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N V< Ul
BACON'S ESSAYS
AND
WISDOM OF THE A]N^OIEK"TS
WITH A BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICE BY A. SPIERS
PREFACE BY B. MONTAGU, AND NOTES
BY DIFFERENT WRITERS
BOSTON
LITTLE, BROWN, AND COMPACT
1884
l^
V
Copyright, 18S4,
By Little, Beown, and Company.
©nt&etsUg IBress:
John Wilson and Son, Cambridge,
ADVERTISEMENT.
In preparing the present volume for the press, use
has been freely made of several publications which have
recentl}' appeared in England. The Biographical Notice
of the author is taken from an edition of the Essaj^s, by
A. Spiers, Ph. D. To this has been added the Preface
to Pickering's edition of the Essays and Wisdom of the
Ancients, by Basil Montagu, Esq. Parker's edition, by
Thomas Markb}^ M. A., has furnished the arrangement
of the Table prefixed to the Essa3^s, and also "the
references to the most important quotations." The
Notes, including the translations of the Latin, are
chiefly copied from Bohn's edition, prepared by Joseph
Devey, M. A. We have given the modern translation
of the Wisdom of the Ancients contained in Bohn's
edition, in preference to that "done by Sir Arthur
Gorges," although the last mentioned has a claim upon
regard, as having been made by a contemporary of Lord
Bacon, and published in his lifetime. Its language is
in the style of English current in the author's age, and
for this reason may resemble more nearly what the pliil-
osopher himself would have used, had he composed the
work in his own tongue instead of Latin.
I
CONTENTS.
Preface by B. Montagu, Esq xi
Introductory Notice of the Life and Writings of Bacon, by
A. Spiers, Ph. D 1
ESSAYS; OR, COUNSELS CIVIL AND MORAL.
NO.
1.
Of Truth . . .
1625;
57
2.
Of Death . . .
1612;
enlarged 1625 ... .
62
3.
Of Unity in Relig-
Of Religion 1612 ; rewrit-
ion
ten 1625
65
4.
Of Revenge . . .
1625;
73
5.
Of Adversity . .
1625;
75
6.
Of Simulation and
Dissimulation
1625;
78
7.
Of Parents and
Children . . .
1612;
enlarged 1625 . . . .
82
8.
Of Marriage and
Single Life . .
1612;
slightly enlarged 1625 . .
84
9.
Of Envy. . . .
1625;
87
10.
Of Love ....
1612;
rewritten 1625 . . . .
95
IL
Of Great Place .
1612 ;
slightly enlarged 1625
98
12.
1 ^^•
Of Boldness . .
Of Goodness, and
1625;
103
Goodness of Na-
1
ture
1612;
enlarged 1625 . . . .
105
14.
Of Nobility . . .
1612;
rewritten 1625 . . . .
110
15.
Of Seditious and
Troubles . . .
1625;
113
VI
16.
Of Atheism . . .
17.
Of Superstition .
18.
Of Travel . . .
19.
Of Empire . . .
20.
Of Counsels . .
21.
Of Delays . . .
22.
Of Cunning . . .
23.
Of Wisdom for a
Man's Self . .
24.
Of Innovations
25.
Of Dispatch . .
26.
Of Seeming Wise ,
27.
Of Friendship . .
28.
Of Expense . .
29.
Of the true Great-
ness of Kingdoms
and Estates . .
30.
Of Regimen of
Health . . .
31.
Of Suspicion . .
32.
Of Discourse . .
33.
Of Plantations . .
34.
Of Riches . . .
35.
Of Propliecies . .
36.
Of Ambition . .
37.
Of Masques and
Triumplis . . .
38.
Of Nature in Men
39.
Of Custom and Ed-
ucation . . .
40.
Of Fortune . . .
41.
Of Usury . . .
CONTENTS.
PAGE
1612 ; slightly enlarged 1625 . 124
1612; " " " . . 130
1625; 132
1612; much enlarged 1625 . . 135
1612 ; enlarged 1625 .... 143
1625; 151
1612 ; rewritten 1625 ... 153
1612 ; enlarged 1625 .... 159
1625; 161
1612; 163
1612; 166
1612 ; rewritten 1625 .... 168
1597 ; enlarged 1612 ; and again
1625 179
1612; enlarged 1625 .... 181
1597 ; enlarged 1612 ; again
1625 195
1625; 197
1597; slightly enlarged 1612;
again 1625 .... 199
1625; 202
1612; much enlarged 1625 . . 207
1625; 212
1612; enlarged 1625 .... 217
1625; 218
1612; enlarged 1625 .... 223
1612; " " . . . . 225
1612 ; slightly enlarged 1625 . 228
1625; . . ". 231
CONTENTS. vii
NO.
42. Of Youth and Age 1612 ; slightly enlarged 1625 . 237
43. Of Beauty . . . 1612; " " " • • 240
44. Of Deformity . . 1612 ; somewhat altered 1625 . 241
45. Of Building . . 1625; 243
46. Of Gardens. . . 1625; 249
47. Of Negotiating . 1597; enlarged 1612; very
slightly altered 1625 . 259
48. Of Followers and
Friends . . . 1597 ; slightly enlarged 1625 . 261
49. Of Suitors . . . 1597 ; enlarged 1625 . ... 264
50. Of Studies . . . 1597; '* « . . . . 266
51. Of Faction . . . 1597; much enlarged 1625 . . 269
52. Of Ceremonies and
Respects . . . 1597 ; enlarged 1625 .... 271
53. Of Praise . . . 1612; " " . . . . 273
54. Of Vainglory . . 1612; 276
^5 5 . Of Honor and Bep-
utation . . . 1597; omitted 1612; repub-
Hshed 1625 .... 279
56. Of Judicature . . 1612; 282
57. Of Anger . . . 1625; 289
• 58. Of the Vicissitude
of Things . . . 1625; 292
APPENDIX TO ESSAYS.
1. Fragment of an Essay of Fame 301
2. Of a King ^^•^
3. An Essay on Death 307
THE WISDOM OF THE ANCIENTS ; A SERIES OF
MYTHOLOGICAL FABLES.
Preface ^1''
1. Cassandra, or Divination. Explained of too free and
unseasonable Advice 323
2. Typhon, or a Bebel. Explained of Rebellion ... 324
viii CONTENTS.
NO. PAGE
3. The Cyclops, or the Ministers of Terror. Explained
of base Court Officers 327
4. Narcissus, or Self-Love 329
5. The River Styx, or Leagues. Explained of Necessity,
in the Oaths or Solemn Leagues of Princes . . . 331
6. Pan, or Nature. Explained of Natural Philosophy . 333
7. Perseus, or War. Explained of the Preparation and
Conduct necessary to War 343
8. Endymion, or a Eavorite. Explained of Court Eavor-
ites 348
9. The Sister of the Giants, or Eame. Explained of
Public Detraction 350
10. Acteon and Pentheus, or a Curious Man. Explained
of Curiosity, or Prying into the Secrets of Princes
and Divine Mysteries 351
11. Orpheus, or Philosophy. Explained of Natural and
Moral Philosophy 353
12. Coelum, or Beginnings. Explained of the Creation,
or Origin of all Things 357
13. Proteus, or Matter. Explained of Matter and its
Changes 360
14. Meranon, or a Youth too forward. Explained of the
fatal Precipitancy of Youth 363
15. Tythonus, or Satiety. Explained of Predominant
Passions 364
16. Juno's Suitor, or Baseness. Explained of Submission
and Abjection 365
17. Cupid, or an Atom. Explained of the Corpuscular
Philosophy 366
18. Diomed, or Zeal. Explained of Persecution, or Zeal
for Religion 371
19. Daedalus, or Mechanical Skill. Explained of Arts and
Artists in Kingdoms and States 374
20. Ericthouius, or Imposture. Explained of the improper
Use of Eorce in Natural Philosophy 378
CONTENTS. IX
NO. PAGE
21. Deucalion, or Restitution. Explained of a useful Hint
in Natural Philosophy 379
22. Nemesis, or the Vicissitude of Things. Explained of
the Reverses of Fortune 380
23. Achelous, or Battle. Explained of War by Invasion . 383
24. Dionysus, or Bacchus. Explained of the Passions . 384
25. Atalanta and Hippomenes, or Gain. Explained of the
Contest betwixt Art and Nature 389
26. Prometheus, or the State of Man. Explained of an
Overruling Providence, and of Human Nature . . 391
27. Icarus and Scylla and Cliarybdis, or the Middle Way.
Explained of Mediocrity in Natural and Moral
Philosophy 407
28. Sphinx, or Science. Explained of the Sciences . . 409
29. Proserpine, or Spirit. Explained of the Spirit in-
cluded in Natural Bodies 413
30. Metis, or Counsel. Explained of Princes and their
Council 419
31. The Sirens, or Pleasures. Explained of Men's Pas-
sion for Pleasures 420
PREFACE.
In the early part of the year 1597, Lord Bacon's first
publication appeared. It is a small 12mo. volume, en-
titled ''Essayes, Religious Meditations, Places of Per-
swasion and Disswasion." It is dedicated
" To M. Anthony Bacon, his deare Brother.
" Loniiig and beloned Brother, I doe nowe like some that
have an Orcharde ill Neighbored, that gather their Fruit be-
fore it is ripe, to preuent stealing. These Fragments of my
Conceites were going to print, To labour the stale of them
had bin troublesome, and subiect to interpretation; to let them
passe had beene to aduenture the wrong they mought receiue
by vntrue Coppies, or by some Garnishment, which it mought
please any that should set them forth to bestow vpon them.
Therefore I helde it best as they passed long agoe from my
Pen. without any further disgrace, then the weaknesse of the
Author. And as I did euer hold, there mought be as great
a vanitie in retiring and withdrawing mens conceites (except
they bee of some nature) from the World, as in obtruding
them : So in these particulars I haue played myself the In-
quisitor, and find nothing to my vnderstanding in them con-
trarie or infectious to the state of Religion, or Manners, but
rather (as I suppose) medecinable. Only I disliked now to
put them out, because they will be like the late new Halfe-
xii PREFACE.
pence, which, though tlie Siluer were good, yet the Peeces
were small. But since they would not stay with their Mas-
ter, but would needes trauaile abroade, I haue preferred them
to you that are next my selfe, Dedicating them, such as they
are, to our Loue, in the depth whereof (I assure you) I some-
times wish your Infirmities translated vppon my selfe, that
her Maiestie mought haue the Seruice of so actiue and able
a Mind, and I mought be with excuse confined to these Con-
templations and Studies for which I am fittest, so commend
I you to the Preseruation of the Diuine Maiestie : From my
Chamber at Graies Inne, this 30 of Januarie, 1597. Your
entire Louing Brother, Fran. Bacon."
The Essays, which are ten in number, abound with
condensed thought and practical wisdom, neatly, pressly,
and weightil}' stated, and, like all his early works, are
simple, without imager}-. The^' are written in his favor-
ite style of aphorisms, although each essa}- is apparently
a continued work, and without that love of antithesis
and false glitter to which truth and justness of thought
are frequentl}' sacrificed b}' the writers of maxims.
A second edition, Mnth a translation of the Medita-
Hones Sacrw^ was published in the next year ; and
another edition enlarged in 1612, when he was solicitor-
general, containing thirty-eight essaj's ; and one still
more enlarged in 1625, containing fifty-eight essa3'S, the
year before his death.
The Essa3^s in the subsequent editions are much aug-
mented, according to his own words: "I always alter
when I add, so that nothing is finished till all is fin-
ished," and they are adorned by happy and familiar
illustration, as in the essa}^ of Wisdom for a Man's
Self, which concludes, in the edition of 1625, with the
PREFACE. xiii
following extract, not to be found in the previous edi-
tion : " Wisdom for a man's self is, in many branches
thereof, a depraved thing. It is the wisdom of rats,
that will be sure to leave a house somewhat before it
fall. It is the wisdom of the fox, that thrusts out the
badger, who digged and made room for him. It is the
wisdom of crocodiles, that shed tears when the}' would
devour. But that which is specially to be noted is,
that those which (as Cicero sa3's of Pompey) are Sui
Amantes sine Hivali ai'e many times unfortunate. And
whereas the}' have all their time sacrificed to themselves,
they become in the end themselves sacrifices to the in-
constanc}^ of Fortune, whose wings they thought, by
their self wisdom, to have pinioned."
So in the essay upon Adversity, on which he had
deepl}' reflected before the edition of 1625, when it first
appeared, he sa^'S : " Tlie virtue of prosperity is tem-
perance ; the virtue of adversit}' is fortitude ; which in
morals is the more heroical virtue. Prosperity is the
blessing of the Old Testament ; adversity is the bless-
mg of the New, which carrieth the great benediction,
and the clearer revelation of God's favor. Yet, even
in the Old Testament, if you listen to David's harp,
3'ou shall hear as man}' heai*se-like airs as carols ; and
the pencil of the Holy Ghost hath labored more in
describing the afflictions of Job than the felicities of
Solomon. Prosperity is not without many fears and
distastes, and adversity is not without comforts and
hopes. We see in needle- works and embroideries, it
IS more pleasing to have a lively work upon a sad and
solemn ground than to have a dark and melancholy
work upon a lightsome ground ; judge, therefore, of the
xiv PREFACE.
pleasure of the heart by the pleasure of the eye. Cer-
tainl}', virtue is like precious odors, most fragrant when
the^^ are incensed, or crushed ; for prosperity doth best
discover vice, but adversitj^ doth best discover virtue."
The Essa3's were immediate!}' translated into French
and Italian, and into Latin, by some of his friends,
amongst whom were Hacket, Bishop of Lichfield, and
his constant, affectionate friend, Ben Jonson.
His own estimate of the value of this work is thus
stated in his letter to the Bishop of Winchester : "As
for m}^ Essaj's, and some other particulars of that na-
ture, I count them but as the recreations of m}^ other
studies, and in that manner purpose to continue them ;
though I am not ignorant that these kind of writings
would, with less pains and assiduity', perhaps yield more
lustre and reputation to my name than the others I have
in hand."
Although it was not likel}' that such lustre and repu-
tation would dazzle him, the admirer of Phocion, who,
when applauded, turned to one of his friends, and asked,
" What have I said amiss? " although popular judgment
was not likeh^ to mislead him who concludes his obser-
vations upon ^ he objections to learning and the advan-
tages of knowledge by sa3ing : " Nevertheless, I do not
pretend, and I know it will be impossible for me, by
an}' pleading of mine, to reverse the judgment either of
uEsop's cock, that preferred the barleycorn before the
gem ; or of Midas, that being chosen judge between
Apollo, president of the Muses, and Pan, god of the
flocks, judged for plent}' ; or of Paris, that judged for
beauty and love against wisdom and power. For these
things continue as they have been ; but so will that also
PREFACE. XV
continue whereupon learning hath ever relied and which
faileth not, Justificata est sapientia a filiis suis : "
3'et he seems to have undervalued this little work, which
for two centuries has been favorabl}' received by every
lover of knowledge and of beaut}", and is now so well
appreciated that a celebrated professor of our own times
trul}^ saj's : ' ' The small volume to which he has given
the title of ' Essa3's,' the best known and the most popu-
iar of all his works, is one of those where the supe-
riority of his genius appears to the greatest advantage,
the novelty and depth of his reflections often receiving
a strong relief from the triteness of the subject. It may
be read from beginning to end in a few hours ; and 3'et
after the twentieth perusal one seldom fails to remark
in it something overlooked before. This, indeed, is a
characteristic of all Bacon's writings, and is only to be
accounted for by the inexhaustible aliment they furnish
to our own thoughts and the S3'mpathetic activit}' they
impart to our torpid faculties."
During his life six or more editions, which seem to
have been pirated, were published ; and after his death,
two spurious essays, "Of Death," and " Of a King,"
the onl3' authentic posthumous essa3^ being the Frag-
ment of an Essay on Fame, which was published b3' his
friend and chaplain, Dr. Rawle3'.
This edition is a transcript of the edition of 1625, with
the posthumous essa3's. In the life of Bacon ^ there is a
minute account of the different editions of the Essays
and of their contents.
They may shortly be stated as follows : —
^ By B. Montagu. Appendix, note 3, I.
b
xvi PEEFACE.
First edition, 1597, genuine.
There are two copies of this edition in the university
library at Cambridge ; and tliere is Archbishop San-
croft's cop3' in Emanuel Library ; there is a copy in the
Bodleian, and I have a copy.
Second edition, 1598, genuine.
Third edition, 1606, pirated.
Fourth edition, entitled " The Essaies of Sir Francis
Bacon, Knight, the Kings Solliciter Generall. Imprinted
at London by lohn Beale, 1612," genuine. It was the
intention of Sir Francis to have dedicated this edition to
Henry, Prince of Wales ; but he was prevented by the
death of the prince on the 6th of November in that year.
This appears b}" the following letter : —
To the Host High and Excellent Prince, Henry, Prince of
Wales, DuJce of Cornwall, and Earl of Chester.
It may please your Highness : Having divided my life into
the contemplative and active part, I am desirous to give his
Majesty and your Highness of the fruits of both, simple though
they be. To write just treatises, requireth leisure in the writer
and leisure in the reader, and therefore are not so fit, neither
in regard of your Higlmess's princely affairs nor in regard of
my continual service ; which is the cause that hath made me
choose to write certain brief notes, set down rather significantly
than curiously, which I have called Essays. The word is late,
but the thing is ancient ; for Seneca's Epistles to Lucilius, if
you mark them well, are but Essays ; that is, dispersed medi-
tations though conveyed in the form of epistles. These labors
of mine, I know, cannot be worthy of your Highness, for what
can be worthy of you f But my hope is, they may be as grains
of salt, that will rather give you an appetite than ofi'end you
with satiety. And although they handle those things wlierein
PREFACE. xvii
both men's lives and their persons are most conversant ; yet
what T have attained I know not ; but I have endeavored to
make them not vulgar, but of a nature whereof a man shall
find much in experience and little in books; so as they are
neither repetitions nor fancies. But, however, I shall most
humbly desire your Highness to accept them in gracious part,
and to conceive, that if I cannot rest but must show my duti-
ful and devoted affection to your Highness in these things
which proceed from myself, I shall be much more ready to
do it in performance of any of your princely commandments.
And so wishing your Highness all princely felicity, I rest your
Highness's most humble servant,
1612. Fr. Bacon.
It was dedicated as follows : —
To my loving Brother , Sir John Constable, Knt.
My last Essaies I dedicated to my deare brother Master
Anthony Bacon, who is with God. Looking amongst my
Papers this vacation, I found others of the same nature :
which, if I myselfe shall not suffer to be lost, it seemeth the
World will not ; by tlie often printing of the former. Miss-
ing my Brother, I found you next ; in respect of bond both of
neare Alliance, and of straight Friendship and Societie, and
particularly of communication in Studies. Wherein I must
acknowledge my selfe beholding to you. For as my Businesse
found rest in my Contemplations, so my Contemplations ever
found rest in your loving Conference and Judgment. So wish-
ing you all good, I remaine your louing Brother and Friend,
FiiA. Bacon.
Fifth edition, 1612, pirated. Sixth edition, 1613, pi-
rated. Seventh edition, 1624, pirated. Eighth edition,
1624, pirated. Ninth edition, entitled, "The Essayes
or Covnsels, Civill and Morall, of Francis Lo. Vervlam,
xviii PKEFACE.
Viscovnt St. Alban. Newl}' enlarged. London, Printed
by lohn Haviland for Hanna Barret and Richard Whita-
ker, and are to be sold at the Signe of the King's Head
in Paul's Churchyard." 1625, genuine.
This edition is a small quarto of 340 pages ; it clearly
was published b}^ Lord Bacon ; and in the next 3'ear,
1626, Lord Bacon died. The Dedication is as follows,
to the Duke of Buckingham : —
To the Bight Honorable my very good Lo. the Duke of Buck-
ingham his Grace, Lo. High Admirall of England.
Excellent Lo. : — Salomon sales, A good Name is as
a precious Oyiitment ; and I assure myselfe, such M^il your
Grace's Name bee, with Posteritie. For your Fortune and
Merit both, haue beene eminent. And you haue planted things
that are like to last. I doe now publish my Essayes ; which,
of all my other Workes, have beene most cun-ant : for that, as
it seemes, they come home to Mens Businesse and Bosomes. I
haue enlarged them both in number and weight, so that they
are indeed a new Work. I thought it therefore agreeable to
my Affection, and Obligation to your Grace, to prefix your
Name before them, both in English and in Latine. For I
doe conceiue, that the Latine Volume of them (being in the
vniuersal language) may last as long as Bookes last. My
Instauration I dedicated to the King : my Historic of Henry
the Seventh (which I haue now also translated into Latine),
and my Portions of Naturall History, to the Prince : and these
I dedicate to your Grace : being of the best Fruits, that by
the good encrease which God gives to my pen and labours,
I could yeeld. God leade your Grace by the Hand. Your
Graces most obliged and faithfull Seruant.
Fk. St. Alban.
PREFACE. xix
Of this edition, Lord Bacon sent a cop}^ to the Mar-
quis Fiat, with the following letter : ^ —
^' Monsieur l'Ambassadeur mon Filz : Voyant que
vostre Excellence foict et traite Manages, non seulemeiit entre
les Princes d'Angleterre et de France, niais aussi entre les
langues (puis que faictes traduire mon Liure de I'Advance-
ment des Sciences en Francois) i'ai bien voulu vous envoyer
mon Liure dernierement imprime que i'avois pourveu pour
vous, mais i'estois en douhte, de le vous envoyer, pour ce
qu'il estoit escrit en Anglois. Mais a' ccst'heure pour la raison
susdicte ie le vous envoye. C'est un Recompilement de mes
Essays Morales et Civiles; mais tellement enlargies et en-
richies, tant de nombre que de poix, que c'est de fait un ouvre
nouveau. Ie vous baise les mains, et reste vostre tres affec-
tion ee Ami, et tres humble Serviteur.
THE SAME IN ENGLISH.
My Lord Ambassador, my Son : Seeing that your Ex-
cellency makes and treats of Marriages, not only betwixt the
Princes of France and England, but also betwixt their lan-
guages (for you have caused my book of the Advancement of
Learning to be translated into French), I was much inclined
to make you a present of the last book which I published, and
which I had in readiness for you. I was sometimes in doubt
whether I ought to have sent it to you, because it was writ-
ten in the English tongue. But now, for that very reason, I
send it to you. It is a recompilement of my Essays Moral
and Civil ; but in such manner enlarged and enriched both in
number and weight, that it is in effect a new work. I kiss
your hands, and remain your most affectionate friend and most
humble servant, &c.
Of the translation of the Essaj's into Latin, Bacon
speaks in the following letter: —
1 Baconiana, 201.
XX PREFACE.
" To Mr. Tobie Mathew : It is true my labors are now
most set to have those works which I had formerly published,
as that of Advancement of Learning, that of Henry VII., that
of the Essays, being retractate and made more perfect, well
translated into Latin by the help of some good pens which for-
sake me not. For these modern languages will, at one time
or other, play the bankrupt with books ; and since I have
lost much time with this age, I would be glad, as God shall
give me leave, to recover it with posterity. For the Essay
of Friendship, while I took your speech of it for a cursory
request, I took my promise for a compliment. But since you
call for it, I shall perform it."
In his letter to Father Fulgentio, giving some account
of his writings, he saj's : —
'* The Novum Organum should immediately follow ; but my
moral and political writings step in between as being more
finished. These are, the History of King Henry VII., and the
small book, which, in your language, you have called Saggi
31oral% but I give it a graver title, that of Sermones Fideles,
or Interiora Beriim, and these Essays will not only be enlarged
in number, but still more in substance."
The nature of the Latin edition, and of the Essays in
general, is thus stated b}" Archbishop Tenison : —
" The Essays, or Counsels Civil and Moral, though a by-
work also, do yet make up a book of greater weight by far
than the Apothegms ; and coming home to men's business
and bosoms, his lordship entertained this persuasion concern-
ing them, that the Latin volume might last as long as books
should last. His lordship wrote them in the English tongue,
and enlarged them as occasion served, and at last added to
them the Colors of Good and Evil, which are likewise found
in his book De Augmentis. The Latin translation of them was
PREFACE. xxi
a work performed by divers hands : by those of Dr. Haeket
(late Bishop of Lichfield), Mr. Benjamin Jonson (the learned
and judicious poet,) and some others, whose names I once
heard from Dr. Rawley, but I cannot now recall them. To
this Latin edition he gave the title of Sermones Fideles, after
the manner of the Jews, who called the words Adagies, or
Observations of the Wise, Faithful Sayings ; that is, credible
propositions worthy of firm assent and ready acceptance. And
(as I think), he alluded more particularly, in this title, to a
passage in Ecclesiastes, where the preacher saith, tnat he
sought to find out Verba Delectabilia (as Tremellius render-
eth the Hebrew), pleasant words ] (that is, perhaps, his Book
of Canticles;) and Verba Fidelia (as the same Tremellius),
Faithful Sayings ; meaning, it may be, his collection of Prov-
erbs. In the next verse, he calls them Words of the Wise,
and so many goads and nails given ab eodem pastore, from the
same shepherd [of the flock of Israel"].
In the year 1638, Rawley published, in folio, a
volume containing, amongst other works, /Sermones
Fideles^ ab ipso Honoratissimo Auctore, prceterquam
in paucis^ Latinitate donati. In his address to the
reader, he says : —
Accedunt, quas prius Delibationes Civiles et Morales inscrip-
serat ; Quas etiam in Linguas plurimas Modernas translatas
esse novit ; sed eas posted, et Numero, et Pondere, auxit ; In
tantum, ut veluti Opus Novum videri possint ; Quas mutato
TituJo, Sermones Fideles, sive Interiora Rerum, inscribi pla-
cuit. The title-page and dedication are annexed : Sermones
Fideles sive Interiora Rerum. Per Franciscum Baconuyn Bare*
ronem de Vervlamio, Vice-Comitem Sancti Albani. Londini
Excusum typis Edwardi Griffin. Prostant ad Insignia Megia
in Coemeterio D. PauU, apud Eichardum Whitakerum, 1638.
xxii PREFACE.
Illustri et Excellenti Domino Georgia Duci Buckinghmnice,
Summo Anglice Adinirallio.
Honoratissime Bomine, Salomon inquit, Nomen honiim est
instar Vnguenti fragrantis et pretiosi ; Neque dubito, quin tale
futurum sit Nomen tuum apud Posteros. Etenim et For-
tuna, et Merita tua, prsecelluerunt. Et videris ea plantasse,
quae sint duratura. In lucein jam edere mihi visum est Deliha-
tiones meas, quae ex omnibus meis Operibus fuerunt acceptis-
simse : Quia forsitan videntur, prse cseteris, Hominum Negotia
stringere, et in sinus fluere. Eas autem auxi, et Numero, et
Pondere ; In tantum, ut plane Opus Novum sint. Consenta-
neum igitur duxi, Affectui, et Obligation! mese, erga lUustris-
simam Dominationem tuam, ut Nomen tuum illis prsefigam,
tam in Editione Anglicd, quam Latind. Etenim, in bona
spe sum, Volumen earum in Latinam {Linguam scilicet uni-
versalem), versum, posse durare, qnamdiu Libi'i et Literce
durent. Instaurationem meam Begi dicavi : Historiam Begni
Henrici Septimi (quam etiam in Latinum verti et Poitiones
meas Naturalis Histories, Principi) : Has autem Delihationes
Illustrissimce Dominationi tuse dico, Cum sint, ex Fructibus
optimis, quos Gratia divina Calami mei laboribus indulgeute,
exhibere potui. Deus illustrissimam Dominationem tuam mauu
ducat, niustrissimce Dominationis tuse Servus Devinctissimus
et Fidelis. Fr. S. Alban.
In the 3-ear 1618, the Essa3-s, together with the Wis-
dom of the Ancients, was translated into Italian, and
dedicated to Cosmo de 3Iedici, by Tobie Mathew ; and
in the following 3'ear the Essaj's were translated into
French by Sir Arthur Gorges, and printed in London.
PREFACE. xxiii
WISDOM OF THE ATs^CIENTS.
In the 3'ear 1609, as a relaxation from abstruse specu-
lations, he published in Latin his interesting little work,
De Sapientia Veterum.
This tract seems, in former times, to have been much
valued. The fables, abounding with a union of deep
thought and poetic beaut}', are thirtj'-one in number,
of which a part of The Sirens, or Pleasures, ma}' be
selected as a specimen.
In this fable he explains the common but erroneous
supposition that knowledge and the conformit}^ of the
will, knowing and acting, are convertible terms. Of
this error, he, in his essaj- of Custom and Education,
admonishes his readers, by saying: "Men's thoughts
are much according to their inclination ; their discourse
and speeches according to their learning and infused
opinions, but their deeds are after as they have been
accustomed ; ^sop's Damsel, transformed from a cat
to a woman, sat very demurely at the board-end till a
mouse ran before her," In the fable of the Sirens he
exhibits the same truth, saying: "The habitation of
the Sirens was in certain pleasant islands, from whence,
as soon as out of their watchtower the}^ discovered an}'
ships approaching, with their sweet tunes they would
first entice and stay them, and, having them in their
power, would destro}" them ; and, so great were the mis-
chiefs the}" did, that these isles of the Sirens, even as
far off as man can ken them, appeared all over white
with the bones of unburied carcasses ; by which it is
signified that albeit the examples of aflSictions be mani-
xxiv PEEFACE.
fest and eminent, yet they do not sufficiently deter us
from the wicked enticements of pleasure."
The following is the account of the different editions
of this work : The first was published in 1609. In Feb-
ruary 27, 1610, Lord Bacon wrote to Mr. Mathew, upon
sending his book De Sapientia VeteruTn : —
" Mr. Mathew : I do very heartily thank you for your let-
ter of the 24th of August, from Salamanca j and in recom-
pense therefore I send you a httle work of mine that hath
begun to pass the world. They tell me my Latin is turned
into silver, and become current : had you been here, you should
have been my inquisitor before it came forth ; but, I think, the
greatest inquisitor in Spain will aUow it. But one thing you
must pardon me if I make no haste to beheve, that the world
should be grown to such an ecstasy as to reject truth in philoso-
phy, because the author dissenteth in religion ; no more than
they do by Aristotle or Averroes. My great work goeth for-
ward J and after my manner, I alter even when I add ; so that
nothing is finished till all be finished. This I have written in
the midst of a term and parliament ; thinking no time so pos-
sessed, but that I should talk of these matters with so good
and dear a friend. And so with my wonted wishes I leave
you to God's goodness.
"From Gray's Inn, Feb. 27, 1610."
And in his letter to Father Fulgentio, giving some
account of his writings, he says : " My Essaj^s will not
onl3"be enlarged in number, but still more in substance.
Along with them goes the little piece De Sapientia
Veterum.''
In the Advancement of Learning he saj'S : —
*' There remaiueth yet anotlier use of poesy parabolical,
opposite to that which we last mentioned ; for that tendeth
PREFACE. XXV
to demonstrate and illustrate that which is taught or deliv-
ered, and this other to retire and obscure it ; that is, when the
secrets and mysteries of religion, policy, or philosophy are in-
volved in fables or parables. Of this in divine poesy we see
the use is authorized. In heathen poesy we see the exposition
of fables doth fall out sometimes with great felicity ; as in the
fable that the giants being overthrown in their war against
the gods, the earth, their mother, in revenge thereof brought
forth Fame, —
Illam Terra parens, ird irritata Deorum,
Extremam, ut perhihent, Coeo Enceladoque sororem
Progenuit^
expounded, that when princes and monarchs have suppressed
actual and open rebels, then the malignity of the people, which
is the mother of rebellion, doth bring forth libels and slanders,
and taxations of the State, which is of the same kind with
rebellion, but more feminine. So in the fable, that the rest
of the gods having conspired to bind Jupiter, Pallas called
Briareus, with his hundred hands, to his aid ; expounded, that
monarchies need not fear any curbing of their absoluteness by
mighty subjects, as long as by wisdom they keep the hearts
of the people, who will be sure to come in on their side. So
in the fable, that Achilles was brought up under Chiron, the
centaur, who was part a man and part a beast, expounded
ingeniously, but corruptly by Machiavel, that it belongeth to
the education and discipline of princes to know as well how
to play the part of the lion in violence, and the fox in guile,
as of the man in virtue and justice. Nevertheless, in many
the like encounters, I do rather think that the fable was first,
and the exposition then devised, than that the moral was
first, and thereupon the fable framed. For I find it was an
ancient vanity in Chrysippus, that troubled himself with great
contention to fasten the assertions of the stoics upon the fic-
tions of the ancient poets ; but yet that all the fables and
fictions of the poets were but pleasure, and not figure, I
xxvi PREFACE.
interpose no opinion. Surely, of those poets which are now
extant, even Homer himself (notwithstanding he was made a
kind of Scripture by the latter schools of the Grecians), yet I
should without any difficulty pronounce that his fables had no
such inwardness in his own meaning; but what they might
have upon a more original tradition, is not easy to affirm ; for
he was not the inventor of many of them."
In the treatise J)e Aiigmentis the same sentiments
will be found, with a slight alteration in the expres-
sions. He saj's : —
'' There is another use of parabolical poesy opposite to the
former, which tendeth to the folding up of those things, the
dignity whereof deserves to be retired and distinguished, as
with a drawn curtain; that is, when the secrets and mysteries
of religion, policy, and philosophy are veiled and invested with
fables and parables. But whether there be any mystical sense
couched under the ancient fables of the poets, may admit some
doubt ; and, indeed, for our part, we incline to this opinion,
as to think that there was an infused mystery in many of the
ancient fables of the poets. Neither doth it move us that these
matters are left commonly to school-boys and grammarians,
and so are embased, that we should therefore make a slight
judgment upon them, but contrariwise, because it is clear that
the A^Titings which recite those fables, of all the writings of
men, next to sacred writ, are the most ancient; and that the
fables themselves are far more ancient than they (being they
are alleged by those writers, not as excogitated by them, but
as credited and recepted before) seem to be, like a thin rarefied
air, which, from the traditions of more ancient nations, fell into
the flutes of the Grecians."
Of this tract, Archbishop Tenison, in his Baconiana^
says : —
PREFACE. xxvii
" In the seventh place, I may reckon his book De Sapientia
Veterum, written by him in Latin, and set forth a second time
with enhirgement; and transhited into EngUsh by Sir Ailhur
Gorges ; a book in which the sages of former times are ren-
dered more wise than it may be they were, by so dexterous an
interpreter of their fables. It is this book which Mr. Sandys
means, in those words which he hath put before his notes on the
Metamorphosis of Ovid. ' Of modern writers, I have received
the greatest light from Geraldus, Pontanus, Ficinus, Vives,
Comes, Scaliger, Sabiuus, Pierius, and the crown of the lat-
ter, the Viscount of St. Albans.^
'^ It is true, the design of this book was instruction in natu-
ral and civil matters, either couched by the ancients under
those fictions, or rather made to seem to be so by his lord-
ship's wit, in the opening and applying of them. But because
the first ground of it is poetical story, therefore, let it have this
place till a fitter be found for it."
The author of Bacon's Life, in the BiograpMa Britan-
nica^ says : —
'^ That he might relieve himself a little from the severity of
these studies, and, as it were, amuse himself with erecting a
magnificent pavilion, while his great palace of philosophy was
building, he composed and sent abroad, in 1610, his celebrated
treatise of the Wisdom of the Ancients, in which he showed
that none had studied them more closely, was better acquainted
with their beauties, or had pierced deeper into their meaning.
There have been very few books published, either in this or
any other nation, which either deserved or met with more gen-
eral applause than this, and scarce any that are like to retain
it longer, for in this performance Sir Francis Bacon gave a
singular proof of his capacity to please all parties in literature,
as in his political conduct he stood fair with all the parties
in the nation. The admirers of antiquity were charmed with
this discourse, w^iich seems expressly calculated to justify their
xxviii PREFACE.
admiration; and, on tlie other hand, their opposites were no
less pleased with a piece from which they thought they could
demonstrate that the sagacity of a modern genius had found
out much better meanings for the ancients than ever were
meant by them."
And Mallet, in his Life of Bacon, sa3'S : —
^^In IGIO he published another treatise, entitled, Of the
Wisdom of the Ancients. This work bears the same stamp
of an original and inventive genius with his other perform-
ances. Resolving not to tread in the steps of those who had
gone before him, men, according to his own expression, not
learned beyond certain commonplaces, he strikes out a new
tract for himself, and enters into the most secret recesses of
this wild and shadowy region, so as to appear new on a known
and beaten subject. Upon the whole, if we cannot bring our-
selves readily to believe that there is all the physical, moral,
and political meaning veiled under those fables of antiquity,
which he has discovered in them, we must own that it required
no common penetration to be mistaken with so great an appear-
ance of probability on his side. Though it still remains doubt-
ful whether the ancients were so knowing as he attempts to
show they were, the variety and depth of his own knowledge
are, in that very attempt, unquestionable."
In the year 1619 this tract was translated by Sir
Arthur Gorges. Prefixed to the work are two letters ;
the one to the Earl of Salisbur}', the other to the Uni-
versity of Cambridge, which Gorges omits, and dedi-
cates his translation to the high and illustrious princess
the Lady EUzabeth of Great Britain, Duchess of Ba^dare,
Countess Palatine of Rheine, and chief electress of the
empire.
This translation, it should be noted, was published
PREFACE.
XXIX
during the life of Lord Bacon by a great admirer of his
works.
The editions of this work with which I am acquainted
are : —
Year.
Language.
Printer.
Place.
Size.
1609
Latin,
R. Barker,
London,
12mo.
1617
((
J. Bill,
(«
((
1618
Italian,
G. Bill,
«
(<
1619
English,
J. Bill,
((
tt
1620
«
"
((
ii
1633
Latin,
F. Maire,
Lug. Bat.,
ft
1634
"
F. Kingston,
London,
K
1638
(C
E. Griffin,
t<
Folio.
1691
((
H. Wetstein,
Amsterdam,
12mo.
1804
French,
H. Frantin,
Dijon,
8vo.
NOTICE
OF
FRANCIS BACON.
Francis Bacon, the subject of the following
memoir, was the youngest son of highly remarkable
parents. His father, Sir Nicholas Bacon, was an
eminent lawyer, and for twenty years Keeper of the
Seals and Privy Counsellor to Queen Elizabeth. Sir
Nicholas was styled by Camden sacris conciliis cilte-
rum columen; he was the author of some unpub-
lished discourses on law and politics, and of a
commentary on the minor prophets. He discharged
the duties of his high office with exemplary pro-
priety and wisdom ; he j)reserved through life the
integrity of a good man, and the moderation and
simplicity of a great one. He had inscribed over
the entrance of his hall, at Gorhambury, the motto,
mediocria firma ; and when the Queen, in a progress,
paid him a visit there, she remarked to him that his
house was too small for him. " Madam," answered
the Lord Keeper, "my house is well, but it is you
2 NOTICE OF FKANCIS BACON.
that have made me too great for my house." This
anecdote has been preserved by his son/ who, had
he as carefully retained the lesson of practical wis-
dom it contained, might have avoided the misfor-
tunes and sorrows of his checkered life.
Bacon's mother, Anne Cooke, was the daughter
of Sir Anthony Cooke, tutor to King Edward the
Sixth ; like the young ladies of her time, like Lady
Jane Grey, like Queen Elizabeth, she received an
excellent classical education ; her sister. Lady Bur-
leigh, was pronounced by Roger Ascham, Queen
Elizabeth's preceptor, to be, with the exception of
Lady Jane Grey, the best Greek scholar among the
young women of England.^ Anne Cooke, the future
Lady Bacon, corresponded in Greek with Bishop
Jewel, and translated from the Latin this divine's
Apologia ; a task which she performed so well that
it is said the good prelate could not discover an
inaccuracy or suggest an alteration. She also trans-
lated from the Italian a volume of sermons on fate
and freewill, written by Bernardo Ochino, an Italian
reformer. Francis Bacon, the youngest of five sons,
^ Bacon's Apophthegms.
2 It is not surprising that ladies then received an education
rare in our own times. It should be remembered that in the
sixteenth century Latin was the language of courts and schools,
of diplomacy, politics, and theology ; it was the universal lan-
guage, and there was then no literature in the modern tongues,
except the Italian ; indeed all knowledge, ancient and modern,
was conveyed to the world in the language of the ancients. The
great productions of Athens and Rome were the intellectual all of
our ancestors down to the middle of the sixteenth century.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 3
inheritsd the classical learning and taste of both his
parents.
He was born at York House, in the Strand, Lon-
don, on the 22d of January, 1560-61. His health,
when he was a boy, was delicate ; a circumstance
which may perhaps account for his early love of
sedentary pursuits, and probably the early gravity
of his demeanor. Queen Elizabeth, he tells us,
took particular dfelight in "trying him with ques-
tions," when he was quite a child, and was so much
pleased with the sense and manliness of his answers
that she used jocularly to call him " her young Lord
Keeper of the Seals." Bacon himself relates that
while he was a boy, the Queen once asked him his
age ; the precocious courtier readily replied that he
" was just two years younger than her happy reign."
He is said, also, when very young, to have stolen
away from his playfellows in order to investigate
the cause of a singular echo in St. James's Fields,
which attracted his attention.
Until the age of thirteen he remained under the
tuition of his accomplished mother, aided by a pri-
vate tutor only ; under their care he attained the
elements of the classics, that education preliminary
to the studies of the University. At thirteen he
was sent to Trinity College, Cambridge, where his
father had been educated. Here he studied dili-
gently the great models of antiquity, mathematics,
and philosophy, worshipped, however, but indevoutly
at the shrine of Aristotle, whom, according to Raw-
4 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
ley, his chaplain and biographer, he already derided
" for the unfniitfulness of the way, — being only
strong for disputation, but barren of the production
of works for the life of man." He remained three
years at this seat of learning, without, however,
taking a degree at his departure.
When he was but sixteen years old he began his
travels, the indispensable end of every finished edu-
cation in England. He repaired 'to Paris, where he
resided some time under the care of Sir Amyas Paulet,
the English minister at the court of France.
Here he invented an ingenious method of writing
in cipher ; an art which he probably cultivated with
a view to a diplomatic career.
He visited several of the provinces of France and
of the towns of Italy. Italy was then the country
in which human knowledge in all its branches was
most successfully cultivated. It is related by Signer
Cancellieri that Bacon, when at Rome, presented
himself as a candidate to the Academy of the Lincei,
and was not admitted.^ He remained on the conti-
nent for three years, until his father's death, in 1580.
The melancholy event, which bereft him of his
parent, at the age of nineteen, was fatal to his pros-
pects. His father had intended to purchase an es-
tate for his youngest son, as he had done for his
other sons; but he dying before this intention was
1 Prospetto delle Memoric aneddotc dei Lincei da F. Cancellieri.
Koma, 1823. This fact is quoted by Monsieur Cousin, in a note to
his Fragments dc Philosophic CarUsicnne.
NOTICE OF FKANCIS BACON. 5
realized, the money was equally divided between
all the children; so that Francis inherited but one
fifth of that fortune intended for him alone. He
was the only one of the sons that was left unprovided
for. He had now "to study to live," instead of
" living to study." He wished, to use his own lan-
guage, "to become a true pioneer in that mine of
truth which lies so deep." He applied to the gov-
ernment for a provision which his father's interest
would easily have secured him, and by which he
might dispense with a profession. The Queen must
have looked with favor upon the son of a minister,
who had served her faithfully for twenty long years,
and upon a young man whom, when he was a child,
she had caressed, she had distinguished by the appel-
lation of her "young Lord Keeper." But Francis
Bacon was abandoned, and perhaps opposed by the
colleague and nearest friend of his father, the brother-
in-law of his mother, his maternal uncle. Lord Bur-
leigh, then Prime Minister, who feared for his son
the rivalry of his all-talented nephew. It is a trick
common to envy and detraction, to convert a man's
very qualities into their concomitant defects ; and
because Bacon was a great thinker, he was repre-
sented as unfit for the active duties of business, as
" a man rather of show than of depth," as " a specu-
lative man, indulging himself in philosophical rever-
ies, and calculated more to perplex than to promote
public business." ^ Thus was the future ornament
1 Sir Robert Cecil.
6 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
of his country and of mankind sacrificed to Robert,
afterwards Sir Robert Cecil, Earl of Salisbury, of
whose history fame has learned but little, save the
execution of Essex and Mary Queen of Scots, the
name, and this petty act of mean jealousy of his
father ! In the disposal of patronage and place, acts
and even motives of this species are not so unfre-
quent as the world would appear to imagine. In
all ages, it is to be feared, many and great, as in
Shakspeare's time, are,
the spurns
That patient merit of th' unworthy takes.
It is, however, but justice to the morals of Lord
Burleigh, to add that he was insensible to literary
merit ; he thought a hundred pounds too great a
reward to be given to Sj^enser for what he termed
"an old song," for so he denominated the Faery
Queen,
Bacon then selected the law as his profession;
and in 1 580 he was entered of Gray's Inn ; ^ he
resisted the temptations of his companions and
friends, (for his company was much courted), and
diligently pursued the study he had chosen ; but he
did not at this time entirely lose sight of his philo-
sophical speculations, for he then published his Tem-
imris partus maximus, or The Greatest Birth of Time,
This work, notwithstanding its pompous title, was
unnoticed or rather fell stillborn from the press ; the
1 Gray's Inn is one of the four Inns or companies for the study
of law.
NOTICE OF FKANCTS BACON. 7
sole trace of it is found in one of his letters to Father
Fulgentio.
In 1586, he was called to the bar; his practice
there appears to have been limited, although not
without success ; for the Queen and the Court are
said to have gone to hear him when he was engaged
in any celebrated cause. He was, at this period of
his life, frequently admitted to the Queen's presence
and conversation. He was appointed her Majesty's
Counsel Extraordinary,^ but he had no salary and
small fees.
In 1592, his uncle, the Lord Treasurer, procured
for him the reversion of the registrarship of the Star
Chamber, worth sixteen hundred pounds (forty thou-
sand francs) a year; but the office did not become
vacant till twenty years after, so that, as Bacon
justly observes, ''it might mend his prospects, but
did not fill his barns."
A parliament was summoned in 1593, and Bacon
was returned to tlie House of Commons, for the
County of Middlesex ; he distinguished himself here
as a speaker. ''The fear of every man who heard
him," says his contemporary, Ben Jonson, "was
lest he should make an end." He made, however,
on one occasion a speech which much displeased
t!ie Queen and Court. Elizabeth directed the Lord
1 King's or Queen's Counsel are barristers that plead for the
government ; they receive fees but no salary ; the first were
appointed in the reign of Charles II. Queen's Counsel extraordi-
nary was a title peculiar to Bacon, granted, as the patent specially
states, honoris causa.
8 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
Keeper to intimate to him that he must expect
neither favor nor promotion ; the repentant courtier
replied in writing, that "her MajcvSty's favor was
dearer to him than his life." ^
In the following year the situation of Solicitor-
General 2 became vacant. Bacon ardently aspired to
it. He applied successively to Lord Burleigh, his
uncle, to Lord Puckering, his father's successor, to
the Earl of Essex, their rival, and finally to the Queen
herself, accompanying his letters, as was the custom
of the times, with a present, a jewel.^ But once
more he saw mediocrity preferred, and himself rejected.
A Serjeant Fleming was appointed her Majesty's
Solicitor-General. Bacon, overwhelmed by this dis-
appointment, wished to retire from public life, and to
reside abroad. " I hoped," said he in a letter to Sir
Robert Cecil, " her Majesty would not be offended
that, not able to endure the sun, I fled into the shade."
The Earl of Essex, whose mind, says Mr. Ma-
caulay, " naturally disposed to admiration of all that
1 Letter to Lord Burleigh.
2 The Solicitor-General is a law-officer inferior in rank to the
Attorney-General, with whom he is associated in the manage-
ment of the law business of the crown. He pleads also for pri-
vate individuals, but not against government. He has a small
salary, but very considerable fees. The salary in Bacon's time
was but seventy pounds.
^ Bacon was, like other courtiers, in the habit of presenting
the Queen with a New Year's gift. On one occasion, it was a
white satin petticoat embroidered with snakes and fruitage, as
emblems of wisdom and beauty. The donors varied in rank from
the Lord Keeper down to the dust-man.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 9
is great and beautiful, was fascinated by the genius
and the accomplishments of Bacon," ^ had exerted
every effort in Bacon's behalf; to use his own lan-
guage, he "spent all his power, might, authority,
and amity ; " he now sought to indemnify him, and,
with royal munificence, presented him with an estate
of the value of nearly two thousand pounds, a sum
worth perhaps four or five times the amount in the
money of our days. If anything could enhance the
benefaction, it was the delicacy with which it was
conferred, or, as Bacon himself expresses it, "with
so kind and noble circumstances as the manner was
worth more than the matter."
Bacon published his Essays in 1597 ; he considered
them but as the " recreations of his other, studies."
The idea of them was probably first suggested by
Montaigne's Essais, but there is little resemblance
between the two works beyond the titles. The
first edition contained but ten Essays, which were
shorter than they now are. The work was reprinted
in 1598, with little or no variation; again in 1606;
and in 1612 there was a fourth edition, etc. How-
ever, he afterwards, he says, "enlarged it both in
number and Aveight ; " but it did not assume its
present form until the ninth edition, in 1625, that
is, twenty-eight years after its first publication, and
one year before the death of the author. It ap-
peared under the new title of The Essaies or Covn-
sels Civill and Morally of Francis Lo, Vervlarrij
1 Essays.
10 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
Viscovnt St. Alban. Newly enlarged. This is not
followed by the Religious Meditations, Places of
Perswasion and Disswasion, seene and alloived. The
Essays were soon translated into Italian with the title
of Saggi Morali del Signore Francesco Bacono, Cav-
agliero Inglese, Gran Cancelliero d' Inghilterra.
This translation was dedicated to Cosmo de Medici,
Grand Duke of Tuscany ; and was reprinted in Lon-
don in 1618. Of the three Essays added after
Bacon's decease, two of them, Of a King and Of
Death, are not genuine ; the Fragment of an Essay
on Fame alone is Bacon's.
In this same year (1597) he again took his seat
in Parliament. He soon made ample amends for
his opposition speech in the previous session ; but
this time he gained the favor of the Court with-
out forfeiting his popularity in the House of
Commons.
He now thought of strengthening his interest, or
increasing his fortune, by a matrimonial connection ;
and he sought the hand of a rich w^dow, Lady
Hatton, his second cousin ; but here he was again
doomed to disappointment ; a preference was given
to his old rival, the Attorney-General, Sir Edward
Coke, notwithstanding the " seven objections to
him — his six children and himself." But although
Bacon was perhaps unaware of it, the rejection of
his suit was one of the happiest events of his life ;
for the eccentric manners and violent temper of the
lady rendered her a torment to all around her, and
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 11
probably most of all to her husband. In reality,
as has been wittily observed, the lady was doubly
kind to him ; '^ she rejected him, and she accepted
his enemy."
Another mortification awaited him at this period.
A relentless creditor, a usurer, had him arrested for
a debt of three hundred pounds, and he was con-
veyed to a spunging-house, where he was confined
for a few days, until arrangements could be made
to satisfy the claim or the claimant.
We now arrive at a painfully sad point in the life
of Bacon ; a dark foul spot, which should be hidden
forever, did not history, like the magistrate of Egypt
that interrogated the dead, demand that the truth,
the whole truth, should be told.
We have seen that between Bacon and the Earl
of Essex, all was disinterested afiection on the part
of the latter; the Earl employed his good offices
for him, exerted heart and soul to insure his success
as Solicitor-General, and, on Bacon's failure, con-
ferred on him a princely favor, a gift of no ordinary
value.
When Essex's fortunes declined, and the Earl fell
into disgrace. Bacon endeavored to mediate between
the Queen and her favorite. The case became hope-
less. Essex left his command in Ireland without
leave, was ordered in confinement, and after a long
imprisonment and trial before the Privy Council, he
was liberated. Irritated by the refusal of a favor
he solicited, he was betrayed into reflections on the
12 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
Queen's age and person, which were never to be
forgiven, and he engaged in a conspiracy to seize
on the Queen, and to settle a new plan of govern-
ment. On the failure of this attempt, he was ar-
rested, committed to the Tower, and brought to trial
for high treason before the House of Peers. During
his long captivity, who does not expect to see Bacon,
his friend, a frequent visitor in his cell ? Before
the two tribunals, can we fail to meet Bacon, his
counsel, at his side? We trace Bacon at Court,
where, he assures us, after Elizabeth's death, that
he endeavored to appease and reconcile the Queen ;
but the place was too distant from the prison : for
he never visited there his fallen friend.
At the first trial, Bacon did indeed make his ap-
pearance, but as " her Majesty's Counsel extraordi-
nary," not for the defence, but for the prosecution
of the prisoner. But he may be expected at least
to have treated him leniently? He admits he did
not, on account, as he tells us, of the *^ superior
duty he owed to the Queen's fame and honor in a
public proceeding." But hitherto, the Earls liberty
alone had been endangered ; now, his life is at stake.
Do not the manifold favors, the munificent benefac-
tions all arise in the generous mind of Bacon ? Does
he not waive all thought of interest and promotion
and worldly honor to devote himself wholly to the
sacred task of sa\ang his patron, benefactor, and
friend? Her Majesty's Counsel extraordinary ap-
peared in the place of the Solicitor-General, to reply
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 13
to Essex's defence ; he compared the accused first
to Cain, then to Pisistratus. The Earl made a
pathetic appeal to his judges; Bacon showed he
had not answered his objections, and compared him
to the Duke of Guise, the most odious comparison
he could have instituted. Essex was condemned ;
the Queen wavered in her resolution to execute
him; his friend's intercession might perhaps have
been able to save Essex from an ignominious death.
Did Bacon, in his turn, " spend all his power, might,
and amity?" The Queen's Counsel extraordinary
might have oftended his sovereign by his importu-
nity, and have been forgotten in the impending
vacancy of the office of Solicitor- General ! Essex
died on the scaffold. But the execution rendered
the Queen unpopular, and she was received with
mournful silence when she appeared in public. She
ordered a pamphlet to be written to justify the exe-
cution ; she made choice of Bacon as the writer;
the courtier did not decline the task, but published
A Declaration of the Practices and Treasons at-
tempted and committed by Robert, late Earle of Es-
sex and his Complices, against her Maiestie and her
Kingdoms. This faithless friend, to use the lan-
guage of Macaulay, ^' exerted his professional talents
to shed the Earl's blood, and his literary talents to
blacken the Earl's memory."
The memory of Essex suffered but little from the
attack of the pamphlet ; the base pamphleteer's mem-
ory is blackened forever, and to his fair name of "the
14 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
wisest, brightest," has been appended the " meanest
of mankind." But let us cast a pall over this act,
this moral murder, perpetrated by the now degraded
orator, degraded philosopher, the now most degraded
of men.
Elizabeth died in 1601 ; and before the arrival
of James, in England, Bacon wrote him a pedantic
letter, probably to gratify the taste of the pedant
king; but he did not forget in it, "his late dear
sovereign ]Mistress — a princess happy in all things,
but most happy — in such a successor."
Bacon solicited the honor of knighthood, a dis-
tinction much lavished at this period. At the King's
coronation, he knelt down in company with above
three hundred gentlemen ; but " he rose Sir Fran-
cis." He sought the hand of a rich alderman's
daughter. Miss Barnham, who consented to become
Lady Bacon.
The Earl of Southampton, Shakspeare's generous
patron and friend, who had been convicted of high
treason in the late reign, now received the King's
pardon. This called to all men's minds the fate of
the unhappy Earl of Essex, and of his odiously un-
grateful accuser ; the latter unadvisedly published
the Sir Francis Bacon, his Apologie in certaine
imputations concerning the late Earle of Essex ; a
defence which, in the estimation of one of his bio-
graphers, Lord Campbell, has injured him more with
posterity than all the attacks of his enemies.
In the new Parliament, he represented the borough
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 15
of Ipswich ; he spoke frequently, and obtained the
good graces of the King by the support he gave
to James's favorite plan of a union of England and
Scotland; a measure by no means palatable to the
King's new subjects.
The object of all his hopes, the price, perhaps,
of his conduct to Essex, seemed in 1606 to be within
his reach ; but he was once more to be disappointed.
His old enemy. Sir Edward Coke, prevented the
vacancy. The following year, however, after long
and humiliating solicitation, he attained the office to
which he had so long aspired, and was appointed
Solicitor-General to the Crown.
Official advancement was now the object nearest
his heart, and he longed to be Attorney-General.^
In 1613, by a master stroke of policy, he created
a vacancy for himself as Attorney-General, and man-
aged at the same time to disserve his old enemy,
Coke, by getting him preferred in rank, but at the
expense of considerable pecuniary loss.
After his new appointment, he was reelected to
his seat in the House of Commons; he had gained
1 The Attorney-General is the public prosecutor on behalf of the
Crown, where the state is actually and not nominally the prose-
cutor. He pleads also as a barrister in private causes, provided
they are not against the government. As he receives a fee for
every case in which the government is concerned, his emoluments
are considerable ; but he has no salary. His official position
secures to him the best practice at the bar. The salary was, in
Bacon's time, but 8U. 6s. 8cL per annum; but the situation yielded
him six thousand pounds yearly.
16 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
so much popularity there, that the House admitted
him, althougli it resolved to exclude future Attor-
neys-General ; a resolution rescinded by later Par-
liaments.
The Attorney-General, as may be supposed, did
not lack zeal in his master's service and for his
master's prerogative. One case, in particular, was
atrocious. An aged clergyman, named Peacham,
was prosecuted for high treason for a sermon which
he had neither preached nor published ; the unfortu-
nate old man was apprehended, put to the torture
in presence of the Attorney-General, and as the latter
himself tells us, was examined "before torture, be-
tween torture, and after torture," although Bacon
must have been fully aware that the laws of Eng-
land did not sanction torture to extort confession.
Bacon tampered with the judges, and obtained a
conviction ; but the government durst not carry the
sentence into execution. Peacham languished in
prison till the ensuing year, when Providence res-
cued him from the hands of human justice.
In 1616, Bacon was offered the formal promise
of the Chancellorship, or an actual appointment as
Privy Councillor ; he was too prudent not to prefer
an appointment to a promise, and he was accord-
ingly nominated to the functions of member of the
Privy Council. His present leisure enabled him to
prosecute vigorously his Novum Organum, but he
turned aside to occupy himself with a proposition
for the amendment of the laws of England, on which
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 17
Lord Campbell, assuredly the most competent of
judges, passes a high encomium.
At length, in 1617, Sir Francis Bacon attained
the end of the ambition of his life, he became Lord
Keeper of the Seals, with the functions, though not
the title, of Lord High Chancellor of England. His
promotion to this dignity gave general satisfaction ;
his own university, Cambridge, congratulated him ;
Oxford imitated the example ; the world expected
a perfect judge, formed from his own model in his
Essay of Judicature. He took his seat in the Court
of Chancery with the utmost pomp and parade.
The Lord Keeper now endeavored to "feed fat
the ancient grudge" he bore Coke. He deprived
him of the office of Chief Justice, and erased his
name from the list of privy councillors. Coke im-
agined a plan of raising his falling fortunes; he
projected a marriage between his daughter by his
second wife, a very rich heiress, and Sir John Vil-
liers, the brother of Buckingham, the King's favorite.
Bacon was alarmed, wrote to the King, and used
expressions of disparagement towards the favorite,
his new patron, to whom he was indebted for the
Seals he held. The King and his minion were
equally indignant ; and they did not conceal from
him their resentment. On the return of the court.
Bacon hastened to the residence of Buckingham ;
being denied admittance, he waited two whole days
in the ante-chamber with the Great Seal of England
in his hand. When at length he obtained access,
2
18 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
the Lord Keeper threw himself and the Great Seal
on the ground, kissed the favorite's feet, and vowed
never to rise till he was forgiven ! It must after
this have been difficult indeed for him to rise aorain
in the world's esteem or his own.
Bacon was made to purchase at a dear price his
reinstatement in the good graces of Buckingham.
The favorite constantly wrote to the judge in behalf
of one of the parties, and in the end, says Lord
Campbell, intimated that he was to dictate the de-
cree. !N'or did Bacon once remonstrate against this
unwarrantable interference on the part of the man
to whom he had himself recommended "by no means
to interpose himself, either by word or letter in any
cause depending on any court of justice. " The Lord
Keeper received soon after, in 1618, the reward of
his ''many faithful services" by the higher title of
Lord High Chancellor of England, and by the peer-
age with the name of Baron of Verulam.
The new ^Minister of Justice lent himself with his
wonted complaisance to a most outrageous act of
injustice, which Macaulay stigmatizes as a " das-
tardly murder," that of the execution of Sir Walter
Raleigh, under a sentence pronounced sixteen years
before; Sir Walter having been in the interval in-
vested with the high command of Admiral of the
fleet. Such an act it was the imperative duty of
the first magistrate of the realm not to promote, but
to resist to the full extent of his power; and the
Chancellor alone could issue the warrant for the
execution !
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 19
In 1620, he published what is usually considered
his greatest work, his Novum Orgawum (New In-
strument or Method), which forms the second part
of the Instauratio Magna (Great Restoration of the
Sciences). This work had occupied Bacon's leisure
for nearly thirty years. Such was the care he be-
stowed on it, that Rawley, his chaplain and biogra-
pher, states that he had seen about twelve autograph
copies of it, corrected and improved until it assumed
the shape in which it appeared. Previous to the
publication of the Novum Organum, says the illus-
trious Sir John Herschel, "natural philosophy, in
any legitimate and extensive sense of the word, could
hardly be said to exist." ^
It cannot be expected that a work destined com-
pletely to change the state of science, we had almost
said of nature, should not be assailed by that preju-
dice which is ever ready to raise its loud but unmean-
ing voice against whatever is new, how great or good
soever it may be. Bacon's doctrine was accused of
being calculated to produce " dangerous revolutions,"
to "subvert governments and the authority of re-
ligion." Some called on the present age and pos-
terity to rise high in their resentment against "the
Bacon-faced generation," for so were the experiment-
alists termed. The old cry of irreligion, nay, even
of atheism, was raised against the man who had
said : " I would rather believe all the fables in the
Legend, and the Talmud, and the Alcoran, than that
1 Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy.
20 NOTICE OF FKANCIS BACON.
this universal frame is without a mind." ^ But Bacon
had to encounter the prejudices even of the learned.
Cuffe, the Earl of Essex's secretary, a man celebrated
for his attainments, said of the Instauratio Magna,
" a fool could not have written such a book, and a
wise man would not." King James said, it was
"like the peace of God, that surpasseth all under-
standing." And even Harvey, the discoverer of the
circulation of the blood, said to Aubrey : " Bacon is
no great philosopher; he writes philosophy like a
Lord Chancellor." Rawley, his secretary and his
biographer, laments, some years after his friend's
death, that " his fame is greater and sounds louder
in foreign parts abroad than at home in his own
nation ; thereby verifying that divine sentence : A
prophet is not without honor, save in his own coun-
try and in his own house." Bacon was for some
time without honor " in his own country and in his
own house." But truth on this, as on all other
occasions, triumphs in the end. Bacon's assailants
are forgotten ; Bacon will be remembered with grati-
tude and veneration forever.
He was again, in 1621, promoted in the peerage
to be Viscount Saint-Albans ; his patent particularly
celebrating his "integrity in the administration of
justice."
In this same year the Parliament assembled. The
House of Commons first voted the subsidies de-
manded by the Crown, and next proceeded, as was
1 Essay xvi.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 21
usual in those times, to the redress of grievances.
A committee of the House was appointed to inquire
into "the abuses of Courts of Justice." A report
of this committee charged the Lord Chancellor with
corruption, and specified two cases ; in the first of
which Aubrey, a suitor in his court, stated that he
had presented the Lord Chancellor with a hundred
pounds; and Egerton, another suitor in his court,
with four hundred pounds in addition to a former
piece of plate of the value of fifty pounds ; in both
cases decisions had been given against the parties
whose presents had been received. (Lord Campbell
asserts that in the case of Egerton both parties had
made the Chancellor presents.)^ His enemies, it is
said, estimated his illicit gains at a hundred thou-
sand pounds ; a statement which, it is more than
probable, is greatly exaggerated.^ " I never had,"
said Bacon in his defence, " bribe or reward in my
eye or thought when I pronounced sentence or
order." This is an acknowledgment of the fact,
and perhaps an aggravation of the offence. He
1 Decisions being given against the parties is no proof of un-
corruptness ; it is always the party who loses his suit that com-
plains ; the gainer receives the price of his bribe, and is silent.
2 The exactions of his servants appear to have been very great ;
their indulgence in every kind of extravagance, and the lavish
proCuseness of his own expenses, were the principal causes of his
ruin. Mallet relates that one day, during the investigation into
his conduct, the Chancellor passed through a room where several
of his servants were sitting ; as they arose from tlieir seats to greet
him, "Sit down, my masters," exclaimed he, " your rise hath been
my fall."
22 NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON.
then addressed ^' an humble submission " to the
House, a kind of general admission, in which he
invoked as a plea of excuse vitia temporis.
How widely different from this is his own lan-
guage ! It is fair justice to appeal from the judge
to the tribunal of the philosopher and moralist ; it
is appealing from Philip drunk to Philip sober;
unhappily it is likewise
to have the engineer
Hoist with his own petar.
He says, in his Essay of Great Place : " For cor-
ruption : do not only bind thine own hands, or thy
servant's hands from taking, but bind the hands of
suitors from offering. For integrity used doth the
one ; but integrity professed, and with a manifest
detestation of bribery, doth the other; and avoid
not only the fault, but the suspicion." ^ He says
again, in the same Essay: "Set it down to thyself,
as well to create good precedents as to follow
them."
But the allegation that it was a custom of the
times requires examination. It was a custom of
the times in reality to make presents to superiors.
Queen Elizabeth received them as New Year's gifts
from functionaries of all ranks, from her prime min-
ister down to Charles Smith, the dust-man (see note
1, page 7), and this custom probably continued under
her successor, and may have been applied to other
high functionaries, but it does not appear to have
1 Essay xi.
NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON. 23
been in legitimate use in the courts of judicature.
Coke, himself Chief Justice, was Bacon's principal
accuser; and, although an enemy, he has been said
to have conducted himself with moderation and pro-
priety on this occasion only. Lord Campbell, Chief
Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, and author
of the Lives of the Chancellors and Chief Justices of
England^ repels the plea, as inadmissible. It cannot
be denied that if Bacon extended the practice to the
courts of justice, he has heaped coals of fire on
his head; for applied to his own case personally it
would be sufficiently odious ; but what odium would
not that man deserve who should systematize, nay,
legitimize a practice that must inevitably poison the
stream of justice at its fountain-head ! What execra-
tion could be too great, if that man were the most
intelligent, the wisest of his century, one of the most
dignified in rank in the land, clad in spotless ermine,
the emblem of purity, in short, the Minister of Justice !
The Lords resolved that Bacon should be called
upon to put in a particular answer to each of the
special charges preferred against him. The formal
articles with proofs in support were communicated
to him. The House received the "confession and
humble submission of me, the Lord Chancellor."
In this document, Bacon acknowledges himself to
be guilty of corruption ; and in reply to each special
charge admits in every instance the receipt of money
or valuable things from the suitors in his court ; but
alleging in some cases that it was after judgment,
24 NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON.
or as New Year's gifts, a custom of the times, or for
prior services. A committee of nine temporal and
three spiritual lords was appointed to ascertain
whether it was he who had subscribed this docu-
ment. The committee repaired to his residence,
were received in the hall where he had been accus-
tomed to sit as judge, and merely asked him if the
signature affixed to the paper they exhibited to him
was his. He passionately exclaimed: "My lords,
it is my act, my hand, my heart. I beseech your
lordships to be merciful to a broken reed." The
committee withdrew, overwhelmed with grief at the
sight of such greatness so fallen.
Four commissioners dispatched by the King de-
manded the Great Seal of the Chancellor, confined
to his bed by sickness and sorrow and want of sus-
tenance; for he refused to take any food. He hid
his face in his hand, and delivered up that Great
Seal for the attainment of which he "had sullied
his integrity, had resigned his independence, had
violated the most sacred obligations of friendship
and gratitude, had flattered the worthless, had per-
secuted the innocent, had tampered with judges,
had tortured prisoners, had plundered suitors, had
wasted on paltry intrigues all the powers of the
most exquisitely constructed intellect that has ever
been bestowed on any of the children of men." ^
All this he did to be Lord High Chancellor of
England ; and, had he not been the unworthy min-
1 Macaulay's Essays.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 25
ister of James, he might have been, to use the
beautiful language of Hallam, "the high-priest of
nature."
On the 3d of May, he was unanimously declared
to be guilty, and he was sentenced to a fine of forty
thousand pounds, to be imprisoned in the Tower
during the King's pleasure, to be incapable of hold-
ing any public office, and of sitting in Parliament
or of coming within the verge of the court. ^ Such
was the sentence pronounced on the man whom
three months before the King delighted to honor for
" his integrity in the administration of justice."
The fatal verdict affected his health so materially
that the judgment could not receive immediate exe-
cution; he could not be conveyed to the Tower
until the 31st of May; the following day he was
liberated. He repaired to the house of Sir John
Vaughan, who held a situation in the prince's house-
hold.2 He wished to retire to his own residence at
York House; but this was refused. He was or-
dered to proceed to his seat at Gorhambury, whence
he was not to remove, and where he remained, though
very reluctantly, till the ensuing spring.
The heavy fine was remitted. But as he had
1 He was not, as has been erroneously supposed, stripped of his
titles of nobility ; this was proposed ; but it was negatived by the
majority formed by means of the bishops,
2 The Prince of Wales, afterwards Charles the First, was before
he ascended the throne the patron of Bacon, who said of him in
his will, '* my most gracious sovereign, who ever when he was prince
was my patron."
26 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
lived in great pomp, he had economized naught from
his legitimate or ill-gotten gains. As he was now
insolvent, a pension of twelve hundred pounds a year
was bestowed on him ; from his estate and other
revenues he derived thirteen hundred pounds per
annum more. On the l/th of October, his remain-
ing penalties were remitted. It cannot but strike
the reader as a most remarkable circumstance that,
^vithin eighteen months of the condemnation, all the
penalties were successively remitted. Would this
induce the belief that he was but the scape-goat of
the court, that the condemnation was purely polit-
ical ? It is, we believe, to be explained ostensibly
by the advanced age of Bacon, but really by the
circumstance that the King's favorite, Buckingham,
was an accomplice.
Bacon discovered, alas ! when it was too late, that
the talent God had given him he had " misspent in
things for which he was least fit ; " or as Thomson
has beautifully expressed it : ^ —
Hapless in his choice,
Unfit to stand the civil storm of state,
And through the smooth barbarity of courts.
With firm, but pliant virtue, forward still
To urge his course ; him for the studious shade
Kind Nature form'd ; deep, comprehensive, clear,
Exact, and elegant ; in one rich soul,
Plato, the Stagyrite and Tully join'd.
The great deliverer he !
It is gratifying to turn from the melancholy scenes
exhibited by the political life of Bacon, to behold him
1 The Seasons.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 27
in his study in the deep search of truth ; no contrast
is more striking than that between the chancellor
and the philosopher, or, as Macaulay has well termed
it, ^' Bacon seeking for truth, and Bacon seeking for
the Seals — Bacon in speculation, and Bacon in ac-
tion." From amidst clouds and darkness we emerge
into the full blaze and splendor of midday light.
We now find Bacon wholly devoting himself to
the pursuits for which nature adapted him, and from
which no extent of occupation could entirely detach
him. The author redeemed the man; in the phi-
losopher and the poet there was no weakness, no
corruption.
Nothing is here for tears ; nothing to wail
Or knock the breast ; no weakness, no contempt,
Dispraise or blame, nothing bnt well and fair.
Here the writer yielded not to vitia temporis ;
but combated them with might and main, with heart
and soul.
In 1623, he published the Life of Henrij VI L
In a letter addressed to the Queen of Bohemia with
a copy, he says pathetically : "'Time was I had
honor without leisure, and now I have leisure with-
out honor." But his honor without leisure had
precipitated him into " bottomless perdition ; " his
leisure without honor retrieved his name, and raised
him again to an unattainable height.
In the following year, he printed his Latin trans-
lation of the Advancement of Learning, under the
title of De Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum,
28 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
This was not, however, a mere translation ; for
he made in it omissions and alterations ; and ap-
pears to have added about one third new matter;
in short, he remodelled it. His work, replete with
poetry and beautiful imagery, was received with
applause throughout Europe. It was reprinted in
France in 1624, one year after its appearance in
England. It was immediately translated into French
and Italian, and was published in Holland, the
great book-mart of that time, in 1645, 1650, and
1662.
In 1624, he solicited of the King a remission of
the sentence, to the end, says he, " that blot of igno-
miny may be removed from me and from my mem-
ory with posterity." The King granted him a
full pardon. But he never more took his seat in
the House of Lords. When the new Parliament
met, after the accession of Charles the First, age,
infirmity, and tardy wisdom had extinguished the
ambition of Baron Verulam, Viscount St. Albans.
When the writ of summons to the Parliament reached
him, he exclaimed : " I have done with such vani-
ties ! "
But the philosopher pursued his labor of love.
He published new editions of his writings, and trans-
lated them into Latin, from the mistaken notion that
in that language alone could they be rescued from
oblivion. His crabbed latinity is now read but by
few, or even may be said to be nearly forgotten ;
while his noble, majestic English is read over the
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 29
whole British empire, on which the sun never sets,
is studied and admired throughout the old world
and the new, and it will be so by generations still
unborn; it will descend to posterity in company
with his contemporary, Shakspeare (whose name
he never mentions), and will endure as long as the
great and glorious language itself ; indeed, as he fore-
told of his Essays, it ^' will live as long as books last."
In the translation of liis works into Latin, he was
assisted by Rawley, his future biographer, and his
two friends, Ben Jonson, the poet, and Hobbes, the
philosopher.
He wrote for his " own recreation," amongst very
serious studies, a Collection of Apophthegms, New
and Old, said to have been dictated in one rainy
day, but probably the result of several " rainy days."
This contains many excellent jocular anecdotes, and
has been, perhaps, with too much indulgence, pro-
nounced by Macaulay to be the best jest-book in the
world.
He commenced a Digest of the Laws of England,
but he soon discontinued it, because it was " a work
of assistance, and that which he could not master by
his own forces and pen." James the First had not
sufficient elevation of mind to afford him the means
of securing the assistance he required.
He wrote his will with his own hand on the 19th
of December, 1625. He directs that he shall be
interred in St. Michael's Church, near St. Albans:
" There was my mother buried, and it is the parish
30 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
church of my mansion-house at Gorhambury
For my name and memory, I leave it to men's
charitable speeches, and to foreign nations, and the
next ages." This supreme act of filial piety towards
his gifted mother is affecting. Let no "uncharita-
ble " word be uttered over his last solemn behest ;
foreign nations and all ages will not refuse a tribute
of homage to his genius ! Gassendi presents an
analysis of his labors, and pays a tribute of admira-
tion to their author ; Descartes has mentioned him
with encomium ; Malebranche quotes him as an au-
thority ; Puffendorff expressed admiration of him ;
the University of Oxford presented to him, after his
fall, an address, in which he is termed "a mighty
Hercules, who had by his own hand greatly ad-
vanced those pillars in the learned world which by
the rest of the woi-ld were supposed immovable."
Leibnitz ascribed to him the re\dval of true philo-
sophy ; Newton had studied him so closely that he
adopted even his phraseology ; Voltaire and D'x\lem-
bert have rendered him popular in France. The
modern philosophers of all Europe regard him rever-
entially as the father of experimental philosophy.
He attempted at this late period of his life a met-
rical translation into English of the Psalms of
David ; although his prose is full of poetry, his verse
has but little of the divine art.
He again declined to take his seat as a peer in
Charles's second Parliament ; but the last stage of
his life displayed more dignity and real greatness
NOTICE OF PEANCIS BACON. 31
than the " prido, pomp, and circumstance " of his
high offices and honors. The public of England
and of "foreign nations" forgot the necessity of
" charitable speeches " and anticipated '^ the next
ages." The most distinguished foreigners repaired
to Gray's Inn to pay their respects to him. The
Marquis d'Effiat, who brought over to England the
Princess Henrietta Maria, the wife of Charles the
First, went to see him. Bacon, confined to his bed,
but unwilling to decline the visit, received him with
the curtains drawn. " You resemble the angels,"
said the French minister to him, " we hear those
beings continually talked of; we believe them supe-
rior to mankind ; and we never have the consolation
to see them."
But in ill health and infirmity he continued his
studies and experiments ; as it occurred to him that
snow might preserve animal substances from putre-
faction as well as salt, he tried the experiment, and
stuffed a fowl with snow with his own hands.
" The great apostle of experimental philosophy was
destined to become its martyr ; " he took cold. From
his bed he dictated a letter to the Earl of Arundel,
to whose house he had been conveyed. " I was
likely to have had the fortune of Caius Plinius the
Elder, who lost his life by trying an experiment
about the burning of the Mount Vesuvius. For I
was also desirous to try an experiment or two touch-
ing the conservation and induration of bodies. As
for the experiment itself, it succeeded excellently
32 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
well." He had, indeed, the fortune of Pliny the
Elder; for he never recovered from the effects of
his cold, which brought on fever and a complaint of
the chest ; and he expired on the 9th of xApril, 1626,
in the sixty-sixth year of his age. Thus died, a vic-
tim to his devotion to science, Francis Bacon, whose
noble death is an expiation of the errors of his life,
and who was, as has been justly observed, notwith-
standing all his faults, one of the greatest ornaments
and benefactors of the human race.
No account has been preserved of his funeral ;
but probably it was private. Sir Thomas Meautys,
his faithful secretary, erected at his own expense a
monument to Bacon's memory. Bacon is represented
sitting, reclining on his hand, and absorbed in medi-
tation. The effigy bears the inscription : sic sedebat.
The singular fact ought not to be omitted, that
notwithstanding the immense sums that had been
received by him, legitimately or otherwise, he died
insolvent. The fault of his life had been that he
never adapted his expenses to his income ; perhaps
even he never calculated them. To what irretrieva-
ble ruin did not this lead him? To disgrace and
dishonor, in the midst of his career ; to insolvency
at its end. His love of worldly grandeur was un-
controllable, or at least uncontrolled. "The virtue
of prosperity is temperance," says he himself; but
this virtue he did not possess. His stately bark
rode proudly over the waves, unmindful of the
rocks ; on' one of these, alas ! it split and foundered.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 33
Bacon wms very prepossessing in his person ; he
was in stature above the middle size ; his forehead
was broad and high, of an intellectual appearance ;
his eye was lively and expressive ; and his counte-
nance bore early the marks of deep thought.
It miofht be mentioned here with instruction to
the reader, that few men were more impressed than
Bacon with the value of time, the most precious
element of life. He assiduously employed the small-
est portions of it ; considering justly that the days,
the hours, nay minutes of existence require the great-
est care at our hands ; the weeks, months, and years
have been wisely said to take care of themselves.
His chaplain, Rawley, remarks : " Nullum momentum
aut temporis segmentum perire et intercidere passus
est,'' he suffered no moment nor fragment of time to
pass away unprofitably. It is this circumstance that
explains to us the great things he accomplished even
in the most busy part of his life.
The whole of Bacon's biography has been admira-
bly recapitulated by Lord Campbell ^ in the following
paragraph : — ■
*'We have seen him taught his alphabet by his mother;
patted on the head by Queen Ehzabeth; mocking the wor-
shippers of Aristotle at Cambridge; catching the first glimpses
of his great discoveries, and yet uncertain whether the light
was from heaven; associating with the learned and the gay
at the court of France; devoting himself to Bracton^ and
1 Lives of the Lord Chancellors and Keepers of the Great Seal of
England.
2 Bracton is one of the earliest writers of English law. He
3
34 NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON.
the Year Books in Gray's Inn; throwing aoide the musty
folios of the law to write a moral Essay, to make an experi-
ment in natural philosophy, or to detect the fallacies w^hicli
had hitherto obstructed the progress of useful truth ; contented
for a time with taking ''all knowledge for his province;"
roused from these speculations hy the stings of vulgar ambi-
tion; plying all the arts of flattery to gain official advance-
ment by royal and courtly favor ; entering the House of
Commons, and displaying powers of oratory of which he had
been unconscious ; being seduced by the love of popular ap-
plause, for a brief space becoming a patriot ; making amends,
by defending all the worst excesses of prerogative ; publishing
to the world lucubrations on morals, which show the nicest
perception of what is honorable and beautiful as well as pru-
dent, in the conduct of life ; yet the son of a Lord Keeper, the
nephew of the prime minister, a Queen's counsel, with the first
practice at the bar, arrested for debt, and languishing in a
spunging-house ; tired with vain solicitations to his own kin-
dred for promotion, joining the party of their opponent, and
after experiencing the most generous kindness from the young
and chivalrous head of it, assisting to bring him to the scaf-
fold, and to blacken his memory ; seeking, by a mercenary
marriage to repair his broken fortunes ; on the accession of a
new sovereign oflfering up the most servile adulation to a
pedant whom he utterly despised ; infinitely gratified by being
permitted to kneel down, with three hundred others, to receive
the honor of knighthood; truckling to a worthless favorite
with the most slavish subserviency that he might be appointed
a law-officer of the Crown ; then giving the most admirable
advice for the compilation and emendation of the laws of
England, and helping to inflict torture on a poor parson whom
he wished to hang as a traitor for writing an unpublished and
flourished in the thirteenth century. The title of his work is De
Lccjihus et Consuetudinibus Anglice, first printed in 1569.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 35
unpreached sermon; attracting the notice of all Europe by
his philosophical works, which established a new era in tlie
mode of investigating the phenomena both of matter and
mind ; basely intriguing m the meanwhile for further promo-
tion, and writing secret letters to his sovereign to disparage his
rivals ; riding proudly between the Lord High Treasurer and
Lord Privy Seal, preceded by his mace-bearer and purse-
bearer, and followed by a long line of nobles and judges, to
be installed in the office of Lord High Chancellor ; by and by,
settling with his servants the account of the bribes they had
received for him; a little embarrassed by being obliged, out
of decency, the case being so clear, to decide against the party
whose money he had pocketed, but stitling the misgivings of
conscience by the splendor and flattery which he now com-
manded ; struck to the earth by the discovery of his comip-
tion ; taking to his bed, and refusing sustenance ; confessing
the truth of the charges brought against him, and abjectly
imploring mercy; nobly rallying from his disgrace, and en-
gaging in new literary undertakings, which have added to the
splendor of his name; still exhibiting a touch of his ancient
vanity, and, in the midst of pecuniary embarrassment, refusing
to ' be stripijed of his feathers ; ' i inspired, nevertheless, with
all his youthful zeal for science, in conducting his last experi-
ment of 'stuffing a fowl with snow to preserve it,^ which
succeeded ' excellently \vell,' but brought him to his grave ;
and, as the closing act of a life so checkered, making his will,
whereby, conscious of the shame he had incurred among his
contemporaries, but impressed with a swelling conviction of
what he had achieved for mankind, he bequeathed his ' name
and memory to men's charitable speeches, to foreign nations,
and the next ages.' "
After this brilliant recapitulation of the principal
facts of Bacon's eventful hie, there remains the
1 The woods on his estate of Gorhambury.
36 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
difficult task of examining his character as a writer
and philosopher; and then of presenting some ob-
servations on his principal works. As these sub-
jects have occupied the attention of the master minds
and most elegant writers of England, we shall un-
hesitatingly present the reader with the opinions
of these, the most competent judges in each special
department.
But first, let the philosopher speak for himself.
The end and aim of the writings of Bacou are
best described by himself, as these descriptions may
be gleaned fi*om his various works. He taught, to
use his own language, the means, not of the " ampli-
fication of the power of one man over his country,
nor of the amplification of the power of that coun-
try over other nations ; but the amplification of the
power and kingdom of mankind over the world." ^
" A restitution of man to the sovereignty of nature." ^
^^ The enlarging the bounds of human empire to the
effecting of all things possible."^ From the enlarge-
ment of reason, he did not separate the grow^th of
virtue ; for lie thought that " truth and goodness
were one, difi'ering but as the seal and the print,
for truth prints goodness."*
The art which Bacon taught, has been well said
to be ^'the art of inventing arts."
The great qualities of his mind, as they are exhi-
bited in his works, have been well portrayed by the
1 Of the Interpretation of Nature. - Ibid.
3 New Atlantis. * Advancement of Learning.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 37
pen of Sir James Mackintosh. We subjoin the
opinion of this elegant v^riter in his own words :
''It is easy to describe his traiiscendaut merit in general
terms of commendation : for some of his great quaUties lie-
on the surface of his writings. But that in which he most
excelled all other men, was in the range and compass of his
intellectual view — the power of contemplating many and
distant objects together, without indistinctness or confusion —
which he himself has called the discursive or comprehensive
understanding. This wide-ranging intellect was illuminated
by the brightest Fancy that ever contented itself with the
office of only ministering to Reason : and from this singular
relation of the two grand faculties of man, it has resulted,
that his philosophy, though illustrated still more than adorned
by the utmost splendor of imagery, continues still subject to
the undivided supremacy of intellect. In the midst of all
the prodigality of an imagination which, had it been inde-
pendent, would have been poetical, his opinions remained
severely rational.
''It is not so easy to conceive, or at least to describe, other
equally essential elements of his greatness, and conditions of
his success. He is probably a single instance of a mind
which, in philosophizing, alvA^ays reaches the point of eleva-
tion whence the whole prospect is commanded, w^ithout ever
rising to such a distance as to lose a distinct perception of
every part of it." ^
Mr. Macaulay speaks of the following peculiarity
of Bacon's understanding : ^ —
" With great minuteness of observation he had an ampli-
tude of comprehension such as has never yet been vouch-
safed to any other human being. The small fine mind of
La Bruyere had not a more delicate tact than the large iutel-
1 Edinburgh Eeview. 2 Essays.
38 NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON.
lect of Bacon. The '^ Essays" contain abundant proofs that
no nice feature of character, no peculiarity in the ordering
of a house, a garden, or a court-masque, could escape the
notice of one whose mind was capable of taking in the whole
world of knowledge. His understanding resembled the tent
which the fairy Paribanou gave to prince Ahmed. Fold it,
and it seemed a toy for the hand of the lady. Spread it,
and the armies of powerful sultans might repose beneath its
shade.
'' In keenness of observation he has been equalled, though,
perhaps, never surpassed. But the largeness of his mind
M^as all his own. The glance with which he surveyed the
intellectual universe, resembled that which the archangel,
from the golden threshold of heaven, darted down into the
new creation.
*' Koimd he surveyed and well might, where he stood
So high above the circling canopy
Of night's extended shade — from eastern point
Of Libra, to the fleecy star which bears
Andromeda far off Atlantic seas
Beyond the horizon."
Bacon's philosophy is, to use an expression of his
own, " the servant and interpreter of nature ; " he
cultivated it in the leisure left him by the assiduous
study and practice of the law and by the willing
duties of a courtier; it was rather the recreation
than the business of his life; "my business," said
he, " found rest in my contemplations ; " but his very
recreations rendered him, according to Leibnitz, the
father of experimental philosophy, and, according
to all, the originator of all its results, of all later
discoveries in chemistry and the arts, in short, of
all modern science and its applications.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 39
Mr. Macaulay is of opinion that the two leading
principles of his philosophy are iitUlty and progress ;
that the ethics of his inductive method are to do
good, to do more and more good, to mankind.
Lord Campbell believes that a most perfect body of
ethics might be made out from the writings of Bacon.
The origin of his pliilosophy was the conviction
with which he was impressed of the insufficiency of
that of the ancients, or rather of that of Aristotle,
which reigned with almost undisputed sway through-
out Europe. He reverenced antiquity for its great
works, its great men ; but not because of its ancient-
ness; he deemed its decrees worthy of reverential
consideration, but did not think they admitted of no
appeal; he was not a bigot to antiquity or a con-
temner of modern times. He happily combated
that undue and blind submission to the authority of
ancient times for the mere reason that they are
older than our own, alleging truly that '^ antiquitas
SECULi JUTENTUS MUNDi, that our times are the
ancient times, when the world is ancient, and not
those which we account ancient, ordine retrogradoy
by a computation backward from ourselves." ^
Throwing off, then, all allegiance to antiquity, he
appealed directly from Aristotle to nature, from
reasoning to experiment.
But let us invoke the testimony of an eminent
philosopher, Sir John Herschel: —
1 Advancement of Learnincf.
40 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
''B}' the discoveries of Copernicus, Kepler, and Galileo,
the errors of the Aristotelian philost»phy were effectually over-
turned on a plain appeal to the facts of nature ; hut it re-
mained to show, on broad and general principles, how and
why Aristotle was in the wrong ; to set in evidence the pecu-
liar weakness of his method of philosophizing, and to substi-
tute in its place a stronger and better. This important task
was executed by Francis Bacon, Lord Verulam, who will
theref(M-e justly be looked upon in all future ages as the great
reformer of philosophy, though his own actual contributions
to the stock of physical truths were small, and his ideas of
particular points strongly tinctured with mistakes and errors,
which were the fault rather of the general want of physical
information of the age than of any narrowness of view on
his own part ; of this he was fully aware. It has been at-
tempted by some to lessen the merit of this great achieve-
ment, by showing that the inductive method had been
practised in many instances, both ancient and modern, by the
mere instinct of mankind; but it is not the introduction of in-
ductive reasoning, as a new and hitherto untried process, which
characterizes the Baconian philosophy, but his keen percep-
tion, and his broad and sjjirit-stirring, almost enthusiastic,
announcement of its paramount importance, as the alpha and
omega of science, as the grand and only chain for the linking
together of physical truths, and the eventual key to every dis-
covery and every application. Those who Avould deny him his
just glory on such grounds would refuse to Jenner or to Howard
their civic crowns, because a few farmers in a remote province
had, time out of mind, been acquainted with vaccination, or
philanthropists, in all ages, had occasionally visited the pris-
oner in his dungeon."
''It is to our immortal countryman Bacon," says he, again,
" that we owe the broad announcement of this grand and
fertile principle; and the development of the idea, that the
whole of natural philosophy consists entirely of a series of
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 41
inductive generalizations, commencing with tlie most circum-
stantially stated particulars, and carried up to universal laws,
or axioms, which comprehend in their statements every sub-
ordinate degree of generality and of a corresponding series
of inverted reasoning from generals to particulars, by which
these axioms are traced hack into their remotest conse-
quences, and all particular propositions deduced from them,
as well those by whose immediate consideration we rose to
their discovery, as those of which we had no previous knowl-
edge. . . .
'' It would seem that a union of two qualities almost oppo-
site to each other — a going fortli of the thoughts in two
directions, and a sudden transfer of ideas from a remote sta-
tion in one to an equally distant one in the other — is required
to start the first idea of applying science. Among the Greeks,
this point was attained by Archimedes, but attained too late,
on the eve of that great eclipse of science which was destined
to continue for nearly eighteen centuries, till Galileo in Italy,
and Bacon in England, at (mce dispelled the darkness; the
one, by his inventions and discoveries ] the other, by the irre-
sistible force of his arguments and eloquence." ^
His style is copious, comprehensive, and smooth ;
it does not flow with the softness of the purling rill,
but rather with the strength, fulness, and swelling of
a majestic river, and the rude harmony of the moun-
tain stream. His images are replete with poetry and
thought ; they always illustrate his subject. Hallam
is of opinion that the modern writer that comes near-
est to him is Burke. '^ He had," said Addison, " the
sound, distinct, comprehensive knowledge of Aris-
totle, with all the beautiful lights, graces, and embel-
1 Preliminary Discourse on the Study of Natural Philosophy.
42 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
lishments of Cicero. One does not know which to
admire most in his writings, the strength of reason,
force of style, or brightness of imagination."^
Bacon improved so much the melody, elegance, and
force of English prose, that we may apply to him
what was said of Augustus with regard to Rome :
lateritiam invenit, marmoream reliqidt ; he found it
brick, and he left it marble. Mr. Hallam's opinion
differs somewhat from this ; it is as follows : —
''The style of Bacon has an idiosyncrasy wliich we might
expect from his genius. It can rarely indeed happen, and
only in men of secondary talents, that the language they use
is not, by its very choice and collocation, as well as its mean-
ing, the representative of an individuality that distinguishes
their turn of thought. Bacon is elaborate, sententious, often
witty, often metaphorical ; nothing could be spared ; his anal-
ogies are generally striking and novel ; his style is clear, pre-
cise, forcible ; yet there is some degree of stiffness about it,
and in mere language he is inferior to Ealeigh.'' ^
It is a most remarkable characteristic of Bacon,
and one in which Burke resembled him, that his
imagination grew stronger with his increasing years,
and his style richer and softer. ^' The fruit came
first," says Mr. ^lacaulay, '' and remained till the
last ; tlie blossoms did not appear till late. In elo-
quence, in sweetness and variety of expression, and
in richness of illustration, his later writings are far
1 Tattler, No. 267.
2 Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the fifteenth, six-
teenth, and seventeenth centuries.
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 43
superior to those of his youth." His earliest Essays
have as much truth and cogent reasoning as his
latest; but these are far superior in grace and beauty.
A most striking illustration of this is afforded by one
of the last Essays, added a year before Bacon's death,
that of Adversity (Essay V.), than which naught can
be more graceful and beautiful.
The account of Bacon's works will necessarily be
very succinct, and, we fear, imperfect. We shall,
however, for each of them, call in the aid of the
most competent judges, whose award public opinion
will not reverse.
ESSAYS.
Bacon published his Essays in 1597. They were,
in the estimation of Mr. Hallam, the first in time
and in excellence of English writings on moral pru-
dence. Of the fifty-eight Essays, of which the work
is now composed, ten only appeared in the first
edition. But to these were added Religious Medi-
tations, Places of Perswasion and Dlsswasion, Seene
and alloived ; many of which were afterwards embod-
ied in the Essays. These Essays were : I. Of Studie;
2. Of Discourse ; 3. Of Ceremonies and Respects ; 4.
Of Followers and Friends ; 5. Of Sutors ; 6. Of Ex-
pence ; 7. Of Regiment of Health ; 8. Of Honor and
Reputation; 9. Of Faction; 10. Of ]N'egociating. In
the edition of 1612, " The Essaies of S"^ Francis Ba^
con Knight, the King's Atturny Generall," were
increased to forty-one.
44 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
The new Essays added are : I. Of Religion ; 2. Of
Death ; 3. Of Goodnesse, and Goodnesse of Nature ;
4. Of Cunning ; 5. Of Marriage and Single Life ; 6. Of
Parents and Children ; 7. Of ^''obility ; 8. Of Great
Place; 9. Of Empire; 10. Of Counsell ; 11. Of Dis-
patch; 12. Of Love; 13. Of Friendship; 14. Of
Atheism; 15. Of Superstition; 16. Of Wisedome
for a Man's selfe; 20. Of seeming wise; 21. Of
Riches ; 22. Of Ambition ; 23. Of Young Men and
Age ; 24. Of Beauty ; 25. Of Deformity ; 26. Of Na-
ture in Men ; 27. Of Custom and Education ; 28.
Of Fortune ; 35. Of Praise ; 36. Of Judicature ; 37.
of Vaine-Glory ; 38. Of Greatnesse of Kingdomes ;
39. Of the Publique ; 40. Of Warre and Peace.
These forty- one Essays were afterwards again aug-
mented to fifty-eight, with the new title of The Es-
saies or Covnsels, Civill and Morall ; they were
likcAvise improved by corrections, additions, and illus-
trations. By the peculiarity of Bacon, already no-
ticed, the later Essays rise in beauty and interest.
Bacon considered his Essays but as " the recreations
of his other studies." He has entitled them, in the
Latin translation, Sermones fideles, sive Interiora re-
rum. The idea of them, as has been already men-
tioned, Was suggested by those of Montaigne ; but
there is but little resemblance between the two pro-
ductions. Montaigne is natural, ingenuous, sportive.
Bacon's " Essays or Counsels, civil and moral,^^ " the
fragments of his conceits," as he styles them, are all
study, art, and gravity ; but the reflections in them
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 45
are true and profound. Montaigne confessedly
painted himself, declared tliat he was the matter
of his own book/ while with Bacon the man was
merged in the author and the philosopher, who pro-
pounded like Seneca, and somewhat in Seneca's style,
the maxims of practical wisdom, that, to use Bacon's
own language, '^come home to men's business and
bosoms," and clothed them in a garb, new, elegant,
and rich, hitherto unknown in England. But our
author, if we may judge by the matter and even
manner of his Essays, may have had in view, not
so much IMontaigne's Essais as Seneca's Letters to
LuciUus. The Essay of Death is obviously founded
on Seneca's Epistles on this subject. That he was
well acquainted with Seneca's Letters, is incontro-
vertible. He alludes to them thus in the dedication
to Prince Henry, in 1612 : " The word (Essays)," says
he, " is late, but the thing is ancient ; for Seneca's
Epistles to Lucilius, if you mark them well, are but
Essays, that is, dispersed meditations, though con-
veyed in tlie form of epistles." Bacon justly foretold
of his Essays that they " would live as long as books
last."
1 Montaigne says, in his author's address to the reader : —
" le veulx qu'oii m'y vcoye en ma fa<^on simple, naturellc ct ordi-
naire, sans estudc et artifice ; car c'est moi que je peinds." He says
again elsewhere : " le nay jias pliLS faict man livre, que mon livre
m'a faict; livre consuhstantiel a son aucteur, d'une occupation
propre, membre de ma vie, non d'une occiipation et fi.n tierce et
cstrangiere, comme touts aultres livres." (Livre ii. ch. xviii.)
46 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
The following is the opinion of Dugald Stewart,
himself an eminent philosopher and elegant writer :
''His Essays are the best known and most popular of all
his works. It is also one of those where the superiority of
his genius appears to the greatest advantage; the novelty
and depth of his reflections often receiving a strong relief from
triteness of the subject. It may be read from beginning to
end in a few hours ; and yet, after the twentieth perusal, one
seldom foils to remark in it something unobserved before.
This, indeed, is a characteristic of all Bacon's writings, and
only to be accounted for by the inexhaustible aliment they
furnish to our own thoughts, and the sympathetic activity
they impart to our torpid faculties." ^
The reader will, perhaps, be rather gratified than
wearied with another appreciation of this valuable
production of our young moralist of twenty-six. It
is of no incompetent judge, — Mr. Hallam.
" The transcendent strength of Bacon's mind is visible in
the whole tenor of these Essays, unequal as they must be
from the very nature of such compositions. They are deeper
and more discriminating than any earlier, or almost any later
work in the English language, full of recondite observation,
long matured and carefully sifted. It is true that we might
wish for more vivacity and ease; Bacon, who had much wit,
had little gayety ; his Essays are consequently stiff and grave
where the subject might have been touched with a lively
hand ; thus it is in those on Gardens and on Building. The
sentences have sometimes too apophthegmatic a form and
want coherence ; the historical instances, though far less fre-
quent than with Montaigne, have a little the look of pedantry
to our eyes. But it is from this condensation, from this
1 Introduction to the Encycloptedia.
NOTICE OF FKANCIS BACON. 47
gravity, that the work derives its peculiar impressiveness.
Few books are more quoted, and what is not always the case
with such books, we may add that few are more generally
read. In this respect they lead the van of our prose litera-
ture ; for no gentleman is ashamed of owning that he has not
read the Elizabethan writers; but it would be somewhat
derogatory to a man of the slightest claim to polite letters,
were he unacquainted with the Essays of Bacon. It is,
indeed, little worth while to read this or any other book for
reputation sake ; but very few in our language so well repay
the pains, or afford more nourishment to the thoughts. They
might be judiciously introduced, with a small number more,
into a sound method of education, one that should make
wisdom, rather than mere knowledge, its object, and might
become a text-book of examination in our schools."^
ADVANCEMENT OF LEARNING.
The Advancement of Learnhig was published m
1605. It has usually been considered that the whole
of Bacon's philosophy is contained in this work, ex-
cepting, however, the second book of the Novum Or-
ganiim. Of the Advancement of Learning he made
a Latin translation, under the title of De Dignitate
et Aiigmentis Scientiarum, which, however, contains
about one third of new matter and some slight inter-
polations ; a few omissions have been remarked
in it.
The Advancement of Learning is, as it were,
to use his own language, " a small globe of the
1 Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the fifteenth,
sixteenth, and seventeenth centuries.
48 NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON.
intellectual world, as truly and faithfully as I could
discover with a note and description of those facts
which seem to me not constantly occupate or not
well converted by the labor of man. In which, if
I have in any point receded from that which is
commonly received, it hath been with a purpose of
proceeding in melins and not in aliud, a mind of
amendment and proficience, and not of change and
difference. For I could not be true and constant
to the argument I handle, if I were not willing to
go beyond others, but yet not more willing than to
have others go beyond me."
The Advancement of Learning is divided into
two parts ; the former of which is intended to re-
move prejudices against the search after truth, by
pointing out the causes which obstruct it ; in the
second, learning is divided into history, poetry, and
philosophy, according to the faculties of the mind
from which they emanate — memory, imagination,
and reason. Our author states the deficiencies he
observes in each.
All the peculiar qualities of his style are fully
developed in this noble monument of genius, one
of the finest in English, or perhaps any other lan-
guage ; it is full of deep thought, keen observation,
rich imagery, Attic wit, and apt illustration. Dugald
Stewart and Hallam have both expressed their just
admiration of the short paragraph on poesy; but,
with all due deference, we must consider that the
beautiful passage on the dignity and excellency of
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 49
knowledge is surpassed by none. Can aught excel
the noble comparison of the ship ? The reader shall
judge for himself.
'^ If the invention of the ship was thought so noble, which
carrieth riches and commodities from place to place, and conso-
ciateth the most remote regions in participation of their fruits ;
how much more are letters to be magnified, which, as ships,
pass through the vast seas of time, and mtike ages so distant
to participate of the wisdom, illuminations, and inventions,
the one of the other ? "
DE SAPIENTIA VETERUM.
The Wisdom of the Ancients, or rather, De sapi-
entia t^eterum (for it was written in Latin), is a short
treatise on the mythology of the ancients, by which
Bacon endeavors to discover and to show the physi-
cal, moral, and political meanings it concealed. If
the reader is not convinced that the ancients under-
stood by these fables all that Bacon discovers in
them, he must at least admit the probability of it,
and be impressed with the penetration of the author
and the variety and depth of his knowledge.
INSTAURATIO MAGNA.
The Instauratio Magna was published in 1620,
while Bacon was still chancellor.
In his dedication of it to James the First, in 1620,
in which he says he has been engaged in it nearly
thirty years, he pathetically remarks : " The reason
4
50 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
why I have published it now, specially being im-
perfect, is, to speak plainly, because I number my
days, and would have it saved." His country and
the world participate in the opinion of the philoso-
pher, and would have deemed its loss one of the
greatest to mankind.
Such was the care with which it was composed,
that Bacon transcribed it twelve times with his own
hand.
It is divided into six parts. The first entitled
Partitiones Scientiarum, or the divisions of knowl-
edge possessed by mankind, in which the author
has noted the deficiencies and imperfections of each.
This he had already accomplished by his Advance-
ment of Learning,
Part 2 is the Novum Organum Scientiarum, or
new method of studying the sciences, a name proba^
bly suggested by Aristotle's Organon (treatises on
Logic). He intended it to be "the science of a
better and more perfect use of reason in the inves-
tigation of things and of the true end of understand-
ing." This has been generally denominated the
inductive method, i. e. the experimental method,
from the j)rinciple of induction, or bringing together
facts and drawing from them general principles or
truths, by which the author proposes the advance-
ment of all kinds of knowledge. In this consists
preeminently the philosophy of Bacon. Not rea-
soning upon conjecture on the laws and properties
of nature, but, as Bacon quaintly terms it, "asking
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 51
questions of nature," that is, making experiments,
laboriously collecting facts first, and, after a suffi-
cient number has been brought together, then form-
ing systems or theories founded on them.
But this work is rather the summary of a more
extensive one he designed, the aphorisms of it being
rather, according to Hallam, "the heads or theses
of chapters." But some of these principles are of
paramount importance. An instance may be afforded
of this, extracted from the " Interpretation of N'ature,
and Man's dominion over it." It is the very first sen-
tence in the Novum Organum. " Man, the servant
and interpreter of nature, can only understand and
act in proportion as he observes and contemplates
the order of nature ; more, he can neither know nor
do." This, as has justly been observed, is undoubt-
edly the foundation of all our real knowledge.
The Novum Organum is so important, that we
deem it desirable to present some more detailed
accounts of it.
The body of the work is divided into two parts ;
the former of which is intended to serve as an
introduction to the other, a preparation of the mind
for receiving the doctrine.
Bacon begins by endeavoring to remove the pre-
judices and to obtain fair attention to his doctrine.
He compares philosoph}? to " a vast pyramid, which
ought to have the history of nature for its basis ; "
he likens those who strive to erect by the force
of abstract speculation to the giants of old, who,
52 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
according to the poets, endeavored to throw Mount
Ossa upon Pelion, and Olympus upon Ossa. The
method of ^' anticipating nature," he denounces " as
rash, hasty, and unphilosophical ; " whereas, ^' in-
terpretations of nature, or real truths arrived at by
deduction, cannot so suddenly arrest the mind ; and
when the conclusion actually arrives, it may so
oppose prejudice, and appear so paradoxical as to
be in danger of not being received, notwithstanding
the evidence that supports it, like mysteries of faith."
Bacon first attacks the " Idols of the Mind," i. e.
the great sources of prejudice, then the different
false philosophical theories ; he afterwards proceeds
to show what are the characteristics of false sys-
tems, the causes of error in philosophy, and lastly
the grounds of hope regarding the advancement of
science.
He now aspires, to use his own language, " only
to sow the seeds of pure truth for posterity, and
not to be wanting in his assistance to the first
beginning of great undertakings." '^ Let the hu-
man race," says he further, "regain their dominion
over nature, which belongs to them by the bounty
of their Maker, and right reason and sound religion
will direct the use."
The second part of the Novum Organum may be
divided into three sections. The first is on the
discovery of forms, i. e. causes in nature. The
second section is composed of tables illustrative of
the inductive method, and the third and last is
NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON. 53
styled the doctrine of instances, i. e. facts regarding
the discovery of causes.
Part the third of the Tnstauratio Magna was
to be a Natural History, as he termed it, or rather
a history of natural substances, in which the art of
man had been employed, which would have been
a history of universal nature.
Part 4, to be called S^ala intellectus, or Intellec-
tual Ladder, was intended to be, to use his own
words, "types and models which place before our
eyes the entire process of the mind in the discovery
of truth, selecting various and remarkable instances."
He had designed in the fifth part to give speci-
mens of the new philosophy ; a few fragments only
of this have been published. It was to be ^' the frag-
ment of interest till the principal could be raised."
The sixth and last part was " to display a perfect
system of philosophy deduced and confirmed by a
legitimate, sober, and exact inquiry according to the
method he had laid down and invented." "To
perfect this last part," says Bacon, "is above our
powers and beyond our hopes. '
Let us return, however, for a moment to the
commencement, to remark that he concludes the
introduction by an eloquent prayer that his exer-
tions may be rendered effectual to the attainment
of truth and happiness. But he feels his own in-
ability, for "his days are numbered," to conduct
mankind to the hoped for goal. It was given to
him to point out the road to the promised land ; but,
54 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
like Moses, after having descried it from afar, it
was denied him to enter the land to which he had
led the way.
LIFE OF HENRY VH.
The Life of Henry VIL, published in 1622, is, in
the opinion of Hallam, 'Hhe first instance in om-
language of the application of philosophy to rea-
soning on public events in the manner of the an-
cients and the Italians. Praise upon Henry is too
largely bestowed ; but it was in the nature of Bacon
to admire too much a crafty and selfish policy ; and
he thought also, no doubt, that so near an ancestor
of his own sovereign should not be treated with
severe impartiality." ^
LETTERS.
His Letters published in his works are numerous ;
they are written in a stiff, ungraceful, formal style ;
but still, they frequently bear the impress of the
wTiter's greatness and genius. Fragments of them
have been frequently quoted in the course of this
notice ; they have, perhaps, best served to exhibit
more fully the man in all the relations of his public
and private life.
MISCELLANEOUS PAPERS.
Amongst his miscellaneous papers there was found
after his death a remarkable prayer, which Addison
1 Introduction to the Literature of Europe in the 15th, 16th, and
I7th centuries.
NOTICE OF FEANCIS BACON. 55
deemed sufficiently beautiful to be published in the
Tatler^ for Christmas, 1710. We extract a pas-
sage or two, that may serve to illustrate Bacon's
position or his character.
'^ I have, though in a despised weed, procured the good of
all men. If any have been my enemies, I thought not of
them, neither hath the sun almost set upon my displeasure ;
hut I have been as a dove, free from superfluity of malicions-
ness."
'' Just are thy judgments upon me for my sins, which are
more in number than the sands of the sea, but have no pro-
portion to thy mercies ; for what are the sands of the sea f
Earth, heaven, and all these are nothing to thy mercies."
Addison observes of this prayer, that for elevation
of thought and greatness of expression, " it seems —
rather the devotion of an angel than a man."
In taking leave of the life and the works of the
greatest of philosophers, and alas ! the least of men,
we have endeavored to present a succinct but faithful
narrative — " his glory not extenuated wherein he
was Avorthy, nor his offences enforced, for which he
suffered" merited obloquy with his own contempo-
raries and all posterity. Our endeavor has been
Verba animi proferre et vitam impendere vero.
But his failings, great as they were, are forgotten
through his transcendent merit ; his faults injured
but few, and in his own time alone ; his genius has
benefited all mankind. The new direction he gave to
philosophy was the indirect cause of all the modern
1 No. 267.
56 NOTICE OF FRANCIS BACON.
conquests of science over matter, or, as it were^
over nature. What it has already accomplished,
and may yet effect for the whole human race, is
incalculable. Macaulay, the historian of England,
has been likewise the eloquent narrator of the pro-
gress, that owes its origin to the genius of Francis
Bacon.
" Ask a follower of Bacon," says Macaulay, '' what the
new philosophy, as it was called in the time of Charles the
Second, has efiected for mankind, and his answer is ready :
* It hath lengthened life ; it has mitigated pain ; it has extin-
guished diseases ; it has increased the fertility of the soil :
it has given new securities to the mariner; it has furnished
new arms to the wanior ; it has sjjanned great rivers and
estuaries with bridges of form unknown to our fathers ; it
has guided the thunderbolt innocuously from heaven to earth ;
it has liglited up the night witli the splendor of the day ; it
has extended the range of the human vision ; it has multiplied
the power of the human muscle ; it has accelerated motion ; it
has annihilated distance ; it has facilitated intercourse, corres-
pondence, all friendly offices, all dispatch of business ; it has
enabled man to descend to the depths of the sea, to soar into
the air, to penetrate securely into the noxious recesses of the
earth, to traverse the land on cars which whirl along without
horses, and the ocean in ships which sail against the wind.
These are but a part of its fruits, and of its first-fruits. For
it is a philosophy which never rests, which has never attained,
which is never perfect. Its law is progress. A point M^hich
yesterday was invisible is its goal to-day, and will be its
starting-post to-morrow.' " ^
1 Essays.
E S SAYS.
I. — OF TRUTH.
What is truth ? said jesting Pilate ; ^ and would
not stay for an answer. Certainly, there be that
delight in giddiness ; and count it a bondage to fix
a belief; affecting freewill in thinking as well as
in acting. And though the sects of philosophers of
that kind be gone, yet there remain certain dis-
coursing wits which are of the same veins, though
there be not so much blood in them as was in those
of the ancients. But it is not only the difficulty
and labor which men take in finding out of truth :
nor again, that, when it is found, it imposeth upon
men's thoughts, that doth bring lies in favor ; but
a natural though corrupt love of the lie itself.
One of the later schools^ of the Grecians examin-
1 He refers to the following passage in the Gospel of St. John,
xviii. 38: "Pilate saith unto him, What is truth? And when
he had said this, he went out again unto the Jews, and saith
unto them, I find in him no fault at all."
2 He probably refers to the "New Academy," a sect of Greek
philosophers, one of whose moot questions was, "What is
truth ? " Upon which they came to the unsatisfactory conclu-
sion, that mankind has no criterion by which to form a judg-
ment.
58 ESSAYS.
eth the matter, and is at a stand to think what
should be in it that men should love lies ; where
neither they make for pleasure, as with poets ; nor
for advantage, as with the merchant, but for the
lie's sake. But I cannot tell ; this same truth is a
naked and open daylight, that doth not show the
masks, and mummeries, and triumphs of the world,
half so stately and daintily as candle-lights. Truth
may perhaps come to the price of a pearl, that
showeth best by day, but it will not rise to the
price of a diamond or carbuncle, that showeth best
in varied lights. A mixture of a lie doth ever add
pleasure. Doth any man doubt, that if there were
taken out of men's minds vain opinions, flattering
hopes, false valuations, imaginations as one would,
and the like, but it would leave the minds of a num-
ber of men poor shrunken things, full of melancholy
and indisposition, and unpleasing to themselves?
One of the fathers,^ in great severity, called poesy
" vinum dsemonum," ^ because it filleth the imagina-
tion, and yet it is but with the shadow of a lie.
But it is not the lie that passeth through the mind,
but the lie that sinketh in, and settleth in it, that
doth the hurt, such as we spake of before. But
howsoever these things are thus in men's depraved
judgments and affections, yet truth, which only doth
judge itself, teacheth that the inquiry of truth,
1 Perhaps he was thinking of St. Angustine. — See Aiig. Con-
fess, i. 25, 26.
^ "The wine of evil spirits."
OF TRUTH. 59
which is the love-making, or wooing of it, tlie knowl-
edge of truth, which is the presence of it, and the
belief of truth, which is the enjoying of it, is the
sovereign good of human nature. The first creature
of God, in tlie works of the days, was the light of
the sense ; ^ the last was the light of reason ; ^ and
his sabbath work, ever since, is the illumination of
his Spirit. First, he breathed light upon the face
of the matter, or chaos ; then he breathed light into
the face of man ; and still he breatheth and inspir-
eth light into the face of his chosen. The poet ^
that beautified the sect,^ that was otherwise inferior
to the rest, saith yet excellently well : " It is a
1 Genesis i. 3: "And God said, Let there be light, and there
was light."
2 At the moment -when " The Lord God formed man out of
the dust of the ground, and breathed into his nostrils the breath
of life ; and man became a living soul." — Genesis ii. 7.
2 Lucretius, the Roman poet and Epicurean philosopher, is
alluded to. — Lucrct. ii. init. Comp. Adv. of Learning, i, 8, 5.
* He refers to the sect which followed the doctrines of Epicu-
rus. The life of Epicurus himself was pure and abstemious in
the extreme. One of his leading tenets was, that the aim of all
speculation should be to enable men to judge with certainty
what course is to be chosen, in order to secure health of body
and tranquillity of mind. The adoption, however, of the term
" pleasure," as denoting this object, has at all periods subjected
the Epicurean system to great reproach; whicli, in fact, is due
rather to the conduct of many who, for their own purposes, have
taken shelter under the system in name only, than to the tenets
themselves, which did not inculcate libertinism. Epicurus
admitted the existence of the Gods, but he deprived them of
the characteristics of Divinity, either as creators or preservers
of the world.
60 ESSAYS.
pleasure to stand upon the shore, and to see ships
tossed upon the sea ; a pleasure to stand in the
window of a castle, and to see a battle, and the
adventures thereof below ; but no pleasure is com-
parable to the standing upon the vantage-ground
of truth" (a hill not to be commanded, and where
the air is always clear and serene), " and to see the
errors, and wanderings, and mists, and tempests, in
the vale below ; " ^ so always that this prospect be
with pity, and not with swelling or pride. Certainly
it is heaven upon earth, to have a man's mind move
in charity, rest in providence, and turn upon the
poles of truth.
To pass from theological and philosophical truth
to the truth of civil business; it will be acknowl-
edged, even by those that practise it not, that clear
and round dealing is the honor of man's nature,
and that mixture of falsehood is like alloy in coin
1 Lord Bacon has either translated this passage of Lucretius
from memory or has purposely paraphrased it. The following
is the literal translation of the original: "'Tis a pleasant thing,
from the shore, to behold the dangers of another upon the mighty
ocean, when the winds are lashing the main ; not because it is a
grateful pleasure for any one to be in misery, but because it is
a pleasant thing to see those misfortunes from which 5'ou your-
self are free : 'tis also a pleasant thing to behold the mighty
contests of warfare, arrayed upon the plains, without a share in
the danger ; but nothing is there more delightful than to occupy
the elevated temples of the wise, well foitified by tranquil learn-
ing, whence you may be able to look down upon others, and see
them straying in every direction, and wandering in search of the
path of life."
OF TRUTH. 61
of gold and silver, which may make the metal
work the better, but it embaseth it. For these
winding and crooked courses are the goings of the
serpent ; which goeth basely upon the belly, and
not upon the feet. There is no vice that doth so
cover a man with shame, as to be found false and
perfidious ; and therefore Montaigne ^ saith prettily,
when he inquired the reason why the word of the
lie should be such a disgrace, and such an odious
charge : saith he, " If it be well weighed, to say
that a man lieth, is as much as to say that he is
brave towards God and a coward towards men.
For a lie faces God, and shrinks from man ; " sure-
ly, the wickedness of falsehood and l^reach of faith
cannot possibly be so highly expressed, as in that it
shall be the last peal to call the judgments of God
upon the generations of men : it being foretold,
that, when " Christ cometh," he shall not " find
faith upon the earth." ^
1 Michael de Montaigne, the celebrated French Essayist. His
Essays embrace a variety of topics, which are treated in a
sprightly and entertaining manner, and are replete with remarks
indicative of strong native good sense. He died in 1592. The fol-
lowing quotation is from the second book of the Essays, c. 18 : " Ly-
ing is a disgraceful vice, and one that Plutarch, an ancient writer,
paints in most disgraceful colors, when he says that it is ' affording
testimony that one first despises God, and then fears men ; ' it is
not possible more happily to describe its horrible, disgusting, and
abandoned nature ; for, can we imagine anything more vile than
to be cowards with regard to men, and brave with regard to God ? "
2 St. Luke xviii. 8 : "Nevertheless, when the Son of man com-
eth, shall he find faith upon the earth ?"
62 ESSAYS.
II. —OF DEATH.1
Men fear death as children fear to go in the dark ;
and as that natural fear in children is increased with
tales, so is the other. Certainly, the contemplation
of death, as the wages of sin, and passage to another
world, is holy and religious ; but the fear of it, as
a tribute due unto nature, is weak. Yet in religious
meditations there is sometimes mixture of vanity and
of superstition. You shall read in some of the friars'
books of mortification, that a man should think with
himself, what the pain is, if he have but his finger's
end pressed or tortured ; and thereby imagine what
the pains of death are, when the whole body is cor-
rupted and dissolved ; when many times death passeth
with less pain than the torture of a limb, for the
most vital parts are not the quickest of sense. And
by him that spake only as a philosopher and natural
man, it was well said, " Pompa mortis magis terret,
quam mors ipsa."^ Groans and convulsions, and a
discolored face, and friends weeping, and blacks ^
and obsequies, and the like, show death terrible.
It is worthy the observing, that there is no passion
1 A portion of this Essay is borrowed from the writings of
Seneca. See his Letters to Litciliiis, B. iv. Ep. 24 and 82.
2 ** The array of the death-bed has more terrors than death
itself." This quotation is from Seneca.
^ He probably alludes to the custom of hanging the room in
black where the body of the deceased lay, a practice much more
usual in Bacon's time than at the present day.
OF DEATH. 63
ill tlie mind of man so weak, but it mates and mas-
ters the fear of death ; and therefore death is no
such terrible enemy when a man hath so many at-
tendants about him that can win the combat of him.
Revenge triumphs over death ; love slights it ; honor
aspireth to it ; grief flieth to it ; fear preoccupateth
it; nay, we read, after Otho the emperor had slain
himself, pity (which is the tenderest of affections),
provoked many to die out of mere compassion to
their sovereign, and as the truest sort of followers.^
Nay, Seneca ^ adds niceness and satiety : " Cogita
quamdiu eadem feceris ; mori velle, non tan turn for-
tis, aut miser, sed etiam fastidiosus potest."^ A
man would die, though he were neither valiant nor
miserable, only upon a weariness to do the same
thing so oft over and over. It is no less worthy to
observe, how little alteration in good spirits the ap-
proaches of death make : for they appear to be the
same men till the last instant. Augustus Csesar
died in a compliment : " Livia, conjugii nostri mem or,
vive et vale." * Tiberius in dissimulation, as Tacitus
saith of him, "Jam Tiberium vires et corpus, non
dissimulatio, deserebaut : "^ Vespasian in a jest, sitting
1 Tacit, Hist. ii. 49.
2 Ad Lucil. 77.
3 "Reflect how often you do the same things; a man may
wish to die, not only because either he is brave or wretched, but
even because he is surfeited with life."
* "Livia, mindful of our union, live on, and fare thee well." —
Suet. Aug. Fit. c. 100.
^ "His bodily strength and vitality were now forsaking Tibe-
rius, but not his duplicity." — Ann. vi. 50.
64 ESSAYS.
upon the stool/ '^Ut puto Deus fio;"^ Galba with
a sentence, ^^ Feri, si ex re sit populi Romani," ^
holding forth his neck ; Septimus Severus in dis-
patch, '' Adeste, si quid mihi restat agendum," * and
the like. Certainly, the Stoics ^ bestowed too much
cost upon death, and by their great preparations
made it appear more fearful. Better, saith he, " qui
finem vitae extremum inter munera ponit naturae." ^
It is as natural to die as to be born ; and to a little
infant, perhaps, the one is as painful as the other.
He that dies in an earnest pursuit, is like one that
1 This was said as a reproof to liis flatterers, and in spirit is
not unlike the rebuke administered by Canute to his retinue. —
Suet. Vespas. Vit. c. 23.
2 " I am become a Divinity, I suppose."
3 " If it be for the advantage of the Roman people, strike." —
Tac. Hist. i. 41.
4 *'If aught remains to be done by me, dispatch. — Dio Cass.
76, ad Jin.
5 These were the followers of Zeno, a philosopher of Citium,
in Cyprus, who founded the Stoic school, or "School of the
Portico," at Athens. The basis of his doctrines was the duty of
making virtue the object of all our researches. According to
him, the pleasures of the mind were preferable to those of the
body, and his disciples were taught to view with indiff'erence
health or sickness, riches or poverty, pain or pleasure.
6 "Who reckons the close of his life among the boons of
nature." Lord Bacon here quotes from memory ; the passage
is in the tenth Satire of Juvenal, and runs thus : —
"Fortem posce animum, mortis terrore carentem.
Qui spatium vitae extremum inter munera ponat
Naturae " —
" Pray for strong resolve, void of the fear of death, that reckons
the closing period of life among the boons of nature."
OF UNITY IN RELIGION. 65
is wounded in hot blood, who, for the time, scarce
feels the hurt ; and therefore a mind fixed and bent
upon somewhat that is good, doth avert the dolors
of death; but, above all, believe it, the sweetest
canticle is " Nunc dimittis," ^ when a man hath ob-
tained worthy ends and expectations. Death hath
this also, that it openeth the gate to good fame, and
extinguisheth envy : " Extinetus amabitur idem." ^
III.— OF UNITY IN RELIGION.
Religion being the chief band of human society,
it is a happy thing when itself is well contained
within the true band of unity. The quarrels and
divisions about religion were evils unknown to the
heathen. The reason was, because the religion of
the heathen consisted rather in rites and ceremo-
nies, than in any constant belief; for you may im-
agine what kind of faith theirs was, when the chief
doctors and fathers of their church were the poets.
1 He alludes to the song of Simeon, to whom the Holy Ghost
had revealed, "that he should not see death before he had seen
the Lord's Christ." When he beheld the infant Jesus in the
temple, he took the child in his arms and burst forth into a song
of thanksgiving, commencing, " Lord, now lettest thou thy ser-
vant depart in peace, according to thy word, for mine eyes have
seen thy salvation." — St. Luke ii. 29.
2 "When dead, the same person shall be beloved. " — i7or. Ep.
IL 1, 14.
5
66 ESSAYS.
But the true God hath this attribute, that he is a
jealous God ; and therefore his worship and religion
will endure no mixture nor partner. We shall there-
fore speak a few words concerning the unity of the
church; what are the fruits thereof; what the
bounds; and what the means.
The fruits of unity (next mito the well-pleasing
of God, which is all in all), are two; the one to-
wards those that are without the church, the other
towards those that are within. For the former, it
is certain that heresies and schisms are, of all others,
the greatest scandals, yea, more than corruption of
manners ; for as in the natural body a wound or
solution of continuity is worse than a corrupt hu-
mor, so in the spiritual; so that nothing doth so
much keep men out of the church, and drive men
out of the church, as breach of unity; and there-
fore, whensoever it cometh to that pass that one
saith, "Ecce in Deserto,"^ another saith, "Ecce in
penetralibus ; " ^ that is, when some men seek Christ
in the conventicles of heretics, and others in an
outward face of a church, that voice had need con-
tinually to sound in men's ears, " nolite exire," " go
not out." The doctor of tlie Gentiles (the propriety
of whose vocation drew him to have a special care
of those without) saith : '^ If a heathen ^ come
1 "Behold, he is in the desert." — St. Matthew xxiv. 26.
2 "Behold, he is in the secret chambers." — lb.
3 He alludes to 1 Corinthians xiv. 23 : **If, therefore, the whole
church be come together into one place, and all s^jeak with
OF UNITY IN RELIGION. 67
in, and hear you speak with several tongues, will
he not say that you are mad ? " and, certainly, it
is little better : when atheists and profane persons
do hear of so many discordant and contrary opinions
in religion, it doth avert them from the church, and
maketh them "to sit down in the chair of the
scorners." ^ It is but a light thing to be vouched
in so serious a matter, but yet it expresseth well the
deformity. There is a master of scoffing, that, in
his catalogue of books of a feigned library, sets down
this title of a book, "The Morris-Dance ^ of Here-
tics ; " for, indeed, every sect of them hath a diverse
posture, or cringe, by themselves, which cannot but
move derision in worldlings and depraved politicians,
who are apt to contemn holy things.
As for the fruit towards those that are within,
it is peace, which containeth infinite blessings ; it
establisheth faith ; it kindleth charity ; the outward
tongues, and there come in those that are unlearned, or unbelievers,
will they not say that ye are mad ? "
1 Psalm i. 1 : " Blessed is the man that walketh not in the
counsel of the ungodly, nor standeth in the way of sinners, nor
sitteth in the seat of the scornful."
2 This dance, which was originally called the Morisco dance
is supposed to have been derived from the Moors of Spain ; the
dancers in earlier times blackening their faces to resemble Moors.
It was probably a corruption of the ancient Pyrrhic dance, which
was performed by men in armor, and which is mentioned as still
existing in Greece, in Byron's " Song of the Greek Captive :" —
*' You have the Pyrrhic dance as yet."
Attitude and gesture formed one of the characteristics of the dance.
It is still practised in some parts of England. — Rabelais, Pantag.
ii. 7.
68 ESSAYS.
peace of the chiircli distilleth into peace of con-
science, and it turneth the labors of writing and
reading of controversies into treatises of mortifica-
tion and devotion.
Concerning the bounds of unity, the true placing
of them importeth exceedingly. There appear to
be two extremes; for to certain zealots all speech
of pacification is odious. "Is it peace, Jehu?" —
" What hast thou to do with peace ? turn thee be-
hind me." ^ Peace is not the matter, but following,
and party. Contrariwise, certain Laodiceans^ and
lukewarm persons think they may accommodate
points of religion by middle ways, and taking part
of both, and witty reconcilements, as if they would
make an arbitrament between God and man. Both
these extremes are to be avoided ; which will be
done if the league of Christians, penned by our
Saviour himself, were in the two cross clauses
thereof soundly and plainly expounded : " He that
is not with us is against us ; " ^ and again, ^' He
that is not against us, is with us ; " that is, if the
points fundamental, and of substance in religion,
1 2 Kings ix. 18.
2 He alludes to the words in Revelation, c. iii. v. 14, 15, 16:
" And unto the angel of the church of the Laodiceans write : These
things saith the Amen, the faithful and true Witness, the begin-
ning of the creation of God ; I know thy works, that thou art
neither cold nor hot. — I will spue thee out of my mouth. " Lao-
dicea was a city of Asia Minor. St. Paul established the church
there which is here referred to.
3 St. Matthew xii. 30.
OF UNITY IN RELIGION. 69
were truly discerned and distinguished from points
not merely of faith, but of opinion, order, or good
intention. This is a thing may seem to many a
matter trivial, and done already; but if it were
done less partially, it would be embraced more
generally.
Of this I may give only this advice, according to
my small model. Men ought to take heed of rend-
ing God's church by two kinds of controversies ; the
one is, when the matter of the point controverted
is too small and light, not worth the heat and strife
about it, kindled only by contradiction; for, as it
is noted by one of the fathers, " Christ's coat indeed
had no seam, but the church's vesture was of divers
colors ; " whereupon he saith, " In veste varietas sit,
scissura non sit,"^ they be two things, unity and
uniformity; the other is, when the matter of the
point controverted is great, but it is driven to an
over-great subtilty and obscurity, so that it becometh
a thing rather ingenious than substantial. A man
that is of judgment and understanding shall some-
times hear ignorant men differ, and know well within
himself, that those which so differ mean one thing,
and yet they themselves would never agree ; and if
it come so to pass in that distance of judgment,
which is between man and man, shall we not think
that God above, that knows the heart, doth not dis-
cern that frail men, in some of their contradictions,
1 "In the garment there may be many colors, but let there be
no rendinir of it."
70 ESSAYS.
intend the same thing, and accepteth of both ? The
nature of such controversies is excellently expressed
by St. Paul, in the warning and precept that he
giveth concerning the same : " Devita profanas vo-
cum novitates, et oppositiones falsi nominis scientise." ^
Men create oppositions which are not, and put them
into new terms, so fixed as, whereas the meaning
ought to govern the term, the term in effect govern-
eth the meaning. There be also two false peaces, or
unities ; the one, when the peace is grounded but
upon an implicit ignorance ; for all colors will agree
in the dark ; the other, when it is pieced up upon
a direct admission of contraries in fundamental
points ; for truth and falsehood, in such things, are
like the iron and clay in the toes of Nebuchad-
nezzar's image ; ^ they may cleave, but they will not
incorporate.
Concerning the means of procuring unity, men
must beware that, in the procuring or muniting of
religious unity, they do not dissolve and deface the
laws of charity and of human society. There be
two swords amongst Christians, the spiritual and
temporal, and both have their due office and place
in the maintenance of religion ; but we may noi;
take up the third sword, which is Mahomet's sword,^
1 " Avoid profane and vain babblings, and oppositions of science,
falsely so called." — 1 Tim. vi. 20.
2 He alludes to the dream of Nebuchadnezzar, significant of the
limited duration of his kingdom. — See Daniel ii. 33, 41.
3 Mahomet proselytized by giving to the nations which he con-
quered, the option of the Koran or the sword.
OF UNITY IN RELIGION. 71
or like unto it ; that is, to propagate religion by-
wars, or, by sanguinary persecutions, to force con-
sciences ; except it be in cases of overt scandal,
blasphemy, or intermixture of practice against the
state ; much less to nourish seditions, to authorize
conspiracies and rebellions, to put the sword into
the people's hands, and the like, tending to the sub-
version of all government, which is the ordinance of
God ; for this is but to dash the first table against
the second, and so to consider men as Christians, as
we forget that they are men. Lucretius the poet,
when he beheld the act of Agamemnon, that could
endure the sacrificing of his own daughter, ex-
claimed ; —
*' Tan turn religio potuit suadere malorura." ^
What would he have said, if he had known of
the massacre in France,^ or the powder treason of
England ? ^ He would have been seven times more
epicure and atheist than he was ; for as the tempo-
1 " To deeds so dreadful could religion prompt." The poet refers
to the sacrifice by Agamemnon, the Grecian leader, of his daughter
Iphigenia, with the -view of appeasing the wrath of Diana. —
Lucrct. i. 95.
2 He alludes to the massacre of the Huguenots, or Protestants,
in France, which took place on St. Bartholomew's day, August
24, 1572, by the order of Charles IX. and his mother, Catherine
de Medici. On this occasion about 60,000 persons perished,
including the Admiral De Coligny, one of the most virtuous
men that France possessed, and the main stay of the Protestant
cause.
3 More generally known as *' The Gunpowder Plot."
72 ESSAYS.
ral sword is to be drawn with great circumspection
in cases of religion, so it is a thing monstrous to
put it into the hands of the common people ; let
that be left unto the Anabaptists, and other furies.
It was great blasphemy when the devil said, "I
will ascend and be like the Highest ; " ^ but it is
greater blasphemy to personate God, and bring him
in saying, " I will descend, and be like the prince
of darkness ; " and what is it better, to make the
cause of religion to descend to the cruel and exe-
crable actions of murdering princes, butchery of
people, and subversion of states and governments?
Surely, this is to bring down the Holy Ghost, in-
stead of the likeness of a dove, in the shape of a
vulture or raven ; and to set out of the bark of a
Christian church a flag of a bark of pirates and
assassins; therefore, it is most necessary that the
church by doctrine and decree, princes by their
sword, and all learnings, both Christian and moral,
as by their ^lercury rod,^ do damn and send to hell
forever those facts and opinions tending to the sup-
port of the same, as hath been already in good
part done. Surely, in counsels concerning religion,
that counsel of the apostle would be prefixed : " Ira
hominis non implet justitiam Dei ; " ^ and it was
1 Isa. xiv. 14.
2 Allusion is made to the ** caducens," with which Mercury,
the messenger of the Gods, summoned the souls of the departed
to the infernal regions.
3 " The wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God."
— James i. 20.
OF REVENGE. 73
a notable observation of a wise father, and no
less ingenuously confessed, that those which held
and persuaded pressure of consciences, wxre com-
monly interested therein themselves for their own
ends.
iy._OF REVENGE.
Revenge is a kind of wild justice, which the
more man's nature runs to, the more ought law to
weed it out ; for as for the first wrong, it doth but
offend the law, but the revenge of that wrong, put-
teth the law out of office. Certainly, in taking
revenge, a man is but even with his enemy, but in
passing it over, he is superior; for it is a prince's
part to pardon; and Solomon, I am sure, saith, '' It
is the glory of a man to pass by an offence." That
which is past is gone and irrevocable, and wise men
have enough to do with things present and to come ;
therefore they do but trifle with themselves that
labor in past matters. There is no man doth a
wrong for the wrong's sake, but thereby to purchase
himself profit, or pleasure, or honor, or the like;
therefore, why should I be angry with a man for
loving himself better than me? And if any man
should do wrong merely out of ill-nature, why, yet
it is but like the thorn or briar, which prick and
scratch, because they can do no other. The most
tolerable sort of revenge is for those wrongs which
74 ESSAYS.
there is no law to remedy ; but then, let a man take
heed the revenge be such as there is no law to
punish, else a man's enemy is still beforehand, and
it is two for one. Some, when they take revenge,
are desirous the party should know whence it com-
eth. This is the more generous ; for the delight
seemeth to be not so much in doing the hurt as
in making the party repent; but base and crafty
cowards are like the arrow that flieth in the dark.
Cosmus, Duke of Florence,^ had a desperate saying
against perfidious or neglecting friends, as if those
wrongs were unpardonable. " You shall read," saith
he, " that we are commanded to forgive our enemies ;
but you never read that we are commanded to for-
give our friends." But yet the spirit of Job was
in a better tune : " Shall we," saith he, " take good
at God's hands, and not be content to take evil
also ? " ^ and so of friends in a proportion. This is
certain, that a man that studieth revenge keeps his
own wounds green, which otherwise would heal
and do well. Public revenges^ are for the most
part fortunate ; as that for the death of Caesar ; *
1 He alludes to Cosmo de Medici, or Cosmo I., chief of the Re-
public of Florence, the encourager of literature and the fine arts.
2 Job ii. 10. — "Shall we receive good at the hand of God, and
shall we not receive evil ? "
^ By "public revenges," he means punishment awarded by the
state with the sanction of the laws.
* He alludes to the retribution dealt by Augustus and Anthony
to the murderers of Julius Csesar. It is related by ancient his-
torians, as a singular fact, that not one of them died a natural
death.
OF ADVERSITY. 75
for the death of Pertinax ; for the death of Henry
the Third of France ; ^ and many more. But in
private revenges it is not so ; nay, rather, vindictive
persons live the life of witches, who, as they are
mischievous, so end they unfortunate.
v. — OF ADVERSITY.
It was a high speech of Seneca (after the man-
ner of the Stoics), that ^'the good things which
belong to prosperity are to be wished, but the good
things that belong to adversity are to be admired."
(" Bona rerum secundarum optabilia, adversarum
mirabilia.") ^ Certainly, if miracles be the com-
mand over nature, they appear most in adversity.
It is yet a higher speech of his than the other
(much too high for a heathen), " It is true greatness
to have in one the frailty of a man, and the security
of a God." ("Vere magnum habere fragilitatem
hominis securitatem Dei.") ^ This would have done
^ Henry III, of France was assassinated in 1599, by Jacques
Clement, a Jacobin monk, in the frenzy of fanaticism. Although
Clement justly suffered punishment, the end of this bloodthirsty
and bigoted tyrant may be justly deemed a retribution dealt by
the hand of an offended Providence ; so truly does the Poet
say : —
"neque enim lex aequior ulla
Quani necis artifices arte perire sua."
2 Sen. Ad Lucil. Q6. 3 jbid. 53.
76 ESSAYS.
better in poesy, where transcendencies are more
allowed, and the poets, indeed, have been busy with
it ; for it is, in effect, the thing which is figured in that
strange fiction of the ancient poets,^ which seemeth
not to be without mystery; nay, and to have some
approach to the state of a Christian, " that Hercules,
when he went to unbind Prometheus (by whom
human nature is represented), sailed the length of
the great ocean in an earthen pot or pitcher," lively
describing Christian resolution, that saileth in the
frail bark of the flesh through the waves of the
world. But to speak in a mean, the virtue of
prosperity is temperance, the virtue of adversity is
fortitude, which in morals is the more heroical virtue.
Prosperity is the blessing of the Old Testament,
adversity is the blessing of the New, which carrieth
the greater benediction, and the clearer revelation
of God's favor. Yet even in the Old Testament,
if you listen to David's harp, you shall hear as many
hearse-like airs ^ as carols ; and the pencil of the
1 Stesicliorus, Apollodorus, and others. Lord Bacon makes a
similar reference to this myth in his treatise "On the Wisdom of
the Ancients." "It is added with great elegance, to console and
strengthen the minds of men, that this mighty hero (Hercules)
sailed in a cup or ' urceus,' in order that they may not too much
fear and allege the naiTowness of their nature and its frailty ;
as if it were not capable of such fortitude and constancy ; of which
very thing Seneca argued well, when he said, ' It is a great thing
to have at the same time the frailty of a man, and the security
of a God. ' "
2 Funereal airs. It must be remembered that many of the
Psalms of David were written by him when persecuted by Saul,
OF ADVERSITY. 77
Holy Ghost hath labored more in describing the
afflictions of Job than the felicities of Solomon.
Prosperity is not without many fears and distastes ;
and adversity is not without comforts and hopes.
We see, in needleworks and embroideries, it is more
pleasing to have a lively work upon a sad and
solemn ground, than to have a dark and melancholy
work upon a lightsome ground : judge, therefore,
of the pleasure of the heart by the pleasure of the
eye. Certainly, virtue is like precious odors, most
fragrant when they are incensed, or crushed; for
prosperity doth best discover vice, but adversity
doth best discover virtue.^
as also in the tribulation caused by the wicked conduct of his
son Absalom. Some of them, too, though called "The Psalms of
David," were really composed by the Jews in their captivity at
Babylon ; as, for instance, the 137th Psalm, which so beautifully
commences, " By the waters of Babylon there we sat down."
One of them is supposed to be the composition of Moses.
1 This fine passage, beginning at "Prosperity is the blessing,"
which was not published till 1625, twenty-eight years after the
first Essays, has been quoted by Macaulay, with considerable
justice, as a proof that the writer's fancy did not decay with the
advance of old age, and that his style in his later years became
richer and softer. The learned critic contrasts this passage with
the terse style of the Essay of Studies (Essay 50), which was
published in 1597.
78 ESSAYS.
VI. — OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION.
Dissimulation is but a faint kind of policy, or
wisdom ; for it asketh a strong wit and a strong
heart to know when to tell truth, and to do it ;
therefore it is the weaker sort of politicians that are
the great dissemblers.
Tacitus saith, " Livia sorted well with the arts of
her husband, and dissimulation of her son ; ^ attri-
buting arts or policy to Augustus, and dissimulation
to Tiberius : " and again, when ^lucianus encour-
ageth Vespasian to take arms against Vitellius, he
saith, "We rise not against the piercing judgment
of Augustus, nor the extreme caution or closeness
of Tiberius." ^ These properties of arts or policy,
and dissimulation or closeness, are indeed habits and
faculties several, and to be distinguished ; for if a
man have that penetration of judgment as he can dis-
cern what things are to be laid open, and what to
be secreted, and what to be showed at half-lights, and
to whom and when (which indeed are arts of state,
and arts of life, as Tacitus well calleth them), to
him a habit of dissimulation is a hinderance and a
poorness. But if a man cannot obtain to that judg-
ment, then it is left to him generally to be close, and
a dissembler ; for where a man cannot choose or vary
in particulars, there it is good to take the safest and
wariest way in general, like the going softly by one
1 Tac. Ann. v. 1. ^ Xac. Hist. ii. 76.
OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION. 79
that cannot well see. Certainly, the ablest men that
ever were, have had all an openness and frankness
of dealing, and a name of certainty and veracity :
but then they were like horses well managed, for
they could tell passing well when to stop or turn ;
and at such times, when they thought tlie case indeed
required dissimulation, if then they used it, it came
to pass that the former opinion spread abroad, of
their good faith and clearness of dealing, made them
almost invisible.
There be three degrees of this hiding and veiling
of a man's self: the first, closeness, reservation, and
secrecy ; when a man leaveth himself without obser-
vation, or without hold to be taken, what he is :
the second, dissimulation in the negative ; when a
man lets fall signs and arguments, that he is not
that he is : and the third, simulation in the affirma-
tive ; when a man industriously and expressly feigns
and pretends to be that he is not.
For the first of these, secrecy, it is indeed the
virtue of a confessor ; and assuredly the secret man
heareth many confessions ; for who will open himself
to a blab or a babbler? But if a man be thought
secret, it inviteth discovery, as the more close air
sucketh in the more open; and, as in confession,
the revealing is not for worldly use, but for the ease
of a man's heart, so secret men come to the knowl-
edge of many things in that kind ; while men rather
discharge their minds than impart their minds. In
few words, mysteries are due to secrecy. Besides
80 ESSAYS.
(to say truth), nakedness is uncomely, as well in
mind as body ; and it addetli no small reverence to
men's manners and actions, if they be not altogether
open. As for talkers and futile persons, they are
commonly vain and credulous withal ; for he that
talketh what he knoweth, will also talk what he
knoweth not; therefore set it down, that a habit
of secrecy is both politic and moral : and in this part
it is good that a man's face give his tongue leave
to speak ; for the discovery of a man's self by the
tracts ^ of his countenance, is a great weakness and
betraying, by how much it is many times more
marked and believed than a man's words.
For the second, which is dissimulation, it followeth
many times upon secrecy by a necessity ; so that he
that will be secret must be a dissembler in some
degree ; for men are too cunning to suffer a man to
keep an indifferent carriage between both, and to
be secret, without swaying the balance on either side.
They will so beset a man with questions, and draw
him on, and pick it out of him, that without an
absurd silence, he must show an inclination one
way ; or if he do not, they will gather as much by
his silence as by his speech. As for equivocations,
or oraculous si)eeches, they cannot hold out long :
so that no man can be secret, except he give himself
a little scope of dissimulation, which is, as it were,
but the skirts or train of secrecy.
But for the third degree, which is simulation and
1 A word now unused, signifying the " traits," or '* features."
OF SIMULATION AND DISSIMULATION. 81
false profession, that I hold more culpable, and less
politic, except it be in great and rare matters ; and,
therefore, a general custom of simulation (which is
this last degree) is a vice rising either of a natural
falseness, or fearfulness, or of a mind that hath some
main faults ; which because a man must needs dis-
guise, it maketh him practise simulation in other
thino^s, lest his hand should be out of use.
The advantages of simulation and dissimulation
are three : first, to lay asleep opposition, and to sur-
prise ; for, where a man's intentions are published,
it is an alarum to call up all that are against them :
the second is, to reserve to a man's self a fair retreat ;
for if a man engage himself by a manifest declara-
tion, he must go through or take a fall : the third
is, the better to discover the mind of another ; for
to him that opens himself men will hardly show
themselves adverse ; but will (fair) let him go on,
and turn their freedom of speech to freedom of
thought ; and therefore it is a good shrewd proverb
of the Spaniard, " Tell a lie, and find a troth ; " ^
as if there were no way of discovery but by simu-
lation. There be also three disadvantages to set it
even ; the first, that simulation and dissimulation
commonly carry with them a show of fearfulness,
which, in any business, doth spoil the feathers of
round flying up to the mark ; the second, that it
puzzleth and perplexeth the conceits of many, that,
perhaps, would otherwise cooperate with him, and
1 A truth. —A, L. II. xxiii, 14.
6
82 ESSAYS. .
makes a man walk almost alone to his own ends ;
the third, and greatest, is, that it depriveth a man
of one of the most principal instruments for action,
which is trust and belief. The best composition and
temperature is, to have openness in fame and opin-
ion, secrecy in habit, dissimulation in seasonable use^
and a power to feign if there be no remedy.
YIL — OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN.
The joys of parents are secret, and so are their
griefs and fears ; they cannot utter the one, nor they
will not utter the other. Children sweeten labors,
but they make misfortunes more bitter ; they in-
crease the cares of life, but they mitigate the re-
membrance of death. The perpetuity by generation
is common to beasts ; but memory, merit, and noble
works, are proper to men : and surely a man shall
see the noblest works and foundations have pro-
ceeded from childless men, which have sought to
express the images of their minds where those of
their bodies have failed ; so the care of posterity is
most in them that have no posterity. They that are
the first raisers of their houses are most indulgent
towards their children, beholding them as the con-
tinuance, not only of their kind, but of their work ;
and so both children and creatures.
The difference in affection of parents towards their
several children is many times unequal, and some-
OF PARENTS AND CHILDREN. 83
times unworthy, especially in the mother ; as Solo-
mon saith, "A wise son rejoiceth the father, but
an ungracious son shames the mother."^ A man
shall see, where there is a house fall of children,
one or two of the eldest respected, and the youngest
made wantons ; ^ but in the midst some that are,
as it were, forgotten, who many times, nevertheless,
prove the best. The illiberality of parents, in al-
lowance towards their children, is a harmful error,
makes them base, acquaints them with shifts, makes
them sort with mean company, and makes them
surfeit more when they come to plenty ; and, there-
fore, the proofs is best when men keep their au-
thority towards their children, but not their purse.
Men have a foolish manner (both parents, and
schoolmasters, and servants), in creating and breed-
ing an emulation between brothers during childhood,
which many times sorteth^ to discord when they
are men, and disturbeth families,^ The Italians
1 Proverbs x. 1 : "A wise son maketh a glad father, but a
foolish son is the heaviness of his mother."
^ Petted — spoiled.
3 This word seems here to mean "a plan," or "method," as
proved by its results. . J ^i
4 Ends in. "4
^ There is considerable justice in this remark. Children should
be taught to do what is right for its own sake, and because it is
their duty to do so, and not that they may have the selfish
gratification of obtaining the reward which their companions have
failed to secure, and of being led to think themselves superior to
their companions. "When launched upon the world, emulation
will be quite sufficiently forced upon them by stern necessity.
84 ESSAYS.
make little difference between children and nephews,
or near kinsfolk ; but so they be of the lump, they
care not, though they pass not through their own
body ; and, to say truth, in nature it is much a like
matter; insomuch that we see a nephew sometimes
resembleth an uncle or a kinsman more than his
own parent, as the blood happens. Let parents
choose betimes the vocations and courses they mean
their children should take, for then they are most
flexible ; and let them not too much apply them-
selves to the disposition of their children, as thinking
they will take best to that which they have most
mind to. It is true, that if the affection or aptness
of the children be extraordinary, then it is good not
to cross it ; but generally the precept is good, " Opti-
mum elige, suave et facile illud fiiciet consuetudo." ^
— Younger brothers are commonly fortunate, but
seldom or never where the elder are disinherited.
VIII. — OF MARRIAGE AND SINGLE LIFE.
He that hath wife and c^^ijdren hath given hos-
tages to fortune ; for they are impediments to great
enterprises, either of virtue or mischief. Certainly
the best works, and of greatest merit for the public,
have proceeded from the unmarried or childless men,
1 "Select that course of life which is the most advantageous ;
habit will soon render it pleasant and easily endured."
OF MARKIAGE AND SINGLE LIFE. 85
which, both in affection and means, have married
and endowed the public. Yet it were great reason
that those that have children should have greatest
care of future times, unto which they know they
must transmit their dearest pledges. Some there
are who, though they lead a single life, yet their
thoughts do end with themselves, and account future
times impertinences ; nay, there are some other that
account wife and children but as bills of charges ;
nay more, there are some foolish, rich, covetous men,
that take a pride in having no children, because
they may be thought so much the richer ; for, per-
haps they have heard some talk, '^Such an one is
a great rich man," and another except to it, " Yea,
but he hath a great charge of children ; " as if it
were an abatement to his riches. But the most
ordinary cause of a single life is liberty, especially
in certain self-pleasing and humorous minds, which
are so sensible of every restraint, as they will go
near to think their girdles and garters to be bonds
and shackles. Unmarried men are best friends, best
masters, best servants ; but not always best subjects,
for they are light to run away, and almost all fugi-
tives are of that condition. A single life doth well
with churchmen, for charity will hardly water the
ground where it must first fill a pool.^ It is indiffer-
ent for judges and magistrates ; for if they be facile
1 His meaning is, that if clergymen have the expenses of a
family to support, they will hardly find means for the exercise
of henevolence toward their parishioners.
86 ESSAYS.
and corrupt, you shall have a servant five times
worse than a wife. For soldiers, I find the generals
commonly, in their hortatives, put men in mind of
their wives and children ; and I think the despising
of marriage amongst the Turks maketh the vulgar
soldier more base. Certainly, wife and children are
a kind of discipline of humanity ; and single men,
though they be many times more charitable, because
their means are less exhaust, yet, on the other side,
they are more cruel and hard-hearted (good to make
severe inquisitors), because their tenderness is not
so oft called upon. Grave natures, led by custom,
and therefore constant, are commonly loving hus-
bands, as was said of Ulysses, " Yetulam suam prae-
tulit immortalitati." ^ Chaste women are often proud
and froward, as presuming upon the merit of their
chastity. It is one of the best bonds, both of chas-
tity and obedience, in the wife, if she think her
husband wise, which she will never do if she find
him jealous. Wives are young men's mistresses,
companions for middle age, and old men's nurses,
so as a man may have a quarreP to marry when
he will ; but yet he was reputed one of the wise men
that made answer to the question when a man
should marry, "A young man not yet, an elder
1 " He preferred his aged wife Penelope to immortality." This
was when Ulysses was entreated by the goddess Calypso to give
up all thoughts of returning to Ithaca, and to remain with her
in the enjoyment of immortality. — Plut. Gryll. 1.
2 " May have a pretext," or " excuse."
OF ENVY. 87
man not at all." ^ It is often seen that bad hus-
bands have very good wives ; whether it be that it
raiseth the price of their husbands' kindness when
it comes, or that the wives take a pride in their
patience ; but this never fails, if the bad husbands
were of their own choosing, against their friends'
consent, for then they will be sure to make good
their own folly.
IX. — OF ENVY.
There be none of the affections which have been
noted to fascinate or bewitch, but love and envy.
They both have vehement wishes ; they frame them-
selves readily into imaginations and suggestions, and
they come easily into the eye, especially upon the
presence of the objects which are the points that
conduce to fascination, if any such thing there be.
We see, likewise, the Scripture calleth envy an evil
eye ; ^ and the astrologers call the evil influences of
1 Thales, Vide Diog. Laert. i. 26.
2 So prevalent in ancient times was the notion of the injurions
effects of the eye of envy, that, in common parlance, the Romans
generally used the word " prerfiscini" — " v^'ithout risk of enchant-
ment," or ''fascination," when they spoke in high terms of them-
selves. They supposed that they thereby averted the effects of
enchantment produced by the evil eye of any envious person who
might at that moment possibly be looking upon them. Lord
Bacon probably here alludes to St. Mark vii. 21, 22: "Out ot
the heart of men proceedeth — deceit, lasciviousness, an evil eye."
Solomon also speaks of the evil eye, Prov. xxiii. 6, and xxviii. 22.
88 ESSAYS.
the stars evil aspects ; so that still there seemeth to
be acknowledged, in the act of envy, an ejaculation,
or irradiation of the eye ; nay, some have been so
curious as to note that the times, when the stroke or
percussion of an envious eye doth most hurt, are,
when the party envied is beheld in glory or triumph,
for that sets an edge upon envy ; and besides, at
such times, the spirits of the person envied do come
forth most into the outward parts, and so meet the
blow.
But, leaving these curiosities (though not un-
worthy to be thought on in fit place), we will handle
what persons are apt to envy others ; what persons
are most subject to be envied themselves ; and what
is the difference between public and private envy.
A man that hath no virtue in himself, ever envi-
eth Adrtue in others ; for men's minds will either
feed upon their own good, or upon others' evil ; and
who wanteth the one will prey upon the other ; and
whoso is out of hope to attain to another's virtue,
will seek to come at even hand ^ by depressing
another's fortune.
A man that is busy and inquisitive, is commonly
envious ; for to know much of other men's matters
cannot be, because all that ado may concern his
own estate ; therefore, it must needs be that he
taketh a kind of play-pleasure in looking upon the
fortunes of others ; neither can he that mindeth but
his own business find much matter for envy ; for
1 To be even with him.
OF ENVY. 89
envy is a gadding passion, and walketh the streets,
and doth not keep home: ''Non est curiosus, quin
idem sit malevolus." ^
Men of noble birth are noted to be envious to-
wards new men when they rise, for the distance is
altered; and it is like a deceit of the eye, that
when others come on they think themselves go back.
Deformed persons and eunuchs, and old men and
bastards, are envious; for he tliat cannot possibly
mend his own case, will do what he can to impair
another's; except these defects light upon a very
brave and heroical nature, which thinketh to make
his natural wants part of his honor; in that it
should be said, ''That a eunuch, or a lame man,
did such great matters," affecting the honor of a
miracle ; as it was in Narses ^ the eunuch, and Ages-
ilaus and Tamerlane,^ that were lame men.
1 "There is no person a busybody, but what he is ill-natured
too." This passage is from the Stichus of Plautus.
^ Narses superseded Belisarius in the command of the armies
of Italy, by the orders of the Emperor Justinian. He defeated
Totila, the king of the Goths (who had taken Rome), in a decisive
engagement, in which the latter was slain. He governed Italy with
consummate ability for thirteen years, when he was ungratefully
recalled by Justin the Second, the successor of Justinian.
3 Tamerlane, or Timour, was a native of Samarcand, of which
territory he was elected emperor. He overran Persia, Georgia,
Hindostan, and captured Bajazet, the valiant Sultan of the Turks,
at the battle of Angora, 1402, whom he is said to have inclosed
in a cage of iron. His conquests extended from the Irtish and
Volga to the Persian Gulf, and from the Ganges to the Grecian
Archipelago. While preparing for the invasion of China, he died,
in the 70th year of his age, A. D. 1405. He was tall and corpulent
90 ESSAYS.
The same is the case of men that rise after calami-
ties and misfortunes ; for they are as men fallen out
with the times, and think other men's harms a re-
demption of their own sufferings.
They that desire to excel in too many matters, out
of levity and vainglory, are ever envious, for they
cannot want work ; it being impossible but many, in
some one of those things, should surpass them ;
which was the character of Adrian the emperor, that
mortally envied poets and painters, and artificers in
works, wherein he had a vein to excel.^
Lastly, near kinsfolk and fellows in office, and
those that have been bred together, are more apt
to envy their equals when they are raised; for it
doth upbraid unto them their own fortunes, and
pointeth at them, and cometh oftener into their
remembrance, and incurreth likewise more into the
note ^ of others ; and envy ever redoubleth from
speech and fame. Cain's envy was the more vile
and malignant towards his brother Abel, because
when his sacrifice was better accepted, there was
nobody to look on. Thus much for those that are
apt to en\7.
Concerning those that are more or less subject to
envy : First, persons of eminent virtue, when they
are advanced, are less envied, for their fortune
seemeth but due unto them; and no man envieth
in person, but was maimed in one hand, and lame on the right
side.
^ Spartian Vit. Adrian, 15.
2 Comes under the observation.
OF ENVY. 91
the payment of a debt, but rewards and liberality
rather. Again, envy is ever joined with the com-
paring of a man's self; and where there is no
comparison, no envy ; and therefore kings are not
envied but by kings. Nevertheless, it is to be noted,
that unworthy persons are most envied at their
first coming in, and afterwards overcome it better ;
whereas, contrariwise, persons of worth and merit
are most envied when their fortune continueth long ;
for by that time, though their virtue be the same,
yet it hath not the same lustre ; for fresh men grow
up that darken it.
Persons of noble blood are less envied in their
rising ; for it seemeth but right done to their birth :
besides, there seemeth not so much added to their
fortune ; and envy is as the sunbeams, that beat
hotter upon a bank or steep rising ground, than
upon a flat; and, for the same reason, those that
are advanced by degrees are less envied than those
that are advanced suddenly, and per saltum}
Those that have joined with their honor great
travels, cares, or perils, are less subject to envy; for
men think that they earn their honors hardly, and
pity them sometimes, and pity ever healeth envy.
Wherefore you shall observe, that the more deep
and sober sort of politic persons, in their greatness,
are ever bemoaning themselves what a life they lead,
chanting a quanta patimur ;^ not that they feel
1 "By a leap," i. e. over the heads of others.
2 " How vast the evils we endure."
92 ESSAYS.
it so, but only to abate tlie edge of envy ; but this
is to be understood of business that is laid upon
men, and not such as they call unto themselves ;
for nothing increaseth envy more than an unneces-
sary and ambitious engrossing of business ; and noth-
ing doth extinguish envy more than for a great
person to preserve all other inferior officers in their
full rights and preeminences of their places; for,
by that means, there be so many screens between
him and envy.
Above all, those are most subject to en^^, which
carry the greatness of their fortunes in an insolent
and proud manner; being never well but while
they are showing how great they are, either by out-
ward pomp, or by triumphing over all opposition
or competition. Whereas wise men will rather do
sacrifice to envy, in suffering themselves, sometimes
of purpose, to be crossed and overborne in things
that do not much concern them. Notwithstanding,
so much is true, that the carriage of greatness in a
plain and open manner (so it be without arrogancy
and vainglory), doth draw less envy than if it be
in a more crafty and cunning fashion ; for in that
course a man doth but disavow fortune, and seem-
eth to be conscious of his own want in worth, and
doth but teach others to envy him.
Lastly, to conclude this part, as we said in the
beginning that the act of envy had somewhat in it
of witchcraft, so there is no other cure of envy
but the cure of witchcraft ; and that is, to remove
OF ENVY. 93
the lot (as thej call it), and to lay it upon another ;
for which purpose, tlie wiser sort of great persons
bring in ever upon the stage somebody upon whom
to derive the envy that would come upon them-
selves ; sometimes upon ministers and servants,
sometimes upon colleagues and associates, and the
like; and, for that turn, there are never wanting
some persons of violent and undertaking natures,
who, so they may have power and business, will
take it at any cost.
Now, to speak of public envy : there is yet some
good in public envy, whereas in private there is
none ; for public envy is as an ostracism,^ that
eclipseth men when they grow too great ; and there-
fore it is a bridle also to great ones, to keep them
with in bounds.
This envy, being in the Latin word invidia,^ goeth
in the modern languages by the name of discontent-
ment, of which we shall speak in handling sedition.
It is a disease in a state like to infection ; for as
infection spreadeth upon that which is sound, and
tainteth it, so, when envy is gotten once into a
state, it traduceth even the best actions thereof, and
turneth them into an ill odor; and therefore there
is little won by intermingling of plausible actions;
for that doth argue but a weakness and fear of envy,
1 He probably alludes to the custom of the Athenians, who
frequently ostracized or banished by vote their jmblic men, lest
they should become too powerful.
2 From in and video, — "to look upon;" with reference to
the so-called "evil eye" of the envious.
94 ESSAYS.
which hurteth so much the more, as it is likewise
usual in infections, which, if you fear them, you
call them upon you.
This public envy seemeth to beat chiefly upon
principal officers or ministers, rather than upon
kings and estates themselves. But this is a sure
rule, that if the envy upon the minister be great,
when the cause of it in him is small ; or if the en\^
be general in a manner upon all the ministers of
an estate, then the envy (though hidden) is truly
upon the state itself. And so much of public envy
or discontentment, and the difference thereof from
private envy, which was handled in the first place.
We will add this in general, touching the affec-
tion of envy, that, of all other affections, it is the
most importune and continual ; for of other affec-
tions there is occasion given but now and then ;
and therefore it was well said, " Invidia festos dies
non agit : " ^ for it is ever Avorking upon some or
other. And it is also noted, that love and envy do
make a man pine, which other affections do not,
because they are not so continual. It is also the
vilest affection, and the most depraved ; for which
cause it is the proper attribute of the devil, who
is called " The envious man, that soweth tares
amongst the wheat by night ; " ^ as it always Com-
eth to pass that envy worketh subtilely, and in the
dark, and to the prejudice of good things, such as
is the wheat.
1 "Envy keeps no holidays." 2 gee St. Matthew xiii. 25.
OF LOVE. 95
X, — OF LOVE.
The stage is more beholding^ to love than the
life of man ; for as to the stage, love is ever matter
of comedies, and now and then of tragedies ; but in
life it doth much mischief, sometimes like a Siren,
sometimes like a Fury. You may observe, that,
amongst all the great and worthy persons (whereof
the memory remaineth, either ancient or recent),
there is not one that hath been transported to the
mad degree of love, which shows that great spirits
and great business do keep out this weak passion.
You must except, nevertheless, Marcus Antonius,
the half partner of the empire of Rome, and Ap-
pius Claudius,'^ the decemvir and lawgiver ; whereof
the former was indeed a voluptuous man, and inor-
dinate, but the latter was an austere and wise man ;
and therefore it seems (though rarely) that love
can find entrance, not only into an open heart, but
also into a heart well fortified, if watch be not well
kept. It is a poor saying of Epicurus, " Satis
magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus ; " ^ as if man,
1 Beholden.
2 He iniquitoiisly attempted to obtain possession of the person
of Virginia, who was killed by lier father Virginius, to prevent
her from falling a victim to his lust. This circumstance caused
the fall of the Decemviri at Rome, who had been employed in
framing the code of laws afterwards known as **The Laws of the
Twelve Tables." They narrowly escaped being burned alive by
the infuriated populace.
3 "We are a sufficient theme for contemplation, the one for
96 ESSAYS.
made for the contemplation of heaven and all noble
objects, should do nothing but kneel before a little
idol, and make himself subject, though not of the
mouth (as beasts are) yet of the eye, which was
given him for higher purposes. It is a strange
thing to note the excess of this passion, and how it
braves the nature and value of things, by this, that
the speaking in a perpetual hyperbole is comely in
nothing but in love, neither is it merely in the
phrase ; for whereas it hath been well said, " That
the arch flatterer, with whom all the petty flatterers
have intelligence, is a man's self; " certainly, the
lover is more ; for there was never proud man
thought so absurdly well of himself as the lover
doth of the person loved ; and therefore it was well
said, " That it is impossible to love and to be wise." ^
Neither doth this weakness appear to others only,
and not to the party loved, but to the loved most of
all, except the love be reciprocal ; for it is a true
rule, that love is ever rewarded, either with the
the other." — Sen. Upist. Mor. 1. 7. (A. L. 1. iii. 6.) Pope seems,
notwithstanding this censure of Bacon, to have been of the same
opinion with Epicurus : —
"Know then thyself, presume not God to scan,
The proper study for mankind is man."
Essay on Man., Ep. ii. 1. 2.
Indeed, Lord Bacon seems to have misunderstood the saying of
Epicurus, who did not mean to recommend man as the sole
object of the bodily vision, but as the proper theme for mental
contemplation.
1 Amare et sapere vix Deo conceditur. — Pub. Syr. Sent. 15.
(A. L. ii. prooe. 10.)
OF LOVE. 97
reciprocal, or mth an inward and secret contempt ;
by how much the more men ought to beware of this
passion, which loseth not only other things, but
itself. As for the other losses, the poet's relation ^
doth well figure them : " That he that preferred
Helena, quitted the gifts of Juno and Pallas ; " for
whosoever esteemeth too much of amorous affec-
tion, quitteth both riches and wisdom. This passion
hath his floods in the very times of weakness, which
are, great prosperity and great adversity, though
this latter hath been less observed; both which
times kindle love, and make it more fervent, and
therefore show it to be the child of folly. They do
best who, if they cannot but admit love, yet make
it keep quarter, and sever it wholly from their
serious affairs and actions of life ; for if it check
once with business, it troubleth men's fortunes, and
maketh men that they can nowise be true to their
own ends. I know not how, but martial men are
given to love ; I think it is, but as they arc given
to wine, for perils commonly ask to be paid in
pleasures. There is in man's nature a secret incli-
nation and motion towards love of others, which, if
it be not spent upon some one or a few, doth natu-
rally spread itself towards many, and maketh men
become humane and charitable, as it is seen some-
times in friars. Nuptial love maketh mankind,
friendly love perfecteth it, but wanton love cor-
rupteth and embaseth it.
1 He refers liere to the judgment of Paris, mentioned by Ovid
in his Epistles, of the Heroines.
7
98 ESSAYS.
XL — OF GREAT PLACE.i
Men in great place are thrice servants — servants
of the sovereign or state, servants of fame, and ser-
vants of business ; so as they have no freedom,
neither in their persons, nor in their actions, nor
in their times. It is a strange desire to seek power
and to lose liberty; or to seek power over others,
and to lose power over a man's self. The rising
unto place is laborious, and by pains men come to
greater pains ; and it is sometimes base, and by
indignities men come to dignities. The standing is
slippery, and the regress is either a downfall, or at
least an eclipse, which is a melancholy thing : " Cum
non sis qui fueris, non esse cur velis vivere."^ Kay,
retire men cannot when they would, neither will
they when it were reason ; but are impatient of
privateness even in age and sickness, which require
the shadow; like old townsmen, that will be still
sitting at their street door, though thereby they
offer age to scorn. Certainly, great persons had
need to borrow other men's opinions to think them-
selves happy ; for if they judge by their own feeling,
they cannot find it; but if they think with them-
selves what other men think of them, and that
other men would fain be as they are, then they are
1 Montaigne has treated this subject before Bacon, under the
title of Dc Vincommodite de la Grandeur (B. iii. ch. vii.)-
2 "Since you are not what you were, there is no reason why you
should wish to live."
OF GREAT PLACE. 99
happy as it were by report, when, perhaps, they find
the contrary withhi ; for they are the first that find
their own griefs, though they be the last that find
their own faults. Certainly, men in great fortunes
are strangers to themselves, and while they are in
the puzzle of business, they have no time to tend
their health either of body or mind.
"Illi mors gravis inciibat,
Qui notus iiimis omnibus,
Ignotus moritur." ^
In place, there is license to do good and evil,
whereof the latter is a curse ; for in evil, the best
condition is not to will, the second not to can. But
power to do good is the true and lawful end of
aspiring; for good thoughts, though God accept
them, yet towards men are little better than good
dreams, except they be put in act ; and that can-
not be without power and place, as the vantage
and commanding ground. Merit and good works
are the end of man's motion, and conscience of the
same is the accomplishment of man's rest ; for if a
man can be partaker of God's theatre, he shall like-
wise be partaker of God's rest. ^' Et conversus Deus,
ut aspiceret opera, quae fecerunt manus suae, vidit
quod omnia essent bona nimis ; " ^ and then the
Sabbath.
I
1 ** Death presses heavily upon him, who, well known to all
others, dies unknown to himself." — Sen. Thijest. ii. 401.
2 *' And God turned to behold the works which his hands had
made, and he saw that everything was very good." — See Gen. i. 31.
100 ESSAYS.
In the discharge of thy place, set before thee the
best examples ; for imitation is a globe of precepts,
and after a time set before thee thine own example ;
and examine thyself strictly whether thou didst not
best at first. Neglect not also the examples of those
that have carried themselves ill in the same place ;
not to set off thyself by taxing their memory, but
to direct thyself what to avoid. Reform, therefore,
without bravery or scandal of former times and per-
sons ; but yet set it down to thyself, as well to create
good precedents as to follow them. Reduce things
to the first institution, and observe wherein and how
they have degenerated ; but yet ask counsel of both
times — of the ancient time what is best, and of the
latter time what is fittest. Seek to make thy course
regular, that men may know beforehand what they
may expect ; but be not too positive and peremp-
tory, and express thyself well when thou digressest
from thy rule. Preserve the right of thy place, but
stir not questions of jurisdiction ; and rather assume
thy right in silence, and de facto,^ than voice it with
claims and challenges. Preserve likewise the rights
of inferior places ; and think it more honor to direct
in chief than to be busy in all. Embrace and invite
helps and advices touching the execution of thy
place ; and do not drive away such as bring thee
information, as meddlers, but accept of them in good
part. The \ices of authority are chiefly four: de-
lays, corruption, roughness, and facility. For delays,
1 "As a matter of course."
OF GREAT PLACE. 101
give easy access, keep times appointed, go through
with that which is in hand, and interlace not busi-
ness but of necessity. For corruption, do not only
bind thine own hands or thy servant's hands from
taking, but bind the hands of suitors also from offer-
ing; for integrity used doth the one, but integrity
professed, and with a manifest detestation of bribery,
doth the other ; and avoid not only the fault, but the
suspicion. Whosoever is found variable, and chang-
eth manifestly without manifest cause, giveth sus-
picion of corruption ; therefore, always when thou
changest thine opinion or course, profess it plainly,
and declare it, together with the reasons that move
thee to change, and do not think to steal it. A
servant or a favorite, if he be inward, and no other
apparent cause of esteem, is commonly thought but
a by-way to close corruption. For roughness, it is
a needless cause of discontent : severity breedeth
fear, but roughness breedeth hate. Even reproofs
from authority ought to be grave, and not taunting.
As for facility,^ it is worse than bribery, for bribes
come but now and then ; but if importunity or idle
respects ^ lead a man, he shall never be without ; as
Solomon saith, " To respect persons is not good ; for
such a man will transgress for a piece of bread." ^
1 Too great easiness of access,
2 Predilections that are undeserved.
2 Proverbs xxviii. 21. The whole passage stands thus in our
version : "He that niaketh haste to be rich shall not be innocent.
To have respect of persons is not good ; for, for a piece of bread,
that man will transgress."
102 ESSAYS.
It is most true that was anciently spoken : " A
place showeth the man ; and it showeth some to the
better, and some to the worse : " " Omnium consensu
capax imperii, nisi imperasset," ^ saith Tacitus of
Galba ; but of Vespasian he saith, " Solus impe-
rantium, Vespasianus mutatus in melius ; " ^ though
the one was meant of sufficiency, the other of man-
ners and affection. It is an assured sign of a worthy
and generous spirit, whom honor amends ; for honor
is, or should be, the place of virtue ; and as in nature
things move violently to their place, and calmly in
their place, so virtue in ambition is ^dolent, in
authority settled and calm. All rising to great place
is by a winding stair ; and if there be factions, it is
good to side a man's self whilst he is in the rising,
and to balance himself when he is placed. Use the
memory of thy predecessor fairly and tenderly ; for
if thou dost not, it is a debt will sure be paid when
thou art gone. If thou have colleagues, respect
them ; and rather call them when they look not for
it, than exclude them when they have reason to look
to be called. Be not too sensible or too remember-
ing of thy place in conversation and private answers
to suitors ; but let it rather be said, " When he sits
in place, he is another man."
1 ** By the consent of all lie was fit to govern, if he had not
governed."
2 "Of the emperors, Vespasian alone changed for the better
after his accession.'" — Tac. Hist. i. 49, 50 (A. L. ii. xxii. 5).
OF BOLDNESS. 103
XII. — OF BOLDNESS.
It is a trivial grammar-school text, but yet worthy
a wise man's consideration. Question was asked of
Demosthenes, what was the chief part of an orator ?
He answered, Action. What next ? — Action. What
next again? — Action.^ He said it that knew it
best, and had, by nature, himself no advantage in
that he commended. A strange thing, that that part
of an orator which is but superficial, and rather the
virtue of a player, should be placed so high above
those other noble parts of invention, elocution, and
the rest ; nay, almost alone, as if it were all in all.
But the reason is plain. There is in human nature
generally more of the fool than of the wise ; and
therefore, those faculties by which the foolish part
oi men's minds is taken are most potent. Wonder-
ful like is the case of boldness in civil business.
What first ? — Boldness : what second and third ? —
Boldness. And yet boldness is a child of ignorance
and baseness, far inferior to other parts ; but, never-
theless, it doth fascinate, and bind hand and foot
those that are either shallow in judgment or weak
in courage, which are the greatest part, yea, and
prevaileth with wise man at weak times ; therefore,
we see it hath done w^onders in popular states, but
with senates and princes less, and more, ever upon
the first entrance of bold persons into action than
1 Plut. vit. Demosth. 17. IS.
104 ESSAYS.
soon after ; for boldness is an ill keeper of promise.
Surely, as there are mountebanks for the natural
body, so are there niountebanks for the politic body ;
men that undertake great cures, and perhaps have
been lucky in two or three experiments, but want
the grounds of science, and therefore cannot hold
out ; nay, you shall see a bold fellow many times do
Mahomet's miracle. Mahomet made the people
believe that he would call a hill to him, and from
the top of it offer up his prayers for the observers of
his law. The people assembled ; Mahomet called
the hill to come to him again and again ; and when
the hill stood still, he was never a whit abashed,
but said, " If the hill will not come to Mahomet,
JNIahomet will go to the hill." So these men, when
they have promised great matters and failed most
shamefully, yet, if they have the ] erfection of boldness,
they ^\dll but slight it over, and make a turn, and no
more ado. Certainly, to men of great judgment,
bold persons are a sport to behold ; nay, and to the
\Tilgar also boldness hath somewhat of the ridiculous ;
for if absurdity be the subject of laughter, doubt you
not but great boldness is seldom without some ab-
surdity ; especially it is a sport to see when a bold
fellow is out of countenance, for that puts his face
into a most shrunken and wooden posture, as needs
it must ; for in bashfulness the spirits do a little go
and come, but with bold men, upon like occasion,
they stand at a stay ; like a stale at chess, where it
is no mate, but yet the game cannot stk ; but this
OF GOODNESS, ETC. 105
last were fitter for a satire than for a serious obser-
vation. This is well to be weighed, that boldness
is ever blind, for it seeth not dangers and incon-
veniences ; therefore, it is ill in counsel, good in exe-
cution ; so that the right use of bold persons is, that
they never command in chief, but be seconds and
under the direction of others ; for in counsel it is
good to see dangers ; and in execution not to see
them except they be very great.
XIII. — OF GOODNESS, AND GOODNESS OF
NATURE.
I TAKE goodness in this sense, the affecting of
the weal of men, which is that the Grecians call
philanthropia ; and the word humanity, as it is
used, is a little too light to express it. Goodness I
call the habit, and goodness of nature the inclina-
tion. This, of all virtues and dignities of the mind,
is the greatest, being the character of the Deity ;
and without it man is a busy, mischievous, wretched
thing, no better than a kind of vermin. Goodness
answers to the theological virtue charity, and admits
no excess but error. The desire of power in excess
caused the angels to fall ; ^ the desire of knowledge
1 It is not improbable that this passage suggested Pope's beauti-
ful lines in the Essay on Man, Ep. i. 125-28.
" Pride still is aiming at the blest abodes,
Men would be angels, angels would be gods.
Aspiring to be gods, if angels fell,
Aspiring to be angels, men rebel."
106 ESSAYS.
in excess caused man to fall ; but in charity there
is no excess, neither can angel or man come in
danger by it. The inclination to goodness is im-
printed deeply in the nature of man, insomuch that
if it issue not towards men, it will take unto other
living creatures ; as it is seen in the Turks, a cruel
people, who nevertheless are kind to beasts, and
give alms to dogs and birds ; insomuch, as Busbe-
chius ^ reporteth, a Christian boy in Constantinople
had like to have been stoned for gagging in a wag-
gishness a long-billed fowl.^ Errors, indeed, in this
1 Auger Gisleii Biisbec, or Busbequius, a learned traveller,
born at Comines, in Flanders, in 1522. He was employed by
the Emperor Ferdinand as ambassador to the Sultan Solyman
II. He was afterwards ambassador to France, where he died, in
1592. His '• Letters " relative to his travels in the East, which
are written in Latin, contain much interesting information. They
were the pocket companion of Gibbon, and are highly praised
by him.
2 In this instance the stork or crane was probably protected,
not on the abstract grounds mentioned in the text, but for reasons
of state policy and gratitude combined. In Eastern climates
the cranes and dogs are far more efficacious than human agency in
removing filth and oflfld, and thereby diminishing the chances of
pestilence. Superstition, also, may have formed another motive,
as we learn from a letter written from Adrianople, by Lady Mon-
tagu, in 1718, that storks were "held there in a sort of religious
reverence, because they are supposed to make every winter tlie
pilgrimage to Mecca. To say truth, they are the happiest subjects
under the Turkish government, and are so sensible of their privi-
leges, that they walk the streets without fear, and generally build
their nests in the lower parts of the houses. Happy are those
whose houses are so distinguished, as the vulgar Turks are per-
fectly persuaded that they will not be that year attacked either
OF GOODNESS, ETC. 107
virtue, of goodness or charity, may be committed.
The Itahans have an ungracious proverb : " Tanto
buon che val niente ; " " So good, that he is good
for nothing ; " and one of the doctors of Italy, Nicho-
las Machiavel,^ had the confidence to put in writing,
almost in plain terms, " That the Christian faith had
given up good men in prey to those that are tyran-
nical and unjust ; "^ which he spake, because, indeed,
there was never law, or sect, or opinion did so much
magnify goodness as the Christian religion doth ;
therefore, to avoid the scandal and the danger both,
it is good to take knowledge of the errors of a habit
so excellent. Seek the good of other men, but be
not in bondage to their faces or fancies ; for that is
but facility or softness, which taketh an honest mind
by live or pestilence." Storks are still protected, by municipal law,
in Holland, and roam unmolested about the market-places.
1 Nicolo Machiavelli, a Florentine statesman. Rewrote "Dis-
courses on the first Decade of I.ivy," which were conspicuous for
their liberality of sentiment, and just and profound reflections.
This work was succeeded by his famous treatise, "II Principe,"
" The Prince ; " his patron, Csesar Borgia, being the model of the
perfect prince there described by him. The whole scope of this
work is directed to one object — the maintenance of power, however
acquired. Though its precepts are no doubt based upon the actual
practice of the Italian politicians of that day, it has been suggested
by some writers that the work was a covert exposure of the deform-
ity of the shocking maxims that it professes to inculcate. The
question of his motives has been much discussed, and is still con-
sidered open. The word " Machiavellism " has, however, been
adopted to denote all that is deformed, insincere, and perfidious in
politics. He died in great poverty, in the year 1527.
2 Vide Disc. Sop. Liv. ii. 2. .
108 ESSAYS.
prisoner. Neither give thou ^sop's cock a gem,
who would be better pleased and happier if he had
had a barley-corn. The example of God teacheth
the lesson truly : ^^ He sendeth his rain, and maketh
his sun to shine upon the just and the unjust ; " ^
but he doth not rain wealth, nor shine honor and
virtues upon men equally ; common benefits are to
be communicate with all, but peculiar benefits with
choice. And beware how, in making the portraiture,
thou breakest the pattern; for divinity maketh the
love of ourselves the pattern, the love of our neigh-
bors but the portraiture : '' Sell all thou hast, and
give it to the poor, and follow me ; " ^ but sell not all
thou hast, except thou come and follow me ; that is,
except thou have a vocation wherein thou mayest do
as much good with little means as with great ; for
otherwise, in feeding the streams thou driest the
fountain. Neither is there only a habit of goodness
directed by right reason, but there is in some men,
even in nature, a disposition towards it ; as, on the
other side, there is a natural malignity, for there
be that in their nature do not affect the good of
1 St. Matthew v. 45. "For lie maketh his sun rise on the
evil and on the good, and sendeth rain on the just and on the
unjust."
2 This is a portion of our Saviour's reply to the rich man who
asked him what he should do to inherit eternal life : " Then Jesus
beholding him, loved him, and said unto him, One thing thou
lackest : go thy way, sell whatsoever thou hast, and give to the
poor, and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and come, take up
the cross, and follow me." — St. Mark x. 21.
OF GOODNESS, ETC. 109
others. The lighter sort of malignity turneth but
to a crossness, or frowardness, or aptness to oppose,
or difficileness, or the like ; but the deeper sort to
envy, and mere mischief. Such men in other men's
calamities arc, as it were, in season, and are ever
on the loading part ; not so good as the dogs that
licked Lazarus's sores,^ but like flies that are still
buzzing upon any thing that is raw ; misanthropi,
that make it their practice to bring men to the
bough, and yet have never a tree for the purpose
in their gardens, as Timon ^ had. Such dispositions
are the very errors of human nature, and yet they
are the fittest timber to make great politics of ; like
to knee timber,^ that is good for ships that are
ordained to be tossed, but not for building houses
that shall stand firm. The parts and signs of good-
ness are many. If a man be gracious and courteous
to strangers, it shows he is a citizen of the world,
A See St. Luke xvi. 21.
a Tiinon of Athens, as lie is generally called (being so styled by
Shakspeare in the play which he has founded on his story), was
siirnamed the "Misanthrope," from the hatred which he bore to
his fellow-men. He was attached to Apemantus, another Athenian
of similar character to himself, and he professed to esteem Alci-
biades, because he foresaw that he would one day bring ruin on
his country. Going to the public assembly on one occasion, he
mounted the rostrum, and stated that he had a fig-tree, on which
many worthy citizens had ended their days by the halter ; that he
was going to cut it down for the purpose of building on the spot,
and therefore reconmiended all such as were inclined, to avail
themselves of it before it was too late.
3 A piece of timber that has grown crooked, and has been so
cut that the trunk and branch form an angle.
110 ESSAYS.
and that his heart is no island cut off from other
lands, but a continent that joins to them; if he be
compassionate towards the afflictions of others, it
shows that his heart is like the noble tree that is
wounded itself when it gives the balm ; ^ if he easily
pardons and remits offences, it shows that his mind
is planted above injuries, so that he cannot be shot ;
if he be thankful for small benefits, it shows that he
weighs men's minds, and not their trash ; but, above
all, if he have St. Paul's perfection, that he would
wish to be an anathema ^ from Christ for the salva-
tion of his brethren, it shows much of a divine nature,
and a kind of conformity with Christ himself.
XIV. — OF NOBILITY.
We Avill speak of nobility, first, as a portion of an
estate, then as a condition of particular persons. A
monarchy, where there is no nobility at all, is ever
a pure and absolute tyranny as that of the Turks ;
for nobility attempers sovereignty, and draws the
1 He probably here refers to the myrrh- tree. Incision is the
method usually adopted for extracting the resinous juices of trees ;
as in the India-rubber and gutta-percha trees.
2 "A votive," and, in the present instance, a "vicarious offer-
ing." He alludes to the words of St. Paul in his Second Epistle
to Timothy ii. 10: "Therefore I endure all things for the elect's
sake, that they may also obtain the salvation which is in Christ
Jesus with eternal glory."
OF NOBILITY. HI
eyes of the people somewhat aside from the line
royal : but for democracies they need it not ; and
they are commonly more quiet and less subject to
sedition than where there are stirps of nobles ; for
men's eyes are upon the business, and not upon the
persons ; or if upon the persons, it is for the business
sake, as fittest, and not for flags and pedigree. We
see the Switzers last well, notwithstanding their
diversity of religion and of cantons ; for utility is
their bond, and not respects.^ The United Provinces
of tlie Low Countries ^ in their government excel ;
for where there is an equality the consultations are
more indifferent, and the payments and tributes more
cheerful. A great and potent nobility addeth ma-
jesty to a monarch, but diminisheth power, and put-
teth life and spirit into the people, but presseth their
fortune. It is well when nobles are not too great
for sovereignty nor for justice ; and yet maintained
in that height, as the insolency of inferiors may be
broken upon them, before it come on too fast upon
the majesty of kings. A numerous nobility causeth
poverty and inconvenience in a state, for it is a sur-
charge of expense ; and besides, it being of necessity
that many of the nobility fall in time to be weak in
fortune, it maketh a kind of disproportion between
honor and means.
^ Consideration of, or predilection for, particular persons.
4 The Low Countries had then recently emancipated themselves
from the galling yoke of Spain. They were called the Seven United
Proviuces oi the Nethciiands.
112 ESSAYS.
As for nobility in particular persons, it is a rever-
end thing to see an ancient castle or building not
in decay, or to see a fair timber-tree sound and
perfect ; how much more to behold an ancient noble
family, which hath stood against the waves and
weathers of time ! For new nobility is but the act of
power, but ancient nobility is the act of time. Those
that are first raised to nobility are commonly more
virtuous,^ but less innocent than their descendants ;
for there is rarely any rising but by a commixture
of good and evil arts ; but it is reason the memory
of their virtues remain to their posterity, and their
faults die with themselves. Nobility of birth com-
monly abateth industry, and he that is not indus-
trious, envieth him that is ; besides, noble persons
cannot go much higher ; and he that standeth at a
stay when others rise, can hardly avoid motions of
envy. On the other side, nobility extinguisheth the
passive envy from other* towards them, because they
are in possession of honor. Certainly, kings that
have able men of their nobility shall find ease in
employing them, and a better slide into their busi-
ness ; for people naturally bend to them, as born
in some sort to command.
1 This passage may at first sight appear somewhat contradic-
toiy ; but he means to sa}^ that those who are first ennobled will
commonly be found more conspicuous for the prominence of their
qualities, both good and bad.
2 Consistent with reason and justice.
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 113
XV. — OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES.
Shepherds of people had need know the cal-
endars of tempests in state, which are commonly
greatest when things grow to equality; as natural
tempests are greatest about the equinoctia/ and as
there are certain hollow blasts of wind and secret
swellings of seas before a tempest, so are there in
states : —
"Ille etiam csecos instare tumultus
Ssepe monet, fraudesque et operta tumescere bella." 2
Libels and licentious discourses against the state,
when they are frequent and open ; and in like sort
false news, often running up and down, to the disad-
vantage of the state, and hastily embraced, are
amongst the signs of troubles. Virgil, giving the
pedigree of Fame, saith she was sister to the
giants : —
** Illam Terra parens, ira irritata Deorum,
Extremam (iit perhibent) Coeo Enceladoque sororem
Progenuit." ^
As if fames were the relics of seditions past;
but they are no less indeed the preludes of sedi-
tions to come. Howsoever, he noteth it right, that
1 The periods of the Equinoxes.
2 "He often warns, too, that secret revolt is impending, that
treachery and open warfare are ready to hurst forth," — Virg.
Georg. i. 465.
^ ** Mother Earth, exasperated at the wrath of the Deities, pro-
duced her, as they tell, a last birth, a sister to the giants Cceus,
and Enceladus." — Virg. ^n. iv. 179.
8
114 ESSAYS.
seditious tumults and seditious fames differ no more
but as brother and sister, masculine and feminine;
especially if it come to that, that the best actions of
a state, and the most plausible, and which ought to
give greatest contentment, are taken in ill sense,
and traduced; for that shows the envy great, as
Tacitus saith, "Conflate magn^ invidiS., sen bene,
sen male, gesta premunt." ^ Neither doth it follow,
that because these fames are a sign of troubles, that
the suppressing of them with too much severity
should be a remedy of troubles; for the despising
of them many times checks them best, and the
going about to stop them doth but make a wonder
long-lived. Also that kind of obedience, which Taci-
tus speaketh of, is to be held suspected : " Erant
in officio, sed tamen qui mallent imperantium man-
data interpretari, quam exsequi ; " ^ disputing, ex-
cusing, cavilling upon mandates and directions, is
a kind of shaking off the yoke, and assay of dis-
obedience ; especially if, in those disputings, they
which are for the direction speak fearfully and ten-
derly, and those that are against it audaciously.
1 " Great public odium once excited, his deeds, whether good
or whether bad, cause his downfalL"' Bacon has here quoted
incorrectly, probably froin niemoryc The words of Tacitus are
{Hist. B. i. C. 7),: " Inviso semel principe, seu bene, seu male,
facta premunt," — "The ruler once detested, his actions, whether
good or whether bad, cause his downfall."
2 " They attended to their duties ; but still, as preferring rather
to discuss the commands of their rulers, than to obey them." —
Tac. Hist. ii. 39.
OF SEDITIONS AND TEOUBLES. 115
Also, as Macliiavel noteth well, when princes,
that ought to be common parents, make themselves
as a party, and lean to a side ; it is as a boat that
is overthrown by uneven weight on the one side,
as was well seen in the time of Henry the Third of
France ; for first himself entered league ^ for the
extirpation of the Protestants, and presently after
the same league was turned upon himself; for when
the authority of princes is made but an accessary to
a cause, and that there be other bands that tie faster
than the band of sovereignty, kings begin to be put
almost out of possession.
Also, when discords, and quarrels, and factions
are carried openly and audaciously, it is a sign the
reverence of government is lost ; for the motions of
the greatest persons in a government ought to be as
the motions of the planets under " primum mobile," ^
according to the old opinion, which is, that every of
them is carried swiftly by the highest motion, and
softly in their own motion ; and therefore, when
great ones in their own particular motion move
violently, and as Tacitus expresseth it well, " liberius
1 He alludes to the bad policy of Henry the Third of France,
who espoused the part of "The League," which was formed by
the Duke of Guise and other Catholics for the extirpation of the
Protestant faith. When too late he discovered his error, and
finding his own authority entirely superseded, he caused the
Duke of Guise and the Cardinal De Lorraine, his brother, to
be assassinated.
2 "The primary motive power." He alludes to an imaginary
centre of gravitation, or central body, which was supposed to set
all the other heavenly bodies in motion.
116 ESSAYS.
quam ut imperantium meminissent/' ^ it is a sign the
orbs are out of frame ; for reverence is that where-
with princes are girt from God, who threateneth the
dissolving thereof : " Solvam cingula regum." ^
So when any of the four pillars of government
are mainly shaken or weakened (which are religion,
justice, counsel, and treasure), men had need to pray
for fair weather. But let us pass from this part
of predictions (concerning which, nevertheless, more
light may be taken from that which followeth), and
let us speak first of the materials of seditions ; then
of the motives of them ; and thirdly of the remedies.
Concerning the materials of seditions, it is a thing
well to be considered, for the surest way to prevent
seditions (if the times do bear it), is to take away
the matter of them ; for if there be fuel prepared,
it is hard to tell whence the spark shall come that
shall set it on fire. The matter of seditions is of
two kinds, much poverty and much discontentment.
It is certain, so many overthrown estates, so many
votes for troubles. Lucan noteth well the state of
Rome before the civil war : —
*' Hinc usura vorax, rapidumque in tempore fceims,
Hinc concussa fides, et multis utile bellum." ^
1 " Too freely to remember their own rulers."
2 "I will unloose the girdles of kings." He probably alludes
here to the first verse of the 45th chapter of Isaiah : " Thus saith
the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus, whose right hand I have holden,
to subdue nations before him ; and I will loose the loins of kings,
to open before him the two-leaved gates."
3 *' Hence devouring usury, and interest accumulating in lapse
W,
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 117
This same ^' niiiltis utile bellum," ^ is an assured
and infallible sign of a state disposed to seditions
and troubles ; and if this poverty and broken estate
in the better sort be joined with a want and neces-
sity in the mean people, the danger is imminent
and great ; for the rebellions of the belly are the
worst. As for discontentments, they are in the
politic body like to humors in the natural, which
are apt to gather a preternatural heat and to in-
flame ; and let no prince measure the danger of
them by this, whether they be just or unjust; for
that were to imagine people to be too reasonable,
who do often spurn at their own good ; nor yet by
this, whether the griefs whereupon they rise be in
fact great or small ; for they are the most danger-
ous discontentments where the fear is greater than
the feeling : " Dolendi modus, timendi non item." ^
Besides, in great oppressions, the same things that
provoke the patience, do withal mate ^ the courage ;
but in fears it is not so ; neither let any prince or
state be secure concerning discontentments, because
they have been often or have been long, and yet
no peril hath ensued ; for as it is true that every
vapor or fume doth not turn into a storm, so it is
nevertheless true that storms, though they blow
of time ; hence shaken credit, and warfare, profitable to the many."
— Lucan, Phars. 1. 181.
1 " Warfare profitable to the many."
2 " To grief there is a limit, not so to fear."
2 "Check," or *' daunt."
118 ESSAYS.
over divers times, yet may fall at last ; and, as the
Spanish proverb noteth well, " The cord breaketh
at the last by the weakest pull." ^
The causes and motives of seditions are, innova-
tion in religion, taxes, alteration of laws and cus-
toms, breaking of privileges, general oppression, ad-
vancement of unworthy persons, strangers, dearths,
disbanded soldiers, factions grown desperate, and
whatsoever in offending people joineth and knitteth
them in a common cause.
For the remedies, there may be some general
preservatives, whereof we will speak ; as for the
just cure, it must answer to the particular disease,
and so be left to counsel rather than rule.
The first remedy, or prevention, is to remove, by
all means possible, that material cause of sedition
whereof we spake, which is, want and poverty in
the estate ; ^ to which purpose serveth the opening
and well-balancing of trade ; the cherishing of manu-
factures ; the banishing of idleness ; the repressing
of waste and excess by sumptuary laws ; ^ the im-
provement and husbanding of the soil ; the regu-
lating of prices of things vendible ; the moderating
of taxes and tributes, and the like. Generally, it is
^ This is similar to the proverb now in common use : " 'T is the
last feather that breaks the back of the camel."
2 The state.
3 Though sumptuary laws are probably just in theory, they have
been found impracticable in any other than infant states. Their
principle, however, is certainly recognized in such countries as
by statutory enactment discountenance gaming. Those who are
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 119
to be foreseen that the population of a kingdom
(especially if it be not mown down by wars) do not
exceed the stock of the kingdom which should main-
tain them ; neither is the population to be reck-
oned only by number ; for a smaller number, that
spend more and earn less, do wear out an estate
sooner than a greater number that live lower and
gather more. Therefore the multiplying of nobility
and other degrees of quality, in an over-proportion
to the common people, doth speedily bring a state
to necessity ; and so doth likewise an overgrown
clergy, for they bring nothing to the stock ; ^ and
in like manner, when more are bred scholars than
preferments can take off.
It is likewise to be remembered, that, forasmuch
as the increase of any estate must be upon the for-
eigner ^ (for whatsoever is somewhere gotten is some-
where lost), there be but three things which one
nation selleth unto another ; the commodity, as
nature yieldeth it ; the manufacture ; and the vec-
ture, oi carriage ; so that, if these three wheels go,
wealth will flow as in a spring tide. And it cometh
many times to pass, that, " materiam superabit
opposed to such laws upon principle, would do well to look into
Bernard Mandeville's "Fable of the Bees," or "Private Vices
Public Benefits." The Romans had numerous sumptuary laws,
and in the Middle Ages there were many enactments in this
country against excess of expenditure upon wearing apparel and
the pleasures of the table,
1 He means that they do not add to the capital of the country.
2 At the expense of foreign countries.
120 ESSAYS.
opus," ^ that the work and carriage is more worth
than the material, and enricheth a state more ; as
is notably seen in the Low Countr^^men, who have
the best mines ^ above ground in the world.
Above all things, good policy is to be used, that
the treasure and moneys in a state be not gathered
into few hands ; for, otherwise, a state may have a
great stock, and yet starve. And money is like
muck,^ not good except it be spread. This is done
chiefly by suppressing, or, at the least, keeping a
strait hand upon the devouring trades of usury, en-
grossing ^ great pasturages, and the like.
For removing discontentments, or, at least, the
danger of them, there is in every state (as we
know) two portions of subjects, the nobles and the
commonalty. When one of these is discontent, the
danger is not great ; for common people are of slow
motion, if they be not excited by the greater sort ;
and the greater sort are of small strength, except
the multitude be apt and ready to move of them-
selves ; then is the danger, when the greater sort
1 "The workmanship will surpass the material." — Ovid, Met.
B. 11. 1. 5.
2 He alludes to the manufactures of the Low Countries.
8 Like manure.
* Sometimes printed engrossing, great pasturages. By engross-
ing, is meant the trade of engrossers — men who buy up all that
can be got of a pai'ticular commodity, then raise the price. By
great pasturages is meant turning corn land into pasture. Of
this practice great complaints had been made for near a century
before Bacon's time, and a law passed to prevent it. — See Lord
Herbert of Cherhury's History of Henry VIII.
OF SEDITIONS AND TEOUBLES. 121
do but wait for the troubling of the waters amongst
the meaner, that then they may declare themselves.
The poets feign that the rest of the gods would
have bound Jupiter, which he hearing of, by the
counsel of Pallas, sent for Briareus, with his hun-
dred hands, to come in to his aid ; an emblem, no
doubt, to show how safe it is for monarch s to make
sure of the good-will of common people.
To give moderate liberty for griefs and discon-
tentments to evaporate (so it be without too great
insolency or bravery), is a safe way ; for he that
turneth the humors back, and maketh the wound
bleed inwards, endangereth malign ulcers and per-
nicious imposthumations.
The part of Epimetheus ^ might well become
Prometheus, in the case of discontentments, for
there is not a better provision against them. Epi-
metheus, when griefs and evils flew abroad, at last
shut the lid, and kept Hope in the bottom of the
vessel. Certainly, the politic and artificial nourish-
^ The myth of Pandora's box, which is here referred to, is
related in the Works and Days of Hesiod. Epimetheus was
the personification of " Afterthought," while his brother Prome-
theus represented "Forethought," or prudence. It was not
Epimetheus that opened the box, but Pandora — "All-gift,"
wdiom, contrary to the advice of his brother, he had received at
the hands of Mercury, and had made his wife. In their house
stood a closed jar, which they were forbidden to open. Till her
arrival, this had been kept untouched ; but her curiosity prompt-
ing her to open the lid, all the evils hitherto unknown to man
Hew out and spread over the earth, and she only shut it down
in time to prevent the escape of Hope.
122 ESSAYS.
ing and entertaicing of hopes, and carrying men from
hopes to hopes, is one of the best antidotes against
the poison of discontentments ; and it is a certain
sign of a wise government and proceeding, when it
can hold men's hearts by hopes, when it cannot by
satisfaction ; and when it can handle things in such
manner as no evil shall appear so peremptory, but
that it hath some outlet of hope ; which is the less
hard to do, because both particular persons and fac-
tions are apt enough to flatter themselves, or at
least to brave that which they believe not.
Also the foresight and prevention, that there be
no likely or fit head whereunto discontented persons
may resort, and under whom they may join, is a
knowm but an excellent point of caution. I under-
stand a fit head to be one that hath greatness and
reputation, that hath confidence with the discon-
tented party, and upon wdiom they turn their eyes,
and that is thought discontented in his own par-
ticular : which kind of persons are either to be won
and reconciled to the state, and that in a fast and
true manner ; or to be fronted with some other of
the same party that may oppose them, and so di-
vide the reputation. Generally, the dividing and
breaking of all factions and combinations that are
adverse to the state, and setting them at distance,
or, at least, distrust amongst themselves, is not one
of the worst remedies ; for it is a desperate case, if
those that hold with the proceeding of the state be
full of discord and faction, and those that are against
it be entire and united.
OF SEDITIONS AND TROUBLES. 123
I have noted, that some witty and sharp speeches,
which have fallen from princes, have given fire to
seditions. Csesar did himself infinite hurt in that
speech — " Sylla nescivit literas, non potuit die-
tare , " ^ for it did utterly cut off that hope which
men had entertained, that he would, at one time or
other, give over his dictatorship. Galba undid himself
by that speech, " Legi a se militem, non emi ; " ^ for it
put the soldiers out of hope of the donative. Probus,
likewise, by that speech, " Si vixero, non opus erit
amplius Romano imperio militibus ; " ^ a speech of
great despair for the soldiers, and many the like.
Surely princes had need, in tender matters and
ticklish times, to beware what they say, especially
in these short speeches, which fly abroad like darts,
and are thought to be shot out of their secret in-
tentions ; for as for large discourses, they are flat
things, and not so much noted.
1 "Sylla (lid not know his letters, and so he could not dictate."
This saying is attributed Ly Suetonius to Julius Csesar. It is a
play on the Latin verb dictare^ which means either "to dictate,"
or "to act the part of Dictator," according to the context. As
this saying was presumed to be a reflection on Sylla's ignorance,
and to imply that by reason thereof he was unable to maintain
his power, it was concluded by the Roman people that Coesar,
who was an elegant scholar, feeling himself subject to no such
inability, did not intend speedily to yield the reins of power. —
Suet. Fit. C. Jul. Cces. 77, i. and Cf. A. L. i. vii. 12.
2 " That soldiers were levied by him, not bought." — Tac. Hist.
i. 5.
^ " If I live, there shall no longer be need of soldiers in the
Roman empire." — Flav. Fojj. Fit. Prob. 20.
124 ESSAYS.
Lastly, let princes, against all events, not be
without some great person, one or rather more, of
military valor, near unto them, for the repressing of
seditions in their beginnings ; for without that, there
useth to be more trepidation in court upon the first
breaking out of troubles than were fit, and the state
runneth the danger of that which Tacitus saith :
" Atque is habitus animorum fait, ut pessimum
facinus auderent pauci, plures vellent, omnes pater-
entur : " ^ but let such military persons be assured,
and well reputed of, rather than factious and popu-
lar ; holding also good correspondence with the other
great men in the state, or else the remedy is worse
than the disease.
XVI. — OF ATHEISM.
I HAD rather believe all the fables in the legends,^
and the Talmud,^ and the Alcoran, than that this
universal frame is without a mind; and, therefore,
God never wrought miracle to convince atheism,
1 "And such was the state of feeling, that a few dared to per-
petrate the worst of crimes ; more wished to do so ; all submitted
to it." —Hist. i. 28.
2 He probably alludes to the legends or miraculous stories of
the saints ; such as walking with their heads off, preaching to the
fishes, sailing over the sea on a cloak, &c. &c.
' This is a book that contains the Jewish traditions, and the
rabbinical explanations of the law. It is replete with wonderful
narratives.
OF ATHEISM. 125
because his ordinary works convince it. It is true,
that a little philosophy^ inclineth man's mind to
atheism, but depth in philosophy bringeth men's
minds about to religion ; for while the mind of man
looketh upon second causes scattered, it may some-
times rest in them, and go no further ; but when it
beholdeth the chain of them confederate, and linked
together, it must needs fly to Providence and Deity.
Nay, even that school which is most accused of
atheism, doth most demonstrate religion: that is,
the school of Leucippus,^ and Democritus,^ and
Epicurus ; for it is a thousand times more credible
that four mutable elements, and one immutable fifth
essence,^ duly and eternally placed, need no God,
than that an army of infinite small portions, or seeds
unplaced, should have produced this order and
beauty without a divine marshal. The Scripture
saith, " The fool hath said in his heart, there is no
1 This passage not improbably contains the germ of Pope's
famous lines : —
"A little learning is a dangerous thing ;
Drink deep, or taste not the Pierian spring."
2 A philosopher of Abdera ; the first who taught the system of
atoms, which was afterwards more fully developed by Democritus
and Ei)icurus.
3 He was a disciple of the last-named philosopher, and held
the same principles ; he also denied the existence of the soul
after death. He is considered to have been the parent of experi-
mental philosophy, and was the first to teach, what is now con-
firmed by science, that the Milky Way is an accumulation of
stars.
4 Spirit.
126 ESSAYS.
God ; " ^ it is not said, " The fool hath thought in his
heart ; " so as he rather saith it by rote to himself,
as that he would have, than that he can thoroughly
believe it, or be persuaded of it ; for none deny there
is a God, but those for whom it maketh ^ that there
were no God. It appeareth in nothing more, that
atheism is rather in the lip than in the heart of man,
than by this, that atheists will ever be talking of that
their opinion, as if they fainted in it within them-
selves, and would be glad to be strengthened by the
consent of others ; nay more, you shall have atheists
strive to get disciples, as it fareth with other sects ;
and, which is most of all, you shall have of them
that will suffer for atheism, and not recant ; whereas,
if they did truly think that there were no such thing
as God, why should they trouble themselves ? Epi-
curus is charged, that he did but dissemble for his
credit's sake, when he affirmed there were blessed
natures, but such as enjoyed themselves without
having respect to the government of the world.
Wherein they say he did temporize, though in secret
he thought there was no God ; but certainly he is
traduced, for his words are noble and divine : " Non
Deos vulgi negare profanum ; sed vulgi opiniones
Diis applicare profanum."^ Plato could have said
^ Psalm xiv. 1, and liii. 1. i
2 To whose (seeming) advantage it is ; the wish being father
to the thought.
3 "It is not profane to deny the existence of the deities of the
vulgar ; but, to apply to the divinities the received notions of the
vulgar, is profane." — Diog. Laert. x. 123.
OF ATHEISM. 127
no more ; and, altliough he bad the confidence to
deny the administration, he had not the power to
deny the nature. The Indians^ of the west have
names for their particular gods, though they have
no name for God; as if the heathens should have
had the names Jupiter, Apollo, Mars, &c., but not
the word Deus, which shows that even those bar-
barous people have the notion, though they have
not the latitude and extent of it ; so that against
atheists the very savages take part with the very
subtlest philosophers. The contemplative atheist is
rare ; a Diagoras,^ a Bion,^ a Lucian,* perhaps, and
some others, and yet they seem to be more than they
are; for that all that impugn a received religion,
or superstition, are, by the adverse part, branded
with the name of atheists. But the great atheists
indeed are hypocrites, which are ever handling holy
things, but without feeling, so as they must needs be
1 He alludes to the native tribes of tlie continent of America and
the West Indies.
2 He was an Athenian philosopher, who, from the greatest
superstition, became an avowed atheist. He was proscribed by
the Areiopagus for speaking against the gods with ridicule and
contempt, and is supposed to have died at Corinth.
^ A Greek philosopher, a disciple of Theodorus the atheist, to
whose opinions he adhered. His life was said to have been profli-
gate, and his death superstitious.
* Lucian ridiculed the follies and pretensions of some of the
ancient philosophers ; but though the freedom of his style was
such as to cause him to be censured for impiety, he hardly de-
serves the stigma of atheism here cast upon him by the learned
author.
128 ESSAYS.
cauterized in the end. The causes of atheism are:
divisions in religion, if they be many ; for any one
main division addeth zeal to both sides, but many
divisions introduce atheism. Another is, scandal of
priests, when it is come to that which St. Bernard
saith: "Non est jam dicere, ut populus, sic sacerdos;
quia nee sic populus, ut sacerdos."^ A third is,
custom of profane scoifing in holy matters, which
doth by little and little deface the reverence of
religion : and lastly, learned times, specially with
peace and prosperity ; for troubles and adversities
do more bow men's minds to religion. They that
deny a God destroy a man's nobility, for certainly
man is of kin to the beasts by his body ; and if he
be not of kin to God by his spirit, he is a base and
ignoble creature. It destroys likewise magnanimity,
and the raising of human nature ; for, take an ex-
ample of a dog, and mark what a generosity and
courage he will put on when he finds himself main-
tained by a man, who, to him, is instead of a God,
or " melior natura ; " ^ which courage is manifestly
such as that creature, without that confidence of a
better nature than his own, could never attain. So
1 " It is not for us now to say, ' Like priest like people,' for
the people are not even so had as the priest." St. Bernard, abbot
of Clairvaux, preached the second Cnisade against the Saracens,
and was unsparing in his censures of the sins then prevalent
among the Christian priesthood. His writings are voluminous,
and by some he has been considered as the latest of the fathers
of the Church.
2 "A superior nature."
OF ATHEISM. 129
man, when he resteth and assureth himself upon
divine protection and favor, gathereth a force and
faith, which human nature in itself could not obtain ;
therefore, as atheism is in all respects hateful, so in
this, that it depriveth human nature of the means
to exalt itself above human frailty. As it is in par-
ticular persons, so it is in nations : never was there
such a state for magnanimity as Rome. Of this
state hear what Cicero saith : " Quam volumus, licet,
Patres conscripti, nos amemus, tamen nee numero
Hispanos, nee robore Gallos, nee calliditate Poenos,
nee artibus Grsecos, nee denique hoc ipso hujus
gentis et terrse domestico nativoque sensu Italos
ipsos et Latinos ; sed pietate, ac religione, atque
h^c unsi sapienti^, quod Deorum immortalium nu-
mine omnia regi, gubernarique perspeximus, omnes
gentes, nationesque superavimus." ^
1 "We may admire ourselves, conscript fathers, as much as
we please ; still, neither by numbers did we vanquish the Span-
iards, nor by bodily strength the Gauls, nor by cunning the Car-
thaginians, nor through the arts the Greeks, nor, in fine, by the
inborn and native good sense of this our nation, and this our
race and soil, the Italians and Latins themselves ; but through
our devotion and our religious feeling, and this, the sole true
wisdom, the having perceived that all things are regulated and
governed by the providence of the immortal Gods, have we subdued
all races and nations." — Cic. de. Rarus. Resyon. 9.
130 ESSAYS.
XVII. — OF SUPERSTITIOK
It were better to have no opinion of God at all,
than such an opinion as is unworthy of him ; for
the one is unbelief, the other is contumely/ and cer-
tainly superstition is the reproach of the Deity.
Plutarch saith well to that purpose : " Surely," saith
he, ''I had rather a great deal men should say there
was no such man at all as Plutarch, than that they
should say that there was one Plutarch that would
eat his children ^ as soon as they were born," as
the poets speak of Saturn ; and, as the contumely
is greater towards God, so the danger is greater
towards men. Atheism leaves a man to sense, to
philosophy, to natural piety, to laws, to reputation,
all which may be guides to an outward moral virtue,
though religion were not ; but superstition dismounts
all these, and erecteth an absolute monarchy in the
minds of men. Therefore atheism did never perturb
states ; for it makes men wary of themselves, as
looking no further, and we see the times inclined
to atheism (as the time of Augustus Ca3sar) were
civil times ; but superstition hath been the confusion
1 The justice of this position is, perhaps, somewhat doubtful.
The superstitious man must have some scruples, while he who
believes not in a God (if there is such a person), needs have none.
2 Time was personified in Saturn, and by this story was meant
its tendency to destroy whatever it has brought into existence. —
Plut. de Superstit. x.
OF SUPERSTITION. 131
of many states, and bringeth in a new primum mo-
bile,^ that ravisheth all the spheres of government.
The master of superstition is the people, and in all
superstition wise men follow fools ; and arguments
are fitted to practice in a reversed order. It was
gravely said by some of the prelates in the Council
of Trent,^ where the doctrine of the schoolmen
bare great sway, that the schoolmen were like as-
tronomers, which did feign eccentrics ^ and epicyles,*
and such engines of orbs to save^ the phenomena,
tliough they knew there were no such things; and,
in like manner, that the schoolmen had framed a
number of subtle and intricate axioms and theorems,
to save the practice of the Church. The causes of
superstition are, pleasing and sensual rites and cer-
emonies ; excess of outward and pharisaical holiness ;
over-great reverence of traditions, which cannot but
load the Church ; the stratagems of prelates for
their own ambition and lucre ; the favoring too much
of good intentions, which openeth the gate to con-
ceits and novelties ; the taking an aim at divine
matters by human, which cannot but breed mixture
1 The primary motive power.
2 This Council commenced in 1545, and lasted eighteen years.
It was convened for the purpose of opposing the rising spirit of
Protestantism, and of discussiug and settling the disputed points
of the Catholic faith.
^ Irregular or anomalous movements.
4 An epicycle is a smaller circle, whose centre is in the circum-
ference of a greater one.
^ To account for.
132 ESSAYS.
of imaginations ; and, lastly, barbarous times, espe-
cially joined with calamities and disasters. Supersti-
tion, without a veil, is a deformed thing ; for, as it
addeth deformity to an ape to be so like a man,
so the similitude of superstition to religion makes
it the more deformed ; and as wholesome meat cor-
rupteth to little worms, so good forms and orders
corrupt into a number of petty observances. There
is a superstition in avoiding superstition, when men
think to do best if they go furthest from the super-
stition formerly received ; therefore care would be
had that (as it fareth in ill purgings) the good be not
taken away with the bad, which commonly is done
when the people is the reformer.
XVIII. — OF TRAVEL.
Travel, in the younger sort, is a part of educa-
tion ; in the elder, a part of experience. He that
travelleth into a country before he hath some en-
trance into the language, goeth to school, and not to
travel. That young men travel under some tutor
or grave servant, I allow well, so that he be such a
one that hath the language, and hath been in the
country before ; whereby he may be able to tell
them what things are worthy to be seen in the
country where they go, what acquaintances they
are to seek, what exercises or discipline the place
OF TRAVEL. 133
jieldeth; for else young men shall go hooded, and
look abroad little. It is a strange thing that, in
sea voyages, where there is nothing to be seen but
f-kj and sea, men should make diaries ; but in land
travel, wherein so much is to be observed, for the
most part they omit it, as if chance were fitter to
be registered than observation. Let diaries, there-
fore, be brought in use. The things to be seen and
observed are, the courts of princes, especially when
they give audience to ambassadors ; the courts of
justice, while they sit and hear causes; and so of
consistories^ ecclesiastic; the churches and monas-
teries, with the monuments which are therein ex-
tant ; the walls and fortifications of cities and towns ;
and so the havens and harbors, antiquities and ruins,
libraries, colleges, disputations, and lectures, where
any are ; shipping and navies ; houses and gardens
of state and pleasure, near great cities; armories,
arsenals, magazines, exchanges, burses, warehouses,
exercises of horsemanship, fencing, training of sol-
diers, and the like ; comedies, such whereunto the
better sort of persons do resort; treasuries of jewels
and robes ; cabinets and rarities ; and, to conclude,
whatsoever is memorable in the places where they
go, after all which the tutors or servants ought to
make diligent inquiry. As for triumphs, masks,
feasts, weddings, funerals, capital executions, and
such shows, men need not to be put in mind of
them ; yet they are not to be neglected. If you
^ Synods, or councils.
134 ESSAYS.
will have a young man to put his travel into a little
room, and in short time to gather much, this you
must do : first, as was said, he must have some
entrance into the language before he goeth; then
he must have such a servant, or tutor, as knoweth
the country, as was likewise said; let him carry
with him also some card or book, describing the
country where he travelleth, which will be a good
key to his inquiry ; let him keep also a diary ; let
him not stay long in one city or town, more or less,
as the place deserveth, but not long ; nay, when he
stayeth in one city or town, let him change his lodg-
ing from one end and part of the town to another,
which is a great adamant of acquaintance ; let him
sequester himself from the company of his country-
men, and diet in such places where there is good
company of the nation where he travelleth ; let him,
upon his removes from one place to another, pro-
cure recommendation to some person of quality
residing in the place whither he removeth, that he
may use his favor in those things he desireth to see
or know : thus he may abridge his travel with much
profit. As for the acquaintance which is to be
sought in travel, that which is most of all profitable,
is acquaintance with the secretaries and employed
men^ of ambassadors, for so in travelling in one
country he shall suck the experience of many; let
him also see and visit eminent persons in all kinds
which are of great name abroad, that he may be
1 At the present day called attaches.
OF EMPIRE. 135
able to tell how the life agreeth with tlie fame.
For quarrels, they are with care and discretion
to be avoided; they are commonly for mistresses,
healths,^ place, and words ; and let a man beware
how he keepeth company with choleric and quarrel-
some persons, for they will engage him into their
own quarrels. When a traveller return eth home,
let him not leave the countries where he hath trav-
elled altogether behind him, but maintain a cor-
respondence by letters with those of his acquaintance
which are of most worth ; and let his travel appear
rather in his discourse than in his apparel or gesture,
and in his discourse let him be rather advised in his
answers, than forward to tell stories ; and let it
appear that he doth not change his country manners
for those of foreign parts, but only prick in some
flowers of that he hath learned abroad into the
customs of his own country.
XIX. — OF EMPIRE.
It is a miserable state of mind to have few things
to desire, and many things to fear ; and yet that
commonly is the case of kings, who, being, at the
highest, want matter of desire,^ which makes their
1 He probably means the refusing to join on the occasion of
drinking healths when taking wine.
2 Soraethinff to create excitement.
136 ESSAYS.
minds more languishing ; and have many repre-
sentations of perils and shadows, which makes their
minds the less clear; and this is one reason, also,
of that effect which the Scripture speaketh of, " that
the king's heart is inscrutable ; " ^ for multitude of
jealousies, and lack of some predominant desire,
that should marshal and put in order all the rest,
maketh any man's heart hard to find or sound.
Hence it comes, likewise, that princes many times
make themselves desires, and set their hearts upon
toys : sometimes upon a building ; sometimes upon
erecting of an order ; sometimes upon the advancing
of a person ; sometimes upon obtaining excellency
in some art or feat of the hand, — as Nero for
playing on the harp; Domitian for certainty of the
hand with the arrow ; Commodus for playing at
fence ; ^ Caracalla for driving chariots, and the like.
This seemeth incredible unto those that know not
the principle, that the mind of man is more cheered
and refreshed by profiting in small things than by
standing at a stay^ in great. We see, also, that
kings that have been fortunate conquerors in their
first years, it being not possible for them to go
forward infinitely, but that they must have some
check or arrest in their fortunes, turn in their latter
years to be superstitious and melancholy; as did
^ ** The heart of kings is unsearchable." — Prov. v. 3.
2 Commodus fought naked in public as a gladiator, and prided
himself on his skill as a swordsman.
3 Making a stop at, or dwelling too long upon.
OF EMPIRE. 137
Alexander the Great, Diocletian,^ and, in our mem-
ory, Charles the Fifth,^ and others; for he that is
used to go forward, and findeth a stop, falleth out
of his own favoi', and is not the thing he was.
To speak now of the true temper of empire, it is
a thing rare and hard to keep, for both temper and
distemper consist of contraries ; but it is one thing
to mingle contraries, another to interchange them.
The answer of Apollonius to Vespasian is full of
excellent instruction. Vespasian asked him, ^' What
was Nero's overthrow ? " He answered, " Nero
could touch and tune the harp well ; but in govern-
ment sometimes he used to wind the pins too high,
sometimes to let them down too low." ^ And cer-
tain it is, that nothing destroyeth authority so much
as the unequal and untimely interchange of power
pressed too far, and relaxed too much.
This is true, that the wisdom of all these latter
times in princes' affairs is rather fine deliveries, and
shiftings of dangers and mischiefs, when they are
near, than solid and grounded courses to keep them
aloof; but this is but to try masteries with fortune,
and let men beware how they neglect and suffer
matter of trouble to be prepared. For no man can
forbid the spark, nor tell whence it may come.
1 After a prosperous reign of twenty-one years, Diocletian abdi-
cated the tlirone, and retired to a private station.
2 After having reigned thirty-five years, he abdicated the thrones
of Spain and Germany, and passed the last two years of his life in
retirement at St. Just, a convent in Estreraadura.
3 Philost. vit. Apoll. Tyan. v. 28.
138 ESSAYS.
The difficulties in princes' business are many and
great; but the greatest difficulty is often in their
own mind. For it is common with princes (saith
Tacitus) to will contradictories : " Sunt plerumque
regum voluntates vehementes, et inter se contrariee ; " ^
for it is the solecism of power to think to command
the end, and yet not to endure the mean.
Kings have to deal with their neighbors, their
wives, their children, their prelates or clergy, their
nobles, their second nobles or gentlemen, their mer-
chants, their commons, and their men of war; and
from all these arise dangers, if care and circum-
spection be not used.
First, for their neighbors, there can no general
rule be given (the occasions are so variable), save
one which ever holdeth ; which is, that princes do
keep due sentinel, that none of their neighbors do
overgrow so (by increase of territory, by embracing
of trade, by approaches, or the like), as they be-
come more able to annoy them than they were ; and
this is generally the work of standing counsels to
foresee and to hinder it. During that triumvirate
of kings. King Henry the Eighth of England, Fran-
cis the First, King of France,^ and Charles the
Fifth, Emperor, there was such a watch kept that
1 "The desires of monarchs are generally impetuous and conflict-
ing among themselves. " — Quoted rightly, A. L. ii. xxii. 5, from
Ballust (B. J. 113).
2 He was especially the rival of the Emperor Charles tlie Fifth,
and was one of the most distinguished sovereigns that ever ruled
over France.
OF EMPIEE. 139
none of the three could win a palm of ground, but
the other two would straightways balance it, cither
by confederation, or, if need were, by a war; and
would not, in any wise, take up peace at interest;
and the like was done by that league (which Guic-
ciardini^ saith was the security of Italy) made
between Ferdinando, King of Naples, Lorenzius
Medicis, and Ludovicus Sforza, potentates, the one
of Florence, the other of Milan. Neither is the
opinion of some of the schoolmen to be received,
that a war cannot justly be made, but upon a prece-
dent injury or provocation ; for there is no question,
but a just fear of an imminent danger, though there
be no blow given, is a lawful cause of a w^ar.
For their wives, there are cruel examples of them.
Livia is infamed^ for the poisoning of her husband;
Roxolana, Solyman's wife,^ was the destruction of
1 An eminent historian of Florence. His great work, which
is here alluded to, is, " The History of Italy during his own
Time," which is considered one of the most valuable productions
of that age.
2 Spoken badly of. Livia was said to have hastened the death
of Augustus, to prepare the accession of her son Tiberius to the
throne.
3 Solyman the Magnificent was one of the most celebrated of
the Ottoman monarchs. He took the Isle of Ehodes from the
Knights of St. John. He also subdued Moldavia, Wallachia,
and the greatest part of Hungary, and took from the Persians
Georgia and Bagdad. He died A. D. 1566. His wife Roxolana
(who was originally a slave called Rosa or Hazathya), with the
Pasha Rustan, conspired against the life of his son Mustapha, and
by their instigation this distinguished prince was strangled in his
father's presence.
140 ESSAYS.
that renowned prince, Sultan Mustapha, and other-
wise troubled his house and succession ; Edward the
Second of England's Queen ^ had the principal hand
in the deposing and murder of her husband.
This kind of danger is then to be feared chiefly
when the wives have plots for the raising of their
own children, or else that they be advoutresses.^
For their children, the tragedies likewise of dan-
gers from them have been many ; and generally the
entering of fathers into suspicion of their children
hath been ever unfortunate. The destruction of
Mustapha (that w^e named before) was so fatal to
Solyman's line, as the succession of the Turks from
Solyman until this day is suspected to be untrue,
and of strange blood ; for that Selymus the Second
w^as thought to be sui:>posititious.^ The destruction
of Crispus, a young prince of rare towardness, by
Constantinus the Great, his father, was in like man-
ner fatal to his house ; for both Constantinus and
Constance, his sons, died violent deaths ; and Con-
stantius, his other son, did little better, who died
indeed of sickness, but after that Julianus had taken
arms against him. The destruction of Demetrius,*
son to Philip the Second of Macedon, turned upon
1 The infamous Isabella of Anjou.
2 Adulteresses.
3 He, however, distinguished himself by taking Cyprus from
the Venetians in the year 1571.
* He was falsely accused by his brother Perseus of attempting to
dethrone his father, on which he was put to death by the order of
Philip, B. C. 180.
OF EMPIRE. 141
the father, who died of repentance. And many like
examples there are; bnt few or none where the
fathers had good by such distrust, except it were
where the sons were up in open arms against them ;
as was Selymus the First against Bajazet, and the
three sons of Henry the Second, King of England.
For their prelates, when they are proud and great,
there is also danger from them; as it was in the
times of Anselmus ^ and Thomas Becket, Archbish-
ops of Canterbury, who, with their crosiers, did
almost try it with the king's sword ; and yet they
had to deal with stout and haughty kings ; William
Rufus, Henry the First, and Henry the Second.
The danger is not from that state, but where it hath
a dependence of foreign authority; or where the
churchmen come in and are elected, not by the
collation of the King, or particular patrons, but by
the people.
For their nobles, to keep them at a distance it is
not amiss ; but to depress them may make a king
more absolute, but less safe, and less able to perform
anything that he desires. I have noted it in my
History of King Henry the Seventh of England,
who depressed his nobility, whereupon it came to
pass that his times were full of difficulties and
1 Anselm was Archbishop of Canterbury in the time of William
Rufus and Henry the First. Though his private life was pious
and exemplary, through his rigid assertion of the rights of the
clergy he was continually embroiled with his sovereign, Thomas
a Becket pursued a similar course, but with still greater violence.
142 ESSAYS.
troubles; for the nobility, though they continued
loyal unto him, yet did they not cooperate with
him in his business ; so that, in effect, he was fain
to do all things himself.
For their second nobles, there is not much danger
from them, being a body dispersed. They may
sometimes discourse high, but that doth little hurt ;
besides, they are a counterpoise to the higher nobil-
ity, that they grow not too potent ; and, lastly, being
the most immediate in authority with the common
people, they do best temper popular commotions.
For their merchants, they are ^' vena porta : " ^
and if they flourish not, a kingdom may have good
limbs, but will have empty veins, and nourish little.
Taxes and imposts upon them do seldom good to
the king's revenue, for that which he wins ^ in the
hundred ^ he loseth in the shire ; the particular rates
being increased, but the total bulk of trading rather
decreased.
For their commons, there is little danger from
them, except it be where they have great and potent
heads ; or where you meddle with the point of relig-
ion, or their customs, or means of life.
For their men of war, it is a dangerous state
1 The great vessel that conveys the blood to the liver, after it
has been enriched by the absorption of nutriment from the intes-
tines.
2 This is an expression similar to our proverb, " Penny- wise
and pound-foolish."
3 A subdivision of the shire.
OF COUNSEL. 143
where they live and remain in a body, and are used
to donatives ; whereof we see examples in the Jani-
zaries ^ and Praetorian bands of Rome ; but train-
ings of men, and arming them in several places,
and under several commanders, and without dona-
tives, are things of defence and no danger.
Princes are like to heavenly bodies, which cause
good or evil times ; and which have much venera-
tion, but no rest. All precepts concerning kings
are in effect comprehended in those two remem-
brances, " Memento quod es homo ; '^ and " Me-
mento quod es Deus," ^ or " vice Dei ; " ^ the one
bridleth their power and the other their will.
XX. — OF COUNSEL.
The greatest trust between man and man is the
trust of giving counsel ; for in other confidences
men commit the parts of life, their lands, their goods,
their children, their credit, some particular affair ;
but to such as they make their counsellors they
com^mit the whole ; by how much the more they
1 The Janizaries were the body-guards of the Turkish sultans,
and enacted the same disgraceful part in making and unmaking
monarchs, as the mercenary Prfetorian guards of the Roman
Empire.
2 " Remember that thou art a man."
8 "Remember that thou art a God."
^ ** The representative of God."
144 ESSAYS.
are obliged to all faith and integrity. The wisest
princes need not think it any diminution to their
greatness, or derogation to their sufficiency to rely
upon counsel. God himself is not without, but hath
made it one of the great names of his blessed Son,
" The Counsellor." ^ Solomon hath pronounced that,
" in counsel is stability." ^ Things will have their
first or second agitation : if they be not tossed upon
the arguments of counsel, they will be tossed upon
the waves of fortune, and be full of inconstancy,
doing and undoing, like the reeling of a drunken
man. Solomon's son ^ found the force of counsel,
as his father saw the necessity of it ; for tlie beloved
kingdom of God was first rent and broken by ill
counsel ; upon which counsel there are set for our
instruction the two marks whereby bad counsel is
forever best discerned, that it was young counsel for
the persons, and violent counsel for the matter.
The ancient times do set forth in figure both the
incorporation and inseparable conjunction of counsel
with kings, and the wise and politic use of counsel
by kings ; the one, in that they say Jupiter did
marry Metis, which signifieth counsel ; whereby they
intend that sovereignty is married to counsel ; the
1 Isaiah ix. 6 : " His name shall be called, Wonderful, Coun-
sellor, The mighty God, The everlasting Father, The Prince of
Peace."
2 Prov. XX. 18: "Every purpose is established by counsel:
and with good advice make war,"
3 The wicked Kehoboam, from whom the ten tribes of Israel
revolted, and elected Jeroboam their king. — See 1 Kings xii.
OF COUNSEL. 145
other in that which followeth, which was thus : they
say, after Jupiter was married to Metis, she con-
ceived by him and was with child; but Jupiter
suffered her not to stay till she brought forth, but
eat her up ; whereby he became himself with child,
and was delivered of Pallas armed, out of his head.^
Which monstrous fable containeth a secret of empire,
how kings are to make use of their council of state ;
that first, they ought to refer matters unto them,
which is the first begetting or impregnation; but
when they are elaborate, moulded, and shaped in
the womb of their counsel, and grow ripe and ready
to be brought forth, that then they suffer not their
council to go through with the resolution and di-
rection, as if it depended on them ; but take the mat-
ter back into their own hands, and make it appear
to the world, that the decrees and final directions
(which, because they come forth with prudence and
power, are resembled to Pallas armed), proceeded
from themselves ; and not only from their authority,
but (the more to add reputation to themselves)
from their head and device.
Let us now speak of the inconveniences of coun-
sel, and of the remedies. The inconveniences that
have been noted in calling and using counsel are
three : first, the revealing of affairs, whereby they
become less secret ; secondly, the weakening of the
authority of princes, as if they were less of them-
selves; thirdly, the danger of being unfaithfully
1 Hesiod, Theog. 886.
10
146 ESSAYS.
counselled, and more for the good of them that
counsel than of him that is counselled ; for which
inconveniences, the doctrine of Italy, and practice of
France, in some kings' times, hath introduced cabinet
councils ; a remedy worse than the disease.^
As to secrecy, princes are not bound to commu-
nicate all matters with all counsellors, but may
extract and select; neither is it necessary that he
that consulteth what he should do, should declare
what he will do ; but let princes beware that the
unsecreting of their affairs comes not from them-
selves ; and, as for cabinet councils, it may be their
motto, " Plenus rimarum sum : " ^ one futile person,
that maketh it his glory to tell, will do more hurt
than many that know it their duty to conceal. It
is true, there be some affairs which require extreme
secrecy, which will hardly go beyond one or two
persons besides the king. Neither are those coun-
sels unprosperous ; for, besides the secrecy, they
commonly go on constantly in one spirit of direction
without distraction ; but then it must be a prudent
king, such as is able to grind with a hand-mill ; ^
and those inward counsellors had need also to be
wise men, and especially true and trusty to the
king's ends; as it was with King Henry the
1 The political world has not been convinced of the truth of
this doctrine of Lord Bacon ; as cabinet councils are now held
probably by every sovereign in Europe.
2 " I am full of outlets." — Ter. Eun. I. ii. 25.
8 That is, without a comx)licated machinery of government.
OF COUNSEL. 147
Seventh of England, who, in his greatest business,
imparted himself to none, except it were to
Morton^ and Fox.^
For weakening of authority, the fable ^ showeth
the remedy; nay, the majesty of kings is rather
exalted than diminished when they are in the chair
of council ; neither was there ever prince bereaved
of his dependencies by his council, except where
there hath been either an over-greatness in one
counsellor, or an over-strict combination in divers,
which are things soon found and holpen.^
For the last inconvenience, that men will counsel
with an eye to themselves ; certainly, *^ non inveniet
fidem super terram," ^ is meant of the nature of
times,^ and not of all particular persons. There be
1 Master of the Rolls and Privy Councillor under Henry VI.,
to whose cause he faithfully adhered. Edward IV. promoted
him to the See of Ely, and made him Lord Chancellor, He was
elevated to the See of Canterbury by Henry VII., and in 1493
received the Cardinal's hat.
2 Privy Councillor and Keeper of the Privy Seal to Henry VII.,
and, after enjoying several bishoprics in succession, translated
to the See of Winchester. He was an able statesman, and highly
valued by Henry VII. On the accession of Henry VIII. his
political influence was counteracted by Wolsey ; on which he
retired to his diocese, and devoted the rest of his life to acts of
piety and munificence.
3 Before mentioned, relative to Jupiter and Metis.
^ Remedied.
^ "He shall not find faith upon the earth." Lord Bacon
probably alludes to the words of our Saviour, St. Luke xviii. 8 :
"When the Son of man cometh, shall he find faith upon the
earth ? "
^ He means to say, that this remark was only applicable to a
148 ESSAYS.
that are in nature faithful and sincere, and plain
and direct, not crafty and involved: let princes,
above all, draw to themselves such natures. Be-
sides, counsellors are not commonly so united, but
that one counsellor keepeth sentinel over another ;
so that if any do counsel out of faction or private
ends, it commonly comes to the king's ear ; but the
best remedy is, if princes know their counsellors, as
well as their counsellors know them : —
" Principis est virtus maxima nosse siios." ^
And on the other side, counsellors should not be too
speculative into their sovereign's person. The true
composition of a counsellor is, rather to be skilful
in their master's business than in his nature ; ^ for
then he is like to advise him, and not to feed his
humor. It is of singular use to princes, if they
take the opinions of their council both separately
and together; for private opinion is more free, but
opinion before others is more reverend. In private,
men are more bold in their own humors; and in
consort, men are more obnoxious^ to others' hu-
mors ; therefore it is good to take both ; and of the
inferior sort rather in private, to preserve freedom ;
of the greater, rather in consort, to preserve re-
spect. It is in vain for princes to take counsel
particular time, namely, the coming of Christ. The period of
the destruction of Jerusalem was probably referred to.
1 " 'T is the especial virtue of a prince to know his own men."
2 In his disposition, or inclination.
3 Liable to opposition from.
OF COUNSEL. 149
concerning matters, if they take no counsel like-
wise concerning persons ; for all matters are as dead
images; and the life of the execution of affairs
resteth in the good choice of persons. Neither
is it enough to consult concerning persons, "secun-
dum genera," ^ as in an idea or mathematical de-
scription, what the kind and character of the person
should be; for the greatest errors are committed,
and the most judgment is shown, in the choice of
individuals. It was truly said, "Optimi consiliarii
mortui : " ^ " books will speak plain when coun-
sellors blanch ; " ^ therefore it is good to be con-
versant in them, specially the books of such as
themselves have been actors upon the stage.
The councils at this day in most places are but
familiar meetings, where matters are rather talked
on than debated ; and they run too swift to the
order or act of council. It were better that in
causes of weight, the matter were propounded one
day and not spoken to till the next day ; " In nocte
consilium ; " * so was it done in the commission of
1 "According to classes," or, as we vulgarly say, "in the
lump." Lord Bacon means that princes are not, as a matter of
course, to take counsellors merely on the presumption of talent,
from their rank and station ; but that, on the contrary, they are
to select such as are tried men, and with regard to whom there
can be no mistake.
2 "The best counsellors are the dead."
2 "Are afraid " to open their mouths.
* "Night-time for counsel." — ii/ vvkt\ ^ovK-fj. Gaisf. Par.
Or. B. 359.
150 ESSAYS.
union ^ between England and Scotland, which was
a grave and orderly assembly. I commend set
days for petitions; for both it gives the suitors
more certainty for their attendance, and it frees
the meetings for matters of estate, that they may
" hoc agere." ^ In choice of committees for ripen-
inof business for the council, it is better to choose
indifferent persons, than to make an indifferency
by putting in those that are strong on both sides.
I commend, also, standing commissions ; as for trade,
for treasure, for war, for suits, for some provinces;
for where there be divers particular councils, and
but one council of estate (as it is in Spain), they
are in effect no more than standing commissions,
save that they have greater authority. Let such
as are to inform councils out of their particular
professions (as lawyers, seamen, mintmen, and the
like) be first heard before committees ; and then,
as occasion serves, before the council ; and let them
not come in multitudes, or in a tribunitious ^ man-
ner ; for that is to clamor councils, not to inform
them. A long table and a square table, or seats
about the walls, seem things of form, but are things
of substance ; for at a long table a few at the upper
end, in effect, sway all the business; but in the
1 On the accession of James the Sixth of Scotland to the
throne of England in 1603.
2 A phrase much in use with the Eomans, signifying, "to
attend to the business in hand."
3 A tribunitial or declamatory manner.
OF DELAYS. 151
otlier form there is more use of the counsellors'
opinions that sit lower. A king, when he presides
in council, let him beware how he opens his own
inclination too much in that which he propoundeth ;
for else counsellors will but take the wind of him,
and, instead of giving free counsel, will sing him a
song of " placebo." ^
XXL — OF DELAYS.
Fortune is like the market, where, many times,
if you can stay a little, the price will fall ; and again,
it is sometimes like Sibylla's ofFer,^ which at first
1 " I '11 follow the bent of your humor."
2 The Sibyl alluded to here is the Curaseau, the most cele-
brated, who offered the Sibylline Books for sale to Tarquin the
Proud.
**At this time, an unknown woman appeared at court, loaded
with nine volumes, which she offered to sell, but at a very con-
siderable price. Tarquin refusing to give it, she withdrew and
burnt three of the nine. Some time after she returned to court,
and demanded the same price for the remaining six. This made
her looked upon as a mad woman, and she was driven away with
scorn. Nevertheless, having burnt the half of what were left, she
came a third time, and demanded for the remaining three the
same price which she had asked for the whole nine. The novelty
of such a proceeding, made Tarquin curious to have the books
examined. They were put, therefore, into the hands of the augurs,
who, finding them to be the oracles of the Sybil of Cumce, declared
them to be an invaluable treasure. Upon this the woman was paid
the sum she demanded, and she soon after disappeared, having first
exhorted the Romans to preserve her books with care." — Hookcs
Roman History.
152 ESSAYS.
ofFereth the commodity at full, then consumeth part
and part, and still holdeth up the price ; for occasion
(as it is in the common verse) "turneth a bald
noddle,^ after she hath presented her locks in front,
and no hold taken ; " or, at least, turneth the handle
of the bottle first to be received, and after the belly,
which is hard to clasp. ^ There is surely no greater
wisdom than well to time the beginnings and onsets
of things. Dangers are no more light, if they once
seem light; and more dangers have deceived men
than forced them ; nay, it were better to meet some
dangers half-way, though they come nothing near,
than to keep too long a watch upon their ap-
proaches ; for if a man watch too long, it is odds
he will fall asleep. On the other side, to be de-
ceived with too long shadows (as some have been
when the moon was low, and shone on their enemies'
back), and so to shoot off before the time ; or to
teach dangers to come on by over early buckling
towards them, is another extreme. The ripeness or
unripeness of the occasion (as we said) must ever be
well weighed ; and generally it is good to commit the
beginnings of all great actions to Argus with his hun-
dred eyes, and the ends to Briareus with his hundred
hands, first to watch and then to speed; for the
helmet of Pluto,^ which maketh the politic man go
invisible, is secrecy in the council, and celerity in
1 Bald head. He alludes to the common saying: "Take time
hy the forelock,"
2 Phaed. viii. 3 Hom. II. v. 845.
OF CUNNING. 153
the execution ; for wlien things are once come to
the execution, there is no secrecy comparable to
celerity ; like the motion of a bullet in the air,
which flieth so swift as it outruns the eye.
XXII. — OF CUNXING.
We take cunning for a sinister, or crooked wis-
dom ; and, certainly, there is great difference between
a cunning man and a wise man, not only in point of
honesty, but in point of ability. There be that can
pack the cards,^ and yet cannot play well ; so there
are some that are good in canvasses and factions,
that are otherwise weak men. Again, it is one
thing to understand persons, and another thing to
understand matters ; for many are perfect in men's
humors that are not greatly capable of the real part
of business, which is the constitution of one that
hath studied men more than books. Such men are
fitter for practice than for counsel, and they are
good but in their own alley. Turn them to new
men, and they have lost their aim ; so as the old
rule, to know a fool from a wise man, "Mitte am-
bos nudos ad ignotos, et videbis," ^ doth scarce hold
1 Packing the cards is an admirable illustration of the author's
meaning. It is a cheating exploit, by which knaves, who, per-
haps, are inferior players, insure to themselves the certainty of
good hands.
2 "Send them both naked among strangers, and then you will
154 ESSAYS.
for them ; and, because these cunning men are like
haberdashers ^ of small wares, it is not amiss to set
forth their shop.
It is a point of cunning to wait upon ^ him with
whom you speak with your eye, as the Jesuits give
it in precept ; for there be many wise men that have
secret hearts and transparent countenances ; yet this
would be done with a demure abasing of your eye
sometimes, as the Jesuits also do use.
Another is, that when you have any thing to obtain
of present dispatch, you entertain and amuse the
party with whom you deal with some other discourse,
that he be not too much awake to make objections.
I knew a counsellor and secretary that never came
to Queen Elizabeth of England, with bills to sign,
but he would always first put her into some discourse
of estate,^ that she might the less mind the bills.
The like surprise may be made by moving things *
when the party is in haste, and cannot stay to con-
sider advisedly of that is moved.
If a man would cross a business that he doubts
some other would handsomely and effectually move,
let him pretend to wish it well, and move it himself,
in such sort as may foil it.
1 This word is used here in its primitive sense of ''retail deal-
ers." It is said to have been derived from a custom of the Flem-
ings, who first settled in this country in the fourteenth century,
stopping the passengers as they passed their shops, and saying to
them, "Haber das, herr?"— "Will you take this, sir?" The
word is now generally used as synonymous with linen-draper.
2 To watch.
3 State. * Discussing matters.
OF CUNNING. 155
The breaking off in the midst of that one was
about to say, as if he took himself up, breeds a
greater appetite in him with whom you confer to
know more.
And because it works better when any thing
seemeth to be gotten from you by question than if
you offer it of yourself, you may lay a bait for a
question, by showing another visage and counte-
nance than you are wont ; to the end, to give occa.
sion for the party to ask what the matter is of the
change, as Nehemiah^ did : " And I had not, before
that time, been sad before the king."
In things that are tender and unpleasing, it is
good to break the ice by some whose words are of
less weight, and to reserve the more weighty voice
to come in as by chance, so that he may be asked
the question upon the other's speech; as Narcissus
did, in relathig to Claudius the marriage ^ of Messa-
lina and Silius.
In things that a man would not be seen in himself,
it is a point of cunning to borrow the name of the
1 He refers to the occasion when Nehemiah, on presenting the
wine, as cup-bearer to King Artaxerxes, appeared sorrowful, and,
on being asked the reason of it, entreated the king to allow Jeru-
salem to be rebuilt. — Nehemiah ii. 1.
2 This can hardly be called a marriage, as, at the time of the
intrigue, Messalina was the wife of Claudius ; but she forced Cains
Silius, of whom she was deeply enamored, to divorce his own wife,
that she herself might enjoy his society. The intrigue was dis-
closed to Claudius by Narcissus, who was his freedman, and the
pander to his infamous vices ; on which Silius was put to death.
Vide Tac. Ann. xi. 29, seq.
156 ESSAYS.
world ; as to say, " The world says," or " There is a
speech abroad."
I knew one, tliat when he wrote a letter, he would
put that which was most material in a postscript, as
if it had been a by-matter.
I knew another, that when he came to have
speech,^ he would pass over that that he intended
most ; and go forth and come back again, and speak
of it as a thing that he had almost forgot.
Some procure themselves to be surprised at such
times as it is like the party that they work upon will
suddenly come upon them, and to be found with a
letter in their hand, or doing somewhat which they
are not accustomed, to the end they may be apposed
of'^ those things which of themselves they are de-
sirous to utter.
It is a point of cunning to let fall those words
in a man's own name, which he would have another
man learn and use, and thereupon take advantage.
I knew two that were competitors for the secretary's
place in Queen Elizabeth's time, and yet kept good
quarter ^ between themselves, and would confer one
with another upon the business ; and the one of
them said, that to be a secretary in the declination
of a monarchy was a ticklish thing, and that he did
not affect it ; * the other straight caught up those
words, and discoursed with divers of his friends, that
he had no reason to desire to be secretary in the
1 To speak in his turn. 2 gg questioned upon.
^ Kept on good terms. * Desire it.
OF CUNNING. 157
declination of a monarchy. The first man took hold
of it, and found means it was told the queen, who,
hearing of a declination of a monarchy, took it so ill,
as she would never after hear of the other's suit.
There is a cunning, which we in England call
" the turning of the cat in the pan ; " which is,
when that which a man says to another, he lays it
as if another had said it to him ; and, to say truth,
it is not easy, when such a matter passed between
two, to make it appear from which of them it first
moved and began.
It is a way that some men have, to glance and
dart at others by justifying themselves by nega-
tives ; as to say, " This I do not ; " as Tigellinus
did towards Burrhus : " Se non diversas spes, sed
incolumitatem imperatoris simpliciter spectare." ^
Some have in readiness so many tales and stories,
as there is nothing they would insinuate, but they
can wrap it into a tale ; ^ which serveth both to
keep themselves more in guard, and to make others
carry it with more pleasure.
It is a good point of cunning for a man to shape
the answer he would have in his own words and
propositions; for it makes the other party stick the
less.
1 **That he did not have various hopes in view, hut solely the
safety of the emperor." Tigellinus was the profligate minister
of Nero, and Africanus Burrhus was the chief of the Praetorian
Guards. — Tac. Ann. xiv. 57.
2 As Nathan did, when he reproved David for his criminality
with Bathsheba. — 2 Samuel xii.
158 ESSAYS.
It is strange how long some men will lie in wait
to speak somewhat they desire to say ; and how far
about they will fetch/ and how many other matters
they will beat over to come near it. It is a thing
of great patience, but yet of much use.
A sudden, bold, and unexpected question doth
many times surprise a man, and lay him open. Like
to him, that, having changed his name, and walking
in Paul's,^ another suddenly came behind him and
called him by his true name, whereat straightways
he looked back.
But these small wares and petty points of cun-
ning are infinite, and it were a good deed to make
a list of them ; for that nothing doth more hurt in a
state than that cunning men pass for wise.
But certainly, some there are that know the re-
sorts^ and falls ^ of business that cannot sink into
the main of it ; ^ like a house that hath convenient
stairs and entries, but never a fair room. There-
fore you shall see them find out pretty looses^ in
the conclusion, but are noways able to examine or
debate matters j and yet commonly they take ad-
vantage of their inability, and would be thought
wits of direction. Some build rather upon the
1 Use indirect stratagems.
2 He alludes to the old Cathedral of St. Paul, in London, Avhich,
in the sixteenth centur}*, was a common lounge for idlers.
^ Movements, or sj)rings.
* Chances, or vicissitudes.
fi Enter deeply into.
^ Faults, or weak points.
OF WISDOM FOR A MAN'S SELF. 159
abusing of others, and (as we now say) putting
tricks upon them, than upon soundness of their own
proceedings ; but Solomon saith : " Prudens advertit
ad gressus suos ; stultus divertit ad dolos." ^
XXIIL— OF WISDOM FOR A MAN'S SELF.
An ant is a wise creature for itself, but it is a
shrewd '^ thing in an orchard or garden ; and cer-
tainly, men that are great lovers of themselves waste
the public. Divide with reason between self-love
and society ; and be so true to thyself as thou be
not false to others, specially to thy king and coun-
try. It is a poor centre of a man's actions, himself.
It is right earth ; for that only stands fast upon his
own centre ; ^ whereas all things that have affinity
with the heavens, move upon the centre of another,
which they benefit. The referring of all to a man's
self is more tolerable in a sovereign prince, because
themselves are not only themselves, but their good
and evil is at the peril of the public fortune ; but
it is a desperate evil in a servant to a prince, or
1 " The wise man gives heed to his own footsteps ; the fool tum-
eth aside to tlie snare." No doubt he here alludes to Ecclesiastes
xiv. 2, whicli passage is thus rendered in our version : "The wise
man's eyes are in his head ; but the fool walketh in darkness."
'^ Mischievous.
^ It must be remembered that Bacon was not a fororer of the
Copernican system.
160 ESSAYS.
a citizen in a republic ; for whatsoever affairs pass
such a man's hands, he crooketh them to his own
ends, w^hich must needs be often eccentric to the
ends of his master or state. Therefore, let princes
or states choose such servants as have not this mark ;
except they mean their service should be made but
the accessary. That which maketh the effect more
pernicious is, that all proportion is lost. It were
disproportion enough for the servant's good to be
preferred before the master's; but yet it is a greater
extreme, when a little good of the servant shall carry
things against a great good of the master. And
yet that is the case of bad officers, treasurers, am-
bassadors, generals, and other false and corrupt
servants ; which set a bias upon their bowl, of their
own petty ends and envies, to the overthrow of
their master's great and important affairs ; and, for
the most part, the good such servants receive is
after the model of their own fortune ; but the hurt
they sell for that good is after the model of their
master's fortune. And certainly, it is the nature of
extreme self-lovers, as they will set a house on fire,
an it were but to roast their eggs ; and yet these
men many times hold credit with their masters,
because their study is but to please them, and profit
themselves ; and for either respect they will abandon
the good of their affairs.
Wisdom for a man's self is, in many branches
thereof, a depraved thing. It is the "svisdom of rats,
that will be sure to leave a house somewhat before
OF INNOVATIONS. 161
it fall ; it is the wisdom of the fox, that thrusts out
the badger who digged and made room for him ; it
is the wisdom of crocodiles, that shed tears when
they would devour. But that which is specially to
be noted is, that those which (as Cicero says of
Pompey) are "sui amantes, sine rivali,"^ are many
times unfortunate ; and whereas they have all their
times sacrificed to themselves, they become in the
end themselves sacrifices to the inconstancy of for-
tune, whose wings they thought by their self-wisdom
to have pinioned.
XXIV. — OF INXOVATIONS.
As the births of living creatures at first are ill-
shapen, so are all innovations, which are the births
of time ; yet, notwithstanding, as those that first
bring honor into their family are commonly more
worthy than most that succeed, so the first prece-
dent (if it be good) is seldom attained by imitation ;
for ill to man's nature as it stands perverted, hath
a natural motion strongest in continuance, but good,
as a forced motion, strongest at first. Surely, every
medicine 2 is an innovation, and he that will not
apply new remedies must expect new evils, for time
is the greatest innovator; and if time, of course,
1 "Lovers of themselves without a rival." — Ad. Qu. Fr. iii. 8.
^ Remedy.
162 ESSAYS.
alter things to the worse, and wisdom and counsel
shall not alter them to the better, what shall be
the end ? It is true, that what is settled by custom,
though it be not good, yet, at least, it is fit; and
those things which have long gone together, are,
as it were, confederate within themselves ; ^ whereas
new things piece not so well ; but, though they help
by their utility, yet they trouble by their in confor-
mity ; besides, they are like strangers, more admired
and less favored. All this is true, if time stood still,
which, contrariwise, moveth so round, that a froward
retention of custom is as turbulent a thing as an
innovation ; and they that reverence too much old
times are but a scorn to the new. It were good,
therefore, that men in their innovations would follow
the example of time itself, which indeed innovateth
greatly, but quietly, and by degrees scarce to be
perceived; for, otherwise, whatsoever is new is un-
looked for, and ever it mends some and pairs ^ other ;
and he that is holpen, takes it for a fortune, and
thanks the time ; and he that is hurt, for a wrong,
and imputeth it to the author. It is good, also, not
to try experiments in states, except the necessity
be urgent, or the utility evident ; and well to beware
that it be the reformation that draweth on the
change, and not the desire of change that pretendeth
the reformation ; and lastly, that the novelty, though
it be not rejected, yet be held for a suspect,^ and, as
1 Adapted to each other. 2 Injures or impairs.
3 A thing suspected.
OF DISPATCH. 163
the Scripture saith, "That we make a stand upon
the ancient way, and then look about us, and dis-
cover what is the straight and right way, and so
to walk in it.^
XXV. — OF DISPATCH.
Affected dispatch is one of the most dangerous
things to business that can be ; it is like that which
the physicians call predigestion, or hasty digestion,
which is sure to fill the body full of crudities, and
secret seeds of diseases. Therefore, measure not
dispatch by the times of sitting, but by the advance-
ment of the business ; and as in races, it is not the
large stride, or high lift, that makes the speed, so
in business, the keeping close to the matter, and not
taking of it too much at once, procureth dispatch.
It is the care of some, only to come off speedily for
the time, or to contrive some false periods of busi-
ness, because they may seem men of dispatch ; but
it is one thing to abbreviate by contracting,^ another
by cutting off; and business so handled at several
sittings, or meetings, goeth commonly backward and
forward in an unsteady manner. I knew a wise
1 He probably alludes to Jeremiah vi. 16: "Thus saith the
Lord, Stand ye in the ways, and see, and ask for the old paths,
where is the good way, and walk therein, and ye shall find rest
for your souls."
2 That is, by means of good management.
164 ESSAYS.
man ^ that had it for a byword, when he saw men
hasten to a conclusion, " Sta}^ a little, that we may
make an end the sooner."
On the other side, true dispatch is a rich thing ;
for time is the measure of business, as money is of
wares ; and business is bought at a dear hand where
there is small dispatch. The Spartans and Span-
iards have been noted to be of small dispatch : '' ]Mi
venga la muerte de Spagna ; " " Let my death come
from Spain ; " for then it will be sure to be long
in coming.
Give good hearing to those that give the first
information in business, and rather direct them in
the beginning, than interrupt them in the continu-
ance of their speeches ; for he that is put out of
his own order w^ill go forward and backward, and
be more tedious while he waits upon his memory,
than he could have been if he had gone on in
his own course ; but sometimes it is seen that the
moderator is more troublesome than the actor.
Iterations are commonly loss of time ; but there
is no such gain of time as to iterate often the state
of the question ; for it chaseth away many a frivo-
lous speech as it is coming forth. Long and cu-
rious speeches are as fit for dispatch as a robe, or
mantle, with a long train, is for a race. Prefaces,
and passages,^ and excusations,^ and other speeches
1 It is supposed that he here alludes to Sir Amyas Paulet, a very-
able statesman, and the ambassador of Queen Elizabeth to the
court of France.
2 Quotations. ^ Apologies.
OF DISPATCH. 165
of reference to the person, are great wastes of time ;
and tliough they seem to proceed of modesty, they
are bravery.^ Yet beware of being too material
when there is any impediment, or obstruction in
men's wills ; for preoccupation of mind ^ ever re-
quiretli preface of speech, like a fomentation to make
the unguent enter.
Above all things, order and distribution, and sin-
gling out of parts, is the life of dispatch, so as the
distribution be not too subtile ; for he that doth not
divide will never enter well into business ; and he
that divideth too much will never come out of it
clearly. To choose time is to save time; and an
unseasonable motion is but beating the air. There
be three parts of business, — the preparation ; the
debate, or examination ; and the perfection. Where-
of, if you look for dispatch, let the middle only be
the work of many, and the first and last the work
of few. The proceeding, upon somewhat conceived
in writing, doth for the most part facilitate dispatch ;
for though it should be wholly rejected, yet that
negative is more pregnant of direction than an in-
definite, as ashes are more generative than dust.
1 Boasting. 2 Prejudice.
166 ESSAYS.
XXVI. — OF SEEMING WISE.
It hath been an opinion, that the French are
wiser than they seem, and the Spaniards seem wiser
than they are ; but howsoever it be between na-
tions, certainly it is so between man and man ; for,
as the apostle saith of godliness, " Having a show
of godliness, but denying the power thereof, " ^ so
certainly there are, in points of wisdom and suffi-
ciency, that do nothing, or little very solemnly, —
" magno conatu nugas." ^ It is a ridiculous thing,
and fit for a satire to persons of judgment, to see
what shifts these formalists have, and what pro-
spectives to make superficies to seem body, that hath
depth and bulk. Some are so close and reserved,
as they will not show their wares but by a dark
light, and seem always to keep back somewhat ;
and when they know within themselves they speak
of that they do not well know, would nevertheless
seem to others to know of that which they may
not well speak. Some help themselves with coun-
tenance and gesture, and are wise by signs ; as
Cicero saith of Piso, that when he answered him, he
fetched one of his brows up to his forehead, and
bent the other down to his chin : " Respondes, altero
ad frontem sublato, altero ad mentum depresso
1 2 Tim. iii. 5.
2 "Trifles ^ith great effort."
OF SEEMING WISE. 167
supercilio ; criiclelitatem tibi iion placere." ^ Some
think to bear it by speaking a great word, and being
peremptory ; and go on, and take by admittance that
which they cannot make good. Some, whatsoever
is beyond their reach, will seem to despise or make
light of it as impertinent or curious, and so would
have their ignorance seem judgment. Some are
never Avithout a difference, and commonly by amus-
ing men with a subtilty, blanch the matter ; of whom
A. Gellius saith, "Hominem delirum, qui verborum
minutiis rerum frangit pondera."^ Of which kind
also Plato, in his Protagoras, bringeth in Prodicus
in scorn, and maketh him make a speech that con-
sisteth of distinctions from the beginning to the end.^
Generally such men, in all deliberations, find ease
to be^ of the negative side, and affect a credit to
object and foretell difficulties ; for when propositions
are denied, there is an end of them, but if they be
allowed, it requireth a new work ; which false point
of wisdom is the bane of business. To conclude,
there is no decaying merchant, or inward beggar,^
1 "With one brow raised to your forehead, the other bent
downward to your chin, you answer that cruelty delights you
not." — In Pis. 6.
2 "A foolish man, who fritters away the weight of matters by
finespun trifling on words." — Vide Quint, x. 1.
3 Plat. Protag. i. 337.
* Find it easier to make difficulties and objections than to
originate.
5 One really in insolvent circumstances, though to the world
he does not appear so.
168 ESSAYS.
hath so many tricks to uphold the credit of their
wealth, as these empty persons have to maintain
the credit of their sufficiency. Seeming wise men
may make shift to get opinion, but let no man
choose them for employment ; for certainly, you
were better take for business a man somewhat
absurd than over-formal.
XXYIL — OF FRIENDSHIP.
It had been hard for him that spake it, to have
put more truth and untruth together in few words
than in that speech : " Whosoever is delighted in
solitude, is either a wild beast or a god : " ^ for it is
most true, that a natural and secret hatred and
aversion towards society in any man hath somewhat
of the savage beast ; but it is most untrue, that it
should have any character at all of the divine nature,
except it proceed, not out of a pleasure in solitude,
but out of a love and desire to sequester a man's self
for a higher conversation ; such as is found to have
been falsely and feignedly in some of the heathen ;
as Epimenides,^ the Candian ; Numa, the Roman ;
1 He here quotes from a passage in the Politica of Aristotle,
book i. **He who is unable to mingle in society, or who requires
nothing, by reason of sufficing for himself, is no part of the state,
so that he is either a wild beast or a divinity."
2 Epimenides, a poet of Crete (of which Candia is the modern
name), is said by Pliny to have fallen into a sleep which lasted
OF FRIENDSHIP. 169
Empedocles, the Sicilian ; and Apollonius, of Tyana ;
and truly and really in divers of the ancient hermits
and holy fathers of the church. But little do men
perceive what solitude is, and how far it extendeth ;
for a crowd is not company, and faces are but a
gallery of pictures, and talk but a tinkling cymbal,
where there is no love. The Latin adage meeteth
with it a little : '' Magna civitas, magna solitudo : " ^
because in a great town friends are scattered, so that
there is not that fellowship, for the most part, which
is in less neighborhoods : but we may go further,
and affirm most truly, that it is a mere and miserable
solitude to want true friends, without which the
world is but a wilderness; and even in this sense
also of solitude, whosoever in the frame of his nature
and affections is unfit for friendship, he taketh it of
the beasts, and not from humanity.
A principal fruit of friendship is the ease and dis-
charge of the fulness and swellings of the heart,
57 years. He was also said to have lived 299 years. Numa
pretended that he was instructed in the art of legislation by the
divine nymph Egeria, who dwelt in the Arician grove. Emped-
oeles, the Sicilian philosopher, declared himself to be immortal,
and to be able to cure all evils. He is said by some to have
retired from society that his death might not be known, and to
have thrown himself into the crater of INIount ^tna. Apollonius
of Tyana, the Pythagorean philosopher, pretended to miraculous
powers, and after his death a temple was erected to him at that
place. His life is recorded by Philostratus; and some persons,
among whom are Hierocles, Dr. More, in his Mystery of Godliness,
and recently Strauss, have not hesitated to compare his miracles
with those of our Saviour.
1 " A great city, a great desert."
170 ESSAYS.
which passions of all kinds do cause and induce.
We know diseases of stoppings and suffocations are
the most dangerous in the body, and it is not much
otherwise in the mind. You may take sarza ^ to
open the liver, steel to open the spleen, flower of
sulphur for the lungs, castoreum ^ for the brain, but
no receipt openeth the heart but a true friend, to
whom you may impart griefs, joys, fears, hopes,
suspicions, counsels, and whatsoever lieth upon the
heart to oppress it, in a kind of civil shrift or
confession.
It is a strange thing to observe how high a rate
great kings and monarchs do set upon this fruit of
friendship whereof we speak ; so great, as they pur-
chase it many times at the hazard of their own safety
and greatness ; for princes, in regard of the distance
of their fortune from that of their subjects and ser-
vants, cannot gather this fruit, except (to make them-
selves capable thereof) they raise some persons to be
as it were companions, and almost equals to them-
selves, which many times sorteth to inconvenience.
The modern languages give unto such persons the
name of favorites, or privadoes, as if it were matter
of grace or conversation ; but the Roman name at-
taineth the true use and cause thereof, naming them
" participes curarum ; " ^ for it is that which tietli
the knot. And we see plainly that this hath been
1 Sarsaparilla.
2 A liquid matter of a pungent smell, extracted from a portion of
the body of the beaver.
^ " Partakers of cares."
OF FRIENDSHIP. 171
done, not by weak and passionate princes only, but
by the wisest and most politic that ever reigned, who
have oftentimes joined to themselves some of their
servants, whom both themselves have called friends,
and allowed others likewise to call them in the same
manner, using the word which is received between
private men.
L. Sylla, when he commanded Rome, raised Pom-
pey (after surnamed the Great) to that height, that
Pompey vaunted himself for Sylla's overmatch ; for
when he had carried the consulship for a friend of
his, against the pursuit of Sylla, and that Sylla did a
little resent thereat, and began to speak great, Pom-
pey turned upon him again, and, in effect, bade him
be quiet ; for that more men adored the sun rising
than the sun setting.^ With Julius Caesar, Decimus
Brutus had obtained that interest, as he set him
down in his testament for heir in remainder after his
nephew ; and this was the man that had power with
him to draw him forth to his death ; for when Csesar
would have discharged the senate, in regard of some
ill presages, and specially a dream of Cali)hurnia, this
man lifted him gently by the arm out of his chair,
telling him he hoped he would not dismiss the senate
till his wife had dreamt a better dream ; ^ and it
seemeth his favor was so great, as Antonius, in a
letter which is recited verbatim in one of Cicero's
1 Plutarch {Fit. Pomp. 19) relates that Pompey said this upon
Sylla's refusal to give him a triumph.
2 Plut. Vit. J. Cses. 64.
172 ESSAYS.
Philippics, calleth him venefica, "witch," as if he
had enchanted Caesar.^ Augustus raised Agrippa
(thougli of mean birth) to that height, as, when he
consulted with Mgecenas about the marriage of his
daughter Julia, Maecenas took the liberty to tell him,
that he must either marry his daughter to Agrippa,
or take away his life ; there was no third way, he
had made him so great. With Tiberius Csesar, Se-
janus had ascended to that height, as they two were
termed and reckoned as a pair of friends. Tiberius,
in a letter to him, saith, " Hsec pro amicitia nostra
non occultavi ; " ^ and the whole senate dedicated an
altar to Friendship, as to a goddess, in respect of
the great dearness of friendship between them two.
The like, or more, was between Septimius Severus
and Plautianus ; for he forced his eldest son to
marry the daughter of Plautianus, and would often
maintain Plautianus in doing affronts to his son ;
and did write, also, in a letter to the senate, by these
words : " I love the man so well, as I wish he may
over-live me." ^ Now, if these princes had been as a
Trajan, or a INIarcus Aurelius, a man might have
thought that this had proceeded of an abundant
goodness of nature ; but being men so wise,^ of such
strength and severity of mind, and so extreme lovers
1 Cic. Philip, xiii. 11.
2 " These things, hy reason of our friendship, I have not con-
cealed /ro?n you.'' — Vide Tac. Ann. iv. 40.
3 Dio Cass. Ixxv.
* Such infamous men as Tiberius and Sejanus hardly deserve this
commendation.
OF FRIENDSHIP. 173
of themselves, as all these were, it proveth most
plainly that they found their own felicity (though as
great as ever happened to mortal men) but as an
half-piece, except they might have a friend to make
it entire ; and yet, which is more, they were princes
that had wives, sons, nephews ; and yet all these
could not supply the comfort of friendship.
It is not to be forgotten what Comineus ^ observ-
eth of his first master, Duke Charles the Hardy ,2
namely, that he would communicate his secrets with
none, and, least of all, those secrets which troubled
him most. Whereupon he goeth on, and saith, that
towards his latter time, that closeness did impair
and a little perish his understanding. Surely, Comi-
neus might have made the same judgment, also, if
it had pleased him, of his second master, Louis the
Eleventh, whose closeness was indeed his tormentor.
The parable of Pythagoras is dark, but true : " Cor
ne edito,' " eat not the heart." ^ Certainly, if a
1 Philip de Comines.
2 Charles the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, the valiant antagonist
of Louis XI. of France. De Comines spent his early years at
his court, but afterwards passed into the service of Louis XL
This monarch was notorious for his cruelty, treachery, and dis-
simulation, and had all the bad qualities of his contemporary, Ed-
ward IV. of England, without any of his redeeming virtues.
3 Pythagoras went still further than this, as he forbade his
disciples to eat flesh of any kind whatever. See the interesting
speech which Ovid attributes to him in the fifteenth book of the
Metamorphoses. Sir Thomas Browne, in his Pseudoxia [Browne s
Works, Bohn's Antiq, ed. vol. i. p. 27, et scq.), gives some curious
explanations of the doctrines of this philosojiher. — Flut. de Educat.
Puer. 17.
174 ESSAYS.
man would give it a hard phrase, those that want
friends to open themselves unto are cannibals of
their own hearts ; but one thing is most admirable
(wherewith I will conclude this first fruit of friend-
ship), which is, that this communicating of a man's
self to his friend works two contrary effects, for it
redoubleth joys, and cutteth griefs in halves ; for
there is no man that imparteth his joys to his friend,
but he joyeth the more ; and no man that imparteth
his griefs to his friend, but he grieveth the less.
So that it is, in truth, of operation upon a man's
mind of like virtue as the alchemists used to attrib-
ute to their stone for man's body, that it worketh all
contrary effects, but still to the good and benefit of
nature. But yet, without praying in aid of al-
chemists, there is a manifest image of this in the
ordinary course of nature ; for, in bodies, union
strengtheneth and cherisheth any natural action ;
and, on the other side, wep^keneth and dulieth any
violent impression ; and even so it is of minds.
The second fruit of friendship is healthful and sov-
ereign for the understanding, as the first is for the
affections; for friendship maketh indeed a fair day
in the affections from storm and tempests, but it
maketh daylight in the understanding, out of dark-
ness and confusion of thoughts. Neither is this to
be understood only of faithful counsel, which a man
receiveth from his friend ; but before you come
to that, certain it is, that whosoever hath his
mind fraught with many thoughts, his wits and
OF FRIENDSHIP. I75
understanding do clarify and break up in the commu-
nicating and discoursing with another ; he tosscth
his thoughts more easily ; he marshalleth them more
orderly ; he seeth how they look when they are
turned into words ; finally, he waxeth wiser than
himself ; and that more by an hour's discourse than
by a day's meditation. It was well said by The-
mistocles to the king of Persia : " That speech was
like cloth of Arras/ opened and put abroad, whereby
the imagery doth appear in figure ; whereas in
thoughts they lie but as in packs." ^ Neither is this
second fruit of friendship, in opening the under-
standing, restrained only to such friends as are able
to give a man counsel (they indeed are best), but
even without that a man learneth of himself, and
bringeth his own thoughts to light, and whetteth his
wits as against a stone, which itself cuts not. In a
word, a man were better relate himself to a statue
or picture, than to suffer his thoughts to pass in
smother.
Add now, to make this second fruit of friendship
complete, that other point which lieth more open,
and falleth within vulgar observation ; which is
faithful counsel from a friend. Heraclitus saith
well, in one of his enigmas, " Dry light is ever the
best ; " 2 and certain it is, that the light that a man
1 Tapestry. Speaking hypercritically, Lord Bacon commits an
anachronism here, as Arras did not manufacture tapestry till the
middle ages.
2 Plut. Vit. Themist. 28.
6 Ap. Stob. Serm. v. 120.
176 ESSAYS.
receiveth by counsel from another, is drier and
purer than that which cometh from his own under-
standing and judgment, which is ever infused and
drenched in his affections and customs. So, as there
is as much difference between the counsel that a
friend giveth, and that a man giveth himself, as there
is between the counsel of a friend and of a flatterer ;
for there is no such flatterer as is a man's self, and
there is no such remedy against flattery of a man's
self, as the liberty of a friend. Counsel is of two
sorts, — the one concerning manners, the other con-
cerning business ; for the first, the best preservative
to keep the mind in health, is the faithful admonition
of a friend. The calling of a man's self to a strict
account is a medicine sometimes too piercing and
corrosive ; reading good books of morality is a little
flat and dead ; observing our faults in others is
sometimes improper for our case ; but the best re-
ceipt (best, I. say, to work, and best to take), is the
admonition of a friend. It is a strange thing to
behold what gross errors and extreme absurdities
many (especially of the greater sort) do commit
for want of a friend to tell them of them, to the
great damage both of their fame and fortune ; for,
as St. James saith, they are as men "that look
sometimes into a glass, and presently forget their
own shape and favor." ^ As for business, a man
may think, if he will, that two eyes see no more
than one; or, that a gamester seeth always more
1 James i. 23.
OF FRIENDSHIP. I77
than a looker-on ; or, that a man in anger is as wise
as he that has said over the four and twenty let-
ters ; ^ or, that a musket may be shot off as w^ell
upon the arm as uj^on a rest ; ^ and such other fond
and high imaginations, to think himself all in all ;
but when all is done, the help of good counsel is
that which setteth business straight. And if any
man think that he will take counsel, but it shall be
by pieces, asking counsel in one business of one
man, and in another business of another man ; it is
well (that is to say, better, perhaps, than if he
asked none at all) ; but he runneth two dangers, —
one, that he shall not be faithfully counselled ; for
it is a rare thing, except it be from a perfect and
entire friend, to have counsel given, but such as
shall be bowed and crooked to some ends which he
hath that giveth it ; the other, that he shall have
counsel given, hurtful and unsafe (though with good
meaning), and mixed partly of mischief, and partly
of remedy ; even as if you would call a physician,
that is thought good for the cure of the disease you
complain of, but is unacquainted with your body ;
and, therefore, may put you in a way for a present
cure, but overthroweth your health in some other
kind, and so cure the disease and kill the patient.
1 He alludes to the recommendation which moralists have often
given, that a i3erson in anger should go through the alphabet to
himself, before he allows himself to speak.
2 In his day, the musket was fixed upon a stand, called the
"rest," much as the gingals or matchlocks are used in the East at
the present da3^
12
178 ESSAYS.
But a friend, that is wholly acquainted with a
man's estate, will beware, by furthering any present
business, how he dasheth upon other inconvenience ;
and, therefore, rest not upon scattered counsels ;
they will rather distract and mislead, than settle
and direct.
After these two noble fruits of friendship (peace
in the affections, and support of the judgment),
followeth the last fruit, which is like the pomegran-
ate, full of many kernels ; I mean aid, and bearing
a part in all actions and occasions. Here the best
way to represent to life the manifold use of friend-
ship, is to cast and see how many things there are
which a man cannot do himself; and then it will
appear that it was a sparing speech of the ancients
to say, " that a friend is another himself," for that
a friend is far more than himself. Men have their
time, and die many times in desire of some things
which they principally take to heart ; the bestowing
of a child, the finishing of a work, or the like. If
a man have a true friend, he may rest almost secure
that the care of those things will continue after him ;
so that a man hath, as it were, two lives in his de-
sires. A man hath a body, and that body is con-
fined to a place ; but where friendship is, all offices
of life are, as it were, granted to him and his deputy,
for he may exercise them by his friend. Ho^v
many things are there, which a man cannot, with
any face or comeliness, say or do himself? A man
can scarce allege his own merits with modesty.
OF EXPENSE. 179
much less extol them; a man cannot sometimes
brook to supplicate, or beg, and a number of the
like ; but all those things are graceful in a friend's
mouth, which are blushing in a man's own. So,
again, a man's person hath many proper relations
which he cannot put off. A man cannot speak to his
son but as a father ; to his wife but as a husband ;
to his enemy but upon terms; whereas, a friend
may speak as the case requires, and not as it sorteth
with the person. But to enumerate these things
were endless; I have given the rule, where a man
cannot fitly play his own part. If he have not a
friend, he may quit the stage.
xxviiL— OF expe:n^se.
Riches are for spending, and spending for honor
and good actions ; therefore, extraordinary expense
must be limited by the worth of the occasion ; for
voluntary undoing may be as well for a man's coun-
try as for the kingdom of heaven; but ordinary
expense ought to be limited by a man's estate, and
governed with such regard, as it be within his com-
pass, and not subject to deceit and abuse of servants,
and ordered to the best show, that the bills may be
less than the estimation abroad. Certainly, if a
man will keep but of even hand, his ordinary
180 ESSAYS.
expenses ought to be but to the half of his receipts ;
and, if he think to wax rich, but to the third part.
It is no baseness for the greatest to descend and
look into their own estate. Some forbear it, not
upon negligence alone, but doubting to bring them-
selves into melancholy, in respect they shall find it
broken ; but wounds cannot be cured without search-
ing. He that cannot look into his own estate at
all, had need both choose well those whom he em-
ployeth, and change them often ; for new are more
timorous, and less subtle. He that can look into
his estate but seldom, it behooveth him to turn all
to certainties. A man had need, if he be plentiful
in some kind of expense, to be as saving again in
some other: as, if he be plentiful in diet, to be
saving in apparel ; if he be plentiful in the hall, to
be saving in the stable ; and the like. For he that
is plentiful in expenses of all kinds, will hardly
be preserved from decay. In clearing^ of a man's
estate, he may as well hurt himself in being too
sudden, as in letting it run on too long; for hasty
selling is commonly as disadvantageable as interest.
Besides, he that clears at once will relapse ; for,
finding himself out of straits, he will revert to his
customs ; but he that cleareth by degrees induceth
a habit of frugality, and gaineth as well upon his
mind as upon his estate. Certainly, who hath a
state to repair, may not despise small things ; and,
commonly, it is less dishonorable to abridge petty
1 From debts and incumbrances.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 181
charges, than to stoop to petty gettings. A man
ought warily to begin charges, which once begun
will continue; but in matters that return not, he
may be more magnificent.
XXIX. — OF THE TRUE GREATNESS OF KING-
DOMS AND ESTATES.
The speech of Themistocles, the Athenian, which
was haughty and arrogant, in taking so much to
himself, had been a grave and wise observation and
censure, applied at large to others. Desired at a
feast to touch a lute, he said, '' He could not fiddle,
but yet he could make a small town a great city." ^
These words (holpen a little with a metaphor) may
express two different abilities in those that deal in
business of estate; for if a true survey be taken
of counsellors and statesmen, there may be found
(though rarely) those which can make a small state
great, and yet cannot fiddle: as, on the other side
there will be found a great many that can fiddle
very cunningly, but yet are so far from being able
to make a small state great, as their gift lieth the
other way, — to bring a great and flourishing estate
to ruin and decay. And certainly, those degenerate
arts and shifts, whereby many counsellors and gov-
ernors gain both favor with their masters and
1 Plut. Vit. Themist. ad init.
182 ESSAYS.
estimation with the vulgar, deserve no better name
than fiddling; being things rather pleasing for the
time, and graceful to themselves only, than tending
to the weal and advancement of the state which
they serve. There are also (no doubt) counsellors
and governors which may be held sufficient, " nego-
tiis pares," ^ able to manage affairs, and to keep
them from precipices and manifest inconveniences;
which, nevertheless, are far from the ability to raise
and amplify an estate in power, means, and fortune.
But be the workmen what they may be, let us speak
of the work ; that is, the true greatness of kingdoms
and estates, and the means thereof. An argument
fit for great and mighty princes to have in their
hand ; to the end, that neither by overmeasuring
their forces, they lose themselves in vain enterprises :
nor, on the other side, by undervaluing them, they
descend to fearful and pusillanimous counsels.
The greatness of an estate, in bulk and territory,
doth fall under measure ; and the greatness of
finances and revenue doth fall under computation.
The population may appear by musters, and the
number and greatness of cities and towns by cards
and maps ; but yet there is not anything amongst
civil affairs more subject to error than the right,
valuation and true judgment concerning the power
and forces of an estate. The kingdom of heaven
is compared, not to any great kernel, or nut, but to
1 «
Equal to business.*
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 183
a grain of mustard-seed ; ^ which is one of the least
grains, but hath in it a property and spirit hastily
to get up and spread. So are there states great in
territory, and yet not apt to enlarge or command;
and some that have but a small dimension of stem,
and yet apt to be the foundations of great mon-
archies.
Walled towns, stored arsenals and armories, goodly
races of horse, chariots of war, elephants, ordnance,
artillery, and the like ; all this is but a sheep in a
lion's skin, except the breed and disposition of the
people be stout and warlike. Nay, number itself
in armies importeth not much, where the people is
of weak courage ; for, as Virgil saith, " It never
troubles a wolf how many the sheep be."^ The
army of the Persians in the plains of Arbela was
such a vast sea of people, as it did somewhat as-
tonish the commanders in Alexander's army, who
came to him, therefore, and wished him to set upon
them by night ; but he answered, ^' He would not
pilfer the victory;" and the defeat was easy.^ —
When Tigranes,* the Armenian, being encamped
1 He alludes to the following passage, St. Matthew xiii. 31 :
*' Another parable put he forth unto them, saying. The kingdom
of heaven is like to a grain of mustard-seed, which a man took and
sowed in his field ; wliich indeed is the least of all seeds ; but when
it is grown, it is the greatest among herbs, and becometh a tree,
so that the birds of the air come and lodge in the branches thereof."
2 Virg. Eel. vii. 51. ^ vide. A. L. i. vii. 11.
4 He was vanquished by Lucullus, and finally submitted to
Pompey. — Plut. Vit. LuculL 27.
184 ESSAYS.
upon a hill with four hundred thousand men, dis-
covered the army of the Romans, being not above
fourteen thousand, marching towards him, he made
himself merry with it, and said, " Yonder men are
too many for an ambassage, and too few for a fight ; "
but before the sun set, he found them enow to give
him the chase with infinite slaughter. Many are
the examples of the great odds between number and
courage; so that a man may truly make a judgment,
that the principal point of greatness in any state is
to have a race of military men. Neither is money
the sinews of war (as it is trivially said), where the
sinews of men's arms, in base and effeminate people,
are failing: for Solon said well to Croesus (when
in ostentation he showed him his gold), " Sir, if any
other come that hath better iron than you, he will
be master of all this gold." Therefore, let any prince
or state, think soberly of his forces, except his mil-
itia of natives be of good and valiant soldiers ; and
let princes, on the other side, that have subjects of
martial disposition, know their own strength, unless
they be otherwise wanting unto themselves. As for
mercenary forces (which is the help in this case), all
examples show that, whatsoever estate or prince doth
rest upon them, he may spread his feathers for a
time, but he will mew them soon after.
The blesshig of Judah and Issachar^ will never
1 He alludes to the prophetic words of Jacob on his death-hed,
Gen. xlix, 9, 14, 15 : '-Judah is a lion's whelp; ... he stooped
down, he couched as a lion, and as an old lion. . . . Issachar is
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 185
meet; that the same people, or nation, should be
both the lion's whelp and the ass between burdens ;
neither will it be, that a people overlaid with taxes
should ever become valiant and martial. It is true
that taxes, levied by consent of the estate, do abate
men's courage less; as it hath been seen notably
in the excises of the Low Countries, and, in some
degree, in the subsidies^ of England; for, you must
note, that we speak now of the heart, and not of the
purse ; so that, although the same tribute and tax,
laid by consent or by imposing, be all one to the
purse, yet it works diversely upon the courage. So
that you may conclude, that no people overcharged
with tribute is fit for empire.
Let states that aim at greatness take heed how
their nobility and gentlemen do multiply too fast ;
for that maketh the common subject grow to be a
peasant and base swain, driven out of heart, and,
in effect, but the gentleman's laborer. Even as you
may see in coppice woods ; if you leave your stad-
dles^ too thick, you shall never have clean under-
wood, but shrubs and bushes. So in countries, if
the gentlemen be too many, the commons will be
base ; and you will bring it to that, that not the
a strong ass couching down between two burdens : And lie saw
that rest was good, and the land that it was pleasant ; and bowed
his shoulder to bear, and became a servant unto tribute."
1 Sums of money voluntarily contributed by the people for the
use of the sovereign.
2 Younff trees.
186 ESSAYS.
hundred poll will be fit for a helmet, especially as
to the infantry, which is the nerve of an army ;
and so there will be great population and little
strength. This which I speak of, hath been nowhere
better seen than by comparing of England and
France ; whereof England, though far less in terri-
tory and population, hath been, nevertheless, an
overmatch ; in regard, the middle people of Eng-
land make good soldiers, which the peasants of
France do not. And herein the device of King
Henry the Seventh (whereof I have spoken largely
in the history of his life) was profound and admira-
ble ; in making farms and houses of husbandry of
a standard, that is, maintained with such a propor-
tion of land unto them as may breed a subject to
live in convenient plenty, and no servile condition,
and to keep the plough in the hands of the owners,
and not mere hirelings ; and thus, indeed, you shall
attain to Virgil's character, which he gives to an-
cient Italy: —
" Terra potens armis atque ubere glebse." ^
Neither is that state (which, for anything I know,
is almost peculiar to England, and hardly to be
found anywhere else, except it be, perhaps, in Po-
land), to be passed over; I mean the state of free
servants and attendants upon noblemen and gentle-
men, which are noways inferior unto the yeomanry
1 "A land strong in arms and in the richness of the soil." —
Virg. ^n. i. 535.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 187
for arms; and, therefore, out of all question, the
splendor and magnificence, and great retinues, and
hospitality of noblemen and gentlemen received into
custom, do much conduce unto martial greatness;
whereas, contrariwise, the close and reserved living
of noblemen and gentlemen causeth a penury of
military forces.
By all means, it is to be procured that the trunk
of Nebuchadnezzar's tree of monarchy ^ be great
enough to bear the branches and the boughs ; that
is, that the natural subjects of the crown, or state,
bear a sufficient proportion to the stranger subjects
that they govern. Therefore, all states that are
liberal of naturalization towards strangers are fit for
empire ; for to think that a handful of people can,
with the greatest courage and policy in the world,
embrace too large extent of dominion, it may hold
for a time, but it will fail suddenly. The Spartans
were a nice people in point of naturalization ; where-
by, while they kept their compass, they stood firm ;
but when they did spread, and their boughs were
becoming too great for their stem, they became a
windfall upon the sudden. Never any state was,
1 He alludes to the dream of Nebuchadnezzar, which is men-
tioned Daniel iv. 10 ; "I saw, and behold a tree in the midst of
the earth, and the height thereof Avas great. The tree grew, and
was strong, and the height thereof reached unto heaven, and the
sight thereof to the end of all the earth : the leaves thereof were
fair, and tlie fruit thereof much, and in it was meat for all ; the
beasts of the field had shadow under it, and the fowls of the
heaven dwelt in the boughs thereof, and all flesh was fed of it."
188 ESSAYS.
ill this point, so open to receive strangers into their
body as were the Romans ; therefore, it sorted with
them accordingly, for they grew to the greatest
monarchy. Their manner was to grant naturali-
zation (which they called "jus civitatis "),^ and to
grant it in the highest degree, that is, not only
"jus commercii,"^ "jus coimubii,"^ "jus hsereditatis; "*
but, also, "jus suffragii,"^ and "jus honorum;"^
and this not to singular persons alone, but likewise
to whole families ; yea, to cities and sometimes to
nations. Add to this their custom of plantation of
colonies, whereby the Roman plant was removed
into the soil of other nations, and, putting both
constitutions together, you will say, that it was not
the Romans that spread upon the world, but it was
the world that spread upon the Romans ; and that
was the sure way of greatness. I have marvelled
sometimes at Spain, how they clasp and contain so
large dominions with so few natural Spaniards ; ^
but sure the whole compass of Spain is a very
great body of a tree, far above Rome and Sparta at
the first; and, besides, though they have not had
that usage to naturalize liberally, yet they have
that which is next to it • that is, to employ, almost
1 "Right of citizenship." ^ "Eight of trading."
3 " Right of intermarriage." * " Right of inheritance."
^ "Right of suffrage." ^ "Right of honors."
"^ Long since the time of Lord Bacon, as soon as these colonies
had arrived at a certain state of maturity, they at different periods
revolted from the mother country.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 189
indifFerentlj, all nations in their militia of ordinary
soldiers; yea, and sometimes in their highest com-
mands; nay, it seemeth at this instant they are
sensible of this want of natives, as by the pragmat-
ical sanction,^ now published, appeareth.
It is certain that sedentary and within-door arts,
and delicate manufactures (that require rather the
finger than the arm), have in their nature a contra-
riety to a military disposition ; and, generally, all
warlike people are a little idle, and love danger
better than travail ; neither must they be too much
broken of it, if they shall be preserved in vigor.
Therefore, it was great advantage in the ancient
states of Sparta, Athens, Rome, and others, that
they had the use of slaves, which commonly did
rid those manufactures ; but that is abolished, in
greatest part, by the Christian law. That which
Cometh nearest to it is, to leave those arts chiefly to
strangers (which, for that purpose, are the more
easily to be received), and to contain the principal
bulk of the vulgar natives within those three kinds,
tillers of the ground, free servants, and handicrafts-
men of strong and manly arts ; as smiths, masons,
carpenters, &c., not reckoning professed soldiers.
But, above all, for empire and greatness, it im-
porteth most, that a nation do profess arms as their
principal honor, study, and occupation ; for the
1 The laws and ordinances promulgated by the sovereigns of
Spain were so called. The term was derived from the Byzantine
empire.
190 ESSAYS.
things which we formerly have spoken of are but
habilitations ^ towards arms ; and what is habilita-
tion without intention and act ? Romulus, after his
death (as they report or feign), sent a present to
the Romans, that, above all, they should intend^
arms, and then they should prove the greatest em-
pire of the world. The fabric of the state of Sparta
was wholly (though not wisely) framed and com-
posed to that scope and end ; the Persians and
Macedonians had it for a flash ; ^ the Gauls, Ger-
mans, Goths, Saxons, Normans, and others, had it
for a time ; the Turks have it at this day, though in
great declination. Of Christian Europe, they that
have it are in effect only the Spaniards ; but it is so
plain, that every man profiteth in that he most
intendeth, that it needeth not to be stood upon. It
is enough to point at it, that no nation which doth
not directly profess arms, may look to have great-
ness fall into their mouths ; and, on the other side,
it is a most certain oracle of time, that those states
that continue long in that profession (as the Romans
and Turks principally have done), do wonders ; and
those that have professed arms but for an age have,
notwithstanding, commonly attained that greatness
in that age which maintained them long after, when
their profession and exercise of arms had grown to
decay.^
Incident to this point is, for a state to have those
1 Qualifications. 2 Attend to.
" For a short or transitory period.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 191
laws or customs which may reach forth unto them
just occasions (as may be pretended) of war ; for
there is that justice imprinted in the nature of men,
that they enter not upon wars (whereof so many
calamities do ensue), but upon some, at the least
specious grounds and quarrels. The Turk hath at
baud, for cause of war, the propagation of his law
or sect, a quarrel that he may always command.
The Romans, though they esteemed the extending
the limits of their empire to be great honor to
their generals when it was done, yet they never
rested upon that alone to begin a war. First,
therefore, let nations that pretend to greatness have
this, that they be sensible of wrongs, either upon
borderers, merchants, or politic ministers ; and that
they sit not too long upon a provocation : secondly,
let them be pressed,^ and ready to give aids and
succors to their confederates, as it ever was with
the Romans ; insomuch, as if the confederate had
leagues defensive with divers other states, and, upon
invasion offered, did implore their aids severally,
yet the Romans would ever be the foremost, and
leave it to none other to have the honor. As for
the wars, which were anciently made on the behalf
of a kind of party, or tacit conformity of estate, I
do not see how they may be well justified : as when
the Romans made a war for the liberty of Grsecia ;
or, when the Lacedaemonians and Athenians made
wars to set up or pull down democracies and oligar-
1 Be in a hurry.
192 ESSAYS.
chies ; or when wars were made by foreigners, under
the pretence of justice or protection, to deliver the
subjects of others from tyranny and oppression, and
the like. Let it suffice, that no estate expect to be
great, that is not awake upon any just occasion of
arming.
Nobody can be healthful without exercise, neither
natural body nor politic; and, certainly, to a king-
dom, or estate, a just and honorable war is the true
exercise. A civil war, indeed, is like the heat of a
fever; but a foreign war is like the heat of exer-
cise, and serveth to keep the body in health ; for,
in a slothful peace, both courages will effeminate
and manners corrupt. But, howsoever it be for
happiness, without all question for greatness, it
maketh to be still, for the most part, in arms ; and
the strength of a veteran army (though it be a
chargeable business) always on foot, is that which
commonly giveth the law, or, at least, the reputation
amongst all neighbor states, as may well be seen in
Spain,^ which hath had, in one part or other, a
veteran army, almost continually, now by the space
of sixscore years.
To be master of the sea is an abridgment of a
monarchy. Cicero, writing to Atticus, of Pompey's
preparation against Csesar, saith, " Consilium Pom-
peii plane Themistocleum est ; putat enim, qui marl
1 It was its immense armaments that in a great measure con-
sumed the vitals of Spain.
OF KINGDOMS AND ESTATES. 193
potitur, eum rerum potiri ; ^ and, without doubt,
Pompej had tired out Caesar, if upon vain confi-
dence he had not left that way. We see the great
effects of battles by sea. The battle of Actium
decided the empire of the Avorld : the battle of Le-
panto arrested the greatness of the Turk. There
be many examples where sea-fights have been final
to the war ; but this is when princes, or states, have
set up their rest upon the battles. But thus mucli
is certain, that he that commands the sea is at great
liberty, and may take as much and as little of the
war as he will ; whereas, those that be strongest by
land are many times, nevertheless, in great straits.
Surely, at this day, with us of Europe, the vantage
of strength at sea (which is one of the principal
dowries of this kingdom of Great Britain) is great ;
both because most of the kingdoms of Europe are
not merely inland, but girt with the sea most part
of their compass ; and because the wealth of both
Indies seems, in great part, but an accessary to the
command of the seas.
The wars of latter ages seem to be made in the
dark, in respect of the glory and honor which re-
flected upon men from the wars in ancient time.
There be now, for martial encouragement, some de-
grees and orders of chivalry, which, nevertheless,
are conferred promiscuously upon soldiers and no
1 *' Pompey's plan is clearly that of Themistocles ; for he be-
lieves that whoever is master of the sea will obtain the supreme
power." — Ad Alt. x. 8.
13
194 ESSAYS.
soldiers ; and some remembrance, perhaps, upon the
escutcheon, and some hospitals for maimed soldiers,
and such like things ; but in ancient times, the tro-
phies erected upon the place of the victory ; the
funeral laudatives,^ and monuments for those that
died in the wars ; the crowns and garlands per-
sonal; the style of emperor which the great kings
of the world after borrowed ; the triumphs of the
generals upon their return ; th€ great donatives and
largesses upon the disbanding of the armies ; were
things able to inflame all men's courages. But, above
all, that of the triumph amongst the Romans was
not pageants or gaudery, but one of the wisest and
noblest institutions that ever was ; for it contained
three things : honor to the general, riches to the
treasury out of the spoils, and donatives to the army.
But that honor, perhaps, were not fit for monarchies,
except it be in the person of the monarch himself,
or his sons ; as it came to pass in the times of the
Roman emperors, who did impropriate the actual
triumphs to themselves and their sons, for such wars
as they did achieve in person, and left only for wars
achieved by subjects, some triumphal garments and
ensigns to the general.
To conclude. No man can by care-taking (as the
Scripture saith) " add a cubit to his stature," ^
in this little model of a man's body ; but in the
great frame of kingdoms and commonwealths, it is
1 Encomiums.
2 St. Matthew vi. 27; St. Luke xii. 25.
OF EEGIMEN OF HEALTH. 195
in the power of princes, or estates, to add amplitude
and greatness to their kingdom ; for, by introducing
such ordinances, constitutions, and customs, as we
have now touched, they may sow greatness to their
posterity and succession : but these things are com-
monly not observed, but left to take their chance.
XXX. — OF REGIMElSr OF HEALTH.
There is a wisdom in this beyond the rules of
physic. A man's own observation, what he finds
good of, and what he finds hurt of, is the best physic
to preserve health ; but it is a safer conclusion to
say, "This agreeth not well with me, therefore I
will not continue it ; " than this, " I find no offence
of this, therefore I may use. it:" for strength of
nature in youth passeth over many excesses which
are owing ^ a man till his age. Discern of the com-
ing on of years, and think not to do the same things
still ; for age will not be defied. Beware of sudden
change in any great point of diet, and, if necessity
enforce it, fit the rest to it ; for it is a secret both in
nature and state, that it is safer to change many
things than one. Examine thy customs of diet,
sleep, exercise, apparel, and the like ; and try, in any
thing thou shalt judge hurtful, to discontinue it by
little and little; but so, as if thou dost find any
1 The effects of which must be felt in old age.
196 ESSAYS.
inconvenience by the change, thou come back to it
again ; for it is hard to distinguish that which is
generally held good and wholesome, from that which
is good particularly,^ and fit for thine own body. To
be free-minded and cheerfully disposed at hours of
meat, and .of sleep, and of exercise, is one of the
best precepts of long lasting. As for the passions
and studies of the mind, avoid envy, anxious fears,
anger fretting inwards, subtle and knotty inquisi-
tions, joys, and exhilarations in excess, sadness not
communicated. Entertain hopes, mirth rather than
joy, variety of delights, rather than surfeit of them ;
wonder and admiration, and therefore novelties ;
studies that fill the mind with splendid and illustri-
ous objects, as histories, fables, and contemplations
of nature. If you fly physic in health altogether, it
will be too strange for your body when you shall
need it; if you make it too familiar, it will work no
extraordinary effect when sickness cometh. I com-
mend rather some diet, for certain seasons, than
frequent use of physic, except it be grown into a
custom ; for those diets alter the body more, and
trouble it less. Despise no new accident^ in your
body, but ask opinion^ of it. In sickness, respect
health principally ; and in health, action ; for those
that put their bodies to endure in health, may, in
most sicknesses which are not very sharp, be cured
1 Of benefit in your individual case.
2 Any striking change in the constitution.
3 Take medical advice.
OF SUSPICION. 197
only with diet and tendering. Celsus could never
have spoken it as a physician, had he not been a
wise man w^ithal, when he giveth it for one of the
great precepts of health and lasting, that a man do
vary and interchange contraries, but with an inclinar-
tion to the more benign extreme. Use fasting and
full eating, but rather full eating ; ^ watching and
sleep, but rather sleep; sitting and exercise, but
rather exercise, and the like ; so shall nature be
cherished, and yet taught masteries.^ Physicians are
some of them so pleasing and conformable to the
humor of the patient, as they press not the true cure
of the disease ; and some other are so regular in
proceeding according to art for the disease, as they
respect not sufficiently the condition of the patient.
Take one of a middle temper; or, if it may not be
found in one man, combine two of either sort ; and
forget not to call as well the best acquainted with
your body, as the best reputed of for his faculty.
XXXI. — OF SUSPICIOK
Suspicions amongst thoughts are like bats amongst
birds, they ever fly by twilight. Certainly they are
to be repressed, or at the least well guarded; for
they cloud the mind, they lose friends, and they
1 Incline rather to fully satisfying your hunger.
2 Celsus de Med. i. 1.
198 ESSAYS.
check with business, whereby business cannot go
on currently and constantly. They dispose kings to
tyranny, husbands to jealousy, wise men to irresolu-
tion and melancholy. They are defects, not in the
heart but in the brain ; for they take place in the
stoutest natures, as in the example of Henry the
Seventh of England. There was not a more suspi-
cious man, nor a more stout, and in such a composi-
tion they do small hurt ; for commonly they are not
admitted, but with examination, whether they be
likely or no; but in fearful natures they gain ground
too fast. There is nothing makes a man suspect
much, more than to know little ; and, therefore, men
should remedy suspicion by procuring to know more,
and not to keep their suspicions in smother. What
would men have ? Do they think those they employ
and deal with are saints ? Do they not think they
will have their own ends, and be truer to themselves
than to them ? Therefore, there is no better way to
moderate suspicions, than to account upon such sus-
picions as true, and yet to bridle them as false : ^ for
so far a man ought to make use of suspicions as to
provide, as if that should be true that he suspects,
yet it may do him no hurt. Suspicions that the mind
of itself gathers are but buzzes ; but suspicions that
are artificially nourished, and put into men's heads
by the tales and whisperings of others, have stings.
Certainly, the best mean, to clear the way in this
same wood of suspicions, is frankly to communicate
1 To hope the best, but be fully prepared for the worst.
OF DISCOURSE. 199
them with the party that he suspects : for thereby he
shall be sure to know more of the truth of them than
he did before ; and, withal, shall make that party
more circumspect, not to give further cause of sus-
picion. But tliis w^ould not be done to men of base
natures ; for they, if they find themselves once sus-
pected, will never be true. The Italian says, " Sos-
petto licentia fede ; " ^ as if suspicion did give a
passport to faith ; but it ought rather to kindle it to
discharge itself.
XXXIL — OF DISCOURSE.
Some in their discourse desire rather commenda-
tion of wit, in being able to hold all arguments,^ than
of judgment, in discerning what is true ; as if it were
a praise to know what might be said and not what
should be thought. Some have certain common-
places and themes, wherein they are good, and want
variety ; which kind of poverty is for the most part
tedious, and, when it is once perceived, ridiculous.
The honorablest part of talk is to give the occasion,^
and again to moderate and pass to somewhat else ;
for then a man leads the dance. It is good in dis-
course, and speech of conversation, to vary and
1 •' Suspicion is the passport to faith."
2 A censure of this nature has been applied by some to Dr.
Johnson, and possibly with some reason.
3 To start the subject.
200 ESSAYS.
intermingle speech of the present occasion with
arguments, tales with reasons, asking of questions
with telling of opinions, and jest with earnest ; for it
is a dull thing to tire, and, as we say now, to jade
any thing too far. As for jest, there be certain
things which ought to be privileged from it ; namely,
religion, matters of state, great persons, any man's
present business of importance, and any case that
deserveth pity ; yet there be some that think their
wits have been asleep, except they dart out some-
what that is piquant, and to the quick ; that is a
vein which would be bridled : ^ — •
" Parce, puer, stimulis, et fortius utere loris." ^
And, generally, men ought to find the difference
between saltness and bitterness. Certainly, he that
hath a satirical vein, as he maketh others afraid of
his wit, so he had need be afraid of others' memory.
He that questioneth much, shall learn much, and
content much, but especially if he apply his ques-
tions to the skill of the persons whom he asketh :
for he shall give them occasion to please themselves
in speaking, and himself shall continually gather
knowledge ; but let his questions not be troublesome,
for that is fit for a poser.^ And let him be sure to
leave other men their turns to speak ; nay, if there
be any that would reign and take up all the time,
1 Requires to be bridled.
2 He quotes here from Ovid: "Boy, spare tlie whip, and
tightly grasp the reins." — Met. ii. 127.
3 One who tests or examines.
OP DISCOURSE. 201
let him find means to take them off, and to bring
others on, as musicians used to do with those that
dance too long galliards.^ If you dissemble some-
times your knowledge of that you are thought to
know, you shall be thought, another time, to know
that you know not. Speech of a man's self ought
to be seldom, and well chosen. I knew one was
wont to say in scorn, " He must needs be a wise
man, he speaks so much of himself;" and there is
but one case wherein a man may commend himself
with good grace, and that is in commending virtue
in another, especially if it be such a virtue whereunto
himself pretendeth. Speech of touch ^ towards others
should be sparingly used ; for discourse ought to be
as a field, without coming home to any man. I
knew two noblemen, of the west part of England,
whereof the one was given to scoff, but kept ever
royal cheer in his house; the other would ask of
those that had been at the other's table, " Tell truly,
was there never a flout ^ or dry blow ^ given ? " To
which the guest would answer, " Such and such a
thing passed." The lord would say, " I thought he
would mar a good dinner." Discretion of speech is
more than eloquence ; and to speak agreeably to
him with whom we deal, is more than to speak in
1 The galliard was a liglit active dance, much in fashion in the
time of Queen Elizabeth.
2 Hits at, or remarks intended to be applied to, particular
individuals.
3 A slight or insult.
^ A sarcastic remark.
202 ESSAYS.
good words, or in good order. A good continued
speech, without a good speech of interlocution, shows
slowness ; and a good reply, or second speech, with-
out a good settled speech, showeth shallowness and
weakness. As we see in beasts, that those that are
weakest in the course, are yet nimblest in the turn ;
as it is betwixt the greyhound and the hare. To use
too many circumstances, ere one come to the matter,
is wearisome ; to use none at all, is blunt.
XXXIII. — OF PLANTATIONS.!
Plantations are amongst ancient, primitive, and
heroical works. When the world was young, it
begat more children ; but now it is old, it begets
fewer ; for I may justly account new plantations to
be the children of former kingdoms. I like a plan-
tation in a pure soil ; that is, where people are not
displanted,^ to the end to plant in others ; for else
it is rather an extirpation than a plantation. Plant-
ing of countries is like planting of woods ; for you
must make account to lose almost twenty years'
profit, and expect your recompense in the end ; for
the principal thing that hath been the destruction
1 The old term for coloines.
2 He perhaps alludes covertly to the conduct of the Spaniards
iu extirpating the aboriginal inhabitants of the "West India Islands,
against which the venerable Las Casas so eloquently but vainly
X^rotested.
OF PLANTATIONS. 203
of most plantations, hath been the base and hasty
drawing of profit in the first years. It is true,
speedy profit is not to be neglected, as far as may
stand with the good of the plantation, but no further.
It is a shameful and unblessed thing ^ to take the
scum of people and wicked condemned men, to be
the people with whom you plant ; and not only so,
but it spoileth the plantation ; for they will ever live
like rogues, and not fall to work ; but be lazy, and
do mischief, and spend victuals, and be quickly
weary, and then certify over to their country to the
discredit of the plantation. The people wherewith
you plant ought to be gardeners, ploughmen, labor-
ers, smiths, carpenters, joiners, fishermen, fowlers,
with some few apothecaries, surgeons, cooks, and
bakers. In a country of plantations, first look about
what kind of victual the country yields of itself to
hand ; as chestnuts, walnuts, pine-apples, olives,
dates, plums, cherries, wild honey, and the like,
and make use of them. Then consider what victual,
or esculent things there are, which grow speedily,
and within the year ; as parsnips, carrots, turnips,
onions, radish, artichokes of Jerusalem, maize, and
the like. For wheat, barley, and oats, they ask too
much labor ; but with pease and beans you may
begin, both because they ask less labor, and because
they serve for meat as well as for bread ; and of
1 Of course, this censure would not apply to what is primarily
and essentially a convict colony ; the object of which is to drain
the mother country of its impure superfluities.
204 ESSAYS.
rice, likewise, cometh a great increase, and it is a
kind of meat. Above all, there ought to be brought
store of biscuit, oatmeal, flour, meal, and the like, in
the beginning, till bread may be had. For beasts,
or birds, take chiefly such as are least subject to
diseases, and multiply fastest ; as swine, goats, cocks,
hens, turkeys, geese, house-doves, and the like. The
victual in plantations ought to be expended almost
as in a besieged town, that is, with certain allowance ;
and let the main part of the ground employed to gar-
dens or corn, be to a common stock ; and to be laid
in, and stored up, and then delivered out in propor-
tion ; besides some spots of ground that any par-
ticular person will manure for his own private use.
Consider, likewise, what commodities the soil where
the plantation is doth naturally yield, that they may
some way help to defray the charge of the planta^
tion ; so it be not, as was said, to the untimely
prejudice of the main business, as it hath fared with
tobacco in Virginia.^ Wood commonly aboundeth
but too much ; and therefore timber is fit to be one.
If there be iron ore, and streams whereupon to set
the mills, iron is a brave commodity where wood
aboundeth. Making of bay-salt, if the climate be
proper for it, would be put in experience ; grow-
ing silk, likewise, if any be, is a likely commodity ;
pitch and tar, where store of firs and pines are, will
1 Times have much changed since this was penned, tobacco is
now the staple commodity, and the source of " the main business"
of Virginia.
OF PLANTATIONS. 205
not fail ; so drugs and sweet woods, where they are,
cannot but yield great profit; soap-ashes, likewise,
and other things that may be thought of ; but moil ^
not too much under ground, for the hope of mines
is very uncertain, and useth to make the planters
lazy in other things. For government, let it be in
the hands of one, assisted with some counsel ; and
lot them have commission to exercise martial laws,
with some limitation ; and, above all, let men make
that profit of being in the wilderness, as they have
God always, and his service, before their eyes. Let
not the government of the plantation depend upon
too many counsellors and undertakers in the country
that planteth, but upon a temperate number ; and
let those be rather noblemen and gentlemen, than
mercliants, for they look ever to the present gain.
Let there be freedoms from custom, till the planta^
tion be of strength; and not only freedom from
custom, but freedom to carry their commodities
where they may make theu- best of them, except
there be some special cause of caution. Cram not
in people, by sending too fast company after com-
pany; but rather hearken how they waste, and
send supplies proportionably ; but so as the num-
ber may live well in the plantation, and not by
surcharge be in penury. It hath been a great en-
dangering to the health of some plantations, that
thay have built along the sea and rivers, in marish^
1 To labor hard.
2 Marshy ; from the French marais, a marsh.
206 ESSAYS.
and unwholesome grounds; therefore, though you
begin there, to avoid carriage and other like dis-
commodities, yet build still rather upwards from
the streams than along. It concerneth, likewise,
the health of the plantation, that they have good
store of salt with them, that they may use it in tlieir
victuals when it shall be necessary. If you plant
where savages are, do not only entertain them with
trifles and gingles,^ but use them justly and gra-
ciously, with sufficient guard, nevertheless ; and do
not win their favor by helping them to invade their
enemies, but for their defence it is not amiss ; and
send oft of them over to the country that plants,
that they may sec a better condition than their own,
and commend it when they return. When the
plantation grows to strength, then it is time to plant
with women as well as with men ; that the planta-
tion may spread into generations, and not be ever
pieced from without. It is the sinfullest thing in
the world, to forsake or destitute a plantation once
in forwardness ; for, besides the dishonor, it is the
guiltiness of blood of many commiserable persons.
1 Gewgaws, or spangles.
OF RICHES. 207
XXXIV. — OF RICHES.
I CANNOT Ctall riches better than the baggage of
virtue ; the Roman word is better, '' impedimenta ; "
for as the baggage is to an army, so is riches to virtue ;
it cannot be spared nor left behind, but it hindereth
the march ; yea, and the care of it sometimes loseth
or disturbeth the victory. Of great riches there is
no real use, except it be in the distribution ; the rest
is but conceit. So saith Solomon : *' Where much is,
there are many to consume it; and what hath the
owner, but the sight of it with his eyes?"i The
personal fruition in any man cannot reach to feel
great riches : there is a custody of them, or a power
of dole and donative of them, or a fame of them, but
no solid use to the owner. Do you not see what
feigned prices are set upon little stones and rarities ?
and what works of ostentation are undertaken, be-
cause there might seem to be some use of great
riches ? But then you will say, they may be of use
to buy men out of dangers or troubles ; as Solomon
saith : " Riches are as a strong-hold in the imagina-
tion of the rich man ; " ^ but this is excellently ex-
1 He alludes to Ecclesiastes v. 11, the words of which are some-
what varied in our version: *'When goods increase, they are in-
creased that eat them ; and what good is there to the owners thereof,
saving the beholding of them with their eyes ? "
2 ««The rich man's wealth is his strong city. " — Prowr&s x. 15 ;
xviii. 11.
208 ESSAYS.
pressed, that it is in imagination, and not always in
fact ; for, certainly, great riches have sold more men
than they have bought out. Seek not proud riches,
but such as thou mayest get justly, use soberly, dis-
tribute cheerfully, and leave contentedly ; yet have
no abstract nor friarly contempt of them, but distin-
guish, as Cicero saith well of Rabirius Posthumus :
" In studio rei amplificandeD apparebat, non ava-
ritiae prsedam, sed instrumentum bonitati quseri." ^
Hearken also to Solomon, and beware of hasty
gathering of riches : " Qui festinat ad divitias, non
erit insons."^ The poets feign, that when Plutus
(which is riches) is sent from Jupiter, he limps,
and goes slowly; but when he is sent from Pluto,
he runs, and is swift of foot ; meaning, that riches
gotten by good means and just labor pace slowly.;
but when they come by the death of others^ (as by
the course of inheritance, testaments, and the like),
they come tumbling upon a man. But it might be
applied likewise to Pluto, taking him for the devil ;
for when riches come from the devil (as by fraud
and oppression, and unjust means), they come upon
speed. The ways to enrich are many, and most of
1 "In his anxiety to increase his fortune, it was evident that
not the gratification of avarice was sought, but the meanc of doing
good."
2 "He who hastens to riches will not be without guilt." In
our version the words are: "He that niaketh haste to be rich
shall not be innocent." — Proverbs xxviii. 22.
2 Pluto being the king of the infernal regions, or place of de-
parted spirits.
OF RICHES. 209
them foul : parsimony is one of the best, and yet
is not innocent ; for it withholdeth men from works
of liberality and charity. The improvement of the
ground is the most natural obtaining of riches; for
it is our great mother's blessing, the earth's, but it
is slow; and yet, where men of great wealth do
stoop to husbandry, it multiplieth riches exceed-
ingly. I knew a nobleman, in England, that had
the greatest audits ^ of any man in my time, a great
grazier, a great sheep-master, a great timber-man,
a great collier, a great corn-master, a great lead-
man, and so of iron, and a number of the like
points of husbandry ; so as the earth seemed a sea
to him in respect of the perpetual importation. It
was truly observed by one, "That himself came
very hardly to a little riches, and very easily to
great riches ; " for when a man's stock is come to
that, that he can expect the prime of markets,^ and
overcome those bargains, which for their greatness
are few men's money, and be partner in the indus-
tries of younger men, he cannot but increase mainly.
The gains of ordinary trades and vocations are
honest, and furthered by two things, chiefly: by
diligence, and by a good name for good and fair
dealing; but the gains of bargains are of a more
doubtful nature, when men shall wait upon others'
necessity : broke by servants and instruments to
draw them on ; put off" others cunningly that would
^ Rent-roll, or account taken of Income.
2 Wait till prices have risen.
14
210 ESSAYS.
be better cbapmen ; and the like practices, which
are crafty and naught. As for the chopping of
bargains, when a man buys not to hold, but to sell
over again, that commonly grindeth double, both
upon the seller and upon the buyer. Sharings do
greatly enrich, if the hands be well chosen that are
trusted. Usury is the certainest means of gain,
though one of the worst ; as that whereby a man
doth eat his bread, " in sudore vidtiis alieni ; " ^
and, besides, doth plough upon Sundays; but yet
certain though it be, it hath flaws, for that the scriv-
eners and brokers do value unsound men to serve
their own turn. The fortune, in being the first in
an invention, or in a pri\^lege, doth cause some-
times a wonderful overgrowth in riches, as it was
with the first sugar-man ^ in the Canaries; there-
fore, if a man can play the true logician, to have as
Avell judgment as invention, he may do great mat-
ters, especially if the times be fit. He that resteth
upon gains certain, shall hardly grow to great riches ;
and he that puts all upon adventures, doth often-
times break and come to poverty ; it is good, there-
fore, to guard adventures with certainties that may
uphold losses. Monopolies, and coemption of wares
for resale, where they are not restrained, are great
means to enrich; especially if the party have intel-
ligence what things are like to come into request,
1 "In the sweat of another's brow." He alludes to the words
of Genesis iii. 19 : "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat bread."
2 Planter of sugar-canes.
OF KICHES. 211
and so store himself beforehand. Riches gotten by
service, though it be of the best rise, yet when they
are gotten by flattery, feeding humors, and other
servile conditions, they may be placed amongst the
worst. As for fishing for testaments and execu-
torships (as Tacitus saith of Seneca, ''Testamenta
et orbos tanquam indagine capi"),^ it is yet worse,
by how much men submit themselves to meaner
persons than in service. Believe not much them
that seem to despise riches, for they despise them
that despair of them; and none worse when they
come to them. Be not penny-wise; riches have
wings, and sometimes they fly away of themselves,
sometimes they must be set flying to bring in more.
Men leave their riches either to their kindred, or
to the public ; and moderate portions prosper best
in both. A great state left to an heir, is as a lure
to all the birds of prey round about to seize on him,
if he be not the better stablished in years and judg-
ment ; likewise, glorious gifts and foundations are
like sacrifices without salt, and but the painted
sepulchres of alms, which soon will putrefy and cor-
rupt inwardly. Therefore, measure not thine ad-
vancements by quantity, but frame them by measure,
and defer not charities till death; for, certainly,
if a man weigh it rightly, he that doth so is rather
liberal of another man's than of his own.
1 "Wills and childless persons were caught hy Mni, as though
with a hunting-net." — Tacit. Ann. xiii. 42.
212 ESSAYS.
XXXV. — OF PROPHECIES.
I MEAN not to speak of divine prophecies, nor of
heathen oracles, nor of natural predictions ; but only
of prophecies that have been of certain memory, and
from hidden causes. Saith the Pythonissa^ to Saul,
"To-morrow thou and thy sons shall be with me."
Virgil hath these verses from Homer : —
"Hie domus ^Enese cnnctis dorainabitur oris,
Et nati natorum, et qui nascentur ab illis." ^
A prophecy, as it seems, of the Roman empire.
Seneca the tragedian hath these verses: —
'* Venient annis
Ssecula seris, quibus Oceanus
Vincula rerum laxet, et ingens
Pateat Tellus, Tiphysque novos
Detegat orbes ; nee sit terris
Ultima Thule." 3
A prophecy of the discovery of America. The
1 *' Pythoness," used in the sense of witeh. He alludes to the
witch of Endor, and the words in Samuel xxviii. 19. He is, how-
ever, mistaken in attributing these words to the witch : it was the
spirit of Samuel that said, "To-morrow shalt thou and thy sons
be with me."
2 "But the house of ^neas shall reign over every shore, both
his children's children, and those who shall spring from them." —
^n. iii. 97.
8 "After the lapse of years, ages will come in which Ocean
shall relax his chains around the world, and a vast continent shall
appear, and Tiphys shall explore new regions, and Thule shall be
no longer the utmost verge of earth." ~ Sen. Med. ii. 375.
OF PROPHECIES. 213
daughter of Polycrates ^ dreamed that Jupiter bathed
her father, and Apollo anointed him ; and it came to
pass that he was crucified in an open place, where
the sun made his body run with sweat, and the rain
washed it. Philip of Macedon dreamed he sealed
up his wife's belly, whereby he did expound it,
that his wife should be barren ; but Aristander the
soothsayer told him his wife was with child, because
men do not use to seal vessels that are empty.^ A
phantasm that appeared to M. Brutus in his tent,
said to him, " Philippis iterum me videbis." ^ Tibe-
rius said to Galba, " Tu quoque, Galba, degustabis
imperium." ^ In Vespasian's time, there went a
prophecy in the East, that those that should come
forth of Judea, should reign over the world; which,
though it may be was meant of our Saviour, yet Ta-
citus expounds it of Vespasian.^ Domitian dreamed,
the night before he was slain, that a golden head
was growing out of the nape of his neck ; ^ and,
indeed, the succession that followed him, for many
years, made golden times. Henry the Sixth of Eng-
1 He was king of Samos, and was treacherously put to death by
Orcetes, the governor of Magnesia, in Asia Minor. His daughter,
in consequence of her dream, attempted to dissuade him from
visiting Orcetes, but in vain. — Herod, iii. 124.
2 Plut. Vit. Alex. 2.
8 "Thou shalt see me again at Philippi." — Appian Bell. Civ.
iv. 134.
* ** Thou, also, Galba, shalt taste of empire." — Suet. Vit.
Gall. 4.
6 Hist. V. 13.
« Suet. vit. Domit. 23.
214 ESSAYS.
land said of Henry the Seventh, when he was a lad,
and gave him water, "This is the lad that shall enjoy
the crown for which we strive." When I was in
France, I heard from one Dr. Pena, that the queen
mother,^ who was given to curious arts, caused the
king her husband's nativity to be calculated under a
false name; and the astrologer gave a judgment,
that he should be killed in a duel; at which the
queen laughed, thinking her husband to be above
challenges and duels ; but he was slain upon a course
at tilt, the splinters of the staif of Montgomery
going in at his beaver. The trivial prophecy which
I heard when I was a child, and Queen Elizabeth
was in the flower of her years, was,
*' When hempe is spunne,
England 's done ; "
whereby it was generally conceived, that after the
princes had reigned which had the principal letters
of that word hempe (which were Henry, Edward,
Mary, Philip, and Elizabeth), England should come
to utter confusion ; which, thanks be to God, is veri-
fied only in the change of the name ; for that the
king's style is now no more of England, but of
Britain.^ There was also another prophecy before
the year of eighty-eight, which I do not well under-
stand.
1 Catherine de Medicis, the wife of Henry II. of France, who
died from a wound accidentally received in a tournament.
2 James I. beingr the first monarch of Great Britain.
OF PROPHECIES. 215
** There shall be seen upon a day,
Between tlie Baugli and the May,
The black fleet of Norway.
When that that is come and gone,
England build houses of lime and stone,
For after wars you shall have none."
It was generally conceived to be meant of the Span-
isli fleet that came in eighty-eight ; for that the king
of Spain's surname, as they say, is Norway. The
prediction of Regiomontanus,
*' Octogesimus octavus mirabilis annus," ^
was thought likewise accomplished in the sending
of that great fleet, being the greatest in strength,
though not in number, of all that ever swam upon
the sea. As for Cleon's dream ,2 I think it was a
jest ; it was, that he was devoured of a long dragon ;
and it was expounded of a maker of sausages, that
troubled him exceedingly. There are numbers of
1 "The eighty-eighth will be a wondrous year."
2 " Aristophanes, in his Comedy of the Knights, satirizes Cleon,
the Athenian demagogue. He introduces a declaration of the
oracle, that the Eagle of hides (by whom Cleon was meant, his
father having been a tanner), should be conquered by a serpent,
which Demosthenes, one of the characters in the play, expounds
as meaning a maker of sausages. How Lord Bacon could for a
moment doubt that this was a mere jest, it is difficult to conjec-
ture. The following is a literal translation of a portion of the
passage from The Knights {1. 197) : "But when a leather eagle
with crooked talons shall have seized with its jaws a serpent, a
stupid creature, a drinker of blood, then the tan-pickle of the
Paphlagonians is destroyed ; but upon the sellers of sausages
the deity bestows great glory, unless they choose rather to sell
sausages."
216 ESSAYS.
the like kind, especially if you include dreams, and
predictions of astrology ; but I have set down these
few only of certain credit, for example. My judg-
ment is, that they ought all to be despised, and ought
to serve but for winter talk by the fireside ; though,
when I say despised, I mean it as for belief; for
otherwise, the spreading or publishing of them is in
no sort to be despised, for they have done much
mischief; and I see many severe laws made to
suppress them. That that hath given them grace,
and some credit, consisteth in three things. First,
that men mark when they hit, and never mark
when they miss ; ^ as they do, generally, also of
dreams. The second is, that probable conjectures,
or obscure traditions, many times turn themselves
into prophecies; while the nature of man, which
coveteth divination, thinks it no peril to foretell
that which indeed they do but collect, as that of
Seneca's verse ; for so much was then subject to
demonstration, that the globe of the earth had great
parts beyond the Atlantic, which might be probably
conceived not to be all sea ; and adding thereto the
tradition in Plato's Timseus, and his Atlanticus,^ it
1 This is a very just remark. So-called strange coincidences,
and wonderful dreams that are verified, when the point is con-
sidered, are really not at all marvellous. We never hear of the
999 dreams that are not verified, but the thousandth that hap-
pens to precede its fulfilment is blazoned by unthinking people
as a marvel. It would be a much more wonderful thing if dreams
were not occasionally verified.
2 Under this name he alludes to the Critias of Plato, in which
an imaginary "terra incognita" is discoursed of under the name
OF AMBITION. 217
might encourage one to turn it to a prediction.
The third and last (which is the great one), is, that
almost all of them, being infinite in number, have
been impostures, and, by idle and crafty brains,
merely contrived and feigned, after the event past.
XXXVI. — OF AMBITION.
Ambition is like choler, which is a humor that
maketh men active, earnest, full of alacrity, and
stirring, if it be not stopped ; but if it be stopped,
and cannot have its way, it becometh adust,^ and
thereby malign and venomous. So ambitious men,
if they find the way open for their rising, and still
get forward, they are rather busy than dangerous ;
but if they be checked in their desires, they be-
come secretly discontent, and look upon men and
matters with an evil eye, and are best pleased
when things go backward ; which is the worst prop-
erty in a servant of a prince or state. Therefore,
it is good for princes, if they use ambitious men, to
handle it so, as they be still progressive, and not
retrograde ; which, because it cannot be without
inconvenience, it is good not to use such natures
of the "New Atlantis." It lias been conjectured from this by-
some, that Plato really did believe in the existence of a continent
on the other side of the globe.
1 Hot and fiery.
218 ESSAYS.
at all ; for if they rise not with their service, they
will take order to make their service fall with them.
But since we have said, it were good not to use men
of ambitious natures, except it be upon necessity, it
is fit we speak in what cases they are of necessity.
Good commanders in the wars must be taken, be
they never so ambitious ; for the use of their ser-
vice dispenseth with the rest ; and to take a soldier
without ambition, is to pull off his spurs. There
is also great use of ambitious men in being screens
to princes in matters of danger and envy; for no
man will take that part, except he be like a seeled ^
dove, that mounts and mounts, because he cannot
see about him. There is use, also, of ambitious
men, in pulling down the greatness of any subject
that overtops ; as Tiberius used Macro ^ in the
pulling down of Sejanus. Since, therefore, they
must be used in such cases, there resteth to speak
how they are to be bridled, that they may be less
dangerous. There is less danger of them if they
be of mean birth, than if they be noble ;. and if
they be rather harsh of nature, than gracious and
popular ; and if they be rather new raised, than
grown cunning and fortified in their greatness. It
is counted by some a weakness in princes to have
favorites ; but it is, of all others, the best remedy
1 With the eyes closed or blindfolded.
2 He was a favorite of Tiberius, to whose murder by Nero he
was said to have been an accessary. He afterwards prostituted his
own wife to Caligula, by whom he was eventually put to death.
OF AMBITION. 219
against ambitious great ones ; for when the way of
pleasuring and displeasuring lieth by the favorite,
it is impossible any other should be over-great.
Another means to curb them, is, to balance them by
others as proud as they ; but then there must be
some middle counsellors, to keep things steady, for
without that ballast, the ship will roll too much.
At the least, a prince may animate and inure some
meaner persons to be, as it were, scourges to ambi-
tious men. As for the having of them obnoxious
to 1 ruin, if they be of fearful natures, it may do
well ; but if they be stout and daring, it may pre-
cipitate their designs, and prove dangerous. As for
the pulling of them down, if the affairs require it,
and that it may not be done with safety suddenly,
the only way is, the interchange continually of
favors and disgraces, whereby they may not know
what to expect, and be, as it were, in a wood. Of
ambitions, it is less harmful the ambition to prevail
in great things, than that other to appear in every
thing ; for that breeds confusion, and mars busi-
ness ; but yet, it is less danger to have an ambitious
man stirring in business, than great in dependen-
cies. He that seeketh to be eminent amongst able
men, hath a great task, but that is ever good for
the public ; but he that plots to be the only figure
amongst ciphers, is the decay of a whole age.
Honor hath three things in it : the vantage-ground
to do good ; the approach to kings and principal
1 Liable to.
220 ESSAYS.
persons; and the raising of a man's own fortunes.
He that hath the best of these intentions, when he
aspireth, is an honest man ; and that prince that
can discern of these intentions in another that as-
pireth, is a wise prince. Generally, let princes and
states choose such ministers as are more sensible of
duty than of rising, and such as love business rather
upon conscience than upon bravery ; and let them
discern a busy nature from a willing mind.
XXXVII. — OF MASQUES AND TRIUMPHS.
These things are but toys to come amongst such
serious observations ; but yet, since princes will
have such things, it is better they should be graced
with elegancy, than daubed with cost. Dancing to
song is a thing of great state and pleasure. I un-
derstand it that the song be in choir, placed aloft,
and accompanied with some broken music, and the
ditty fitted to the device. Acting in song, especially
in dialogues, hath an extreme good grace ; I say
acting, not dancing (for that is a mean and vulgar
thing) ; and the voices of the dialogue would be
strong and manly (a base and a tenor, no treble),
and the ditty high and tragical, not nice or dainty.
Several choirs, placed one over against another, and
taking the voices by catches anthem-wise, give great
pleasure. Turning dances into figure is a childish
OF MASQUES AND TRIUMPHS. 221
curiosity ; and, generally, let it be noted, that those
thinsrs which I here set down are such as do natu-
rally take the sense, and not respect petty wonder-
ments. It is true, the alterations of scenes, so it be
quietly and without noise, are things of great beauty
and pleasure : for they feed and relieve the eye
before it be full of the same object. Let the scenes
abound with light, specially colored and varied ;
and let the masquers, or any other that are to come
down from the scene, have some motions upon the
scene itself before their coming down ; for it draws
the eye strangely, and makes it with, great pleasure
to desire to see that it cannot perfectly discern. Let
the songs be loud and cheerful, and not chirpings
or pulings ; ^ let the music, likewise, be sharp and
loud, and well placed. The colors that show best
by candlelight, are white, carnation, and a kind of
sea-water green ; and ouches,^ or spangs,^ as they
are of no great cost, so they are of most glory. As
for rich embroidery, it is lost and not discerned.
Let the suits of the masquers be graceful, and such
as become the person when the vizors are off; not
after examples of known attires, Turks, soldiers,
mariners, and the like. Let anti-masques* not be
1 Chirpings like the noise of young birds.
2 Jewels or necklaces.
3 Spangles, or O's of gold or silver. Beckmann says that these
were invented in the beginning of the seventeenth century. See
Beckmann's Hist, of Inventions (Bohn's Stand. Lib.), vol. i.
p. 424.
* Or antic-masques. These were ridiculous interludes dividing
222 ESSAYS.
long; they have been commonly of fools^ satyrs,
baboons, wild men, antics, beasts, sprites, witches,
Ethiopes, pigmies, turquets,-^ nymphs, rustics, Cu-
pids, statues moving, and the like. As for angels,
it is not comical enough to put them in anti-masques ;
and any thing that is hideous, as devils, giants, is,
on the other side, as unfit ; but, chiefly, let the mu-
sic of them be recreative, and with some strange
changes. Some sweet odors suddenly coming forth,
without any drops falling, are, in such a company
as there is steam and heat, things of great pleasure
and refreshment. Double masques, one of men,
another of ladies, addeth state and variety ; but all
is nothing, except the room be kept clear and neat.
For justs, and tourneys, and barriers, the glories
of them are chiefly in the chariots, wherein the chal-
lengers make their entry ; especially if they be drawn
with strange beasts, as lions, bears, camels, and the
like ; or in the devices of their entrance, or in the
bravery of their liveries, or in the goodly furniture of
their horses and armor. But enough of these toys.
the acts of the more serious masque. These were performed by-
hired actors, while the masque was played by ladies and gen-
tlemen. The rule was, the characters were to be neither serious
nor hideous. The "Comus" of Milton is an admirable specimen
of a masque.
1 Turks.
OF NATURE IN MEN. 223
XXXVIIL — OF NATURE IN MEN.
Nature is often hidden, sometimes overcome, sel-
dom extinguished. Force maketh nature more vio-
lent in the return; doctrine and discourse maketh
nature less importune, but custom only doth alter
and subdue nature. He that seeketh victory over
his nature, let him not set himself too great nor too
small tasks ; for the first will make him dejected by
often failings, and the second will make him a small
proceeder, though by often prevailings. And at the
first, let him practise with helps, as swimmers do
with bladders, or rushes ; but, after a time, let him
practise with disadvantages, as dancers do with thick
shoes ; for it breeds great perfection, if the practice
be harder than the use. Where nature is mighty,
and therefore the victory hard, the degrees had need
be, first, to stay and arrest nature in time ; like to
him that would say over the four and twenty letters
when he was angry ; then to go less in quantity : as
if one should, in forbearing wine, come from drinking
healths to a draught at a meal ; and, lastly, to dis-
continue altogether ; but if a man have the fortitude
and resolution to enfranchise himself at once, that is
the best : —
*' Optimus ille animi vindex Isedentia pectus
Vincula qui nipit, dedoluitque semel." i
1 '• He is the best asserter of the liberty of his mind, who bursts
the chains that gall his breast, and at the same moment ceases to
grieve." — This quotation is from Ovid's Remedy of Love, 293.
224 ESSAYS.
Neither is the ancient rule amiss, to bend nature as
a wand to a contrary extreme, whereby to set it
right ; understanding it where the contrary extreme
is no \nce. Let not a man force a habit upon him-
self ^vith a perpetual continuance, but with some
intermission, for both the pause reinforceth the new
onset ; and if a man that is not perfect be ever in
practice, he shall as well practise his errors as his
abilities, and induce one habit of both ; and there is
no means to help this but by seasonable intermis-
sions. But let not a n^an trust his victory over his
nature too far ; for nature will lie buried a great
time, and yet revive upon the occasion or tempta-
tion ; like as it was with yEsop's damsel, turned
from a cat to a woman, who sat very demurely at the
board's end till a mouse ran before her. Therefore,
let a man either avoid the occasion altogether, or put
himself often to it, that he may be little moved with
it. A man's nature is best perceived in privateness,
for there is no affectation ; in passion, for that put-
teth a man out of his precepts ; and in a new case
or experiment, for there custom leaveth him. They
are happy men whose natures sort with their voca-
tions; otherwise they may say, ^^Multum incola fuit
anima mea," ^ when they converse in those things
they do not affect. In studies, whatsoever a man
commandeth upon himself, let him set hours for it :
but whatsoever is agreeable to his nature, let him
take no care for any set times ; for his thoughts will
1 ** My soul has long been a sojourner."
OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATION. 225
fly to it of themselves, so as the spaces of other busi-
ness or studies will suffice. A man's nature runs
cither to herbs or weeds ; therefore, let him seasona-
bly water the one, and destroy the other.
XXXIX.— OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATIOK
Men's thoughts are much according to their incli-
nation ; ^ their discourse and speeches according to
their learning and infused opinions ; but their deeds
are, after, as they have been accustomed ; and, there-
fore, as Machiavel well noteth (though in an evil-
favored instance), there is no trusting to the force of
nature, nor to the bravery of words, except it be cor-
roborate by custom.*^ His instance is, that, for the
achieving of a desperate conspiracy, a man should
not rest upon the fierceness of any man's nature, or
his resolute undertakings, but take such a one as
hath had his hands formerly in blood ; but Machiavel
knew not of a Friar Clement,^ nor a Ravaillac,* nor a
1 **The wish is father to the thought," is a proverbial saying
of similar meaning,
2 Vide Disc. Sop. Liv. iii. 6.
^ Jaccpies Clement, a Dominican friar, who assassinated Henry
III. of France, in 1589. The sombre fanatic was but twenty-five
year of age ; and he had announced the intention of killing with
his own hands the great enemy of his faith. He was instigated by
the Leaguers, and particularly by the Duchess of ]\Iontpensier, the
sister of the Duke of Guise.
* He murdered Henry IV. of France, in 1610.
15
226 ESSAYS.
Jaureguy/ nor a Baltazar Gerard ; ^ yet his rule
holdeth still, that nature, nor the engagement of
words, are not so forcible as custom. Only super-
stition is now so well advanced, that men of the first
blood are as firm as butchers by occupation ; and
votary ^ resolution is made equipollent to custom,
even in matter of blood. In other things, the pre-
dominancy of custom is everywhere visible, insomuch
as a man would wonder to hear men profess, protest,
engage, give great words, and then do just as they
have done before, as if tliey were dead images and
engines, moved only by the wheels of custom. "We
see, also, the reign or tyranny of custom, what it is.
The Indians ^ (I mean the sect of their wise men)
lay themselves quietly upon a stack of wood, and so
sacrifice themselves by fire ; nay, the wives strive to
be burned with the corpses of their husbands. The
lads of Sparta, of ancient time, were wont to be
scourged upon the altar of Diana, without so much
as quecking.^ I remember, in the beginning of
Queen Elizabeth's time of England, an Irish rebel
condemned, put up a petition to the deputy that he
1 Philip II. of Spain having, in 1582, set a price upon the head
of William of Nassau, Prince of Orange, the leader of the Prot-
estants, Jaureguy attempted to assassinate him, and severely
wounded him.
^ He assassinated William of Nassau, in 15S4. It is supposed
that this fanatic meditated the crime for six years.
^ A resolution prompted by a vow of devotion to a particular
principle or creed.
* He alludes to the Hindoos, and the ceremony of Suttee, en-
couraged by the Brahmins.
5 Flinching. — Vide Cic. Tuscul. Disp. ii. 14.
OF CUSTOM AND EDUCATION. 227
might be hanged in a withe, and not in a halter,
because it had been so used with former rebels.
There be monks in Russia for penance, that will sit
a whole night in a vessel of water, till they be
engaged with hard ice. ^lany examples may be put
of the force of custom, both upon mind and body ;
therefore, since custom is the principal magistrate of
man's life, let men, by all means, endeavor to obtain
good customs. Certainly, custom is most perfect
when it beginneth in young years : this we call edu-
cation, which is, in effect, but an early custom. So
we see, in languages, the tongue is more pliant to all
expressions and sounds, the joints are more supple to
all feats of activity and motions in youth, than after-
wards ; for it is true, that late learners cannot so
well take the ply, except it be in some minds that
have not suffered themselves to fix, but have kept
themselves open and prepared to receive continual
amendment, which is exceeding rare. But if the
force of custom, simple and separate, be great, the
force of custom, copulate and conjoined and colleg-
iate, is far greater ; for there example teacheth,
company comforteth, emulation quickeneth, glory
raiseth ; so as in such places the force of custom is
in his exaltation. Certainly, the great multiplication
of virtues upon human nature resteth upon societies
well ordained and disciplined ; for commonwealths
and good governments do nourish virtue grown, but
do not much mend the seeds ; but the misery is, that
the most effectual means are now applied to the ends
least to be desired.
228 ESSAYS.
XL. — OF FORTUNE.
It cannot be denied, but outward accidents con-
duce much to fortune ; favor, opportunity, death of
others, occasion fitting virtue ; but, chiefly, the mould
of a man's fortune is in his own hands : " Faber
quisque fortunae suae," ^ saith the poet ; and the most
frequent of external causes, is that the folly of one
man is the fortune of another ; for no man prospers
so suddenly as by others' errors. "Serpens nisi
serpentem comederit non fit draco." ^ Overt and
apparent virtues bring forth praise : but there be
secret and hidden virtues that bring forth fortune ;
certain deliveries of a man's self, which have no
name. The Spanish name, " disemboltura," ^ partly
expresseth them, when there be not stonds* nor
restiveness in a man's nature, but that the wheels
1 "Every man is the architect of his own fortune." Sallust,
in his letters "De Republica Ordinanda," attributes these words
to Appius Claudius Csecus, a Roman poet whose works are now
lost. Lord Bacon, in the Latin translation of his Essays, which
was made under his supervision, rendered the word "poet"
"comicus ;" by whom he probably meant Plautus, who has this
line in his " Trinummus " (Act ii, sc. 2) : " Nam sapiens quidem
pol ipsus fingit fortunam sibi," which has the same meaning,
though in somewhat different terms.
2 "A serpent, unless it has devoured a serpent, does not become
a dragon."
^ Or " desenvoltura," implying readiness to adapt one's self to
circumstances.
* Impediments, causes for hesitation.
OF FORTUNE. 229
of his mind keep way with the wheels of his for-
tune; for so Livy (after he had described Cato
Major in these words, " In illo viro, tantum robur
corporis et animi fuit, ut quocunque loco natus esset,
fortunam sibi facturus videretur,") ^ falleth upon that,
that he had '* versatile ingenium : " ^ therefore, if a
man look sharply and attentively, he shall see For-
tune ; for though she be blind, yet she is not in-
visible. The way of Fortune is like the milky way
in the sky ; which is a meeting, or knot, of a number
of small stars, not seen asunder, but giving light
together ; so are there a number of little and scarce
discerned virtues, or rather faculties and customs,
that make men fortunate. The Italians note some
of them, such as a man would little think. When
they speak of one that cannot do amiss, they will
throw in into his other conditions, that he hath
" Poco di matto ; " ^ and, certainly, there be not two
more fortunate properties, than to have a little of
the fool, and not too much of the honest; there-
fore, extreme lovers of their country, or masters,
were never fortunate ; neither can they be, for when
a man place th his thoughts without himself, he goeth
not his own way. A hasty fortune maketh an enter-
priser and remover (the French hath it better,
" entreprenant," or " remnant ") ; but the exercised
^ ** In that man there was such great strength of body and mind,
that, in whatever station he had been born, he seemed as though
he should make his fortune."
2 **A versatile genius." ^ "A little of the fool."
230 ESSAYS.
fortune maketh the able man. Fortune is to be
honored and respected, and it be but for her daugh-
ters, Confidence and Reputation ; for those two Fe-
licity breedeth; the first within a man's self, the
latter in others towards him. All wise men, to
decline the envy of their own virtues, use to ascribe
them to Providence and Fortune ; for so they may
the better assume them ; and, besides, it is great-
ness in a man to be the care of the higher powers.
So Csesar said to the pilot in the tempest, " Ceesarem
portas, et fortunam ejus." ^ So Sylla chose the
name of " Felix," ^ and not of "Magnus;"^ and it
hath been noted, that those who ascribe openly too
much to their own wisdom and policy, end unfortu-
nate. It is written, that Timotheus * the Athenian,
after he had, in the account he gave to the state of
his government, often interlaced his speech, "and
in this Fortune had no part," never prospered in any
thing he undertook afterwards. Certainly there be,
whose fortunes are like Homer's verses, that have
a slide ^ and easiness more than the verses of other
poets ; as Plutarch saith of Timoleon's fortune in re-
spect of that of Agesilaus or Epaminondas ; and that
this should be, no doubt it is much in a man's self.
1 " Thou carriest Caesar and his fortunes." — Plut. Tit. Ccels. 38.
2 *' The Fortunate." He attributed his success to the inter-
vention of Hercules, to whom he paid especial veneration.
3 "The Great." — P/m^. Syll. 34.
4 A successful Athenian general, the son of Conon, and the
friend of Plato.
s Fluency, or smoothness.
OF USURY. 231
XLL — OF USURY.i
Many have made witty invectives against usury.
They say that it is pity the devil should have God's
part, which is the tithe ; that the usurer is the great
est Sabbath-breaker, because his plough goeth every
Sunday; that the usurer is the drone that Virgil
speaketh of: —
** Ignavum fucos peons a prsesepibus arcent ; " 2
that the usurer breaketh the first law that was made
for mankind after the fall, which was, "in sudore
vultus tui comedes paneni tuum ; " ^ not, '' in sudore
vultds alieni ; " * that usurers should have orange-
tawny ^ bonnets, because they do Judaize ; that it is
against nature for money to beget money, and the
like. I say this only, that usury is a " concessum
propter duritiem cordis ; " ^ for, since there must be
borrowing and lending, and men are so hard of
heart as they will not lend freely, usury must be
1 Lord Bacon seems to use the word in the general sense of
"lending money upon interest."
2 *' Drive from their hives the drones, a lazy race." — Georgics,
h. iv. 168.
3 "In the sweat of thy face shalt thou eat thy bread." — Gen.
iii. 19.
* "In the sweat of the face of another."
5 In the middle ages the Jews were compelled, by legal enact-
ment, to wear peculiar dresses and colors ; one of these was orange.
^ *' A concession by reason of hardness of heart." He alludes
to the words in St. Matthew xix. 8.
232 ESSAYS.
permitted. Some others have made suspicious and
cunning propositions of banks, discovery of men's
estates, and other inventions ; but few have spoken
of usury usefully. It is good to set before us the
incommodities and commodities of usury, that the
good may be either weighed out, or culled out ; and
warily to provide, that, while we make forth to that
which is better, we meet not with that which is
worse.
The discommodities of usury are, first, that it
makes fewer merchants; for were it not for this
lazy trade of usury, money would not lie still, but
would, in great part, be employed upon merchan-
dising, which is the ^' vena porta " ^ of wealth in a
state. The second, that it makes poor merchants ;
for as a farmer cannot husband his ground so well
if he sit at a great rent, so the merchant cannot
drive his trade so well if he sit^ at great usury.
The third is incident to the other two ; and that is,
the decay of customs of kings, or states, which ebb
or flow with merchandising. The fourth, that it
bringeth the treasure of a realm or state into a few
hands ; for the usurer being at certainties, and others
at uncertainties, at the end of the game most of the
money will be in the box ; and ever a state flourish-
eth when wealth is more equally spread. The fifth,
that it beats down the price of land ; for the em-
ployment of money is chiefly either merchandising
or purchasing, and usury waylays both. The sixth,
1 See note to Essay xix. 2 Hold.
OF USURY. 233
that it doth dull and damp all industries, improve-
ments, and new inventions, wherein money would
be stirring, if it were not for this slug. The last,
that it is the canker and ruin of many men's estates,
which, in process of time, breeds a public poverty.
On the other side, the commodities of usury are,
first, that, howsoever usury in some respect hindereth
merchandising, yet in some other it advanceth it ;
for it is certain that the greatest part of trade is
driven by young merchants upon borrowing at in-
terest; so as if the usurer either call in, or keep
back his money, there will ensue presently a great
stand of trade. The second is, that, were it not for
this easy borrowing upon interest, men's necessities
would draw upon them a most sudden undoing, in
that they would be forced to sell their means (be it
lands or goods), far under foot ; and so, whereas
usury doth but gnaw upon them, bad markets would
swallow them quite up. As for mortgaging or
pawning, it will little mend the matter; for either
men will not take pawns without use, or, if they do,
they will look precisely for the forfeiture. I re-
member a cruel moneyed man in the country, that
would say, " The devil take this usury, it keeps us
from forfeitures of mortgages and bonds." The
third and last is, that it is a vanity to conceive that
there would be ordinary borrowing without profit;
and it is impossible to conceive the number of
inconveniences that will ensue, if borrowing be
cramped. Therefore, to speak of the abolishing of
234 • ESSAYS.
usury is idle ; all states have ever had it in one kind
or rate, or other; so as that opinion must be sent
to Utopia.^
To speak now of the reformation and reglement^
of usury, how the discommodities of it may be best
avoided, and the commodities retained. It appears,
by the balance of commodities and discommodities
of usury, two things are to be reconciled ; the one,
that the tooth of usury be grinded, that it bite not
too much ; the other, that there be left open a means
to invite moneyed men to lend to the merchants,
for the continuing and quickening of trade. This
cannot be done, except you introduce two several
sorts of usury, a less and a greater ; for if you
reduce usury to one low rate, it will ease the com-
mon borrower, but the merchant will be to seek for
money; and it is to be noted that the trade of
merchandise being the most lucrative, may bear
usury at a good rate ; other contracts not so.
To serve both intentions, the way would be briefly
thus : that there be two rates of usury ; the one
free and general for all ; the other under license
only to certain persons, and in certain places of
merchandising. First, therefore, let usury in gen-
eral be reduced to five in the hundred, and let that
rate be proclaimed to be free and current; and let
the state shut itself out to take any penalty for the
1 The imaginary country described in Sir Thomas More's politi-
cal romance of that name.
2 Regulation.
OF USURY. 235
same. This will preserve borrowing from any gen-
eral stop or dryness ; this will ease infinite borrow-
ers in the country ; this will, in good part, raise the
price of land, because land purchased at sixteen
years' purchase will yield six in the hundred, and
somewhat more, whereas this rate of interest yields
but five. This, by like reason, will encourage and
edge industrious and profitable improvements, be-
cause many will rather venture in that kind, than
take five in the hundred, especially having been
used to greater profit. Secondly, let there be cer-
tain persons licensed to lend to known merchants
upon usury, at a higher rate, and let it be with the
cautions following : Let the rate be, even with the
merchant himself, somewhat more easy than that he
used formerly to pay; for, by that means, all bor-
rowers shall have some ease by this reformation,
be he merchant, or whosoever ; let it be no bank or
common stock, but every man be master of his own
money; not that I altogether mislike banks, but
they will hardly be brooked, in regard of certain
suspicions. Let the state be answered ^ some small
matter for the license, and the rest left to the lender ;
for if the abatement be but small, it will no whit dis-
courage the lender ; for he, for example, that took be-
fore ten or nine in the hundred, will sooner descend
to eight in the hundred, than give over his trade of
usury, and go from certain gains to gains of hazard.
Let these licensed lenders be in number indefinite,
^ Be paid.
236 ESSAYS.
but restrained to certain principal cities and towns
of merchandising ; for then they will be hardly able
to color other men's moneys in the country, so as
the license of nine will not suck away the current
rate of five ; for no man will send his moneys far
off, nor put them into unknown hands.
If it be objected, that this doth in a sort author-
ize usury, which before was in some places but
permissive ; the answer is, that it is better to miti-
gate usury by declaration, than to suffer it to rage
by connivance.^
1 Our author was one of the earliest writers who treated the
question of the interest of money with the enlightened views of
a statesman and an economist. The taking of interest was con-
sidered, in his time, immoral.
Laws on this matter are extremely ancient. Moses forbids the
Jews to require interest of each other. "Thou shalt not lend
upon usury to thy brother ; usury of money, usury of victuals,
usury of any thing that is lent upon usury :
"Unto a stranger thou mayest lend upon usury; but unto thy
brother thou shalt not lend upon usury."- — Deut. xxiii. 19, 20.
Among the Greeks, the rate of interest was settled by agree-
ment between the borrower and the lender, without any inter-
ference of the law. The customary rate varied from ten to thirty-
three and one third per cent.
The Romans enacted laws againvSt usurious interest ; but their
legal interest, admitted by the law of the Twelve Tables, was,
according to some, twelve per cent., or, to others, one twelfth of
the capital, i. e. eight and one third per cent. Justinian reduced
it to six per cent.
In England, the legal rate of interest was, in Henry the Eighth's
reign, ten per cent. It was reduced, in 1624, to eight per cent.
It was further diminished, in 1672, to six per cent. And defini-
tively, in 1713, fixed at five per cent., the ordinary rate of interest
OF YOUTH AND AGE. 237
XLII. — OF YOUTH AND AGE.
A MAN that is young in years may be old in
hours, if he have lost no time ; but that happeneth
rarely. Generally, youth is like the first cogitations,
not so wise as the second; for there is a youth in
thoughts as well as in ages ; and yet the invention
of young men is more lively than that of old, and
imaginations stream into their minds better, and, as
it were, more divinely. Natures that have much
heat, and great and violent desires and perturba-
tions, are not ripe for action till they have passed
the meridian of their years: as it was with Julius
Csesar and Septimius Severus ; of the latter of whom
it is said, " Juventutem egit erroribus, imo furoribus
plenam;"! and yet he was the ablest emperor,
almost, of all the list ; but reposed natures may do
well in youth, as it is seen in Augustus Caesar,
Cosmus Duke of Florence, Gaston de Foix/ and
others. On the other side, heat and vivacity in age
is an excellent composition for business. Young
men are fitter to invent than to judge, fitter for
execution than for counsel, and fitter for new pro-
throughout Europe. In France, the rates of interest have been
nearly similar at the same periods.
1 "He passed his youth full of errors, of madness even." —
Spartian. Vit. Sev.
2 He was nephew of Louis the Twelfth of France, and com-
manded the French armies in Italy against the Spaniards. After
a brilliant career, he was killed at the battle of Kavenna, in 1512.
238 ESSAYS.
jects than for settled business; for the experience
of age, in things that fall within the compass of it,
directeth them; but in new things abuseth them.
The errors of young men are the ruin of business ;
but the errors of aged men amount but to this, that
more might have been done, or sooner.
Young men, in the conduct and manage of ac-
tions, embrace more than they can hold, stir more
than they can quiet ; fly to the end, without consid-
eration of the means and degrees ; pursue some few
principles which they have chanced upon absurdly ;
care not to innovate, which draws unknown incon-
veniences ; use extreme remedies at first ; and that,
which doubleth all errors, will not acknowledge
or retract them, like an unready horse, that will
neither stop nor turn. Men of age object too much,
consult too long, adventure too little, repent too
soon, and seldom drive business home to the full
period, but content themselves with a mediocrity of
success. Certainly, it is good to compound employ-
ments of both ; for that will be good for the pres-
ent, because the virtues of either age may correct
the defects of both ; and good for succession, that
young men may be learners, while men in age are
actors ; and, lastly, good for externe accidents, be-
cause authority foUoweth old men, and favor and
popularity youth; but, for the moral part, perhaps,
youth will have the preeminence, as age hath for
the politic. A certain rabbin, upon the text, " Your
young men shall see visions, and your old men shall
OF YOUTH AND AGE. 239
dream dreams,"-^ iiiferretli that young men are ad-
mitted nearer to God than old, because vision is a
clearer revelation than a dream ; and, certainly,
the more a man drinketh of the world, the more it
intoxicateth ; and age doth profit rather in the pow-
ers of understanding, than in the virtues of the
will and affections. There be some have an over-
early ripeness in their years, which fadeth betimes ;
these are, first, such as have brittle wits, the edge
whereof is soon turned ; such as was Hermogenes ^
the rhetorician, whose books are exceedingly subtle ;
who afterwards waxed stupid. A second sort is of
those that have some natural dispositions, which
have better grace in youth than in ago ; such as is
a fluent and luxuriant speech, which becomes youth
well, but not age ; so Tully saith of Hortensius :
" Idem manebat, neque idem decebat." ^ The third
is of such as take too high a strain at the first, and
are magnanimous more than tract of years can up-
hold ; as was Scipio Africanus, of whom lAvj saith,
in efiect, " Ultima primis cedebant." *
1 Joel ii. 28, quoted Acts ii. 17.
2 He lived in the second century after Christ, and is said to
have lost his memory at the age of twenty-five.
^ ** He remained the same, but with the advance of years was
not so becoming." — Cic. Brut. 95.
* "The close was unequal to the beginning." This quotation
is not correct; the words are: " Memorabilior prima pars vit?e
quam postrema fuit," — "The first part of his life was more dis-
tinguished than the latter." — Livi/ xxxviii. ch. 63.
240 ESSAYS.
XLIIL — OF BEAUTY.
Virtue is like a rich stone, best plain set; and
surely virtue is best in a body that is comely, though
not of delicate features, and that hath rather dig-
nity of presence than beauty of aspect ; neither is it
always most seen, that very beautiful persons are other-
wise of great virtue ; as if nature were rather busy
not to err, than in labor to produce excellency ; and
therefore they prove accomplished, but not of great
spirit, and study rather behavior than virtue. But
this holds not always; for Augustus Csesar, Titus
Vespasianus, Philip le Bel of France, Edward the
Fourth of England,^ Alcibiades of Athens, Ismael
the Sophy of Persia, were all high and great spirits,
and yet the most beautiful men of their times. In
beauty, that of favor is more than that of color ; and
that of decent and gracious motion, more than that
of favor.2 That is the best part of beauty, which a
picture cannot express ; no, nor the first sight of the
life. There is no excellent beauty that hath not
some strangeness in the proportion. A man cannot
tell whether Apelles, or Albert Durer, were the more
trifler ; whereof the one would make a personage by
1 By tlie context, lie would seem to consider "■ great spirit "
and "virtue" as convertible terms. Edward IV., however, has
no claim to be considered as a virtuous or magnanimous man,
though he possessed great physical courage.
2 Features.
OF DEFORMITY. 241
geometrical proportions ; the other, by taking the
best parts out of divers faces to make one excellent.
Such personages, I think, would please nobody but
the painter that made them : not but I think a
painter may make a better face than ever was ; but
he must do it by a kind of felicity (as a musician
that maketh an excellent air in music), and not by
rule. A man shall see faces, that, if you examine
them part by part, you shall find never a good, and
yet altogether do well. If it be true that the prin-
cipal part of beauty is in decent motion, certainly it
is no marvel, though persons in years seem many
times more amiable ; " Pulchrorum autumnus pul-
cher ; " ^ for no youth can be comely but by pardon ,2
and considering the youth as to make up the comeli-
ness. Beauty is as summer fruits, which are easy
to corrupt, and cannot last ; and, for the most part,
it makes a dissolute youth, and an age a little out of
countenance ; but yet certainly again, if it light well,
it maketh virtues shine, and vices blush.
XLIV. — OF DEFORMITY.
Deformed persons are commonly even with na-
ture ; for, as nature hath done ill by them, so do they
by nature, being for the most part (as the Scripture
1 •* The autumn of the beautiful is beautiful."
2 By making allowances.
16
242 ESSAYS.
saith) " void of natural affection ; " ^ and so they
have their revenge of nature. Certainly, there is a
consent between the body and the mind, and where
nature erreth in the one, she ventureth in the other :
" Ubi peccat in uno, periclitatur in altero." '^ But
because there is in man an election, touching the
frame of his mind, and a necessity in the frame of his
body, the stars of natural inclination are sometimes
obscured by the sun of discipline and virtue ; there-
fore, it is good to consider of deformity, not as a sign
which is more deceivable, but as a cause which sel-
dom faileth of the effect. Whosoever hath any thing
fixed in his person that doth induce contempt, hath
also a perpetual spur in himself to rescue and deliver
himself from scorn ; therefore, all deformed persons
are extreme bold ; first, as in their own defence, as
being exposed to scorn, but, in process of time, by a
general habit. Also, it stirreth in them industry,
and especially of this kind, to watch and observe the
weakness of others, that they may have somewhat to
repay. Again, in their superiors, it quencheth jeal-
ousy towards them, as persons that they think they
may at pleasure despise ; and it layeth their competi-
tors and emulators asleep, as never believing they
should be in possibility of advancement till they see
them in possession ; so that upon the matter, in a
great wit, deformity is an advantage to rising. Kings
in ancient times (and at this present in some coun-
1 Rom. i. 31; 2 Tim. iii. 3.
- " "Where she errs in the one, she ventures in the other."
i
OF BUILDING. 243
tries) were wont to put great trust in eunuchs,
because they that are envious towards all are more
obnoxious and officious towards one ; but yet their
trust towards them hath rather been as to good
spials/ and good whisperers, than good magistrates
and officers ; and much like is the reason of deformed
persons. Still the ground is, they will, if they be
of spirit, seek to free themselves from scorn, which
must be either by virtue or malice ; and, therefore,
let it not be marvelled, if sometimes they prove ex-
cellent persons ; as was Agesilaiis, Zanger, the son
of Solyman,^ ^sop, Gasca president of Peru; and
Socrates may go likewise amongst them, with others.
XLV.— OF BUILDING.
Houses are built to live in, and not to look on,
therefore, let use be preferred before uniformity, ex-
cept where both may be had. Leave the goodly
fabrics of houses, for beauty only, to the enchanted
palaces of the poets, who build them with small
cost. He that builds a fair house upon an ill seat,^
committeth himself to prison; neither do I reckon
it an ill seat only where the air is unwholesome, but
likewise where the air is unequal. As you shall
see many fine seats set upon a knap^ of ground
1 Spies. 2 Solynian the Magnificent, Sultan of the Turks.
8 Site. * Knoll.
244 ESSAYS.
environed with higher hills round about it, whereby
the heat of the sun is pent in, and the wind gather-
eth as in troughs ; so as you shall have, and that
suddenly, as great diversity of heat and cold as if
you dwelt in several places. Neither is it ill air
only that maketh an ill seat ; but ill ways, ill mar-
kets, and, if you will consult with Momus,^ ill neigh-
bors. I speak not of many more : want of water,
want of wood, shade, and shelter, want of fruitful-
ness, and mixture of grounds of several natures ;
want of prospect, want of level grounds, want of
places at some near distance for sports of hunting,
hawking, and races ; too near the sea, too remote ;
having the commodity of navigable rivers, or the
discommodity of their overflowing ; too far off from
great cities, which may hinder business ; or too near
them, which lurcheth^ all provisions, and maketh
every thing dear ; where a man hath a great living
laid together, and where he is scanted ; all which, as
it is impossible perhaps to find together, so it is good
to know them, and think of them, that a man may
take as many as he can ; and if he have several
dwellings, that he sort them so, that what he want-
eth in the one he may find in the other. Lucul-
lus answered Pompey well, who, when he saw his
stately galleries and rooms so large and lightsome, in
one of his houses, said, " Surely, an excellent place
1 Have a liking for cheerful society. Momus being the god of
mirth.
2 Eats up.
OF BUILDING. 245
for summer, but how do you do in winter ? " Lucul-
lus answered, " Why, do you not think me as wise
as some fowls are, that ever change their abode
towards the winter ? " ^
To pass from the seat to the house itself, we will
do as Cicero doth in the orator's art, who writes
books De Oratore, and a book he entitles Orator;
whereof the former delivers the precepts of the art,
and the latter the perfection. We will therefore
describe a princely palace, making a brief model
thereof; for it is strange to see, now in Europe,
such huge buildings as the Vatican and Escurial,^
and some others be, and yet scarce a very fair room
in them.
First, therefore, I say, you cannot have a perfect
palace, except you have two several sides; a side
for the banquet, as is spoken of in the book of Es-
ther,^ and a side for the household ; the one for
feasts and triumphs, and the other for dwelling. I
understand both these sides to be not only returns,
but parts of the front, and to be uniform without,
though severally partitioned within; and to be on
both sides of a great and stately tower in the midst
of the front, that, as it were, joineth them together
on either hand. I would have, on the side of the
1 Plut. Vit. Lucull. 39.
2 A vast edifice, about twenty miles from Madrid, founded by
Philip II.
2 Esth. i. 5 ; "The King made a feast unto all the people that
were present in Shushan the palace, both unto great and small,
seven days, in the court of the garden of the king's palace."
246 ESSAYS.
banquet in front, one only goodly room above stairs,
of some forty foot high ; and under it a room for a
dressing or preparing place, at times of triumphs.
On the other side, which is the household side, I
wish it divided at the first into a hall and a chapel,
(with a partition between), both of good state and
bigness ; and those not to go all the length, but to
have at the further end a winter and a summer
parlor, both fair ; and under these rooms a fair and
large cellar sunk under ground ; and likewise some
privy kitchens, with butteries, and pantries, and the
like. As for the tower, I would have it two stories,
of eighteen foot high apiece above the two wings ;
and a goodly leads upon the top, railed, with statues
interposed; and the same tower to be divided into
rooms, as shall be thought fit. The stairs likewise
to the upper rooms, let them be upon a fair open
newel,^ and finely railed in with images of wood
cast into a brass color, and a very fair landing-place
at the top. But this to be, if you do not point any
of the lower rooms for a dining-place of servants ;
for, otherwise, you shall have the servants' dinner
after your own ; for the steam of it will come up as
in a tunnel.2 ^jj^ g^ much for the front; only I
understand the height of the first stairs to be sixteen
foot, which is the height of the lower room.
Beyond this front is there to be a fair court, but
1 The cylinder formed by the small end of the steps of winding
stairs.
2 The funnel of a chimney.
OF BUILDING. 247
three sides of it of a far lower building than the front ;
and in all the four corners of that court fair stair-
cases, cast into turrets on the outside, and not within
the row of buildings themselves ; but those towers
are not to be of the height of the front, but rather
proportionable to the lower building. Let the court
not be paved, for that striketh up a great heat in
summer, and much cold in winter ; but only some
side alleys with a cross, and the quarters to graze,
being kept shorn, but not too near shorn. The
row of return on the banquet side, let it be all
stately galleries ; in which galleries let there be
three or five fine cupolas in the length of it, placed
at equal distance, and fine colored windows of
several works ; on the household side, chambers of
presence and ordinary entertainments, with some
bedchambers ; and let all three sides be a double
house, without thorough lights on the sides, that
you may have rooms from the sun, both for forenoon
and afternoon. Cast it, also, that you may have
rooms both for summer and winter ; shady for sum-
mer, and warm for winter. You shall have some-
times fair houses so full of glass, that one cannot
tell where to become^ to be out of the sun or
cold. For imbowed^ windows, I hold them of
good use; (in cities, indeed, upright ^ do better, in
respect of the uniformity towards the street;) for
they be pretty retiring places for conference; and,
^ "Where to go. 2 Bow, or bay, windows.
3 Flush with the wall.
248 ESSAYS.
besides, they keep both the wind and sun off; for
that which would strike almost through the room
doth scarce pass the window : but let them be but
few, four in the court, on the sides only.
Beyond this court, let there be an inward court,
of the same square and height, which is to be envi-
roned with the garden on all sides ; and in the
inside, cloistered on all sides upon decent and
beautiful arches, as high as the first story; on the
under story towards the garden, let it be turned
to grotto, or place of shade, or estivation ; and only
have opening and windows towards the garden, and
be level upon the floor, no whit sunk under ground
to avoid all dampishness; and let there be a foun-
tain, or some fair work of statues in the midst of
this court., and to be paved as the other court was.
These buildings to be for privy lodgings on both
sides, and the end for privy galleries; whereof you
must foresee that one of them be for an infirmary,
if the prince or any special person should be sick,
with chambers, bedchamber, " anticamera," ^ and
"recamera,"^ joining to it; this upon the second
story. Upon the ground story, a fair gallery, open,
upon pillars ; and upon the third story, likewise,
an open gallery upon pillars, to take the prospect
and freshness of the garden. At both corners of
the further side, by way of return, let there be
two delicate or rich cabinets, daintily paved, richly
hanged, glazed with crystalline glass, and a rich
1 Antechamber. 2 Withdrawing-room.
OF GARDENS. 249
cupola in the midst, and all other elegancy that can
be thought upon. In the upper gallery, too, I wish
that there may be, if the place will yield it, some
fountains running in divers places from the wall,
with some fine avoidances.^ And thus much for
the model of the palace, save that you must have,
before you come to the front, three courts : a green
court plain, with a wall about it ; a second court of
the same, but more garnished with little turrets, or
rather embellishments, upon the wall ; and a third
court, to make a square with the front, but not to be
built, nor yet inclosed with a naked wall, but in-
closed with terraces leaded aloft, and fairly gar-
nished on the three sides, and cloistered on the
inside with pillars, and not with arches below. As
for offices, let them stand at distance, with some low
galleries to pass from them to the palace itself.
XLVL — OF GARDENS.
God Almighty first planted a garden; and, in-
deed, it is the purest of human pleasures ; it is the
greatest refreshment to the spirits of man ; without
which buildings and palaces are but gross handy-
works ; and a man shall ever see, that, when ages
grow to civility and elegancy, men come to build
stately, sooner than to garden finely ; as if garden-
^ Watercourses.
250 ESSAYS.
ing were the greater perfection. I do hold it, in
the royal ordering of gardens, there ought to be
gardens for all the months in the year, in which,
severally, things of beauty may be then in season.
For December, and January, and the latter part of
November, you must take such things as are green
all winter: holly, ivy, bays, juniper, cypress-trees,
yew, pineapple-trees ; ^ fir-trees, rosemary, lavender ;
periwinkle, the white, the purple, and the blue ;
germander, flags, orange-trees, lemon-trees, and myr-
tles, if they be stoved;^ and sweet marjoram, warm
set. There followeth, for the latter part of January
and February, the mezereon-tree, which then blossoms ;
crocus vernus, both the yellow and the gray ; prim-
roses, anemones, the early tulip, the hyacinthus
orientalis, chamairis fritellaria. For March, there
come violets, especially the single blue, which are
the earliest ; the yellow daffodil, the daisy, the
almond-tree in blossom, the peach-tree in blossom,
the cornelian-tree in blossom, sweet-brier. In April,
follow the double white violet, the wall-flower, the
stock-gillyflower, the cowslip, flower-de-luces, and
lilies of all natures ; rosemary flowers, the tulip, the
double peony, the pale daffodil, the French honey-
suckle, the cherry-tree in blossom, the damascene^
and plum-trees in blossom, the white thorn in
leaf, the lilac-tree. In May and June come pinks
of all sorts, especially the blush-pink; roses of all
1 Pine trees. ^ Kept warm in a greenhouse.
8 The damson, or plum of Damascus.
OF GARDENS. 251
kinds, except the musk, which comes later; honey-
suckles, strawberries, bugloss, columbine, the French
marigold, flos Africanus, cherry-tree in fruit, ribes,^
figs in fruit, rasps, vine-flowers, lavender in flowers,
the sweet satyrian, with the white flower; herba
muscaria, lilium convallium, the apple-tree in blos-
som. In July come gillyflowers of all varieties,
musk-roses, the lime-tree in blossom, early pears, and
plums in fruit, genitings,^ codlins. In August come
plums of all sorts in fruit, pears, apricots, barberries,
filberts, musk-melons, monks-hoods, of all colors. In
September come grapes, apples, poppies of all colors,
peaches, melocotones,^ nectarines, cornelians,* war-
dens/ quinces. In October, and the beginning of
November, come services, medlars, bullaces, roses cut
or removed to come late, hollyoaks, and such like.
These particulars are for the climate of London ;
but my meaning is perceived, that you may have
"ver perpetuum,"^ as the place affords.
And because the breath of flowers is far sweeter
in the air (where it comes and goes, like the war-
bling of music), than in the hand, therefore nothing
is more fit for that delight, than to know what be
1 Currants.
2 An apple that is gathered very esivly.
^ A kind of qmnce, so called from "cotoueum," or "cydonium,"
the Latin name of the quince.
* The fruit of the cornel-tree.
^ The warden was a large pear, so called from its keeping well.
Warden-pie was formerly much esteemed in this country.
^ Perpetual spring.
252 ESSAYS.
the flowers and plants that do best perfume the
air. Roses, damask and red, are fast flowers^ of
their smell, so that you may walk by a whole row
of them, and find nothing of their sweetness; yea,
though it be in a morning's dew. Bays, likewise,
yield no smell as they grow, rosemary little, nor
sweet marjoram ; that which, above all others, yields
the sweetest smell in the air, is the violet, especially
the white double violet, which comes twice a year,
about the middle of April, and about Bartholomew-
tide. Next to that is the musk-rose ; then the
strawberry leaves dying, with a most excellent cor-
dial smell ; then the flower of the vines, it is a little
dust like the dust of a bent,^ which grows upon the
cluster in the first coming forth ; then sweet-brier,
then wall-flowers, which are very delightful to be
set under a parlor or lower chamber window ; then
pinks and gillyflowers, specially the matted pink and
clove gillyflower ; then the flowers of the lime-tree ;
then the honeysuckles, so they be somewhat afar
off". Of bean-flowers^ I speak not, because they
are field-flowers ; but those which perfume the air
most delightfully, not passed by as the rest, but
being trodden upon and crushed, are three ; that is,
burnet, wild thyme, and water-mints ; therefore you
are to set whole alleys of them, to have the pleasure
when you walk or tread.
1 Flowers that do not send forth their smell at any distance.
2 A species of grass of the genus argostis.
^ The blossoms of the bean.
OF GAKDENS. 253
For gardens (speaking of those which are indeed
prince-like, as we have done of buildings), the con-
tents ought not well to be under thirty acres of
ground, and to be divided into three parts ; a green
in the entrance, a heath, or desert, in the going forth,
and the main garden in the midst, besides alleys on
both sides ; and I like well that four acres of ground
be assigned to the green, six to the heath, four and
four to either side, and twelve to the main garden.
The green hath two pleasures : the one, because
nothing is more pleasant to the eye than green
grass kept finely shorn ; the other, because it will
give you a fair alley iu the midst, by which you
may go in front upon a stately hedge, which is to
inclose the garden. But because the alley will be
long, and in great heat of the year, or day, you
ought not to buy the shade in the garden by going
in the sun through the green ; therefore you are,
of either side the green, to plant a covert alley,
upon carpenter's work, about twelve foot in height,
by w^hich you may go in shade into the garden.
As for the making of knots or figures, with divers
colored earths, that they may lie under the windows
of the house on that side which the garden stands,
they be but toys ; you may see as good sights many
times in tarts. The garden is best to be square,
encompassed on all the four sides with a stately
arched hedge : the arches to be upon pillars of car-
penter's work, of some ten foot high, and six foot
broad, and the spaces between of the same dimen-
254 ESSAYS.
sion with the breadth of the arch. Over the arches
let there be an entire hedge of some four foot high,
framed also upon carpenter's work ; and upon the
upper hedge, over eveiy arch a little turret, with a
belly enough to receive a cage of birds ; and over
every space between the arches some other little
figure, with broad plates of round colored glass gilt,
for the sun to play upon ; but this hedge I intend
to be raised upon a bank, not steep, but gently
slope, of some six foot, set all with flowers. Also,
I understand that this square of the garden should
not be the whole breadth of the ground, but to leave
on either side ground enough for diversity of side
alleys, unto which the two covert alleys of the green
may deliver you ; ^ but there must be no alleys with
hedges at either end of this great inclosure ; not at
the hither end, for letting ^ your prospect upon this
fair hedge from the green ; nor at the further end for
letting your prospect from the hedge through the
arches upon the heath.
For the ordering of the ground within the great
hedge, I leave it to variety of device ; advising,
nevertheless, that whatsoever form you cast it into
first, it be not too bushy, or full of work ; wherein
I, for my part, do not like images cut out in juni-
per or other garden stuff"; they be for children.
Little low hedges, round like welts, with some
pretty pyramids, I like well; and in some places
fair columns, upon frames of carpenter's work. I
^ Bring or lead you. 2 Impeding.
OF GARDENS. 255
would also have the alleys spacious and fair. You
may have closer alleys upon the side grounds, but
none in the main garden. I wish, also, in the very
middle, a fair mount, with three ascents and alleys,
enough for four to walk abreast; which I would
have to be perfect circles, without any bulwarks or
embossments ; and the whole mount to be thirty
foot high, and some fine banqueting-house, with some
chimneys neatly cast, and without too much glass.
For fountains, they are a great beauty and re-
freshment ; but pools mar all, and make the garden
unwholesome, and full of flies and frogs. Fountains
I intend to be of two natures ; the one that sprin-
kleth or spouteth water ; the other, a fair receipt of
water, of some thirty or forty foot square, but with-
out fish, or slime, or mud. For the first, the orna-
ments of images, gilt or of marble, which are in
use, do well; but the main matter is so to convey
the water, as it never stay, either in the bowls or in
the cistern ; that the water be never by rest dis-
colored, green, or red, or the like, or gather any
mossiness or putrefaction ; besides that, it is to be
cleansed every day by the hand ; also, some steps
up to it, and some fine pavement about it, doth well.
As for the other kind of fountain, which we may
call a bathing-pool, it may admit much curiosity
and beauty, wherewith we will not trouble our-
selves : as, that the bottom be finely paved, and
with images ; the sides likewise ; and, withal, em-
bellished with colored glass, and such things of
256 ESSAYS.
lustre ; encompassed, also, with fine rails of low
statues. But the main point is the same that we
mentioned in the former kind of fountain ; which
is, that tlie water be in perpetual motion, fed by a
water higher than the pool, and delivered into it by
fair spouts, and then discharged away under ground,
by some equality of bores, that it stay little ; and
for fine devices, of arching water ^ without spilling,
and making it rise in several forms (of feathers,
drinking-glasses, canopies, and the like), they be
pretty things to look on, but nothing to health and
sweetness.
For the heath, which was the third part of our
plot, I wish it to be framed as much as may be to
a natural wildness. Trees I would have none in it,
but some thickets made only of sweet-brier and
honeysuckle, and some wild vine amongst ; and the
ground set with violets, strawberries, and primroses ;
for these are sweet, and prosper in the shade, and
these to be in the heath here and there, not in any
order. I like also little heaps, in the nature of
molehills (such as are in wild heaths), to be set,
some with wild thyme, some with pinks, some with
germander, that gives a good flower to the eye ;
some with periwinkle, some with violets, some with
strawberries, some with cowslips, some with daisies,
some with red roses, some with lilium convallium,^
1 Causing tlie water to fall in a perfect arch, without any spray-
escaping from the jet.
2 Lilies of the valley.
OF GARDENS. 25?
some with sweet-williams red, some Avith bear's-
foot, and the like low flowers, being withal sweet
and sightly ; part of which heaps to be with stand-
ards of little bushes pricked upon their top, and
part without ; the standards to be roses, juniper,
holly, barberries (but here and there, because of
the smell of their blossom), red currants, gooseber-
ries, rosemary, bays, sweetbrier, and such like; but
these standards to be kept with cutting, that they
grow not out of course.
For the side grounds, you are to fill them with
variety of alleys, private, to give a full shade ; some
of them wheresoever the sun be. You are to frame
some of them likewise for shelter, that when the
wind blows sharp, you may walk as in a gallery :
and those alleys must be likewise hedged at both
ends, to keep out the wind ; and these closer alleys
must be ever finely gravelled, and no grass, because
of going wet. In many of these alleys, likewise, you
are to set fruit-trees of all sorts, as well upon the
walls as in ranges ; ^ and this should be generally
observed, that the borders wherein you plant your
fruit-trees be fair, and large, and low, and not steep ;
and set with fine flowers, but thin and sparingly,
lest they deceive ^ the trees. At the end of both the
side grounds I would have a mount of some pretty
height, leaving the wall of the inclosure breast high,
to look abroad into the fields.
For the main garden, I do not deny but there
1 Tn rows. 2 Insidiously subtract nourishment from.
17
258 ESSAYS.
should be some fair alleys ranged on both sides with
fruit-trees, and some pretty tufts of fruit-trees and
arbors with seats, set in some decent order ; but
these to be by no means set too thick, but to leave
the main garden so as it be not close, but the air
open and free. For as for shade, I would have you
rest upon the alleys of the side grounds, there to
walk, if you be disposed, in the heat of the year or
day ; but to make account ^ that the main garden is
for the more temperate parts of the year, and in the
heat of summer for the morning and the evening or
overcast days.
For aviaries, I like them not, except they be of
that largeness as they may be turfed, and have living
plants and bushes set in them ; that the birds may
have more scope and natural nestling, and that no
foulness appear in the floor of the aviary. So I
have made a platform of a princely garden, partly by
precept, partly by drawing ; not a model, but some
general lines of it ; and in this I have spared for no
cost. But it is nothing for great princes, that, for
the most part, taking advice with workmen, with no
less cost set their things together, and sometimes add
statues and such things for state and magnificence,
but nothing to the true pleasure of a garden.
1 To consider or expect.
OF NEGOTIATINa. 259
XLYIL — OF NEGOTIATING.
It is generally better to deal by speech than by
letter ; and by the mediation of a third, than by a
man's self. Letters are good, when a man would
draw an answer by letter back again ; or when it
may serve for a man's justification afterwards to
produce his own letter, or where it may be danger
to be interrupted or heard by pieces. To deal in
person is good, when a man's face breedeth regard,
as commonly with inferiors ; or in tender cases,
where a man's eye upon the countenance of him with
whom he speaketh, may give him a direction how far
to go ; and, generally, where a man will resei^ve to
himself liberty, either to disavow or to expound. In
choice of instruments, it is better to choose men of
a plainer sort, that are like to do that that is com-
mitted to them, and to report back again faithfully
the success, than those that are cunning to contrive
out of other men's business somewhat to grace them-
selves, and will help the matter in report, for satis-
faction sake. Use also such persons as affect ^ the
business wherein they are employed, for that quick-
eneth much ; and such as are fit for the matter,
as bold men for expostulation, fairspoken men for
persuasion, crafty men for inquiry and observation,
fro ward and absurd men for business that doth not
1 Love, are pleased with.
260 ESSAYS.
well bear out itself. Use also such as have been
lucky and prevailed before in things wherein you
have employed them ; for that breeds confidence,
and they will strive to maintain their prescription.
It is better to sound a person with whom one deals
afar off, than to fall upon the point at first, except
you mean to surprise him by some short question.
It is better dealing with men in appetite,^ than with
those that are where they would be. If a man deal
with another upon conditions, the start of first per-
formance is all ; which a man cannot reasonably
demand, except either the nature of the thing be
such, which must go before ; or else a man can per-
suade the other party, that he shall still need him in
some other thing; or else that he be counted the
honester man. All practice is to discover, or to
work. Men discover themselves in trust, in passion,
at unawares ; and, of necessity, when they would
have somewhat done, and cannot find an apt pretext.
If you would work any man, you must either know
his nature and fashions, and so lead him ; or his
ends, and so persuade him ; or his weakness and
disadvantages, and so awe him ; or those that have
interest in him, and so govern him. In dealing with
cunning persons, we must ever consider their ends,
to interpret their speeches ; and it is good to say
little to them, and that which they least look for.
1 It is more advantageous to deal with men whose desires are
not yet satisfied, than with those who have gained all they have
wished for, and are likely to be proof against inducements.
OF FOLLOWERS AND FRIENDS. 261
In all negotiations of difficulty, a man may not look
to sow and reap at once ; but must prepare business,
and so ripen it by degrees.
XLVIIL — OF FOLLOWERS AND FRIENDS.
Costly followers are not to be liked, lest, while
a man maketh his train longer, he make his wings
shorter. I reckon to be costly, not them alone
which charge the purse, but which are wearisome
and importune in suits. Ordinary followers ought
to challenge no higher conditions than countenance,
recommendation, and protection from wrongs. Fac-
tious followers are worse to be liked, which fol-
low not upon affection to him with whoni they
range themselves, but upon discontentment con-
ceived against some other; whereupon commonly
ensueth that ill intelligence, that we many times see
between great personages. Likewise glorious^ fol-
lowers, who make themselves as trumpets of the
commendations of those they follow, are full of in-
convenience, for they taint business through want
of secrecy ; and they export honor from a man, and
make him a return in envy. There is a kind of fol-
lowers, likewise, which are dangerous, being indeed
espials ; which inquire the secrets of the house, and
1 In the sense of the Latin "gloriosus," "boastful," " brag-
262 ESSAYS.
bear tales of them to others ; yet such men, many
times, are in great favor, for they are officious, and
commonly exchange tales. The following, by cer-
tain estates^ of men, answerable to that which a
great person himself professeth (as of soldiers to
him that hath been employed in the wars, and the
like), hath ever been a thing civil and well taken
even in monarchies, so it be without too much pomp
or popularity. But the most honorable kind of fol-
lowing, is to be followed as one that apprehendetli
to advance virtue and desert in all sorts of persons ;
and yet, where there is no eminent odds in suffi-
ciency, it is better to take with the more passable,
than with the more able ; and, besides, to speak
truth in base times, active men are of more use than
virtuous. It is true, that, in government, it is good
to use men of one rank equally ; for to countenance
some extraordinarily, is to make them insolent, and
the rest discontent, because they may claim a due :
but, contrariwise, in favor, to use men with much
difference and election is good: for it maketh the
persons preferred more thankful, and the rest more
officious, because all is of favor. It is good discre-
tion not to make too much of any man at the first,
because one cannot hold out that proportion. To be
governed, as we call it, by one, is not safe, for it
shows softness,'^ and gives a freedom to scandal and
disreputation ; for those that would not censure, or
1 Professions or classes.
2 Weakness, or indecision of character.
OF FOLLOWERS AND FRIENDS. 263
speak ill of a man immediately, will talk more boldly
of those that are so great with them, and thereby
wound their honor ; yet to be distracted with many
is worse, for it makes men to be of the last impres-
sion, and full of change. To take advice of some
few friends is ever honorable ; for lookers-on many
times see more than gamesters, and the vale best
discovereth the hill. There is little friendship in the
world, and least of all between equals, which w^as
wont 1 to be magnified. That that is, is between
superior and inferior,^ whose fortunes may compre-
hend the one the other.
1 He probably alludes to the ancient stories of the friendship of
Orestes and Pylades, Theseus and Pirithoils, Damon and Pythias,
and others, and the maxims of the ancient philosophers. Aristotle
considers that equality in circumstances and station is one requisite
of friendship. Seneca and Quintus Curtius express the same opin-
ion. It seems hardly probable that Lord Bacon reflected deeply
when he penned this passage, for between equals, jealousy, the
most insidious of all the enemies of friendship, has the least chance
of originating. Dr. Johnson says: " Friendship is seldom lasting
but between equals, or where the superiority on one side is reduced
by some equivalent advantage on the other. Benefits which cannot
be repaid, and obligations which cannot be discharged, are not
commonly found to increase aff'ection; they excite gratitude indeed,
and heighten veneration, but commonly take away that easy free-
dom and familiarity of intercourse, without which, though there
may be fidelity, and zeal, and admiration, there cannot be friend-
ship." — The Eambler, No. 64.
^ In such a case, gratitude and admiration exist on the one hand,
esteem and confidence on the other.
264 ESSAYS.
XLIX.~OF SUITORS.
Many ill matters and projects are undertaken;
and private suits do putrefy the public good. Many
good matters are undertaken with bad minds ; I
mean not only corrupt minds, but crafty minds, that
intend not performance. Some embrace suits, which
never mean to deal effectually in them ; but if they
see there may be life in the matter, by some other
mean they will be content to win a thank, or take a
second reward, or, at least, to make use, in the
mean time, of the suitor's hopes. Some take hold
of suits only for an occasion to cross some other,
or to make an information, whereof they could not
otherwise have apt pretext, without care what be-
come of the suit when that turn is served ; or,
generally, to make other men's business a kind of
entertainment to bring in their own : nay, some
undertake suits with a full purpose to let them
fall, to the end to gratify the adverse party, or com-
petitor. Surely, there is in some sort a right in
every suit ; either a right of equity, if it be a suit
of controversy, or a right of desert, if it be a suit
of petition. If affection lead a man to favor the
wrong side in justice, let him rather use his coun-
tenance to compound the matter than to carry it.
If affection lead a man to favor the less worthy in
desert, let him do it without depraving ^ or disabling
1 Lowering, or humiliating.
OF SUITORS. 265
the better deserver. In suits which a man doth not
well understand, it is good to refer them to some
friend of trust and judgment, that may report whether
he may deal in them with honor ; but let him choose
well his referendaries/ for else he may be led by
the nose. Suitors are so distasted ^ with delays and
abuses, that plain dealing in denying to deal in suits
at first, and reporting the success barely,^ and in
challenging no more thanks than one hath deserved,
is grown not only honorable, but also gracious. In
suits of favor, the first cominoj ouj^ht to take little
place f so far forth ^ consideration may be had of
his trust, that if intelligence of the matter could
not otherwise have been had but by him, advantage
be not taken ^f the note,** but the party left to his
other means, and in some sort recompensed for his
discovery. To be ignorant of the value of a suit is
simplicity ; as well as to be ignorant of the right
thereof, is want of conscience. Secrecy in suits is a
great mean of obtaining ; for voicing them to be in
forwardness may discourage some kind of suitors, but
doth quicken and awake others. But timing of the
suit is the principal ; timing, I say, not only in respect
of the person that should grant it, but in respect of
those which are like to cross it. Let a man, in the
1 Referees. 2 Disgusted.
^ Giving no false color to the degree of success which has at-
tended the prosecution of the suit.
* To have little effect.
5 To this extent. ^ Qf the information.
266 ESSAYS.
choice of his mean, rather choose the fittest mean,
than the greatest mean ; and rather them that deal
in certain things, than those that are general. The
reparation of a denial is sometimes equal to the first
grant, if a man show himself neither dejected nor
discontented. " Iniquum petas, ut sequum feras," ^
is a good rule, where a man hath strength of favor ;
but otherwise a man were better rise in his suit ;
for he that would have ventured at first to have
lost the suitor, will not, in the conclusion, lose both
the suitor and his own former favor. Nothing is
thought so easy a request to a great person as his
letter: and yet if it be not in a good cause, it is
so much out of his reputation. There are no worse
instruments than these general contrivers of suits ;
for they are but a kind of poison and infection to
public proceedings.
OF STUDIES.2
Studies serve for delight, for ornament, and for
ability. Their chief use for delight, is in private-
ness and retiring ; for ornament, is in discourse ;
and for ability, is in the judgment and disposition
of business ; for expert men can execute, and per-
1 "Ask what is exorbitant, that you may obtain what is mod-
erate."
2 This formed the first essay in the earliest edition of the work.
OF STUDIES. 267
haps judge of particulars one by one ; but the gen-
eral counsels, and the plots and marshalling of
affairs, come best from those that are learned. To
spend too much time in studies, is sloth ; to use
them too much for ornament, is affectation ; to make
judgment wholly by their rules, is the humor of a
scholar. They perfect nature, and are perfected
by experience ; for natural abilities are like natural
plants, that need pruning by study; and studies
themselves do give forth directions too much at
large, except they be bounded in by experience.
Crafty men contemn studies, simple men admire
them, and wise men use them ; for they teach not
their own use ; but that is a wisdom without them
and above them, won by observation. Read not to
contradict and confute, nor to believe and take for
granted, nor to find talk and discourse, but to weigh
and consider. Some books are to be tasted, others
to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and
digested ; that is, some books are to be read only
in parts ; others to be read, but not curiously ; ^
and some few to be read wholly, and with diligence
and attention. Some books also may be read by
deputy, and extracts made of them by others ; but
that would be only in the less important arguments
and the meaner sort of books ; else distilled books
are, like common distilled waters, flashy ^ things.
Reading maketh a full man ; conference a ready
man ; and writing an exact man ; and, therefore, if
1 Attentively. ^ Vapid ; without taste or spirit.
268 ESSAYS.
a man write little, he had need have a great memory;
if he confer little, he had need have a present wit ;
and if he read little, he had need have much cunning,
to seem to know that he doth not. Histories make
men wise ; poets, witty ; the mathematics, subtile ;
natural philosophy, deep ; moral, grave ; logic and
rhetoric, able to contend: "Abeunt studia in mores ;"i
nay, there is no stand or impediment in the wit, but
may be wrought out by fit studies. Like as diseases
of the body may have appropriate exercises, bowling
is good for the stone and reins, shooting for the lungs
and breast, gentle walking for the stomach, riding
for the head and the like ; so, if a man's wit be
wandering, let him study the mathematics ; for in
demonstrations, if his wit be called away never so
little, he must begin again ; if his wit be not apt
to distinguish or find difference, let him study the
schoolmen, for they are " Cymini sectores." ^ If he
be not apt to beat over matters, and to call up one
thing to prove and illustrate another, let him study
the lawyers' cases ; so every defect of the mind may
have a special receipt.
1 "Studies become habits."
2 "Splitters of cummin-seeds;" or, as we now say, "splitters
of straws," or "hairs." Butler says of Hudibras : —
"He could distinguish and divide
A hair *twixt south and southwest side."
OF FACTION. 269
LI. — OF FACTION.
Many have an opinion not wise, that for a prince '
to govern his estate, or for a great person to govern
his proceedings, according to the respect of factions,
is a principal part of policy ; whereas, contrariwise,
the chiefest wisdom is, either in ordering those
things which are general, and wherein men of sev-
eral factions do nevertheless agree, or in dealing
with correspondence to particular persons, one by
one; but I say not, that the consideration of fac-
tions is to be neglected. Mean men in their rising
must adhere ; but great men, that have strength in
themselves, were better to maintain themselves in-
different and neutral; yet, even in beginners, to
adhere so moderately, as he be a man of the one
faction, Avhich is most passable Avith the other, com-
monly giveth best way. The lower and weaker
faction is the firmer in conjunction ; and it is often
seen, that a few that are stiff, do tire out a great
number that are more moderate. When one of the
factions is extinguished, the remaining subdivideth ;
as the faction between LucuUus and the rest of the
nobles of the senate (which they called " opti-
mates"), held out a while against the faction of
Pompey and Csesar; but when the senate's au-
thority was pulled down, Csesar and Pompey soon
after brake. The faction or party of Antonius and
270 ESSAYS.
Octavianus Caesar, against Brutus and Cassius, held
out likewise for a time ; but when Brutus and Cas-
sius were overthrown, then soon after Antonius
and Octavianus brake and subdivided. These ex-
amples are of wars, but the same holdeth in private
factions ; and, therefore, those that are seconds in fac-
tions do many times, when the faction subdivideth,
prove principals ; but many times also they prove
ciphers, and cashiered, for many a man's strength is
in opposition ; and when that faileth, he groweth
out of use. It is commonly seen, that men once
placed, take in with the contrary faction to that by
which they enter; thinking, belike, that they have
the first sure, and now are ready for a new pur-
chase. The traitor in faction lightly goeth away
with it; for when matters have stuck long in bal-
ancing, the winning of some one man casteth them,^
and he getteth all the thanks. The even carriage
between two factions procecdetli not always of mod-
eration, but of a trueness to a man's self, with end to
make use of both. Certainly, in Italy, they hold it a
little suspect in popes, when they have often in their
mouth, " Padre commune ; " ^ and take it to be a
sign of one that meaneth to refer all to the great-
ness of his own house. Kings had need beware
how they side themselves, and make themselves as
of a faction or party ; for leagues within the state
are ever pernicious to monarchies ; for they raise an
obligation paramount to obligation of sovereignty,
1 Causes one side to preponderate. ^ << The common father."
OF CEREMONIES AND RESPECTS. 271
and make the king " tanquam unus ex nobis," ^ as
was to be seen in the League of France. When
factions are carried too high and too violently, it is
a sign of weakness in princes, and much to the
prejudice both of their authority and business. The
motions of factions under kings, ought to be like the
motions (as the astronomers speak) of the inferior
orbs, which may have their proper motions, but yet
still are quietly carried by the higher motion of
^^ primum mobile." ^
LII._OF CEREMONIES AND RESPECTS.
He that is only real, had need have exceeding
great parts of virtue ; as the stone had need to be
rich that is set without foil ; but if a man mark it
well, it is in praise and commendation of men, as
it is in gettings and gains ; for the proverb is true,
that "Light gains make heavy purses;" for light
gains come thick, whereas great come but now and
then. So it is true, that small matters win great
commendation, because they are continually in use
and in note ; whereas the occasion of any great
virtue cometh but on festivals ; therefore it doth
1 "As one of ns." Henry the Third of France, favoring the
league formed by the Duke of Guise and Cardinal De Lorraine
against the Protestants, soon found that, through the adoption
of that policy, he had forfeited the respect of his subjects.
2 See a note to Essay 15.
272 ESSAYS.
much add to a man's reputation, and is (as Queen
Isabella ^ said) like perpetual letters commendatory,
to have good forms. To attain them, it almost
sufficeth not to despise them ; for so shall a man
observe them in others ; and let him trust himself
with the rest ; for if he labor too much to express
them, he shall lose their grace, which is to be natu-
ral and unaffected. Some men's behavior is like a
verse, wherein every syllable is measured ; how can
a man comprehend great matters, that breaketh his
mind too much to small observations ? Not to use
ceremonies at all, is to teach others not to use them
again, and so diminisheth respect to himself; es-
pecially they be not to be omitted to strangers and
formal natures ; but the dwelling upon them, and
exalting them above the moon, is not only tedious,
but doth diminish the faith and credit of him that
speaks ; and, certainly, there is a kind of conveying
of effectual and imprinting passages amongst com-
pliments, which is of singular use, if a man can hit
upon it. Amongst a man's peers, a man shall be
sure of familiarity, and, therefore, it is good a little
to keep state ; amongst a man's inferiors, one shall
be sure of reverence, and therefore it is good a little
to be familiar. He that is too much in any thing,
so that he giveth another occasion of satiety, maketh
himself cheap. To apply one's self to others, is
good, so it be with demonstration that a man doth
1 Of Castile. She was the wife of Ferdinand of Arragon, and
was the patroness of Columbus.
OF PRAISE. 273
it upon regard, and not upon facility. It is a good
precept, generally in seconding another, yet to add
somewhat of one's own ; as, if you will grant his
opinion, let it be with some distinction ; if you will
follow his motion, let it be with condition ; if you
allow his counsel, let it be with alleging further rea-
son. Men had need beware how they be too perfect
in compliments ; for be they never so sufficient oth-
erwise, their enviers mil be sure to give them that
attribute to the disadvantage of their greater vir-
tues. It is loss, also, in business, to be too full of
respects, or to be too curious in observing times and
opportunities. Solomon saith, ^' He that consider-
eth the wind shall not sow, and he that looketh to
the clouds shall not reap." ^ A wise man will make
more opportunities than he finds. Men's behavior
should be like their apparel, not too strait or point
device,^ but free for exercise or motion.
LIII. — OF PRAISE,
Praise is the reflection of virtue ; but it is glass,
or body, which giveth the reflection. If it be from
the common people, it is commonly false and naught,
1 The words in our version are: " He that observeth the wind
shall not sow, and he that regardeth the clouds shall not reap. —
Ecclesiastes xi. 1.
2 Exact in the extreme. Point-de-vice was originally the
name of a kind of lace of very fine pattern.
18
274 ESSAYS.
and rather followeth vain persons than virtuous ; for
the common people understand not many excellent
virtues. The lowest virtues draw praise from them,
the middle virtues work in them astonishment or
admiration, but of the highest virtues they have no
sense or perceiving at all; but shows and "species
virtutibus similes," ^ serve best with them. Cer-
tainly, fame is like a river, that beareth up things
light and swollen, and drowns things weighty and
solid ; but if persons of quality and judgment con-
cur, then it is (as the Scripture saith), *'Nomen
bonum instar unguenti fragrantis : " ^ it filleth all
round about, and will not easily away ; for the odors
of ointments are more durable than those of flowers.
There be so many false points of praise, that a man
may justly hold it a suspect. Some praises proceed
merely of flattery ; and if he be an ordinary flatterer,
he will have certain common attributes, which may
serve every man ; if he be a cunning flatterer, he
will follow the arch-flatterer, which is a man's self,
and wherein a man thinketh best of himself, therein
the flatterer will uphold him most. But if he be an
impudent flatterer, look wherein a man is conscious
to himself that he is most defective, and is most out
of countenance in himself, that will the flatterer entitle
him to, perforce, "spretaconscientia."^ Some praises
1 "Appearances resembling virtues."
2 "A good name is like sweet-smelling ointment." The words
in our version are, "A good name is better than precious ointment.
— Ecchsiastes vii. 1.
2 "Disregarding Ids own conscience."
OF PRAISE. 275
come of good wishes and respects, which is a form
due in civility to kings and great persons, ^^ laudando
prsecipere ; " ^ when, by telling men what they are,
they represent to them what they should be ; some
men are praised maliciously to their hurt, thereby
to stir envy and jealousy towards them : " Pessi-
mum genus inimicorum laudantium ; " ^ insomuch
as it was a proverb amongst the Grecians, that
" he that was praised to his hurt, should have a
push ^ rise upon his nose ; " as we say that a blister
will rise upon one's tongue that tells a lie ; cer-
tainly, moderate praise, used with opportunity, and
not vulgar, is that which doth the good. Solomon
saith : " He that praiseth his friend aloud, rising
early, it shall be to him no better than a curse."*
Too much magnifying of man or matter doth irri-
tate contradiction, and procure envy and scorn.
To praise a man's self cannot be decent, except it
be in rare cases ; but to praise a man's office ^ or
profession, he may do it with good grace, and w^th
a kind of magnanimity. The cardinals of Rome,
which are theologues,^ and friars, and schoolmen,
^ "To instruct under the form of praise."
2 *'The worst kind of enemies are those who flatter."
3 A pimple filled with "pus,"or "purulent matter." The word
is still used in the east of England.
4 The words in our version are : " He that blesseth his friend
with a loud voice, rising early in the morning, it shall be counted
a curse to him." — Proverbs xxvii. 14.
s In other words, to shoAV what we call an esprit de corps.
6 Theologians.
276 ESSAYS.
have a phrase of notable contempt and scorn towards
civil business ; for they call all temporal business of
wars, embassages, judicature, and other employments,
sbirrerie, which is under-sherifFries, as if they were
but matters for under-sheriffs and catchpoles ; though
many times those under-sheriffries do more good than
their high speculations. St. Paul, when he boasts
of himself, he doth oft interlace, " I speak like a
fool : " ^ but speaking of his calling, he saith, " Mag-
nificabo apostolatum meum."^
LIV. — OF VAINGLORY.
It was prettily devised of ^Esop, the fly sat upon
the axle-tree of the chariot-wheel, and said, "What
a dust do I raise ! " So are there some vain persons,
that, whatsoever goeth alone, or moveth upon greater
means, if they have never so little hand in it, they
think it is they that carry it. They that are glorious,
must needs be factious ; for all bravery ^ stands upon
comparisons. They must needs be violent, to make
good their own vaunts ; neither can they be secret,
and therefore not effectual ; but, according to the
1 2 Cor. xi. 23.
2 "I will magnify my apostleship. " He alludes to the words
in Romans xi. 13 : "Inasmuch as I am the apostle of the Gentiles,
I magnify mine office."
^ Vaunting, or boasting.
OF VAINGLORY. 277
French proverb, '^ Beaucoup de bruit, peu de fruit ; "
— " much bruit,^ little fruit." Yet, certainly, there
is use of this quality in civil affairs : where there is
an opinion ^ and fame to be created, either of virtue
or greatness, these men are good trumpeters. Again,
as Titus Livius noteth, in the case of Antiochus and
the JEtolians,^ there are sometimes great effects of
cross lies ; as if a man that negotiates between two
princes, to draw them to join in a war against the
third, doth extol the forces of either of them above
measure, the one to the other; and sometimes he
that deals between man and man, raiseth his own
credit with both, by pretending greater interest than
he hath in either; and in these, and the like
kinds, it often falls out, that somewhat is produced
of nothing; for lies are sufficient to breed opinion,
and opinion brings on substance. In military com-
manders and soldiers, vainglory is an essential point ;
for as iron sharpens iron, so by glory one courage
sharpeneth another. In cases of great enterprise
upon charge^ and adventure, a composition of glo-
rious natures doth put life into business ; and those
that are of solid and sober natures, have more of the
ballast than of the sail. In fame of learning, the
flight will be slow without some feathers of osten-
tation : " Qui de contemnend^ gloria libros scribunt,
1 Noise. We have a corresponding proverb: "Great cry and
little wool."
2 A high or good opinion. 3 Vide Liv. xxxvii. 48.
* By express command.
278 ESSAYS.
nomen suum inscribunt." ^ Socrates, Aristotle, Galen,
were men full of ostentation : certainly, vainglory
helpeth to perpetuate a man's memory ; and virtue
vras never so beholden to human nature, as it received
its due at the second hand. Neither had the fame
of Cicero, Seneca, Plinius Secundus,^ borne her age
so well if it had not been joined with some vanity
in themselves ; like unto varnish, that makes ceilings
not only shine, but last. But all this while, when I
speak of vainglory, I mean not of that property
that Tacitus doth attribute to Mucianus, " Omnium,
qu8D dixerat feceratque, arte quadam ostentator ; " ^
for that^ proceeds not of vanity, but of natural
magnanimity and discretion ; and, in some persons,
is not only comely, but gracious ; for excusations,^
cessions,^ modesty itself, well governed, are but arts
of ostentation ; and amongst those arts there is none
better than that which Plinius Secundus speaketh
1 "Those who write books on despising glory, set their names
in the title-page." He quotes from Cicero's "Tusculanse Dis-
putationes," b. i. c. 15, whose words are; "Quid nostri philoso-
phi ? Nonne in his libris ipsis, quos scribunt de contemnenda
gloria, sua nomina inscribunt." — "What do our philosophers do?
Do they not, in those very books which they write on despising
glory, set their names in the title-page?"
2 Pliny the Younger, the nephew of the elder Pliny, the natu-
ralist.
3 "One who set off every thing he said and did with a certain
skill." Mucianus was an intriguing general in the times of Otho
and Vitellius. — Hist. xi. 80.
* Namely, the property of which he was speaking, and not that
mentioned by Tacitus.
^ Apologies. 6 Concessions.
OF HONOR AND EEPUTATION. 279
of, which is to be liberal of praise and commenda-
tion to others, in that wherein a man's self hath any
perfection. For, saith Pliny, very wittily, " In com-
mending another, you do yourself right ; " ^ for he
that you commend is either superior to you in that
you commend, or inferior : if he be inferior, if he be
to be commended, you much more ; if he be superior,
if he be not to be commended, you much less."
Glorious 2 men are the scorn of wise men, the
admiration of fools, the idols of parasites, and the
slaves of their own vaunts.
LV. — OF HONOR AND REPUTATIOK
The winning of honor is but the revealing of a
man's virtue and worth without disadvantage ; for
some in their actions do woo and affect honor and
reputation ; which sort of men are commonly much
talked of, but inwardly little admired; and some,
contrariwise, darken their virtue in the show of it, so
as they be undervalued in opinion. If a man per-
form that which hath not been attempted before,
or attempted and given over, or hath been achieved,
but not with so good circumstance, he shall purchase
more honor than by affecting a matter of greater
difficulty or virtue, wherein he is but a follower.
If a man so temper his actions, as in some one of
1 Plin. Epist. vi. 17. ^ Boastful.
280 ESSAYS.
them he doth content every faction or combination
of people, the music will be the fuller. A man is
an ill husband of his honor that entereth into any
action, the failing wherein may disgrace him more
than the carrying of it through can honor him.
Honor that is gained and broken upon another
hath the quickest reflection, like diamonds cut with
facets ; and therefore let a man contend to excel any
competitors of his in honor, in outshooting them, if
he can, in their own bow. Discreet followers and
servants help much to reputation : " Omnis fama a
domesticis emanat." ^ Envy, which is the canker of
honor, is best extinguished by declaring a man's self
in his ends, rather to seek merit than fame ; and by
attributing a man's successes rather to Divine provi-
dence and felicity, than to his own virtue or policy.
The true marshalling of the degrees of sovereign
honor are these. In the first place are ^' condi-
tores imperiorum," '^ founders of states and common-
wealths ; such as were Romulus, Cyrus, Csesar, Otto-
man,^ Ismael : in the second place are " legislatores,"
lawgivers, which are also called second founders, or
" perpetui principes," * because they govern by their
1 " All fame emanates from servants." — Q. Cic. de Petit. Consul,
V. 17.
2 "Founders of empires."
3 He alludes to Ottoman, or Othman I., the founder of the
dynasty now reigning at Constantinople. From him, the Turkish
empire received the appellation of " Othoman," or "Ottoman"
Porte.
* "Perpetual rulers."
OF HONOR AND REPUTATION. 281
ordinances after they are gone ; such were Lycurgus,
Solon, Justinian, Edgar/ Alphonsus of Castile, the
Wise, that made the " Siete Partidas : " ^ in the
third place are " liberatores," or ^^ salvatores," ^ such
as compound the long miseries of civil wars, or
deliver their countries from servitude of strangers or
tyrants, as Augustus Caesar, Vespasianus, Aurelia-
nus, Theodoricus, King Henry the Seventh of Eng-
land, King Henry the Fourth of France: in the
fourth place are " propagatores," or " propugnatores
imperii,"^ such as in honorable wars enlarge their
territories, or make noble defence against invaders :
and, in the last place are " patres patrige," ^ which
reign justly, and make the times good wherein they
live ; both which last kinds need no examples, they
are in such number. Degrees of honor in subjects
are, first, '' participes curarum,'*^ those upon whom
^ Surnamed the Peaceful, who ascended the throne of England
A. D. 959. He was eminent as a legislator, and a rigid assertor
of justice. Hume considers his reign " one of the most fortunate
that we meet with in the ancient English history."
2 These were a general collection of the Spanish laws, made
by Alphonso X. of Castile, arranged under their proper titles.
The work was commenced by Don Ferdinand his father, to put
an end to the contradictory decisions in the Castilian courts of
justice. It was divided into seven parts, whence its name "Siete
Partidas." It did not, however, become the law of Castile till
nearly eighty years after.
3 ** Deliverers," or "preservers."
* " Extenders," or "defenders of the empire."
^ " Fathers of their country."
^ " Participators in cares."
282 ESSAYS.
princes do discharge the greatest weight of their
affairs, their right hands, as we call them ; the next
are " duces belli," ^ great leaders, such as are princes'
lieutenants, and do them notable services in the
wars ; the third are " gratiosi," favorites, such as
exceed not this scantling,^ to be solace to the sove-
reign, and harmless to the people; and the fourth,
" negotiis pares," ^ such as have great places under
princes, and execute their places with sufficiency.
There is an honor, likewise, which may be ranked
amongst the greatest, which happen eth rarely ; that
is, of such as sacrifice themselves to death or danger
for the good of their country ; as was M. Regulus,
and the two Decii.
LVL — OF JUDICATURE.
Judges ought to remember that their office is
"jus dicere,"* and not "jus dare ; " ^ to interpret
law, and not to make law, or give law ; else will it
be like the authority claimed by the Church of
Rome, which, under pretext of exposition of Scrip-
ture, doth not stick to add and alter, and to pro-
nounce that which they do not find, and, by show
of antiquity, to introduce novelty. Judges ought to
1 ** Leaders in war." 2 Proportion, dimensions.
3 •* Equal to their duties." ^ " To expound the law."
5 " To make the law. "
OF JUDICATURE. 283
be more learned than witty, more reverend than
plausible, and more advised than confident. Above
all things, integrity is their portion and proper
virtue. " Cursed (saith the law) ^ is he that remov-
eth the landmark." The mislayer of a mere stone
is to blame ; but it is the unjust judge that is the
capital remover of landmarks, when he defineth
amiss of lands and property. One foul sentence
doth more hurt than many foul examples ; for
these do but corrupt the stream, the other corrupt-
eth the fountain : so saith Solomon, " Fons turba-
tus et vena corrupta est Justus cadens in caus^ su§,
coram adversario." ^ The office of judges may have
reference unto the parties that sue, unto the advo-
cates that plead, unto the clerks and ministers of
justice underneath them, and to the sovereign or
state above them.
First, for the causes or parties that sue. " There
be (saith the Scripture) that turn judgment into
wormwood ; " ^ and surely there be, also, that turn
it into vinegar ; for injustice maketh it bitter, and
delays make it sour. The principal duty of a judge
is to suppress force and fraud ; whereof force is the
more pernicious when it is open, and fraud when it
1 The Mosaic law. He alludes to Deuteronomy xxvii. 17.
*' Cursed he he that removeth his neighbor's landmark."
2 " A righteous man falling down before the wicked is as a
troubled fountain and a corrupt spring." — Proverbs xxv. 26.
3 "Ye who turn judgment to wormwood, and leave off righteous-
ness in the earth." — Amos v. 7.
284 ESSAYS.
is close and disguised. Add thereto contentious
suits, which ought to be spewed out, as the surfeit
of courts. A judge ought to prepare his way to a
just sentence, as God useth to prepare his way, by
raising valleys and taking down hills ; so when there
appeareth on either side a high hand, violent pro-
secution, cunning advantages taken, combination,
power, great counsel, then is the virtue of a judge
seen to make inequality equal, that he may plant
his judgment as upon an even ground. " Qui for-
titer emungit, elicit sanguinem ; " ^ and where the
wine-press is hard wrought, it yields a harsh wine,
that tastes of the grape-stone. Judges must beware
of hard constructions and strained inferences ; for
there is no worse torture than the torture of laws.
Especially in case of laws penal, they ought to have
care that that which was meant for terror be not
turned into rigor ; and that they bring not upon the
people that shower whereof the Scripture speaketh,
^^ Pluet super eos laqueos ; " ^ for penal laws pressed,^
are a shower of snares upon the people. Therefore
let penal laws, if they have been sleepers of long, or
if they be grown unfit for the present time, be by
1 " He who wrings the nose strongly brings blood." Proverbs
XXX. 33: "Surely, the churning of milk bringeth forth butter, and
the wringing of the nose bringeth forth blood; so the forcing of
wrath bringeth forth strife."
2 <« jje will rain snares upon them." Psalm xi. 6: "Upon the
wicked he shall rain snares, lire, and brimstone, and an horrible
tempest."
3 Strained.
OF JUDICATURE. 285
wise judges confined in the execution: "Judicis
officium est, ut res, ita tempora rerum," &c.^ In
causes of life and death, judges ought (as far as the
law permitteth) in justice to remember mercy, and
to cast a severe eye upon the example, but a merci-
ful eye upon the person.
Secondly, for the advocates and counsel that plead.
Patience ^ and gravity of hearing is an essential part
of justice, and an overspeaking judge is no well-
tuned cymbal. It is no grace to a judge first to
find that which he might have heard in due time
from the bar; or to show quickness of conceit in
cutting off evidence or counsel too short, or to pre-
vent information by questions, though pertinent.
The parts of a judge in hearing are four : to direct
the evidence ; to moderate length, repetition, or
impertinency of speech ; to recapitulate, select, and
collate the material points of that which hath been
said ; and to give the rule or sentence. Whatsoever
is above these is too much, and proceedeth either of
glory, and willingness to speak, or of impatience to
hear, or of shortness of memory, or of want of a
staid and equal attention. It is a strange thing to
see that the boldness of advocates should prevail
with judges ; whereas, they should imitate God in
whose seat they sit, who represseth the presump-
1 " It is the duty of ca judge to consider not only the facts, but
the circumstances of the case."— Ovid. Trist. I. i. 37.
'^ Pliny the Younger, Ep. B. 6, E. 2, has the observation:
" Patientiam . . . quae pars magna justiti^e est;" "Patience,
which is a great part of justice."
286 ESSAYS.
tuous, and giveth grace to the modest ; but it is more
strange, that judges should have noted favorites,
which cannot but cause multiplication of fees, and
suspicion of by-ways. There is due from the judge
to the advocate some commendation and gracing,
where causes are well handled and fair pleaded,
especially towards the side which obtaineth not ; ^
for that upholds in the client the reputation of his
counsel, and beats down in him the conceit^ of his
cause. There is likewise due to the public a civil
reprehension of advocates, where there appeareth
cunning counsel, gross neglect, slight information,
indiscreet pressing, or an over-bold defence ; and
let not the counsel at the bar chop ^ with the judge,
nor wind himself into the handling of the cause
anew after the judge hath declared his sentence;
but, on the other side, let not the judge meet the
cause half-way, nor give occasion to the party to say,
his counsel or proofs were not heard. *
Thirdly, for that that concerns clerks and minis-
ters. The place of justice is a hallowed place ; and,
therefore, not only the bench, but the foot-pace
and precincts, and purprise thereof, ought to be
preserved without scandal and corruption ; for, cer-
tainly, ^' Grapes (as the Scripture saith) will not be
gathered of thorns or thistles ; " ^ neither can justice
1 Is not successful.
2 Makes him to feel less confident of the goodness of his cause.
3 Altercate, or bandy words with the judge.
* ♦* Do men gather grapes of thorns, or figs of thistles ! " — St.
Matthew vii. 16.
OF JUDICATURE. 287
yield her fruit with sweetness amongst the briers
and brambles of catching and polling ^ clerks and
ministers. The attendance of courts is subject to
four bad instruments : first, certain persons that are
sowers of suits, which make the court swell, and the
country pine : the second sort is of those that engage
courts in quarrels of jurisdiction, and are not truly
^^amici curiae," ^ but *' parasiti curiae," ^ in puffing a
court up beyond her bounds for their own scraps
and advantage : the third sort is of those that may
be accounted the left hands of courts ; persons that
are full of nimble and sinister tricks and shifts,
whereby they pervert the plain and direct courses
of courts, and bring justice into oblique lines and
labyrinths : and the fourth is the poller and exacter
of fees ; which justifies the common resemblance of
the courts of justice to the bush, whereunto while
the sheep flies for defence in weather, he is sure
to lose part of his fleece. On the other side, an
ancient clerk, skilful in precedents, wary in pro-
ceeding, and understanding in the business of the
court, is an excellent finger of a court, and doth
many times point the way to the judge himself.
Fourthly, for that which may concern the sover-
eign and estate. Judges ought, above all, to re-
member the conclusion of the Roman Twelve Ta-
bles,* " Salus populi suprema lex ; " ^ and to know
1 Plundering. 2 "Friends of the court."
8 "Parasites," or ** flatterers of the court."
* Which were compiled by the decemvirs.
s "The safety of the people is the supreme law."
288 ESSAYS.
that laws, except they be in order to that end, are
but thmgs captious, and oracles not well inspired;
therefore it is a happy thing in a state, when kings
and states do often consult with judges ; and again,
when judges do often consult with the king and
state : the one, when there is matter of law inter-
venient in business of state; the other, when there
is some consideration of state intervenient in matter
of law ; for many times the things deduced to judg-
ment may be " meum " ^ and " tuum," ^ when the
reason and consequence thereof may trench to point
of estate. I call matter of estate, not only the parts
of sovereignty, but whatsoever introduceth any great
alteration, or dangerous precedent, or concern eth
manifestly any great portion of people ; and let no
man weakly conceive, that just laws and true policy
have any antipathy, for they are like the spirits and
sinews, that one moves with the other. Let judges
also remember, that Solomon's throne was supported
by lions ^ on both sides ; let them be lions, but yet
lions under the throne, being circumspect that they
do not check or oppose any points of sovereignty.
Let not judges also be so ignorant of their own right,
as to think there is not left to them, as a principal
1 "Mine."
2 '♦ Yours."
3 He alludes to 1 Kings x. 19, 30 : "The throne had six steps,
and the top of the throne was round behind ; and tliere were stays
on either side on the place of the seat, and two lions stood beside
the stays. And twelve lions stood there on the one side and on the
other upon the six steps." The same verses are repeated in 1
Chronicles ix. 18, 19.
OF ANGER. 289
part of their office, a wise use and application of
laws ; for they may remember what the apostle saith
of a greater law than theirs : " Nos scimus quia lex
bona est, modo quis e§, utatur legitime." ^
LVIL — OF ANGER.
To seek to extinguish anger utterly is but a
bravery ^ of the Stoics. We have better oracles :
" Be angry, but sin not ; let not the sun go down
upon your anger." ^ Anger must be limited and
confined, both in race and in time. We will first
speak how the natural inclination and habit, *Ho
be angry," may be attempered and calmed ; secondly,
how the particular motions of anger may be repressed,
or, at least, refrained from doing mischief; thirdly,
how to raise anger, or appease anger in another.
For the first, there is no other way but to medi-
tate and ruminate well upon the effects of anger,
how it troubles man's life ; and the best time to do
this is, to look back upon anger when the fit is
thoroughly over. Seneca saith well, "that anger
is like ruin, which breaks itself upon that it falls." *
1 ** We know that the law is good, if a man use it lawfully." —
1 Timothy i. 8.
2 A boast.
8 In our version it is thus rendered : ** Be ye angry, and sin not ;
let not the sun go down upon your wrath." — Epkesians iv. 26.
4 Sen. De Ira i. 1.
19
290 ESSAYS.
The Scripture exhorteth us " to possess our souls in
patience ;" ^ whosoever is out of patience, is out of
possession of his soul. Men must not turn bees : —
" animasque in viilnere ponunt."^
Anger is certainly a kind of baseness ; as it appears
well in the weakness of those subjects in whom it
reigns, children, women, old folks, sick folks. Only
men must beware that they carry their anger rather
with scorn than with fear ; so that they may seem
rather to be above the injury than below it ; which
is a thing easily done, if a man will give law to
himself in it.
For the second point, the causes and motives of
anger are chiefly three. First, to be too sensible of
hurt, for no man is angry that feels not himself hurt ;
and therefore tender and delicate persons must needs
be oft angry, they have so many things to trouble
them, which more robust natures have little sense
of: the next is, the apprehension and construction
of the injury offered, to be, in the circumstances
thereof, full of contempt ; for contempt is that which
putteth an edge upon anger, as much, or more, than
the hurt itself ; and therefore, when men are ingen-
ious in picking out circumstances of contempt, they
do kindle their anger much : lastly, opinion of the
touch 2 of a man's reputation doth multiply and
^ ** In your patience possess ye your souls." — LuTce xvi. 19.
2 "And leave their lives in the wound." The quotation is from
Virgil's Georgics, iv. 238.
3 Susceptibility upon.
OF ANGER. 291
sharpen anger ; wherein the remedy is, that a man
should have, as Gonsalvo was wont to say, ^' Telam
honoris crassiorem." ^ But in all refrainings of
anger, it is the best remedy to win time, and to
make a man's self believe that the opportunity of
liis revenge is not yet come ; but that he foresees
a time for it, and so to still himself in the mean
time, and reserve it.
To contain anger from mischief, though it take
hold of a man, there be two things whereof you
must have special caution : the one, of extreme bit-
terness of words, especially if they be aculeate and
proper,^ for " communia maledicta " ^ are nothing so
much; and, again, that in anger a man reveal no
secrets, for that makes him not fit for society : the
other, that you do not peremptorily break off in any
business in a fit of anger ; but, howsoever you show
bitterness, do not act any thing that is not re-
vocable.
For raising and appeasing anger in another, it is
done chiefly by choosing of times when men are
frowardest and worst disposed to incense them;
again, by gathering (as was touched before) all that
you can find out to aggravate the contempt : and
the two remedies are by the contraries ; the former
to take good times, when first to relate to a man an
angry business, for the first impression is much ;
1 ** A thicker covering forhis honor."
2 Pointed and peculiarly appropriate to the party attacked.
8 "Ordinary abuse."
292 ESSAYS.
and the other is, to sever, as much as may be,
the construction of the injury from the point of
contempt ; imputing it to misunderstanding, fear,
passion, or what you will.
LYIIL — OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS.
Solomon saith, ^* There is no new thing upon
the earth ; " ^ so that as Plato ^ had an imagination
that all knowledge was but remembrance, so Solo-
mon giveth his sentence, '*That all novelty is but
oblivion ; " ^ whereby you may see, that the river of
Lethe runneth as well above ground as below.
There is an abstruse astrologer that saith, if it were
not for two things that are constant (the one is,
that the fixed stars ever stand at like distance one
from another, and never come nearer together, nor
go further asunder ; the other, that the diurnal
motion perpetually keepeth time), no individual
would last one moment ; certain it is, that the mat-
ter is in a perpetual flux, and never at a stay. The
1 " The thing that hath been, it is that which shall be ; and that
which is done, is that which shall be done ; and there is no new
thing under the sun. Is there any thing whereof it may be said,
See, this is new ? It hath been already of old time, which was
before us." — Ecclesiastes i. 9, 10.
2 In his Phsedo.
8 " There is no remembrance of former things : neither shall
there be any remembrance of things that are to come, with those
that shall come hereafter." — Ecclesiastes i. 11.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 293
great winding-sheets that bury all things in obliv-
ion, are two, — deluges and earthquakes. As for
conflagrations and great droughts, they do not
merely dispeople, but destroy. Phaeton's car went
but a day ; and the three years' drought in the time
of Elias,^ was but particular,^ and left people alive.
As for the great burnings by lightnings, which are
often in the West Indies,^ they are but narrow ; *
but in the other two destructions, by deluge and
earthquake, it is further to be noted, that the rem-
nant of people which happen to be reserved, are
commonly ignorant and mountainous people, that
can give no account of the time past; so that the
oblivion is all one, as if none had been left. If
you consider well of the people of the West Indies,
it is very probable that they are a newer, or a
younger people than the people of the old world;
and it is much more likely that the destruction that
hath heretofore been there, was not by earthquakes,
(as the Egyptian priest told Solon, concerning the
1 "And Elijah the Tishbite, who was of the inhabitants of
Gilead, said unto Ahab, As the Lord God of Israel liveth, before
whom I stand, there shall not be dew nor rain these years, but
according to my word." — 1 Kings xvii. 1. " And it came to pass
after many days, that the word of the Lord came to Elijah in the
third year, saying, Go, show thyself unto Ahab ; and I will send
rain upon the earth." — 1 Kings XNiii. 1.
2 Confined to a limited space.
* The whole of the continent of America then discovered is
included under this name.
* Limited.
294 ESSAYS.
Island of Atlantis.^ that it was swallowed by an
earthquake), but rather that it was desolated by a
particular deluge, for earthquakes are seldom in
those parts ; but, on the other side, they have such
pouring rivers, as the rivers of Asia, and Africa,
and Europe, are but brooks to them. Their Andes,
likewise, or mountains, are far higher than those
with us ; whereby it seems, that the remnants of
generations of men were in such a particular deluge
saved. As for the observation that Machiavel hath,
that the jealousy of sects doth much extinguish
the memory of things,^ traducing Gregory the Great,
that he did what in him lay to extinguish all
heathen antiquities, I do not find that those zeals
do any great effects, nor last long ; as it appeared
in the succession of Sabinian,^ who did revive the
former antiquities.
The vicissitude, or mutations, in the superior
globe, are no fit matter for this present argument.
It may be, Plato's great year,^ if the world should
last so long, would have some effect, not in renew-
1 Fide Plat. Tim. iii. 24, seq.
^ Mach. Disc. Sop. Liv. ii. 2.
3 Sabinianiis of Volaterra was elected Bishop of Rome on tlie
death of Gregory the Great, A. D. 604. He was of an avaricious
disposition, and thereby incurred the popular hatred. He died
in eighteen months after his election.
* This Cicero speaks of as "the great year of the mathema-
ticians." "On the Nature of the Gods," B. 4, ch. 20. By some
it was supposed to occur after a period of 12,954 years, while,
according to others, it was of 25,920 years' duration. — Plat. Tim.
iii. 38, seq.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 295
ing the state of like individuals (for that is the
fume ^ of those that conceive the celestial bodies
have more accurate influences upon these things
below, than indeed they have), but in gross. Com-
ets, out of question, have likewise power and effect
over the gross and mass of things ; but they are
rather gazed, and waited upon^ in their journey,
than wisely observed in their effects, especially in
their respective effects ; that is, what kind of comet
for magnitude, color, version of the beams, placing
in the region of heaven, or lasting, produceth what
kind of effects.
There is a toy,^ which I have heard, and I would
not have it given over, but waited upon a little.
They say it is observed in the Low Countries (I
know not in what part), that every five and thirty
years the same kind and suit of years and weather
comes about again ; as great frosts, great wet, great
droughts, warm winters, summers with little heat,
and the like ; and they call it the prime. It is a
thing I do the rather mention, because, computing
backwards, I have found some concurrence.
But to leave these points of nature, and to come
to men. The greatest vicissitude of things amongst
men, is the vicissitude of sects and religions; for
those orbs rule in men's minds most. The true
religion is built upon the rock ; the rest are tossed
upon the waves of time. To speak, therefore, of
1 Conceit. 2 Observed.
3 A curious fancy or odd conceit.
296 ESSAYS.
the causes of new sects, and to give some counsel
concerning them, as far as the weakness of human
judgment can give stay to so great revolutions.
When the religion formerly received is rent by
discords, and when the holiness of the professors of
religion is decayed and full of scandal, and, withal,
the times be stupid, ignorant, and barbarous, you
may doubt the springing up of a new sect ; if then,
also, there should arise any extravagant and strange
spirit to make himself author thereof; all which
points held when Mahomet published his law. If a
new sect have not two properties, fear it not, for it
will not spread. The one is the supplanting or the
opposing of authority established, for nothing is more
popular than that; the other is, the giving license
to pleasures and a voluptuous life ; for as for
speculative heresies (such as were in ancient times
the Arians, and now the Arminians),^ though they
work mightily upon men's wits, yet they do not
produce any great alterations in states, except it be
by the help of civil occasions. There be three
manner of plantations of new sects : by the power
of signs and miracles ; by the eloquence and 'W'isdom
of speech and persuasion ; and by the sword. For
martyrdoms, I reckon them amongst miracles, be-
cause they seem to exceed the strength of human
1 The followers of Arminius, or James Harmensen, a celebrated
divine of the 16th and 17th centuries. Though called a heresy by-
Bacon, his opinions have been for two centuries, and still are, held
by a large portion of the Church of England.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 297
nature ; and I may do the like of superlative and
admirable holiness of life. Surely, there is no better
way to stop the rising of new sects and schisms,
than to reform abuses ; to compound the smaller
differences ; to proceed mildly, and not with sangui-
nary persecutions ; and rather to take off the prin-
cipal authors, by winning and advancing them, than
to enrage them by violence and bitterness.
The changes and vicissitude in wars are many,
but chiefly in three things : in the seats or stages of
the war, in the weapons, and in the manner of the
conduct. Wars, in ancient time, seemed more to
move from east to west ; for the Persians, Assyrians,
Arabians, Tartars (which were the invaders), were
all eastern people. It is true the Gauls were
western ; but we read but of two incursions of
theirs, the one to Gallo-Grsecia, the other to Rome :
but east and west have no certain points of heaven ;
and no more have the wars, either from the east or
west, any certainty of observation ; but north and
south are fixed ; and it hath seldom or never been
seen that the far southern people have invaded the
northern, but contrariwise : whereby it is manifest
that the northern tract of the world is in nature
the more martial region, be it in respect of the stars
of that hemisphere,^ or of the great continents that
are upon the north; whereas, the south part, for
aught that is known, is almost all sea; or (which
1 A belief in astrology, or at least the influence of the stars was
almost universal in the time of Bacon.
298 ESSAYS.
is most apparent) of the cold of the northern parts,
which is that which, without aid of discipline, doth
make the bodies hardest, and the courage warmest.
Upon the breaking and shivering of a great state
and empire, you may be sure to have wars ; for
great empires, while they stand, do enervate and
destroy the forces of the natives which they have
subdued, resting upon their own protecting forces ;
and then, when they fail also, all goes to ruin, and
they become a prey. So was it in the decay of the
Roman empire, and likewise in the empire of Al-
maigne,^ after Charles the Great,^ every bird taking
a feather, and were not unlike to befall to Spain, if
it should break. The great accessions and unions
of kingdoms do likewise stir up wars ; for when a
state grows to an over-power, it is like a great flood,
that will be sure to overflow, as it hath been seen
in the states of Rome, Turkey, Spain, and others.
Look when the world hath fewest barbarous people,
but such as commonly will not marry or generate,
except they know means to live (as it is almost
everywhere at this day, except Tartary), there is no
danger of inundations of people ; but when there be
great shoals of people, which go on to populate,
without foreseeing means of life and sustenation,
it is of necessity that once in an age or two they
discharge a portion of their people upon other na-
tions, which the ancient northern people were wont
to do by lot ; casting lots what part should stay at
1 Germany. 2 Charlemagne.
OF VICISSITUDE OF THINGS. 299
home, and what should seek their fortunes. When
a warlike state grows soft and effeminate, thej may
be sure of a war, for commonly such states are grown
rich in the time of their degenerating; and so the
prey inviteth, and their decay in valor encourageth
a war.
As for the weapons, it hardly falleth under rule
and observation, yet we see even they have returns
and vicissitudes ; for certain it is that ordnance was
known in the city of the Oxidraces, in India, and
was that which the Macedonians^ called thunder
and lightning, and magic ; and it is well known
that the use of ordnance hath been in China above
two thousand years. The conditions of weapons,
and their improvements are, first, the fetching ^ afar
off, for that outruns the danger, as it is seen in
ordnance and muskets ; secondly, the strength of
the percussion, wherein, likewise, ordnance do ex-
ceed all arietations,^ and ancient inventions ; the
third is, the commodious use of them, as that they
may serve in all weathers, that the carriage may be
light and manageable, and the like.
For the conduct of the war: at the first, men
rested extremely upon number; they did put the
wars likewise upon main force and valor, pointing
days for pitched fields, and so trying it out upon
an even match; and they were more ignorant in
1 When led thither by Alexander the Great.
2 Striking.
3 ^Application of the "aries," or battering-ram.
300 ESSAYS.
ranging and arraying their battles. After they
grew to rest upon number, rather competent than
vast, they grew to advantages of place, cunning
diversions, and the like, and they grew more skilful
in the ordering of their battles.
In the youth of a state, arms do flourish ; in the
middle age of a state, learning; and then both of
them together for a time ; in the declining age of a
state, mechanical arts and merchandise. Learning
hath its infancy when it is but beginning, and
almost childish ; then its youth, when it is luxuriant
and juvenile ; then its strength of years, when it is
solid and reduced ; and, lastly, its old age, when it
waxeth dry and exhaust. But it is not good to look
too long upon these turning wheels of vicissitude,
lest we become giddy ; as for the philology of them,
that is but a circle of tales, and therefore not fit for
this writing.
^^
APPENDIX TO ESSAYS.
I. — A FRAGMENT OF AN ESSAY OF FAME.^
The poets make fame a monster; they describe
her in part finely and elegantly, and in part gravely
and sententiously ; they say, Look, how many feath-
ers she hath, so many eyes she hath underneath, so
many tongues, so many voices, she pricks up so
many ears !
This is a flourish : there follow excellent parables ;
as that she gathereth strength in going; that she
goeth upon the ground, and yet hideth her head in
the clouds ; that in the daytime she sitteth in a
watch-tower, and flieth most by night; that she
mingleth things done with things not done ; and that
she is a terror to great cities ; but that which pass-
eth all the rest is, they do recount that the Earth,
mother of the giants that made war against Jupiter,
and were by him destroyed, thereupon in anger
brought forth Fame ; for certain it is, that rebels,
figured by the giants, and seditious fames and libels,
1 This fragment was found among Lord Bacon's papers, and
published by Dr. Rawley in his Resuscitatio.
302 ESSAYS.
are but brothers and sisters, masculine and feminine.
But now, if a man can tame this monster, and bring
her to feed at the hand and govern her, and with
her fly other ravening fowl, and kill them, it is some-
what worth ; but we are infected with the style of
the poets. To speak now in a sad and ser?ous
manner, there is not in all the politics a place less
handled, and more worthy to be handled, than this
of fame. We will, therefore, speak of these points.
What are false fames, and what are true fames,
and how they may be best discerned ; how fames
may be sown and raised ; how they may be spread
and multiplied ; and how they may be checked and
lay dead; and other things concerning the nature
of fame. Fame is of that force, as there is scarcely
any great action wherein it hath not a great part,
especially in the war. Mucianus undid Vitellius by
a fame that he scattered, that Vitellius had in pur-
pose to remove the legions of Syria into Germany,
and the legions of Germany into Syria; whereupon
the legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed.^ Julius
Csesar took Pompey unprovided, and laid asleep his
industry and preparations by a fame that he cun-
ningly gave out, how Csesar's own soldiers loved him
not ; and being wearied with the wars, and laden
with the spoils of Gaul, would forsake him as soon
as he came into Italy.^ Livia settled all things for
the succession of her son Tiberius, by continually
giving out that her husband Augustus was upon
1 Tac. Hist. ii. 80. ^ Cses. de Bell. Civ. i. 6.
OF A KING. 303
recovery and amendment;^ and it is a usual thing
with the bashaws to conceal the death of the Grand
Turk from the janizaries and men of war, to save the
sacking of Constantinople, and other towns, as their
manner is. Themistocles made Xerxes, king of
Persia, post apace out of Grsecia, by giving out that
the Grecians had a purpose to break his bridge of
ships which he had made athwart Hellespont.^
There be a thousand such like examples, and the
more they are, the less they need to be repeated, be-
cause a man meeteth with them everywhere ; there-
fore, let all wise governors have as great a watch
and care over fames, as they have of the actions and
designs themselves.
II. — OF A KING.
1. A KING is a mortal God on earth, unto whom
the living God hath lent his own name as a great
honor; but withal told him, he should die like a
man, lest he should be proud and flatter himself,
that God hath, with his name, imparted unto him
his nature also.
2. Of all kind of men, God is the least beholden
unto them ; for he doth most for them, and they do,
ordinarily, least for him.
1 Tac. Ann. i. 5. 2 yy^, Herod, viii. 108, 109.
304 ESSAYS.
3. A king that would not feel his crown too heavy
for him, must wear it every day ; but if he think it
too light, he knoweth not of what metal it is made.
4. He must make religion the rule of govern-
ment, and not to balance the scale ; for he that cast-
eth in religion only to make the scales even, his own
weight is contained in those characters : '' Mene,
mene, tekel, upharsin : He is found too light, his
kingdom shall be taken from him."
5. And that king that holds not religion the best
reason of state, is void of all piety and justice, the
supporters of a king.
6. He must be able to give counsel himself, but
not rely thereupon ; for though happy events justify
their counsels, yet it is better that the evil event of
good advice be rather imputed to a subject than a
sovereign.
7. He is a fountain of honor, which should not
run with a waste-pipe, lest the courtiers sell the
water, and then, as Papists say of their holy wells,
it loses the virtue.
8. He is the life of the law, not only as he is Lex
loquens himself, but because he animateth the dead
letter, making it active towards all his subjects
prwmio et poena.
9. A wise king must do less in altering his laws
than he may ; for new government is ever dangerous.
It being true in the body politic, as in the corporal,
that omnis subita immutatio est periculosa ; and
though it be for the better, yet it is not without
OF A KING. 305
a fearful apprehension ; for he that changeth the
fundamental laws of a kingdom, thinketh there is
no good title to a crown, but by conquest.
iO. A king that setteth to sale seats of justice,
oppresseth the people; for he teacheth his judges
to sell justice ; and pretio imrata pretio venditur
justitia.
11. Bounty and magnificence are virtues very
regal, but a prodigal king is nearer a tyrant than a
parsimonious ; for store at home draweth not his
contemplations abroad, but want supplieth itself of
what is next, and many times the next way. A
king therein must be wise, and know what he may
justly do.
12. That king which is not feared, is not loved;
and he that is well seen in his craft, must as well
study to be feared as loved ; yet not loved for fear,
but feared for love.
13. Therefore, as he must always resemble Him
whose great name he beareth, and that as in mani-
festing the sweet influence of his mercy on the severe
stroke of his justice sometimes, so in this not to
suffer a man of death to live ; for, besides that the
land doth mourn, the restraint of justice towards
sin doth more retard the affection of love, than the
extent of mercy doth inflame it ; and sure, where
love is [ill] bestowed, fear is quite lost.
14. His greatest enemies are his flatterers; for
though they ever speak on his side, yet their words
still make against him.
20
306 ESSAYS.
15. The love which a king oweth to a weal public
should not be overstrained to any one particular;
yet that his more especial favor do reflect upon
some worthy ones, is somewhat necessary, because
there are few of that capacity.
16. He must have a special care of five things,
if he would not have his crown to be but to him
infelix felicitas.
First, that simulata sanctitas be not in the church ;
for that is duplex iniquitas.
Secondly, that inutilis cequitas sit not in the chan-
cery ; for that is inepta misericordia.
Thirdly, that utilis iniquitas keep not the ex-
chequer; for that is crudele latrocinium.
Fourthly, that fidelis temeritas be not his general ;
for that will bring but seram pcEnitentiam.
Fifthly, that infidelis prudentia be not his secre-
tary ; for that is anguis sub viridi herhd.
To conclude : as he is of the greatest power, so
he is subject to the greatest cares, made the servant
of his people, or else he were without a calling at all.
He, then, that honoreth him not is next an atheist,
wanting the fear of God in his heart.
ON DEATH. 307
III. ^ ON DEATH.
1. I HAVE often thought upon death, and I find
it the least of all evils. All that which is past is as
a dream ; and he that hopes or depends upon time
coming, dreams waking. So much of our life as
we have discovered is already dead ; and all those
hours which we share, even from the breasts of our
mothers, until we return to our grandmother the
earth, are part of our dying days, whereof even
this is one, and those that succeed are of the same
nature, for we die daily ; and, as others have given
place to us, so we must, in the end, give way to
others.
2. Physicians, in the name of death, include all
sorrow, anguish, disease, calamity, or whatsoever
can fall in the life of man, either grievous or un-
welcome. But these things are familiar unto us,
and we suffer them every hour; therefore we die
daily, and I am older since I affirmed it.
3. I know many wise men that fear to die, for
the change is bitter, and flesh would refuse to prove
it; besides, the expectation brings terror, and that
exceeds the evil. But I do not believe that any
man fears to be dead, but only the stroke of death ;
and such are my hopes, that if Heaven be pleased,
and nature renew but my lease for twenty-one years
more without asking longer days, I shall be strong
oiunidi to aokiiowloiliro Avitliout nu>\iniin<;*, that I
was boirottcn mortal. Virtuo walks not in tho liigh-
way, thouiih she i^-o per dlia : this is strength and
tho Mood to virtno. to contonni thiniirs that bo do-
sired, and to iiodoot that which is iVarod.
4. AVhy should man bo in lovo with his fottors,
thonirh of £:o\d i Art thou drownod in soourity?
Thou I say tluni art portootly doad. For though
thou miwost, yet thy soul is buried within thoo, and
thy good angol either forsakes his guard, or sloops.
There is nothing under heaven, saving a true friend
(who cannot be counted within tho nund^er of niov-
ftbles\ unto which my heart doth loan. And this
dear freedom hath begotten me this peace, that I
mourn not for that end which must be, nor spend
one wish to have one minute added to the uncertain
date of my years. It was no mean apprehension
of Lucian. who says of Monippus, that in his travels
through hell, he know not the kings of the earth
from other men but only by their louder cryings
and tears, which were fostered in them through the
remorseful memory of tho good days they had seen,
and the fruitful havings whicli they so unwillingly
loft behind them. He that was well seated, looked
back at his portion, and was loath to forsake his
farm ; and others, either minding marriages, pleasures,
profit, or proferment, desired to be excused from
deaths banquet. They had made an appointment
with earth, looking at the blessings, not the hand
that enlarged them, forgetting how unclothodly they
ON DEATH, 309
carrie hither, or with what naked omarrifrnt^ they
were arrayed.
o. But were we H^;rv'antH of the preoept given,
and o^.^»er\'c^■i of the heathen.^ nile, Mcjo/'Mo ffif/n,^
and not hecf)me beni^^hted with this seeming felic-
ity, we should enjoy it as men prepared to lo«e,
and not wind up our thoughts ujXiU so jxrriiihing a
fortune. He that i.s not slackly strong ^ai< the
fiervantri of pleai*ure^, how can he be found unready
to quit the vail and false \Tsage of his perfection?
Tlie soul having shaken off her flesh, doth then set
up for herself, and contemning things that are
under, shows what finger hath enforced her: for the
souls of idiots are of the same piece with thf/se of
statesmen, but now and then nature is at a fault,
and this good guest of ours takes soil in an imper-
fect brxly, and so is slackened from showing her
wonders, like an excellent musician, which cannot
utter himself upon a defective instrument.
6. But see how I am s^ver\'ed, and lose my
course, touching at the soul that doth least hold
action with death, who hath the surest property in
this frail act ; his style is the end of all flesh, and
the beginning of incorruption.
This ruler of monuments leads men, for the most
part, out of this world with their heels forward, in
token that he is contrary to life, which being ob-
tained, sends men headlong into this wretched thea-
tre, where, being arrive