MIS E 400 .M18 Copy 1 THE MADIS0N1AN PAMPHLET. TO MV FRIENDS THROUGHOUT THE UNION. The reasons which influenced me in accept ing the nomination for the Presidency, made by a Convention of my friends in May last, at Baltimore, have lost much of their original force- I had been not only most violently assailed by the Ultraists of both parties, but had been threatened with impeachment for having nego- tiated a Treaty proposing the annexation of Texas to the Union, as a portion of its terri- tory, and for having adopted precautionary mea- sures, clearly falling within the range of Execu- tive discretion, to ward off any blow which might have been seriously aimed at the peace and safety of the country in the event of the ratification of the Treaty by the Senate. The opinion of a person, once ranked amongst the distinguished jurists of the country, found its way into the newspapers, apparently as the precursor of such proceeding. A report had also been made, at a previous session of Con- gress, by a committee of the House \r the Union. Mr. Clay also, ma recent letter written to the editor of a newspaper in Alabama, has called the Treaty infamous, and ascribed to it, in its origin, 'sinister objects. I repel both their assaults upon the Treaty and its negotiators. What object of mere personal am- bition in any way connected with office could have influenced the Administration in negotia- ting the Treaty ? The public archives fur- nished the strongest reasons to believe that the Treaty would have met the un- qualified approval of both Mr. Clay and Mr. Van Buren. While the one was Secretary of Stat3 to Mr. Adams, and the other to General Jackson, each in his turn attempted to obtain the annexation of Texas. Mr. Clay's negotia- tion was carried on with Mexico in the third year of her Revolutionary struggle, while Spain regarded her as a revolted Province, and her armies were in possession of many of the strongholds of the country. What reason, then, could I have had for supposing for an in- stant that a Treaty with Texas, after eight years of actual independence, with no Mexican sol- dier within her territory, and subject only to occasional border interruptions, could or would have met with opposition from him or his friends'? and meeting with no such opposition on the part either of Mr. Van Buren or Mr. Clay, and their friends, it would puzzle a sound- er casuist than I profess to be, to conceive in what possible way it could have interrupted the relations of those two gentlemen, who stood at the moment at the head of their respective parties, and were looked upon by all as compet- itors for the Presidency. It is well known that, when the negotiation for the ac- quisition of Texas was commenced, and up to a period succeeding the signing of the Treaty, it was my confident con- viction, expressed to many, that it would, from the circumstances I have stated, receive the support both of Mr. Clay and Mr Van Buren, so that neither would be affected by its negotiation. If it had been charged that the Administra- tion was prompted by the ambition of securing the greatest boon to the country, and the whole country, in the acquisition of a territory so im- portant in itself and so inseparably connected with the interests of every Stale in the Union, and every interest of the Union, I would have plead guilty, without a moment of hesitation. I confess I felt ambitious to add another bright star to the American constellation. It would have been a source of pride to me, if that mea- sure had been carried, to have witnessed from the retirement that awaits me, the annual ex- pansion of our coastwise and foreign trade, and the increased prosperity of our agriculture and manufactures, through the rapid growth of Texas, which would have followed the ratifica- tion of the Treaty. Yes, I freely confess that this would have furnished me an unfailing source of gratification to the end of my life. I should have seen also the Union of the States becoming stronger and stronger through their reciprocal affection— local jealousies suppressed, and fanatical schemes and schemers alike pros- trate. I should have witnessed the blessed re- sults of our Federative system as it embraced the finest country in the world, and brought under its influence a people devoted like ourselves to the maintenance and preservation of free govern- ment. This was the kind ol ambition which prompted the negotiation of the Treaty. Its ratification was the sole honor which I coveted, and ail that I now desire. What sinister mo- tives could have originated the negotiation at this time, that did not exist in 1827? What was there now to have rendered a Treaty infa- mous which did not exist then ? If it be said that we had a Treaty of Limits with Mexi- co, I ask if, in 1827, we had not also a Treaty o Limits with Spain ? We had recognised the independence of Mexico, and, therefore, vir- tually claimed that we had a perfect right to treat with her for the annexation of Texas, and in fact, if we had so pleased, for Mexico entire, Eight years ago w r e recognised Texas as inde- pendent, and surely our right to negotiate with her, implied no worse faith than in 1827 to ne- gotiate with Mexico for her. The idea that because of the existence of a Treaty of Limits with anv' nation, we must forever thereafter deny to all parts of the territory of such nation the right of revolution or change, can only ex- cite, with an American citizen, a smile. Was it deemed necessary, in 1827, to consult the States, to consult the Senate, or to consult the House of Representatives, or the People ? — Was it considered necessary to obtain the as- sent of every State, as would seem now to be proposed, before forming a Treaty of Annexa- tion ? If the assent of every State is necessa- ry, then may we bid adieu to the prospect of annexation now or hereafter. The Constitu- tion devolves the treaty-making power on two- Ihirds of the States, through their Senators, and it is altogether a new doctrine that a Treaty should not be negotiated without the assent of all. Danger to the Union through the exercise of the power of a constitutional majority in the making of a Treaty, is a doctrine for the first time advanced, and having no foun- dation in point of fact. I regard the pre- servation of the Union as the first great Ame- rican interest. I equally disapprove of all threats of its dissolution, whether they proceed from the North or the South. The glory of my country, its safety and its prosperity alike depend on Union, and he who would contemplate its de- struction, even for a moment, and form plans to accomplish it, deserves the deepest anathemas of the human race. I believed, and still believe, that the annexation of Texas would add to its strength, and serve to perpetuate it for ages yet to come; and my best efforts, while I remain in office, will be directed to securing its acquisition, either now or at a future day. Whether any ef- forts will avail to secure this object, since the rejection of the Treaty, remains still to be seen. I abandon all hope upon the subject, if it shall be esteemed necessary to obtain for it the approval of every State. The case rarely occurs that any Treaty receives the unanimous approval of the Senate. I have been called upon, in justice to myself, to make these remarks in withdrawing from the position in which my friends had placed me. 1 might present other inquiries growing out of the course of the Administration, both in regard to our domestic and foreign relations, as to which principles have been maintained, which may arrest the attention of future and even re- mote Administrations— but let what I have said suffice. All that I ask of my countrymen is a candid review of my acts, and an impartial comparison of the condition of the country now with what it was three years ago. I appeal from the vituperation of the present day to the pen of impartial history, in the full confidence that neither my motives nor my acts will bear the interpretation which has, for sinister pur- poses, been placed upon them. JOHN TYLER. Washington, Aug. 2ft, 1844. MESSRS. WEBSTER AND CLAY. We take the following from the New York Cou- rier and Enquirer, of August 13th : "The editor of the Madisonian intimated a few days since, that he would do something dreadful if Mr. Webster should venture to advocate the election of Henry Clay on the ground of his friendship to the tariff, and we were (of course!) exceedingly solici- tous to asceitain what sert of a thunderbolt was to fall upon the head of Mr. Webster, if he should dare to say any thing in favor of the Whig candidate for the Presidency. But it seems we mistook the mean- ing of the Madisonian man entiiely. He was not going to do any thing with Mr. Webster; it is Mr. Clay that he is giing to blow into the seven stars if Mr. Webster dares t > open his mouth for him. The Mad sonlan is going to prove that Mr. Clay has at onetime "proposed to abandon all protection on arti- cles manufactured in the United States." Suppose we prove it note, and by Mr. Webster. About the time, indeed at the time, (1842) when a bitter controversy was going on between the Hon. Henry Clay and the Hon. Henry A. Wise, in rela- tion to the unfortunate Cilley duel, Mr. Wise being prevented from expressing his views on the Tariff, by some rule of the House, ennounced bis purpose to imbody them in an Address to hi3 constituents, which would be publishtd in the newspapers. Immediately after the announcement was made, Mr. Websttr, being then Secretary of State under Mr. Tyler, and taking a most active part in the vin- dication of the Administration, and in opposition to the assaults of Mr. Clay and his friends on it, sent to the Madisunian office, where it was known the Ad- dress of Mr. Wiee would be published, the following note, desiring it to be inserted in the Address, as a separate and distinct paragraph, which was accord- ingly done: "I am informed and authorized, by one who saw the manuscript draught of the act of 1S33 before it was offered, to state that " when Mr. Clay drew the act of 1833, and showed it to his friends in his own handwriting-, after the clause which provides that only such duties shall be laid as are necessary for an economical admin- istration of the Government, after the 30th of June, 1S42, the following words, or other words precisely equivalent, were add- ed, to wit: ' And such duties shall belaid without reference to the protection of any domestic articles whatever.' It may fair- ly, therefore, be claimed that the great au- thor of what is called the American Sys- tem himself has, in (he most direct manner, acceded to this principle at least, that du- ties must be laid primarily for revenue, and ■ not for protection alone. This is the lead- ing principle to which the faith of the na- tion has been solemnly pledged, and one from which it will never be safe for the great protected interests themselves to de- part." On the marg-in of Mr. Webster's note there was a P. S. in pencil mark, which ran as follows : " The words quoted beginning at " And," and ending at " whatever," are a literal copy from the original draft in Mr. Clay's handwriting. D. W." It may be remembered that the Hon. C. J. Inger- soll stated last spring, in the House, that he had heard that Mr. Clay had once agreed to yield the principle of protection — and that Mr. Clay accosted him, when in Washington last May, on the subject, and pronounced the statement a " falsehood," and the one who had communicated to him the informa- tion a " calumniator." Will he pronounce Mr. Webster a "calumniator?" We have more than once demonstrated that some fifty of Mr. Clay's nearest and dearest friends oppos- ed, directly and indirectly, the passage of the exist- ing tariff act ; and have asserted, on tenable grounds, that the Clay party in Congress were opposed to its passage. Mr. Webster was undoubtedly in favor of the aet, and while striving to array the manufactu- turers against Mr. Clay, lost no opportunity to recon- cile them to Mr. Tyler. Some of the seeds he sow- ed have taken root. Was it not too much for patient endurance, foi Mr. Webster, after "providing for his family" and his friends, by his labors in behalf of the Administia- tion, to turn round and denounce it, and to become the advocate of Mr. Clay, because of his advocacy of the Tariff? But we have other witnesses, and among them is Mr. Marshall, of Kentucky, with whose testimoi y we will pause for the present. We make the following extract from Mr. Mar- shall's letter published in the National Intelligencer : " 1 will appeal from the Press to the People. From the leaders to the troops. I will not be cashiered or drummed disgracefully out of camp for having first indicated the path to victory, (in advocating the ta- riff,) while others, who watched the course of the battle in prudent silence, or were found actually on the other side denouncing me, till unexpectedly the tide of war changed, now rush loudly in to seize the spoils and wear the laurels. It will be remembered (hat I fought up when I first made this proposition, (the tariff bill) under a load of obloquy and the weight of most unworthy suspicions That my course was said to be dictated by my hostility to Mr. Clay. That 1 was feeding an ancient family grudge. It will be remembered that the known partisans, the peculiar personal party of that gentleman, sought by every means to defeat the bill. Whether they or 1 judged most wisely, let the world decide. I do not of course ask to be remembered at any of the Whig jubilees in connexion with this subject, bat I do en- treat that my district may bj allowed to spare me a little longer, and may not furnish the halter for my execution, at least while the duties remain what they are upon hemp. MR. CLAY. ESSAY No. I.— [Republication.] Mr. Clay has been a candidate for the Presidency from the moment of his return from Europe, at the close of the last war, up to the present time, now a a period of six-and-twenty ye irs. Twice or thrice he has gone to the polls, and once with the whole support of the party to which he belonged. That he will continue to be a candidate, till success or death extinguishes such a condition, no one acquainted with his character and his indomitable ambition can doubt. Let us do Mr. Clay jus-ice ; let us commend! his virtues, and applaud his ta ents ; let us pEaise him for all in him that is praiseworthy ; and thisrthe more cheerfully, as we do not intend to extenuate his political faults, and the fatal, fatal consequences of his political conduct in 1841. Without much lite- rature, or any great extent of general knowledge, he has a strong understanding, now a good deal culti- vated by habits of business. A good person, a. fine voice, an attractive and commanding manner, fit- him eminently for public debate ; and he loves, to a lamentable excess, what he excells in. His irritable temper brooks no contradiction, and by far fonder of invective and retort, than of the influences of soft persuasion, neither friend nor foe, who opposes hins in debate, can expect quarter. Indeed on these= oc- casions he treats his friends worse than his foes; for while he looks upon the latter as enemies, in a law- ful war, he regards the former as rebellious subjects who deserve no mercy. To precise logic, or cool reasoning, he has little pretence ; but for the illustra- tion and enforcement of general principles, his re- sources are respectable, and the skill with which he uses them evinces both adroitness and practice. He has other important qualities of a distinquished leader iu popular assemblies. He is bold, fearless, ready, ardent, and when discomfitted and overthrown, as he often is, even in a good cause, by his imprudence and excess, he can retire, beating such a note of re- treat nevertheless, as still seems to have an air of tri- umph in it. Excessively fond of admiration, as a public orator, and consequently studying effect more than a wise man should, he cannot, and never could forego a joke, or a sarcasm, which should bring ap- plause from the gallery, though, at the same time, it should plant a dagger.or create a vulnus iinmedicabile y in another's heart. The natural result of this temper has been fully shown. While no man, in his speeches, gains more general applause, no man inflicts so much private pain, or creates so deep-seated a dislike in the bosom of his adversaries. The history of Mr. Clay's opinions, since 1806, and of his steady efforts — steady in their objects, though far from steady in their means — must hereaf- ter form topics of discussion. The position in which he has now chosen to place himself, and the hostil- ities which he has commenced, render this absolutely necessary, for the purposes of lawful defence. At present, we confine ourselves to the occurrences in '39, '40. Mr. Clay was a candidate for the nomination of President, at the Har r Uburg Convention, in Decem- ber, 1839. His sanguine and ardent temperament would not suffer him lo indulge in the least apprehen- sion of defeat. No friend, nor all his friends together, could persuade him that Gen. Harrison or Gen. Scott would be more 1 kely than himself to succeed against Mr. Van Buren. He would not believe it — did not believe it — does not believe it now. At this moment, he is perfectly convinced, that if he had been nomi- nated, he would have been elected ; and the defeat of his nomination he imputes to treachery and fraud. — There are those who preferred another candidate,* and whom, for that reason alone, he chooses to con- sider and denounce as enemies and traitors, whom he has since pursued, and will pursue, till they go to their graves, or he goes to his, with implacable re- sentment. He has an iron memory for injures; and he is like other n.en who hate without cause. A sort of consciousness that they themselves are wrong, and that they have no cause to hate, only leads them to hate the more. A cmscience, accusing itself of un- just resentments, often seeks to quiet its own pangs, by increased exasperation. As to Mr. Clay's apparently graceful withdrawal from the controversy, for the sake of harmony, and the letter produced ar.d read on the occasion, there was nothing in all this but show. Mr. Clay's friends never gave up their persistence, their pertinacity, their adherence (to use the strongest Parliamentary phrase) to Mr. Clay's nomination, till he was beaten, thoroughly beaten, irrecoverably beaten, in the Con- vention. And then, an attempt was made, adroit enough, but such as deceived nobody, to turn his defeat into a withdrawal. But from that disappointment Mr. Clay's wounded spirit has never recovered. He soon aftei wards, in- deed, endeavored to make the best of it ; to support General Harrison's election, and to place himself in the line of succession next to the General, who had declared his intention of serving one teim only. * Daniel Webster, we suppose. MR. CLAY. ESSAY No. II.— [Republication.] The idea of confining the Presidential service of an individual to a single term of four years, was ear- ly adopted by General Harrison and some of his friends, and formed a prominent and popular topic during the last election. Whether such a practical innovation upon the ac- tual working of the Constitution would be wise ; whether it would not be likely to create more evils than it would cure; whether it would not dange- rously enfeeble the Executive for the time being; whether it would not multiply candidates for the Presidency, geometrically, as chances should be in- creased, arithmetically; whether, in short, the suc- cess of such an opinion would not tend to keep the country always unsettled and uncertain, in its admin- istration of affairs, are questions too great and impor- tant to be now discussed. Mr. Clay did not enter, early, into this notion. He did come into it, how- ever, and made it a part of his Whig platform, at the Hanover dinner. Mr. Clay, by the way, is always laying down platforms; and in '41 and '42 his politi- cal carpentry seemed to content itself with platforms, without any attempt lo raise a superstructure. He seemed to think that a good plan, a large and com- prehensive theory, was not only something, but every thing. What measure did he attempt to accomplish, by his majority in the last Congress, for the relief of the country? not one, not one. He kept himself within the generalities, plausibilities, small econo- mies, and other popular topics of praciical discussion and declamation. As to measures, he essayed no- thing. As to acts he did nothing. Such things were not within the scope of his policy ; which policy was, clearly and evidently, that the country was not lobe relieved for three years afterwards. But, returning to the subject of the " one term principle" — it is certainly true, that although not its early advocate, Mr. Clay did become greatly at- tached to it, after the result of the Harrisburg Convention. He then became satisfied, from his long experience, that the one term principle was essential to the salvation of the Republic. He wondered how such an auspicious change in the practice of the Go- vernment had not struck his clear and comprehensive mind in the times of Mr. Adams. He could not ac- count for the obscuration of his sagacity, at that day. It is true, that he is older now than in the days of Mr. Adams. It is tiue, he may not feel that he has strength enough remaining to gratify his patriot- ism by laboring lor his country for more than four years, beginning at the point, which even now, looms amidst the mists of future time, till it seems already to be just at hand, the first of March, 1845. It is true, that when that glorious day shall arrive he will be somewhat advanced in life, and none the younger for that curious quasi statement of his own age, which he put forth in his last speech in the Senate. He went to Kentucky forty-seven years ago, it seems, not exactly " an orphan not come to his majority," but " as an orphan not come to his majority." Re- ally, Mr. Clay's years have been so fortunate and happy, that it would appear no more than common gratitude to Providence to acknowledge the whole of them. But we stray from our intended path. General Harrison's death raised a new question, under the one term principle. He died one month after his inaugu- ration, and was succeeded by Mr. Tyler. Now arose the inquiry " Did Mr. Tyler come within the one hrm principle ?" He had almost one whole term to serve, but not quite. If General Harrison had lived three years, or two years, or even one year, the matter might have been clear. The remainder, in that case, could hardly be regarded as a term. But, as if the fates designed to perplex Mr. Clay, and keep him on the torture of uncertainty and suspense, Gen. Harri- son's early death left Mr. Tyler three years and eleven months — three whole years and eleven whole months ! Why, in all conscience, should not that go for a term ? It lacks but a month. Mr. Clay, who is fond of com- promises, would gladly compromise for three years and eleven months. But then, again, does not the one term principle require, the honor of a popular election to the Presidency ? Is it satisfied, by a mere succession from the Vice Presidency, whether for a shorter or a longer time? These were knotty points; and surely the meditations of Ashland were never more perplexed than with the uncertainties which hung about these " three years and eleven months!" This is what we call, at our chancery courts, by pos — but is it one term ? In this state of things Mr. Clay came to Washing- ton, in May of 1841 ; and he had not been here ten days, before seeds were sown, the bitter fruits of which the country has since tasted. Mr. Clay could get no satisfaction upon the subject of the one term prhtr c iple — s till less could he see any certainty that this Administration would be conducted with a leading view to his future elevation. This is the true solution of the conduct adopted by him at the extra session, and steadily pursued to the present moment. He would not have quarrelled with the President about a Bank, if all had been well in regard to the pros pects of the succession. No, not for an instant. If he had been assured that the present incumbent would not have been in his way in 1844, and that, in the mean time, the path would become smoothed for his ascent to the Presidency, is there any man who supposes he would have made it a great point of dif- ference with the President, that in the plan of a Bank the States should have a voice about branches? No man can believe any sue thing' Mr. Clay, in such a juncture, would have had immediate recourse to his sovereign remedy of compromise ; he would have enlarged on the respect due to constitutional scruples ; would have said that he had once entertain- ed such scruples himself, which made him more chari- table and indulgent to others who still entertained them ; would have preached conciliation, and de- precated disunion ; would have wept (for he can weep) at the very idea of a severance between the President and the Whigs of Congress, for any such cause as that ; and by a vigorous lead, and those efforts at rallying, of which he is so capable, would have carried a constitutional bill triumphantly through both houses of Congress. We state this as our clear opinion, our most sincere belief, and we put it to the conscience of every candid man, if it be not his conviction also. Is there a man who was in either House of Con- gress, who doubts that Mr. Clay would have support- ed some constitutional currency bill, carried it through, and thus given the Administration grounds to hope for success, if he had regarded the success of this Administration as favorable to his ounpersonal ob~ jects ? No, not one. No man doubts it ; and Mr. Clay himself doubts it least of all. Mr. Clay's con- duct, then, from the very first, had its policy, its hopes, and objects, all centered in opposition to Mr. Tyler's Administration, and in the chance of defeat- ing its success. It is incredible, to what excess ex- pectations were carried, in respect to this. It is a truth, that toward the end of the extra session, Mr. Clay and his friends expected nothing less than to drive Mr. Tyler to an immediate resignation, and that there would be, forthwith, a new election of President. All this was to have been brought about bv the resignation of the Cabinet, and by the Mani- festo of the Capitol Square, and other places, by which it was thought the People could be made as much exasperated as certain of the members of Con- gress had become. How foolish, how insane, were such ideas ! Who can look back upon September, 1841, without thinking that some spell, some unac- countable delusion, some contagious infatuation, had seized upon minds usually sane, sensible, and pa- triotic? rr '' . MR. CLAY. ESSAY NO. III.— Republication. In his Alexandria letter, Mr. Clay called the Pre- sident a "weak, vacillating, faithless Chief Magis- trate !" This was the language of Henry Clay, ap- plied to John Tyler ! Miserable, miserable beyond expression, and impotent as miserable, and conlemp- 10 tible as impotent, was such ribaldry. In what was Mr. Tyler vacillating 1 He and Mr- Clay agreed, years ago, that a Bank of the United States was un- constitutional. They took tho doctrine from the school in which they were both bred. Mr. Clay has altered his opinion ; Mr. Tyler has not altered his ; and yet Mr. Clay lays the charge of vacillation upon Mr. Tyler ! Did Mr. Clay suppose that such mon- strosities, such inventions of absurdity would be swallowed by the People 1 Did he suppose that all men had lost their senses, as well as himself 1 Mr. Clay pronounced Mr. Tyler an "unfaithful Magistrate." Unfaithful to whom 1 Unfaithful to what ? Was he unfaithful to himself, to all his own opinions, and the convictions of his whole life 1 Was he unfaithful to his country 1 Has he shrunk at a perilous moment, from any duty, however responsi- ble, from any effort, however arduous, to restore the prosperity, maintain the honor, and promote the best interests of the country 1 No, no. It was because he was faithful to the country, because he would not postpone its intertsls to Mr. Clay's advancement, be- cause he would not be a tool in Mr. Clay's hands, because he cou!d not be terrified, by the storm which was raised over his head, that he became an object of so much hatred. Mr. Clay, anxious to be r. garded as a great Whig martyr, told the good People of Alexandria, that no one had been honored with a larger share of Executive enmity than himself. This was all for effect. It was not true that he had been honored with any enmity, though it was very probable that he was honored by a good degree of scorn and contempt. Let Mr. Clay go on ; let him fill every newspaper in the country with his grrss denunciations against the President ; let him continue to set the example of one public man denouncing another as a changeling and a traitor — that other being his countryman, and once his friend — let him ring the changes of such gress imputations at every dinner table at which he may sit down for two years ; let him do his best, or his worst, and what will the end be 1 He may complete the ruin of the Whi*» party, if that work be not already finished by him ; he nay, and he certainly will, if he can, embarrass the Administration, diminish its means of usefulness, at least for a time, and flatter himself with deceitful hopes of the future. But all this will be vain. That promised future will never come. No, never. Mr. Clay has now entirely thrown off his disguise, drawn his sword, set up his standard, sounded his trumpet, and taken the field in open war, for a sixth and last campaign. " Victory or death !" It may be well for the American People, before they rally un der his command, to make themselves sure of the precise objects they expect or desire to gain by the success of such a leader. Indeed, we would like to know what "crowning glory" the great "Harry" himself anticipates as the final reward of his last con- test. Is it merely the Presidency ? That one fond object of twenty-five years of long deferred hope, which for this quarter of a century he has regarded with the same admiration as the Persian looks up to the sun, and which, as it is about sinking from his sight forever, gleams yet brighter, and surrounds it- self with yet more gorgeous and golden hues? Ay, the Presidency, the Presidency. And now, suppose it were attainable by Mr. Clay — does he think it would reward him for all the strife and pain and la- bor of so many years ? Is he to find it, what no one else has found it, a balm for every sorrow and a sure recompense for every toil ? Is it to give him perma- nent and undisputed power 1 Is it to silence exaspe- rated foes, and surround him with disinterested friends ? Will it protect him from assaults without, or the gnawings of more deadly fees within? Will it gild his name with unsuspected purity, or elevate him above the reach of scorn? It is no less strange than melancholy to see an in- dividual now so far advanced towards his journey's end still struggling, with more than the ardor of his youth, for a bauble by the way side, when he should be looking toward another goal and striving for a more lasting reward. Suppose him President, (by means of a coalition with the Globe,) and suppose that others, the friends of his youth and friends for thirty years, should fall upon him, strike their fangs into him, denounce him as false and treacherous — treat him, in short, as he treats the present incum- bent, and with justice, of which there is none in the attacks on Mr. Tyler — would he find himself repo- sing on a bed of roses? But if even to Mr. Clay his success in the coming struggle would bring so little and real and substantial good, how much less would enure to his country? We may form some idea of the blessings of an Ad- ministration of his, from the conduct of the last Congress, which was substantially his, and governed in most instances by his counsels. Mr. Clay came to the extra session of the 27th Congress with Whig majorities in both Houses of Congress. He himself was put at the head of the most important committee of the Senate, and was known to have been consulted in the formation of every other committee. His personal and political friend was made Speaker of the House, and of course his voice was decisive in the arrangement of all the House Committees. The Congress may be said to have been purely his, and indeed a great part of the Cabinet too. Thus armed with more than regal power, what did Mr. Clay accomplish for his country ? What did he pro- duce as the result of his power and his skill ? Dust and ashes! dust and ashes upon every interest and every occupation in the land ! 11 MR. CLAY. ESSAY No. IV.— [Republication.] We spoke, yesterday, of the benefits likely to enure to himself and the country from Mr. Clay's election to the Presidency, should such a thing occur. We have now a word or two to say about the probabilities ■of such an event. We must premise, by once more adverting to the fact that Mr. C. has now been a regular candidate for five elections, and defeated, either by the People, or in convention, in every one. Under whatever fa- vorable auspices the Whig party began the canvass, with whatever advantage of position, whatever popu- lar feeling and excitement in its favor, whatever ap- parently well founded topics of complaint against its opponents, the adoption of Mr. Clay, as a candidate, has proved invaiiably fatal to their c-.iuse. The inscription of his name in their standard has been tie signal for general disrersion, and the sure harbinger of a total overthrow. Like the Carmach Deil to the Mclvors, Mr. Clay's appearance to the Whigs has been the certain piesage of impending destruction. A conviction of this Bo-cn-Upas-like property of his, was the potentcauseof Lis relinquish- ment by the Harrisburg Convention. All felt that to sustain him was to court defeat. In 1837, '38, and '39, a curious scene was passing in this country. Mr. Clay's friends were (as now) moving heaven and earth to make him the Whig candidate for the Presidency : but they were not the only persons desirous of bringing about that state of things. In a different way, and under the operation of far different motives, the friends of the late Ad- ministration incessantly labored to produce the same result. Mr. Van Buren spared no means which he could employ, and he is a man who can work by many indirections, to keep Gen. Harrison out of the field, and to reduce the controversy to a contest be- tween himself and Mr. Clay. The late Mr. Grundy, a gentleman of great shrewdness, and Mr. Silas Wright, a man of shrewdness also, and whose self- possession has enabled him, in the Senate, more than once, to foil the great Whig leader of the last Con- gress, are known to have desired nothing, and to have sought nothing more than that Mr. Clay should be the Whig candidate; nor did ever any thing in- spire gentlemen of their politics with such thorough fear and dread, as the announcement from Harris- burg that Mr. Clay was not the candidate, and that General Harrison was. From that moment, and never before, alarm spread itself through the Van Buren camp. And so, at the present day, the belief that Mr. Clay is to be the Whig candidate, is inexpressibly gratifying to some of Mr. Van Buren's friends. In short, the sober truth, oi which Mr. Clay's friends can never be convinced, and of which he is less likely even than they to be persuaded, is, that with no inconsiderable striking reputation, and al- ways put forward by his zeaJous friends, he has yet no hold upon the confidence of the great mass of the com- munity. More than twenty years have proved this. The People of the United States, not undervaluing his talents and abilities for certain objects, yet do not see in him that mild, moderate guardian and parentai character in which they love to contemplate the Chief Magistrate. Mr, Clay is dogmatical, opinionated. — Between him and his friends, even the most attached, there is no intercourse of independent mind with in- dependent mind ; there is no mutuality of respect and deference ; nothing like confidence upon equal terms. Years have not softened these repelling qualities, and when his supporters approach him, he expects and will admit nothing but fealty and homage. All this is not said loosely and inconsiderately. There is not one of his friends who will not admit its truth. With these characteristic?, however he may draw admira- tion, he cannot inspire love and confidence. The feeling is geneial, and it is true, that he has no sym- pathy with the great body of his countrymen, but that he builds his hopes of success upon brilliant achievements, on political manoeuvres, on compro- mises, of which he has as many, and is generally as successful in them as Sir Hugh Evans in the Merry Wives of Windsor, and on the unscrupulous devo- tion of his upholders and partisans. Even, then, if Mr. Clay were to be supported now once again for the sixth time, by the Whig party, there would be, there could be no hope of his ultimate success, unless, indeed, within the last year or two he has himself wholly changed for the better, or new lights have broken in upon the People. Of the fate of the Whigs', should they put Mr. Clay's name for- ward, let the recent events in twenty of the twenty- six States tell. The very suspicion that he is to be the candidate, joined to the knowledge of his move- ments in the last Congress, and his conduct during his retirement, has been sufficient to change a trium- phant Harrison majority, in twenty States, into a well-beaten Clay minority. In 1844 the result will be the same. To raise Mr. Clay is impossible. To sink with him, if the attempt be made, inevitable. ESSAY NO. V— [Republication.] MR. CLAY AND THE PRESIDENCY. From a very early period of his political career, Mr. Clay seems to have fixed his eye on the Presi- dential chair as the goal which he desired, and ex- pected ultimately to attain. Some men have been found sufficiently unpretending and patriotic as to 12 rest satisfied with the good which their talents and energies could effect in the situation to which they may have been elevated by the spontaneous choice of the People, without raising their aspirations any higher— others have thought not of the Presidency until the gradual progression of promotion and wide- ly disseminated popularity have almost placed it within their grasp, when the expectation of being elevated to the highest office in the gift of the People has been the suggestion of circumstances, not the creation of their selfish ambition. Not so Mr. Clay. When yet the years he numbered were barely suffi- cient to qualify him for a seat in the Senate of the United States, and he could, almost without suspi- cion, pretend to the innocence of a novice in politi- cal intrigue, he extended his vision through the long vista of party turmoil and revolution before him, and intently scanned the whole scene, that he might dis- cover in turn all the tortuosities and difficulties of the path which led to the coveted prize beyond— To attain it, every faculty, every energy has been nerved ; every plan and every scheme has been em- ployed, till the age of 70 has overtaken him— in vain. He has figured among statesmen in originating and supporting measures deeply affecting the interests of the country, whether for weal or for wo— it was with expectation of the Presidency. He has figured among partisans and intrigued among po- liticians—it was with expectation of the Presi dency. He has poured his fluent strains of delibera- tive eloquence in the Capitol— it was with expec- tation of the Presidency. He speechified at dinners and on the stump— it was with expectation of the Presidency. He has promulgated opinions and con ■ demned them— he has joined patties and forsaken them— he has supported friends and abandoned them —it was all with expectation of the Presidency. Amid every change of political opinion in himself— amid every revolution of party— whether he was Re- presentative, Senator, Commissioner in a foreign country, or quitted his popular position to become Secretary of State, he never lost sight of the one great object— the Presidency. As soon as he thought his arrangements made, his forces prepared, and the plan of campaign complete, he entered the field, and he was defeated. Again defeated in open warfare, he experienced, in 1839, the additional degradation and disappointment of being rejected by his own friends. Vexed and harassed by reiteration of de- feat, where stands he now? Upheld by his own des- peration and the recklessness of a few desperate friends, he affects the modesty of retirement, while he promises indirectly a renewal of the contest. Directly, he promises no such thing ; but in the mor- bid peevishness of frustrated ambition, (we will not quote an old and familiar adage,) he assails person- ally, as well as politically, one whose position he en- vies, because he has, by long reveries on his own as- pirations, persuaded himself that he should be there himself. But where is he now ? At every struggle he is sinking farther and farther from the object he wishes to grasp. Are his hopes of the Presidency brighter? His most sanguine fiiends cannot confi dently make the assertion. He has met the punish- ment which usually attends a constant tissue of in- trigue. The calculations of his cunning have de- ceived him, and he is farther [from the Presidency than ever. * * * % # Yes, farther than ever. When he betrayed the President, and declared himself in favor of a Na- tional Bank, contrary to the professions of the party in 1840, and so far succeeded in his perfidy as to ob- tain the leadership of the Whig party after the ve- toes— then, or up to that period, the Whig party held nineteen of the States by decided majorities. Under Mr. Clay's lead, and with his name as the candidate for 1844, in less than two years, ihe Whigs have lost possession of til the States but five or six. This is incontrovertible, and will not be denied by any sane Clay man. THE DYING FOX. ESSAY NO. VI. — [Repuplicaton from the Madi- sonian April 8, 1842.] All the world agrees, from iEsop down, that fable is an admirable vehicle for conveying sentiment and truth. We will not dispute the matter at large with Rosseau, whether it be not ridiculous to make birds and beasts talk ; but our own opinion is, that as re- ported by JEsop, La Fontaine, and Gay, they do often talk very admirably ; far better, we think, (speaking with all possible deference and reverence,) than more modern reporters are able, at all times, to make in- tellectual bipeds. But much of this, doubtless, de- pends on the reporter. Among Mr. Clay's posthumous, or at least, mor- tuary resolutions, is one on the subject of the mileage of members of Congress, which is expressed in the following grave, and solemn and patriotic language : Resolved, thereftre, That Congress is called upon to retrench its expenses — by abridging the duration of the long sessions ; by regulating and more clearly de- fining the mileage of the members ; and by diminish- ing its contingent expenses, and especially those in- cuned for stationary, for printing, for the employ- ment of cleiks for committees, and for folding print- ed matter to be transmitted through the maib, &c, &c, &c. In reading this resolution, we were [reminded of a certain account for mileage, rendered by a member of the House of Representatives some eighteen or twen- ty years ago, and allowed and paid by Mr. Clay, at hat time Speaker of the House; and this recollect- 13 tion was accompanied by a re7*ival, in our memory, of the table of the Dying Fox. If we remember, the substance of the fable is as follows : A Fox, in life's extreme decay, Weak, sick, and faint, expiring lay ; All appetite had left his maw, And age disarmed his mumbling jaw. His numerous race around him stand, To learn their dying sire's command ; He raised his head with whining moan, And thus was heard the feeble tone : "Ah! son, from evil ways depart, Jtfy crimes I e heavy on my heart. See, see, the murdered geese appear! Why are those bleeding turkeys here ? Why all around this cackling train, Who haunt my cars for chicken slain "? Oh gluttons ! says the drooping sire, Restrain inordinate desire; So live, in credit, and esteem, And the good name you lost, redeem. "The counsel's good, a fox replies, Could we peif >rm what you advise; But, if a hen roosl be decreased, We shall be thought to share the feast: The change will never be believed ; A lost good name is ne'er retrieved. Nay, then, replies the feeble Fox — But hark ! I hear a hen, that clucks — Go ! but be moderate in your food ; A chicken, too, mijht do me good. So much for the Fable. And now we present an account, from official documents, of the mileage al- lowed to Jno. Scott, member of Congress from Mis souri. Our readers will note the date. Mr. Scott, as is well known, in February, 1825, gave the vote of Missouri for Mr. Adams, and Mr. Adams being elected, Mr. Clay became Secretary of State. We impute dj motives, but here aie the facts. Let it be remembered that all payments are made on the Speaker's warrant : 2d. Sess.,17Cong. P. P. Barbour, Speaker, 1823. .John Scott, of Missouri, Mileage, from St. Genevieve, 1100 Miles at 80 cents, $880 92 days attendance 736 §1616 1st. Sess., 18th Con. H. CLAY, Speaker, 1824. John Scott, of Missouri. Mileage from St. Genevieve, 1100 Miles at 80 cents, $880 179 days in attendance 1432 $2312 Add 500 miles at 80 cents 400 500 miles short twice in travel- ling in coming here by water, 1000 miles at 40 c. 400 500 m les short seven times in returning by water — 3500 1400 $4512 It will besesn by this, that Mr. S;ott was not only then for the first time allowed for travel by the river route, but that Mr. Clay kindly corrected the errors of his predecessors and advanced the small item of |3r TWENTY-TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS FOR EXTRAS IN ARREAR ! In connection with this document, we see the great propriety, and congruity, and consistency of Mr. Clay's resolution. How charmingly it reads, as at admonition from the dying to the living? "Ah ! sons, from wicked ways depart, My crimes lie heavy on my heart." And yet, the moribund is not entirely free from all regard of the vain enjoyments of this transitory life. He has some smack yet, some relish for the perisha- able goods of this mortal state. His heart fails him when he essays to advise absolute abstinence from the pleasures of power and place. He yields to the importunity of others, and consents to one more effort for the spoils. This is mainly to gratify the honest desires of others ; yet why should self be always for. gotten 1 "O hark ! I hear a hen that clucks ! Go, but be moderate in your food ! Jl chicken, too, might do me good !" From the Indiana State Sentinel. LETTER FROM GENERAL JACKSON. The following letter from Gen. Jackson was re- ceived a few days since by a citizen of this county. At the n quest of several citizens, to whom its con- tents were communicated, we take great pleasure in giving it to the public. Hermitage, June 14, 1844. Sir: — I am in receipt of your letter of the 11th in- stant, and though in bad health myself, cannot forego the pleasure of saying a lew words in reply to it. You lequest my opinion of the nominations recent- ly made at Baltimore by the Democratic party. I am entirely satisfied with them, and have no doubt, if the gentlemen nominated are elected, that the people will find their administration true to the old Repub- lican landmarks, and every way worthy of their sup- port. Mr. Polk was raised in my neighborhood, and went into public life as a Jefiersuman Democr.it. To the great principle of that illustrious reformer of our sys- tem of Government he has been ever faithful; and has proved himself on many trying occasions, the advocate of popular rights, and the sagacious friend of the measures which were necessary to defeat the i.iachinations of the Federal party. His moral char- actei is pure — his capacity for business great — and to extraordinary powers of labor, both mental and phy- sical, he unites that tact and judgment which are re- quisite to the successful direction of such an office as ttiat of Cnief Magistrate of a free people. With Mr. Dallas 1 am not so intimately acquaint- ed, but from what I know of him when he represent- ed Pennsylvania in the Senate of the United States, and wa- charged with high public trusts in var.ous Hher important stations at home anu abroad, it can- ojt b.- doubted thai he equally desetves the confi- dence and admiration of me people. The favoisihat uve been conferred up.m hnn by the Keystone .5. ate, whose citizens aie distinguished for love of or- 13 tion was accompanied by a re ?ival, in our memory, of the fable of the Dying Fox. If we remember, the substance of the fable is as follows : A Fox, in life's extreme decay, Weak, sick, and faint, expiring lay ; All apDetite had left his maw, And age disarmed his mumbling jaw. His numerous race around him stand, To learn their dying sire's command ; He raised his head with whining moan, And thus was heard the feeble tone : "Ah! son, from evil ways depart, Jtfy crimes I e heavy on my heart. See, see, the murdered geese appear! Why are those bleeding turkeys here ? Why all around this cackling train, Who haunt my cars for chicken slain 1 Oh gluttons ! says the drooping sire, Restrain inordinate desire ; So live, in credit, and esteem, And the good name you lost, redeem. motives, but here aie the facts. Let it be remembered that all jayments are made on the Speaker's warrant : 2d. Seas., 17 Cong. P. P. Barbour, Speaker, 1823. John Scott, of Missouri, Mileage, from St. Genevieve, 1100 Miles at 80 cents, $880 92 days attendance 730 #1616 1st. Sees., 18th Con. H. CLAY, Speaker, 1824. John Scott, of Missouri. Mileage from St. Genevieve, 1100 iviiles at 80 cents, $890 179 days in attendance 1432 $2312 Add 500 miles at HO cents 400 500 noli s short twice in travel- ling .n eoniing here by water, 1000 miles at 40 & 400 500 m lea sh irt seven times in returning by water — 3500 l loo 84512 then for the first time allowed for travel by the river route, but that Mr. Clay kindly corrected the errors of his predecessors and advanced the small item of S3> TWENTY-TWO HUNDRED DOLLARS FOR EXTRAS IN ARREAR! In connection with this document, we see the great propriety, and congruity, and consistency of Mr. Clay's resolution. How charmingly it reads, as at admonition from the dying to the living? "Ah ! sons, from wicked ways depart, My crimes lie heavy on my heart." And yet, the moribund is not entirely free from all regard of the vain enjoyments of this transitory life. He has some smack yet, some relish for the perisha- able goods of this mortal state. His heart fails him, when he essays to advise absolute abstinence from the pleasures of power and place. He yields to the importunity of others, and consents to one more effort for the spoils. This is mainly to gratify the honest desires of others ; yet why should self be always for- gotten 1 "O hark ! I hear a hen that clucks ! Go, but be moderate in your food ! Ji chicken, too, might do me good !" From the Indiana State Sentinel. LETTER FROM GENERAL JACKSON. The following letter from Gen. Jackson was re- ceived a few days since by a citizen of this county. At the ri quest of several citizens, to whom its con- tents were communicated, we take great pleasure in giving it to the public. Hermitage, June 14, 1844. Sir: — I am in receipt ot your letter of the 11th in- stant, and though in bad health myself, cannot forego the pleasure of saying a lew words in reply to it. You lequest my opinion of the nominations recent- ly made at Baltimore by the Democratic party. I am entirely satisfied with them, and have no doubt, if the gentlemen nominated are elected, that the people will lind their administration true to the old Repub- lican landmarks, and every way worthy of their sup- port. Mr. Polk was raised in my neighborhood, and went into public life as a Jefiersoniun Democrat. To the great principle of thai illustrious reformer of our sys- tem of Government hfe baa been ever faithful; and has proved himself on many trying occasions, the advocate of popular rights, and the sagacious friend of the measure* which were necessary to defeat the machination* of the Federal party. His moral char- actei is pure — Ins capaoity for business ^reat — and to extraordinary power* of labor, both mental and phy- sical, he unites that tact and judgment which are re- quisite to thesucceeslul direction of such an office as tbai of Chief Magistrate of a free people. With Mr. Dallas 1 am not so intimately acquaint- ed, but from wiiat 1 know of bun w hen he represent- ,i Pennsylvania in the Senate of the United States, iihl wa< ciiaiged with high pablio trusts in various ilDe portent Btationi at home a no abioad, it can- uot be doubled thai he equally deseivea the confi- ii ii e and admiration ol toe people, The favois that been conferred up m him by the Keystone It will base™ by this, thai Mr. S.-otl was not only d ate, whose citaens aie dutinguisbed lor love ut or- making also discriminations in the imposition of the duties which it proposed. That bill did not pass, but was superseded by the bill commonly called the Com- promise bill, for which I voted. In my judgment, it is the duty of the Government to extend, as far as it may be practicable to do, by its revenue laws and all other means within its power, fair and just protection to all the great interests of the whole Union, embracing agriculture, manufac- tures, the mechanic arts, commerce and navigation. I heartily approve the resolutions on this subject passed by the Democratic National Convention, late- ly assembled at Baltimore. I am, with great respect, dear sir, Your obedient servant, JAMES K. POLK, John K. Kane, Esq., Philadelphia. ■ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 011 783 267 3 fc ftl i