form. In March, 1876, O. E. Harper disposed, of his Commercial stock to R. C. Holton, when the latter became superintendent of the mechanical department of the Commercial, a position he still holds. In February, 1877, Messrs. Huber and Martin disposed of their stock to their associates, and Mr. Huber retired from all connection with the office, in order to enter the ministry of the M. E. church. In August, 1878, Mr. A. J. Adams, for some years connected with the business management of the Danville Times, purchased stock and became business manager of the Commercial company, a position he has since held. On the 10th of September, 1878, the first number of the Daily Danville Commercial was issued, and the publication has been continued without intermission as an evening paper since, with a continually increasing list of subscribers, and at this writing, July, 1879, the business of the Commercial company in all its departments is in an encouragingly prosperous condition. // DECD- DANVILLE. HISTORY OF TOWNSHIPS. DANVILLE TOWNSHIP. This locality being so intimately connected with the early history of the county, it was found necessary to notice it quite fully in that con- nection. We find, therefore, but little else than the more modern facts, progress, incidents and institutions requiring mention. Those of our readers who have carefully followed us thus far, are, by this time, able to enter into the feelings and sympathies of the earl}' settler, who yet lin- gers for a season with us, and from whom many of the important items contained in these pages have been gleaned. A half century has just passed since the history of this locality, as far as real progress is con- cerned, began ; but what wonderful changes have taken place ! Less than fifty years ago, the people of this county, what few of them there were, lived in log cabins utterly devoid of ornament or adornment. The half of one side of the only room was devoted to the fire-place, at which the members of the family toasted their shins, meanwhile the good wife cooked the simple meal of corn cakes and wild meat at the same fire. The one room was the parlor, kitchen, dining-room and bed- room ; and, in the coldest weather, some of the few domestic animals were kindly given a night's shelter from the storm. The furniture consisted of a few splint-bottomed or bark-bottomed chairs of the plainest and roughest sort, made by the use of a hatchet, auger and jack-knife; bedsteads and table of a like character; and a scanty set of cooking utensils, often consisting of no more than a skil- let, a boiling pot and a Dutch oven. Our younger readers will hardly believe us when we say that the whole set of tableware, including pewter plates, knives and forks, would not now be considered cheap at twenty-five cents ; but, if your grandmother is still living, 3^011 need only ask her to have our t statements substantiated. There were no pictures on the walls of the pioneer's cabins, no tapestry hung at the windows, and no carpets were on the puncheon floors. The ornaments of the walls were the rifle and powder horn, bunches of beans, medicinal herbs and ears of corn for the next planting, sus- pended from pegs driven into the logs of which the walls were built. 20 HO(S HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. The windows needed no curtains, us they were made of a material which not only kept out the strong - sunlight and the fierce winds of winter, but admitted a sufficient amount of the former for all practical purposes. In this matter, the pioneers displayed an amount of inge- nuity that could be called forth only by the mother of invention — necessity. Sheets of paper were procured and soaked in hog's lard, by which process they became translucent ; and these, pasted to some cross sticks in the opening left for the purpose, constituted the window of the ancient log cabin. Puncheon floors were a luxury not to be found in every house, as, in many, the native soil was both floor and carpet. The long winter evenings were spent in conversation over personal events of the day, or of recollections of events of the old homes in the east or south from which they had emigrated. The railroad and telegraph brought no news from the outside world. There were but few books and papers then, the whole library, in many instances, con- sisting of a Bible, an almanac and a few school books. A tallow dip — an article now almost wholly unknown — afforded the only artificial light, In 1830 a clock or watch was a great novelty, and our worthy ancestors marked time by the approach of the shadow of the door to the sun mark, or the cravings of the stomach for its ration of corn bread and bacon. We might go on, describing the ancient modes of farming, of dress, of marketing and of education, to almost an endless length ; suffice it to say that, in all of the departments of life, a corresponding simplicity,. or, we had almost said, rudeness, was the rule. How different we find things now! Luxury of every kind, un- thought of by the old pioneers, abounds everywhere. Industrious hands and active 1 trains have been at work, and to-day we find in almost every house, not only all of the comforts of life, but the luxuries in endless variety. The old yawning fire-place, with its glowing " back log, fore stick and middle chunks, 1 ' have given way to the numerously patented cook and parlor stoves. Books and newspapers are on the table and in the shelves of everybody who wants them. The news from London, dated at 8 o'clock a.m., reaches us, is set up, printed and distributed to the readers of the News and other daily papers of the city by 6 o'clock the same morning, thus beating time in 3,000 miles by two hours. Had you told the old pioneers this would be done in their day, you would have been set down as a lunatic or a fit subject for the ducking-stool. Tf there was a piano in the county more than forty years ago, we have failed to find a trace of it ; and, as for reed organs, they w T ere only invented at about that time. Now, almost DANVILLE TOWNSHIP. :',l)7 every other house has one of these. As to clocks and watches, every house has one or more, and a chain dangles from the neck or the vest of nearly every man, woman and youth, indicating- that a chronometer is at hand to regulate the movements of the wearer. To enumerate all of the comforts and modern conveniences now in use and to be had, would be to give up most of the space in this "book for the purpose of a catalogue of the articles. On every hand we be- hold a wonderful, a rapid, a happy change. A wonderful soil, a re- markable climate, a progressive, economical, industrious and intelligent people combined have done this. EARLY BUILDINGS. The old log hotel which Solomon Gilbert built in 1827, stood at the west end of Main street. It only remained in use as a " tavern " a few years, for it soon became distanced by more extensive and grander ones. The old sign, according to the custom of the day, hung in a tree near by. Bluford Runyen built a log house on the rear of the old "Pennsylvania House " property in 1828. He sold this to John Leight, who commenced, but sold to Samuel J. Russell, who built the first part (the north end) of the old tavern in 1832. It stood on the west side of Yermilion street, about half way between the public square and the "^Etna House." It was a very good house for its time, and was the rival of the "McCormack " in public favor. Russell was selling goods on Main street, and soon sold his house to Willison, who in turn sold to Abram Mann, Senior, who had recently come from Eng- land. Mr. Mann put up the southern part of it. The ball-room, which was the necessary appendage to ever}' well-regulated "tavern " in those days, was on the west side, over the dining-room. It remained stand- ing with the old log "house which Runyen built," until 1875, when the march of events called for the lots upon which it stood, for business purposes, and it disappeared. The first part of the famous McCormack House was built by Jesse Gilbert, about 1833. It was a frame build- ing, the planks being fastened on with wooden pins, before nails came into very general use here. Charles S. Galusha built an addition to it soon after. Mr. Cross kept it a while, and then William McCor- mack took it and enlarged it, making it the best hotel in town. Dur- ing the flush days of land office business here, this house acquired a national reputation. The people who came here from all over the country to enter land were accommodated, not exactly in princely style, but in good shape, at the McCormack. No " runner" found it necessary to sound its praises in sonorous notes from stentorian lungs, for it was known and read of all men everywhere. From all over the 308 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. countr} 7 men came with their saddle-bags and ax-boxes tilled with " shiny boys," for " greenbacks " had not then been invented, to buy the land which was soon to make them or their children rich. The building still stands, close by the side of its " successor in office" and in public favor, the beautiful Arlington, tj-pes of the better class of two ages of hotel building; the former being as good a building as any country village before railroad times could support, the latter as fine a building as any young city in the land can show. The corners north of the public square are historical. On the east- ern one, where the court-house now stands, the old, cramped-up build- ing which so long served as the hall of justice for the county of Vermilion, stood. This was not the first court-house, but the first "permanent" one. The two which preceded it were temporary affairs, and were soon dispensed with. The first court-house was the one at Butler's Point, where Judge J. O. Wattles was falsely reported to have been seen paring his toe-nails secundum artem, while the bailiff had the different members of the first grand jury treed by hounds in the tall timber along the Salt Fork. The second one was built of hewn logs, and stood on the west side of the public square, south of Main street. The next one was the old square building which so long- served the purpose. For nearly fort} 7 years it was the only court-house Vermilion count} 7 had. When it burned there were few to mourn its loss. It was about fifty feet square, having the court-room below, with a door upon its south front on the public square, and one on its west on Vermilion street. The judge's bench was on the east side of the court-room, which was in the first story, and the second story was divided into two jury-rooms for the grand and petit juries. The county offices were scattered around town, wherever rooms could be found for them, and necessitated much inconvenience, and had the effect of creating much irregularity in the transaction of business. Norman D. Palmer and G. S. Hubbard were the contractors and Thomas Durham the builder in 1832. A wing was built later for the clerks 1 offices, which answered the purpose very well for a time. The old court-house was burned in 1872, by some one who wanted to see a better one in the place of it, and the present very neat and commodious structure was erected in 1876. Col. Myers, of De- troit, Mich., was the architect; IN". C. Terrell, contractor. The build- ing committee were: J. G. Holden, A. Gilbert, A. H. O'Bryant, H. E. P. Talbott and B. Butterfield. The building cost, complete, in- cluding heating, etc., $105,000. It is in the form of an L, having a front on Vermilion street and one on Main street, having the post office, the janitor's rooms and offices in the basement story ; the offices DANVILLE TOWNSHIP. 309 of the county clerk, county judge, circuit clerk, sheriff and treasurer, with spacious vaults connected with them, and the county court-room on the first floor; the court-room and jury-rooms and other offices in the upper story. The rooms are all nicely finished off", and well adapted to the uses for which they were intended, and convenient. The basement story is of Joliet stone, the superstructure of brick trimmed with cut stone. The first jail stood just north of the court- house which was burned. It was made of hewn logs, dovetailed to- gether and pinned through the corners. It was about thirty feet long, and had a partition across it near the center, to separate the two classes of prisoners which it was at that time legal to put in jail, criminal and debt prisoners. Large river stones were put on the ground and a floor of hewn logs placed on that. It was covered over with a similar floor of hewn logs. There were two windows in it, about eighteen inches square. It was thought to be a very secure institution until it was put to the test. Hiram Hickman, who had considerable to do with running- it for several years, says that he never had any trouble in catching a horse thief, but the} 7 seldom had an}' trouble in clearing themselves without feeing a lawyer, for they were sure to dig out before the first day of the next term of court. This worthless old concern was re- moved in 1873. When the court-house burned it absolutely refused to follow suit. The new jail was built in 1874, and is large, well built, well ventilated and is a beautiful residence, having little about it to remind one of the uses to which it is put. It is built of Joliet stone and brick, and consists of two stories and basement. It has a front of forty-four feet on Vermilion street, and is one hundred and two feet deep, and cost $53,292. B. V. Enos, of Indianapolis, was architect. The building committee were the same as in the building of the court- house, J. G. Holden acting as chairman, and giving his best endeavors to the work of keeping everybody honest that had anything to do with it. None of the old settlers will ever forget the occasion of the first female prisoner being confined in the county jail. No provision had been made for female prisoners. The jail had but two apartments, one for criminals, and one for those who had been guilty of being in debt. When Mr. Dawson came here with the blooming, dashing woman he introduced here as his wife, and occupied a little cabin where the National Bank now stands, the citizens little thought that she would be the first woman to occupy that old log jail. She was a woman of more than ordinary intelligence, and her behavior was above reproach. Her wardrobe was of the most extensive nature, and costly beyond any thing known by the people hereabouts. Silk dresses in the most lavish profusion were to be seen, while Dawson, in the plain garb of a day 310 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. laborer, seemed illy mated to the magnificent woman who bore the air and dress of one who had been brought up in almost regal wealth. She fairly dazzled the entire neighborhood. A year later there appeared a worn and "weary wanderer who said this woman was his wife, and that she had eloped with Dawson, and that he had been searching for her a year. He made the necessary affidavits, and the two were arrested and thrust into jail. Then all Danville wagged their heads. "I told you so," said the wise women, who seemed to rather delight in her misfortune, and the men who had bowed so obsequiously when she swept by, now just recollected that the} 7 "more than half suspected" all along that all was not right. It was then her woman's wits served her. Dawson got bail, and public sentiment began to turn in her favor. She had several consultations with her husband, and promised to return home with him if he would get her out of jail. To accomplish this, he went before another justice of the peace and made a counter affidavit, and then left suddenly, to prevent harsh treatment, which was pretty sure to follow if he remained here. As soon as she was liberated she joined Dawson in going west instead of returning to her persecutor. The war and the activity of travel incident upon it made a strong demand for more hotel room in Danville, and in 1865 M. M. Bedford built the north part of the present "^Etna House," and it became at once the popular resort for those whose business called them to the county seat. It was a large and magnificent building for the times, and, with the addition put on in 1873 by William Farmer and D. Gregg, is still the largest hotel in the city. It has a front of one hundred and twenty-five feet on Vermilion street and one hun- dred and thirty on North street; is three stories and basement, with seventy-six guests' rooms, and the entire block, including ground, has cost $62,000. William Farmer is proprietor. Messrs. Crane & Son and McCormack built the "Arlington Hotel " on Main street in 1875. It is 75x100, three stories high, having two stores besides the hotel office on the ground floor. It is a splendid building, and probably forms the neatest block in the city. It has fifty rooms. It is owned at present by J. M. Dougherty, of Fairmount, Mrs. Scott and C. R. Brown. White & Rick, who are in charge of it, have been for seven years in the hotel business in the city, having been five years in the "^Etna." Ed. Galligan built the " St. James," on Main street, three blocks east of the public square, in 1867, and in 1871 built the addition to it. It has two stores on the ground floor besides the office. It is the same size as the Arlington, and has forty-five rooms. F. B. Freese has conducted it ever since its occupancy. The Tremont, farther east on Main street, an elegant and tasty building, was put OANVILLK TOWNSHIP. 3U up by Anselm Sieferman, at. a cost of over $10,000. It is 34x100, and is all occupied for hotel purposes, except the basement and two rooms on the ground floor, which are used as a cigar manufactory by the owner of the building. Tt is three high stories, besides the basement, and presents a fine architectural appearance on both fronts. It con- tains thirty-three guests' rooms. The Hesse House, on Hazel street, was built by Mr. Hommac, in 1874. It is four stories high, the two upper being thrown into one for a hall. It is a fine building, and cost $12,000. Hommac sold it to Hesse, who occupies it. The upper room is used by the military company for an armory. The " Sherman House." a three-storv brick, is east of the railroad. MILLS. CITY MILLS. The present importance of the milling business in Danville, being now second only to the mining interests, makes a study of its growth a matter of interest. So we inquire into all the little doings and wise sayings of the early days — the baby days — of those who have waxed great in public estimation or in wealth ; search out, as if it were of importance, every minute circumstance of his boyhood, if it is creditable, and drop into oblivion all which tends to show that he was not great, even in babyhood, and we build up wondrous heroes, with shining new hatchets, who can't tell a lie ; powerful heroes who, even before they are large enongh to wear boots, can ride any horse bare- back, or change the natural gait of a trotter into a smooth pacer. Then after we have told our children and grandchildren these beautiful stories about cherry trees and the rugged moral development of " Truthful James," some Parton is raised up to tell us that all these wondrous stories that we had " built our hopes upon " were fables, and our idols 812 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. are dashed in pieces. The first mill built in this township, as far as the memory of those now accessible serves, was commenced by Bob Trickle, on the North Fork, near the lower end of Main street. He had not pro- gressed far toward completion before Solomon Gilbert purchased it, and it became known as Gilbert's mill. It was a log building, and the stones were cut out of such as could be found in the stream near by. This answered the purpose of the neighborhood very well for a time, but it could not be deemed a great success in a money-making point of view. Grain was very cheap, and the commissions on grind- ing were necessarily small. The bolting was done b}' hand at first, and was a very slow process, but gave work for the boys who needed some- thing to keep them out of mischief. The date of building does not seem to be well settled, but it must have been about 1828, and about two years later a saw-mill was attached. All these old saw-mills used the " gate-saw," which has never been seen by the younger readers. The saw was fixed into a frame, which was about eight feet high by six wide, made so strong that it would hold the saw firmly to the work, and so heavy that it moved up and down very leisurely, which gave rise to the expression that it would go up in the spring and come down with the fall freshets. It moved in. grooves cut in the upright timbers. Such an one would not be endured for a day now, but the men who were accustomed to run them could saw two thou- sand feet a day, and the writer well recollects hearing old sawyers tell of turning out twice that amount; but this latter story he attributes to the unfortunate habit which attaches to some elderly gentlemen of drawing rather strong on the resources of their early recollections. Of course about one thousand feet of lumber for a twelve hours' "trick " was very good work. The price for sawing was universally fifty cents per hundred feet, or a share, so that it will be seen that a saw-mill was about the best piece of property, financially speaking, which could be had in those days. It was better than a bank or county office — theo- retically, at least. Mr. Amos Williams, who held almost all the offices at that time, from postmaster to poundmaster, thought so, and concluded to own one. He bought or built one — most likely both — on the main stream, long known as Cotton's mill. The date of this has also faded from memory. Benjamin Brooks, the relic of Brooks' Point, says that he helped cut and put in the first dam here, which, as near as he can now remember, was forty-three years ago — 1836.* There is a pretty generally received opinion that the dam was built before that date, but Mr. Brooks can hardly be mistaken in regard to date, though there is a possibility of his having helped to build the second dam at that time. Mr. Will- DANVILLE TOWNSHIP. 313 iams, while reasonably successful in everything else, found his mill a heavy bill of expense, and so it continued to be as long as he continued to run it. After Mr. Williams' death, Mr. Cotton pur- chased and refitted it, and continued to run it and the carding machine until about 1867, when the building of the mills now in existence commenced, and he thought his water privilege more valu- able to him in another way. The fall was about six feet, and gave sufficient head for the modern wheels. He still keeps up the dam for its supply of ice. Robert Kirkpatrick built a water-mill on Stoney Creek, in 1835 — a saw-mill — and run it some years. Hale & Galusha built a saw-mill in 1836. Mr. Hale had come here with some considerable money ; in fact, was the first " capitalist " who came here, but he soon found ways to dispose of it. Besides the saw- mill, he entered a large amount of land, and the " revulsion " left him with nothing to pay taxes with. Had he been satisfied with half the amount of land, it would have made him immensely rich. He became soured and found fault with •' the way this government was run," and growled furiously at the "financial legislation " of the day, and wound up with endeavoring to get up a foray on Mexico — in all probability helped to carry on the war against that country to " extend the area of freedom. 1 ' In 1836 a company consisting of Thomas Willison, Thomas McKib- ben, J. H. Murphy and G. W. Cassady, and perhaps one or two others, built the first steam saw-mill on the river bottoms, just below the Wabash Railway bridge. The "panic' 1 struck it soon after, and it was allowed to go to decay ; even the logs which were drawn there to be sawed were permitted to rot on the yard. The Kyger mill is also historical in its remembrance and its associa- tions. Mr. William Sheets, one of the most honored and respected citi- zens of Georgetown, a gentleman whose name will be kindly remembered by many long after he shall have passed away, and Mr. Thomas Morgan built the first mill there in 1835. After Mr. Kyger came into posses- sion of it, he built a large frame and got in new machinery, but has never yet got it to running. There was a corn-cracker and distillery on Brady's Branch, built as early as 1833. The distillery made a very good article of whisky for those days; it would tangle a man's legs just as effectually as any of the later improved varieties. It would run about a barrel a day, which was deemed sufficient for the actual needs of the dwellers along Brady's Branch — that is, to keep them from suffering. Mr. Froman owned the distillery and Mr. Wm. M. Payne had charge of it. Froman built the first flat-boat that ever ran 814 HISTORY OF VERMILION COUNTY. out of this county, in 1834, to carry his produce to New Orleans. Mr. Payne went down with the boat as supercargo. The trip proved a successful one, no disaster having overtaken the "gallant ship" in her cruise. As is well known to the general reader, this flat-boating was a very important industry in those early days. The man who had never run the river did not know much worth speaking of. He was not considered educated, not fit to run for office, was like his first pro- genitor in the Garden — did not know "good and evil." A "hard- shell" preacher once described New Orleans as a city where "honest men were scarcer than hens' teeth/ 1 where " corn was worth six bits a bushel one day and nary red the next." The boats upon which the produce of the country was borne to market were made on the streams here, and when unloaded were sold there, and the crew found their way back as best they could — on returning steamers, on foot or horse- back. One man "who was returning proposed to himself to purchase a pony which had been brought in from the western wilds. He bought the animal cheap, but it proved a dear bargain for the boatman. When out a day or two on his way home, the pony got loose from his fastening, and evaded every endeavor of his " master," so to speak, to catch him. After trying until he became thoroughly discouraged, he shouldered his wrath, his bundles and his saddle and started north. In this way he proceeded home, the pony keeping him compan}^ just far enough in the rear to keep out of his reach, still following "afar off." Leonard's mill was built about 1834, and Jenkins had one farther down stream, near the state line, which he continued to run until he went to Catlin and put a mill into the huge building which the citizens' there pre- sented to him. Henderson & Kyger put up the first steam grist-mill in 1854. The people had been going over to Indiana for their flour, and these gentlemen thought the time had come to make flour nearer home. Mr. M. M. Wright now owns the mill, and it is still in good running order. The "Amber Mill," near the Wabash depot, was built by Shella- berger & Bowers in 1866, at an original cost of $28,000. It was burned in 1874 and rebuilt in 1875, by Bowers