£>tant)arD Library Coition AMERICAN STATESMEN IN FORTY VOLUMES VOLUME XIV THE JEFFERSOXIAN DEMOCRACY JAMES MONROE r ^U^Z->z ^>7 / ??^l <7^t?^nr: ■ X American Statesmen JAMES MONROE BY DANIEL C. GILMAN it PRESIDENT OF JOHNS HOPKINS UNIVERSITY, BALTIMORH WITH A BIBLIOGRAPHY OF WRITINGS PERTINENT TO THE MONROE DOCTRINE BY JOHN F. JAMESON BOSTON AND NEW YORK HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY (£bc rmicrsiDe press £ambnb0C r \s-z COPYRIGHT, 1SS3, BY DANIEL C. OILMAN COPYRIfiHT, 1S9S, BY DANIEL C. OILMAN AND HOUGHTON, MIFFLIN & CO. COPYRIGHT, I9II, BY ELIZABETH D. W. GILMAN ALL RIGHTS RESERVED JEljt Bibcrsftt JJrcSS CAMBRIDGE . MASSACHUSETTS PRINTED IN THE U.S.A PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION At the time of the original preparation of this memoir the Monroe manuscripts, men- tioned in my preface thereto as being in the Department of State and in the possession of Mrs. Gouverneur, had not been calendared or arranged, and it was difficult to examine them with thoroughness. Since then the Department has published a calendar of the correspondence of James Monroe, which greatly enhances the value of the collection, and the present Libra- rian, S. M. Hamilton, has begun the publication of the writings of Monroe, which are to appear in several octavo volumes during the course of the next few months. By his courtesy and that of the publishers, Messrs. G. P. Putnam's Sons, I have been favored with advanced sheets of the first volume, with the aid of which I have revised the earlier chapters of this memoir ; and I am very sorry that this edition must go to the press without my having an opportunity to see the complete collection of the writings. When they have appeared, a study of Monroe's two vi PREFACE TO REVISED EDITION administrations, like that of the administrations of Jefferson and Madison by Henry Adams, will be called for. I wish that he would undertake such a continuation of his " History of the United States." I desire to renew the expression, made in my earlier preface, of my obligations to Professor Jameson, now of Brown University, and then of Johns Hopkins University. In view of the importance of the Monroe Doctrine in current political debates, the bibliography, prepared by him and made a part of this volume, is of great utility. It has been revised and enlarged for this edition. DANIEL C. GILMAN. July 19, 1898. CONTENTS CHAP. TAOE Annals of Monkok's Life . xi I. Student and Soldier 1 II. Legislator and Governor op Virginia . 17 Hi. Envoy in France 39 IV. Envoy in France, Spain, and England . 77 V. Secretary of State and of War . . H'7 VI. President of the United States . . . 128 VII. The Monroe Doctrine . 159 ViII. Si nopsis of Monroe's Pri sidential Messages 180 IX. Personal Aspei i \ni> Domestic Relations 208 X. Retrospect. — Reputation .... 2:)l APPENDIX I. Tin- Monroe Genealogy .... 249 II. Washington's Notes on the Appendix to Monroe's "View of the Conduct of the Exirr iivk " 252 III. Bdbliography of Monroe and the Monroe Doctrine 260 Index 295 ILLUSTRATIONS Jambs Monroe Frontispiect From the original painting by Gilbert Stuart, in the possession of T. Jefferson Coolidge, Esq., Boston. Autograph Erom a MS. in the Library of the Boston Athenaeum. Tile vignette of "Oak Hill," James Monroe's home, near Aldie, Loudoun County. \ a., is from a photo- tograph kindly furnished by Henry Fairfax. Esq., the present occupant and owner. Page William Pinkney facing 100 From the original painting by Charles Wilson Peale, in the possession of Pinkney's grandson, William Pinkney Whyte, Esq., Baltimore, Md. Autograph from a letter owned by Mr. Whyte. Geokgk Canning facing 174 After an engraving- by William Holl. from a paint- ing- by T. Stewardson, published by Fisher, Son & Co., London, 1830. Autograph from the same engraving. William Wirt facing 22G After an engraving by A. B. Walter, from a por- trait by Charles B. King, in " Memoirs of the Life of William Wirt," by John P. Kennedy, published by Lea & Blanchard, Philadelphia. 1849. Autograph from the Chamberlain collection, Boston Public Library. ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE BOYHOOD AND MILITARY SERVICE. J758. Born in Westmoreland Co., Virginia, April 28. 1765. Stamp Act pass* 1785. Proposes his Commercial Resolutions 27 1786. Marries Miss Kortwright of New York. Feb- ruary 27 17 v, l. Practices law in Fredericksburg 28 L787. Chosen again to the Assembly 29 17 v 7. Formation of the Constitution. 1788. Member of the Virginia Convention to ratify the Constitution 30 1790. United States Senator (till 1794) 33 1791. Member of the Commission for revising the laws of Virginia 33 1791. Makes a home in Alberniarle Co., near Jeffer- son 33 xii ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE FIRST DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. — GOVERNOR. AGS 1794. Commissioned Minister to France (May 2S) ... 06 1794. Full of Robespierre, July 28. 171*4. Arrives in Paris (August 2) and is received by the National Convention (August 15) ... 36 1790. Recalled to this country (August 22) 38 179(1. Takes leave of the French Government (Decem- ber 30) 3S 1797. Publishes his " View, etc." 39 1798. Alien and Sedition Acts passed. 1799. Chosen Governor of Virginia (twice reelected, holding office till 1802) 41 1799. Death of Washington. 1801. Election of Jefferson. SECOND DIPLOMATIC EXPERIENCE. — GOVERNOR. 1803. Commissioned Minister to France and to Spain (January 11) 44 1S03. Arrives in Paris (April 12) 44 1803. Commissioned Minister to England (April 18) . . 44 1803. Signs the treaty ceding Louisiana (April 30). . . 45 1803. Leaves Paris (July 12) 45 1804. Napoleon becomes Emperor. 1804. Goes from London to Madrid to negotiate about Florida 46 1805. Takes leave of the Spanish Court (May 21) . . . 47 1506. Commissioned, with Pinkney, to negotiate a treaty with England 47 1806. Berlin and Milan Dtrrees. 1806. Treaty negotiated (December 31) 48 1507. Leaves England (October 29) 49 1807. British Orders in Council. 1808. Addresses Madison on the rejected treaty (Feb- ruary 28) 49 1810. Chosen the third time to the Assembly .... 52 1811. Again chosen Governor of Virginia 53 ANNALS OF MONROE'S LIFE xiii IN THE CABINET OF MADISON. AQE 1811. Appointed Secretary of State (till IN 17) .... 53 ]>li_'. Declaration of war against England. IS 14. Appointed,. Secretary of War (till 1815) .... 56 1M4. Capture of Washington by the British GO 1^14. Treaty of Ghent. PRESIDENT. 1817. Inaugurated President (March 4) 58 1817. Tour to the Eastern States (June 2 to September 17) 59 1819. Cession of Florida 61 1820. Missouri admitted (51 1821. Inaugurated President for a second term .... 62 1822. Independence of Mexico, etc., recognized .... 63 1S23. Enunciation of "the Monroe Doctrine," Message of December 2 65 1824. Reception of Lafayette 66 OLD AGE. 1825. Retires from the office of President and from public life 66 1826. Elected a Visitor of the University of Virginia . 67 1826. Death of Adams and nfJrfrrson. 1829. Member of Virginia Constitutional Convention . 71 1830. Death of Mrs. Monroe. 1831. Di.s in New York (July 4) 73 1836. Death of Madison. 1858. Reinterred in Richmond, on the centennial of his birth. 1898 His writings collected for publication in several volumes. JAMES MONROE CHAPTER I STUDENT AND SOLDIER The name of James Monroe, fifth president of the United States, is associated with the chief political events in the history of this country during a period of somewhat more than fifty years. He served with gallantry in the army of the Revolution and was high in office during the progress of the second contest with Great Britain, and during the Seminole war ; he was a delegate and a senator in Congress : he was called to the chief legislative and executive sta- tions in Virginia; he represented the United States in France, Spain, and England : he was a prominent agent in the purchase of Louisiana and Fiorina: lie was a member of Madison's cabinet, and directed (for a while simultane- ously) the departments of State and War; ho was twice chosen president, the second time by an almost unanimous vote of the electoral 2 JAMES MONROE college ; his name is given to a politieal doctrine of fundamental importance; his administration is known as " the era of good feeling : " yet no adequate memoir of his life has been written, and while the papers of Washington, Adams, Jefferson, and Madison — his four predecessors in the office of president — have been collected and printed in a convenient form, the student of Monroe's career must search for the data in numerous public documents, and in the unas- sorted files of unpublished correspondence. Monroe is not alone among the illustrious Virginians whose memory it is well to revive. Many years ago, St. George Tucker wrote to William Wirt, in a half-playful, half-earnest tone, that Socrates himself would pass unnoticed and forgotten in Virginia, if he were not a public character and some of his speeches preserved in a newspaper. " Who knows anything," he asks, " of Peyton Randolph, once the most popular man in Virginia? Who remembers Thompson Mason, esteemed the first lawyer at the bar ; or his brother George Mason, of whom I have heard Mr. Madison say that he possessed the greatest talents for debate of any man he had ever heard speak? What is known of Dabney Carr but that he made the motion for appointing com- mittees of correspondence in 1773? Virginia has produced few men of liner talents, as I STUDENT AND SOLDIER 3 have repeatedly heard. I might name a num- ber of others," continues Tucker, "highly re- spected and influential men, . . . yet how little is known of one half of them at the present day?" Certainly in this second "era of good feeling" the impartial study of such lives is a most inviting field of biographical research, and may especially be commended to advanced stu- dents in our universities, who can, by careful delineations, each of some one career, contribute to the general stock of historical knowledge, and acquire, at the same time, a vivid personal interest in the progress of past events. I shall not attempt to give in detail the per- sonal and domestic history of Monroe, nor can I, in rhe space at command, do justice to his voluminous writings: but I shall endeavor to show what he was in public, how he bore himself in the legislative, diplomatic, and administrative positions to which he was called, and what in- fluence he exerted upon the progress of this country. It will be necessary for the complete- ness of the study to inquire into the early train- ing which gave an impulse to his life, and to examine, in conclusion, the opinions pronounced upon his conduct by those who knew him and by those who came after him. Another hand will doubtless draw a more elaborate portrait; I shall only try to give a faithful sketch of an 4 JAMES MONROE honest and patriotic citizen as he discharged the duties of exalted stations. The materials for a complete memoir will soon be at command, when the publication of the writings of James Monroe, edited by S. M. Hamilton, shall be completed. 1 James Monroe, according to the family tradi- tion recorded by his son-in-law, came from a family of Scotch cavaliers, descendants of Hec- tor Monroe, an officer of Charles I. 2 His parent- age on both sides was Virginian. The father of James was Spence Monroe, and his mother was Eliza Jones, of King George County, a sister of Joseph Jones, who was twice sent as a delegate from Virginia to the Continental Con- gress, and afterwards, in 1789, was appointed judge of the district court in the same State. Westmoreland County, where the future presi- dent was born, lies on the right bank of the Potomac, between that river and the Rappahan- nock. It is famous for the fertility of its soil, and for the eminent men who have been among its inhabitants. Near the head of Monroe's Creek, which empties into the Potomac, James Monroe was born, April 28, 1758. Not far away, nearer the Potomac, was the birthplace of George Washington. In the same vicinity 1 New York : (1. P. Putnam's Sons, vols. Svo. 189S. 2 See Appendix. STUDENT AND SOLDIER 5 dwelt Richard Henry Lee and his noted bro- thers, and also their famous cousin, Henry Lee, known as " Light Horse Harry," whose still more famous son, Robert E. Lee, led the Con- federate army in the recent war. Here also was the early home of Bushrod Washington. The birthplace of James Madison was in the same peninsula, though not in the same county. It is not strange that the enthusiastic anticpaa- ries, half a century ago, — Martin, Barber, and the rest, — should speak of this region as the Athens of Virginia, an expression which may not be regarded as exact by classical scholars, but cannot be called unpatriotic. The ascend- ency of this region is not without its parallel. 1 Daring Monroe's boyhood, his neighbors and friends were greatly excited by the passage of the Stamp Act. In 1766, several of them, in- 1 A recent, writer (Hon. F. J. Kingsbury) on old Connecticut makes the following remark: " From the earliest settlement of Connecticut down to the end of the first quarter of the present century, agriculture was the important branch of our industry, and land was the source as well as the representative of most of our wealth. For two hundred years it is safe to ■ay that tli.' good land governed tin- State. Everywhere it was only necessary to know the soil in order to know also the character of the people. The besi soil bore everywhere the best men and women, and that seed which had 1 n winnowed out of the granaries of the old world to plant in the new, did not take unkindly to the strong uplands and rich bottoms of the great river and its tributaries." 6 JAMES MONROE eluding Richard Henry Lee, Spence Monroe, and John Monroe, joined in a remonstrance against the execution of the act, and in many- other ways showed their hostility to the arbi- trary rule of the British government. Lee had received an academic training about ten years before at an academy in Wakefield, Yorkshire, and was a correspondent of men of station in London. He suggested to his neighbors, in 17G7, that they should subscribe for a portrait of Camden, then Lord High Chancellor, as a token of their admiration for his opposition to the Stamp Act. The amount which they raised, <£76 8s., was sent to Mr. Edmund Jennings, Lin- coln's Inn, London, with a request that he would take the requisite steps to procure the portrait. Sir Joshua Reynolds was "the limner" selected by the Virginians, but Lee did not hesitate to give his personal opinion that " Mr. West, being an American, ought to be preferred in this mat- ter." Lord Camden, wrote Jennings, "having appointed several different times for Mr. West's attending on him, hath at length, it seems, to- tally forgot his promise. . . . Draw for the money, and should his lordship at any time recollect his engagement, and be worthy of your approbation and honoring, I shall beg the gentlemen [of Westmoreland] to accept from me his portrait."' The Virginians were also STUDENT AXD SOLDIER 7 eager to have a portrait of Lord Chatham, and their correspondent, Mr. Jennings, had a fine likeness copied and sent to the old Dominion. Lee wrote from Chantilly, in 17G9, that the gen- tlemen of Westmoreland returned their thanks "for the very genteel present of Lord Chat- ham's picture. It arrived in fine order, and is very much admired. They propose to place it in the courthouse, thinking the Assembly may furnish themselves with his lordship's picture." He adds that his brother, Dr. Lee, can show Mr. Jennings " the proceedings of our last Assem- bly, by which you may judge how bright the flame of liberty burns here, and may surely con- vince a tyrannous administration that honesty and equity alone can secure the cordiality and affection of Virginia." Under influences like these the young Monroe was trained in the love of civil liberty. Indeed, Bishop Meade declares that Virginia had been fighting the battles of the Revolution for one hundred and fifty years before the Declaration. 1 The College' of William and Mary had been in existence, with varying fortunes, not far from one hundred and fifteen years, when James Monroe entered it as a student, a short time before the beginning of the war. Its historian claims that it was then the richest college in 1 Old Churches, etc., of Virginia, i. 15. 8 JAMES MONROE North America, having an annual income of ,£4,000. A scholar cannot read the early ac- counts of that venerable foundation, next in age to Harvard, and examine the list of those who have been trained for their country's service within its walls, without deep regret that the fire and the sword have so often interfered with its prosperity, or without rejoicing that its name and usefulness are still honorably perpetuated. When Monroe began his college studies, Wil- liamsburg, the strategic point of the peninsula between tli3 James and the York, was the seat both of the colonial government and of the col- lege. Bishop Meade, with conscious exaggera- tion, speaks of the capital as a miniature copy of the Court of St. James, " while the old church and its grave-yard, and the college chapel were — si licet cum magnis componere parva — the Westminster Abbey and the St. Paul's of Lon- don, where the great ones were interred." At the signal of rebellion against the British authority, three of the professors and between twenty-five and thirty students are said to have joined their comrades from Harvard, Yale, and [ Princeton in the military ranks. Among the volunteers John Marshall and James Monroe were found. In allusion to these young patriots, Hon. II. B. Grigsby, in his historical discourse on the Virginia Convention of 1776, spoke as follows : — STUDENT AND SOLDIEB 9 "I see that generous band of students who at the beginning of the Revolution hurriedly cast aside the erown and sallied forth to fight the hattles of the United Colonies: . . . and when the struggle was past I see two tall and gallant youths, who had heen classmates in early youth, and whose valor had shone on many a held, enter their names on your lists and. after an abode beneath your roof, depart once more to serve their country in the Senate and in the most celebrated courts of Europe, crowning their past ca- reer by filling, one the chief magistracy of the Union, the other the highest of the federal judiciary." It is also worthy of incidental mention that the Phi Beta Kappa Society, still flourishing in American colleges, the earliest of " Greek-letter fraternities," was formed at William and Mary, December 5, 177G. The first meeting, we are told, was held in the Apollo Hall of the old Raleigh tavern, a room in which the burning words of Patrick Henry had been heard. In the printed list of original members the names of John Marshall and Bushrod Washington appear, but I do not find James Monroe's. The public career of James Monroe began in 177G with his joining the Continental army at the headquarters of Washington near New- York, as a lieutenant in the third Virginian regi- ment under Colonel Hugh Mercer. He was with the troops at Harlem (September 1G), and at 10 JAMES MONROE White Plains (October 28), and at Trenton, where he received an honorable wound (Decem- ber 26). His part in the last mentioned en- gagement is described by General Wilkinson in his printed memoirs, and with slightly different language in a manuscript preserved in the Gouverneur papers. From this statement it ap- pears that, as the British were forming in the main street of Trenton, the advanced guard of the American left was led by Captain William Washington and Lieutenant James Monroe. The British were driven back and two pieces of artillery were captured. Captain Washington was wounded through the wrist, and Lieutenant Monroe through the shotdder. " These particu- lar acts of gallantry/' says the narrative, " have never been noticed, yet they cannot be too highly appreciated, since to them may, in a great measure, be ascribed the facility of our success." During the campaigns of 1777-78 Monroe served as a volunteer aid, and with the rank of major, on the staff of the Earl of Stirling, and took part in the battles of Brandywine (Sep- tember 11), Germantown (October 4), and Monmouth (June 28). 1 His temporary promo- tion appears to have been an obstacle to his 1 He is said to have been with Lafayette nhen the latter was wouuded. STUDENT AND SOLDI I'll 11 permanent preferment, for by it he lost his place in the Continental line. Strong influences were brought to bear in Virginia to secure for him some suitable position in the Eorces of that State. Lord Stirling gave him testimonials, and the commander-in-chief wrote a long let- ter, — addressed to Colonel Archibald Cary, and doubtless intended for other eyes, — rehearsing in terms of careful commendation the merits of young Monroe. These are the words of Wash- ington : — "The zeal he discovered by entering the service at an early period, the character lie supported in his regiment, and the manner in which he distinguished himself at Trenton, when he received a wound, in- duced me to appoint him to a captaincy in one of the additional regiments. This regiment failing, from the difficulty of recruiting, he entered into Lord Stirling's family and has served two campaigns as a volunteer aid to his lordship. He has in every instance main- tained the reputation of a brave, active, and sensihle officer. As we cannot introduce him into the Conti- nental line, it were to be wished that the State could do something for him. If an event of this kind could take place, it would give me particular pleasure; as the esteem I have for him, and a regard to his merit, conspire to make me earnestly wish to see him pro- vided for in some handsome way." But even the possession of a good record, 12 JAMES MONROE and the encouragement of Washington, with the indorsements of Lord Stirling and the patronage of Jefferson, could not effect every- thing. Mr. Adams says the exhausted state of the country prevented the raising of a new regi- ment, and the active military services of Mon- roe were afterwards restricted to occasional duties as a volunteer in defense of the State against the distressing invasions with which it was visited. Once, after the fall of Charleston, S. C, in 1780, according to the same writer, he re-appeared, by request of Governor Jefferson, as a military commissioner to collect and report information with regard to the condition and prospects of the Southern army, — a trust which he discharged to the satisfaction of the authorities. 1 He thus attained to the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and here his military services were interrupted. It is not surprising to discover that the young officer, who had quickly attained distinction, was paralyzed by inactivity. " Till lately," he writes to Lord Stirling in September, 1782, apologizing for a long epistolary silence, " 1 have been a recluse. Chagrined with my dis- appointment in not attaining the rank and com- mand I sought, chagrined with some disappoint- ments in a private line, I retired from society i Eulogy by J. Q. Adams. STUDENT AND SOLDIER 13 with almost a resolution never to return to it again. In this state of mind he thought of £oin — jr,. _ >. See the entire letter dated June 1'i. 1785, given with many others in The Writings of James Monroe, vol. i. New York, 1S98. 22 JAMES MONROE quite carefully the arguments on both sides. December came and Congress did not act. " The advocates for the measure will scarcely succeed," said Randolph to Washington, " so strong are the apprehensions in some minds of an abuse of the power." At the end of the month, Monroe, still sure of the necessity of committing to the United States the power of regulating trade, wrote once more to Madison. In February the prospect was no better. In May there was a gleam of light. The plan of a convention at Annapolis, which in March Monroe himself had not favored, had taken the subject from before Congress. " As it ori- ginated with our State," he writes, " we think it our duty to promote its object by all the means in our power. Of its success I must confess I have some hope. . . . Truth and sound state policy in every instance will urge the commission of the power to the United States." Thus it was that Congress by its own lack of power was led to the convention which formed the Constitution, and, in a far wiser manner than that originally suggested, provided for the regulation of trade. But in August Monroe was despondent. "Our affairs," he writes, " are daily falling into a worse situ- ation ; " there is a party, he says, ready to dis- member the confederacy and throw the States LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 23 eastward of the Hudson into one government. He ursres Madison to use his utmost exertions in the convention to obtain good as well as to prevent mischief, and adds to his appeal this pregnant postscript : " I have always consid- ered the regulation of trade in the hands of the United States as necessary to preserve the Union ; without it, it will infallibly tumble to pieces ; but I earnestly wish the admission of a few additional States into the confederacy in the Southern scale." The question, it is well known, was finally settled in the convention at Philadelphia, when Delaware and South Car- olina voted with the North against Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, and Georgia. 1 In March, 1784, Monroe, witli Jefferson, Hardy, and A. Lee, delivered to Congress a deed which ceded to the United States Virginia's claims to the Northwest Territory, and thence- forward the Government of that region continued to be one of the subjects in which he took most interest. During the summer recess of Congress he made an extended tour of observation. To Jefferson, July 20, he wrote as follows : " The day after to-morrow I set out upon the route through the western country. I have changed the direction and shall commence for the west- ward upon the North River by Albany. I shall 1 Bancroft, ii. 102. 24 JAMES MONROE pass through the lakes, visit the posts, and come down to the Ohio and thence home." Thus he hopes " to acquire a better knowledge of the posts which we should occupy, the cause of the delay of the evacuation by British troops, the temper of the Indians toward us, — as well as of the soil, waters, and in general the natural view of the country." Upon his return he wrote to Governor Harrison, October 30, respecting unfriendly, if not hostile, manifestations w r hich had been made in Canada ; and to Madison, November 15, on the importance of garrisoning the western forts, about to be given up by the British. To Jefferson a confidential letter was sent especially bearing upon the relation of Canada to the United States. 1 It w r as intended to throw light upon the provisions of a com- mercial treaty with England. Some months later, when a conference was to be held at the mouth of the Great Miami with the Shawnees, Monroe again went beyond the Alleghanies, as far as Fort Pitt, and began the descent of the Ohio, but abandoned the expedi- tion on account of the low state of the water, and returned to Richmond. These two jour- neys had a marked influence upon his action in Congress, as the careful narrative of Bancroft, already repeatedly cited, shows most clearly. 1 See The ]\'rilinys of James Monroe, vol. i. p. 41. LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 25 On the motion of Monroe :i grand committee was appointed by Congress to consider the divi- sion of the western territory, and their report was presented March 24. A little later, another committee, of which Monroe was chairman, was appointed to consider and report a form of tem- porary government for the Western States. His report, which said nothing of slavery, failed of adoption. A year later a new committee prepared a new ordinance, which embodied the best parts of the work of their predecessors. I will give the rest of the story in Bancroft's language : — " The ordinance contained no allusion to slavery ; and in that form it received its first reading and was ordered to be printed. Grayson, then presiding offi- cer of Congress, had always opposed slavery. Two years before he had wished success to the attempt of King for its restriction ; and everything points to him as the immediate cause of the tranquil spirit of disinterested statesmanship which took possession of every Southern man in the assembly. Of the mem- bers of Virginia, Richard Henry Lee had stood against Jefferson on this very question : but now he acted with Grayson, and from the States of which no man bad yielded before, every one chose the part which was to bring on their memory the benedictions of all coining ages. Obeying an intimation from the South. Nathan Dane copied from Jefferson t lie pro- hibition of involuntary servitude in the territory; and 26 JAMES MONROE quieted alarm by adding from the report of King a clause for the delivering up of the fugitive slave. This, at the second reading of the ordinance, he moved as a sixth article of compact, and on the thirteenth day of July, 1787, the great statute for- bidding slavery to cross the river Ohio was passed by the vote of Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro- lina, Virginia, Delaware, New Jersey, New York, and Massachusetts, all the States that were then pre- sent in Congress. Pennsylvania and three States of New England were absent ; Maryland only of the South." At the next Assembly in Virginia, a commit- tee, of which Monroe was a member, " brought forward the bill by which Virginia confirmed the ordinance for the colonization of all the ter- ritory then in the possession of the United States by freemen alone." Among other subjects in which Monroe took a deep interest while a delegate in Congress, the navigation of the Mississippi was prominent. The treaty with Great Britain had stipulated that this river from its source to its mouth should be open to the subjects of Great Britain and the citizens of the United States. Spain objected. Some parties were ready to surren- der this right, but among those who persistently refused to do so were the Virginia delegates, including Monroe, who wrote a memoir in 178G LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 27 to prove the right of the inhabitants of the western country to a free navigation of the Mississippi. Positive action was postponed until the new government was about to be or- ganized, and Congress then declared its opinion in (dear and bold terms. It was due to the foresight and firmness of a few strong men that the claims of Spain were not acknowledged, and that the acquisition of the territory in- volved was finally completed after Monroe became president. Near the end of the year 1784, Monroe was selected as one of nine judges to decide the boundary dispute in which Massachusetts and New York were involved, and after some delib- eration he accepted the position, and was on the way to Williamsburg, when he received advices that the session of the court had been deferred ; the case being thus postponed, he resigned and another commissioner was chosen. There is the authority of Mr. Adams for saying that Monroe had been conspicuous above all others in pro- ceedings which concerned the navigation of the Mississippi, and had taken the lead in opposi- tion to Jay, who proposed a compromise with Spain ; and that it was in the heat of temper kindled by this discord that Monroe resigned his commission. 1 1 J. Q. Adams, Eulogy, pp. 225-232. 28 JAMES MONROE Of the convention which formed the Consti- tution of the United States, Monroe was not a member. Virginia was represented by Wash- ington, Madison, Patrick Henry, George Mason, George Wythe, and John Blair. The organiza- tion of the convention was made May 25, 1787, with Washington president, and the adjourn- ment took place September 17, 1787. Monroe was a doubtful observer of the progress of events. " My anxiety for the general welfare," he writes, "hath not been diminished. The affairs of the federal government are, I believe, in the utmost confusion. The convention . . . will either recover us from our present em- barrassments, or complete our ruin ; for I do suspect that if what they recommend should be rejected, this would be the case." This was written to Jefferson, July 27, 1787. He suspects the hostility toward himself of Ed- mund Randolph and Madison, members of the convention ; nevertheless, he thinks that he shall be "strongly impressed in favor of and inclined to vote for whatever they will recom- mend." In the Virginia convention of 1788, the party favoring the United States Constitution was led by Madison, Marshall, and Edmund Randolph. The leader of the opposition was. Patrick Henry, and James Monroe stood by his LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 29 side in company with William Grayson and George Mason. Two of his speeches as re- ported in the Debates are worthy of mention here. 1 In the first of them, delivered June 10, he made an elaborate historical argument in which the experience of the Amphictyonic coun- cil, the Achaean league, the Germanic system, the Swiss cantons and the New England con- federacy were successively referred to, — a theme which seems to have been the germ of a posthumous publication, to which reference will hereafter be made. He assumes the value of the Union, to which " the people from New Hampshire to Georgia, Rhode Island excepted, have uniformly shown attachment." Examin- ing the proposed Constitution, he claims that there are no adequate checks upon the exercise of power ; he foresees conflict between the na- tional and State authorities. As for the Presi- dent, he foresees that " when he is once elected he may be elected forever." In closing the speech he says that he regards' the proposed government as dangerous, and cal culated to secure neither the interests nor the rights of our countrymen. " Under such an one I shall be averse to embark the best hopes of a free people. We have struggled long to 1 Debates of the Convention of Virginia, 1788, reported by David Robertson, p. 104. 30 JAMES MONROE bring about this revolution by which we enjoy our present freedom and security. Why then this haste, this wild precipitation ? " At a later stage Monroe explained the Con- gressional disputes about the free navigation of the Mississippi, the purport of which was to show that the western country would be less secure under the Constitution than it was under the Confederation. He finally assented to a ratification of the Constitution by Virginia upon the condition that her amendments should be accepted. His chief objections were these : the power of direct taxation ; the absence of a bill of rights ; the lack of legislative and executive responsibility and the ineligibility of the Pre- sident. Many years later he thus, in a letter to An- drew Jackson, gave his recollections of the monarchical tendencies which were shown by his contempoi*aries before and after the adop- tion of the Constitution. He writes as fol- lows : — December, 1816. r 'We have heretofore been di- vided into two great parties. That some of the lead- ers of the Federal party entertained principles un- friendly to our system of government, I have been thoroughly convinced ; and that they meant to work a change in it by taking advantage of favorable cir- cumstances, I am equally satisfied. It happened that LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 31 I was a member of Congress under the Confedera- tion, just before the change made by the adoption of the present Constitution, and afterwards of the Senate, beginning shortly after its adoption. In the former I served three years, and in the latter rather a longer term. In these stations I saw indications of the kind suggested. It was an epoch at which the views of men were most likely to unfold themselves, as, if anything favorable to a higher toned govern- ment was to be obtained, that was the time. The movement in France tended also then to test the opinions and principles of men, which was disclosed in a manner to leave no doubt on my mind of what I have suggested. No daring attempt was ever made, because there was no opportunity for it. I thought that Washington was opposed to their schemes, and not being able to take him with them, that they were forced to work, in regard to him, under-handed, using his name and standing with the nation, as far as circumstances permitted, to serve their purposes. The opposition, which was carried on with great firmness, checked the career of this party, and kept it within moderate limits. Many of the circumstances, on which my opinion is founded, took place in debate and in society, and therefore find no place in any public document. I am satis- fied, however, that sufficient proof exists, founded on facts and opinions of distinguished individuals, which became public, to justify that [opinion] which I had formed. . . . " My candid opinion is that the dangerous purposes 52 JAMES MONROE I have adverted to were never adopted, if they were known, especially in their full extent, by any large portion of the Federal party, but were confined to certain leaders, and they principally to the eastward. The manly and patriotic conduct of a great propor- tion of that party in the- other States, I might per- haps say all who had an opportunity of displaying it, is a convincing proof of this fact." Jefferson, referring to the same period, spoke as follows in the introduction to his " Ana : " " The contests of that day were contests of prin- ciple between the advocates of republican and those of kingly government." A familiar letter to Jefferson written July 12, 1788, gives an inside view of the discussions in the Virginia convention. Before it met, Monroe endeavored to maintain a non-committal atti- tude. He prepared, however, a few clays before the convention, a communication to his consti- tuents ; but the printing of this letter was de- layed so long and was so incorrectly made and " the whole performance was so loosely drawn," that the author thought best to suppress it. He inclosed a copy to Jefferson. "What appears to be Monroe's own copy has lately been discovered in the archives of the State Department, and given to the press. 1 Its significance is however less important than that of the " Observations 1 Writings of James Monroe, vol. i. pp. 307, 349. LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 33 on the Federal Government," attributed to Mon- roe. A copy of this pamphlet ( excessively rare, if not unique, and hitherto unnoticed by any bibliographer) has been found among - the Madi- son papers in the Department of State, and reprinted in the first volume of Monroe's writ- ings. Notwithstanding Monroe's opposition to the adoption of the new Constitution, he was among the earliest to take office under it. The first choice of Virginia for senators fell on Richard Henry Lee and William Grayson. The latter died soon after his appointment, and Monroe was selected by the legislature to fill the va- cant place, instead of John Walker, who had been named by the Executive of the State. He took his seat in the Senate December 6, 1790, and held the position until May, 1794. Jeffer- son was in Philadelphia, as secretary of state, during the early part of Monroe's senatorial career, so that letters to him are wanting, but in 1793-94 Monroe again writes him confidentially on the progress of affairs, and particularly on the strained relations of the United States with England and Fiance. It does not appear that he was conspicuous as a debater : but he made himself felt in other ways, and was regarded as among the most decided opponents of Wash- ington's administration. lie was particularly 34 JAMES MONROE hostile to Hamilton, and on one occasion, when the latter was talked about as likely to be sent to England, transgressed the limits of senatorial courtesy by addressing a letter to the Presi- dent with intimations of what he could say if an opportunity were afforded him. He was opposed to the measures which were carried for establishing on a sound basis the national finances. He proposed a suspension of the fourth article of the definitive treaty with Great Britain until that power complied with her stipu- lations. He strongly objected to the selection of Morris and Jay as ministers respectively to France and England. Indeed, during all this period he appears in the part of an obstruction- ist, who doubted the wisdom of the dominant views in respect to the new order of government, and who did not hesitate to put obstacles in the way of those who were endeavoring to give dignity and force to the new United States. He was therefore surprised, and so were many others, that he was selected, while still a senator, to be the successor of Gouverneur Morris as minister to France. He had objected to Jay'e appointment partly on the ground that such an office should not be given to one of the federal judiciary, and the wiseacres were not slow to taunt him for accepting, in place of his senatorial rank, the dignity of a diplomatic station. The LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 35 rest of this story will be told in the following chapter. Although it is not next in order, it is con- venient to place here the little which is to be said of the executive station to which Monroe, on his return from diplomatic services, was twice called in his native State, lie was first chosen governor of Virginia in 1799, after his recall from France, and served for a period of three years. He was again chosen in 1811, held the office for part of a year, and gave it up in order to enter the cabinet of Madison. His first elec- tion was opposed by John Breckenridge, who received GG votes, while Monroe received 101. The Richmond "Federalist" of December 7 de- clared the day before to be "a day of mourn- ing." Virginia's " misfortunes may be com- prised in one short sentence : Monroe is elected governor ! " During his first administration a conspiracy among the slaves was brought to light, and was suppressed by his power as governor. The in- cident has recently been called to mind by a widely read novel, in which there is a graphic picture of a servile insurrection and its timely discovery. 1 Howison's story is as follows. 2 Not far from Richmond dwelt Thomas Prosser, who i HI by Mrs. Tiernan. - Howison, History of Virginia, p. 090. 36 JAMES MONROE owned a number of slaves, among them one who became known as " General Gabriel," a man " distinguished for his intelligence and his in- fluence with his class." Near by lived another slave called "Jack Bowler." By their agency nearly a thousand slaves, it was supposed, were secretly enlisted in a plot to attack Richmond by night and there begin a war of extermination against the whites. Just before the proposed assault a slave named " Pharaoh " escaped from the conspirators during a storm and revealed the project to the people of Richmond. The tidings were carried to Governor Monroe, the alarm was given, the militia called out, and preparations were made to meet the assailants. The streams were so swollen by the fall of rain that the movements of the insurgents were de- layed, and they soon perceived that their secret had been discovered. The ringleaders were sub- sequently found and punished ; and so many others were inculpated that a reaction took place in public feeling, and a merciful arrest of justice occurred before all the guilty had been reached. For several years, after 1806, John Randolph was a frequent correspondent of Monroe. He urges him to come back from England ; he guards him against compromitment to men in whom he cannot wholly confide ; he gives him a LEGISLATOR AND GOVERNOR 37 dark hint of "the stage effect" he will he made to produce ; he flatters him with expectations of the next nomination to the presidency ; he dis- parages Madison ; he says that Monroe will hardly know the country when he arrives ; " in- trigue has arrived at a pitch which I hardly sup- posed it would have reached in five centuries ; ' 5 " life has afforded me few enjoyments which I value in comparison with your friendship." These flattering words, tempered with insinua- tions against Madison, were addressed to Mon- roe in the belief and wish that he could bo brought forward as a candidate for the presi- dency at the close of Jefferson's term. Ran- dolph's purpose failed, Madison became presi- dent and Monroe governor, after brief service in the Assembly. A little later Randolph quarreled with Monroe, because, as he thought^ the latter was inclined to repudiate the views lit had held on his return from England. lie © charged him with tergiversation in order to be- come chief magistrate of the Commonwealth. The climax of their disagreement was reached when Monroe was called to the cabinet of Mad- ison. Many years later, in 1814, Randolph, still quarrelsome, attacked Monroe's conscription pro- ject by pointing out the course of the latter in respect to federal usurpation when he was gover- 38 JAMES MONROE nor, charging upon him the fact that the grand armory at Richmond was built to enable Vir- ginia to resist encroachment upon her indispu- table rights. 1 1 For all this story, in detail, and many original letters, see the Life of John Randolph by Henry Adams, in a volume of this Series. CHAPTER III ENVOY IN FRANCE Monroe's career as a diplomatist exhibits first the misfortune and then the good fortune which may attend ministerial action in a foreign land, when long- periods must elapse before letters can be interchanged with the government at home. In critical junctures responsibility must be as- sumed by the representative of a nation, who runs the risk that his words and actions, however wise and necessary they appear to him, will not be approved by those who sent him abroad. In quiet days a foreign embassy is an enviable po- sition, but Monroe was neither the first envoy nor the last who has found in troublesome times that it is difficult to act with a near-sighted view of the field so as to keep the support of those who are far-sighted. His first mission to France began brilliantly, but ended with an irritation of his spirit which he carried with him, like the bullet received :it Trenton, to the very end of his life ; his second mission to France, under- taken with some distrust, led to a fortunate 40 JAMES MONROE negotiation which brightened all his subsequent da} r s. While a senator in Congress, Monroe was se- lected, as we have seen, to represent the United States in Paris, after it became necessary for Gouverneur Morris to give way. Washington's first choice for the position was Thomas Pinck- ney, whom he would have transferred from Eng- land to France, if Jay would consent to remain as minister in England after concluding a treaty. As this arrangement could not be effected, the apvjointment was offered to Robert R. Livings- ton, who did not accept it. Madison had already declined. Aaron Burr was a competitor. A few weeks later, on May 28, 1794, Monroe was commissioned. The appointment took him by surprise, as he told Mr. Randolph, the secretary of state : " I really thought I was among the last men to whom the proposition would be made," were his words. Randolph replied that the President was resolved to send a Republican. to France ; that Livingston and Madison had refused, and that Burr would not be appointed. If Monroe declined, the post would probably be offered to Governor Price of Maryland, or to ^some person not yet thought of. Monroe's atti- tude toward the administration was of course perfectly well known, but it was thought that his admiration for the French and his sympathy ENVOY IN FRANCE 41 with the Revolution might secure for him a favorable reception. Washington's position was one of extreme responsibility. There was danger that the United States, scarcely beginning to re- cover from the Revolutionary struggle, and with the experiment of the Constitution net yet five years old, would be involved in war with France or England in consequence of their unjustifiable reprisals and their attitude in respect to the com- merce of neutrals. It was most important for the safety of the Union as well as for the pro- sperity of the people that hostilities should be avoided, and much appeared to depend upon the envoys. So Jay was sent to England and Mon- roe to France, each of whom was supposed to be acceptable to the country to which he was ap- pointed. Looking back on these appointments, nearly forty years afterwards, John Quincy Adams de- clared them to be among the most memorable events in the history of this Union. To under- stand this in our day. we must remember the bitter relations, "tinged with infusions of the wormwood and the gall," which then divided France and England ; and the partisan feelings which already separated Republicans from Fed- eralists. The state of feeling in Congress prior to Mon- roe's mission is familiar enough to all historical 42 JAMES MONROE readers ; but I have before me a long file of let. ters which have never been made public, exhibit- ing in the intimacy of fraternal correspondence the current of opinion in Congress; — and I make from them the following extracts to give a fresh and original record of a tale which has often been told : * — January, 1794. " I think we are in no danger of being' drawn into the European war. unless the French should be mad enough to declare war against every- body that will not fraternize with them." January, 1794. " It may, I believe, fairly be pre- sumed that we shall not get into a wrangle with the French nation." January 25, 1794. " We have announced to us in a letter from the President this day, that he has from the French Court assurances that M. Genet's conduct here has met with unequivocal disapprobation, and that his recall will be expected as soon as possible. I give it you nearly in the words of his letter. Why he has not before made the communication, as it ar- rived by the Dispatch (a sloop of about thirty tons) last week ; whether he has letters from the French ministry or only from Mr. Morris, — I am without information." January 31, 1794. "A strange portion [sic] of French frenzy is working in this country. We see 1 These extracts are from letters by Joshua Coit of New London, Conn., a representative in Congress, to Ids brother, Daniel L. Coit. ENVOY IN FRANCE 43 much of it in Congress, principally among the South- ern members. It enters, as you will see, into the debates on Mr. Madison's propositions. I have men- tioned it to you. I believe, in a former letter. One would have expected from these owners of slaves and men of large fortunes a different complexion ; but our rankest democratical principle is all from the South, and they consider us New England men as aris- tocrats. I feel more apprehension of the general gov- ernment being too weak than that it will gather a strength dangerous to the liberties of the people. I Would hope, however, that no more of party is mixed in our composition than may be wholesome. Mr. M.'s resolutions have now been under discussion for about a fortnight. Gentlemen take an amazing lati- tude in their discussions, and from the debates one would be led to suppose we were forming commercial treaties that were to embrace all the interests of the United States. The first resolution is a mighty vague, general thing, and will apply to any alteration of our revenue system almost; perhaps this may he carried, but I think the others, or anything like them, cannot; they have engrossed all the time of Congress for this fortnight past." F&bruary 15. 1794. "The fact is, I think, every clay more and more evinced, that some of our South- ern gentlemen, Virginians especially, have a most unconquerable aversion for the British nation, and partiality for France. The debts due from that country to G. B. may have their effect in fomenting and keeping up their animosity, and they seem to wish 44 JAMES MONROE to fix some immovable obstructions to a friendly in- tercourse between tbe two countries, and there is but too much reason to fear that the measures they pur- sue are in good degree influenced by their dissatis- faction at some steps that have been taken since the establishment of the present government, — the fund- ing system and bank especially. They profess peace — that energetic measures are those only by which it can be preserved. Britain is to be so afflicted with our non-importation agreement that, to persuade us to give it up, she is to do everything which we may de- mand of her ; and if, on the contrary, she is disposed to fight, she is exhausted and weakened by the war in which she is now engaged, and with the help of France we shall give her the worst of it. I still hope peace ; but if this measure is carried through, I shall then despair." March 7, 1794. " The measures you mention are regarded as very extraordinary ; equally so is that of the French detaining our ships in their ports. 'Tis perhaps fortunate for us that we are ill-treated by both the belligerent powers ; experiencing no favoi- from either, we shall be less an object of jealousy from either, and probably less in danger of rushing into the war than if we were ill-treated by one only. I believe we had better suffer almost anything: than get into the war. Time and patience will, I hope, cure all." March 13, 1794. " It seems to me the British na- tion must contemplate some inconvenience in the loss of our trade in case of a rupture, and that the fair and ENVOY IN FRANCE 45 honorable neutrality we have preferred should com- mand their respect. But they apprehend we feel a partiality for the French, and nations at war very readily regard as enemies those who are not their friends, and they very naturally contemplate the going to war with another nation with much less reluctance than changing from peace to war. No measures will be taken hastily on the subject by us, I believe. The infancy of our government, and our reve- nue depending almost altogether on foreign commerce, which would by a war be greatly deranged if not cut off, make the evils to be apprehended by us in this event peculiarly serious. But if they will fight with us, we must do the best we can." March 24, 1794. '"The minds of people are so much agitated, and resentments are so warm, that there is reason to fear that we shall be hurried into the torrent that is ravaging Europe." March 25, 1794. "If the embargo gets through, I shall be almost inclined to think the Rubicon is passed and that war is inevitable. Not so much that the British will regard it as a hostile measure, but that it will tend to sharpen the minds of people, and pre- cipitate us, from the heat of our passions, into the war." March 27, 1794. " If we must enter into a war, I should feel very unhappy to enter it under the au- spices of an act which would appear to me a compli- cation of villainy and bad policy." March 28, IT'.U. "We have a mad proposition before the House, brought in yesterday, for seques* 46 JAMES MONROE tering British debts to form a fund for compensation to the sufferers by British spoliations. I feared it would pass, but the fever of the mind seems to be cooling a little, and I begin to hope for better things." April 8, 1794. " I am still persuaded that the threatening appearances will blow over and leave us at peace, in spite of the unaccountable proceedings of the British in the West Indies. I do not believe they mean to go to war with us." April 13, 1794. " A minister to the Court of London is still talked of, but this is not determined on, and these people appear to be very anxious to have something done which, as they say, shall give weight to negotiation; but their views and professions are apprehended to be widely different, and that in- stead of wishing to give effect, they would prefer doing something that should impede the negotiation. The President, with whom alone lies the power, is very cautious ; perhaps fortunately so for the country, as well as for his own reputation, but unluckily, (as it is more with the Legislature to lay the grounds by which negotiation might be facilitated or impeded, and to determine the popularity of the measure,) I suspect he hesitates and waits to see how the discus- sion in our House will issue. Had he already sent a negotiator, it would have furnished an argument for our leaving things as they were when the negotiator left the country." April 16, 1794. " Mr. Jay is nominated. There is not perhaps a man in the United States whose character as a negotiator stands on higher ground. ENVOY IN FRANCE 47 The appointment marks a disposition in the Presi- dent to come forward before mischief is done, and to try the ground of negotiation fairly with G. Britain, before any obstruction is thrown in the way by our confiscating British debts, or passing a non-impor- tation act." April 19, 1794 "The embargo is again on, to last till the 25th of May in the same way as before; passed House of Representatives day before yesterday, and in Senate yesterday. I had not expected it." April 22, 1794. " It is a doubt with many whether our present form of government continue many years. The jealousies which exist in the Southern States respecting the funding system and most of the mea- sures of consequence which have been adopted, added to some strange and fantastical notions about liberty which they entertain, approaching nearly to French extravagance of liberty and equality absolute, render the continuance of our Union for many years, even of peace, doubtful. But should a war take place, I think we have scarcely ground to hope a continuance of the Union." Aj>ril 24. 1794. " We have perhaps as much to fear from the fever of French politics taking too Btrong a hold of the minds of the people of this country as from any other source." There is an interruption in the file of letters from which these extracts are taken, and I find in them no mention of the envoy to France, whose commission came a mouth later. 48 JAMES MONROE Monroe's instructions, as given to him by Randolph, were very minute, and contained the following pregnant sentences as the conclusion : " To conclude. You go, sir, to France, to strengthen our friendship with that country ; and you are well acquainted with the line of freedom and ease to which you may advance without betraying the dignity of the United States. You will show our confidence in the French Republic without betraying the most remote mark of undue complaisance. You zvill let it be seen that, in case of war with any na- tion on earth, we shall consider France as our first and natural ally. You may dwell upon the sense which ice entertain of past services, and for the more recent interposition in our behalf with the Dey of Al- giers. Among the great events with which the world is now teeming, there may be an opening for France to become instrumental in securing to tis the free navigation of the Mississippi. Spain may, perhaps, negotiate a peace, separate from Great Britain, with France. If she does, the Mississippi may be acquired through this channel, especially if you con- trive to have our mediation in any manner solicited." Monroe arrived in Paris just after the fall of Robespierre. Notwithstanding his outspoken good will for the popular cause, the Committee of Public Safety hesitated to receive him. His proceedings in consequence were full of romance. Not another civilized nation upon earth, says Mr. Adams, had a recognized representative in ENVOY IN FRANCE 49 France at that time. " I waited," says Monroe, "eight or ten days without progressing an iota, and as I had heard that a minister from Geneva had been here about six weeks before me, and had not been received, I was fearful I might re- main as long, and, perhaps, much longer, in the same situation." He therefore addressed a let- ter to the president of the Convention, "not knowing the competent department nor the forms established by law for my reception." A decree was passed at once that the minister of the United States "be introduced into the bosom of the Convention to-morrow at two P. M." Accordingly ho appeared before the Convention. August 15, 1704, and presented an address in English, with a translation of it into French, which latter was read by a secretary, together with two letters from Edmund Ran- dolph, secretary of state, acknowledging the letter received by Congress from the Committee of Public Safety. Monroe's address was as follows : — "Citizens, President, and Representatives of tlte French People, — My admission into this assembly, in presence of the French nation (tor all the citizens of France are represented lure) to be recognized as the representative of the American Republic, impresses me with a degree of sensibility which I cannot express. 1 consider it a new proof of that 50 JAMES MONROE friendship and regard which the French nation has always shown to their ally, the United States of America. " Republics should approach near to each other. In many respects they have all the same interest ; but this is more especially the case with the Amer- ican and French republics. Their governments are similar ; they both cherish the same principles, and rest on the same basis, the equal and unalienable rights of man. The recollection, too, of common dan- gers and difficulties will increase their harmony and cement their union. America had her day of oppres- sion, difficulty, and war ; but her sons were virtuous and brave, and the storm which long clouded her po- litical horizon has passed, and left them in the enjoy- ment of peace, liberty, and independence. Fiance, our ally and our friend, and who aided in the contest, has now embarked in the same noble career ; and I am happy to add, that whilst the fortitude, magna- nimity, and heroic valor of her troops command the admiration and applause of the astonished world, the wisdom and firmness of her councils unite equally in securing the happiest result. ''America is not an unfeeling spectator of your affairs at the present crisis. I lav before you, in the declarations of every department of our government, — declarations which are founded in the affections of the citizens at large, — the most decided proof of her sincere attachment to the liberty, prosperity, and happiness of the French Republic. Each branch of the Congress, according to the course of proceeding ENVOY IN FRANCE 51 there, lias requested the President to make this known to you in its behalf : and, in fulfilling the desires of those branches, I am instructed to declare to you thai; he has expressed his own. " In discharging the duties of the office which I am now called to execute, I promise myself the highest satisfaction, because I well know that, whilst I pursue the dictates of my own heart in wishing the liberty and happiness of the French nation, and which I most sincerely do, I speak the sentiments of my own country ; and that, hy doing everything in my power to preserve and perpetuate the harmony so happily subsisting between the two republics, I shall promote the interest of both. To this great object, therefore, all my efforts will be directed. If I can be so fortunate as to succeed in such manner as to merit the approbation of both republics, I shall deem it the happiest event of my life, and retire hereafter with a consolation which those who mean well, and have served the cause of liberty, alone can feel." A comparison of this speech with Randolph's injunctions, already quoted, will show how far Monroe was carried by the enthusiasm of his youth and the unparalleled circumstances ii which he was placed. That speech of ten minutes, received with applause and afterwards printed by order of "the Convention, in the two languages, French and American," was the oc- casion of many a pang to the orator, in his after life. 52 JAMES MONROE The account of Monroe's reception may read- ily be found in the American State Papers, 1 but a document, hitherto hidden, was lately brought to light by Mr. Washburne, tlie Amer- ican minister, who looked up, in the national archives of France, the proces verbal on the day referred to, August 15, 1794. Here is the interesting extract which he sent to Mr. Fish " to fill the gap " in the diplomatic records of that period. 2 Extract from the "proch verbal" of the National Con- vention of August 15, 1794. — Translation. The Citizen James Monroe, Minister Plenipoten- tiary of the United States of America near the French Republic, is admitted in the hall of the sit- ting of the National Convention. He takes his place in the midst of the representatives of the people, and remits to the President with his letters of cre- dence, a translation of a discourse addressed to the National Convention ; it is read by one of the secre- taries. The expressions of fraternity, of union be- tween the two people, and the interest which the people of the United States take in the success of the French Republic, are heard with the liveliest sensi- bility and covered with applause. Reading is also given to the letters of credence of 1 Vol. i. p. 672. 2 Foreign Relations of the U. S. 1876. Mr. Washburne t» Mr. Fish, Paris, Octobur 23, L876. ENVOY IN FRANCE 53 Citizen Monroe, as well as to those written by the American Congress and by its President, to the Na- tional Convention and to the Committee of Public Safety. In witness of the fraternity which unites the two peoples, French and American, the President 1 gives the accolade (fraternal embrace) to Citizen Monroe. Afterward, upon the proposition of many members, the National Convention passes with unanimity the following decree : — Article I. The reading and verification being had of the powers of Citizen James Monroe, he is recognized and proclaimed minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America near the French Republic. Article II. The letters of credence of Citizen James Monroe, minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, those which he has remitted on the part of the American Congress and its President, addressed to the National Convention and to the Committee of Public Safety, the discourse of Citizen Monroe, the response of the President of the Convention, shall be printed in the two languages, French and American, and inserted in the bulletin of correspondence. Article III. The flags of the United States of America shall be joined to those of France, and displayed in the hall of the sittings of the Convention, in .sign of the union and eternal fraternity of the two people. Mr. Washburne calls attention to the phrase, "the two languages, French and American," as illustrating the hatred of the English ; and he 1 Merlin de Douai. 54 JAMES MONROE gives to Secretary Fish the following amusing interpretation of the accolade, based upon his own experience in the new republic. " For many days," he says, " after I had, by your instructions, recognized the republic, which was pro- claimed on the 4th of September, 1870, regiment after regiment of the national guard marched to the legation to make known to our government, through me, their profound appreciation of its prompt action in recognizing the government of the national defense. Forming on the corner of the rue de Chaillot and the avenue Josephine, they would send up cheers and cries of ' Vive la Republique,' till I would ap- pear on the balcony to make my acknowledgments. Then some officers of the regiment would be deputed to call upon me in the chambers of the legation, to tender me their personal thanks for my agency in the matter of recognition of their new government, and to give me the fraternal embrace {"accolade'), which was carried out in letter and spirit, and sometimes much to the amusement of the numerous visitors who were present on the occasion." A short time after his reception Monroe pre- sented an American flag to the Convention, intrusting its carriage to Captain, afterwards Commodore, Barney, an officer of the United States Navy, with whom Monroe had crossed the Atlantic. Captain Barney made a brief speech on the occasion in the presence of the Convention, received an accolade from the Presi- ENVOY IN FRANCE 55 dent, and was complimented with a proposal to enter the naval service of France. When the body of Rousseau was deposited in the Pan- theon, this flag, borne by young Barney and a nephew of Monroe, preceded the column of Americans. The American minister and his suite, we are told, were the only persons per- mitted to enter the Pantheon with the National Convention to witness the conclusion of the ceremony. Several months later, March 6, 1795, Monroe makes this casual mention of the flag in his dispatch : — " I had forgotten to notify you officially the present I had made to the Convention of our flag. It was done in consequence of the order of that body for its suspension in its hall, and an intimation from the President himself that they had none, and were igno- rant of the model." Near the close of his life Monroe said that when he first arrived in France his situation was the most difficult and painful he had ever experienced. War with the United States was seriously menaced. He tells us that he could make no impression on the Committee of Public Safety, and so he determined to appeal to the real government, the People, through the nom- inal one, the Convention, and thus fairly bring 56 JAMES MONROE the cause before the nation. He knew that their object was liberty, and that many French citizens had brought home from America the spirit of our struggle and infused it among their country- men. At the head of our government stood one who was rightly held in the highest venera- tion by the French people ; and he felt sure that if he brought before them convincing proofs of Washington's good wishes for their success, supported by that of the other branches of our government, the hostile spirit of the French gov- ernment would be subdued and his official re- cognition would follow. On this principle he spoke to the Convention with the desired effect. As this address was the subject of severe animad- versions at home, and as he was charged with going beyond his instructions, the following ex- tract from a long letter to Judge Jones, April 4, 1794, 1 may be taken as evidence that the envoy acted according to his understanding of the instructions he had received. " I inclose you a copy of my address, etc., to the Convention upon my introduction, and of the Presi- dent's reply. I thought it my duty to lay those papers before the Convention as the basis of my mission, containing the declaration of every depart- ment in favor of the French revolution, or imply- ing it strongly. My address, you will observe, goes no farther than the declarations of both houses." 1 Gouverneur MSS. ENVOY IN FRANCE 57 Flattered by his reception in the Convention, Monroe was destined to a profound disappoint- ment when he received a dispatch from home, written by Randolph '* in the frankness of friend- ship," criticising severely the course he had pursued. " When you left us," said the secretary of state, " we all supposed that your reception as the minis- ter of the United States would take place in the private chamber of some committee. Your letter of credence contained the degree of profession which the government was desirous of making ; and though the language of it woidd not have been cooled, even . if its suhsequent publicity had been foreseen, still it was natural to expect that the remarks with which you might accompany its delivery would he merely oral, and therefore not. exposed to the rancorous criticism of nations at war with France. "It seems that, upon your arrival, the downfall of Rohespierre and the suspension of the usual routine of business, combined, perhaps, with an anxiety to de- monstrate an affection for the United States, had shut up for a time the diplomatic cabinet, and rendered the hall of the National Convention the theatre of diplomatic civilities. We should have supposed that an introduction there would have brought to mind these ideas: •The United States are neutral; the allied Powers jealous; with England we are now in treaty ; by England we have been impeached for breaches of faith in favor of France ; our citizens are 58 JAMES MONROE notoriously Gallican in their hearts ; it will he wise to hazard as little as possible on the score of good humor ; and, therefore, in the disclosure of my feel- ings, something is due to the possibility of fostering new suspicions.' Under the influence of these senti- ments, we should have hoped that your address to the National Convention would have been so framed as to leave heart-burning nowhere. If private affec- tion and opinions had been the only points to be consulted, it would have been immaterial where or how they were delivered. But the range of a public minister's mind will go to all the relations o'f our country with the whole world. We do not perceive that your instructions have imposed upon you the extreme glow of some parts of your address ; and my letter in behalf of the House of Representa- tives, which has been considered by some gentle- men as too strong, was not to be viewed in any other light than as executing the task assigned by that body. " After these remarks, which are never to be inter- preted into any dereliction of the French cause, I must observe to you that they are made principally to recommend caution, lest we should be obliged at some time or other to explain away or disavow an excess of fervor, so as to reduce it down to the cool system of neutrality. You have it still in charge to cultivate the French Republic with zeal, but without any unnecessary eclat ; because the dictates of sin- cerity do not demand that we should render notorious all our feelings in favor of that nation." ENVOY IN FRANCE 59 A little later Randolph took a more concili- atory tone, and Monroe believed that he would never have spoken so severely if all the dis- patches had reached him in due order. Early in his residence the American minister was involved in a discussion with respect to Mr. Morris's passports, of so delicate a charac- ter that the story was privately communicated by Monroe to Washington. 1 This letter illus- trates the delays of correspondence, for it is dated November 18, and acknowledges Wash- ington's of June 2"), " which would have been answered sooner if any safe opportunity had offered for Bordeaux, from whence vessels most frequently sail for America." Such delays had a significant bearing upon the continuous mis- understandings between the administration and its distant representative. 2 Monroe was also engaged in a complex correspondence with re- ference to the release of Lafayette from im- prisonment at Olmiitz, and concerning pecu- niary assistance to Madame Lafayette, in whose release he was instrumental. In the " House- hold Life of the Lafayettcs,** by Edith Sichel, 1 Gouvernenr M>S. - On February 15, IT'.'"', the secretary of state acknow- ledges Monroe's last (late, September 15, 1794, which had been received November 27. Monroe's dispatches of August 11 and 25 were received between December - and 5. 60 JAMES MONROE the particulars respecting the imprisonment of these noble people are given. Many of our ves- sels had been seized and condemned with their cargoes, and hundreds of our citizens were then in Paris and the seaports of France, many of them imprisoned, and all treated like enemies. This involved the American minister in weighty responsibilities, and employed his utmost energy. His effort to secure the release of Thomas Paine from imprisonment was another noteworthy trans- action, to which frequent reference was made in subsequent days, both by friends and oppo- nents. " Mr. Paine," he wrote, September 15, 1795,." has lived in my house for about ten months past. He was, upon my arrival, confined in the Luxembourg, and released on my ap- plication ; after which, being sick, he has re- mained with me. . . . The symptoms have be- come worse, and the prospect now is that he will not be able to hold out more than a month or two at the farthest. I shall certainly pay the utmost attention to this gentleman, as he is one of those whose merits in our lie volution were most distinguished." It was not long before Monroe became entan- gled in a much more serious complication. A treaty with Great Britain had been negotiated by Jay ; so much as this was positively known in Paris near the close of 1794, and more was ENVOY IN FRANCE Gl inferred in respect to it. Citizen Merlin de Douai, the one who gave Monroe the accolade a few months before, and four of his associates in the Committee of Public Safety demanded a copy of the treaty. This was their letter, De- cember 27, 1794 : — " We are informed, Citizen, that there was lately concluded at London a treaty of alliance and com- merce between the British government and Citizen Jay, Envoy Extraordinary of the United States. " A vague report spreads itself abroad that in this treaty the Citizen Jay has forgotten those things which our treaties with the American people, and the sacrifices which the French people made to ren- der them free, gave us a right to expect, on the part of a minister of a nation which we have so many mo- tives to consider as friendly. " It is important that we know positively in what light we are to hold this affair. Tliere ought not to subsist between two free peoples the dissimulation which belongs to courts ; and it gives us pleasure to declare that we consider you as much opposed, per- sonally, to that kind of policy as we are ourselves. " We invite you, then, to communicate to us as soon as possible the treaty whereof there is question. It is the only means whereby you can enable the French nation justly to appreciate those reports so injurious to the American government, and to which that treaty gave birth." In reply to this and other demands for exact 62 JAMES MONROE information Monroe pleaded ignorance, and he refused to receive from Jay confidential and in- formal statements in respect to the treaty. He contented himself with general expressions in reference to the purport of the English mission, and with strenuous efforts to allay the French excitement. When the treaty reached him he wrote to Judge Jones : " Jay's treaty surpasses all that I feared, great as my fears were of his mission. Indeed, it is the most shameful trans- action I have ever known of the kind." 1 The language in which he reported to the au- thorities at home, a few months before, the con- dition of affairs, is this, January 13, 1795: — " After my late communications to the Committee of Public Safety, in which were exposed freely the object of Mr. Jay's mission to England, and the real situation of the United States with Britain and Spain, I had reason to believe that all apprehension on those points was done away, and that the utmost cordiality had now likewise taken place in that body towards us. I considered the report above recited, and upon which the decree was founded, as the une- quivocal proof of that change of sentiment, and flat- tered myself that, in every inspect, we had now the best prospect of the most perfect and permanent har- mony between the two republics. I am very sorry, however, to add, that latterly this prospect has been somewhat clouded by accounts from England, that 1 Gouverneur MSS. ENVOY IN FRANCE 63 Mr. Jay had not only adjusted the points in contro- versy, but concluded a treaty of commerce with that government. Some of those accounts state that he had also concluded a treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive. As I knew the baneful effect which these reports would produce, I deemed it my duty, by re- peating what I had said before of his powers, to use my utmost endeavors, informally, to discredit them. This, however, did not arrest the progress of the report, nor remove the disquietude it had created, for I was finally applied to, directly, by the commit- tee, in a letter, which stated what had been heard, and requested information of what I knew in regard to it. As I had just before received one from Mr. Jay, announcing that he had concluded a treaty, and which contained a declaration that our previous treaties should not be affected by it, I thought fit to make this letter the basis of my reply. And as it is necessary that you should be apprised of what- ever has passed here on this subject, I now trans- mit to you copies of these several papers, and which comprise a full statement thereof, up to the present time. u I cannot admit, for a moment, that Mr. Jay has exceeded his powers, or that anything lias been done which will give just cause of complaint to this re- public. I lament, however, that he has not thought himself at liberty to give me correct information on that subject ; for until it is known that their interest has not been wounded, the report will certainly keep alive suspicion, and which always weakens the bonds 64 JAMES MONROE of friendship. I trust, therefore, you will deem it expedient to advise me on this head as soon as pos- sible." The irritation of the French, when at length they discovered the actual purport of Jay's treaty, was very great. In February, 17 9G, it appeared that the Directory considered the alli- ance between France and the United States as ceasing to exist from the moment the treaty was ratified, and intended to send a special envoy to the United States in order to express their extreme dissatisfaction. Monroe succeeded in changing their purpose, and elicited from M. de la Croix, the foreign minister, a summary, in three headings, of the French complaints, to which he sent an elaborate reply. The two countries had come to the very verge of war. But the administration at home was angry with the envoy for not having endeavored more stren- uously to allay the apprehensions of France, and for failing to avert the impending danger. During the progress of these events, the port- folio of foreign affairs had been given up by Randolph, and taken up by Pickering, who be- gan his correspondence September 12, 1795, by acknowledging a series of letters, of which the first was written ten months before. Monroe gained nothing by this change in the councils at home. Randolph's censures were mild in com- ENVOY IN FRANCE 65 parison with those which his successor bestowed on the unfortunate envoy. One of the severest of his letters is that of June 13, 1796, in which he complains that Monroe failed to make a suit- able vindication of the United States govern- ment at a time when the justice, the faith, and the honor of our country were questioned, and the most important interests were at stake. This is followed a short time afterwards by a notifica- tion that he is superseded by C. C. Pinckney. On his arrival in Paris, Pinckney was pre- sented by Monroe to the minister of foreign affairs, but was refused recognition by the Di- rectory, and was not permitted to remain in Paris. Mr. Ticknor has recorded a conversation with Baron Pichon to this effect: — that Paine lived in Monroe's house at Paris, and had a great deal too much influence over him ; that Monroe's insinuations, and representations of General Pinckney's character as an aristocrat, prevented his reception as minister by the Direc- tory ; and that, in general, Monroe, with whose negotiations and affairs Pichon was specially charged, acted as a party Democrat against the interests of General Washington's administra- tion, and against what Pichon considered the interests of the United States. 1 On the other hand, we have Pinckney's assertion, that during 1 Life of George Ticknor, ii. 113. 66 JAMES MONROE his brief residence he saw Monroe frequently, and found him open and candid, and disposed to make every communication which would be of service to our country. It should also be said that Monroe was treated with coolness by the French government some time before his recall, though the civilities to him were renewed when his return to America was evidently at hand. The ceremony of flag presentation was re- peated in this country. A French flag, sent across the water, was received by Congress near New Year's Day in 1796. " A mighty foolish ceremony it was," writes the Federalist already quoted. 1 " It may, however, have the good effect of quieting the minds of some people who are afraid that the French are very angry about our treaty with Great Britain ; that nation is said to have been long famed for their address in meddling with the politics of foreign nations, and they have supported well the character in this country, but I hope we shall keep clear of their influence. The administrators of our government have no British attachment, but wish to keep clear of all foreign poli- tics, and but for the madness of party I think the people of the United States would universally see and approve the policy. The treaty with Great Britain was necessary to settle existing disputes, in its most important articles ; the commercial part of it is ex- 1 Joshua Coit, January 5, 1790. ENVOY IN FRANCE G7 perimental, and throws no restraint on our commerce with other nations, lias no tendency to form political connections, and I believe secures important advan- tages to us." Monroe's recall was dated August 22. Men. tioning this fact to Joseph Jones, lie intimated that the letter was probably kept back to pre- vent his arrival before the elections. " I shall decline a winter passage," he added, "and there- fore most probably shall not embark till April or May." l He reached home full of wrath, but the opposition party gave him a cordial greeting, and he was entertained in Phila- delphia at a public dinner where Jefferson, the Vice-President, Dayton, the Speaker, Chief Jus- tice McKean, and other conspicuous men were present. Monroe's failure, it is clear, was not personal, it was a party failure. His hand was soon turned against the administration of Adams. He demanded of Pickering the rea- sons of his recall, and drew from the secretary, -who was not at all afraid of saying what he thought, a very explicit response. Washington, in a note to Pickering (Mt. Vernon, August 29, 1797), mentioned that Colonel Monroe had passed through Alexandria, but did not honor him with a call. The envoy's neglect did not mean silence. 1 Gouverneur M.SS. 88 JAMES MONROE He soon published a pamphlet of five hundred pages, entitled, " A View of the Conduct of the Executive," in which he printed his instructions, correspondence with the French and United States governments, speeches, and letters re- ceived from Americans resident in Paris. It remains to this day a most extraordinary volume, full of entertaining and instructive lessons to young diplomatists. Washington, retired from public life, appears to have kept quiet under strong provocation ; but he sent a letter upon the subject to John Nicholas, and in his copy of the " View " he wrote his animadversions, paragraph by paragraph. These notes, long suppressed, were at length given to the world by Sparks. 1 Monroe enumerates the following points, which, taken collectively, are to show his diplo- matic position and the attitude of the adminis- tration toward him. He mentions : — 1. The appointment of Gouverneur Morris, a known enemy of the French Revolution. 2. His continuance in office till troubles came. 3. His removal at the demand of the French government. 4. The subsequent appointment of Monroe, an opponent of the administration, especially in its foreign policy. 1 Washington's Writings, vol. x. pp. 226, 504. ENVOY IN FRANCE 69 5. The instructions given to Monroe as to the explanation he should give the French in respect to Jay's mission, which concealed the power given him to form a commercial treaty. 6. The strong expressions of attachment to France and the principles of the French Revo- lution given to Monroe. 7. The resentment of the administration when these documents were made public. 8. The approval of Monroe's endeavor to se- cure a repeal of the obnoxious decrees, and the silence which followed their repeal. 9. Jay's power to form a commercial treaty with England, without corresponding advances to France. 10. The withholding from Monroe of the con- tents of the treaty, an evidence of unfair deal- ing. 11. The submission of this treaty to M. Adet, after the advice of the Senate, and before its ratification by the President. 12. The character <>f Jay's treaty, which de- parts from the modern rule of contraband, ami yields the principle, " Free ships shall make free goods/' 13. The irritable bearing of the administra- tion toward France, after the ratification, in contrast with its bearing toward England, when it was proposed to decline the ratification. 70 JAMES MONROE 14. Monroe's recall, just when he had suc- ceeded in quieting the French government for the time, and was likely to do so effectually. I have not been able to trace Washington's copy of the " View " which, according to Sparks, was given to a distinguished jurist ; but in the library of Cornell University Sparks's transcript of Washington's notes is preserved. In this are the notes of Washington, hitherto not printed, on Monroe's appendix. By the permission of the authorities, I am able to print upon a subse- quent page these fresh annotations. 1 Here three examples only will be given. Monroe, in a dis- patch, February 12, 1795, having spoken of the danger of war with France, inquires : What course then was I to pursue ? The note of Washington is this : " As nothing but justice and the fulfillment of a contract was asked, it dictated firmness conducted with temperance in the pursuit of it." Monroe : " The doors of the Committee [of Public Safety] were closed against me." Washington : " This appears no- where but in his own conjectures." Again, in- cidentally, Washington writes : " The truth is, Mr. Monroe was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe strange things. In return he did, or was disposed to do, whatever was pleasing to that nation, reluctantly urging the rights of his own." 1 See Appendix. ENVOY IN FRANCE 71 A war of pamphlets and newspaper articles followed the publication of the " View," in which Federalists and Republicans damaged each other's reputations as much as they could. Party feeling was ablaze before Monroe pub- lished his book, but the flames rose fiercely when it appeared. Oliver Wolcott wrote to Washington that it was a wicked misrepresenta- tion of facts ; that the author's conduct was detested by all good men, though he was sorry to say that many applauded it. As to Washing- ton's character and administration, he was sure that the " View " woidd make no impression beyond the circle of Tom Paine's admirers* John Adams wrote that he was hurt at the lev- ity of the Americans in Paris. Fisher Ames's satirical touch is seen in a letter to Christo- pher Gore, written after the election of Jeffer- son, where he says, " Monroe will, if he likes, return to France to embrace liberty again." From another section of the Federalists thi? opinion comes. Harper of South Carolina, iri a speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, speak- ing of the "View," remarks: — " In this boot i> to be found the most complete jus- tification of the Executive for his recall, in every respect except th.it it was so long delayed ; for the book contains the most singular display of incapacity, unfaithfulness, and presumption, of neglect of orders, 72 JAMES MONROE forgetfulness of the dignity, rights, and interests of his own country, and servile devotedness to the gov- ernment of the country to which he was sent, that can he found in the history of diplomacy." He even intimates that Monroe was influenced by bribery. But this was going quite too far. The historian Hildreth, who is not less severe than the most severe critic yet quoted, in his estimate of Monroe repudiates the insinuation of Harper. " These gi-oss insinuations," he says, " were totally baseless. The time had not yet come when American statesmen were to be pur- chased for money. How perfectly sincere Mon- roe was in his opinions is manifest throughout the whole correspondence, which no purchased tool of France, none but a man blinded by enthusi- astic passion, could ever have written, and still less would have published. Nor were such views at all confined to Monroe. They were shared by most of the leaders and by the great mass of the opposition party." These are the words of the Federalist historian, half a century after the " View " appeared. 1 Some extracts should also be given from the writings of Monroe's friends. For example, Edward Church wrote from Lisbon, December 24, 179G, " My ideas of the importance of ob- serving inviolate our friendship and alliance with 1 Hildreth's United States, Second Series, ii. 101. ENVOY IN FRANCE 73 the French nation go far beyond yours, as I conceive the connection essentially necessary to our preservation as independent states, it being evidently our best, if not our only security against the danger of becoming once more the poor, pitiful, servile, dependent slaves of Bri- tain." » The wrath of another of Monroe's corre- spondents, in Paris, found expression in these terms : — " Were I able to draw the contrast, which the subject so richly deserves, between this extraordinary man's military exit and that of the late idolized stafr. ute [sic] of the people of my country, I would so paint Mr. Washington on his milk-white steed, re- ceiving the incense of all the little girls on Trenton Bridge, and then I would march him about in the streets of Boston, so like a roasted ox that I once saw carried a whole day in triumph by the people of that famous town, that the automaton chief should groan and sweat under the weight of those laurels, which are momently dropping from his brows into the sink and dirt of his puny and anti-republican administration." 2 There is a significant paragraph in Thiers's " History of the French Revolution," which may be regarded, I think, as showing the impression 1 Gouverneur MSS. 2 Gouverueur iLSS. May 15, 1797. 74 JAMES MONROE which Monroe made upon the people to whom he was accredited : — " In the French government there were persons in favor of a rupture with the United States. Monroe, who was ambassador to Paris, gave the Directory the most prudent advice on tins occasion. War with France, said he, will force the American government to throw itself into the arms of England and to sub- mit to her influence ; aristocracy will gain supreme control in the United States, and liberty will be com- promised. By patiently enduring, on the contrary, the wrongs of the present President, you will leave him without excuse, you will enlighten the Americans, and decide a contrary choice at the next election. All the wrongs of which France may have to com- plain will then be repaired. This wise and provident advice had its effect upon the Directory. Rewbell, Barras, and LareVeillere had caused it to he adopted in opposition to the opinion of the systematic Carnot, who, though in general favorably disposed to peace, insisted on the cession of Louisiana, with a view to attempt the establishment of a republic there." In addition to this diplomatic controversy, Monroe was involved in another more personal collision with Hamilton, occasioned by the Cal- lender publication, 1 — but into the details of this disagreeable story I see no reason for enter- ing now. 1 " An undigested and samdous collection of libels." Hil< ireth, Second Series, ii. 1U4. ENVOY IX FRANCE 75 Monroe was much displeased by the publica- tion of that part of his dispatches which related to the Jacobius, and thus wrote to Judge Jones, June 20, 1795 : — "The publication of extracts from my letters re- specting the Jacobins was an unbecoming and uncan- did thing, as they were the only parts of my corre- spondence that were published. I stated the truth, and therefore am not dissatisfied with the publication in that respect. But to me it appears strange that the fortunes of that misguided club should he the only subject treated in my correspondence upon which it was necessary to convey the information it could to our countrymen. Certainly, in relation to the honor and welfare of my country, it was the least important of all tlie subjects upon which I treated. Besides, that club was as unlike the patriotic socie- ties in America as light is to darkness, the former being a society that had absolutely annihilated all other government in France, and whose denunciations carried immediately any of the deputies to the scaf- fold, whereas the latter are societies of enlightened men, who discuss measures and principles, and of course whose opinions have no other weight than as they are well founded and have reason on their side, to extirpate which is to extirpate liberty itself." During all his exciting residence in Paris, it is interesting to trace the minute interest main- tained by Monroe in whatever pertained to his domestic affairs. There are long letters in tho 76 JAMES MONROE Gouverneur collection devoted to bis financial business, to tbe welfare of bis brotbers, Andrew and Joseph, and of bis sister, to bis land bought near Monticello, bis servants, fruit-trees, etc., besides many a passage in regard to bis nephew Joseph, who was at school at St. Germain, and young Rutledge, likewise placed under the envoy's paternal care. His interest in the pro- gress of these American boys in their French school betrays an unvarying kindness of heart in tbe midst of pressing anxieties and cares. Times change. Five years after Monroe's re- call, Jefferson writes : 1 " We have ever looked to France as our natural friend, one with whom we could never have an occasion of difference ; but there is one spot on the globe, the possessor of which is our natural enemy. That spot is New Orleans. France placing herself in that door assumes to us the attitude of defiance. . . . From that moment we must marry ourselves to the British fleet and nation." 1 To Livingston, April 18, 1802. CHAPTER IV ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, AND ENGLAND Jefferson, never wanting in interest when Monroe's affairs required counsel, and trusting him implicitly, wrote to the despondent and angry envoy that he ought to come forward again into public life. " Come to Congress," was his advice, as if coming to Congress was an act of the will, — " reappear on the public theatre ; Cabel has said he would give way to you." 1 But instead of entering at once into national affairs, Monroe became governor of Virginia, and held the office three years. Jef- ferson, meanwhile, had become President, and soon had an opportunity to return Monroe to the legation in France. The story of this sec- ond embassy includes the purchase of Louisiana, and has therefore been examined over and over again by those who are interested in the growth of our national territory. In addition to the usual publication of tho correspondence of the times, much reliance is 1 Letter to Monroe, May 21, 1798. Jefferson, iv. 241-243. 78 JAMES MONROE placed on the volume by Barbe Marbois, in winch he reports his interviews with Bonaparte. The English translation of this work is at- tributed to William Beach Lawrence; 1 its appendix omits some statements which are aiven in the original French. Anions' the manuscripts of Monroe I have met with this remark : — " The work of Marbois is written in a spirit of great candor, and with friendly feeling for me, but he is mistaken in some facts which I have documents to show." 2 The importance of the outlet of the Missis- sip])! to the inhabitants of the great valley of the West was always obvious. As early as 1784 Monroe had written in regard to it, and in his first mission to France, as we have seen, he had been instructed to press the claims of the United States. In the spring of 1801 intelligence reached this country that Spain had ceded her rights in Louisiana to France, and the next year the Spanish intendant gave notice that New Or- leans would no longer be a " place of deposit." 3 Jefferson communicated this highly significant information to Congress when it assembled in December. There was great excitement through the country, especially in the West, * C. F. Hart, in Perm Monthly. 2 May 29, 1829. « October 10, 1802. ENVOY r\ FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 79 and one newspaper, at least, raised the cry of disunion. The conclusion was quickly reached, to pur- chase from France, if possible, the outlet to the Gulf of Mexico. Congress appropriated the sum of two million dollars for this object; and Jefferson selected Monroe to go as a special minister and act with Livingston, our resident representative at Paris, in an endeavor to secure the cove-ted domain. Almost simultaneously Lewis and Clarke were recommended for the exploration of the upper Mississippi. Monroe accordingly went upon his embassy, and within a month after his arrival was able, with his colleague, to report the purchase of Louisiana. The treaty was ratified by Bonaparte in May, 1803, and by the Senate of the United States in the next October. It is not always that the interior history of a great international bargain is so fully revealed to the public as it is in the present case, and Monroe's relation to it must now be more care- fully considered. The interests of four nations were closely involved in this transaction: Spain, who had promised to yield her rights in Louisiana, but retained her control of the Floridas, and had not, according to Talleyrand's statemi nts, <|iiite perfected the transfer ; England, in a hostile 80 JAMES MONROE attitude toward France, and not unlikely at any time to make a descent upon a portion of her territory ; France, in anxious expectation of an outbreak of hostilities, in want of money, and predisposed to build up in America a power which should rival England ; and the United States, eager to secure the maritime outlet of its great river system, and almost inclined to seize it by force. Six individuals were conspicuous in the nego- tiation. On the American side were Jefferson, once minister to France, now sixty years old and half way through his first presidential term, whose sagacity recognized the importance of securing Louisiana, and initiated the purchase ; R. R. Livingston, two years younger, who had been for two years resident as the American minister in France, who had been pressing the American claim to be indemnified for the French spoliations, and had brought the gov- ernment to consider the possibility of ceding the desired territory ; and Monroe, forty-five years old, whose former residence in Paris was not forgotten, and who entered upon his second diplomatic mission fresh from the instructions of Jefferson and Madison, and from the inspira- tion of popular enthusiasm with respect to the acquisition which he was sent to secure. On the French side stood Bonaparte, the youngest ENVOY IX FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 81 of the group, thirty-five years old, then First Consul, and in the flush of his military and civil power; Talleyrand, a man of forty-nine m;us, holding the portfolio of foreign affairs, not wholly trusted by the Consul, but well qual- ified by his skill in diplomacy and by his ac- quaintance with the United States to take a part in the business ; and Marbois, about the age of Livingston, who had held a diplomatic position in America, and who was now the min- ister of the treasury, enjoying the confidence of Bonaparte, and called by him to be leader in this negotiation. In his history of this trans- action, Marbois attributes its rapid and feli- citous progress to the fact that the plenipoten- tiaries had been long acquainted, and were disposed to treat one another with mutual con- fidence. Livingston, as soon as he heard of Monroe's arrival in Havre, sent him the following letter of welcome, written in a tone of despondency: — - 10th April, 1803. ■• I congratulate you <>n your safe arrival. We have long ami anxiously waited for yon. God grant that your mis-ion may answer your and the public expectation. War may do something foi us: nothing else would. I have paved the way tor you, and if you could add to my memoirs an assurance that we were now in possession of New Orleans, we Bhould 82 JAMES MONROE do well ; but I detain Mr. Bentalou, who is impatient to fly to the arms of his wife. I have apprised the minister of your arrival, and told him you would be here on Tuesday or AVednesday." It so happened that on this very day, April 10, after the solemnities of Easter Sunday, Bonaparte discussed with Talleyrand and Mar- hois the Louisiana question. They were divided in counsel ; the conference was prolonged into the night, and the ministers remained at St. Cloud. At daybreak Bonaparte, having already received alarming dispatches from England, summoned Marbois, who had advised the ces- sion, and said to him in substance: "I renounce Louisiana. Negotiate for its cession. Don't wait for Monroe. I want fifty million francs ; for less I will not treat. Acquaint me day by day, hour by hour, with your progress. Keep Talleyrand informed." Armed with these in- structions, Marbois sought Livingston. Before they met, Talleyrand had been unsuccessfully endeavoring to reach some point of agreement. He had asked Livingston if the United States wished for the whole of Louisiana. The answer had been No; but that it would be politic in France to give it up. The price to be paid was the matter in question. At this juncture Monroe reached Paris. He beard with surprise from Livingston of the ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 83 readiness of the Freneh to sell the territory, and the two envoys proceeded to discuss the price which they could venture to promise. While Monroe was taking his first dinner with Liv- ingston, in company with other American gen- tlemen, Marbois appeared in the garden and presently joined the parly. Before leaving he led Livingston into a free conference upon the cession, and invited him to continue the talk at a later hour after the company had dispersed. Livingston went to the house of Marbois, and stayed there till midnight. The whole country of Louisiana was then offered to the United States for one hundred million francs, and the claims. Livingston pronounced it an exorbi- tant price, and Marbois did not deny that it was. No conclusion could be reached without consulting Monroe ; but Livingston, without waiting to do so, sat up until three o'clock and wrote a midnight dispatch to Madison, narrating the interview with Marbois, and saying that he was sure the purchase was wise. lie also made a suggestion, which in these days is astounding, that if the price is too high, the outlay may be reimbursed by the "sale of the territory west of the Mississippi, with the right of sovereignty, to some Power in Europe, whose vicinity we should not fear." * This is not precisely in 1 State Papers, ii. 554. 84 JAMES MONROE accordance with what was afterwards known as the Monroe doctrine. From this time on, Talleyrand was not con- spicuous in the scenes, though it is more than possible that behind them his hand was at work, perhaps obstructively. At any rate, for one reason or another, he delayed the presentation of Monroe to Bonaparte until May 1, and even then failed to be personally present, leaving- to Livingston the ceremonious duty of naming his colleague. Probably he was annoyed that the First Consul agreed with Marbois, and had given to him the authority to proceed with the Louisi- ana negotiation. Livingston and Monroe, after reviewing the situation, made up their minds that they could give fifty millions, and, in the bargaining spirit which governed both sides, offered forty mil- lions, one half to be returned to American claimants. Marbois expressed his regret that they could not give more, and proposed to consult the Consul. lie came back from St. Cloud, saying that the business might be con- sidered as no longer in his hands, so coolly had Bonaparte received their proposition. He ad- vised that some pressure be brought to bear upon Talleyrand in order to secure the early presentation of Monroe. Later in the day Marbois came in to a dinner which Cambaceres ENVOY IN FRANCE, SPAIN, ENGLAND 85 was giving, and told the American envoys that if the Consul did not reopen the question they might consider the plan relinquished. They quickly proceeded to offer fifty millions. Mar- bois doubted whether this would be accepted. Here came a significant pause lasting for several days. " We were resting on our oars," says one of the negotiators. On April 17 Bonaparte made an official an- nouncement to the Pope and others that, in consequence of England's violation of the Peace of Amiens, France was involved in war with her. It is easy to see the bearing of this on the American negotiations. Ten days later Mar- bois laid before Livingston and Monroe the draft of a treaty given him by the government, 1 and another which was his own. In the latter he proposed as the price eighty million francs, which was to include the sum requisite for the American claimants. Our envoys offered fifty millions, with twenty more for the claimants, but at last acceded to the figures of Marbois. This concluded the business. Marbois tells us that when Bonaparte heard what sum had been agreed upon, he received the intelligence 1 In the Correspondance dire events which are referred to euphuistically as "the affair of the twenty-fourth." The cir- cumstances which placed Monroe in charge of the War Department are here fully indicated. " The President, secretary of state, and attorney- general returned to the city of Washington on Satur- day, the 27th of August, at which time the enemy's squadron were battering the fort below Alexandria, whose unprotected inhabitants were in consternation, as were those of the city and of Georgetown, and in- deed of all the neighboring country. After the affair of the 24th, General Winder rallied the principal part of the militia engaged in it at Montgomery Court- House, where he remained on the 2oth and part of the 26th, preparing for a new movement, the neces- sity of which he anticipated. The secretary of state joined him ; a portion of the forces from Baltimore at Montgomery Court-House on the 2oth had returned to that city. About midday on the 26th the general having received intelligence that the enemy were in motion towards Bladensburg. probably with intention to visit Baltimore, formed his troops without delay, and commenced his march towards Ellicott's Mills, with intention to hang on the enemy's left flank in case Baltimore was their object, and of meeting them at the mills if they took that route. Late in the eve- ning of that day he resolved to proceed in person to Baltimore, to prepare that city for the attack with which it was menaced. As commander of the mili- SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 1'23 tary district, it was his duty to look to every part and to make the necessary preparation for its defense, and none appeared then to he in greater danger or to have a stronger claim to his attention than the city of Baltimore. He announced this, his resolution, to Generals Stanshury and Smith, instructing them to watch the movements of the enemy, and to act with the force under their command as circumstances might require, and departed about 7 p. m. The secretary of state remained with Generals Stanshury and Smith. 11 The President [had] crossed the Potomac on the evening of the 24th, accompanied by the attorney- general and General Mason, and remained on the south Bide of the river a few miles above the lower falls, on the 25th. On the 26th he recrossed the Potomac and went to Brookville, in the neighbor- hood of Montgomery Court-House, with intention to join General Winder. '« On the 27th the secretary of state, having- heard that the enemy had evacuated the city, notified it, by express, to the President, and advised immediate re- turn to the city for the purpose of reestablishing the government there. He joined the President on the same day at Brookville, and he, accompanied by the secretary of state and attorney-general, set out im- mediately for Washington, where they arrived at five in the afternoon. The enemy's squadron was then battering Fort Washington, which was evacuated and blown up by the commander, on that evening, without the least resistance. The unprotected inhabitants of 124 JAMES MONROE Alexandria in consternation capitulated, and those of Georgetown and the city were preparing to follow the example. Such was the state of affairs when the President entered the city on the evening of the 27th. There was no force organized for its defense. The secretary of Avar was at Fredericktown, and General Winder at Baltimore. The effect of the late disaster on the whole Union and the world was anticipated. Prompt measures were indispensable. Under these circumstances, the President requested Mr. Monroe to take charge of the Department of War, and com- mand of the District ad interim, with which he imme- diately complied. On the 28th in the morning, the President, with Mr. Monroe and the attorney-general, visited the navy yard, the arsenal at Greenleaf's Point, and passing along the shore of the Potomac, up towards Georgetown. Mr. Monroe, as secretary cf war and military commander, adopted measures, under sanction of the President, for the defense of the city and of Georgetown. As they passed near the capital he was informed that the citizens of Washington were preparing to send a deputation to the British commander for the purpose of capitu- lating. " He forbade the measure. It was then remarked that the situation of the inhabitants was deplorable ; there being no force prepared for their defense, their houses might be burnt down. Mr. Monroe then ob- served that he had been charged by the President with authority to take measures for the defense of the city, and that it should be defended : that if any SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 126 deputation moved towards the enemy it should be re- pelled by the bayonet. He took immediate measures for mounting a battery at Greenleafs Point, another near the bridge, a third at the windmill point, and sent an order to Colonel Winder, who was in charge of some cannon, on the opposite shore above the ferry landing, to move three of the pieces to the lower end of .Mason's Island, and the others some distance below that point on the Virginia shore, to cooperate with the batteries on the Maryland side. Colonel Winder refused to obey the order, on which Mr. Monroe passed the river, and riding to the colonel gave the order in person. The colonel replied that he did not know Mr. Monroe as secretary of war or commanding general. Mr. Monroe then stated that be acted under the authority of the President, and that he must either obey the order or leave the field. The colonel preferred the latter." * The following letter from William Kobinson, a political opponent of Monroe, was written in 1823, to counteract certain disparaging reports which were abroad in reference to the defense at Washington : 2 — " I have it in perfect recollection that on the morn- ing of the 27th August I met with Colonel Monroe at SneU's bridge on the route to Baltimore. The army was in march from Montgomery Court House, where it had reassembled after the battle of Bladens- burg ; much confusion prevailed in consequence of 1 Monroe MSS. 2 Gouverneur MSS. 126 JAMES MONROE the recent defeat, and the disorganization and dis- persion of the officers of the government. Colonel Monroe expressed great anxiety for the immediate return of the President and high officers of govern- ment to Washington city, with a view to the restora- tion of order and effective resistance of the enemy. He was pleased to intrust me with an open letter, or billet, to that effect, ordering my utmost dispatch in search of the President, whom I found at the village of Brook ville, where he was soon found by the colo- nel, and both proceeded to Washington. I then pro- ceeded to Montgomery Court House, where I found Jones, the secretary of the navy, and delivered a summons for an immediate attendance at Washing- ton. General Armstrong had gone to Fredericktown in Maryland, and not considering my orders reached so far, I returned to Georgetown in the evening. The sentiment common in the army was so decidedly inimical to General Armstrong, that I feel assured that his person would have been endangered had he attempted to join us." Whatever may have been Monroe's course on the battle-field at Bladensburg, there can be no doubt that, when he assumed the duties of secre- tary of war, vigor was at once infused into all the military operations. Washington was de- fended ; Baltimore was rescued, and the national banner continued to wave over Fort McIIenry ; the dispatches sent to Jackson in the southwest had the ring of determination and authority. SECRETARY OF STATE AND OF WAR 127 .Monroe appears at this time in his best aspect, enthusiastic, determined, confident of the popu- lar support, daring. "Hasten your militia to New Orleans," he wrote in rousing dispatches to the governors near the seat of war in Louisiana; "do not wait for this government to arm them : put all the arms you can find into their hands ; let every man bring his rifle with him ; we shall see you paid." 1 Having thus indicated Monroe's relations to the war, it does not seem necessary to dwell on the innumerable details which pertain to that period. 1 Schouler comes to the defense of Monroe. See his note t Jlist. of U. S. ii. pp. 40'J, and the text, p. 414, 45'J. CHAPTER VI PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES Monroe held the office of president of the United States during two full terms, from 1817 to 1825. It has already been stated that eight years previous to his first election he was se- riously considered as a candidate, when Madison received the nomination. He was nearly fifty- nine years old when first called to the presi- dency, about the age at which Jefferson and Mad- ison attained the same position ; Washington became President a little younger, at fifty-seven, and John Adams a little older, at sixty-one. At his first election, Monroe received 183 votes in the electoral college against 34 which were given for Rufus King, the candidate of the Federalists ; at his second election, but one elec- toral vote was given against him, and that was cast for John Quincy Adams. No one but Washington was ever reelected to the highest office in the land with so near an approach to unanimity. Daniel D. Tompkins was Vice-President dur- ing both presidential terms. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES l'J9 Let us now ask on whose counsel the new President could rely and whose opposition he must expect. Jefferson and Madison had never failed to he his friends, whatever slight estrange- ment may have arisen, and they were now in the mood of cordial cooperation. The old Federal- ists, no longer hound hy party allegiance, had not forgotten their former animosities. The coldness of John Adams was not likely to he seriously modified, even though his son came into the cabinet. Jackson, already extremely popular, was ready to volunteer suggestions on the conduct of civil affairs. Henry Clay was a leader in the House of Representatives, where for several years (with an interruption) he had been the speaker. Richard Rush was conspicu- ous. Benton was soon to be prominent, but he was not yet a man of national mark, and his thirty years' reminiscences begin with 1820. Webster had been for two terms a member of the House, hut was now determined to pursue a professional lite and was about to come forward as a constitutional lawyer in the Dartmouth Col- lege case. The cabinet, as finally made up after various delays, included four men who remained in it during both presidential terms, — J. Q. Adams, J. C. Calhoun, W. H.Crawford, and W. Wirt, — respectively appointed secretary of state, sec 130 JAMES MONROE retary of war, secretary of the treasury, and attorney-general. The Post Office was first di- rected by K. J. Meigs, and then by J. McLean. The Navy Department remained for a time under Mr. Madison's secretary, Benjamin A\ . Crowninshield, but he was soon succeeded by Smith Thompson. 1 In all political affairs, as distinguished from administrative duties, the four first named were undoubtedly the strong men. They were younger than Monroe : Adams at that time being fifty years old ; Crawford, forty-four ; Calhoun, thirty -five ; and Wirt, f ortv-five ; and they represented different ideas of public policy, as well as competing claims to the presidential succession. Their personal rivalries were not concealed. Adams, when he became secretary of state, was, perhaps, the most dis- tinguished American then actively engaged in public life. He took this office thoroughly trained for its responsibilities. He had been favored with a liberal academic education, and had participated to an unusual extent in the conduct of affairs. At the age of eleven he went with his father to Paris, when the latter was envoy to France. At fourteen, this " ma- ture youngster " (as Mr. Morse has called him) accompanied Mr. Dana to St. Petersburg, in the post of private secretary. Later on he was 1 Thompson was followed by S. L. Southard. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 131 successively minister to Holland, Prussia, Rus- sia, and England, lie secured a treaty of am- ity between Prussia and the United States, was one of the commissioners who negotiated the treaty of Ghent, and was afterwards one of those who signed the commercial treaty with England. lie was thus a participant in the di- plomatic questions evolved by two wars, — the Revolution and the war of 1812. Inheriting strong intellectual qualities which have been conspicuous in his descendants, governed by ab- solute independence in the formation of his opin- ions, and sustained in the popular good-will by his unquestioned integrity and patriotism, he was the man of all who could be thought of to give wisdom, weight, and dignity to the cabinet of which he became the head. The most serious questions of Monroe's administration arose in the State Department, and it was fortunate that it- affairs were guided by a statesman of such varied information and experience. The won- derful diary, which Adams, when a child, began at the instance of his father, is rich in its mem- oranda <>t' this period, and the eulogy which he delivered on the death of Monroe remains to this besl history of his political standing. Ihoun's career had been very different from th:. \ lams, lie was called to the cabinet while comparatively a young man, fifteen years 132 JAMES MONROE the junior of the secretary of state. His poli- tical experience had been restricted to that of a representative in Congress. From the time of his election to the House, he was felt to be a power. Important positions were assigned to him, and his words bore the weight of authority. But although the public lives of these two men were so different, and although they ultimately became representatives of bitter antagonisms, they were not unlike in some marked peculiari- ties. In early days both were surrounded by strong religious influences. Calhoun Mas born and bred under the rigid orthodoxy characteris- tic of the Irish Presbyterians, to whose faith both his father and his mother and their parents ad- hered. Adams, as his latest biographer tells us, remained through life " a complete and thor- ough Puritan, wonderfully little modified by times and circumstances." Both were graduated in New England colleges, one at Harvard, and the other at Yale. Both were independent thinkers, and true to their convictions, however unpopular. One became a leading opponent of the encroachments of shivery, the other a leader in nullification ; but during the administration of Monroe, and long afterwards, Calhoun was quite as outspoken as Adams in his love for the Union. Both were loyal admirers of the Presi- dent into whose council they were called, and PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 133 they remained on terms of intimacy with him as long as he lived. Both were honest, fearless, powerful, independent statesmen. After Mon- roe's retirement, one became President, the other Vice-President. Both remained in public ser- vice to the very close of life, Calhoun dying while senator, and Adams while a representa- tive. Both are credited by their biographers with that sagacity which points out in advance the dangers covered up by a political measure. Calhoun, says Von Hoist, "reads the future as if the book of fate were lying wide open before him." Adams, says Morse, "discerned in pass- ing events ' the title-page to a great tragic vol- ume,' ' and " few men at that day read the future so clearly." Unlike the two ministers already named, Crawford was what has been termed " a self- made man." lie was continued in charge of the Treasury Department, to which, after his return from the embassy to France and after a brief service as secretary of war, he had been called by Madison. In the congressional cau- cus which nominated Monroe, Crawford was the chief opposing candidate : and a shrewd observer, who was a member of that body, has recorded his opinion that when Congress first assembled a majority of Republican members were for Crawford. But the n< munition was 134 JAMES MONROE postponed from time to time, and at length, through the influence of Madison or other causes, sixty-five votes were cast for Monroe and fifty-four for his opponent. 1 Crawford, however, continued to be regarded as in the line of succession to the presidency, and received a part of the electoral vote in 1824. William Wirt was the choice of the Presi- dent for the office of attorney-general. His biographer, John P. Kennedy, in the vivid por- trait with which he begins the memoir, dwells on the Teutonic aspect of Wirt, not unlike to Goethe's. Born in Maryland, he was of Ger- man origin, his father having migrated to this country from Switzerland many years before the Revolution, and his mother being a German. Previously a prominent advocate in the courts of Virginia, he won a national reputation by the part he took in the prosecution of Aaron Burr. Having a limited education and a very moderate library to begin with, he had risen by his talents to a conspicuous rank as a lawyer and as a writer. He had recently completed his memoir of Patrick Henry. He came into office as the personal friend of Monroe, after it was decided that Richard Rush should go to Eng- land, and he was attracted to the attorney-gen- 1 Many other details in respect to the nomination are given iu Hammond's Political History. PRESIDENT OF THE EXITED STATES 135 eralship not so much on account of the political preferment as because of the professional stand- ing which it gave him. Unlike Adams, Cal- houn, and Crawford, he did not aspire to the presidency. To William Pope's suggestions he replied, '"I am already higher than I had any reason to expect, and I should be light-headed indeed, because I have been placed on this knoll, where I feel safe, to aspire at the moun- tain's pinnacle in order to be blown to atoms. Therefore let this matter rest." And so it rested. Wirt remained in office twelve years, and although he did not confine his professional labors to the service of the government, he ex- alted the station which he held by an assiduous discharge of all his duties with ability, learning, and success. Among those who were thought of for the cabinet, Henry ( lav, one of Monroe's support- ers for the presidency, was conspicuous. He de- clined the offer of an appointment as secretary of war, but his ''friends did not conceal their disappointment that he was not invited to take the office of secretary of state ; nor did he dis* guise his dissatisfaction at the appointment of Mr. Adams;" so writes Josiah Quincy. There are many subsequent indications of Clay's hos- tility to the administration. William Wirt, for example, in counseling with the President in re* 136 JAMES MONROE gard to certain allowances claimed for Clay's diplomatic services, where the usage of the gov- ernment was not clearly established, remarks as follows : " I am aware of the delicacy which connects itself with this question considered per- sonally as it relates to you ; but it is a delicacy with a double aspect : if you reject the claim, Mr. Clay and his friends may impute it to hos- tility to him, on account of the political part which he has occasionally taken against you ; and, on the other hand, if you admit the claim and it shall be thought unjust, it may, and by some most probably will, be imputed to a dread of his further opposition and a wish to bribe him to silence. The best way will be to con- sider the question abstractly without any man- ner of reference to the character of the claimant, and this I shall endeavor to do." It is one of the curious incidents of political life, that at the close of Monroe's administration the vote of Clay's friends made Adams president, and Ad- ams made Clay his secretary of state. Jackson had formed a personal attachment to Monroe in 1815, and welcomed his accession to the presidency partly on this account, partly because he disliked Crawford. Several letters , exchanged by Jackson and the President elect have long been familiar to the public. They indicate that he, as well as Clay and Shelby, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 137 declined the office of secretary of war. They also show that Jackson felt quite at liberty to make confidential suggestions in respecl to can- didates for the cabinet. For the War Depart- ment he urgently recommended Colonel \V. 11. Drayton, late of the army; Shelby he opposed. The selection of Adams he regarded as the best that could be made for the Department of State. The letters of Monroe to Jackson at this junc- ture show the principles on which the former meant to select his chief advisers, and also the attitude which he proposed to hold in respect to the Federalists. In the formation of an admin- istration, he thought that the heads of depart- ments (there being - four) should be taken from the four great sections of the Union, the Fast, the Middle, the South, and the West, unless groat emergencies and transcendent talents should justify a departure from this plan ; and he intimated pointedly that in selecting candi- dates he should act foi the country, and not "for the aggrandizement of any one." The Federalists he regarded as thoroughly routed, the great body of them having become Repub- licans. To preserve the Republican party and prevent the revival of the Federal, was to be his aim as a politician, for he did not regard the existence of parties as necessary to free govern- ments. Hence he favored moderation toward 138 JAMES MONROE those who had acted with the Federal party, and even a generous policy. The embarrassing question was, how far to indulge that spirit in the outset. On the other hand, the course pursued by him when James Kent was proposed to him for the vacant position on the supreme bench does not show that he had entirely forgotten his animosity toward the Federalists. Wirt urged the appointment of Kent, and Calhoun concurred with him, but the President hesitated, and finally Smith Thompson received the nomination. The principal subjects which engrossed the attention of Monroe during his two terms of office were the defense of the Atlantic seaboard, the promotion of internal improvements, the Seminole war, the accpiisition of Florida, the Missouri compromise, and the resistance to for- eign interference in American affairs, this last being formulated in that famous declaration which is known as the Monroe Doctrine. It may also be added that his administration began and ended with a sort of pageantry, which is always attractive to the masses as it moves over the scene, though not always approved in the cooler criticism of democratic second thoughts. The first of these demonstrations was a presidential tour, in two parts, to the north and to the south ; the second was a national reception of Lafayette, the country's guest. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 139 With the present facilities in locomotion, presidential journeys are not uncommon, and have rarely any political significance ; but in that generation it was a noteworthy event to see and hear the chief magistrate on his travels. There is little doubt that one of the principal objects of this journey was to conciliate the Federalists, whose opposition to this and the preceding administration was strong- ; but the primary and ostensible purpose was to examine the fortifications and harbors of the Lnited States. For this reason the President was ac- companied by General Joseph G. Swift, chief engineer of the army, and not by the members of his cabinet. The choice of an escort was sagacious. Swift was a New Englander of New Englanders, the first graduate at West Point, and a friend of Eustis, late secretary of war, whom he had accompanied from Boston to Washington in 1809, and " inducted into the mysteries of his new vocation." By his skill in protecting New York during the war he had gained the applause of a " benefactor to the city," and had received more substantial proofs of the gratitude of the people. He was there- fore a valuable companion in a professional as well as in a social aspect. 1 1 See General G. W. Cullum's Campaigns and Engineers qi 1812. 140 JAMES MONROE Three months and a half were expended on the journey. The party visited the chief cities of the Atlantic seaboard as far as Portland, traversed New Hampshire, Vermont, and New York, went West as far as Detroit, and then returned to Washington by way of Zanesville, Pittsburgh, and Fredericktown. Everywhere there were receptions and speeches, dinners and assemblies, and the record of all these doings was compiled and published in a duodecimo vol- ume by an ardent admirer of the administration in Connecticut. The President's first address was at Baltimore on June 2, 1817. There he indicated, in the following- language, his double aim to secure defense against external foes, and to seek the promotion of internal harmony. " Congress has appropriated large sums of money for the fortification of our coast and inland frontier, and for the establishment of naval dock yards and building a navy. It is proper that these works should be executed with judgment, fidelity, and economy ; much depends in the execution on the Executive, to whom extensive power is given as to the general ar- rangement, and to whom the superintendence exclu- sively belongs. You do me justice in believing that it is to enable me to discharge these duties with the best advantage to my country that I have undertaken this tour. " From the increased harmony of public opinion, PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 141 founded on the successful career of a government which has never been equaled, and which promises, by a future development of its faculties, to augment in an eminent degree the blessings of this favored people, I unite with you in all the anticipations which you have so justly suggested." A letter which was written by Crawford to Gallatin, after the close of the President's tour, is a good indication of the politician's view of the results of so great an expenditure of time and foree. 1 " The President's tour through the East has pro- duced something like a political jubilee. They were, in the land of steady habits, at least for the time, ' all Federalists, all Republicans.' It' the bondmen and bondwomen were not set free, and individual debts released, a general absolution of political sins seems to have been mutually agreed upon. Whether the parties will not relapse on the approach of their spring elections in Massachusetts can only be deter- mined by the event. " In this world there seems to be nothing free from alloy. Whilst the President is lauded for the good he has done in the East by having softened party asperity and by the apparent reconciliation which, for the moment, seems to have been effected between materials the most heterogeneous, the restless, the earping, the malevolent men in the Ancient Dominion 1 October 27, 1817. 142 JAMES MONROE are ready to denounce him for his apparent acquiea cence in the seeming man-worship with which he was venerated by the wise men of the East. " Seriously, I think the President has lost as much as he has gained by this tour, at least in popularity. In health, however, he seems to have been a great gainer." With these views of the critical Georgian may be placed in contrast the genial reflections of an admirer at the North. 1 " For the political father of a great, a growing, and an intelligent people, freemen by birth, and resolved to be free, to witness such striking proofs of their fidelity and admiration, must have made a deep, a lasting impression upon his mind. He must be some- thing more or less than man, who would view such a scene with apathy and indifference. A janizary of Turkey may offer up hosannahs to the Sultan until the javelin which the Sultan wields ends his life and his plaudits at a stroke ; an eastern despot may be adored by his slaves, who mingle groans of distress with the accents of praise ; European princes may be followed by a famishing peasantry, whose huzzas are feeble from want of food ; but it is the happiness of the President of the United States to be thronged by an assemblage of happy freemen, acknowledging their gratitude to the only ' legitimate ' ruler of a great nation ; legitimate, because he derives his power from the voice of the people he governs." 1 Waldo, p. 51. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 113 The northern trip was followed by one to the Southern States in 1819. The President went as far south as Augusta, then through the Chero- kee region to Nashville, and afterwards to Louis- ville and Lexington. Before a year had passed there was a renewal of hostilities with the Seminole Indians. The war was brief and decisive, but the enmities which it excited among those who took part in conducting it lasted many years. This contro- versy, long dormant, burst forth with fury when Jackson was a candidate for a second presidential term. It is to his life that tins story belongs, and the reader may readily find the particulars in the pages of Parton and Sum- ner. While Florida was still a Spanish domain Jackson was sent to Southern Georgia to put a stop to the Indian outrages. Before going he addressed a letter to Monroe (January G, 1818) intimating that, in his opinion, a vigorous policy ought to be pursued. Amelia Island should be seized " at all hazards," and " simultaneously the whole of East Florida, to be held as an indem- nity for the outrages of Spain upon the property of our citizens." It is not clear whether he re- ceived an authoritative answer from the Presi- dent to this important programme, for there are discrepancies in the testimony not now cxplica- 144 JAMES MONROE ble. But he acted as if he possessed the com. plete support of the authorities in Washington. He crossed the Florida line in pursuit of the fugitive red men ; he captured and garrisoned a fortress on Spanish territory ; he seized Pensa- cola and captured the Barrancas ; and he ap- proved the summary execution of Ambrister and Arbuthnot, subjects of Great Britain, who were charged with exciting the Indians against the Americans. By all this he brought the United States to the verge of war with Spain, and like- wise offended England. War might have been produced, said Lord Castlereagh to Mr. Rush, " if the ministry had but held up a finger." When Jackson returned to the North it was a question how far he should be sustained by the administration. Adams wrote a diplomatic paper vindicating him, the House of Represen- tatives sustained him, and there was a general acquiescence in the course he had pursued. But long afterwards, in the spring of 1830, it became a matter of partisan controversy to determine the attitude of Monroe and of the various members of his cabinet in respect to the inception and progress of this brief and spirited campaign. The recollections of Monroe, Cal- houn, Adams, Crawford, and others were ap- pealed to. The point of the controversy was, whether in January, 1818, Mr. Rhea, a member PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 115 of Congress and a friend of Jackson's, had com- municated to the latter by authority the wishes of Monroe in respect to the opening campaign. Monroe did not acknowledge that he had 46 JAMES MONROE The endeavor of the United States to get possession of the Floridas by purchase reached a successful issue February 22, 1819, when a treaty was concluded at Washington through the negotiations of John Q. Adams, secretary of state, and Luis de Onis, the Spanish envoy. Notwithstanding opposition from Mr. Clay ami others, the treaty was ratified unanimously by the Senate, and thus the control of the entire Atlantic and Gulf seaboard from the St. Croix to the Sabine was secured to this government. During most of Monroe's administration, Richard Rush was the American minister in London, and his relations were chiefly with Lord Castlereagh and Mr. Canning. Rush was careful in his diary and correspondence, and has published much that is interesting on the aspect of American affairs between 1818 and 1825. The instructions under which he acted had the sanction of Madison, as well as of Mon- roe and Adams. The two subjects which he brought forward in one of his first interviews with the British minister were, an alleged viola- tion of the treaty of Ghent by the carrying off of slaves in English ships at the close of the war, and a neglect to carry out exactly the com- mercial convention of 1815. He afterwards told how the news of Jackson's pursuit was received in the diplomatic circles of the Court PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 147 of St. James. iw \\ r e have had nothing of late so exciting: it smacks of war," said one of the plenipotentiaries. Subseqm ntly the old subject of impressment, and the subject, ever old and ever new, of the Newfoundland fisheries, were matters of negotiation. The admission of Missouri to the Union was the theme of violent controversy from 1819 to 1821, resulting in the famous Compromise, the repeal of which more than thirty years later again agitated the country. Here was the be- ginning < f lint wandering in the wilderness for forty years which resulted in emancipation. The particular record of the debates, led by Bufus King' upon one side and John Randolph upon the other, must be studied in the legislative rather than the administrative history of the times. The crisis in this debate occurred March 1, 1820, when Congress agreed to abandon the idea of prohibiting slavery in Missouri and to insist upon its prohibition in the public territory north of the line 3G° 30'. This determined the admission of Missouri, though it did not close the discussion. It came up again in the follow- ing year and resulted in a second compromise. During the winter of 1819-20 the excitement in Washington was intense. "At our evening parties," says Mr. Adams, " we hear of no- thing but the Missouri question and Mr. King's 148 JAMES MONROE speeches." lie records also the conversation which he held with Calhoun, indicating in both that prophetic sagacity to which reference has been made, and also their divergence on a funda- mental principle which grew wider and wider as long as they lived. Writing under the date of February 15, 1820, a fortnight before the adoption of the Compro- mise, Monroe in a private letter declared his con- viction that " the majority of States, of physical force, and eventually of votes in both houses, would be on the side of the non-slave-holding States." He thought it probable that they would succeed in their purpose or the Union be dissolved. " I consider this," he continued, " as an atrocious attempt in certain leaders to grasp at power, and being very artfully laid is more likely to succeed than any effort having the same object in view ever made before." The latter portion of this letter is as fol- lows l " As to the part which I may act, in all circum- stances in which I may he placed, I have not made up my mind, nor shall I until the period arrives when it will be mv duty to act, and then I shall weigh well the injunctions of the Constitution, which, when clear and distinct to my mind, will be conclusive with me. The next consideration will be a fixed and 1 February 15. 1820. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 119 an unalterable attachment to the Union; my decided opinion is, that ;ill States composing our Union, new as well as old, must have equal rights, ceding to the general government an equal share of power, and retaining to themselves the like : that they cannot be incorporated into the Union on different principles or conditions. Whether the same restraint exists on the power of the general government, as to Territories, in their incipient and territorial state, is a question on which my mind is clearly decided. By the Con- stitution, Congress has power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the terri- tory and other property belonging to the United States, with a provision that nothing in this Constitu- tion should be so construed as to prejudice any claims of the United States, or of any particular State. This provision is the onlv check on the power of Congress, and (referring only to the old controversy between the United States and individual States respecting vacant lands within their charter of limits, whose relative claims it was intended to preserve) has no operation, as I presume, on the present case. The power itself applies to the territory ceded by individ- ual States to the United States, and to none other. In such portions of the territory so ceded as are altogether uninhabited, the people who move there, under any ordinance of Congress, have no rights in the territorial state except such as they may acquire under the ordinance. The question, therefore, cannot occur in regard to them. If there is any restraint, then, on this power in Congress, it must be found in /50 JAMES MONROE other parts of the Constitution. Slavery is recognized by the Constitution as five to three ; but is not the right thus recognized that only of the States in which the slaves are, as the measure or rate of representation in the House of Representatives and for direct taxes? Is it not a right to the slaves themselves, not as I presume to their owners, out of the State in which they are ? By another clause it is provided that if slaves run away they may be pursued, demanded, and brought back ; this is a right of the slave-holding States, and of the owners of slaves living in them, and would apply to slaves running into Territories as well as into States. As slavery is recognized by the Constitution it is evidently unjust to restrain the owner from carrying his slave into a Territory and retaining his", right to him there, but whether the power to do this has not been granted is the point on which I have doubts, and on which I shall be glad to receive your opinion. If I can be satisfied that the Constitution forbids restraint, I shall, of course, obey it in all cases. " Should a bill pass admitting Missouri, subject to such restraint, I should have no difficulty in the course to be pursued, nor should I in any future case respecting the admission of any other State. Arkan- sas, being organized without restriction, and people having moved there, as is understood, stands on the most favorable ground, on constitutional principles, in the view stated above. " Considerations of injustice and impolicy also merit much attention, and will have their weight with me. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 151 I do not think, supposing the constitutional right to exist, that Congress ought to confine the slaves within such narrow limits even of territories, as might tend to make them a burden on the <>M States. How far I may go on this principle will merit great considera- tion. If the right to impose the restraint exists, and Congress should pass a law for it, to reject it, as to the whole of the unsettled territory, might, with ex- isting impressions in other questions, affect our sys- tem. This I should look to with a just sensihility to the part likely to he injured." Mr. Adams, in recording his impressions of the entire discussion, thus defines his own posi- tion : — " I have favored this Missouri compromise, believ- ing it to he all that could be effected under the pre- sent Constitution, and from extreme unwillingness to put the Union at hazard. But perhaps it would have been a wiser and bolder course to have persisted in the restriction on Missouri, until it should have terminated in a convention of the States to revise and amend the Constitution. This would have produced a new Union of thirteen or fourteen States unpolluted with slavery, with a great and glorious object — that of rallying to their standard the other States by the universal emancipation of their slaves. If the Union must be dissolved, slavery is precisely the question upon which it ought to break. For the present, how* ever, this contest is laid asleep." The promotion of internal improvements and 152 JAMES MONROE the defense of the seaboard had naturally come to the front as important questions during the momentous events of Madison's adminis- tration. Monroe took up these matters in ear- nest when the chief responsibility of guiding the national policy devolved upon him, but it was not until 1822 that he felt called upon to announce his views in an elaborate paper. He vetoed the Cumberland Road bill on May 4, and he simultaneously submitted to Congress an exposition of his views. His long state- ment concludes with the assertion that Con- gress has not the right under the Constitution to adopt and execute a system of internal im- provements, but that such a power, if it could be secured by a constitutional amendment, would have the happiest effect on all the great interests of the Union ; though, in his opinion, it should be confined to great national works, leaving to the separate States all minor im- provements. Near the close of Monroe's presidency, La- fayette made his celebrated visit to the United States as " the nation's guest." These two men had been friends from the da} T s when they were both in the Revolutionary army. "When La- fayette was a prisoner in Olmutz and Monroe was American minister in Fiance, efforts were Vnade by the latter to secure the former's re- PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 153 lease. Several letters are before me 1 which relate to the negotiations. Funds were sent by Washington to Monroe for the benefit of Ma- dame Lafayette. As the United States had no minister near the Austrian court, the media- tion of the Danish government was solicited by Monroe. Carefully covered references to "the friend in question " were addressed by Monroe to Mr. Masson, aide-de-camp of Lafayette. But the details of this story belong elsewhere. They are here alluded to because they indicate the recollections shared by these two patriots when they met more than a quarter of a century after- wards, and Monroe, as President and as friend, welcomed Lafayette to the hospitality of the United States. On May 10, 1824, the French Marquis, " with feelings of respectful, affectionate, and patriotic gratitude," accepted the invitation of Congress, and promised to visit "the beloved land" of which it had been his " happy lot to become an early soldier and an adopted son." Early in October, after his landing in this country, the members of Monroe's cabinet were in doubt as to the etiquette which should be observed at the reception of this illustrious visitor in Washing- ton, and also as to the attitude which the ad- ministration should take during the progress of 1 Gouverneur MSS. ite JAMES MONROE his journey. Calhoun, the secretary of war, addressed a letter of eight pages to Mr. Monroe on this matter, saying that it seemed " hazard- ous on the one side to connect the government too much with the movements in favor of the general, and on the other not to seem to sym- pathize with the popular feelings. Of the two, however, the latter is the most hazardous, and in a doubtful case we ought to err on the right © © side." A few clays later Monroe answered some inquiries from Lafayette respecting his route, and added that his arrival " has given rise to a great political movement which has so far taken the direction and had the effect among us, and I presume in Europe, which the best friends to you and to sound principles could desire. It is of great importance that it should terminate in like manner." The letters from the visitor to his host are most familiar. In one of them he says, " I feel, my dear sir, the impropriety to address the President of the United States on a half sheet of paper, but am pressed by time, and the knowledge of the sin will remain between you and me." His closing salutations are varied and glowing, one of the most characteristic being, " from your old, affec- tionate, obliged brother-soldier and friend." From " on board the Pottowmack steam boat," February 24, 1825, he sends to Monroe "the PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 15S commentary on Montesquieu, by my friend Tracy, George's father-in-law," which may be of use to one who "contemplates writing a political exposition." "It has been translated under the patronage of Mr. Jefferson, who con- siders it the best publication of the kind. You will, I believe, find it the most advanced theoretical point of the science, although the practice in every detail be still superior to theories." * After Lafayette's return to France his letters to Monroe were marked by the same confidence and affection, and they show that in private life he was as charming as in public he was popular. Two passages will be quoted. In the first he speaks as follows of the American visitors in- troduced to him at Lagrange : — • k I am afraid, dear friend, you continue to be un- easy at the number of American visits we are wont to receive. Be assured nothing can be more pleasing to me, and to us all ; it is even necessary. You know my American education, feelings, habits, prejudices. . . . Doomed as I am to live on a side of the Atlan- tic, where, to be sure. I am bound by family, friendly, patriotic affections and duties, but in other respects less congenial to my youthful avocations and repub- lican nature, I ever have felt something peculiar and sympathetic in American communications, a dispo* 1 Gouverneur MSS. 150 JAMES MONROE sition which, of course, has heen strengthened in my last visit, when in every man. woman, and child of a population of twelve millions, I have found a loving, indeed an enthusiastic friend. You may conceive what, in addition to my attachments and remem- brances of more than fifty years, must now be to me the United States and every sort of communion with their citizens. The visits we receive are not by far so numerous as I would like them, and the feeling is so unanimous in the family that young American strangers, as they arrive, are received by our girls with more confidence and familiarity than they would be disposed to show to most of their older acquaint- ances, because there is something like family under- standing between them ; and so I have the delight to see that when American friends find themselves here in sight of American colors. American busts and por- traits. American manners, and American welcome, they look as feeling they are at home. Let me add that the sentiments, behavior, delicacy of all the young men from the United States are exemplary to a degree which, to the older part of their fellow- citizens, is an object of inexpressible and proud grati- fication." * In the second extract, the reader may see with what extreme delicacy Lafayette offers pecuniary assistance to one who had brought assistance to the Olmiitz prisoner three decades before. 1 Gsuverneur MSS. PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES 157 " Tn the meanwhile, my dear Monroe, permit your earliest, your best, and your most obliged friend to be plain with you. It is probable that to give yon time and facilities for your arrangements, a mortgage might he of some use. "The sale of one half of my Florida properly is full enough to meet my family settlements and the wishes of my neighbors. There may be occasion for a small retrocession of acres, in case of some claims on tlie disposed-of Louisiana lands, an object as yet uncertain, at all events inconsiderable, so that there will remain ample security for a large loan, for I un- derstand the lands are very valuable, and will he more so, to a great extent, after the disposal of a part of them. You remember that in similar embarrass- ment I have formerly accepted your intervention ; it gives me a right to reciprocity. Our friend, Mr. Graham, has my full powers. Be pleased to peruse the inclosed letter, seal it, and put it in the post- oirice. I durst not send it before I had obtained your approbation, yet should it be denied, I would feel much mortified. I hope, I know, you are too much my friend not to accept what, in a similar case, I would not an instant hesitate to ask." * When Monroe's second term was almost ended the rivalries for the succession became very apparent. Adams, Crawford, ami Cal- houn in his cabinet, Clay and Jackson outside 1 Gouverneur MSS. I do nut know whether Monroe availed himself of this generous offer, but 1 presume that he did not. 158 JAMES MONROE of it, were all recognized candidates. Monroe remained neutral in the contest. The biogra- pher of William Wirt, 1 with ample materials at his command for forming- a judgment, says : — " During the pendency of this contest, Mr. Mon- roe observed a most scrupulous resolve against all interference with the freest expression of the puhlic sentiment in regard to the candidates. In this he was fully seconded and sustained by his cabinet, by none more than by those whose names were in the lists for suffrage. For, at that time, it was not con- sidered decorous in the Executive to make itself a partisan in a presidential or any other election. Indeed, there was a most wholesome fastidiousness exhibited on this point, which would have interpreted the attempt of a cabinet officer, or any other func- tionary of the government, to influence the popular vote by speech, by writing, by favor, fear, or affec- tion, as a great political misdemeanor worthy of sharpest rebuke. These were opinions of that day derived from an elder age. They are obsolete opin- ions now." 1 Hon. J. P. Kennedy, in Ins Life of Wirt, ii. 168. CHAPTER VII THE MONROE DOCTRINE Titere is an important subject, pertaining to Monroe's administration, which has been re- served for a special chapter. The one event of his presidency which is indissolubly associated with his name, is an announcement of the policy of the United States in respect to foreign inter- ference in the affairs of this continent. The declaration bears the name of the " Monroe Doctrine." As such it is discussed in works on public law and in general histories. It is com- monly regarded as an epitome of the principles of the United States with respect to the devel- opment of American States. Everything which illustrates the genesis of such an important enunciation is of interest, but very little has come under my eye to illustrate the workings of Monroe's mind, or to show how it came to pass that he uttered in such terse sen- tences the general opinion of his countrymen. As a rule, he was not very skillful with his pen ; his remarks on public affairs are not often quoted, like those of Jefferson, Madison, and 1G0 JAMES MONROE others of his contemporaries ; there was nothing racy or severe in his style ; nevertheless, he alone of all the Presidents has announced, with- out legislative sanction, a political dictum, which is still regarded as fundamental law, and bears with it the stamp of authority in foreign courts as well as in domestic councils. We must turn to the annual message of De- cember 2, 1823, for the text. The two passages which relate to foreign interference are quite distinct from one another, and are separated by the introduction of other matter. This is the language : — "At the proposal of the Russian imperial govern- ment, made through the minister of the emperor residing here, a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of the United States at St. Petersburg, to arrange, by amicable negotia- tion, the respective rights and interests of the two nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has been made by his imperial ma- jesty to the government of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The government of the United States has been desirous, by this friendly proceeding, of manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to the friendship of the emperor, and their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his government. In the THE MONROE DOCTRINE 101 discussions to which this interest has given vise and in the arrangements hy which they may terminate, the occasion lias been judged proper Eor asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States arc involved, that the American conti- nents, hy the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." II " It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the peo- ple of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been so far very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and from winch Ave derive our origin, we have always been anxious and inter- est, -d spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are in- vaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are, of necessity, 162 JAMES MONROE more immediately connected and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial ob- servers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that winch exists in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing be- tween the United States and those powers, to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. "With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintained it, and whose inde- pendence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the ■ma infestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgment of the THE MONROE DOCTRINE 1G3 competent authorities of this government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. "The late events In Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried on the same prin- ciple, is a question to which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested; even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate government for us ; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all in- stances, the just claims of every power ; submitting t< injuries from none. But in regard to these conti- nents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powersi should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness ; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that 164 JAMES MONROE we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new gov- ernments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course." It appears to me probable that Monroe had but little conception of the lasting effect which his words would produce. He spoke what he believed and what he knew that others believed ; he spoke under provocation, and aware that his views might be controverted ; he spoke with authority after consultation with his cabinet, and his words were timely ; but I do not suppose that he regarded this announcement as his own. Indeed, if it had been his own decree or ukase it would have been resented at home quite as vigorously as it would have been opposed abroad. It was because he pronounced not only the opinion then prevalent, but a tradition of other days which had been gradually expanded, and to which the country was wonted, that his words carried with them the sanction of public law. A careful examination of the writings of the earlier statesmen of the republic will illustrate the growth of the Monroe Doctrine as an idea THE MONROE DOCTRINE 1G5 dimly entertained at first, but steadily developed by the course of public events and by the re- flection of men in public life. I have not made a thorough search, but some indications of the mode in which the doctrine was evolved have come under my eye which may here- after be added to by a more persistent investi- gator. The idea of independence from foreign sover- eignty was at the beginning of our national life. The term k " continental," applied to the army, the congress, the currency, had made familiar the notion of continental independence. This kept in mind the notion of a continental domain, — not provincial, nor colonial, nor merely na- tional. Moreover, in the writings, both public and private, of the fathers of the republic, we see how clearly they recognized the value of separation from European politics, and of repel- ling, as far as possible, European interference witli American interests. 1. Governor Thomas Pownall, in a work en- titled " A Memorial to the Sovereigns of Eu- rope," observed, in 1780. that a people, u whose empire stands singly predominant on a great continent," can hardly "suffer in their borders such a monopoly as the European Hudson Bay Company;" and again, "America must avoid complication with European politics," and "the 1G6 JAMES MONROE entanglement of alliances, having no connections with Europe other than commercial." x 2. One of the earliest of like allusions hap pens to be in a letter of Monroe to Madison, December 6, 1784, when he says that "the con- duct of Spain respecting the Mississippi, etc., requires the immediate attention of Congress." 3. A few months later, June 17, 1785, Jeffer- son, writing to Monroe from Paris, begs him to add his " testimony to that of every thinking American, in order to satisfy our countrymen how much it is their interest to preserve, unin- fected by contagion, those peculiarities in their government and manners to which they are in- debted for those blessings." 4. Washington wrote to Jefferson, January 1, 1788, in the interval which preceded the rati- fication of the Constitution : 2 "An energetic general government must prevent the several States from involving themselves in the political disputes of the European powers." 5. When Washington's first term drew near its close he submitted to Madison the draft of a farewell address (May 20, 1792), and in it he gives emphasis to the independence of the 1 These citations from Pownall are taken from Sumner's "Prophetic Voices concerning America, pp. L23, 1-4. 2 Quoted by Bancroft from MS., History of the Constitution, t. 299. TIIK MONROE DOCTRINE 107 United States, in a phrase which with various turns was perpetuated through the subsequent revisions of that paper. His original language was this: -, The extent of our country, the di- versity of our climate and soil, and the various productions of the States consequent to both, . . . may render the whole, at no distant pe- riod, one of the most independent nations in the world." G. Madison's modification of this draft has the following sentence (June 20, 1792): "The diversities [of this country] may give to the whole ei more entire independence than has, per- haps, fallen to the lot of any other nation." 7. Four years later (prior to May 10, 179G), Washington submits to Hamilton memoranda for a farewell address, and says again : " If this country can remain in peace twenty years longer . . . such in all probability will be its population, riches, and resources, when com- bined with its peculiarly happy and remote situation from the other quarters of the globe, as to bid defiance in "just cause to any earthly poire,' whatsot Vi r." 8. The address, finally issued, savs : " The great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial rela- tions, to have with them as little political con- nection as possible." " Europe has a set of 1G8 JAMES MONROE primary interests which to us have none or a very remote relation." " Our detached and dis- tant situation." " Why forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation?" (September 17, 1796.) 9. John Adams speaks thus in his first in- augural address (March 4, 1797): "If [the control of an election] can be obtained by for- eign nations by flattery or menaces, by fraud or violence, by terror, intrigue, or venality, the government may not be the choice of the Amer- ican people but of foreign nations. It may be foreign nations who govern us, and not we the people who govern ourselves." 10. In the second annual address of Adams this paragraph occurs (December 8, 1798) : — "To the usual subjects of gratitude I cannot omit to add one of the first importance to our well-being and safety — I mean that spirit which has arisen in our country against the menaces and aggressions of a foreign nation. A manly sense of national honor, dignity, and independence has appeared, which, if encouraged and invigorated by every branch of the government, will enable us to view undismayed the enterprises of any foreign power, and become the sure foundation of national prosperity and glory." 11. There are three extracts from Jefferson's writings which show the tendency of his mind Till: MONROE DOCTRINE 109 at the beginning of the century. He said to Thomas Paine (March 18, 1801) r 1 — "Determined as we are to avoid, if possible, wast- ing the energies of our people in war and destruction, we shall avoid implicating ourselves with the powers of Europe, even in support of principles which we mean to pursue. They have so many other interests different from ours, that we must avoid being entan- gled in them. We believe we can enforce those prin- ciples, as to ourselves, by peaceable means, now that we are likely to have our public councils detached from foreign views." A little later he wrote to William Short (Oc- tober 3, 1801) : 2 — '• We have a perfect horror at everything like con- necting ourselves with the politics of Europe. It would indeed be advantageous to us to have neutral rights established on a broad ground ; but no de- pendence can be placed in any European coalition for that. They have so many other by-interests of greater weight that some one or other will always be bought off. To be entangled with them would be a much greater evil than a temporary acquiescence in the false principles which have prevailed." Again he says (October 29, 1808): "'We consider their interests and ours as the same, 1 Jefferson's Works, iv. 37'A * Works, iv. 414. 170 JAMES MONROE and that the object of both must be to exclude all European influence in this hemisphere." 1 12. At a cabinet meeting, May 13, 1818, Pre- sident Monroe propounded several questions on the subject of foreign affairs, of which the fifth, as recorded by J. Q. Adams. 2 was this : " Whether the ministers of the United States in Europe shall be instructed that the United States will not join in any project of interposi- tion between Spain and the South Americans, which should not be to promote the complete independence of those provinces ; and whether measures shall be taken to ascertain if this be the policy of the British government, and if so to establish a concert with them for the support of this policy." He adds that all these points were discussed, without much difference of opinion. 13. On July 31, 1818, Rush had an impor- tant interview with Castlereagh in respect to a proposed mediation of Great Britain between Spain and her colonies. The cooperation of the United States was desired. Mr. Rush in- formed the British minister that " the United 1 This quotation is made by Schouler in a note, where he Bays : " The germ of the Monroe Doctrine of later development is early seen in Jefferson's correspondence in view of the Span- ish uprising- against Bonaparte and its possible effects upon Cuba and Mexico, which he is well satisfied to leave in their present, dependence." — History of the United States, ii. 202. 2 Diary, iv. THE MONROE DOCTRINE 171 States would decline taking part, if they took part at all, in any plan of pacification, except ow the basis of the independence of the colonies. This," he added, "was the determination to which his government had come on much delib- eration." 14. August 4, 1820, Jefferson writes to Wil- liam Short: x — "From many conversations with him [3M. Correa, appointed minister to Brazil by the government of Portugal], I hope he sees, and will promote in his new situation, the advantages of a cordial fraterniza- tion among all the American nations, and the im- portance of their coalescing in an American system of policy, totally independent of and unconnected with that of Europe. The day is not distant when we may formally require a meridian of partition through the ocean which separates the two hemi- spheres, on the hither side of which no European gun shall ever he heard, nor an American on the other ; and when, during the rage of the eternal wars of Europe, the lion and the land), within our regions, shall lie down together in peace. . . , The principles of society there and here, then, are radically different, and I hope no American patriot will ever lose sight of the essential policy of interdicting in the seas and territories of both Americas, the ferocious and san- guinary contests of Europe. I wish to see this coa- lition begun." 1 Randall's Jcfflrson, iii. 472. 172 JAMES MONROE 15. Gallatin writes to J. Q. Adams, June 24, 1823, that before leaving Paris he had said to M. Chateaubriand on May 13: "The United States would undoubtedly preserve their neu- trality provided it were respected, and avoid every interference with the politics of Europe. . 8 . On the other hand, they would not suffer others to interfere against the emancipation of America." 1 A year previously, April 26, 1822, he had written from Paris that he had said to Mon- sieur : " America, having acquired the power, had determined to be no longer governed by Europe, . . . that we had done it [recognized the independence of the Spanish-American pro- vinces] without any reference to the form of government adopted by the several provinces, and that the question, being one of national in- dependence, was really altogether unconnected with any of those respecting internal institutions which agitated Europe." 1G. John Quiney Adams, in his diary under date of July 17, 1823, makes a note which the editor of that work regards as " the first hint of the policy so well known afterwards as the Mon- roe Doctrine." 2 In a conversation with Baron Tuyl, the Russian minister, on the Northwest 1 Writings of Gallatin, by Adams, ii. 271 ; ii. 240. 2 Diary, vi. L63. THE MONROE DOCTRINE 173 Coast question, Mr. Adams, then secretary of state told him that ** we should contest the right of Russia to any territorial establishment on this continent, and that we should assume distinctly the principle thai the American continents are no longer subjects for any new European colo- nial establishments." 17. After Canning had proposed to Rush ( September 19, 1823) that the United States should cooperate with England in preventing European interference with the Spanish-Amer- ican colonies, Monroe consulted Jefferson as will as the cabinet, on the course which it was advisable to take, and with their approbation prepared his message. Jefferson's reply to the President (October 24, 1823) was as fol- lows : l — " The question presented by the letters you have sent me is the most momentous which has ever been offered to my contemplation since that of independ- ence. That made us a nation, this sets our compass and points the course which we are to steer through the ocean of time opening on us. And never could we embark on it under circumstances more auspi- cious. Oar first and fundamental maxim should be, never to entangle ourselves .// th>- broils of Europe. Our second, never to suffer K>/,i> to intermeddle with cis-Atlantic affairs. America, North am 1 South, 1 Randall, iii. 491. 174 JAMES MONROE has a set of interests distinct from those of Europe, and peculiarly her own. She should therefore have a system of her own, separate and apart from that of Europe. While the last is laboring to become the domicile of despotism, our endeavor should surely be, to make our hemisphere that of freedom." An extract, dated 1824, and recently pub- lished, from the diary of William Plumer, who was a member of Congress during Monroe's ad- ministration, gives to John Quincy Adams the credit of drafting the important portions of the message. He says that a day or two before Congress met Monroe was hesitating about the allusion to the interference of the Holy Al- liance with Spanish America, and consulted the secretary of state about omitting it. Adams remained firm, replying, " You have my senti- ments on the subject already, and I see no reason to alter them." " Well," said the President, " it is written, and I will not change it now." 1 Enough has been quoted to show that Mr. Sumner 2 is not justified in saying that the " Monroe Doctrine proceeded from Canning," and that he was " its inventor, promoter, and champion, at least so far as it bears against European intervention in American affairs." 1 Pennsylvania Magazine of History a/itf Biography, vol. vi No. o, p. 358. 2 See his Prophetic Voices, pp. 157-160. THE MONROE DOCTRINE 175 Nevertheless, Cunning- is entitled to high praise for the part which he took in the recognition <>f the Spanish republics, a part which almost justi- fied his proud utterance, " I called the New "World into existence to redress the balance of the Old." If memoranda of Monroe's upon this subject are still extant they have eluded me. There is a letter to him Erom one of his family (Decem- ber G) praising the message, and adding these sentences, which show the expectations of the friends of the administration. 1 " You have a full indemnification for all the time and attention it may have cost you, in the sentiment which has accompanied it throughout the nation, and I mistake greatly if it do not excite a feeling in Europe as honorahle to our country as it may be unacceptable to many there. You will have the merit of proposing an enlightened system of policy. which promises to secure the united liberties of the New World, and to counteract the deep laid schemes in the Old for the establishment of an universal despotism. The sentiments and feelings which the message expresses, you may be assured, will be echoed with pride and pleasure from every portion of our widely extended country, and will he esteemed to have given to our national character new claims upon the civilized world. 1 Gouvernour MSS. 176 JAMES MONROE " The operation of your message also upon the reputation of your own administration cannot be mis- taken. Effecting higher objects, it will also be dis- tinctly traced in the prostration of those limited views of policy which have infected so many of those who have been intrusted of late with a portion of the powers and character of our country, and in the dif- fusion among our citizens of a great confidence in the general administration, so essential to the pro- sperity of our system. By giving a new and exalted direction to the public reflections, a tone of feeling and expression must succeed as fatal to the pretended patriots of the two last years as it will be honorable to those who, at the risk of popularity, have been the objects of their clamorous abuse." 1 The Monroe Doctrine came before Congress less than three years later, when the propriety of sending ministers to the Congress of Panama was debated. Mr. McLane was opposed to any course which should bind the United States to resist interference from abroad in the concerns of the South American governments,* and Mr, Rives wished to declare still more explicitly that the United States was not pledged to main- tain by force the principle that no part of the American continent was henceforward subject- to colonization by any European power. Daniel Webster made a speech, April 11, 1826, on the 1 1 am iiifloMod to Mr. Morse, the editor of this series of Yolumes, for these citations. THE MONROE DOCTRINE 177 Panama mission, in which bo came boldly to the defense of the Monroe Doctrine. The coun- try's honor, he said, is involved in that declara- tion ; kw I look upon it as a part of its treasures of reputation, and for one I intend to guard it." After reviewing the political history from the Congress of Verona onward, he continued: "I look on the message of December, 1823, as form- ing a bright page in our history. 1 will help neither to erase it nor tear it out; nor shall it be bv anv act of mine blurred or blotted. It did honor to the sagacity of the government, and I will not diminish that honor." 1 The origrin of the Monroe Doctrine is regarded by a recent English writer 2 as of "more than speculative importance;" for, in his opinion, " the history of the doctrine shows that its literal interpretation is far from clear. Phrases which in the mouth of one man might be the obscure expression of confused thought Mould not be uttered by another without a deep political mean- ing:." This leads the writer to an elaborate and very interesting investigation of the authorship. lie speaks of Monroe "as the mild and vener- able patriarch of whom little but good is known, and who may the more easily be reputed a hero;" and he conjectures that the popular ven- 1 Works, iii. 205. - Reddawaj : Tin Monroe Doctrine, p. 71. 178 JAMES MONROE eration for the doctrine is due to " its supposed parentage by Monroe." On the other hand, he argues that if this famous pronunciamento " were proved to be the offspring of Adams, much of the glamour encircling it might fade away, and its interpretation might pass more completely from the sphere of sentiment into that of reason." This introduces an acute anal- ysis of the opinions and views of Monroe and of his secretary of state, John Quincy Adams, and involves the conclusion that " the conception of the Monroe Doctrine and much of its phrase- ology came from Adams, and that the share of Monroe did not extend beyond the revision." To me this discussion seems more important to the antiquary than to the historian : for if further research should establish beyond ques- tion the authorship as that of Adams, the fact will still remain that the President and not the secretary of state announced the doctrine. It was his official sanction which gave authority to the phrases, by whomsoever they were written, and lifted them far above the plane of personal opinions. Monroe spoke from the chair of the Chief Executive; and to him statesmen and his- torians have continuously attributed the doc- trine. His official station, at a critical moment, and not his personal characteristics ami opinions, gave to his words authority : and their pro- THE MONROE DOCTRINE 170 nounced acceptance by the people of the United States shows how accurately they express the sentiments of the people. It would require a volume to (rare the effects of the Monroe Doc- trine upon political discussions in the United States, from the date of its enunciation to the beginning of the Cuban war in the spring- of 1898. No attempt is here made to engage in this review, hut in the appendix will be found a comprehensive bibliography by means of which the course of events and of debates may be read- ily traced. CHAPTER VIII synopsis of monroe's presidential messages 1 President Monroe's inaugural addresses and annual messages are of greater length than those of any of his predecessors. His fifteen spe- cial messages are almost all brief ; one, however, that of May 4, 1822, on internal improvements, is of extraordinary length. In his first inaugural address, delivered on March 5, 1817, he dwells upon the happy condi- tion into which the country had been brought by the excellence of its political institutions and the bounty of Nature. Protection of its liberty and prosperity against dangers from within could be secured only by maintaining the excellence of the national character. To secure it against dangers from without, the coast and frontier de- fenses, the army, the navy, but especially the militia, should be maintained in a state of effi- ciency. Attention is drawn to the advantages 1 The following summary of the speeches and messages of James Monroe, printed in the Statesman's Manual, has been prepared for insertion here by Professor J. F. Jameson, Ph. D. MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 181 of developing the resources of the country and drawing the various parts of the Union more closely together by the construction of roads and canals, to the extent sanctioned by the Con- stitution ; of increasing the independence and strength of the industrial system of the country by the care of the government; of paying the national debt at an early period ; and, in general, of making those improvements for which peace gives the best opportunity. He promises that the new administration will do all in its power to secure efficiency in all departments of the public service, to maintain peace with other na- tions, and to promote the increased harmony then pervading the Union. In the first annual message of President Mon- roe, dated December 2, 1817, which opens with congratulations on the progress of the national defenses and the increase of harmony, he speaks of the diplomatic relations with England, and with Spain and her revolted colonies, the na- tional revenue and the rapid extinguishment of the debt, recent purchases of lands from the Indians, our relations with them, the method of sale of public lands, the constitutionality of executing at national expense, improvements in inter - communication. American manufactures, public buildings at the federal capital, pensions for soldiers of the Revolution, and the repeal 182 JAMES MONROE of the internal taxes. Under the first head he reports the completion of arrangements for re- ducing naval forces on Lake Erie, the progress of various minor negotiations pursuant to the provisions of the treaty of Ghent, and the failure of our proposals for the opening of the ports in the West Indies and other British colonies to American vessels ; how this shall be met he leaves to Congress. He complains of violations of our neutrality by both Spain and her colonies, but expresses the belief that the occupation and hostile use of portions of territory claimed by us, at Amelia Island and Galveston, were not authorized by the latter, and defends the sup- pression of these resorts. He recommends pro- vision for the better civilization of the Indians upon the Western frontier, whose lands have recently been bought, and such regulation of the sale of the tracts thus opened to immigrants as shall most benefit the general government and the settlers. Concerning the right to make in- ternal improvements he says : " Disregarding early impressions, I have bestowed on the sub- ject all the deliberation which its great impor- tance and a just sense of my duty required, and the result is a settled conviction in my mind that Congress does not possess the right." But he suggests a constitutional amendment giving the right to do this, and to institute seminaries of MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 183 /earning. lie recommends the repeal <>f the in- ternal taxes, believing them no longer necessary. A special message of January 13, 1818, in- forms Congress that the settlement at Amelia Island, and probably that at Galveston, has been broken up. The President considers this justi- fied by their character, and declares that nothing has been or will be done to injure Spain. The second annual message, dated November 17, 1818, opens with a statement by the Presi- dent of the arrangements which had been made with reference to a continuation of the conven- tion with Great Britain. lie discusses the trou- bles in Florida, mentions the progress of the South American revolutions and the mediation proposed by the allied powers, notices the excel- lent condition of the national finances, and re- commends further protection. lie dwells with satisfaction upon the progress of the system of defenses, and upon the admission of a new State, Illinois, believing that the rise of new States within our borders will produce the greatest benefits, both material and political. He recom- mends such provision for the Indians as will, if possible, prevent their extinction, accustom them to agriculture, and promote civilization among them : and the establishment of a government for the District of Columbia more agreeable to principles of self-government. His statements 184 JAMES MONROE as to events in Florida ought, perhaps, to be represented more fully. He draws a strong picture of the impotence of the Spanish author- ities, of the lawless character of the adventurers who seized upon various positions in the province, and of the dangers to which the citizens of the United States were subjected, at sea by the de- predations of the adventurers and on land by the attacks of the Indians incited by them. As Spain could not govern the region, and would not transfer it, the only course open to our gov- ernment, says the President, was to suppress the establishment at Amelia Island, and to carry the pursuit of the Indians so far as to prevent further disturbance from them, or from their in- citers, English or Spanish ; but care, he said, has been taken to show due respect to the govern- ment of Spain. The negotiations of our government with that of Spain form the chief subject of the annual message of December 7, 1819. A treaty by which the Spanish government ceded to the United States the province of Florida, while the United States renounced its claims to the part of Louisiana west of the River Sabine, known as Texas, and its claims to compensation for injuries sustained by its citizens from Spanish cruisers some twenty years before, had, early in this year, been concluded at Washington and MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 185 ratified by the government there. It was then sent to Madrid, but, unexpectedly, the Spanish government delayed ratifying it, alleging not <>uly that attempts had been made by United States citizens against Texas, but that our min- ister at Madrid had, as instructed, when present- ing the treaty for ratification, accompanied it by a declaration explaining- the meaning given to one of its articles. In the present message the President comments severely upon the conduct of the Spanish court, denies its first charge absolutely, and explains that the second refers to a correction enabling the treaty to cover, as both governments agreed that it should cover, all cases of land grants of a specified sort. He declares that the conduct of Spain is perfectly unjustifiable, and is so regarded by European governments, and that it would be right for our government to carry out the treaty fairly, alone ; but suggests forbearance until the expected en- voy shall have arrived from Madrid. Other matters, new and old, which the President dis- cusses in this message are, the preservation of our neutrality in the South American conflict, the Canadian and West Indian commerce, the treasury, the contraction of bank circulation and depression of industry, the coast survey, the in- crease of the navy, and the maintenance of the Mediterranean squadron. 186 JAMES MONROE A special message, sent a few days later, De- cember IT, describes, and submits to amendment by Congress, the arrangements which the Exec- utive had made for the transference to Africa of negroes captured in accordance with the act for the abolition of the slave-trade. In the last annual message of his first term, that of November 14, 1820, President Monroe takes occasion to review the present situation of the Union. lie expresses the greatest satisfac- tion at our wonderful prosperity. While cer- tain interests have suffered depression because of the long European wars and the consequent industrial derangements, he regards these as mild and instructive admonitions, and as accu- mulating " multiplied proofs of the great perfec- tion of our most excellent system of government, the powerful instrument in the hands of an all merciful Creator, in securing to us these bless- ings." He reports that the treaty with Spain is not yet ratified, while Florida is constantly made abasis of smuggling operations ; that the restric- tions on commerce to and from the West Indies continue ; and that negotiations have been com- menced for a commercial treaty with France, and recommends legislation making more just the recent tonnage duties on French vessels. South American affairs are, as usual, mentioned. The rapid reduction of the public debt is noted, MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 187 as showing; the extent of the national resources. The President then recommends legislation to relieve those who have bought public lands on credit in days of higher prices. He reports pro- gress in the preparation of the extensive system of fortifications, and sets forth the great advan- tages to be expected from them, and more briefly those derivable from the frontier posts among the Indians and the naval squadrons abroad. In his second inaugural address, delivered March 4, 1821, President M on roe first expresses his gratitude for the confidence of his fellow-cit- izens, and his satisfaction at the general accord with which it has been expressed. " Having no pretensions," says he, "to the high and commanding claims of my predecessors, whose names are so much more conspicuously identified with our Revolution, and who contributed so preeminently to promote its success, I consider myself rather as the instrument than the cause of the union which has prevailed in the late election. ... It is obvious that other power- ful causes, indicating the great strength and sta- bility of our Union, have essentially contributed to draw you together." He then reviews the acts of the government in the previous term, and, first of all, the progress made in fortifica- tion. Upon matters of foreign policy, the chief 188 JAMES MONROE opinions expressed by him are, that our neutral ity in the South American conflict should by all means be preserved, that the troubles in Florida could not be ended in any other way than that pursued, that the treaty with Spain and the acquisition of the peninsula will prove highly advantageous to our country, and that our naval squadrons in foreign waters have been most effi- cient in suppressing the slave-trade and piracy. He recommends, in view of the public exigencies, the restoration of the internal duties and ex- cises, the removal of which he had, under other circumstances, suggested in a former message. He further recommends that the Indians, in- stead of being treated as independent nations, be settled upon lands granted to them as individ- uals, and helped to improvement in agriculture and civilization ; and that measures be taken to make us always capable of self-defense. He then compares the excellence and success of our government with the defects and failures of those of the ancient republics, and expresses the belief " that our system will soon attain the highest degree of perfection of which human institutions are capable." The address closes with remarks upon the increase of the area and population of the United States, and with acknowledgments of the ability and uprightness of the President's cabinet advisers. MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 180 The principal subjects of the fifth animal message, that of December 3, 1821, are, com- mercial relations arising under the act of March 3, 1815, and the transference and government of Florida. Besides these, the President briefly discusses Portuguese and South American af- fairs, the treasury and revenue, incidental pro- tection to manufactures, internal taxation, now no longer deemed necessary, surveys, fortifica- tions, and war vessels, and the efficiency of the Mediterranean squadron in restraining the Bar- bary powers, and of the naval forces elsewhere in suppressing piracy and the slave-trade. The act of March 3, 1815, had provided that the manufactures and productions of an} 7 foreign na- tion, imported into the United States in vessels of the same nation, should be exempted from the payment of any further duties than would be paid upon the same merchandise if imported in our ships, whenever the Executive should be satisfied that the nation in question had con- ferred the like privilege upon our commerce. It was thought, says the President, that the pro- posal was liberal, and that any power acceding to it would also throw open the trade of its colo- nies to foreign vessels on a similar basis. But England, while accepting it for her European dominions, has declined it for the West Indies, and France has declined it altogether ; direct 190 JAMES MONROE trade with the West Indies and France in onr vessels and theirs has therefore ceased. He expresses regret at the extreme interpretation put by the French government upon the niost- favored-nation clause in the treaty of 1803, and defends the seizure of the Apollo, on the nomi- nally Spanish side of the St. Mary's River, on the ground that the sole purpose of its presence there was to elude our revenue laws. He reports the extension of the reciprocity system of the act of 1815 by treaties with several powers. In an- nouncing the transfer of Florida, he comments severely upon the refusal of the Spanish officials in charge to transfer the land records of the province. He describes the measures taken for the provisional government of the district, re- grets the dissensions which have occurred in it, recommends the prompt establishment of a ter- ritorial government for it, and reports progress in the satisfaction of the claims of our citizens against Spain. During this same session several special mes- sages were sent to Congress. The first, on Feb- ruary 25, 1822, suggests a larger appropriation for a treaty with the Cherokees ; the second, dated March 8, 1822, relates to the contest between Spain and her colonies. The opinion is expressed that recent events have made it manifest that the colonies not only possess hide- MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 191 pendence, hut are certain to retain it, and that the recognition of their independence hy us should now he made, that it cannot he regarded hy Spain as improper, and may help to shorten the struggle. A longer special message of March 26 refers to the fortifications at Dau- phin Island at the mouth of Mobile Bay, and, incidentally, to the subject of fortifications in general. The President demonstrates the neces- sity of extensive fortifications at that point for the protection not only of Mohile hut of New Orleans, and thus of the whole valley of the Mississippi. He ends the message with a strong vindication of the policy of fortification adopted hy Congress soon after the late de- structive war with England ; he shows that the amount of loss which, in any similar emer- gency, would he thus prevented, far exceeds the cost of the works themselves, and that the latter has been, and is being, defrayed without sensi- bly increasing the burdens resting upon the people. By far the most important of the special mes- sages of President Monroe are those vetoing the Cumberland Koad Bill, and giving the reasons therefor. In the former he briefly declares his opinion that the power to pass such a law im- plies the power to adopt and execute a complete 192 JAMES MONROE system of Internal improvement, and that such a power is neither specifically nor incidentally granted by the Constitution. The session being too advanced to permit him to include his rea- sons in this message, he instead ti'ansmits to Con- gress an exposition of his views on the subject previously committed to paper, and having a form somewhat different from that which would have been adopted in a message. The paper so transmitted forms a special message of great length, setting forth fully the President's views on internal improvements. This message may be divided into four parts. In the first he discusses the general subject of the division of powers between the general gov- ernment and the State governments : in the second he describes the powers which the gene- ral government would have to exercise if it pos- sessed the right claimed for it ; in the third he controverts in detail the arguments of those who seek to derive the power in question from various powers conceded to Congress by the Constitution ; in the fourth he declares the ad- vantages of the possession of such a power by them, if carefully confined to great works of national importance, and recommends an amend- ment to secure that end. The subjects of the first portion are, the ori< gin of the state governments and their endow- MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 193 ments when first formed ; the origin of the national government and the powers vested in it, and the powers which are admitted to have remained to the state governments. The views disclosed in it are substantially the following: When the power of the crown was abrogated, the authority which had been held by it vested exclusively in the people of the colonies. These appointed a Congress. They also formed state governments, to which all necessary pow r ers of government, not vested in Congress, were im- parted, the sovereignty still residing in the peo- ple. Meanwhile the powers of Congress, though vast, were undefined. Hence the plan of con- federation ratified in 1781. Now- it may fairly be presumed that where grants of certain pow- ers were transferred in the same terms from this to the Constitution of 1788, they should be construed in the same sense in the latter which they bore in the former. Its principal provi- sions are therefore here inserted. Its incompe- tence being demonstrated, the new Constitution was formed and ratified, the state governments themselves taking the lead in this forward move* nicnt. A compact was thus formed, which can- not be altered except by those who formed it, and in the mode in it described. Thus there were two separate and independent governments established over the Union, one for local pur- 194 JAMES MONROE poses over eacli State, by the people of the State ; the other for national purposes over all the States, by the people of the United States. Both governments have a common origin or sovereign, the people, whose whole power, on the representative principle, is divided between them. As a result of this survey, two impor- tant facts are disclosed ; the first is, that the power or sovereignty passed from the crown directly to the people ; the second, that it passed to the people of each colony, and not to the people of all the colonies in the aggregate. Had it been otherwise, had the people not had equal rights and a common interest in the strug- gle, or had the sovereignty passed to the aggre- gate, the Revolution might not have succeeded. But, clearly, power passed to the people of each colony, for the chartered rights, whose vio- lation produced the Revolution, were those se- cured by the charters of each colony ; and the composition and conduct of Congress confirm this position. The powers granted by the Con- stitution to the government of the United States are then detailed. On the powers remaining to the governments of the States, it is observed, that the territory contemplated by the Constitu- tion is the territory of the several States, and under their jurisdiction ; the people is the people of the several States ; the militia, the holding MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 195 of property, the administration of justice, the criminal code, are all under the control of the state governments, except in eases otherwise specially provided for. The right of the gene- ral government is, in short, a power to perform certain specified acts and those only. The second division of the message discusses. briefly the nature and extent of the powers re- quisite to the general government in order to adopt and execute a system of internal improve- ment, a necessary preliminary to the decision whether it has this power. First, says the Presi- dent, it must be able to buy the land even in spite of the owner's refusal to sell ; secondly, it must he able to punish those who injure the road or canal, by having not only jurisdiction over it but power to bring them to justice, wherever caught : thirdly, it must be able to establish tolls and provide for their collection and for the punishment of those infringing such regulations. If, he continues, the United States possess this power, it must, since it has not been specifically granted, lie derived from one of the following sources : First, the right to establish post-office ; and post-roads; second, to declare war: third, to regulate commerce among the several States ; fourth, from the power to pay the debts and pro- vide for the common defense and general wel> fare of the United States ; fifth, from the power 196 JAMES MONROE to make all laws necessary and proper for carry- ing into execution all the powers vested by the Constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof ; sixth, from the power to dispose of and make all needful rules and regulations respecting the territory and other property of the United States. From some one or other of these the advocates of the power derive it, and all these the Presi- dent proceeds, in this third part of his message, to consider in detail. As to the first grant, it is contended that it cannot, in the ordinary sense of the word " estab- lish," be held to mean anything more than the use of existing roads by the mail-carrier in pass- ing over them as others do ; that the phrase must be held to mean just what it did in the Articles of Confederation ; that, its object being the carriage of the mails, onlv what is abso- lutely necessary to that object is conceded ; and that the proposed interpretation would give Con- gress the same jurisdiction over all the roads already existing in every State. The claim under the second grant mentioned would extend to canals as well as to roads. If internal improvements are to be carried to the full extent to which they may be useful for mili- tary purposes, the power must extend to all roads in the Union. Further, the Constitution MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 197 makes a special grant of several rights, like that of raising an army, which might much more cer- tainly be derived from that of declaring war than could the power in question ; omission to mention the latter, therefore, proves that it is not granted, as does also the specification of a grant of jurisdiction over land ceded for fortifications ; we are obliged, to infer that in this case alone is the power given. Next, the President takes up the third argu- ment, from the power to regulate commerce be- tween the States. The history of this grant and of the discussions which preceded it make it evident, he says, that it was intended merely to give power to impose duties on foreign trade and to prevent any on trade between the States. The fourth claim is founded on the second part of the first clause of Art. I. Sec. 8 of the Constitution, which reads : " The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, im- posts, and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States." The reasoning upon this point is in substance the following: The second phrase here used gives a right to appropriate the public money, and it gives this power alone. For, first, if the right of appropriation is not given by this 198 JAMES MONROE clause it is not given at all ; secondly, this part of the grant has none of the characteristics of a distinct and original power, but is manifestly in- cidental to the first part ; thirdly, if this is not its real meaning it has a scope so wide as to make unnecessary all the other grants in the Constitution, for they would be included in this ; further, the place which this phrase occupies is exactly the one most fitting for a grant of the right of appropriation. If, then, this is the power here granted, it remains to inquire what is the extent of this power. One construction is, that the government has no right to expend money except in the performance of acts author- ized by the other specific grants, according to a strict construction of their nature. " To this construction," says President Monroe, " I was inclined in the more early stage of our govern- ment ; but, on further reflection and observation, my mind has undergone a change, for reasons which I will frankly unfold." The power to raise money and the pow r er to appropriate it are both, in this grant, conveyed in terms as general and unqualified as, for instance, those conceding to Congress the power to declare war. More comprehensive terms than " to pay the debts and provide for the common defense and general welfare " could not have been used. And so intimately connected with and dependent on MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 19'J each other are the two branches of power granted, that a limitation of one would have had the like effect upon the other. But indeed it was impossible to have created a power within the government, distinct from Congress and the Executive, which should control the movement of the government in respect to expenditures, and not destroy it. This, then, must be the nature of the grant of appropriation. Have Congress, then, a right to raise and appropriate the public money to any and to every purpose, according to their will and pleasure ? They cer- tainly have not. The government of the United States is a limited government, instituted for great national purposes, and for those only. Good roads and canals will, however, promote many very important national purposes. To the appropriation of the public money to such im- provements there seems to be no well founded constitutional objection; to do anything further than this the general government is not compe- tent. This has also been the practice of our gov- ernment . for instance, in the case of the Cum- berland Road, all the acts of the United States have been based on the principle that the sover- eignty and jurisdiction belonged not to the gen- eral government but to the States; Congress has simply appropriated money from the public treasury, thus aiding a work of great national Utility. 200 JAMES MONROE The conclusion reached upon this point is, therefore, that the right to make internal im- provements has not been granted by the power to " provide for the common defense and gene- ral welfare," but only the right to appropriate the public money ; that the government itself being limited, the power to appropriate is also limited, the extent of the government, as desig- nated by the specific grants, marking the extent of the power, which should, however, be ex- tended to every object embraced by the fair scope of those grants, and not confined to a strict construction of their respective powers (it being safer to aid the purposes of those grants by the appropriation of money than to extend, by a forced construction, the grant itself) ; and that, though the right to appropriate is indis- pensable, it is insufficient as a power if a great scheme of improvements is contemplated. Against the fifth source suggested, the power to make all laws necessary and proper for car- rying into execution all powers vested by the Constitution in the general government, it is urged that such a power is not by that instru- ment so vested. Sixthly, the second clause of Art. II. Sec. 3 of the Constitution is shown, by the first clause and by the history of the cessions of land to the United States by the States, to refer to such MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 201 lands only. The power to make all needful reg- ulations respecting the territory and other pro- perty of the United States has, therefore, no bearing upon the subject of internal improve- ments to be made by the general government. Therefore it is concluded that the desired power is not possessed. Much more than the right to appropriate is required ; territorial juris- diction over the roads is not, however, necessary, but may be left to the States, if the government have the power to protect its works. The great advantages of such improvements are easily seen, while no other region can, from its configuration, be improved so vastly by roads and canals at so slight expense. The inter- change of our varied productions would be ren- dered more easy and commerce increased : the efficiency of both the general and the state governments, the intelligence of the people, the strength of the Union, and the expansion of our system, would be greatly promoted. It cannot be doubted that such improvements can be made by the general government better than by the local governments, liable to jealousies and in- fluences not felt by the former. The Cumber- land Road, in particular, has a pressing need of the use of this power by the national gov- ernment. " If it is thought proper," concludes the Pre- 202 JAMES MONROE siclent, " to vest this power in the United States, the only mode in which it can be done is by an amendment of the Constitution. On full con- sideration, therefore, of the whole subject, I am of opinion that such an amendment ought to be recommended to the several States for their adoption. It is, however, my opinion that the power should be confined to great national works only, since, if it were unlimited, it would bo liable to abuse and might be productive of evil." President Monroe in his sixth annual mes- sage, dated December 3, 1822, touches upon a great variety of subjects. He reports the con- clusion of a satisfactory commercial convention with France, the opening of trade with the British colonies, and a decision by the Emperor of Russia upon Article I. of the Treaty of Ghent, and recommends the legislation which these events require. He announces the formation of a territorial government for Florida ; states the prosperous condition of the finances ; summa- rizes the report of the secretary of war, espe- cially as to the Academy at West Point, and that of the secretary of the navy : and recommends the removal of the Seminoles. Referring to his message upon the Cumberland Road, he sug- gests that if Congress do not see fit to propose MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES *->03 the amendment there advised, it can certainly take measures to repair and protect the mad ; he further recommends increased protective duties. The remainder of the message deals with foreign affairs. The President expresses his hope that Spain will soon give up the con- test with her colonies, and exhibits strong sym- pathy with the cause of Greece. In view of the complications in Europe which make war imminent, he exhorts the nation, while it con- gratulates itself upon its exemption from the causes which disturb peace elsewhere, to keep itself ever in a position to defend its liberties in any emergency. At the beuinniiiij of his seventh annual mes- sage, December 2, 1823, the President explains the purpose of his messages, declaring that, as with us the people are exclusively the sovereigns, tiny should be informed on all public matters, especially foreign affairs and finance. Progress is reported in various negotiations. Our gov- ernment having begun to negotiate with the Russian emperor and with England in regard to the northwest boundary, -> the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American conti- nents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are 204 JAMES MONROE henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European powers." He mentions the proposals of our government that the slave-trade be declared piracy, and that privateering be abolished, and expresses strong approval of both these measures. The condi- tion of the finances, the war department, the militia, the navy, piracies in the Gulf, the post- office department, the tariff, the public accounts, and the Cumberland Road, is described, without recommendations of special significance. The project for the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal is mentioned with approval, and an appropriation for a survey is recommended, as well as for other public works. The most ardent wishes for the success of Greece in winning independence are expressed. Then follows a celebrated passage, already reproduced in the text of this book. 1 The message closes with a comparison of the present state of the country with that at the close of the Revolution, touching upon the ad- ditions to our territory, the expansion of our population, the accession of new States, and the strengthening of our system to such an extent that consolidation and disunion are both im- practicable. A special message, sent to Congress on Feb- ruary 24, 1824, submitted to their consideration 1 See p. 158. MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 205 the claim of a portion of the Massachusetts militia to compensation for services in the late war. The decision of the Governor of Massa- chusetts, that the power to call out the militia of a State was conditional upon the consent of its Executive, and that when called out they could not be placed under the command of an officer of the regular army, had previously made it impossible for the national Executive to make such compensation. Now, however, the prin- ciple in dispute being conceded by that State, favorable action is recommended to Congress. The important matters mentioned in the last annual message of President Monroe, that of December 7, 1824, aside from those which ap- pear in the same form in previous messages, are : the slave-trade, the rights of neutrals, the engin- eers' surveys, the visit of General Lafayette, the relations of our government with those of South America, the Supreme Court, and the Indians. A convention between the United Stages and Great Britain, declaring the slave- trade piratical, has been concluded but not yet ratified. An effort has been made, on occasion of the war between France and Spain, to put upon a more just basis the rights of neutral ves- sels in time of war, and it is hoped will prove successful. In view of the extensive roads and eanals now projected, it is recommended that 206 JAMES MONROE the corps of engineers be increased. The arri- val of General Lafayette and his warm welcome are mentioned, and it is suggested that in con- sideration of his services a suitable provision be tendered him by Congress. The independent states of South America are reported to be fol- lowing the example of our prosperity, in spite of some presumably temporary disturbances ; the most friendly feelings toward them are expressed. The President recommends an organization of the Supreme Court which will relieve the judges of that court from any duties not connected with it, and will be more suited to the requirements of the present day ; that some wise and humane arrangement be made for the Indians, — perhaps settling them in the territory toward the Rocky Mountains, — which will lead to their permanent settlement in agricultural pursuits, and ulti- mately to their civilization, for which it is our solemn duty to provide ; and that the propriety of establishing a military station on the Pacific Coast be considered. He again reminds the nation of the many blessings it enjoys, and ex- horts it to preserve them from dangers without and dissensions within, and concludes this, his last annual message, with expressions of grati- tude for the public confidence and the generous support received from his fellow-citizens. During the session of 1825 several brief spe- MONROE'S PRESIDENTIAL MESSAGES 207 rial messages were sent to Congress. In the first, dated -January 5, the President requests a full investigation of his accounts with the gov- ernment (lining his long public service, with a view to a decision upon them hereafter. In the second, dated January 10, he gives reasons for withholding the documents, called for by the House of Representatives, concerning the con- duet of Commodore Stewart and Mr. Provost in South America. With the third, also ad- dressed to the House and dated January 27, he transmits a report of the secretary of war in regard to the removal of Indians to the West, and recommends that some scheme of good government for them be adopted. With the fourth, of February 14, he transmits to the House a report of the secretary of war on cer- tain surveys for internal improvements. The fifth, of February 17, concerns special affairs of the District of Columbia. The sixth, of Febru- ary "21. again refers the claims of the Massachu- setts militia to Congress, to whom, and not to the Executive, belongs the decision of the mut- ter. The last message, dated February 26, l< s 2o, concerns a matter of mere routine, the unintentional neglect to sign a certain bill. CHAPTER IX PERSONAL ASPECT AND DOMESTIC RELATIONS Little has been said hitherto of Monroe's domestic and personal characteristics, but I can- not close the narrative without some reference to them, — beginning with a mention of his happy marriage and his family ties. While attending Congress in New York, lie became engaged to Miss Eliza Kortwright, daughter of Lawrence Kortwright of that city, a lady of high social standing and of great beauty. He consulted his relative and life-long friend, Judge Jones, on this important matter, and received from him this counsel, which, however admirable for its discretion and caution, was certainly not likely to influence a man of twenty-eight who was ardently in love. JUDGE JONES TO JAMES MONROE " You will act prudently (so soon as you determine to fix yourself to business) to form the connection you propose with the person you mention or some other, as your inclination and convenience shall dic- tate. Sensibility and kindness of heart, good-nature without levity, a moderate share of good sense, with PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 209 some portion of domestic experience and economy, will generally, if united in the female character, pro- duce that happiness and benefit which results from the married state, and is the highest human felicity a man niav enjoy, and he cannot fail to enjoy it when he is blessed with a companion of such a disposition and behavior, unless he is so weak and imprudent as to he his own tormentor. You have reached that period of life to be capable of thinking and acting for yourself in this delicate and interesting business, and I can only assure you that any accommodation I shall be able to afford you, to render yours and her situa- tion agreeable and easy, will be cheerfully afforded, which, should fortune be wanting, will be more em- barrassing in the commencement than any after period. - ' It does not appear how carefully the lover weighed these words of wisdom, but the result of his own reflections appears in a letter to Madison, in which he announces his intended marriage. " If you visit this place shortly I will present you to a young lady who will be adopted a citizen of Virginia in the course of this week." Three months later In; writes to Jefferson: — ■ "You will lie surprised to hear that I have formed the most interesting connection in human lite with a young lady in this town, as you know my plan was to visit you before I settled myself ; but having 210 JAMES MONROE formed an attachment to this young lady — a Miss Kortwright, the daughter of a gentleman of respect- able character and connections in this State, though injured in his fortunes hy the late war — I have found that I must relinquish all other ohjects not connected with her. We were married about three months since. I remain here until the fall, at which time we remove to Fredericksburg in Virginia, where I shall settle for the present in a house prepared for me by Mr. Jones, to enter into the practice of the law." The young - lawyer had doubted where to make his permanent home, and his friendly relative went over the field carefully, and pointed out to him the comparative advantages of Fredericks- burg - and Richmond, with particular reference to his profession. The former is at length de- termined on, and the choice is thus announced to Jefferson, August 19, 1786 : — " I shall leave this about the 1st of October for Virginia, — Fredericksburg. Believe me, 1 have not relinquished the prospect of being your neighbor. The house for which 1 have requested a plan may possibly be erected near Monticello ; to iix there, and to have yourself in particular, with what friends wo may collect around, for society is my chief object ; or rather, the only one which pi'Omises to me, with the connection I have formed, rial and substantial plea- sure ; if, indeed, by the name of pleasure it may be called." PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 1211 There were two children of this marriage, Eliza, who married Judge George Hay of Vir- ginia; and Maria, who married Samuel L. C i * >u- verneur of New York. When Monroe was in Paris his elder daughter was at school with Hortense Beauharnais, who became Queen of Holland, and their teacher was the celebrated Madame Campan. The acquaintance thus formed became a warm friendship. The child of Mon- roe's daughter was named Hortense or Horten- sia, after Queen Hortense, who retained a warm interest in her namesake through her life. In a Baltimore family interesting mementos of this intimacy are carefully preserved. Portraits iu oil of Hortense and Eugene Beauharnais and of Madame Campan were sent to Hortensia Hay by the former cpieen, with an affectionate letter, and there are reasons to think that she re- mend >cred in her last will her American name- sake. 1 Monroe's interest in the various members of his family connection is marked by more than ordinary affection. lie took great pains to fur- ther their material welfare, and make them comfortable in their outward affairs, but he was always on his guard against using his official 1 The gentleman, Charles Wilmer, Esq., who owns these valuable pictures, has also a charming miniature of Mrs. Mom lot;, painted when she resided in Paris. 212 JAMES MONROE station for the benefit of any relative. In June, 1794, just as he was about to sail for Europe, he gave the following advice to a nephew. 1 It indicates, more accurately than any other letter which I recall, Monroe's moral principles. " You may by your industry, prudence, and studio ous attention to your business, as well as to your books, make such exertions as will advance your for- tune and reputation in the world, whereby alone your happiness or even tranquillity can be secui"ed. Not only the reality of these virtues must be possessed, but such an external must be observed as to satisfy the world you do possess them, otherwise you will not enjoy their confidence. You will recollect, like- wise, that heretofore your youth and inexperience were an excuse for any apparent levity or irregular- ity, but now that you are advancing in life, have a family and children, the case is altered. Solid merit and virtue alone will support and carry you with credit through the world. " The principal danger to which a young man com- mencing under limited resources is exposed, and in which, if he errs, he inflicts the most incurable wound on his reputation, is the abuse of pecuniary confi- dence. Let me, therefore, warn you never to use your client's money. No temptation is greater to a person possessed of it than that which daily arises in the occurrences of a private family, to use this money, especially when the prospect of reimbursement fur« 1 Gouverneur MSS. PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 213 pishes the hope it may not be called for. But as the commencement of this practice breaks down to a certain degree that chaste and delicate refinement, which forms the strongest barrier for the protection of virtue, it should never be commenced. " I would make it one of those sacred rules of my life which should not be violated, never to use it. I believe you have no passion for anything of that kind. I sincerely hope you have not. I suggest this hint, therefore, rather to guard you against a danger which assails every young man, than that I believe you likely to suffer by it. I mean the vice of gambling. I recollect there is a billiard table near you. Let me warn you against it. A passion of this kind will control, as it always has, every other. If it seizes you, your client's money will not be safe in your hands." Several sketches of Monroe, written at dif- ferent periods of his life, by different persons, will next be given. 1799-1802. William Wirt, in the "Letters of a British Spy," which were published in a newspaper in 1803, and afterwards reprinted in various forms, drew the portrait of Monroe at the time when first he was governor. It is an interesting sketch by itself, but still more so in connection with a pendent likeness of the illustrious Mai- shall, whose career began with that of Monroe, 214 JAMES MONROE in the College of William and Mary, and whose life was almost exactly contemporaneous. " In his stature," says "Wirt, " he is about the mid- dle height of men, rather firmly set, with nothing further remarkable in his person, except his muscular compactness and apparent ability to endure labor. His countenance, when grave, has rather the expres- sion of sternness and irascibility ; a smile, however (and a smile is not unusual with him in a social circle), lights it up to very high advantage, and gives it a most impressive and engaging air of suavity and benevolence. " His dress and personal appearance are those of a plain and modest gentleman. He is a man of soft, polite, and even assiduous attentions ; but these, al- though they are always well-timed, judicious, and evidently tbe offspring of an obliging and philan- thropic temper, are never performed with the striking and captivating graces of a Marlborough or a Boling- broke. To be plain, there is often in his manner an inartificial and even an awkward simplicity, which, while it provokes the smile of a more polished person, forces him to the opinion that Mr. Monroe is a man of a most sincere and artless soul." This is but a portion of the description. 1825. A letter from Mrs. Tuley, then of Virginia, recently published, 1 gives the following picture 1 Philadelphia Times PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 215 of the last levee at the White House, on New Year's day, during Monroe's administration. When she entered the reception-room, " Mr. Monroe was standing near the door, and as we were introduced we had the honor of shaking hands with him and passing the usual congratulations of the season. My impressions of Mr. Monroe are very pleasing. He is tall and well formed. His dress plain and in the old style, small clothes, silk hose, knee-buckles, and pumps fastened with huckles. His manner was quiet and dignified. From the frank, honest expression of his eye, which is said to he 'the window of the soul,' I think he well deserves the encomium passed upon him hy the great Jeffer- son, who said, ' Monroe was so honest that if you turned his soul inside out there would not be a spot on it.' " We passed on and were presented to Mrs. Monroe and her two daughters, Mrs. Judge Hay and Mrs. Gouverneur, who stood hy their mother and assisted her in receiving. Mrs. Monroe's manner is very gracious and she is a regal-looking lady. Her dress was superb black velvet ; neck and arms bare and beautifully formed ; her hair in puffs and dressed high on the head and ornamented with white ostrich plumes ; around her neck an elegant pearl necklace. Though no longer young, she is still a very hand- some woman. You remember Mrs. told us that, when Mr. Monroe was sent as Minister to France, Mrs. Monroe accompanied him, and in Paris she was 216 JAMES MONROE called ' la belle Americaine.' She also told us that she was quite a belle in New York in the latter part of the Revolutionary War. Her maiden name was Kortwright. Mrs. Judge Hay (the President's eldest daughter) is very handsome also — tall and graceful, and, I hear, very accomplished. She was educated in Paris at the celebrated boarding-school kept by Mine. Campan, and among her intimate school friends was the beautiful Hortense de Beauharnais, step- daughter of the Emperor Napoleon. Her dress was crimson velvet, gold cord and tassel round the waist, white plumes in the hair, handsome jewelry, bare neck and arms. The other daughter, Mrs. Gouver- neur, is also very handsome — dress, rich white satin, trimmed with a great deal of blonde lace, embroidered with silver thread, bare neck and arms, pearl jewelry and white plumes in the hair. By the bye, plumes in the hair seem to be the most fashionable style of head-dress for married ladies. " All the lower rooms were opened, and though well filled, not uncomfortably so. The rooms were warmed by great fires of hickory wood in the large open fireplaces, and with the handsome brass and- irons and fenders cpiite remind me of our grand old wood fires in Virginia. Wine was handed about in wine-glasses on large silver salvers by colored waiters, dressed in dark livery, gilt buttons, etc. I suppose aome of them must have come from Mr. Monroe's old family seat, ' Oak Hill,' Virginia." PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 217 1830. Here is an autographic sketch of the ex-Pre- sident's litorary work, addressed to Mr. Gouver- neur : ' — " I am en" , a"ed in a work which will be entitled 'A biographical and historical view of the great events to which Mr. Monroe was a party and of which he was a spectator in the course of his public service,' — commencing with my service in the army, in the legislature and council of the State, in the Revolutionary Congress and in the Senate. I have brought it to the conclusion of my firsl mission to France, which would, if printed, make about one hundred and twenty pages, and with the appendix, should it be thought advisable to add one, perhaps as many more. This work to this stage might be published at an early period as introductory to the sequel, though, I being closely engaged in it, I could, if I have health, complete the whole in five or six months. I have composed in part another work, a comparison between our government and the ancient republics, and likewise with the government of Eng- land. Of this I have already extended it to a view of the government of Athens and Lacedemon, of Greece, of Carthage, with notes on that of Rome, to which I have drawn an introductory view of govern- ment and society as the basis of the work. This work I could also finish in about the same time, by devoting myself to it. What I have already written would occupy more pages than that above mentioned. 1 Gouverneux MSS. 218 JAMES MONROE My correspond once, when in the war department, of three hundred and ninety-four pages folio, I mean my own letters only, is another work which I intend at a proper time to publish. If my claims are re- jected I should wish to take the preparatory steps to a publication, by suitable notices in the public papers at the proper time. I think no part had better be published until that part is finished ; and to accom- plish which, that I had better devote myself to one of the works mentioned, exclusively in the first in- stance, the biographical one, for instance. I shall place occurrences and develop principles by a faithful attention to facts, manifesting no hostility to any one. The publication of any part cannot, I presume, be made till the fall, and no notice had better be taken of it till just before." 1830. During the latter part of his life a gentleman who is now living in Charlottesville, Va., Judge E. R. Watson, was a member of Monroe's fam- ily, and retains a very vivid recollection of his appearance, occupations, and characteristics. He has been so kind as to prepare for insertion here the following reminiscences. Judge Watson's Recollections. "In person Mr. Monroe was about six feet high, perhaps rather more ; broad and square-shouldered and raw-boned. When I knew him he was an old *nan (more than seventy years of age), and he looked PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 210 perhaps oven older than lie was, his face being Btrongly marked with the lines of anxiety and care. His mouth was rather large, his nose of medium size and well-shaped, his forehead broad, and his eyes blue approaching gray. Altogether his face was a little rugged ; and I do not suppose he was ever handsome, but in his younger days he must have been a man of tine physique, and capable of great endurance. As an illustration of this, I remember hearing him say that immediately preceding the oc- cupation of Washington by the British, and just after their retreat from the city, during the war of 1812, with the burden of three of the departments of the government resting upon him. — State. Treasury, and "War. — he did not undress himself for ten days and nights, and was in the saddle the greater part of the time. There was no grace about Mr. Monroe, either in appearance or manner. He was, in fact, rather an awkward man, and, even in his old age, a diffident one. Nevertheless, there was a calm and quiet dig- nity about him with which no one in his presence could fail to be impressed, and he was one of the most polite men I ever saw to all ranks and classes. It was his habit, in his ride of a morning or evening, to how and speak to the humblest slave whom he passed as respectfully as if he had been the first gen- tleman in the neighborhood. I have heard him de- fine true politeness as 'right feeling controlled by good common sense.' " I do not know that I ever witnessed in Mr. Mon- roe any actual outbreak of temper, but I was always 220 JAMES MONROE impressed with the idea that he was a man of very- strong feelings and passions, which, however, he had learned to control perfectly. I never heard him use an oath, or utter a word of profanity, and hence I was quite astonished when, on one occasion, I was talking with an old family servant about a gentleman who swore very hard, and he remarked, ' Bless your soul, you ought to hear old master ! He can give that man two in the deal and heat him.' In his intercourse with his family he was not only unvary- ingly kind and affectionate, hut as gentle as a woman or a child. He was wholly unselfish. The wishes, the feelings, the interests, the happiness, of others were always consulted in preference to his own. "Being quite young at the time, I was not a very competent judge, but my recollection is that Mr. Monroe's conversational powers were not of a high order. He always used the plainest, simplest lan- guage, but was not fluent, and was, it seemed to me, wholly wanting in imagination. He lacked the ver- satility, and I should say also the general culture, requisite for shining in the social circle, but was always interesting and instructive ; when with good listeners he led in conversation, and talked of the scenes and events through which he had passed, et quorum magna pars fuit. Whilst I was a member of Mr. Monroe's family it was his habit, when the weather and his health would allow, and the presence of visitors did not prevent, to ride out morning and evening, and I was very often his only companion. On these occasions he always talked of the past, and PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 221 I was strongly impressed with the idea that he must have been in his puhlic career essentially a man of action ; content even that others might share the credit really due to him, if he could only enjoy the consciousness of doing his duty and rendering his country service. Love of country and devotion to duty appeared to me the explanation of his success in life and the honors bestowed upon him. There was not the least particle of conceit in Mr. Monroe, and yet he seemed always strongly to feel that he had rendered great puhlic service. From Washing- ton to John Quincy Adams, he was the associate and co-lahorer of the greatest and hest men of his day. Yet he had no feeling of envy towards any of them ; and though he felt that some had not always treated him justly, he took far more pleasure in commending their high qualities and patriotic services than in re- ferring to his wrongs, real or imaginary. " One striking peculiarity ahout Mr. Monroe was his sensitiveness, his timidity in reference to puhlic sentiment. I do not mean as it respected his past public life. As to that he appeared to feel secure. But in retirement his great care seemed to he to do and say nothing unbecoming in an ex-President of the United States. He thought it incumbent on him to have nothing to do with party politics. This was beneath the dignity of an ex -President, and it was unjust to the people, who had so highly honored him, to seek to throw the weight of his name and character on either side of any contest between them. Hence Mr. Monroe, after retiring from office, rarely, if ever, 222 JAMES MONROE expressed his opinions of public men or measures^ except confidentially. Over and over again, in the early days of Jackson's administration, did lie speak freely to me of that remarkable man, of Mr. Cal- houn, Mr. Webster, Mr. Clay, and others scarcely less prominent, as well as of the principles and mea- sures with which they were respectively identified ; but always with the injunction that what he said was never to be repeated. I recollect well to this day some of his opinions as then expressed, and have often regretted that I did not make some note of them all. But the truth is, I was so much afraid chat in some unguarded moment I might hetray the confidence reposed in me, that I sought rather to for- get than to treasure up what he said about men and measures of the day. " I cannot recall more than a single instance in which, in company, he expressed any opinion as to the character or conduct of prominent public men, except in so far as he could approve and commend them. On one occasion John Randolph of Roanoke was the subject of discussion among several gentle- men present, who differed widely in their estimates of his character and services. Finally Mr. Monroe was appealed to for his opinion by one of Mr. Ran- dolph's admirers, in a way which indicated that the party addressing him scarcely expected any direct answer. Very promptly, however, Mr. Monroe re- plied, ' Well, Mr. Randolph is, I think, a capital hand to pull down, but I am not aware that he has ever exhibited much skill as a builder.' PERSONALITY ; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 223 "Mr. Monroe's official life was marked by the same deference to and fear of offending public senti- ment. My impression is that during his whole pre- sidential term he appointed no relative or near con- nection to office. His two sons-in-law were George Hay of Virginia, and Samuel L. Gouverneur of New York. The former was a lawyer of eminent ability and a man of the very highest character, and was promptly appointed to a federal judgeship (the same now held by Judge Hughes of Virginia) by John Quincy Adams ; but he received nothing at the hands of Mr. Monroe. And so with Mr. Gouver- neur ; he was a talented and popular young man, of one of the best families of New York, but he received no federal appointment till Mr. Adams had suc- ceeded Mr. Monroe. Then Adams made him post- master of New York. Judge Hay had a son (by his first marriage), Charles Hay, who was made chief clerk of the Navy Department under Mr. Adams, but held no office under Mr. Monroe. The latter, as I heard from his own lips, was not willing, in making any appointment, to lay himself liable even to the suspicion of being influenced by any other considera- tion than the public good. "Though Mr. Monroe in early life practiced law, I feel very sure he could not have been a very good speaker. He wrote with no great facility, but with pains. His handwriting was very bad. Some time in 1829, possibly in 1830, by his horse falling with him, he sprained his right wrist very badly, and for some time could not write at all. I often acted as his 224 JAMES MONROE amanuensis. His correspondence was immense, and with the hest and wisest men of his day. I do not rememher whether lie kept copies of his letters. I rather think he did not. But I have often thought that from those written to him there might he gathered a vast amount of valuable material bearing upon the history of the country, and the character and conduct of its public men. " I have intimated that Mr. Monroe was probably deficient in general culture. If this be true, it is equally true that he was a student of history, espe- cially of ancient history. Whilst I was with him he completed the manuscript of a little work entitled, I think, ' A Comparison of the American Republic with the Republics of Greece and Rome.' Every line of this I copied for him. On its completion he showed it to Judge Hay (who, with his family, lived with him), and asked him to read it and tell him what he thought of it. I well remember that, after examining it, Judge Hay said to Mr. Monroe, ' I think your time could have been better employed. If the framers of our Constitution could have had some work, from a modern standpoint, on the Constitutions of Greece and Rome, it might have been of value to them. I do not think yours is of practical value now. A history of your Life and Times, written by yourself, would really be interesting and valuable.' The idea seemed quite new to Mr. Monroe. Such was his modesty and self-depreciation that he had never thought of it before. The suggestion, however, had controlling weight, and Mr. Monroe immediately began to pre- PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 225 pave such a work, and made some progress in it, but how much I cannot say. His memory of past events was remarkable; and as. from the very beginning of the Revolution, when he became a member of Wash- ington's military family, to the close of his presi- dency, he was intimately associated with the govern- ment and those who controlled it. it is greatly to be deplored that his life and health were not spared to enable him to complete the work. It might not have been distinguished by literary merit, but it would have been marked, in my humble judgment, by a degree of truth, impartiality, and justice which never have been and never will be surpassed by any hu- man production. I have often wondered what had become of this fragment of Mr. Monroe's ' Life and Times,' as well as the little work which I copied for him. " Mr. Monroe was warmly attached to his friends. He never forgot a service rendered him, whether in public or private life. But in his friendship and affection for Mr. Madison there was something touch- ing and beautiful. Washington ami Jefferson lie greatly admired, but Mr. Madison he loved with his whole heart. They were once rival candidates for office, but. from what I have heard .Mr. Monroe say, I do not suppose there was ever. For a single moment, the slightest feeling of estrangement or un- kindness between them. " I have several times seen them together at Mont- pelier, and, as it seemed to me, it was only in Mr. Madison's society that Mr. Monroe could lay aside 226 JAMES MONROE his usual seriousness and indulge in the humorous jest and merry laugh, as if he were young again. " Mrs. Monroe was Eliza Kortwright of New York, the niece, I think, of General Knox, of Revo- lutionary fame. Even in old age and feeble health she bore traces of having been very beautiful in early life. She survived Judge Hay but a short time. I was at Oak Hill, on a visit, when she died. She was not buried for several days, the delay being occasioned by the construction of a vault, designed not only for her remains but for those also of Mr. Monroe, as he himself told me. I shall never forget the touching grief manifested by the old man on the morning after Mrs. Monroe's death, when he sent for me to go to his room, and with trembling frame and streaming eyes spoke of the long years they had spent happily together, and expressed in strong terms his conviction that he would soon follow her. In this connection he spoke of his purpose to build a vault for the remains of both of them ; and I have often thought it would have been well if, when Virginia caused his remains to be removed to Richmond, those of Mrs. Monroe had been also removed and laid side by side with them. " The death of Mr. Monroe occurred on the 4th of July of the next year (183J ), at the residence of his son-in-law, Mr. Gouverneur, in the city of New York. I have a strong impression that Mr. Monroe either told me in person, or wrote to me, that his purpose in going to New York was not only to visic his daughter, but especially to see his friend William Wirt, to whom he was devotedly attached." /^ PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 227 Here are two almost pathetic letters, one from Monroe to Madison, the other from Madison to* Monroe, written in the spring of 1831. MOXROE TO MADISOX 1 I have intended for some time to write and ex« plain to you the arrangement I have made for my future residence, and respecting my private affairs with a view to my com tort, so far as I may expect it, hut it lias been painful to me to execute it. My ill state of health continuing, consisting of a cough, which annoys me by night and by day with considerable expectoration, considering my advanced years, although my lungs are not affected, renders the restoration of my health very uncertain, or in- deed any favorable change in it. In such a state I could not reside on my farm. The solitude would be very distressing, and its cares very burdensome. It is the wish of both my daughters, and of the whole connection, that I should remain here and receive their good offices, which I have decided to do. I do not wish to burden them. It is my intention to rem, a house near Mr. Gouverneur, and to live within mv own resources so far as I may be able. I could make no establishment of any kind without the sale of mv property in Loudoun, which I have advertised for the 8th of dune, and given the necessary power to Mr. Gouverneur and my nephew dames. If my health will permit. I will visit it in the interim and arrange affairs there for that event and my removal 1 Monroe MSS. 228 JAMES MONROE here. The accounting officers have made no decision on my claims, and have given me much trouble. I have written them that I would make out no account adapted to the act, which fell far short of making me a just reparation, and that I had rather lose the whole sum than give to it any sanction, be the conse- quences what they may. I never recovered from the losses of the first mission, to which those of the second added considerably. It is very distressing to me to sell my property in Loudoun, for, besides parting with all I have in the State, I indulged a hope, if I could retain it, that I might be able occasionally to visit it, and meet my friends, or many of them, there. But ill health and advanced years prescribe a course which we must pursue. I deeply regret that there is no prospect of our ever meeting: again, since so lon^ have we been connected, and in the most friendly intercourse, in public and private life, that a final separation is among the most distressing incidents which could oc- cur. I shall resign my seat as a visitor at the Board in due time to enable the Executive to fill the vacancy, that my successor may attend the next meeting. I beg you to assure Mrs. Madison that I never can for- get the friendly relation which has existed between her and my family. It often reminds me of incidents of the most interesting character. My daughter, Mrs. Hay, will live with me, who, with the whole family here, unite in affectionate regards to both of you. Wry sincerely, your friend, J. M. New Yoke, April 11, 1831. PERSONALITY; DOMESTIC RELATIONS 229 MADISON TO MONROE 1 Montpblieb, April 21, 1831. Dear Sir, — I have duly received yours of [April 11]. I considered the advertisement of your estate in Loudoun as an omen that your friends in Virginia were to lose you. It is impossible to gainsay the motives to which you yielded in making New York your residence, though I fear you will find its cli- mate unsuited to your period of life and the state of your health. I just observe, and with much pleasure that the sum voted by Congress, however short oi just calculations, escapes the loppings to which it was exposed from the accounting process at Washington, and that you are so far relieved from the vexations involved in it. The result will. I hope, spare you at least the sacrifice of an untimely sale of your valu- able property ; and I would fain flatter myself that, with an encouraging improvement of your health, you might be brought to reconsider the arrangement which fixes you elsewhere. The effect of this, in closing the prospect of our ever meeting again, afflicts me deeply ; certainly not less so than it can you. The pain I feel at the idea, associated as it is with a recollection of the long, close, and uninterrupted friendship which united us, amounts to a pang which I cannot well express, and which makes me seek for an alleviation in the possibility that you may be brought back to us in the wonted decree of inter- course. This is a happiness my feelings covet, not 1 Madison's Writings, vol. iv. pp. 17 v -l^ 230 JAMES MONROE withstanding the short period I could expect to en. joy it ; being now, though in comfortable health, a decade beyond the canonical three-score and ten, an epoch which you have but just passed. As you propose to make a visit to Loudoun pre- vious to the notified sale, if the state of your health permits, why not, with the like permission, extend the trip to this quarter ? The journey, at a rate of your own choice, might cooperate in the reestablish- ment of your health, whilst it would be a peculiar gratification to your friends, and, perhaps, enable you to join your colleagues at the university once more at least. It is much to be desired that you should continue, as long as possible, a member of the Board, and I hope yon will not send in your resignation in case you find your cough and weakness giving way to the influence of the season and the innate strength of your constitution. I will not despair of your be- ing able to keep up your connection with Virginia by retaining Oak Hill and making it not less than an occasional residence. Whatever may be the turn of things, be assured of the unchangeable interest felt by Mrs. Madison, as well as myself, in your welfare, and in that of all who are dearest to you. In explanation of my microscopic writing, I must remark that the older I grow the more my stiffening fingers make smaller letters, as my feet take shorter steps, the progress in both cases being, at the same time, more fatiguing as well as more slow. CHAPTER X RETROSPECT REPUTATION Moxroe retired from his high office March 4, 1825, and during the seven years which re- mained of his life divided his time between his home at Oak Hill, in Loudoun County, Virginia, and the residence of his daughter, Mrs. Gouver- neur, in the city of New York. He accepted the post of regent in the University of Vir- ginia, which was instituted in 1826, and gave his personal attention to the duties of the office, with Jefferson and Madison. He was asked to serve on the electoral ticket of Virginia in 1828, but declined to do so, on the ground that an ex-President should refrain from an active par- ticipation in political contests. He consented, however, to act as a local magistrate and to become a member of the Virginia constitu- tional convention, which assembled a little later. He maintained an active correspondence with friends at home and abroad, and, what is much more remarkable, he undertook to compose a philosophical history of the origin of free gov- 232 JAMES MONROE ernments, for which his literary training was quite inadequate. Tins treatise was published in 18G7. Monroe, throughout his later days, was somewhat embarrassed in his pecuniary cir- cumstances, and spent a great deal of time in endeavoring to secure from Congress a just re- imbursement for the heavy expenses in which he had been involved during his prolonged ser- vices abroad. It is truly pitiful to perceive the straits to which so patriotic a servant of the country, against whose financial integrity not a word was uttered, was reduced ; particularly when the expenditures he had incurred were, to a very large amount, required by the posi- tions to which his countrymen had called him, and for which they made inadequate remunera- tion. No private subscription came to honor or relieve him. Lafayette, with a generous impulse and with great delicacy of procedure, offend him relief. 1 Some allowance was at length made by Congress, and after his death his heirs received a moderate sum for the pa- pers he had preserved. His old age was much 'given to retrospection, doubtless quickened by the necessity of reviewing his accounts in justifi- cation of his claims. A letter to Judge MeLean may be found in his manuscripts, with a note 1 Ante, page 154. RETROSPECT— REPUTATION 233 that the form was altered, though the spirit was preserved. 1 It reads as follows : — MONROE TO JOHN MCLEAN Oak Bill, December 5, 1827. I have read with great interest your letter of the 15th alt. The course which you have pursued in the administration corresponds with thai which I had anticipated. I am satisfied that you had done your duty to your country, and acquitted yourself to the just claims of those with whom you were officially connected. It has afforded me great pleasure to find that the department had considerably improved, under your management, in all the great objects of the institu- tion, the more extensive circulation of political and commercial intelligence among the great body of our fellow-citizens and the augmentation of the revenue. This sentiment seems to be general throughout the community, which it would not be if it was not con- firmed by unquestionable evidence. By the faithful and useful discharge of your public duties you have given the best support which could be rendered to the administration of Mr. Adams, and of which he must be sensible. No person at the la-ad of the gov- ernment has, in my opinion, any claim to the active partisan exertions of those in office under him. Jus- tice to his public acts, friendly feelings, and a candid and honorable deportment towards him, without for- getting what is due to others, are all that he has a 1 Mourou MSS. 234 JAMES MONROE right to expect, and in those I am satisfied you have never failed. Your view, in regard to my concerns, corresponds also with my own. I shall never apply again to Congress, let my situation he what it may. The only point on which my mind has balanced is, whether the republication of my memoir, remarks, and documents, in a pamphlet, would be proper and useful. Those papers relate to important public events in both my missions and in the late war, and since, while I held an office in the administration. I was charged with a failure to perform my duty in my first mission, and recalled from it and censured. The book which I published on my return home, with the official documents which it contained, vindi- cated me against the charge, and on that ground I then left it. The parties are since dead, and I am now retired to private life. I never doubted the perfect integrity of General Washington, nor the strength or energy of his mind, and was personally attached to him. I admired his patriotism, and had full confidence in his attachment to liberty and soli- citude for the success of the French Revolution. It being necessary to advert to that occurrence, in my communication to the committee which was first appointed on my claims, I availed myself of the oc- casion to express a sentiment corresponding with the above in his favor, as I likewise did in the memoir since published. The documents published with it prove, in minute detail, not only that I faithfully performed my duty to my country, but exerted my best taculties, on all occasions, in support of his char* RETKf isi'F.CT— REPUTATION 235 acter and fame. The letters of Major Mount Horence, which I had forgotten that I possessed, are material on both points. They prove thai the French govern- ment charged me with having prevented it from tak- ing measures which it deemed due to the honor of France, for eight months, and that it had withdrawn its confidence from, and ceased to communicate with me at the very momenl when I was recalled by my own government. Major Mountflorence was no par- ticular friend or associate of mine. I found him in France, on my arrival there. He was the friend of Mr. Morris, my predecessor, and, as I understand, from Tennessee. Mr. Skipwith employed him as the chancellor in his office, on account of his acquaintance with our affairs and knowledge of the French lan- guage. He passed daily, on the husiness of the consulate, through the several departments of the government, and was acquainted with the principal officers, especially the clerks in each, and on that account I instructed him to make the inquiries to which his reports relate. All the other documents correspond with and support his statement, which they extend to other objects that are very interesting. I was likewise charged in that mission with specu- lation, in consequence of a purchase which I made of a house. The documents published show clearly the motive which led me into that measure, as they do my intention to offer it to my government, on my resignation and return, on the terms on which I bought it; being recalled, and the minister sent to replace me not received, such an offer would have 236 JAMES MONROE been absurd. Besides, I was forced to sell it to en- able me to leave tbe country ; and even tben I lost one balf of the price given for it, as I believe, in consequence of my recall and the circumstances under which I left it. An important examination of the state of our affairs on my arrival in France, the seizure of our vessels, jealousy of our views, and distress of our citizens there, and the change produced on my appeal and presentation to the convention, with the offer of a house, etc., will, I think, enable any candid person, aided by the documents referred to, to decide whether my motive in making that pur- chase was a private or a public one. That it had the desired effect was the opinion of all my fellow-citizens there, who had earnestly advised me to it. The documents relating to my second mission are likewise very interesting. The call made on me by Mr. Jefferson, the manner of the call, and circum- stances under which 1 left the country, with the losses attending it, are fully shown, as are the consequences, resulting from the mission. Those were not known before, and the latter had been misrepresented and were by many misunderstood. They were never used to promote my election to any office. This memoir, with the remarks and documents, form a case between my country and me, and, being collected in a pamphlet, will be better understood and more easily preserved. If not true in a single instance, let it be shown. I know that they are true in every one, and am not afraid of the severest scru- tiny, should the proof presented be deemed inade- RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 237 quate in any circumstance. The preservation of them may tend to give a coloring, or rather character, to some of the wants to which they relate. With my conduct in the offices in the city, at the most difficult periods, you are well acquainted in the outline, having been a huge portion of the time in Congress, and in confidential communication with me. You know that I was called into the Department of War on a great emergency, and by that emergency, not by any desire of mine. Many circumstances, however, occurred while I was in that department, with which I wish to make you acquainted, and espe- cially those which relate to the measures taken for the defense of New Orleans in the late war. Re- presentations have been given of my conduct in that instance very injurious to me. To the gallantry and very meritorious conduct of General Jackson there, I have always done, and shall do, full justice. I wish, however, to make you fully acquainted with the part I have acted towards him in that and some other instances, which have since occurred. By such a view you will be able to judge whether I have acted fairly towards him, and taken responsibility on myself for him, from motives of friendship, or acted a different part. The papers, which I wish to show you, are original. I do not wish you to come here at this time, and am inclined to think you had better not. If you see no impro- priety in it, I will inclose to you the papers which, after perusing them, I wish you to return to mo immediately, and without showing or letting it be 238 JAMES MONROE known to any person existing that you had ever seen them. On the question of repuhlication and the subject to which it relates, above referred to, I shall be glad to receive your opinion when convenient. In these last years his quiet was disturbed by a controversy, already mentioned, as to the ac- tion of his cabinet in respect to the proceedings of General Jackson. The irritation appears to have begun in 1827. His son-in-law, Mr. Gouverneur, referring- to an article which had appeared in a Tennessee paper, and reflected discredit on Monroe's ad- ministration, expressed to Monroe great surprise that such an article should have been written with Jackson's approbation. " That injustice might be attempted," he says (May 24, 1827), "by the heated partisans of the day for their own purposes. I can readily conceive, but that General Jackson, with whom you have so long pre- served the most intimate relations of friendship, and whose public character you have so frequently sus- tained during the most perilous periods of your ad- ministration, should authorize that injustice, I should not only be slow to believe but most deeply regret. It certainly is at variance with all the feelings I have ever entertained of his character, which I thought had been fully justified in all the incidents of his life. It is undoubtedly desirable that you should collect such RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 239 evidences as are in your possession, and to which you may now have access, as relate to the period in ques- tion. It is among the most interesting of our his- tory, and must lie so regarded by posterity. How far it may be advisable to use them in any shape at this time, I think depends on what may occur here- after, and the circumstances which may arise to call for it. Your position is one of a defensive character, if necessary, and I do not think requires anything from you which may invite attack. When it comes I should consider you at full liberty to meet it by all the evidences of which you may be able to avail your- self." His dread of any financial action which should endanger the Union is clearly 1 nought out in a letter to John C. Calhoun, February 16, 1830, 1 in reply to one which he had received from his former secretary. " Nothing can be more distressing to me than the approach or possibility of a crisis, which may, in its consequences, endanger our Union. I trust, how- ever, that the patriotism, intelligence, and virtue of the people, and of tbose who may fill our public councils at the epoch you refer to, will rescue us from such a danger. Satisfied I am that nothing can be SO calamitous to every section of the Union as a dis- memberment. With such an event our republican Bystem would soon go to wreck ; wars would take place between the new States as they did between the 1 Gouverneur MSS. 240 JAMES MONROE ancient republics, and now do between tbe powers ol Europe ; and we to the south, where so large a por- tion of the population consists of slaves, would by do- mestic conjunctions be most apt to fall the victims. " From the close of our Revolution we have looked to the extinction of the public debt as a period of peculiar felicity. There is, I believe, no other gov- ernment or people in existence who are thus blessed. That this epoch should lay the foundation for such a calamity would be an event without example. 1 think with you that the interesting questions which you state will, in tbe discussion, excite much feeling, and may, in the view which the different sections may take of their local interests, put tbem for a while in a marked opposition to each other. Each however will, I trust, weigh the subject calmly, and be willing to make some concession and even sacri- fices to save our republican system." There are many estimates of Monroe to be met with in the memoirs of his contemporaries. Washington's early praise has already beeD quoted. Jefferson said of him, " He is a man whose soul might be turned wrong side outwards without discovering a blemish to the world." Madison used this language : " His understand- ing was very much underrated ; his judgment was particularly good ; few men have made more of what may be called sacrifices in the service of the public." John Quincy Adams delivered a eulogy, the last pages of which glow with RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 241 praise "of a mind, anxious and unwearied in the pursuit of truth and right, patient of inquiry, patient of contradiction, courteous even in the collision of sentiment, sound in its ultimate judgments, and firm in its final conclusions." John McLean gave emphasis to the purity of his action in making executive appointments: — " Personal motives, either as they regarded the President himself or the person appointed, were lost in higher considerations of duty." Web- ster, in 1825, declared that "the administration now closed had been in general highly satisfac- tory to the country. It could not be said," he continued, kk that that administration had either been supported or opposed by any party associa- tions, or on any parly principles." Calhoun, the stern and stately Calhoun, is effusive in the terms which he employs when speaking of the Presi- dent in whose cabinet he served. One of the most elaborate estimates of Monroe's career is that of Benton, which deserves to be quoted. •■ Mr. Monroe had none of the mental qualities which dazzle and astonish mankind : hut lie had a discretion which seldom committed a mistake; an integrity that always looked to the public good ; a firmness of will which carried him resolutely upon his object ; a diligence which mastered every subject; and a perseverance that yielded to no obstacle or re- Verse. 242 JAMES MONROE " He began his patriotic career in the military ser- vice at the commencement of the war of the Revolu« tion, went into the General Assembly of his native State at an early age. and thence, while still young, into the Continental Congress. There he showed his character, and laid the foundation of his future political fortunes in his uncompromising opposition to the plan of a treaty with Spain, by which the navigation of the Mississippi was to be given up for twenty-five years in return for commercial privileges. It was the qualities of judgment and perseverance which he displayed on that occasion which brought him those calls to diplomacy in which he was after- wards so much employed with three of the then greatest European powers, — France, Spain, Great Britain. And it was in allusion to this circumstance that President Jefferson afterwards, when the right of deposit at New Orleans had been violated by Spain, and when a minister was wanted to recover it, said, 'Monroe is the man; the defense of the Mis- sissippi belongs to him.' And under this appoint- ment he had the felicity to put his name to the treaty which secured the Mississippi, its navigation and all the territory drained by its western waters, to the United States forever. Several times in his life he seemed to miscarry and to fall from the top to the bottom of the political ladder, but always to reascend as high or higher than ever. Recalled by Washing- ton from the French mission, to which he had been appointed from the Senate of the United States, he returned to the starting point of his early career, the RETROSPECT — REPUTATION' 243 General Assembly of his State, served as a member from his county, was elected Governor, and from that post was restored by Jefferson to the French mission, soon to l>e followed hy the embassies to Spain and England. Becoming estranged from Mr. .Madison about the time of that gentleman's first election to the presidency, and having returned from his missions a little mortified that Mr. Jefferson had rejected his British treaty without sending it to the Senate, he was again at the foot of the political ladder, and ap- parently out of favor with those who were at its top. Nothing despairing he went hack to the old starting point, served again in the Virginia General Assem- bly, was again elected Governor, and from that post was called to the cabinet of Mr. Madison, to be his douhle secretary of state and war. He was the effective power in the declaration of war against Great Britain. His residence abroad had shown him that unavenged British wrongs were lowering our charac- ter with Europe, and that war with the ' mistress of the seas ' was as necessary to our respectability in the eyes of the world, as to the security of our citi- zens and commerce upon the ocean. He brought up Mr. Madison to the war point. He drew the war report which the Committee on Foreign Relations presented to the House, that report which the ab- sence of Mr. Peter B. Porter, the chairman, and the hesitancy of Mr. Grundy, the second on the commit- tee, threw into the hands of Mr. Calhoun, the third on the list and the youngest of the committee, and the presentation of which immediately gave him a 244 JAMES MONROE national reputation. Prime mover of the war, he was also one of its most efficient supporters, taking upon himself, when adversity pressed, the actual duties of war minister, financier, and foreign secre- tary at the same time. He was an enemy to all extra- vagance, to all intrigue, to all indirection in the con- duct of business. Mr. Jefferson's comprehensive and compendious eulogium upon him, as brief as true, was the faithful description of the man — ' honest and brave.' He was an enemy to nepotism, and no consideration or entreaty, no need of the support which an office would give, or intercession from friends, could ever induce him to appoint a relative vo any place under the government. He had op- posed the adoption of the Constitution until amend- ments were obtained ; but these had, he became one of its firmest supporters, and labored faithfully, anxiously, and devotedly to administer it in its purity." On reviewing all that I have been able to read in print and in manuscript, and all I have been able to gather from the writings of others, the conclusion is forced on me that Monroe is not adequately appreciated by his countrymen. He has certainly been insufficiently known, be- cause no collection has been made of his numer- ous memoirs, letters, dispatches, and messages. That want is now [1898] about to be supplied by the collection already mentioned. He has suffered also by comparison with four or five RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 245 illustrious men, his seniors in years and his supe- riors in genius, who were chiefly instrumental in establishing this government on its firm basis. He was not the equal of Washington in pru- dence, of Marshall in wisdom, of Hamilton in constructive power, of Jefferson in genius for politics, of Madison in persistent ability to think out an idea and to persuade others of its importance. He was in early life enthusiastic to rashness, he was a devoted adherent of par- tisan views, he was sometimes despondent and sometimes irascible ; but as he grew older his judgment was disciplined, his self-control became secure, his patriotism overbalanced the consider- ations of party. Political opponents rarely as- sailed the purity of his motives or the honesty of his conduct. He was a very good civil service re- former, firmly set against appointments to office for any unworthy reason. He was never exposed to the charge of nepotism, and in the choice of officers to be appointed he carefully avoided the recognition of family and friendly ties. His hands were never stained with pelf. He grew poor in the public service, because he neglected his pri- vate affairs and incurred large outlays in the discharge of official duties under circumstances which demanded liberal expenditure. He was extremely reticent as to his religious sentiments, at least in all that he wrote. Allusions to his 246 JAMES MONROE belief are rarely if ever to be met with in his correspondence. He was a faithful husband, father, master, neighbor, friend. He was indus- trious, serious, temperate, domestic, affectionate. He carried with him to the end of his life the good-will and respect both of his seniors and juniors. Many of those who worked with him, besides those already quoted, have left on record their appreciation of his abilities and their es- teem for his character. His numerous state papers are not remark- able in style or in thought, but his views were generally sound, the position which he took in later life on public questions was approved by the public voice, and his administration is known as the "era of good feeling." His attention does not seem to have been called in any special manner to the significance of slavery as an ele- ment of political discord, or as an evil in itself. If he foresaw, he did not foretell the great con- flict. He does not seem expert in the principles of national finance, though his views are often expressed on such matters. The one idea which he represents consistently from the beginning to the end of his career is this, that America is for Americans. He resists the British sovereignty in his early youth ; he insists on the importance of free navigation in the Mis- sissippi ; he negotiates the purchase of Louisiana RETROSPECT — REPUTATION 247 and Florida; he gives a vigorous impulse to the prosecution of the second war with Groat Britain, when neutral rights were endangered; finally he announces the k ' Monroe doctrine." It is clear that he was under great obligations to Jefferson. The aid and counsel of this saga- cious man are apparent from the time when Monroe began the study of law, in adverse and in prosperous times, in public and in private matters, throughout their long lives. Madison's friendship was also a powerful support. But both these men could not have sustained Mon- roe through his varied career, in circumstances which required popular approbation, if he had not possessed some very uncommon qualities. As a youth he must have been bright and attrac- tive. In early manhood he was devoted to his party beyond reasonable requirements, so that he nearly involved the country in war. As he grew older he was less of a partisan. He retained an accurate remembrance of the men and mea- sures with which he had been associated, and he acquired experience in almost every variety of public station, the judiciary excepted, until he reached the very highest office in the land. He was trained for the presidency in the school of affairs and not in a ring. An ideal prepara- tion for the duties of that high station would hardly involve any kind of discipline to which 248 JAMES MONROE the business of life had not subjected him. He made enemies ; the Federalists, South as well as North, disliked him and undervalued him ; but notwithstanding their hostile criticism he sus- tained himself so well that but one electoral vote was given against his reelection, and it is said that this was cast by an elector who did not wish to see a second President chosen with the same unanimity which had honored Y\ ashington. When the collected writings of Monroe come before the public, as they soon will, his work will be more accurately estimated, and I think more highly valued. Partisan as he was, often exposed to censure from the Federalists, never rising to the highest statesmanship except when he announced the Monroe doctrine, he will always appear patriotic, indefatigable, and un- selfish. As a legislator, envoy, cabinet min- ister, and president, he was true, often under trying circumstances, to the idea of American independence from European interference. Monroe died in New York, July 4, 1831, and was buried there with appropriate honors. Years afterward Virginians desired that his dust should mingle with the soil of his native State. His body was carried to Richmond, under the escort of a favorite regiment of New York, and re- interred in the public cemetery just one hundred years after his eyes first saw the light. APPENDIX GENEALOGY T have not been successful in tracing the pedigree of James Monroe. Mr. R. C. Brock, of the Virginia Historical Society, has kindly searched the Virginia archives, and finds that successive grants of land were made to Andrew Monroe from 1G50 to 1662, and to John Monroe from 1695 to 1719. He has also come upon an old statement that Andrew Monroe came to this country in 1660. after the defeat of the royal army, in winch he had the rank of major, and settled in Westmoreland County, Virginia. With this cita- tion it is well to compare a recent paragraph, in respect to the Monroes of Eastern Massachusetts, in F. B. Sanborn's " Life of Thoreau : " — "The Monroes of Lexington and Concord are de- scended from a Scotch soldier of Charles II. 's army, captured by Cromwell at the battle of Worcester in 1651. and allowed to go into exile in America. His powerful kinsman. General George Monro, who com- manded for Charles at the battle of Worcester, was, 250 APPENDIX at the Restoration, made commander-in-chief for Scot land." » Mr. Brock suggests that the family of Jones, to which the mother of James Monroe belongs, was the same with that of Adjutant-General Robert Jones, Commodore Thomas Catesby Jones, General Walker Jones, and other distinguished Americans. The private residence of Monroe during the latter part of his life was at Oak Hill, near Aldie, Loudoun County, Virginia, on a turnpike running south from Leesburg to Aldie, about nine miles from the former and three from the latter place. Major R. W. N. Noland has been so kind as to prepare, at the suggestion of Professor J. M. Gar- nett of the University of Virginia, a sketch of Oak Hill, as follows: — The Oak Hill house was planned by Mr. Monroe, but the building superintended by Mr. William Benton, an Englishman, who occupied the mixed relation to Mr. Mon- roe of steward, counselor, and friend. The house is built of brick in a most substantial manner, and handsomely finished ; it is, perhaps, about 90 x 50 feet, three stories (including basement), and has a wide portico, fronting south, with massive Doric columns thirty feet high, and is surrounded by a grove of magnificent oaks covering sev- eral acres. While the location is not as commanding as many others in that section, being in lower Loudoun where the rolling character of the Piedmont region begins to loose itself in the flat lands of tide water, the house in two directions commands an attractive and somewhat ex- 1 Com pa re Savage, New England Genealogical Dictionary, hi. 25t>, 257. APPENDIX 251 tensive view, but on the other sides if is hemmed in by mountains, for the local names of which, " Bull Run and " Nigger Mountain," it is to be hoped the late President is in nowise responsible, and, indeed, the same may In: said of the river or creek which breaks through these ranges within a mile or two of Oak Hill. Tom Moore, in a poetic letter as brilliant as it is ill-natured, satirizing Washington city, writes, "And what was Goose Creek once is Tiber now ;" hut the fact is that no such stream is found in the neighborhood of the national capital. The little stream tiiat washes the confines of the Oak Hill estate once bore the Indian name Gohongarestaw (the River of Swans), and is now called Goose Creek. The following anecdote connected witli Oak Hill is, perhaps, worth v of preservation. On the occasion of Lafayette's visit to Loudoun, a large number of distinguished guests were entertained at Oak Hill. It was at the dinner in Leesburg, given to Lafayette, that Mr. Adams drank the celebrated toast to the "Patriots of the Revolution — like the Sibylline leaves, the fewer they become, the more precious they are." In riding back to Oak Hill, Mr. Adams, Major William Noland, and Mr. Hay were thrown together, when the last-named gentleman, with an apology for the .seeming impertinence, asked Mr. Ad- ams where be conceived the beautiful sentiment he had that day drunk. Mr. Adams said that the toast was in- spired that morning by a sight of the picture of the Sibyl that hung in the Oak Hill hall. '•How strange!" said Mr. Bay, " / have been looking at that picture for years, and that thought never occurred to me." There are several quite good pictures of the Oak Hill house extant — one on Taylor's map of Loudoun County, and others in the histories of Virginia (for example, iu Howe's " Historical Collections of Virginia," p. 35u). 252 APPENDIX II WASHINGTON'S NOTES UPON THE APPENDIX TO MON- ROE'S " VIEW OF THE CONDUCT OF THE EXECU- TIVE," NOW FIRST PRINTED [From the copy by Mr. Sparks now owned by the Library of Cornell University. The figures indicate the pages in the appendix to Monroe's " View," from which catch-words are taken, introducing the notes written by Washington on his copy.] Page 119 — "jealousy and distrust." Principally because he asserted our rights and claimed redress. On what ground the suspicion, when it was a noto- rious fact that (we) were upon the worst terms short of open war with G. Britain ? His communications with the French Govt, con- tradict this, and accounts [sic - ] satisfactorily for the delay of the reception, as may be seen by reference thereto. Page 120 — " that I should pursue ? " As nothing but justice, and the fulfillment of a con- tract was asked, it dictated firmness conducted with temperance [sic] in the pursuit of it. Page 120 — " were closed against me." This appears nowhere but in his own conjectures and a/lter-assertions, for from his own account at the APPENDIX 253 time the delay of his reception was satisfactorily ex- plained, and had been the cause of another waiting of six weeks. 1 See his letter of the 25 of Aug., p. 10. Page 120 — "place a greater confidence ? " By whom were they advised ? and what evidences are alluded to ? Page 122 — " and then defy us." Was a good understanding to be interrupted be- cause we were endeavoring to live in peace with all the world ? and were only asking from France what we were entitled to by treaty ? Page 122 — " in favour of that administration : " It is not understood what is here meant by conces- sion. None was asked, or any [sic~\ thought of being made. Page 122 — " decisively on the decline." It will not be denied, it is presumed \_sic~\, that there had been and might again be great viscissitudes in their affairs, bothe \_sic~\ externally and internally. Prudence and policy therefore required, that the Govt, of the U. S. should move with great circum- spection. Page 123 — " the point in question." A very singular mode truly to obtain it, but look 1 This *' waiting of six weeks" refers to the delay in receiv ing the minister of Geneva. — Kditok. 254 APPENDIX to letter of Nov. 7 th , 1794, pp. 58, 59, and judge whether it would not have heen accomplished sooner if he had desired it; — and what can he mean hy not conceding, when in explicit terms he has declared that the point, if upon consideration they desired it, would have heen given up with pleasure ! Page 123 — "upon the slightest intimation" That is to say, if we would not press them to do us justice, hut have yielded to their violations, they would [sic] aided us in every measure, which would have cost them nothing. Page 124 — "from the western posts" By what means were the British to be expelled from the Western posts, without first conquering Canada, or passing thro' the territory of the U. S., and would not the latter, by the law of nations, have been a cause of war ? The truth is Mr. Manroe [sic] was cajoled, flattered, and made to believe strange things. In return he did, or was disposed to do, whatever was pleasing to that nation ; reluctantly urging the rights of his own. Pace 140 — " in the second the whole." This is a mistake. — no such promise to be found in the 2 d letter. See p. 105, Nov. 25 th . Page 140 — " to me on the subject f " The intention was to enable him on the veracity and authority of the negotiator of the Treaty to assert, APPENDIX 255 that there was nothing contained in it repugnant to our engagement with France, and that was all that they or he had a right to expect. Page 147 — "power alone to make it, etc" And this ought to have satisfied the French Govt. It was as much as that Govt, would have done for us or any other nation. Page 148 — " my secretary, Mr. Gauvain " Here is a striking instance of his folly. This secretary of his was a foreigner — it is helieved a Frenchman — introduced no douht to his confidence and papers for the sole purpose of communicating to the Directory the secrets of his office. Page 160 — " with you in June next." The sufferings of our citizens are always a sec- ondary consideration when put in competition with the emharrassments of the French. Page 161 — " reasons above suggested." Hence is a disregard shown to repeated orders of his government to press this matter. Page 207 — " me to do it here." "What inference is to be drawn from this declara- tion ? What light is it in Philadelphia, that is to dis- cover the sense of the French Govt, in Paris, before it was divulged there? — except the conduct of the French party by whom the wheels were to be moved ? 256 APPENDIX Page 210 — " of this government," If he does not mean himself here, it is not difficult to guess who the other character is marked out by this description. Page 210 — " of what kind must it be ? " War was the suggestion, and is here repeated. This has no horrors when waged in favor of France, but dreadful even in thought when it is against her. Pasre 297 — " decide in his case." Mr. Fenwick was accused of covering by the American flag French money under false invoices, but Mr. M. could readily excuse this breach of faith in his office. Page 313 — " furnished lose its force." England before the late treaty with the U. S. and France were different in their commercial relations with America. Page 314 — " than in precise terms ; " For the best reason imaginable ; because none could be urged that had any weight in them. Pace 321 — " the United States have taken" Only in cases where the captors have contravened the treaty — acting contrary to the laws of nations — or our own municipal laws. APPENDIX 257 Page 322 — " prizes into those ports" A single instance only of a prize being brought in is recollected, and against it a strong remonstrance was made ; — without prizes, ships of war are not restrained by the Treaty. Page 322 — "executing their judgments." No interruption has been given to this. To carry their own judgments into effect has constituted the difficulty, — and in its nature it is nearly impossible to do it. Page 322 — "certified by the consuls." This is the French construction of the Act. The Judiciary of the U. S. interpret it otherwise ; over whom the Executive have [stc] no control. Page 322 — " safeguard of their flag" This arrestation was for an offense committed against the law of nations and those of the U. S. and has been explained over and over again. See the Sec ,y of State's Letter, 13 th of June, p. 364. Page 323 — " merited an example." "What more could the U. S. do than was done ? See the Sec ty of State's Letter, Sept. 14 th , 1795, p. 292. Page 323 — " least contested, of neutrality." These are assertions upon false premises. Strange indeed would it be if the U. S. could not make a 258 APPENDIX treaty without the consent of the French Govt, when that treaty infracted no prior engagements, but ex- pressly recognizes and confirms them. Page 323 — " the principles of neutrality ? " They have given nothing, but left those principles precisely upon the ground they stood [s«;] before the Treaty ; with some explanations favorable to the U. S. and not injurious to France. They have made nothing contraband, that was not contraband before ; — nor was it in their power to obtain from G. B. a change, which the Armed Neutrality, (as it was called) could not when combined accomplish. Page 345 — " and without delay.'" How strangely inconsistent are his accounts! Page 356 — " most strict reciprocity." From hence it follows, that if A makes a contract with B, and C will not make a similar contract with him, B will not be bound by his contract, although the cases are unconnected with each other [s/c]. Page 359 — " coarse of the present war." All this he ought to have done, and was instructed to do in the beginning; and had it been urged with firmness and temperance, might have prevented the evils which have taken place since. Page 359 — " my duty would permit ; " And a great deal more than his duty permitted APPENDIX 259 Page 371 — " the merit of this delay ; " By implication lie has done this in a variety of instances. Page .">71 — " was the true cause of it" That is. by not pressing the execution of the Treaty: and for compensation to our suffering citi- zens. This no doubt was accommodating and pleas- ing one party at the expense of the other. Page .')74 — " be passed by unnoticed." Did France expect, that the U. S. could compel G. B. to relinquish this right under the law of na- tions, while [sic] the other maritime powers of Europe (as has been observed before), when com- bined for the purpose were unable to effect [sic]. "Why then call it an abandonment ? Page 377 — " what they did avow." This is all external and a flimsy covering of their designs. Why else send their emissaries through that country to inculcate different principles among the inhabitants, a fact that could be substantiated. Page 390 — '• nations had sworn to." Y< 3, ( itizen, and every one else who can read are [sic] acquainted with [sic] fads ; and your violations of our rights under the Treaty prove (?) it also. 260 APPENDIX Page 391 — " be made through you." The treatment of our minister, Gen 1 Pinckney, is a pretty evidence of this ; — the tliot' [sic] of parting with Mr. Monroe was insupportable by them. Ill BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MOXROE, AND THE HOXROE DOCTRINE PREPARED FOR THIS WORK BY J. F. JAMESON, PH. D. The following bibliography has been prepared with a view to the needs of persons specially study- ing the career of Monroe, rather than to those of the general reader. Hence it does not ordinarily in- clude references to the most familiar sources, such as the State Papers, the published correspondence of Washington, etc., and the standard histories. It aims to include nothing that does not bear directly upon Monroe or the Monroe Doctrine ; nor, in even the limited area thus marked out. can it hope to be complete. The titles under A are arranged alpha- betically by authors ; those under B chronologically ; those under C first chronologically, according to the period of Monroe's public life to which they refer, and then alphabetically by authors. At least one Jocality of a book or pamphlet, unless it be a common one, has been designated when known. In such de- signations, at the end of the title. A indicates the existence of a copy in the Astor Library ; B, in the APPENDIX 261 Boston Public Library : BA, in that of the Boston Athenaeum ; C. in the Library of Congress ; H, in that of Harvard College ; JCB, in the John Carter Brown Library; J 1 1, in that of the Johns Hopkins University ; M, in the Massachusetts State Library ; Mil, in that of the Massachusetts Historical Society ; N, in the New York State Library ; NH, in that of the New York Historical Society ; P, in that of the Philadelphia Library Company; S, in that of the Department of State ; W, in that of the American Antiquarian Society at "Worcester. The Maryland Historical Society is supplied with most of the works to which reference has been made in the preparation of this volume. SYNOPSIS. A. BlOORATHICAL. B. Published Writings of Monroe. C. Publications relating to the Public Career ch the Writings of Monroe. 1. First Diplomatic Service and the ''View." 2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission. 3. Diplomatic Efforts in England. 4. Period of Cabinet Office. 5. Presidency. 6. Subsequent Period. D. Thf. Monroe Doctrine. • 1. Its Immediate Origin. 2. Discussion of it in Treatises on International Law. 3. In more Special Treatises and Articles. a. American. b. European, 4. Occasions on which it has been applied. a. The Panama Congress. 6, Yucatan- 262 APPENDIX c. The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty. d. Central America, 1845-1860. e. Cuba, etc., 1850-1898. f. French Intervention in Mexico. g. The Inter-oceanic Canal. h. America North of the United States. i. The Pan-American Conference. j. The Venezuela-Guiana Boundary. BIBLIOGRAPHY. A. Biographical. John Quincy Adams : An Eulogy on the Life and Character of James Monroe, Fifth President of the United States, . . . delivered at . . . Boston, August 25, 1831. Boston, 1831. 8vo, pp. 100. BA, N. (See [John Armstrong-] under C. 6, p. 277.) John Quincy Adams : Lives of Celebrated Statesmen. [Madi- son, Lafayette, and Monroe.] New York, 1846. 8vo, pp. 105. N. John Quincy Adams : The Lives of James Madison and James Monroe, Fourth and Fifth Prei-id?nts of the United States. With Historical Notices of their Administrations. Buffalo, 1850. 12mo, pp. 432. C. + 1 Philadelphia, 1854. M. S. L. Gouverneur : Introduction to "The People, the Sover- eigns," by James Monroe. See under B. S. L. K[napp] : in James B. Long-acre and James Herring-, National Portrait Gallery of Distinguished Americans, vol. 3. Philadelphia, 1836. Svo. [S. L. Knapp] : James Monroe, [n. p., n. d.] Svo, pp. 10. (Portrait.) Lippincott's Magazine, first series, vol. 9, p. 359. A Narrative of a Tour of Observation, made during the Sum- mer of 1817, by James Monroe, President of the United States, through the North-Eastern and North-Westem De- partments of the Union ; with a View to the Examination of 1 The sign + indicates another edition. APPENDIX 2G3 their several Military I )efenses. With an Appendix. Phila- delphia, 1818. 12mo, pp. 228, xx.wi. U, C, N. New England Magazine, vol. I, p. 17s. New Fork Mirror, vol. 12 [1834-5 . p. 41. (Portrait.) Niles' Register, vol. 10, p. 4, March 2, 1816; from the National Advocate. Also, December '•'>, 1825, and vol. 35, p. 68. Als,,. vol. lo. p. 369, July 23, 1831. Order of Exercises at the Old South Church, Commemorative of . . . James Monroe. . . . August 25, 1831. Boston, 1831, 8vo, pp. 3. li. T. Paine: Anecdote of James Monroe and Rnfus King, in Political Writing's. London, 1844. BA, C. Portfolio, vol. 19, p. 251 : fourth series, vol. 5. Philadelphia, April. 1818. (Portrait.) William 0. Stoddard: The Lives of the Presidents: James Madison. James Monroe, and J. Q. Adams, pp. 12c>-224. New York. 1887. Pp. 331. 12mo, 20 cm. R. W. Thompson: Personal Recollections of Sixteen Presi- dents. Indianapolis, 1894. 5. Putnam Waldo : Tour of James Monroe, President of the United States, in the year 1817, through the States of Mary- land, Pennsylvania. New Jersey, New York, Connecticut, Rhode Island, Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont, and Ohio; together with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford, 1818. l2mo, pp. 300. BA. S. P. Waldo : Tour of James Monroe. President of the United States, through the Northern and Eastern States, in 1817; his Tour in 1818, with a Sketch of his Life. Hartford, 1819. l2mo. C In Edwin Williams: The Statesman's Manual. New Y'ork, 1S47. 8vo, vol. 1. Udolpho Wolfe : Grand Civic and Military Demonstration in Honor of the Removal of the Remains of James Monroe, Fifth President of the United States, from New York to Virginia. New York. L858. l2mo, pp.324. C. (And numerous unimportant notices in lives of the presl dents, cyclopaedias, aud biographical dictionaries.) 264 APPENDIX B. Published Writings of Monroe, (in addition to the messages, dispatches, and letters -which may he found in familiar sources. Manuscripts of Monroe's public papera are in the possession of the Department of State ; much of his private correspondence is in the possession of Mrs. S. L. Gouverneur, Jr., of Washington.) The Writings of James Monroe. Edited by Stanislaus Murray Hamilton. [In six or seven volumes.] New York. G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1898, et seq. The first volume of this collection, — the only one that has yet appeared, July, 1898, — contains reprints of the two following : — Some Observations on the Constitution. Pp. 24, small quarto. (A copy, thought to be unique, was recently found by Mr. John P. Weissenhagen, of the Bureau of Polls and Library, in the Department of State.) Observations upon the Proposed Plan of Federal Government. With an Attempt to answer some of the Principal Objections that have been made to it. By a Native of Virginia. Peters- burg. Printed by Hunter and Prentis. 1788. Pp. 04, small quarto. (A copy, supposed to be unique, is in the Library of the Department of State.) A View of the Conduct of the Executive, in the Foreign Affairs of the United States, connected with the Mission to the French Republic in the years 1794, '5, and '0. By James Monroe. . . . Illustrated by his Instructions and Correspond- ence and other Authentic Documents. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. lxvi., 4U7. + Same, the Second Edition. London, 1798. 8vo, pp. viii., 117. + Same, the Third Edition. London, 1798. Svo, pp. xvi., 117. (See Loudon Monthly Review, vol. 25, p. 232.) Governor's Letter to the Speaker and House of Delegates of Virginia, 0th December, 1802. Richmond, 1802. 12mo. C. A Letter from the Minister Plenipotentiary of the United APPENDIX 265 States to Lord Mulgrave.late Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. With [Janus Madison]: An Examination <>f the British Doctrine which subjects to Capture a Neutral Trade not open in Time of Peace, [n. p.] 1806. 8vo, pp. -!04. 4- Second Edition. London, 1806. B, C. Correspondence between . . . Thomas Jefferson, President of the United States, and James Monroe, Esq. . . . Boston, 1808. 4to, pp. 8. BA. Letter from the Secretary of State to Mr. Monroe, on the sub- ject of the attach on the Chesapeake. The Correspondence of Mr. Monroe %\ ith the British Government ; and also Mr. Madison's Correspondence with Mr. Rose, on the same sub- ject. Washington, 1808. ' s \o. (Peabody Library, Balti- more.) Letters of James Madison ... to Mr. Monroe on . . . Im- pressments, etc. Also Extracts from, and Enclosures in, the Letters of Mr. Monroe to the Secretary of State. Wash- ington, 1808. 8vo, pp. 130. B. MIL Defence of the Mission to England. . . . Washington, 1808. 8vo. Letters between James Monroe, Esq., Secretary of State of the United States, and August its J. Foster, Esq., . . . Minister Plenipotentiary of his Britannic Majesty ; in rela- tion to the Orders in Council, and the Affair of the Little Belt. To which is added, the Declaration of War. New York, L812. 12mo, pp. 59. B. To all who are honestly searching after the Truth. Mr. Mon- roe's Letter on the Bejected Treaty between the United States and Great Britain, concluded by Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney. Also the Treaty itself, and Documents connected with it Portland, 1813. 8vo, pp. 52. BA, C. Commercial Regulations of Foreign Countries. [Message.] Washington, 1819. BA. Message from the President, transmitting Sundry Papers re- lating to Transactions in Last and West Florida. April L9, 1822. [Washington, 1822.] Pp.46. P. Message transmitting a Digest of the Commercial Regulations 26G APPENDIX of the Different Foreign Nations. Washington, 1S24. 18H Congress, 1st Session, House Doc. No. L30. BA, M. Message transmitting ;i Report of the Secretary of the Navy. Washington, 1S24. 8vo. C. Correspondence between Gen. Jackson and Mr. Monroe, as published in the National Intelligencer. Washington, 1824. L2rao. N. The Memoir of James Monroe, Esq., relating to his Unsettled Claims upon the People and Government of the United States. [With documents.] Charlottesville, Ya.. L828. Svo, pp. 60. BA, C, XII. A Letter from James Monroe, in Answer to . . . Questions [on War and Slavery, etc.] . . . [n. p., 186:3 ?] Svo, pp. 32. H. The People, the Sovereigns, Being a Comparison of the Gov- ernment of the United States with those of the Republicks, which have existed before, with the Causes of their Deca- dence and Fall. By James Monroe. Edited bv S. L. Con- veniens Philadelphia. 1867. 12mo, pp. 274. (See. under C6, C. C. Hazewell, p. 277.) Calendar of the Correspondence of James Monroe. [Bulletin of the Bureau of Rolls and Library of the Department of State, No. 2.] Washington, 1893. Pp.371. C. Publications relating to the Public Career or the Writings of Monroe. 1. First Diplomatic Service and the '' View." Alexander Addison: Observations on the Speech of Albert Gallatin on the Foreign Intercourse Bill. Washington, Pa., L798. svo. An Address on the Past. Present, and Eventual Relations of the United States to France. By Anticipation. New York, [1803]. 8vo, pp. 20. A. P. A. Adet : Notes adressees par le citoyen A.det, Ministre Plenipotentiaiie de la Republique Franchise pies les Etats- APPENDIX 2G7 Dnia d'Amenque, An Secretaire d'Etat dea Etats-Unis. Philadelphia, 1796. 8vo, pp. 95. + Same, translated. [P. A. Al. ; Authentic Translation of a Note from the Min- ister of tii<' French Republic to the Secretary of State of the I'nit id S - New Fork, IT:"''. 8vo, pp. 38. X. also, Win. Cobbett.) Tlii' Anti-Gallican ; or, The Lover of his own Country; in a Series of Pieces . . . wherein French Influence, and False Patriotism, arc fully and fairly displayed. By a Citizen of New England. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp.82. (Includes Letters en Pseudo-Patriots, by Ascanius; of which No. VI. is on .lames .Monroe.) II. Camillus, pseud. : Bistory of French Influence in the United Siatcs. Philadelphia, 1812. M. [William C A History of the American Jacobins, commonly denominated Democrats. By Peter Porcupine. /// Win. I'layfair. The Bistory of Jacobinism. Philadelphia, 1795. P. [William Cobbett] : The Gros Mosqueton Diplomatique; or, Diplomatic Blunderbuss, containing Citizen Adet's Notes to the S of Mate, as also his Cockade Proclamation. With a Preface by Peter Porcupine. Philadelphia. 1796. pp. 72. ('. William Cobbett: Porcupine's Works. London, 1801. Svo. [Vol. iv. contains The Diplomatic Blunderbuss (Oct. 31, IT'.''); Political Censor, No. vi. (Nov. 1796) ; A Brief nent of the Injuries and Insults received from France (Feb. 1797). In vol. v. pp. 131-138; vol. vi. pp. 12, 13, 92 9S, 116-124, 358-376, 11-1-117; vol. vii. pp. 90-95, 1"1- 156, are notices of Monroe's doings, from Porcupine's Ga- zette. ]7'.'7. Vol. x., Dr. Morse's Exposition of French In- trigue in America.] p d'o-il sur 'a situation des affaires entre la France et les Etats-Unis de rAm^riqne. . 1798. 8vo, pp. 28. PA. ■I. Dennis: Address on the Origin, Progress, and Present State of Flench Aggression. Philadelphia, 1798. PA. Win. Duaue : A History of the French Revolution, with a 268 APPENDIX free Examination of the Dispute between the French and American Republics. Philadelphia. 1798. 4to. Joseph Fauchet : Coup cTceil sur l'^tat actuel de nos rapports politiques avec les Etats-Unis de l'Ani^rique Septentrionale ; par J. Fauchet, Ex-ministre de la Rdpublique a Philadel- phie. Paris, an V. [1797.] 8vo, pp. 42. H. Joseph Fauchet : A Sketch of the Present State of our Po- litical Relations with the United States of North America. . . . Translated by the Editor of the " Aurora." [Wm. J. Duane.] Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. 31. BA. A Five Minutes' Answer to Paine's Letter to Washington, London, 1797. 8vo, pp. 44. MH. (See below, T. Paine.) [Albert Gallatin] : An Examination of the Conduct of the Executive of the United States toward the French Repub- lic ; ... In a Series of Letters. By a Citizen of Pennsyl- vania. Philadelphia, 1797. 8vo, pp. vi., 72. BA. Albert Gallatin : The Speech of Albert Gallatin, delivered in the House of Representatives ... on the First of March 1798. Upon the Foreign Intercourse Bill. [n. p., 1798.] 8vo, pp. 48. (And other Editions.) BA, H, MH. P, JCB. [A. G. Gebhardt] : Actes et Memoires concernant les nego- ciations qui ont eu lieu entre la France et les Etats-Unis d'Amenque. [1793-1800.] Londres, 1807. 3 vols. 12mo. BA. A. G. Gebhardt : State Papers relating to the Diplomat ick Transactions between the American and French Govern- ments. [1793-1800.] London. 1810. 3 vols. Svo. BA. L. Goldsmith : An Exposition of the Conduct of France to America, illustrated by Cases decided in the Council of Prizes in Paris. [1 79: 1 .- 1 81 18. ] London, 1810. Svo, pp. 133. (Various other editions.) B. BA. II. [Alexander Hamilton.] See [Uriah Tracy], below. R. G. Harper : Observations on the Dispute between the United States and Fiance, addressed by Kobert Goodloe Harper, Esq.. of South Carolina, to his Constituents in May, 1797. Philadelphia, 1797. Svo. pp. 102. (And twenty other editions.) B, BA, H, NH, P. APPENDIX 2G9 R. (i. Harper : Mr. Harper's Speech on the Foreign Intercourse Bill, in Reply to Mr. Nicholas and Mr. Gallatin. Delivered in the House of Representatives of the United States, on tlie Second of March, 1798. [ n. p.. n. d.] Svo, pp. 43. (And other editions.) B, II. Mil, MI, P. R. G. Harper: A short Account of tin- principal Proceeding's of Congress in the late Session, and a Sketch of the State of Affairs between the United States and France, in July, 1798, in a Letter to one of his Constituents. Philadelphia, 17'. is. 8vo. P. Kennedy : An Answer to Mr. Paine's Letter to General Washington ; or, Mad Tom convicted of the Blackest Iu- gratitud, . London, IT'.'". 8vo, pp. 55. JCB. A Letter to Thomas Paine, in Answer to his Scurrilous Epis- tle .. . to Washington . . . By an American Citizen. New York, IT'-'". -Svo, pp. 24. L'Independance ahsolne des Amerieains des Etats-Unis, prou- vee par l'^tat actuel de leur Commerce avec les Nations Europe\'iines. Paris, 17'.*S. Svo, pp. 140. (Written hy an American merchant, in answer to Fauchet, Coup d'wil, ahove.) Thomas Paine : A Letter to George Washington, President of the United States, on Affairs Puhlic and Private. Phila- delphia. 1 Tl** »- 8vo, pp. 76. (And other editions.) B, BA, H. (Also in vol. i. of Works. Philadelphia, 1854. 12mo.) E. C. J. Pastoret : Conseil des Cinq-Cents: motion d'ordre sur l'6tat de nos rapports politiques et commereiaux avec les Etats-Unis de l'Ame^ique septentriouale. Paris, an V. [1797]. Svo, pp. 26. BA. [Timothy Pickering] : Lettre du Secretaire d'Etat des Etats- Unis de I'Ameriqne au General Charles C. Pinckney, Mi- nistre Plenipotentiaire desdits Ktats-Unis pies la Iu'publiquo Fra115ai.se ; en reponse aux different. is plaintes faites COntre le gouvcinenieiit des Etats-Unis ])ar le Ministre Francais . . . 1796. Paris, L797. 8vo, pp. 62. Timothy Pickering and P. A. Adet : Review of the Adminia tratiou of the United States siuce 'VS. Boston, 171)7. BA 270 APPENDIX C. C. Tanguy de la Boissiere : Observations sur la d^peehe ^erite le 10 Jan., 17'. '7. par M. Pickering, Secretaire d'Etat des Etats-Unis de l'Amerique, a M. Pinkney, Ministre Pl^ui- potentiairc des Etats-Unis pres la Republique Franchise. Philadelphie, 1707. Also, translated. BA, C. [Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : Reflections on Monroe's View, ... as published in the Gazette of the United States under the .Signature of Seipio. [n. p., n. d.] 8vo, pp. 88. BA, P. [Uriah Tracy, or (?) Alexander Hamilton] : [Scipio"s] Reflec- tions on Monroe's View. . . . Boston, 1798. 8vo, pp. 1-10. C, H, M. George Washington : Notes on Monroe's View, Sparks, xi. 504-529. (His Notes on the Appendix to the View are printed in Appendix III of this book.) [R. Walsh] : An Enquiry into the Past and Present Relations of France and the United States of America. [London, 1811.] Svo, pp. 87. ( Reprinted from the American Review, vol. i.) 2. Louisiana Purchase and Spanish Mission. Analysis of the Third Article of the Treaty of Cession of Louisiana. [Washington (?)], 1803. 8vo, pp. 8. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 32, p. 301. The Louisiana Purchase. Samuel Brazer, Jr. : Address pronounced at Worcester, May 12, 1804, in Commemoration of the Cession of Louisiana to the United States. Worcester, 1804. Svo, pp. 15. MIL [Charles Brockden Brown] : An Address to the Government of the United States on the Cession of Louisiana to the French, and on the late Breach of Treaty by the Spaniards. Philadelphia, L803. Svo, pp. 92. C, N. [Charles Brockden Brown]: Monroe's Embassy; or, The Conduct of the Government in relation to our Claims to the Navigation of the Mississippi, considered, by the Author of the Address to the Government. . . . [Signed " Poplicola. "J Philadelphia, 1803. Svo, pp. 57. BA, C. Cainillus, pseud. See Duaue, below. APPENDIX 271 James Cheetham: Letters on our Affairs with Spain. New York, L804. 8vo, pp. 59. C. S. M. Davis : The Purchase of Louisiana. Chautauquan, vol. II. p. 658. 1891. Win. I > ■ i .- 1 1 1 • - : Mississippi Question. Report of a Debate in the Senate of the United States, on the 23d, L'lth. and 25th Feb., L803, on Certain Resolutions concerning the Violation of the Right of Deposit in the Island of New Orleans. Philadelphia* L803. 8vo, pp. L98. BA, II. ['Win. Duane] : Camillas, ;/.»■< ud. The Mississippi Question fairly stated, and the Views and Arguments of those who clamor for War, examined. In Seven Letters. Philadel- phia. 1803. 8vo, pp. I--. BA. [Win. Fessenden] : The Political Farrago, or a Miscellaneous Review of the Politics of the United States, . . . including . . . Remarks on the " Louisiana Purchase," by Peter Dobbin. Esq., R. C. U. S. A. Brattleboro 7 . Yt., 1807, pp. 59. W. C. Gayarre* : The Cession of Louisiana to the United States. De Bow's Mag., n. s., vol. 1. pp. 256 and 404. L866. (See also bis History of Louisiana.) Wm. Maclure : To the People of the United States on the Convention with France of 1803. Philadelphia. 1807. P. A. B. Magruder: Reflections on the Cession of Louisiana to the United Mates. Lexington, 1803. BA. P. de Barbe'-Marbois : Histoiredela Louisiane et de la Ces- sion de cette Colonic par la France aux Etats-Unis de L'Amerique septentrionale. Paris, 1S2'J. Svo, pp. 485. BA.H. F. de Barbe'-Marbois: The History of Louisiana, particularly of the Cession of thai Colony to the United States of America. Translated from the French by an American Citizen. [William Beach Lawrence. 1 Philadelphia, 1830. Svii. pp. xviii.. 455. C, 11. (See Sparks, below.) Memoires sur la Louisiane et la Nou velle-Orbians, accompagne" d'une Dissertation sur les avantages que le commerce de L'Empire doit tirer de la stipulation faite par ['article 7 du 272 APPENDIX Traits de cession, du 30 avril 1803 ; par M. * * * Paris, a* XII. [1804]. 8vo, pp. 176. G. Morris. See Ross, below. Geo. Orr: The Possession of Louisiana by the French, consid- ered as it affects the interests of those Nations more imme- diately concerned, viz. : Great Britain, America, Spain, and Portugal. London, 1803. Svo, pp. 45. BA. J. M. Peck : The Annexation of Louisiana. Christian Review, vol. 16, p. 555. Political, Commercial, and Statistical Sketches of the Spanish Empire in both Indies ; and a View of the Questions between Spain and the United States respecting Louisiana and the Floridas. London, 1809. Svo, pp. 156. BA. David Ramsay : Oration on the Cession of Louisiana to the United States ; delivered May 12, 1804, in Charleston, S. C. Charleston, 1804. Svo, pp. 27. BA. C. F. Robertson : The Louisiana Purchase and its Influence on the American System. New York, 1SS5. (Am. Hist. Asso. Pap., vol. 1, No. IV.) J. Ross and G. Morris : Speeches in Support of Ross's Reso- lutions relating to the Free Navigation of the Mississippi. Philadelphia, 1803. BA. Jared Sparks : The History of the Louisiana Treaty. North American Review, vol. 28, p. 380 (April. 1829), and vol. 30, p. 551 (April, 1830). (Reviews of Marbois and of the translation of it.) Sylvestris, pseud. : Reflections on the Cession of Louisiana to the United States. Washington, 1803. BA, P. B. Vaughan : Remarks on a Dangerous Mistake made as to the East Boundary of Louisiana. Boston, 1814. Svo, pp. 28. BA. 3. Diplomatic Efforts in England. American Candour, in a Tract lately published at Boston, en- titled " An Analysis," . . . etc. (See [J. Lowell], below.) London, 1809. Svo. American State Papers and Correspondence between Messra APPENDIX 273 Smith. Pinkney, Marquis Wellesley, General Armstrong, M. Champagny, M. Turreau, Messrs. Russell, Monroe, Foster, etc. London, 1812. 8vo, pp. L87, 116. H. Nathaniel Atcheson : American Encroachment on British Rights. London, L808, pp. xiii.. cxiii., 250. Also in Paru- phleteer, voL 6, pp. 33-98, 361-400. BA. A. B. : Six Letters of A. B. on the Difference between Great Britain and the United States of America, with a Preface by the Editor of the Morning Chronicle. London, 1807. 8vo. pp. 48. BA. Alex. Baring: An Inquiry into the Causes and Consequences of the Orders in Council; and an Examination of the Con- duct of Great Britain towards the Neutral Commerce of America. London, 1808 (and other editions). C, II, P. (See T. P. Conrtenay, below.) [Charles B. Brown, or G. Morris] : The British Treaty [of 1806. n.p.,1807.] Rvo,pp.86. BA. + The British Treaty with America, v. itli an Appendix of State Papers; which are now first published. London. 1808. Svo, pp. 147. N. James Cheetham : Peace or War ? or, Thoughts on our Affairs with England. New York, 1807. 8vo,pp.44. B, BA, MIL [T. P. Conrtenay' : Observations on the American Treaty, in Eleven Letters. First published in The Sun. under the Sig- nature of •■ Decius." London, 1808. 8vo, pp. 75. T. P. Conrtenay: Additional Observations on the American Treaty, with some Remarks on Mr. Baring's Pamphlet ; being a Continuation of the Letters of Decius. To which is added an Appendix of State Papers, including the Treaty. London, 1808. Svo. pp. viii., '.14. lxix. N. [Alexander J. Dallas] : An Exposition of the Causes and Character of the Late War with Great Britain. Baltimore, 1815. (And other editions.) BA, C. Decius. pseud. See [T. P. Courtenay], above. A Farmer. pseud. See Senex, pseud., below. Thos. G. Fessenden : Some Thoughts on the Present Dispute between Great Britain and America. Philadelphia, 1807. Svo, pp. 91. P. 274 APPENDIX An Inquiry into the Present State of the Foreign Relations of the Union, as affected by the Late Measures of Administra- tion. Philadelphia, 1806. Svo. pp. 183. BA. Win. Lee : Les Etats-Unis et l'Angleterre, ou, Souvenirs et Reflexions d'un Citoyen Americain. [17Ul-lbl4.J Bor- deaux, 1814. Svo, pp. 346. BA. C, II. [J. Lowell] : Analysis of the Late Correspondence between our Administration and Great Britain and France. With an Attempt to show what are the Real Causes of the Failure of the Negotiations between France and America. [Boston, 1808.] BA. (See American Candour, above.) [J. Lowell] : Supplement to the late Analysis of the Public Correspondence between our Cabinet and those of France and Great Britain. [Boston, 1808.] Svo. pp. 28. BA. [J. Lowell] : Thoughts upon the Conduct of our Administra- tion in Relation both to Great Britain and Fiance, more especially in Reference to the Late Negotiation, concern- ing the Attack on the Chesapeake ; by a Friend to Peace. [1808.] [J. Madison.] See under B. pp. 264, 265, A Letter, etc., 1S06. [James Mc Henry] : Three Patriots, [Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe,] or, the Cause and Cure of Present Evils. Balti- more, 1811. Svo. M. B. Mihir. pseud. : Considerations in Answer to the Pamphlet containing Madison's Instructions to Monroe. Albany. lSi.lT. BA. [G. Morris] : An Answer to "War in Disguise; " or. Remarks upon the New Doctrine of England concerning Neutral Trade. New York. L806. Svo, pp. 76. (See. also, [Charles B. Brown], above.) Timothy Pickering: Letters addressed to the People of the United States of America on the Conduct of the I'-i-t and Present Administrations of the American Government towards Great Britain and France. London, 1812. Svo, pp. 1 1 is. The Present Claims and Complaints of America briefly and fairly considered. Loudon, 1806. Svo, pp. 56. APPENDIX 275 Remarks on the British Treaty with the United States. Liver- pool. IS07. BA. Kcport of the Committee to whom was referred the Cor- respondence between Mr. .Monroe and Mr. Canning, and between Mr. Madison and Mr. Rose, relative U> the Attack on the Chesapeake. April 16, 1808. Washington, L808. Senez, pseud . : Letters under the signatures of "Senex"and of "A Farmer," comprehending an examination of the con- duct of our Executive toward France and Great Britain, out of which the present crisis has arisen. Originally pub- lished in the North American. Baltimore, L809. 8vo, pp. L08. BA. [James Stephen], War in Disguise; or, the Frauds of Neutral Fla»s. London, 1S05. 8vo, pp. 21o. (See [G. Morris], above.) The Tocsin ; an Inquiry into the Late Proceeding's of Great Britain, etc. Charleston, 1S(J7. P. 4. Period of Cabinet Office. (See [John Armstrong], under (i, below.) Major-General George W. Cullum: The Attack on Washing- ton City in 1>14. In Papers of the American Historical Association. Vol. 2, pp. 54-68. 1888. E. D. [ngraham: A Sketch of the Events which preceded the Capture of Washington by the British on the Twenty-fourth of August, 1814. Philadelphia, 1841). 8vo, pp. 00. A, B, BA,C. Remarks on " An Enquiry," etc. (See next title.) Baltimore, 1816. 8vo. BA. Spectator, //si ml. : Enquiry respecting the Capture of Wash- ington bj the British. Washington, L816. 8vo. BA. United Mates, 13th Congress, 3d session. Report of Com- mittee to inquire into the Causes and Particulars of the Invasion of" the City of Washington by the British Forces, August. Washington, 1814. 8vo. BA. J. S. Williams : History of the Invasion and Capture of Wash- ington. New York, 1857. i2mo. BA. 276 APPENDIX 5. Presidency. Exposition of the Motives for opposing the Nomination of Mr. Monroe for the Office of President of the United States. Washington, 1816. Svo, pp. 14. B, BA. [C. Pinckney] : Observations to show the Propriety of the Nomination of Col. J. Monroe to the Presidency. Charleston, 1816. BA. Edward T. Channing: Oration delivered at Boston, July 4, 1817. Boston, [1817]. Svo. pp. 24. BA, Mil, W. J. L. M. Curry : The Acquisition of Florida. Magazine of American History, vol. 19, p. 286. 1887. [J. Forsyth] : Observaciones sobre la Memoria del Senor Onis, relativa a la Negociacion con los Estados Unidos. (See fifth title below.) Madrid. 1822. Svo. T. W. Higginson : The Administration of James Monroe. Harper's Magazine, vol. 68, p. 936. 1883. J.R.Ireland: The Republic. History of the United States in the Administrations. Chicago, 1888. 18 v. Joshua Leavitt : The Administration of Monroe. Harper's Monthly Magazine, vol. 29, p. 461. September. L864. Official Correspondence between Don Luis de Onis. Minister from Spain, . . . and John Quincy Adams, in relation to the Floridas and the Boundaries of Louisiana, etc. London, 1818. Svo, pp. L30. C. Luis de Onis : Memoria sobre las negociaciones entre Espaiia y los Estados-Unidos de America, que dieron motivo al Tra- tado de 181'.) ; con una noticia sobre la estadistica de aquel pais, [i. e. Florida]. Acompana mi Apendiee. Madrid, 1820. Svo. II. [L. de Onis] : Memoirs upon the Negotiations between Spain and the United States of America, which led to the Treaty of 1819. With a Statistical Notice of that Country, [Flo- rida]. Accompanied by an Appendix. [Translated by Tobias Wat kins. ] Washington, 1821. Svo. H. John Overton: A Vindication of the Measures of the Presi- dent and his . . . Generals, in the Commencement and APPENDIX 277 Termination of the Seminole War. Washington, L819. 8vo. N. Wm. Patterson : Letter to Peter Van Sehaack, Einderhook, N. Y.. on President Monroe and liis Cabinet (1822). In Magazine of American History, vol. . On President Monroe's Man- uscript Papers. C. C. Ila/ewell: Review of "The People, the Sovereigns." North American Review, vol. 10C>, p. Go4. (Also noticed iu the Nation, vol. 5, p. lU'J.) D. The Monroe Doctrine. President Monroe's Seventh Annual M< ssage, December 2, 1823. In Williams' Statesman's Manual, vol. I, pp. 460, 461 ; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. .">. pp. 245-250. Edward Channing and A. I'.. Hart. eds. Extracts from Official Declarations of tie- United States embodying the Monroe Doctrine. 1789-1891. [American History Leaflets, No. 4. J New Vo,k. L892. S. M. Hamilton: Hamilton Fac-siniiles of Manuscripts in the National Archives relating to American History. 1't. 1. The Monroe Doctrine. New York, 1890. 278 APPENDIX 1. Its Immediate Origin. The Principles of the Holy Alliance ; or Notes and Manifes- toes of the Allied Powers. London, 1823. North American Review, vol. 17, p. 340, Octoher, 1823. (Re- view of the above. See especially pp. 373-375.) Diplomatic Review, vol. 13, pp. 65-69 (August 2, 1865), 73- 74 (September 6, 1805), 81-80 (October 4, 186.".). F. R. de Chateaubriand, Congres de VeVone. Guerre d'Es- pagne. N^gociations. Colonies espagnoles. 2 e ^d. Paris, 1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C. + (Translated), Memoirs of the Congress of Verona. London, 1838. 2 vols. 8vo. C, N. Briefwechsel zwischen Varnhagen von Euse und Oelsner. Vol. 3. A. G. Stapleton : The Political Life of the Right Honorable George Canning, 1822-1S27. 3 vols. London, 1831. Conference of Mr. Canning with Prince Polignac, October 9, 1823 ; in Annual Register, vol. 00, p. 99. [G. Canning] : Official Correspondence, Notes by E. J. Sta- pleton. 2 vols. Longmans, 1887. George Canning : Speech in the House of Commons, Decem- ber 12, 1826. In Hansard's Parliamentary Debates, New Series, vol. 16, pp. 390-398 ; Annual Register, vol. GS, p. 192; Canning's Speeches, vol. 0, pp. 108, 109. Richard Rush : Memoranda of a Residence at the Court of London. Philadelphia, 1845. 2 vols. John Quincy Adams : Diary. Vols. 4 and 6, passi)ii. John T. Morse, Jr. : John Quincy Adams. [American States- men Series.] Pp. 130-137. Mr. Adams to Mr. Rush, July 22, 1823. State Papers, For- eign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 791-703, etc. Mr. Clay's Resolution, offered January 20, 1824. Annals of Congress, 18th Congress. 1st Session, vol. l,p. 1104; Benton's Abridgment, vol. 8, p. 650 ; Niles' Register, vol. 25, p. 335. President Monroe's Eighth Annual Message, December 7, 1S24. In Statesman's Manual, vol. 1. pp. 476, 479, 480; State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. 5, pp. 353-35'J. APPENDIX 279 Jefferson to Monroe, October 24, 1823. Works, vol. 7, pp. 315-317. Madison to Monroe. October 30, 1S23. Works, vol. 3, p. 339. Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography. No. 23. l v ^_'. Extracts from the Letters and Diary of William PI inner, Jr. 2. Discussion of it in the Chief Treatises on International Law. J. C. Bluntsclili : Droit International Codifie\ Paris, 1870. Pp. 253, 254. S, JH. Carlos Calvo : Derecho Iiiternacion.il Tet'irieo y Pr.ictico de Europa y America. Paris, 1868. Vol. 1, pp. 142—154, and note (from Dana's Wheaton). S. -)- French translation, Droit International, etc. 3 e e\l., Paris, 1880. JH. Sir Edward S. Creasy : First Platform of International Law. London, 1876. Pp. 120-124. S, JH. A. W. Heffter : Das Europiiisehe Viilkerrecht der Gegenwart. Berlin, 1ST:'.. Pp. 96-98. S, JH. Win. Beach Lawrence: Comraentaire snr les Elements du Droit International et snr L'Histoire des Progres du Droit des Gens de Henry Wheaton. Leipzig (4 vols.), 1808-1880. Vol. 2 ( L869), pp. 297-394. S, JH. G. F. de Martens : Precis du Droit des gens moderne de l'Eu- rope ; augments' des notes de Pinheiro-Ferreira. Paris, 1864. Vol. 1, pp. 208-214. S. Robert Phillimore : Commentaries upon International Law. London, 1854-1857. Vol. 1, p. 433. JH. F. Snow : Treaties and Topics in American Diplomacy, (pp. 237-356). Boston, L894. 8vo. Henry Wheaton : Elements "f International Law. Law- rence's edition (1855), p. '.'7 ; Dana's edition (I860), p. 112. 3. In more Special Treatises and Articles. a. AMERICAN. John Qnincy Adams. See Edward Everett, below. America for Americans. Democratic Review, vol. 32, pp. 187, 193; vol.37, p. 263. 280 APPENDIX J. G. Patterson : The Passing of the Monroe Doctrine. Inde- pendent, vol. 10. p. 664. May 19, 1898. H. A. Boardman : New Doctrine of Intervention, tried by the Writings of Washington. Philadelphia, 1852. 8vo, pp. 63. C. W. F. Borrough : The Monroe Doctrine and Its History. American Magazine of Civics, vol. 8, p. 47. 1895. James Buchanan : Article on the Monroe Doctrine, in Mr. Buchanan's Administration on the Eve of the Rebellion. New York, 1SG6. Svo. BA. H. C. Bunts : The Scope of the Monroe Doctrine. Forum, vol. 7, p. 192, 1889. J. W. Burgess : Recent Pseudo-Monroeism. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 11, p. 44, 1896. A. C. Casset : The Monroe Doctrine: Defense not Defiance. Forum, vol. 20, p. 456, 1895. Catholic World, vol. Ml, p. 11G. April, 1880. [Win. Duane] : The Two Americas, Great Britain, and the Holy Alliance. Washington. 1824. 8vo. P. M. P. Dunnell : The Monroe Doctrine. American Law Re- view, vol. 20, p. 829, 1804. [A. II. Everett] : America, or a General Survey of the Politi- cal Situation of the Several Powers of the Western Continent. . . . By a Citizen of the United States. Philadelphia. 1Sl'7. Edward Everett. John Quincy Adams, and others : The Mon- roe Doctrine. New York. 1863. Svo, pp. 17. Also, as No. Ml of the Loyal Publication Society. ISO.;. Svo. pp. 11. [Contains Mr. Everett's letter of September 2, 1863, in the New York Ledger, and Mr. Adams' letter of August 11, 1837, to the Rev. Dr. Channing.] II. M. W. Gammell : The Monroe Doctrine. In Selected Writings, edited by J. 0. Murray, pp. 178-198. Cambridge, 1890. E. L. Godkin: The Development of the Monroe Doctrine. Nation, vol 62. p. 490, 1895. More about the Monroe Doc- trine. Nation, vol. 111. p. 304, L895. J. C. Green : Americanism and the Monroe Doctrine. West« minster Magazine, vol. 140, pp. 2M7-247, March, 1898. APPENDIX 2S1 Gnn ton's Magazine, vol. I", p. I, 1896. The Philosophy of the Monroe Doctrine. Vol. 1<», p, si. 1.896. The Monroe Doctrine: Definition and Interpretation. Harper's Monthly, vol. L8, p. ll>. (Easj Chair.) The Mon- roe I >oc1 i i in - Abroad. G. Hosmer: 1>. C. Gilman on the Monroe Doctrine. Open Court, vol. 10, p 4801, 18 • Intervention of the United States: The Crisis in Europe. Democratic Review, vol. 30, pp. 401 and 554, May, June, L852. Thomas E. Jevons : The Monroe Doctrine. Bachelor of Arts, vol. ■-'. p. 437, L895. J. A. Kasson : The Monroe Declaration. North American Review, vol. 133, pp. 241-254, September, 1881. .1. A. Kasson : The Monroe Doctrine in 1881. North Ameri- can R sview, vol. L33, pp. 523-533, December, 1881. Gustav Korner: The True Monroe Doctrine. Nation, Janu- ary 5, 1882, vol. 34, p. 9. Joshua Leavitt: The Monroe Doctrine. New York. 1863. 8vo, pp. 50. II. (Reprint of article, New Englander, vol. 22, p. 729, October, 1863. See, also, Joshua Leavitt, under A. above, a part of that article.) J. F. McLaughlin: The Monroe Doctrine. Richmond, 1896. J. B. McMaster : The Origin, Meaning, and Application of the Monroe Doctrine. Philadelphia, 18! National Quarterly lie-view. vol. 13, p. 114. (1866.) The Monroe Doctrine and the Smith American Republics. New Review, vol. 14, p. IT. 1895. The Monroe Doctrine. It. ()e-deii ; Some of the Myths of the Monroe Doctrine. Na- tion, v,,!. 60, p. 356, 1894. R. Olney : International Isolation of the United States. At- lantic Monthly, vol. si. p ]( . 577-588, fc£ aV] 1895. Providence Public Library Monthly Bulletin, vol. 1, No. (*>, 1895. The Monroe Doctrine. \V. I". Reddaway. The Monroe Doctrine. Cambridge, Log* land, 1898. Pp. ] ''.-'. 282 APPENDIX T. Roosevelt : The Monroe Doctrine. In his American Ideals New York, 1897. W. L. Scruggs : The Monroe Doctrine. Magazine of Ameri- can History, vol. 26, p. 39, 1891. W. 6- Sumner : The Monroe Doctrine : Proposed Dual Organ- ization of Mankind. Popular Science Monthly, vol. 4 ( J, p. 433, 1896. G. F. Tucker : The Monroe Doctrine. Its Origin and Growth. Boston, 1885. 138 pp. J. C. Welling : The Monroe Doctrine on Intervention. North American Review, vol. 82, p. 478. (1856.) J. A. Woodburn : The Monroe Doctrine and Some of its Appli- cations. Chautauquan, vol. 22, p. ;j4'.», 1895. Theodore D. Woolsey. Article " Monroe Doctrine" in John- sou's Cyclopaedia. b. EUROPEAN. G. Carnazza Amari : Nuova Esposizione del Principio del non. Intervento. Catania, 1873. Pp. 10-24. S. In French, in Revue de Droit International. 1873. pp. 352-390, 531-566. Benner : Article, "Intervention,"' in Bluntschlis Staatswor- terbuch. Carlos Calvo : Une page de droit international, ou l'Ame- riqufi du Sud devant la science du droit des gens moderne. Paris, 2* ed., 1870. 2 vols. Diplomatic Review, vol. 1."), p. 92. L. B. Hautefeuille : Le principe de Non-intervention et sea applications aux ^veuements actuels. Paris, 1803. 8vo. (Reprinted from Revue Contemporaine, vol. 34, p. 193.) Heiberg : Das Princip der Nieht-Intervention. Leipzig. 1842. L. count Kamarowsky: The Principle of Non-intervention (in Russian). Moscow, l s 74. M. Kapoustine : Le droit d' intervention. 1870. Don Rafael Manuel de Labra : De la representation y influ- encia de los Estados-Unidos de America en el derecho in- ternacional. Madrid, 1877. 38 pp. D. D. de Pradt : Vrai systems de 1 'Europe relativement a APPENDIX 283 I'Amlrique. . . . L825. C. + In Pamphleteer, vols. 25 and -H. HA. II. von Rotteck : Das Recti d< r Einmischung in die inneren Angelegenheiten > lines fremden >t;i;ii ■ -- I- r< iburg, IS 15. Carl Riimelin : Die Monroe-Doctrin. In Zeitschrifl fiir die gesammte Staatswissenschaf t. Tubingen, IS82. Heft 2. Hermann Strauch: Zur Interventions-Lehre. Eine vblker- recbtliche Studie. Heidelberg, L879. See especially pp. IT, 18. 4. Occasions on which it has ban applied. a. THE PANAMA CONC.KESS. Mr. Adams' Messages of February 2, 1826 (St. P., V. 704- 797) and March L'l (V. 834-897). (Those of December 26, 1825, and March 15, 1826, are to be found iii United States, etc., below .) American Annual Register, 1826, chap. iv. Benton's Thirtj Veal's, vol. i. p. 65. Henry day's Dispatch to Mr. Poinsett. March 25, 1825: In State Papers, Foreign Affairs, vol. .".. pp. '.hi--. 909. Coronel Don Bernardo Monteagudo: Ensayo sobre la Necesi- da.l de una Federacion Jeneral entre Los Estados Hispano- Americanos, y Plan de su Organisacion. Obra Postuma del II. Coronel D.. ete. Lima. 1825. (See Sparks, below.) Nibs' Register, vols. 30, 36, passim. 1). I), de l'radr • Congres de Panama; Paris, 1825. BA. Revue Britannique, mars, 1826, \>\>. 159-176. Congres de Panama. [Jared Sparks" : Alliance of the Southern Republics. In North American Review, vol. -Jl'. p. 162, January. l^-'>'.. i Review of < Jorom 1. above.) J. M. Ton.- Caicedo: Union latina americana, etc. Union latine-americaine ; la pensee de Bolivar, son origine et ses de>eloppements. Paris. 1875. (Reviewed by A. Villamus, in Revue Politique et Litteraire, 30 sept., 1876.) United States, 19th Congress, 1st Session. [OS.] The Execu« 284 APPENDIX the Proceedings of the Senate of the United States, on the subject of the Mission to the Congress at Panama, together with the M ssages and Documents relating thereto. Wash- ington, 1823. Pp. 160. B, P. United States. 19th Congress, 1st Session. House of Repre- sentatives. [Document No. 129.] Congress of Panama. Message from the President of the United States. ... in relation to the Proposed Congress to be held at Panama. Washington, 1826. Pp. 90. United States. Congressional Debates, 19th Congress, 1st Ses^ sion. vol. 2. Benton's Abridgment, viii. 417-472, 637-675 (Senate) ; ix. 48-50, 02-70, 90-218 (House of Representa- tives). United States : The Congress of 1826 at Panama, and Subse- quent Movements toward a Conference of American Na- tions. Historical Appendix (vol. 4) to the Report of the International American Conference. Washington, 1890. Pp. 375. Don Manuel Lorenzo de Vidaurre : Speech on opening the Congress. Niles' Register, vol. 31, pp. 44-47. Von Hoist : Constitutional History of the United States, vol. 1, pp. 409-432. Webster's Speech, in Works, vol. 3, pp. 17S-217. C. Lefebvre de Bexour : Des rapports de la France et de l'Europe avecl Anierkpie du Sud. Revue des Deux Mondes, juil., 1838. b. YUCATAN. Mr. Polk's Annual Message of December 2. 184." (Statesman's Manual, 1 i I - 1458); his Special Message on Yucatan, of April 29, LS48 (iii. 17:17). (Benton, xvi. IS7, 188.) Congressional Globe, vol. IS, and Appendix. 30th Congress, LstSession. Benton's Abridgment, xvi. 188, 189 (House) ; 189, 190, 196-204 (Senal Calhoun's Speech, May 15, 1848, in Works, iv. 454-479. Von Hoist, iii. 448-453. APPENDIX 283 C. THE CLAYTON-BULWEB THKATY. treaty witb New Granada, December 1l', 1840, especially Art. 35. En Statutes at Large, vol. viii. Clayton and Bulwer Convention, 19th April, 1850, between the British and American Governments, concerning Central America, with Correspondence. L856. Joseph 1'. Comegys: Memoir of John M. Clayton. (Tapers of the Historical Society of Delaware, iv.) Wilmington, 1882. Pp. 190-202, 211-234. .III. Congressional Globe. 32d Congress, 2d Session, vol. 20, 1853. 33d Congress, 1st Session, vol. 28, 1853. Appendix, vol. '-"■». 34th Congress, 1st Session, 1855-1856, and appendix. 35th Congress, 1st Session. Clarendon-Dallas Treaty. 1856. G. W. Bobbs: The Clayton-Bnlwer Treaty. Bay State Monthly, vol. :), p. 17. 1885. T. J. Lawrence: Essays on Some Disputed Questions in Modern International Law. Essay III, pp. 89-162; The Panama Canal and the Clayton-Bnlwer Treats. Cambridge, I'.ii,; land, 18S5. (And other editions.) Nation, vol. 34, p. ( .>l\ 1881. J. G. Blaine and the Clayton- Bnlwer Treaty. W. L. Scruggs: The Clayton-Bnlwer Treaty. North Amer- ican Review, vol. 145, p. 313, 1887. Treaty with Nicaragua, .Tune 21, 1867. United States. 34th Congress, 1st Session. Senate Ex. Doo. .".."). Messages of the President ... on the construction of the Treatj of July 4, L850. (1856). See also next section, and the last. (1. CENTRAL AMERICA, 1845-1860. N :i]ioh'onl L'ouis] L r onaparte] : Canal of Nicaragua, or a Project to connect the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans by means of a Canal. London, 1846. [Not published.] Louis Napoleon Bonaparte: Le Canal de Nicaragua, on projet de jonction des oceans Atlantiqne et Pacifique. Revue Britannique, ruai, 1S4U. 286 APPENDIX [Sir Henry Bulwer] : Great Britain and the United Statea Edinburgh Review, vol. 104, pp. 267-298. July, 1856. Canal interoceanique par l'isthme de Darien, Nouvelle Grauade (Amerique du Sud). Canalisation par le colonisation. Paris, I860. Pp. 203. A. Correspondence with the United States respecting- Central America. Printed by order of Parliament. London, 1856- 1860. Pp. 344. Democratic Review, Oct. 1852. Vol. 31, p. 337. Our Foreign Relations. Central America. A. Denain : Intents qui se rattachent k l'isthme de Panama, et aux differentes istlnnes de l'Amerique Centrale. Paris, 1845. C. Question Anglo-Amdricaine. Documents officiels e'change's entre les Etats-Unis et lAngleterre au sujet de l'Araenque Centrale et du traits Clayton-Bulwer. Paris, 185(i. S. Xavier Raymond : Diplomatic Anglo-Americaine ; les Ameri- cains et les Anglais au Mexique et dans l'Am^rique Cen- trale. Revue des Deux Mondes, 15 avril, 1853. E. G. Squier: Letter to the Hon. H. S. Foote, Chairman of the Committee of Foreign Relations of the United States Senate, on the Nicaragua Treaty, 1850. N. [E. G. Squier] : The Mosquito Question. Whig Review, Feb- ruary, March, 1850. [E. G. Squier] : The Islands of the Gulf of Honduras. Their Seizure and Organization as a British Colony. Democratic Review, vol. 31, p. 544. (November, December, 1852.) E. G. Squier : The States of Central America and the Honduras Interoceanic Railway. New York, 1858. Pp. 782. N. e. cuba, etc., 1850-98. G. d'Alaux, Cuba et la propagande annexioniste. Revue des Deux Mondes. 15 j nil. . 1850. Charles Benoist : Cuba, l'Espagne et les Etats-Unis. Revue des Deux Mondes. vol. 141, p. 112, mai 1. 1897. Buchanan, Mason and Souls' : the "Ostend Manifesto." Diplo- matic Correspondence, 1854-1855. Buchanan: Message, December 3, I860. APPENDIX 287 General Cass to Lord Napier, May 12, May 29, 1857, . . . No- vember, l Si "> s ; to Mr. Dodge, October l'. I >.",>. (Spanish in\ asion of Mexico.) J. Channt, La Quest i le Cuba mix Etats-Unis et en Europe. Revue Contemporaine, vol. 8, p. 470. (1859.) G. Colmache : How Cuba might have belonged to France. Fortnightly, vol. ti4. p. 747. 1895. Congressional Globe. 33d t ongress, 2d Session. (1854-1855.) (Ostend Manifesto.) 35th Congress, 2d Session. (1859.) (Cuba.) A. B. Hart: A Century of Cuban Diplomacy. Harper's Magazine, vol. ( .)7. pp. 127-134. June. 1898. A. B. Hart: The Ostend Manifesto. American History Leaf- let, No. 2. 1892. M. W. Ila/.eltine : Possible Complications of the Cuban Ques- tion. North American Review, vol. 162, p. 406, April, L896. "V. W. Kingaley : Spain, Cuba, and the United .States. Recog- nition and tbe Monroe Doctrine. New York. 1870. 34 pp. J. K. Latane : Tbe United States Intervention in Cuba. North American Review, vol. 166, p. 350, 1898. F. J. Matin-son: Tbe I'nited States and Cuban Independence. Fortnigbtly, vol. 66, pp. S16-832, May. 1898. Revue Britanni que, an fir. is.">4; pp. 257-290. La question de Cuba, jng^e au point de vue Americaine. [E. G. Squier ?] : Tbe Cuban Debate. Democratic Review, vol. 31, pp. 4:1:'.. 624. (November, December, 1852.) S.Webster: Mr. Marcy : tbe Cuban Question : and tbe Ostend Manifesto. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 8, p. 1, March, 18l»:;. /. FRENCH INTERVENTION IN" MKXICO. F. Bancroft : Tin- French in Mexico ami tin- Monroe Doctrine. Political Science Quarterly, vol. 11, p. 30, L896. Congressional Globe. 37th Congress, 3d Session. Appendix, p. '.'4. 38th Congress, 1st Session; tbe House resolution of April 4, 1864, .ind debate. 39th Congress, 1st Session; message on the sending of Austrian troops to Mexico, ami debate. 39th Congress, 2d Session ; on Mexican affairs. 288 APPENDIX Democratic Review, vol. 32, p. 39. Mexico and the Monroe ] toctrine. Fraser's Magazine, vol. 64, p. 717. December, 1861. Mexico. Free Press, Urquhart, vol. 9. November 6, 1801. Collective Intervention in the New World. Hunt's Merchants' Magazine, vol. 50, p. 415, vol. 51, p. 106. (June, August, 1864.) The Conquest of Mexico by France. V. W. Kingsley, French Intervention in Mexico, 1863, pph. N. A. Laugel: France and the United States. Nation, vol. 1, p. 302. (September 7. 1865.) Joshua Leavitt : The Key of the Continent. New Englander, vol. 23, p. 517. (July. 1864.) E. Lefevre : Histoire de Intervention franchise au Mexique. Vol. 2, ch. 18, etc. Bruxelles et Londres. 1869. H. Mercier de Lacombe : Le Mexique et les Etats-Unis. 2 e dd. Paris, 1863. 8vo. B. Mexico and the Monroe Doctrine, [n. p. 1862 ? ] Pp. 24. Nation, vol. 1, p. 678. November 30, 1865. The Solution of the Mexican Problem. Revue Eritannique, septembre, 1863, pp. 213-224. Le Me- xique au point de vue americaine, avaut et depuis l'exp^di- tinn franchise. G. Reynolds : Mexico. Atlantic Monthly, vol. 14, p. 51. July. 1864. J. II. Robinson : The Mexican Question. North American Review, vol. 103, pp. 106-142. July, 1866. J. M. Sehofield: The Withdrawal of the French from Mexico. Century, vol. 54, pp. 128-137. May. L897. United States: Message and Documents, Department of State, 1863-1864. United States: .Messages of the President of the United States to Congress, with accompanying documents relatin-- to the Mexican Question. Justus Strict us Veritas, pseud. : Nuevas Reflexiones sobre Is Cuestion Franco-Mexicana. Folleto publicado en Pari-, el 30 de setiembre de 1862 por supplemental Correo de ui- tramar. Mexico, 1862. Pp. 192. C. APPENDIX 289 Westminster Review, vol. 80, p. 313. October, 1863. The French Conquest of Mexico. Same art., Eclectic Magazine, vol. 61, p. 36. Same art., Living Age, vol. 79, p. 251. g. TIIK IXTKK-OI'KANIC CANAL (OFFICIAL) Congressional Record, vol. 9, p. 2312. Senator Bnrnside'a resolution, June l'">. 1879. (46th Congress, 1st Session. S. R. No. 13.) Further discussion in vol. 10. President Hayes: Message, March 8, l^^n. En Congressional Record, vol. 1". p. L399. Since printed with documents. Papers relating to the Foreign Relations of the I'nited States, IS81. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lowell (circular), June '_M. 1881, pp. 537-540. Lord Granville to Mr. Hoppin, November 10, L881, p. 549. Mr. Blaine to Mr. Lowell, November 19, 1881, pp. 554-559; November 29,1881, pp. 563 569. Earl Granville to Mr. West. January II, (7°) 1882. Correspondence respecting the projected Panama Canal. Pre- sented to both Houses of Parliament by command of Her M ; -•• . 1882. Mr. Frelinghuysen to Mr. Lowell. May 8, 1882. Don Antonio Aguilar, Marquis de la Vega de Arniijo, to Don Francisco Barca, Spanish Minister at Washington, March 15, 1882. In "the Red Book," Madrid. L882. Congres International d' Etudes du Canal Interoc&urique. Compte Rendu des Stances. Paris. 1879. Bulletin du (anal [nteroceanique, Nos. 1 to 60+. (Septem- b r l, 1879, to February L5, L882.) Paris. (unofficial) D. Aiimien : M. de Lesseps and Ids Canal. (See Lesseps, belov. ) North American Review, vol. 130, pp. L30-146, February, IS80. Cassell's, December, 1879. Panama and the [sthraus. C. DeHalb: The Nicaragua Canal — Ours or England's? Forum, vol. L9, \>. 690, L894. 290 APPENDIX A Delawarean : The Clayton-Bulwer Treaty and the report of the Committee of the House on Foreign Relations against it. May 1, 1880. S. Edinburgh Review. April. 1882. The Panama Canal. E. L. Godkin : The Nicaragua Canal. Nation, vol. 39, p. 516. December, 1884. U. S. Grant : The Nicaragua Canal. North American Review, vol. 132, pp. 197-210. February. 1881. Harper's Monthly Magazine, vol. 60, p. i'o5. (Easy Chair.) Lesseps and the Darien Canal. The International Canal and the Monroe Doctrine. New York. 1880. Pp. 118. L. M. Keasbey : The Nicaragua Canal and the Monroe Doc- trine. New York, 1896. Pp. 622. F. de Desseps : The Interoceanic Canal. North American Review, vol. 130, pp. 1-15. January, 18S0. Vol. 131, pp. 75-7S. July, 1880. A. Letellier : Lea Travaux du Canal de Panama. Nouvelle Revue, 1 juil., 1882. W. L. Merry : The Political Aspect of the Nicaragua Canal. Overland Monthly, n. s., vol. 23, p. 4 l .>7. May, 1894. The Monroe Doctrine and the Isthmian Canal. North Amer- ican Review, vol. 130, p. 4'.ii>. The Nation, vol. 30, p. 90. February 5, 1880. The United States Government and the Panama Canal. — Vol. 33, p. 348. November 3, 1881. American Policy towards the Isthmus Canal. — Vol. 34, p. 92. February 2, 1882. An- other chapter of Mr. Blaine's 1 Uplomacy. — Vol. -!4. p. 114. February '.». 1882. Mr. Blaine's Manifesto. — Vol. :!4. p. 156-157. — Vol. 34, p. 200. March 7. L882. "A Spirited Foreign Policy." T. W. Osborn: The Darien Canal. International Review, vol. 7, pp. 481— 497. November, I v 7'.'. Popular Science Monthly. Vol. 16, pp. 842-849. April, 1880. Some Features of the Interoceanic Canal Question. A "1. 20, pp. 273-275. December, L8S1. Our Policy respecting the Panama < anal. APPENDIX 29i J. R. Proctor: The Nicaragua Canal. American Journal of Politics, vol. 2, p. 225, 1892. Providence Public Library Monthly Reference Lists, vol. 1, p. 45, 1881. The Panama Canal. Revue Britannique, juil., 1879. Le Congros du Canal Inter* oceanique. J. ('. Rodrignes : The Panama Canal: History, Political As- pects, etc. London. l vs ">. Dr. Rudolf Schleiden: Die rechtliche und politische Seite der Panama-Canal-Frage. Preussische Jahrbiicher, Ju:ii, L882. S. Webster: The Diplomacy and Law of Isthmian Canals. Harper's Magazine, vol. 87, p. 602, 18 S. F. Weld: The Isthmus Canal and our Government. Atlan- tic Monthly, vol. 63, p. 341, March. 1889; The Isthmus Canal and American Control. Atlantic Monthly, vol. in Paris, 71 : not a friend of Monroe, 129 ; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 168. Adams, John Qulncy, on Monroe's retirement from army, 12 | On his advocacy of Mississippi navi- gation, 27 : on importance of Mon- roe's and Jay's foreign missions, 41, 4S ; receives one electoral vote in 1820, 128; secretary of state, l'_".i : his career and charac- ter, 130, 131 ; contrast with Cal- houn, 131-134; his appointment approved by Jackson, 137 ; vindi- cates Jackson's career in Florida, 144 ; secures annexation of Flor- ida, 14t'i ; on Missouri excitement, 147; on i or favoring Mis- souri Compromise, 151 : bis can- didacy for President in 1824, 157 ; deserihes Monroe's attitude to- ward Spanish colonies, 170 ; , Monroe doctrine to Russian am- bassador. 172, 173; said to have drafted Monroe doctrine in Mon- roe's message, 174 ; held by Red- daway to be real author, 178; his opinion of Monroe, •_• |n ; anecdote Of his toast to Monroe and Lafay- ette, 261. Addington, Henry, succeeded by Pitt, '.'7. Alexander, Emperor of Russia, ar- bitrates between England and United Bl ites, 202, Anns, Fisher, on Monroe's careT m France, 71. AmiapoLU Convention, not favored by Monroe. 22 ; calls Federal Con. vention, 22, 23. Armstrong, John, secretary of war under Madison, 111 ; criticised as inefficient by M 'oe, 111-119; retained in office by Madison, 1 19 ; popular rap- with, after capture of Washington, 126. Auckland, Lord, on commission to treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 100. Bancroft. Georoe, quoted, 24, 25. Barlow, Joel, his instructions as minister to France. 110; fails to secure treaty oi commerce, 11(1. Barney, Captain Joshua, presents American (lag to National Con- vention. 54. lianas. Count, his policy influenced by Monroe. 74. Benton. Thomas H., not in politics in 1817,129; his elaborate esti- mate ot Monroe. 241 244. osburg, battle of, part played by Monroe at, 119-126. Blair, John, appointed delegate to ial Convention, 28. .ic rome, bis marriage to Mis cribed by Mon- roe. 90, 91. parte, Napoleon, his power in 1803, >o, 81; discusses Louisiana question, tells Marbois to sell, 82 ; refuses offer of forty mil- lion-, 80, 8 1 1 announces war « ith ni'l. B5 ; acquiesces in terms, of sale of Louisiana, 85; receives Monroe, t>G ; hi 8 letter of acknow- 298 INDEX lodgment, R7 ; takes leave of Monroe, 87, 88 ; notified of Je- rome Bonaparte's marriage, 90 ; on future growth of America, 94 ; his arbitrary policy in the matter, 95, 96 ; promises to aid in acqui- sition of West Florida, 9S; re- fuses to do so, 98. Bowler, Jack, leader of slave plot, 3G. Breekenridge, John, defeated by Monroe for governor, 35. Brock, R. C.| his researches on Mon- roe pedigree, 249. Burr, Aaron, candidate for French mission, 40. Calhoun, John C, secretary of war under Monroe, 12'J : his career and character, 1L11-134 ; contrast with Adams, 131-134; urges appoint- ment of Kent to Supreme Court, 138 ; has Seminole correspon published in 1831, 145; doubtful as to proper reception of Lafayette, 154; candidate for presidency, 157 ; letter of Monroe to, on dis- union, 23.1, 240; his opinion of Monroe, '241. Cambaceres, French statesman, gives dinner to American envoys, 84; prevents Monroe from treat- ing with Spain, 88. Camden, Lord, efforts of Lee to se- cure portrait of, for Virginia, (5. Campan, Madame, her friendship wit li Eliza Monroe, 21 1. Canning, George, negotiations of Monroe and Pinkney with, 104; proposes American and English cooperation to prevent reconquest of Spanish colonies, 17.'!; his con- nection with Monroe doctrine, 171, 175. Carnot, French war minister, wishes war with United States, 74. Carr, Dabney, forgotten celebrity of Virginia, moves appointment of committee of correspondence, Cary, Archibald, letter of Wash* ington to, on Monroe, 11. Castlereagh, Lord, on danger of war from Jackson's usurpations, 144 ; proposes joint mediation be- tsveeii Spain anil colonies, 170. Cevallos, Don Pedro, negotiations of Monroe and Pinknej with, 99. Chateaubriand, Vicomte de, state- ment of Monroe doctrine to, by Gallatin, 17'-'. Chatham, Lord, portrait of, sent to Virginians of Westmoreland Count}', 7. Church, Edward, approves Mon- roe's policy toward France, 72. Clay, Henry, his position in 1817, l'J'J ; disappointed by not receiv- ing State Department under Mon- roe, 135 ; hostile to Monroe's administration, 135; opposes Ad- ams's Florida treaty, 14G ; can- didate for presidency, 157. Coit, Joshua, letters from, describ- ing Congressional feeling in 17:4, 42-47 ; on presentation of French flat;-. G6. Committee of Public Safety, hesi- tates to receive Monroe, 4S; de- mands information concerning Jay treaty, ill. Confederation, Articles of, proposal of Monroe to amend, 'JO : the im- post scheme. 'Jo, 21 ; state of gov- ernment under, 22, 23. , ess. of the Confederation, ser- vices of Monroe in. 18-27 ; ques- tions before it in 1783, 10 ; de- ed amendments to Articles of Confederation, 20 ; de- bates impost sell, inc. 21,22; re- ceives Virginia's cession of West- ern territory, 23; appoints com- mittee i' division of Western territory, 25 ; debates Mississippi navigation, 26. Congress, of the United states, feel- ing in, over foreign affairs, illus- trated by Coit's let tils, 42-47; appropriates money to secure Mis INDEX 299 Bfssippi navigation, 79 ; I Madison into war with England, Id? : prepares for war. hit ; n men) in, to attach conduct ol \v n- I tepartment, 118 ; sustains Jackson in Seminole affair, 144; debates admission of Missouri, 147: discus es Monroe doctrine in 1 in una debate, 176, 177 . ap- plication of Monroe to, for reim- bursement, 2 Constitution, Federal, formed, struggle ove- in Virginia, J Mr Monroe's opposition to, 29, :'Ji : in relation to power of retar] oi war to command in field, Mi 113; in relation to Mis- souri Compromise, 148 lol ; in re- 1 ition to interna] impi 162, 182, 191-202. Convention, National, of France, receives Monroe as American min- ister, 49 52 ; it- in his bonor, 53; presented bj Monroe li an American Bag, 54, 55 ; U m '8 explanation of his deal- ings w itli. 55, 56. Crawford, William H., secretary of treasury undi i . 129 : his character and career, 133, 134 ; nearly secures Republican nomi- nation in 1816, 134 ; on evil re- sultsof Monroe's Northern tour, 141, 142: candidate for presi- dency, 157. Croix, M. de la, summarizes Frencli complaints against Jay treaty, 64. Crowninshield, Benjamin W., sec- retary of navy under Madison and Monro.-. : Cullum, Gh neral G. W., on Monroe's act lensburg, 1 19. Cumberland Road Bill, vetoed by 152, 191-202. Dana. Francis, his mission to St. Petersburg, 130. Dai than, his sharp in slavery i 1 1 i. tii. n in Northwest Ordi- nance, '25, 26. Dayton, Jonathan, a public dinner to Mourn,.. 67. Diplomatic history, services of Mon- roe in, 39; causes for Monroe's and .lay's missions in 1794, 40, II. 46; Monroe's instructions, 48; his ca- reer in Paris, K 65; slowness of munications in, 59; dealings of Monroe with Lafayette, 60, 152, 153 : efforts ot Monroe in behalf of imprie id seamen, anger of France over Jay i ity, 61, 64 : refusal of French to rei I C. Pinckney, 65, 66 ; Thiers's view of Monroe's French mission, 74; Monroe's second mis- sion to France. 7'. 1 89; diplomatcs involved in Louisiana negotia- tions, 80, 81; situation on arrival of Monroe, 81, 82 : dealings of Talleyrand with Livingston, 82 : Marbois oilers Louisiana to Liv- ingston, 83; American counter proposition, S4, !-5 ; fl na ] agree- ment, opinion of Bonaparte, 85, 86; conclusion of treaty, 86; opinion of Monroe on. 89, 90 ; question of share of Livingston in, 91-93; Monroe's mission to Englaud, 96, 97 ; Monroe's mis- sion to Spain, 98, 99; mission of Monroe and Pinkney to Eng- land. 99-105; conclusion of tri 100; repudiation of treaty by Jef- ferson, 101; renewed negotiations between United states and Eng- Iand, 11' I. 105; events preceding war of 1812,107, 108; negotiations of Monroe with Foster, 108 110; mission of Barlow to France. 1 Id; cession of Florida by Spain, 146; mission of Rush to England, in Mi mroe'sadm .1 16, 1 17 ; origin of Monroe doctrine, 159- 179. Directory, declares treaties between France and the United States abrogated by Jay treaty, 64; re- fuses to receive Pinckney, or aV low him to remain in Paris, C5. 300 INDEX Drayton, Col. W. H.. urged by Jack- sou for War Department, 137. Election of 1824, 157, 158; attitude of Monroe in. 158. England, relations with, in 1704, 40, 41 ; attitude of Federalists to- ward. 43, 47, 66 ; mission of Jay to, 40, 47, 60 ; its interest in Louisiana, 79 ; renews war with France, 85 ; Monroe's mission to, 97 ; causes of complaint against, 99; controlled by liberals, 99, 100; mission of Monroe and I'inkney to, 90-105 ; its attitude described by Holland, 101, 104 ; danger of war with, 104, 105 ; issues Orders in Council, 105 ; refuses to yield to American demands, 107 ; war declared with, 10S ; danger of war with, over Arbuthnot and Ambrister case, 144, 147 ; mission of Rush to, 140, 147. Erskine. David M., receives copy of Monroe, treaty, 100. Eustis, William, in Madison's cabi- net, 107 ; blamed for disasters of war of 1812, 111 ; friend of Gen- eral Swift, 139. Federalists, called monarchists by Monroe, 30-32 ; their feeling in 1794 on foreign affairs, illustrated by Coit's letters, 42-47 ; its policj criticised by Monroe, 08-70; con- demn Monroe's defense, 71, 72 : unfriendly to Monroe in 1M7. 129 ; aim of Monroe to conciliate, by his Northern journey, 13'.*. pisk, Jonathan, proposes to move in Congress an attack on Armstrong, 118. Florida, attempt, of Livingston to acquire, 88; attempt of Monroe, 98, 99; entered by Jackson in pursuit of Seminoles, 14o, 144; ceded by Spain to Tinted States, Arbuthnot and Ambrister ex- ecuted in 1819, U4 ; attitude of Monroe toward, 1S4-1S6. Fortification policy, advocated by Monroe, 140, 191. Foster, Augustus John, correspond- ence with Monroe, 108, 109. Fox, Charles James, as minister, promises to attend to American demands, 99 ; his illness, 100. France, relations with, in 1704,40; desire of Washington to appease, by appointment of Monroe, 40, 41 ; feeling towards, in Congress, 4'-' — 17 ; Monroe's mission to, 48- 05; arrival of Monroe in. 48; danger of war with, 53 ; Monroe censured for attitude toward, 57- 59, 04, 05 ; slowness of communi- cation with, 59; relations with, strained by Jay treat} - , 02-64 ; sends a flag to Congress, 00 ; ef- fect of Monroe's mission upon, according to Thiers. 74 : attitude of Jefferson toward, in 1802, 70; receives Louisiana from Spain, 78 ; sells it to United States, 79 ; its reasons, 80, 85 ; promises to aid United States to acquire Flor- ida, 88 ; despotic power of Napo- leon in, 95, 96 ; mission of Bar- low to, 110; its policy as to com- mercial decrees, 110. "Gabriel, General," leader of slave plot, Gallatin, Albert, in Madison's cabi- net, lnT ; favors Monroe's appoint- ment to War Department, 115; letter of Crawford to, on Monroe, 142 ; anticipates Monroe doctrine, 172. Genet, Edward C, disavowed by French government, 42. Christopher, letter of Fisher Ames to, 71. Gouverneur, Samuel L., son-in-law of Monroe, '211 ; not appointed to office by Monroe, 223 : Monroe lives at his residence, 231 ; letter to Monroe on attack from Ten- nessee. 238, 239, Grayson, William, his share in by INDEX 301 trodueing slavery restriction into Northwest Ordinance, 25; op- poses ratification of Constitution, 29; elected senator, deal Greece, sympathy of Monroe for, 203, 204. Grenville, Lord, appoints Auckland and Holland to treat with .Monroe and Pinkney, 100. Grigsby, If. B., on volunteering of Marshal] and Monroe in 1776, 8, 9. Hamilton, Alexander, hostility of Monroe to, 34 ; attacked by Mon- roe in Callender case, 7 1. Hamilton, Paid, in Madison's cabi- net, 1(17. Hardy, , on committee to pre- sent Virginia's cession of western lauds, 23. Harper, Robert G., censures Monroe for his "View," 71. 72; accuses Motiroe of bribery, 72. Harrison, Benjamin, letter of Mon- roe to, Ji. Harrowby, Lord, dealings of Monroe with, '.17. Hawkesbury, Lord, dealings of Mon- roe with, 97. Hay, George, son-in-law of Monroe, 'Jll ; refusal of Monroe to appoint to office, 223 ; advises Monroe to write history of his times, "24. Henry, Patrick, his speech at Wil- liamsburg, 9 ; appointed deli to Federal Convention, 28; op- poses ratification of Constitution, 28. Hildreth. Richard, on Monroe's in- tegrity, 72. Holland, Lord, on commission to treat with Monroe and Pinkney, 100 ; describes the negotiations, 101-104. Howison, Robert R., quoted, 35. Internal Improvements, di in Monroe's administration, 152; held unconstitutional by Monroe, 152, 152. Jackson, Andrew, letter of Monroe to, on Federalists. :;n 32 ; dis- patches of Monroe to, during war of 1812, 126, 127 ; his friendship with Monroe, 129, 136; declines War Department, 136; suggests cabinet officers, 137; letters of Monroe to, 137 ; sent to punish Indian outrages, 143; considers his policy ratified in advance by Monroe, 143; his conduct in Flor- ida, 144 ; nearly brings on war, 144 ; upheld by Adams, and by Congress, III; claims Monroe's approval, 145; his course mildly deprecated by Monroe, 145; can- didate for presidency in 1824, 157 ; attitude of Monroe toward, in 1827,237. Jacobin Club, Monroe's opinion of, 75. Jay, John, proposes abandonment of Mississippi navigation, 27 ; his appointment as minister to Eng- land opposed by Monroe, 34 ; rea- sons for his appointment, 41. 16 , concludes treaty with England, CO ; condemned by Monroe, 02-64, Jay treaty, information concerning, asked of Monroe by France, 61 ; condemned as shameful by Mon- roe, 02-04. Jefferson, Thomas, appoints Monroe military commissioner, 12; gives Monroe a letter to Franklin, 13; law studies of Monroe with, 13; .Monroe advised by Jones to con- tinue studies with, 13-15 ; his in- fluence upon Monroe, 15, 10 ; his lifelong friendship with Monroe, 16 ; his behavior in 1782 criticised by Monroe, IS ; explains to Monroe his failure to publish notes on Virginia, 18 ; wishes Monroe to travel in Europe, 18; correspond- ence of Monroe with, while in Congress, 19, '.'0. 21, 23, J 4 ; on committee to deliver Virginia's cession of western lands, 23 ; on monarchical aims of Federalists, 302 INDEX 32 ; letters of Monroe to, on Con- stitution, in 17SS, 32; letters of Monroe to, during senatorial term, 33 ; at dinner to Monroe after his return from France, G7 ; his later attitude toward France, 7G ; ad- vises Monroe to enter Congress, 77 ; as President, communicates to Congress news of cession of Louisiana by Spain to France, Ts ; names Monroe as special envoy to France, 7tl ; his share in credit of Louisiana treaty, 80, 90 ; plans exploration of Louisiana, 94 ; re- ceives Monroe's treaty, 100 ; re- fuses to submit treaty to Senate, 101 ; tries to be neutral between Monroe and Madison, 105 ; contin- ues Monroe's friend, 129 ; antici- pates Monroe doctrine, 166, 168, 1G9, 171, 173 ; consulted by Mon- roe, 173 ; letter of Monroe to, an- nouncing marriage, 209 ; regent in University of Virginia, '-131 ; his opinion of Monroe, 240 ; obliga- tions of Monroe to, 247. Jennings, Edmund, at Lee's request, endeavors to secure a portrait ol Camden, G ; sends Lee a portrait of Chatham, 7. Jones, Eliza, mother of James Mon- roe, 4. Jones, Joseph, uncle of Monroe f his career, 4 ; consulted by Monroe as to law studies, 13 ; advises him to continue with Jefferson rather than to attend Wythe's lectures, 14, 15 ; correspondence of Monroe with. 19. 56, 62, 67, 75. 97, 20 Jones, Willi. mi. secretary of navy, at battle of Bladensburg, 126. Kennedy. John- P., his life of Wirt quoted, 134, 198 : on Monroe's im- partiality in 1824, 158. Kent. James, his appointment to supreme court urged by Wirt and Calhoun, 138; refused by Monroe on party grounds, 138. King, Rufus, tries to secure exclu- sion of slavery from Northwest 25 : adds fugitive slave clause, 26; candidate for President in 1S16, 128; opposes admission of Mis. souri as a slave State. 147. Kortwright, Eliza, marriage witl Monroe, 20S-210 ; her appearance at President's levees, 215, 'JIG; described by Watson, 22G ; grief of Monroe at her death, 226. Kortwright, Lawrence, father-in« law of Monroe, 209. Lafayette, Madame, aided by Mon- roe, 59, 153. Lafayette, Marquis de, wounded at Monmouth, with Monroe, 10; efforts of Monroe to secure re- lease of, 59, 152, 153 ; his visit to America, 153-155, •^■. 251 ; his friendly letters to Monroe, 151. 155; offers Monroe pecuniary as- sistance, 157. 232. Lareveilliere, , his policy intlu- enced by Monroe, 74. Lawrence, William Beach, trans- lates Barhe Marbois's history of Louisiana. 78. Lee, Arthur, on committee to pre- sent Virginia's cession of West- ern lands, 'J3. Lee, Henry, neighbor of Monroe, 5. Lee. Richard Henry, neighbor of Monroe, 5 ; remonstrates against Stamp Act, G ; collects subscrip- tions for a portrait of Camden, 6; his correspondence with Jennings on the subject. G; acknowledges receipt of Chatham's portrait. 7 ; correspondence of Monroe with, 19 ; yields exclusion of slavery from Northwest, 25 ; elected sen- ator, 33. Livingston, Robert R., declines French mission, 40 ; minister iu France at time of Louisiana treaty. 79, SO; welcomes Monroe on arrival, SI ; denies that Tinted States wishes all of Louisiana, 82 ; discusses project with Monroe INDEX :\ ; elected President, KIT; bia cabinet, lo? ; favOl 107 ; urged by Monroe to dii miss Arm- strong as ineffli ient, 1 1 1-119 ; re- fuses to do so, 119; at battle of Bladensburg, 120, 122-124; gives Monroe charge of War Depart- ment, 1-4; continues friendly with Monroe, 1'29 ; anticip Monroe doctrine. 1 1 .7 : Monroe's affection for, in later years, 225, 226; correspondence with Mon- roe in 1831, 227 230; regent of University of Virginia, ...1 ; Ins opinion of Monroe. 240. Marbois, I.arbe. his history of Lou- isiana purchase, 7^ ; minister of treasury under Napoleon, 81 ; told 1;. Napoleon to sell Louisi- ana, 82; discusses project with Livingston and Monroe. 83; re- jectS oiler of forty millions. 84; warns Americans, 85 ; proposes a treaty, 85 ; on Bonaparte's acqui- escence, 85, 86 ; letter of Monroe to, on conclusion of treaty, 89- 91. Marshall, John, volunteers in 177G with Monroe. 8,9; original mem- ber of Phi Beta Kappa, 'J; urges ratification of Constitution. 28. Mason, Gen. , at battle of Bla- densburg, 123. Mason. George, forgotten celebrity of Virginia, 2 ; in Federal Conven- tion, '-'8 ; opposes ratification of I astitution, 29. Mason, Thompson, forgotten celeb- rity of Virginia, 2. Masson, , aide-de camp, aids Monroe to help Lafayette, 153. Meade, Bishop, on Virginia's early struggles for civil liberty. 7 ; com- pares Williamsburg to Lond Meigs, R. •'.. postmaster-general under Monroe, 130. Mercer, Col. Hugh, services of Monroe under, 9. Mjrliu de Douai, receives Monroe 304 INDEX before National Convention, 53 ; demands a copy of Jay treaty, 61 . Messages, presidential, of Monroe, 180-207. See under Monroe, James. Mississippi, navigation of, question of its maintenance under Confed- eration, 26, 27 ; hopes of United States to obtain through France from Spain, 48 ; blocked by Spain after cession of Louisiana to France, 78 ; secured by Louisiana purchase, 79. Missouri, debate over its admission, 147; compromise concerning, 147, 148 ; Monroe's views on, 148-151 ; Adams's view of, 151. Monroe, Andrew, supposed ancestor of James Monroe, 249. Monroe, Andrew, brother of James, letter of Monroe concerning, 7G. Monroe, Eliza, daughter of James Monroe, her marriage, 211 ; her friendship with Hortense Beau- harnais, 211 ; described by Mrs. Tuley, 216. Monroe, Hector, ancestor of James Monroe, 4. Monroe, James, annals of his life xi.-xiii. ; summary of his career, 1, 2, 3 ; ancestry, 4 ; birth, 4 ; college studies, 7, 8 ; volunteers at outbreak of Revolution, S. In Continental Army. Serves under Washington uearNew York, 0, 10 ; wounded at Trenton, 10 ; on Stirling's stall' in battles near Philadelphia, 10, 11; loses place in line, 11; recommended by Washington and others for place in Virginia forces, 11, 12 : acts as military commissioner, 12 ; cha- grined at failure to obtain promo- tion, 12, 13 ; thinks of going to France. 13; studies law under Jefferson, 13 ; dissuaded by Judge Jones from abandoning Jefferson for Wythe, l.'l. 15 ; expresses grat- itude to Jefferson, 1~>. iti: his career shaped by Jefferson's inilii- ence, 16 ; his life-long association with Jerlerson, 16. Political Lender in Virginia. Review of his services to Virginia, 17, 18 ; inconspicuous in Virginia House of Delegates, 18 ; his ca- reer in Congress, 18, 19 ; on pro- blems of peace, 19 ; favors revision of Articles of Confederation, 20 ; favors collection of imposts by States, 20 ; thinks it best to post- pone action, 21 ; describes oppo- sition to plan, 21, 22; does not favor plan of Annapolis Conven- tion, 22 ; later wishes to aid it, 22 ; describes secessionist feeling in New England, 23 ; thinks regu- lation of commerce by United States necessary to preserve Union, 23 ; delivers Virginia's ces- sion of Northwest Territory to Congress, 23 ; his tour in North- west, 23, 24 ; \ iews on relations with English in Canada, 24; his second journey, 24 ; leads in con- sideration of organization of Western territory, 25 ; later in Virginia Assembly introduces bill ratifying Ordinance of 1787, 26; writes argument proving right to Mississippi navigation. 27 ; ac- cepts position as arbitrator be- tween New York and Massachu- setts, 27 ; opposes Jay's proposed Spanish treaty. 27 ; hopes for suc- cess from Federal Convention. 28. hi Virginia Ratifying Conven- tion. Opposes ratification of Con- stitution, 28, 29 ; his Brst speech against it, 29; sums up his ohjec- tions, 30 ; Anally agrees to con- ditional ratification, 30; later de- scribes Federalists as monarch? ists, 30-32 ; tries at first to be non- committal. 32 ; writes address to constituents, 32 ; writes pamphlet on Federal Government, 33. United States Senator. Elected to succeed Grayson, 33 ; incon- spicuous in debate, 33 ; opposes INDEX 305 Washington's administration, 33 ; threatens Washington with ex- posure of Hamilton, 34 ; opposes Hamilton's financial measures, 34; urges coercion of England, 34 ; opposes appointments of Morris and Jay, 34; surprised to receive appointment to French mission, 84, 40. rnor of Virginia. His two terms, 35; bitter comments ol Federalists on his election, 35 ; suppresses negro slave p. 36; efforts of Randolph to turn him against Madison, 36, 37 ; later charged by K indolph with time- serving, 37 ; charged by K indolph with having planned armed resist- ance to Onion in 1800, 37 / ■ ■ I ■ ■ . 1 difficulties of bis diplomatic career, ! sons for his appointment, 40, 41 ; his instructions, 4s ; directed to work for opening of Mississippi, 48; reaches Paris after fall of Robespierre, 48 ; much delay in his reception, 49; writes letter to president of convention, 49; appears before convention, his address. 49 .".l ; carried away by his enthusiasm, ".1 ; French ac- count of his reception, 52, ."3; presents through Barney a (lag to the convention, 54, 55 : present at interment of R 55 : tells why be presented the flag, 5o; describes his perilous situation. 55 ; appeals from the Committee of Public Safety to the convention, r>5 ; justifies language of his a.l- -'\.-r.'!y criticised 1>\ Randolph, ''.. 5 nego- tiations concerning M negotiates in behalf of Lafayett i of impris- on, d Americans, GO : aids Tho- mas Paine, 60; condemns Jay treaty as Bharaeful, 62; accuses Jay of misleading him, I dissuades Directory from Bending a special envoy to complain, 04 ; censured by Pickering, 04, G5; superseded by Pinckney, 65; said to have prevented r gnition of Pinckney by 1 lirecti praised bj Pinckney, 66; thinks bis recall delayed to prevent his return before election, 07 ; wel- comed by Republicans, 07 ; de- mands reasons for recall, 07 ; im- polite to Washington, 07 ; pub- lishes pamphlet attacking foreign policy of Washington, 68; enu- meration of his points of com- plaint. 68 7n; comments of Wash- ington mon. To, 7i; anger of ralists against, 71 ; accused of incompetence and corruption, 71,72; his honesty admitted by Hildreth, 72 : his policy praised by Thiers, 74; controversy with Hamilton in Callender affair, 74 ; angry at publication of his dis- patches concerning Jacobins, 75; his letters homo during his French mission. 75, 76; advised by Jef- ferson to come into Congress, 77. Lo* P His opin- ion of Barhe M irbois's book, 78; sent as special envoy to secure outlet of Mississippi. ~\i ; wel- comed by Livingston, si i learns Of readiness of French to - 11 territory. 82; discusses matter with Livings! in, 53; not informed by Living-ton of progress of ne- ii ions, 83 : he | in to Bonaparte delayed by Talleyrand, 84 ; otTers forty million fraj si ; l it. r agrees to eights . congratulates Livingston on 8UC- it sau... time complains of Livingston's jealousy, s7 : his farewell interview with Bona- parte, 87, B8 ; determines to treat with Spain for Florida, 88; pre- vented by Camba dis- rs that Livingston lias tried to anticipate him. r tO Marbois on treaty and on Jeruuiti 30G INDEX Bonaparte's marriage, 89-91 ; let- ter of Livingston depreciates his share in transactions, 91-93. Missions to Spain and England. Instructed by Madison to propose a convention to England, 96 : his irritating reception by Harrowby, 97 ; abandons negotiations, 97 ; hopes to return and practice law in Richmond, 97 ; directs sale of land, 97; dissatisfied with diplo- macy as a career, 98 ; solicits aid of Talleyrand to secure West Flor- ida, 98 ; negotiates vainly with Spanish minister, 99; joined in Lcndon by Pinkney, 99 ; with him concludes a treaty in 1806, 100; his candor praised by Lord Holland. 102 ; his personality and conduct of negotiations described, 102, 103; returns to America, draws up defense of his conduct, 105 ; a candidate for presidency against Madison, 105 ; reelected governor of Virginia, 105; his failure not due to lack of abil- ity, but to circumstances, 1 16. Secretary of State and of War. Succeeds Smith as secretary of state, 107 ; communicates decla- ration of war to England. 108; his career during war. 108 : thinks of taking field in person, 108; controversy with Foster over rights of neutral trade. 108-110; his instructions to Barlow rela- tive to Fiance, 110; distrusts ability of Armstrong as secretary of war, 111; writes letter to Madison protesting against Ann- strong's plan to serve in field. 111-113; discredits Armstrong's capacity. 113 115; offers to take Department of War himself, 111 116; later, on political grounds, protests against Armstrong's con duct, 117-119; accuses War Di partment of corruption, 118, 119; said to have int. i lend a! bal t le of Bladeusburg, 119; watches British advance on Washington, 120 ; his conduct reviewed, 121 ; writes narrative of his doings, 122-124 : acts as military com- mander pro tempore, 124 ; orders Winder to arrange batteries, 125; on Winder's refusal, orders him oil the field, 125 ; his conduct de- scribed by Robinson, 125, 126 ; invigorates war administration, 126,127. President of (he United Stoles. Vote for, in elections, 128 : his advisers and associates, 129 ; his cabinet, 129-135 ; narrowly es- capes defeat by Crawford for nomination, 134 ; anger of Clay with, 135 ; his friendly relations with Jackson, 136, 137 ; his rea- sons for selection of cabinet offi- cers, 137, 138 ; aims to have a Republican administration, 137 ; refuses to appoint Kent to Su- preme Court, 138 : principal ques- tions in his term of office. 13S; his journey in the North, its po- litical significance, 139-142 ; os- tensibly travels to inspect harbor defenses. 139 ; his addresses. 140, 141 : Crawford's opinion of effects of his tour. 141,142; stirs enthu- siasm in North, 142; makes a Southern journey, 143.; denies hav- ing given .1 ickson authority in Seminole campaign. 145; depre- cates tone of his dispatches 111; in Missouri struggle, predicts even- tual success of free States, lis; fears secession. 1 18 ; diseusses doubtfully the right of Congress to impose restrict ions on a State. 1 1 : 151; doubts policy of restricting slavery, 150, 151 ; vetoes Cumber- land Road Bill, 152; his reasons, 152; his dialings with Lata; in Europe, 152, 153 ; welcomes Lafayette on his visit. 154 ; let- ters of I. it lyi tte to. 151 157 . re- mains neutral in presidential con- test of 1824, 15-. INDEX 307 I ineclion with Monroe Doe- trine. Not clear how he came to phrase it bo well, 159; lacks lit- erary skill, 169, 160; hi i< n ii i . .;,., - not realize importance of his ac- tion, 164 ; merely aims to express accepted tradition, 164 ; early sug- gests the policy, 166; in suggests aiding independence of Spanish colonies, 170; asks Jef- in's opinion on cooperating with England against Holy Alli- ance, 17:; : said by Plumer to have doubted propriety of doc- trine in message, 174; praised by a member of his family as author of doctrine. 17.". 176; held by Reddaway to be merely nominal author. 177. IT 1 -: bis real credit for it, 17s. 17'.i ; writes loir nuai 50; Bummaj his messages, 180 207; inaugural add) 181 ; first annual message, December, 1817, 181; special message of January, 1818, 183; second animal message, No- vember, 1818, I--. 184 : third an- nual message, Iv 1819, 1 - 1. 185; Bpecial message on slave trade, 186; fourth annual i sage of November, 1820, 186, 1^7 ; second inaugural address, 187, 1S5 ; fifth annual I De- cember. 1821, 189, 190 ; special messages in 1822, 190, l'.'l : veto message on Cumberland Road Bill, 191-202 : sixth annual mes- . 202, 203 : seventh annual n in Mon- roe doctrine, December, 'Jo:;, -jiii : B ] ial message of Feb- ruary. 1824, .ol ; last annual mes- sage in December, 1824, 2( special messages in lsj.".. ■_ Private lAfe. I to Bliss Kortwright, 208; advised by Judge Jones, 208,209 ; am nces to Jef- ferson his marriage, .o'J. 210; de- cides to settle in Fredericksburg, 210 ; Ids children. 211 ; his inter- est in his relatives, 211 ; his ad- vice to hU nephew, 212, 213 j de- scription of his person and char- acter, by Wirt. 213, 214 ; bis pre- sidential levee described, 215, 216; describes to Gouverneur his auto- biographical work, 217, 218; de- scribed in old age by Watson, 218 226; his correspoi old age with Madison, 227 In Retirement. His residence, 231 ; becomes regent of Univer- sity of Virginia, 'J.".l ; declines to e on electoral ticket, 231 : his correspondence and literary am- bitions, 231, 232 : pecuniary diffi- culties. 232 ; fails to obtain relief from Congress, 232; very retro- spective in old age, 232, 233; in letter to McLean, discusses his own career, Z criticised by Jackson's Tennessee friend-, 238,239; writes to Calhoun pre- dicting disaster from disunion, 10; contemporary estimates of his ability, 240-244; not ap- preciated by his countrymen, 244; suffers from lack of collected works, -44: suffers by compari- son with Washington, Marshall, Hamilton, and Jefferson, 245; view of his political wisdom and jrity, 245; religious views, 245; soundness of his state pa- pers, 246; does not express con- victions on slavery, 246 ; his one idea i-. American independence, 247 ; much aided by Jeffer- son and Madison. 247; at first a partisan, grows later above part \ . L'17 : variety of his services. '.'47 ; popular, in spite of enemies, ! final summary, 248 ; death and burial. 248; genealogy, '.'4'.'; de- scription of his estate, 250, 251. Personal Characteristic*. Gen- eral estimates of. 1, 2, 80, 102, 103, 177. . unfriendly views, 07, Otf, 65, To 72, 308 INDEX 252-260 ; caution, 221, 222 ; cour- age, 8, 10, 11, 108, 125; debate, powers of, 33, 2"Z3 ; diplomatic ability, 39, 74, 93, 106 ; education, 224 ; enthusiasm, 51, 72, 93, 108, 127, 245; family life, 7G, 97, 211- 213, 246; friendliness, 129, 136, 154, 155, 221, 225, 228, 229; im- partiality, 158, 241 , 245 ; integ- rity, 72, 232, 245 ; literary ability, 159, 217, 218, 223, 246; maimers, 102, 214, 219, 220; military abil- ity, 120, 123-125, 126; modesty, 224 ; partisanship, 34, 40, 67, 74, 114, 245, 247 ; personal appear- ance, 214, 215, 218, 219; passion- ateness, 220 ; religious views, 245, 246 ; self-judgments, 234-239 ; slowness, 113,220. Political Opinions. Articles of Confederation, 19, 20, 22, 28 ; cabi- net, formation of, 137 ; civil ser- vice in politics, 233, 245 ; Consti- tution of the United States, 28- 30, 112, 149-151, 192-201 ; dis- union, 148, 149, 239 ; England, 102, 109, 189 ; ex-Presidents, 221, 231 ; Federalist party, 30-32, 34, 68-70, 137, 138; finance, 34; Florida, 88, 98, 184, 188; fortification of seaports, 140, ISO, 191 ; France, policy toward, 40, 48-51, 55-57, 60, 64, 65, 68-70, 88, 102, 110, 190 ; Greece, revolt of, 203, 204 ; impost scheme, 20-22 ; Indians, 181-183, 188, 190, 206; internal improvements, 152, 181, 182, 191, 195-202, 203, 204 ; Jacobin Club, 75 ; Jickson's Florida career, 145, 237 ; Jay treaty, 62-64; Lou- isiana purchase, 83, 84, 86, 87, 89, 90 ; Mississippi navigation, 26, 27, 30, 78, 98 ; Missouri Compro- mise, 149-151 ; Monroe doctrine, 160-164, 166, 170, 174, 178; neu- tral trade, 108-110; Northwest Territory, 23, 24; office, appoint- ments to, 118, 119; presidential ambition, 37, 105 ; public senti- ment, obedience to, 221, 223 ; sla- very; 150, 204, 246 ; Spanish colo nies, 163, 183, 189, 191, 203, 206: States' rights, 37, 38, 194 ; Territo- ries, power of Congress over, 149, 150 ; war of 1812, its conduct, 111- 119, 126, 127 ; West India trade, 189 ; bibliography of writings by and concerning, 2G0-277. Monroe, John, supposed ancestor of James Monroe, 249. Monroe, John, joins in remonstrance against Stamp Act, 6. Monroe, Joseph, interest of luonroe in, 76. Monroe, Maria, daughter of Monroe, her marriage, 211 ; described by Mrs. Tuley, 216. Monroe, Spence, father of James Monroe, 4 ; joins in remonstrance against Stamp Act, 6. Monroe doctrine, difficulty of tra- cing Monroe's share in framing, 159, 160 ; Monroe's message con- taining, 160-164 ; not meant by Monroe to do more than sum up acknowledged policy, 164 ; a gradual development in American policy, 164, 165; begins with idea of independence, 165 ; prefigured by Pownall, 165, 166; by Jeffer- son, 166, 169, 170, 171, 173; by Washington, 166, 167 ; by Madi- son. 167; by John Adams, 16S; by Rush, 170, 171 ; by Gallatin, 172; by J. Q. Adams, 172, 174; by Canning, 173 ; share of Adams in making, 174, 178 ; not origi- nated by Canning, 174 ; debated in Congress in struggle over Pan- ama Congress, 176, 177 ; views of Reddaway upon, 177, 17S ; real credit for, discussed, 178, 179 ; bib- liography of, 277-294. Monroe family, origin of, 249, 250. Moore, Thomas, his satire on Wash- ington city, 251. Morris, Gouverneur, his nomination as minister to France opposed by Monroe, as he had decried the French Revolution, 34, 68; sue INDEX 309 ceeded by Monroe, 34, 40 ; diffl- cultiea about liis passports, 59. Monutflorence, Major, dealings with Monroe in Paris, 236. Mulgrave, Lord, in English foreign office, 99. Nicholas, John, letter of Washing- ton to, on Monroe's "View," 68. Noland, R. W. N., describes Mon- roe's estate, 250, 251. Northwest Territory, ceded to Uni- ted States, 23; travels of Monroe in, 23, 24; ordinance for govern- ment in, 25, 20. Onis, Lcis de, signs treaty ceding Florida to United States, 140. Paine, Thomas, efforts of Monroe to aid, in Paris, GO ; his influence over Monroe, 05 ; letter of Jeffer- son to, 169. Panama Congress, debate over, in- volves Monroe doctrine, 176. Patterson, Elizabeth, marries Je- rome Bonaparte, ; 0. Perceval, Spencer, makes war with Tinted States inevitable, 107. " Pharaoh," reveals negro plot, 36. Phi Beta Kappa Society, founded at William and Mary College, 9 ; its meeting-place and original members, 9. Pichon, L. A., on Monroe's treach- ery to Pinckney, 05. Pickering, Timothy, succeeds Ran- : said by Pichon to have been plotted against by Monroe, >'>- r > ; asserts Monroe to have been help- ful, 66. Pinckney, Thomas, Washington's first choice for French mission, 40. Pinkney, William, joined with Mon- roe to treat with England, 99 ; concludes treaty, 100 ; in Mad- ison's cabinet, 107 ; draws decla- ration of war, 108. Pitt, William, his ministry of 1804, 'J7 ; his death, 99. Plumer, William, gives credit for Monroe doctrine to Adams, 174. Pope, William, remark of Wirt to, on presidential ambition, 135. Pownall, Thomas, anticipates Mon- roe doctrine in 1780, 165. Price, considered in connection with French mission, 40. Prosser, Thomas, his share in slave insurrection, 35. Quincy, Josiah, on Clay's opposition to Monroe, 135. Randolph, Edmund, letter to Wash- ington on impost scheme, 22; sus- pected by Monroe of hostility, 28 ; urges ratification of Constitution, 28 ; tells Monroe of reasons for his appointment to French mis- sion, 41 ; his instructions to Mon- roe, 48 ; censures Monroe for con- duct toward the Convention, 57, 58 ; succeeded by Pickering, 64. Randolph, John, his effort to use Monroe as a rival to Madison, 36, 37 ; quarrels with Monroe, 37 ; accuses him of planning secession in 1800, 37, 38 ; prominent in Mis- souri debate, 147 ; Monroe's opin- ion of, 222. Randolph, Peyton, remark of Tucker upon, 2. Reddaway, W. F., quoted, 177, 178. Republican party, Monroe a leader of, in Senate, 33, 34 ; welcomes Monroe after French mission, 07 ; defends him against Federalists, 71, 72, 73 ; nominates Madison for president over Monroe, 105 ; electa Monroe president, 128; its lead- 310 INDEX ers, 129-138 ; popularity of Craw- ford with, 133, 134. Revolution, war of, share of Mon- roe in, 9-12. Rewbell, Jean Francois, his policy influenced by Monroe, 74. Reynolds, Joshua, desired by Vir- ginians to paint a portrait of Cam- den, (J. Rhea, John, question of his having given Monroe's instructions to Jackson in Seminole war, 145. Rives, William C, opposes Monroe doctrine, 176. Robespierre, M. M. I., his fall, 48. Robinson, William, describes Mon- roe's activity at Bladensburg, 12.".. Rousseau, Jean Jacques, Monroe at interment of, 55. Rush, Richard, describes campaign of Bladensburg, 121 ; prominent politician in 1817, 129 ; appointed minister to England, 134 ; remark of Castlereagh to, on danger of war, 144; his negotiations, 146; announces to Castlereagh the in- tentions of United States with re- gard to the Spanish colonies, 170, 171. Russell, Jonathan, thinks war with England unavoidable, 107. Russia, dispute over its possessions in North America, 1G0. Seminoles, war with, 143; part played by Jackson in, 143-145. Senate of the United States, services of Monroe in, 33, 34. Shelby, Isaac, declines War Depart- inrnt under Monroe, 136; his ap- pointment opposed by Jackson, 137. Short, William, letters of Jefferson to, on Monroe doctrine, 169, 171. Slavery, how excluded from North- west, 25, 26. Smith, Hubert, succeeded by Monroe as secretary ot st.it.', 107. Smith, Samuel, connection with Je- rome Bonaparte, 90. Southard, S. L., in Monroe's cabt« net, 130 n. Spain, opposes Mississippi naviga- tion, 26, 27 ; sells Louisiana to France, 78, 70; dealings of Liv- ingston with, concerning Florida, 88, 89; Monroe's mis ion to, with Pinkney, 9S, 99 ; danger of war with, over Jackson's conduct, 144 ; cedes Florida. 146; references to, in Monroe's messages, 182, 1*4 186;. its slowness to ratify Florida treaty, 185, 180, 190. Spanish-American republics, pro- tected in "Monroe doctrine'' message, 1C1-1G4; referred to in other messages, 168, 190, 206. Sparks, Jared, quoted. 70. Stamp Act, protested against by Westmoreland County. 6. Stansbury, General Tobias B., at battle of Bladensburg, 120, 123. Stilling, Earl of, Monroe's service on his staff, 10 ; gives Monroe testimonials, 11 ; correspondence of Monroe with, 12. 15. Sumner, Charles, holds Monroe doctrine to proceed from Can- ning, 174. Swift, Joseph G., accompanies Mon- roe on voyage in North, 139 ; his career, 139. Talleyrand, Prince, on Spain's interest in Louisiana, 79 : bis rela- tions with Napoleon in 1S03. 81 ; asks Livingston if United States wishes the whole of Louisiana, 82 : delays proceedings through jealousy of Marbois, 84; presents M"tiroe to Bonaparte. 88 : his con- duct described by Livingston, '.'1 ; asked by Monroe to aid in secur- ing West Florida, 98. Texas, claim of United States to, renounced in Florida t reaty, 184. Thiers, Louis Adolphe, on Monroe's conduct in France, 74. Thompson, Smith, secretary of navy under Monroe, 130; appointed to INDEX 311 Supreme Court ns a Republican, 138. Ticknor, George, on Monroe's treachery to Pinckney, 65. [ompkins, Daniel D., vice • | al .1 mil ilt Monroe's administra- tions, 128. Tucker, St. George, on numbers of forgotten yet eminent men in Vir- ginia, 2. Tuley, Mrs., describes Monroe's levee ns President. 215, 216. Tuvl, Baron, Btatemenl of Monroe doctrine to, by Adams, 17-'. University of Virginia, services of Monroe, Madison, and J e Hereon as regents of, 16. Virginia, forgotten statesmen of, 1 ; history of, during war of Revolu- tion, 11, 12 J career of .Mum leader in, 17; cedes Western ter- ritory to ' -,23; confirms V : 1 1 •■■■ I ' irdinance, 26 ; u on Mississippi navigation, 26 ; struggle in, over ratifying Federal Constitution, 28-33; ratifies con- ditionally, 30 ; elects senators, 33 ; twice chooses Monroe governor, 35, 77 ; negro plot in, 35, 36 - pares to resist Federalists in 1800, 37, 38; declares in favor of Madi- son for president over Monroe, ; Monroe a member of C> tutional Convention of, 231. Walki-.r, John, named to succeed i \t i j r, 33. War of 1812, declared, 108 : ineffi- ciency of army in. 110, ill ; con- duct "f, condemned by Monroe, 111 ttle of Bl idi usburg, services of Monroe at, 119 Monroe's services in, as secret. in of war. 126, 127. burne, Klihu B., disc French report of Monroe's ap- irance before tin nvei 62 ; describes the accolade, 54. ington, Bushrod, neighbor of Mr. nine, 6 ; original member of Phi Bi ti Kappa Society, 9. Washington, George, bis birth] i that of Monroe, 1 ; urges Vir- ginia to give Monroe a military appointment, 1 1 ; letter on impost scheme of 1785, 20 ; li tter of Ran- dolph to, 'I'l; in Constitutional Convention, 28; his administra- tion opposed by Monroe, 33; threatened by Monroe with ex- posure of Hamilton.::!; appoints Monroe minister to France, 34; his reasons. Hi; wishes to avoid war with France, 11 ; impoliteness .•! M in. ... toward, 67 ; attacked by Monroe, C8 ; his comment Mon abused by Monroe's friends, 73 ; anticipates Monroe doi I 167 ; Monroe's attitude toward, Washington. William, at battle of Trenton, 10. Watson, E. R., describes Monroe's appearance, habits, and character, 218-226. : ; Revolutionary Bpirit in, 6 7. Wilkinson, Gen. Jai ribes Monroe's gallantry at hattle of Trenton, 10. William and Mary College, studies of Monroe at, 7 ; its wealth and hi- - tudents and profes- sors of, volunteer in 1776, 8. Williams, Colonel .1. S., on battle of Bladensburg, 120. 312 INDEX Winder, General William H., in command at Bladensburg, inter- fered with by Monroe, 119, 122, 125 ; ordered to leave the field, 125. Wirt, William, favors Madison for President in 1808, 105 ; attorney- general under Monroe, 129 ; his character and career, 134, 135 ; not a candidate for presidency, 135 ; on Clay's claim for allow- ances from government, 135, 136 ; urges appointment of Kent to Su- preme bench, 138 ; describes Mon- roe's appearance and character, 213, 214 ; friendship of Monroe for, 226. Wolcott, Oliver, condemns Monroe's " View," 71. Wythe, George, Monroe dissuaded from attending his lectures and abandoning Jefferson's instruc- tion, 13-15 ; appointed delegate to Federal Convention, 28. UBR AR yoF CONGR ESS illlllllll °11837 076