Class C \ °t (o 3 Book iLai OopghtN . COPVRIGHT DEPOSIT. DAN TO BEERSHEBA Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2011 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/dantobeershebawoOOcolq Dan to Beersheba Work and Travel in Four Continents By Archibald R. Colquhoun Author of "The Mastery of the Pacific," etc. NEW YORK THE PREMIER PRESS 1908 > IwotJooJes Hece T 18 >*Ufe l ?$Sfi J Copyright, 1908, by ARCHIBALD E. COLQUHOTJN [all eights besebved] LC Control Number tmp96 025799 PEINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA BY THE PREMIER PBESS, NEW YORK To My Fellow-Worker and Fellow -Traveller " I pity the man who can travel from Dan to Beersheba and cry ' 'tis all barren! ' ; and so it Is, and so Is all the world to him who will not cultivate the fruits it offers."— Sterne. DAN TO BEERSHEBA CHAPTER I MY FATHER GOES TO INDIA My great-grandfather, Hugh Colquhoun, lived on a small estate called Underwood, near Stirling. He was a prosperous man and married into a good mercantile family, his wife being Elizabeth Semple. At the time when all Britain was shaking with fear of invasion from "Boney," he raised a troop of regu- lars for home service, called, in the fashion of the day, "Fen- cibles." One of his grandsons afterwards carried on the tea business in Glasgow, which was the source of the family for- tunes, under the name of Semple and Co. Elizabeth Semple was granddaughter of Donald Govan of Cameron and Bon- hill, who is reputed to be the original of the old Admiral in "Humphrey Clinker." The Smolletts had at one time got pos- session of one of the Colquhoun estates, and Donald Govan's own place at Bonhill passed into their hands ; so the connec- tion between the families was undoubtedly close — more close than friendly ! In fact, a feud existed between the Colquhouns and the Smolletts to such an extent that my father incurred the wrath of the head of the clan on one occasion by voting for a Mr. Smollett who was the Conservative candidate for Parliament. My father did not agree with Mr. Smollett's poli- tics, but declared obstinately that he was the "best man," and the best man knew most about India, so he should vote for him ! I suspect that he did so very largely to demonstrate his inde- pendence of clan ties or the influence of his chief, Sir James, for, although the latter was his good friend, my father would not brook any idea of the patronage or feudal feeling which is the kernel of the clan system. He aggravated his offence by in- viting Mr. Smollett to a fine dinner ordered at the local hotel, 7 8 DAN TO BEERSHEBA and this although he was an ardent Liberal and admirer of Gladstone, while Smollett was in the other camp. My father was not always so unorthodox in his attitude to the party to which he belonged. When the "Governor Eyre" episode happened in Jamaica, and although Eyre was a friend of his, he sided with the Liberal Government, and quarrelled over the affair with his rich aunt, Miss Bathgate. She was so incensed with him that at last she wrote, "Don't send me any more of your Radical trash ; I will not read it. And don't write to me ; I will return your letters." And she cut him out of her will ! My father wanted to be a soldier. It was the life to which from a baby he had been accustomed, for his first recollections were of the barracks at Lichfield and of going to school in charge of an orderly. At Underwood he once ran away, fol- lowing a passing regiment, and was recovered only after some hours by his relatives, who found him, perfectly happy, shar- ing the soldiers' meal while they bivouacked by the roadside. His character suited him for soldiering, for he was bold and careless of danger, quick to come to decisions, determined in carrying them out, and, above all, was able to make himself obeyed. He was, moreover, extremely popular, although he never courted popularity, and both with men and women and in all classes he was able to win affection and esteem without (to all appearance) giving much in return. In short, he was a man of strong character united to a handsome person and con- siderable charm. Such a man could not fail to make his mark and to attract others without taking much trouble to do so. Unfortunately, there was no chance for him to follow his natural bent. The only offer that came his way was for a nomination in the medical service of the East India Company, and the prospects were so good that he could not refuse, even though he had no> taste for doctoring. The post of assistant surgeon does not suggest much to modern ideas, but was considered at the time to be (in the words of a delectable handbook published in 1847) "desirable both on account of the immediate advantages it offers and the prospective benefits with which it is fraught." In 1825, when my father went out, the immediate advantages were even greater than they were twenty years later, and the qualifications still fewer. It was said that "in the old days" a medical officer for India "need only sleep one night on a medicine chest" in MY FATHER GOES TO INDIA 9 order to become perfectly qualified. I am quite unable to state whether my father prepared himself in this way, but consider it more likely that he spent as brief a period as possible at the medical college of Edinburgh. Even when he was about to leave India, in 1848, the aspirants to the East India Company's medical service, where salaries began at £200 to £300, only needed a certificate from the Royal College of Surgeons, or a diploma from the colleges of Dublin, Edinburgh or Glasgow, and a certificate of "having acquired, and being capable of practising with proper dexterity, the art of cupping." In prac- tical experience six months at a hospital and at least two courses of lectures on physics were deemed indispensable before they could appear before the Company's examiner. If these regulations do not make the mouths of budding general prac- titioners water, in these days of severe competitive exams and low fees, then I am very much mistaken ! Those of us, how- ever, who are more likely to be patients than physicians may be thankful that our lot was not cast in India in the first half of the nineteeith century, even with every prospect of being "cupped" in any emergency with "proper dexterity." The India of to-day is very different to that of 1825. There were then no hotels, and the newcomer had to depend on the kindness to whom he brought letters or to take refuge in board- ing-houses. In the days when ships only came in about twice a month it was possible, however, to keep open house, and the officials of the Company lived with a careless ease and lavish hospitality which landed most of them, despite good sal- aries and plenty of "opportunities," in quagmires of debt. In- terest was at 12 per cent., and with insurance amounted to 16 per cent. "Interest never sleeps," says the Eastern proverb. The salaries were paid monthly, and there was no taxation, so that things were made as easy as possible, while pro- motion was by rotation, and the only thing necessary to earn a higher salary or an eventual pension was to live long enough. The health question was, however, a very serious one, largely, I imagine, because the English had not learnt in any way to accommodate themselves to the climate. "The lolling couch, the joys of bottled beer," were still "the luxuries they boast them here." I find Stocqueler recommend- ing people to take exactly the same meals as in England, and the ordinary drink was then Hodgson's pale ale. There is a io DAN TO BEERSHEBA family legend to the effect that in the Afghan campaign, in which he took part, my father found the soldiers suffering from the lack of some stimulant, and succeeded in distilling from the native grapes a kind of brandy, which was christened "Colkie" and was very popular as well as profitable to its in- ventor. When I got to India we used to drink Bass or Allsopp all day long — a fact which often makes me wonder at my own constitution — but a merciful Providence preserved me from "Colkie" ! _ My father did not join the medical service at once — for what reason I do not know — but went to' Burma, where the occupation of the coast provinces was just being accomplished. There he made the acquaintance of Judson, the American mis- sionary, for whom he had a great admiration. Judson had made his way to Burma in 1814, and had many difficulties, for the East India Company was not favourable to missionaries. In 1824 he moved from Rangoon to Ava, where he was at first well received, but when war broke out he was imprisoned and subjected to insults and indignities, being suspected of corre- spondence with the English. Later he started work among the Karens, translated the Bible and produced his Burmese grammar and Pali dictionary, works long out of date, but in- volving an immense amount of labour. In 1827 my father was in Calcutta, and joined the General Hospital on the establishment of the East India Company; but the pay was small at this stage, expenses of living were high, and his difficulties not few, especially as he desired to send some help home to his mother. In July, 1828, he writes to his sister Isabella, wife of Colonel Fraser, who was then at Bombay: "I am at present receiving only 160 rupees a month, and spending more than double that sum." He adds a note, which is amusing in view of his own later experiences. Speaking of a friend, he says: "I certainly admire his taste in marrying a girl of sixteen in preference to an old tabby of thirty-five." These were the days when ladies retired into matronly caps and middle age at thirty and when girls were almost "on the shelf" at twenty two or three ! My father's circumstances improved as soon as he got a "charge" — that is, a regimental post — and he was able to send home sufficient money to buy a house in Carlton Street, Edin- burgh, which remained his property, although it was to be his MY FATHER GOES TO INDIA n mother's residence for life. I shall introduce my readers to this house later on. When he was about twenty-six, having been seven years in India, he fell in love with and married an orphan girl of only sixteen. She was the daughter of a Scottish indigo planter named Anderson and a Spanish lady, Amora de Rosa, and both her parents had died at the ages of twenty-one and twen- ty-two, leaving two little children, Felicia and a boy. Their father left them a small fortune, about £7,000, and they were taken charge of by kind friends and lived up-country, at Mon- gyr, with missionaries. When Felicia was fifteen or sixteen some ladies who were travelling to Calcutta brought her there, and she learnt that her little fortune was lost through the fail- ure of a business house in which the trustees had invested it. It was at this juncture that she met the handsome young Archi- bald Colquhoun, and a very pretty romance hangs over the story of the courtship of this young couple. They were married in the cathedral at Calcutta, on Christmas Day, 1833, by Bishop Heber (of "Greenland's Icy Mountains"). The young couple followed the 6th N. I. to Shahjehanpore in Oude, and on Jan- uary 17th, 1835, their eldest child, my sister Agnes, was born. They were like a couple of children themselves, especially my little mother, who had had a very elementary education and had seen nothing of the world beyond her early home in the mo- fussil and one glimpse of "life" at Calcutta. She played with toys and animals long after she was married, and when the baby arrived it was just another toy! One day the young father stole it away and hid it in the long grass of the com- pound, and then told the servants to go and look for missy- sahib. The greatest consternation prevailed among the ser- vants, who declared the child might have been bitten by a snake. My mother inherited from her father the shrewd common- sense of her Scots ancestors, and this led her to work hard to improve herself. Being intelligent, she succeeded in educating herself, and became as well-read and accomplished as the aver- age girl of the period, so that my father never had cause to be ashamed of her lack of training. She wrote a most beau- tiful Italian hand, and learnt (after she went home to Scot- land) to play on the guitar and sing — accomplishments with which she doubtless wanted to surprise her husband when he 12 DAN TO BEERSHEBA came to join her. My own recollection of her is that of sweet- ness and tranquillity and of a charity in her judgment not always found in our Scottish circles. Her goodness and gen- tleness won the hearts of all her husband's relations and friends, and she was always served devotedly by her de- pendants. The dates and places of the births of my sisters and brothers show how the family was moved about. Between '35 and '38 they were at Benares, Allahabad, and Cawnpore, and two little boys and a girl were added to the family. Then the Afghan campaign was decided on, my father was ordered to Ferozepore with the Army of the Indus, and decided that, as he could not take my mother and four babies with him, he had better send them home. Hitherto he had seen no active service, for India had enjoyed peace for twelve years, and as this point dates a fresh period in his life I will give it a fresh chapter. CHAPTER II MY MOTHER GOES HOME My father, as I said, sent his family home at the beginning of this campaign, for wives and children were not allowed to accompany the army. Afterwards the troops in garrison in Kabul, though not at Kandahar, did send for some of their women-folk, but my father must have been glad to think that his were safe at home. From the pen of my eldest sister Agnes I have an account of these years, from her point of view, and a description of her journey home for the first time. This domestic narrative makes the other side of the picture. On the one hand we have the young doctor-soldier going up to Ferozepore and sharing in the horrors and triumphs of war ; on the other, the wife and babies "going home." This is the ever-present tragedy of British life in India, but in those days it was aggravated by the difficulty of communication. My mother spent many months without news, and after Kandahar was besieged she heard only through the public despatches that the garrison was still hold- ing out. None of this anxiety — or at least very little — could be shared by her little girls, to whom the journey home was the most exciting and fascinating experience. Agnes was five, and her two little sisters — Janet and Felicia — were three and two, while there was a baby boy born at Cawnpore not long before the troops and my father were ordered to the front. Agnes remembers Cawnpore and our uncle, Sir James Den- nis (married to my father's sister), who commanded the Buffs and was quartered there at this time. He was in command of an infantry brigade of the Army of the Indus at Feroze- pore, but on the change of plans and resignation of Fane he and his brigade were left in India, to their great disgust. He was a widower with one son, James, who was afterwards killed in the Crimea, and he was very kind to my mother and 13 i 4 DAN TO BEERSHEBA her little ones, who loved to go and play round the bandstand in his compound, where the band played when he had guests for dinner. The Buffs and their colonel were celebrated for hospitality. There were usually two bungalows in each of these compounds, sometimes connected by long, shady corri- dors or verandahs, and these form the principal recollections of Anglo-Indian childhood, just as the English child remem- bers the gardens where such splendid games were carried on. The little girls, followed by their indulgent ayahs, played about all day long, while their mother, surrounded by durzees, was giving directions for the making of innumerable little gar- ments for use on the voyage home, or was superintending the inept ayahs and bearers in their packing of huge trunks. The journey to Calcutta was, of course, made on the river, and a boat called a budgerow, somewhat resembling an Egyp- tian dahabeeah, was hired, stored and furnished, and equipped with a full complement of servants. The budgerows were heavy boats, spoon-shaped below and at stern, with a rough, native-carved figure-head in the bows. There were two cabins, with Venetian windows to lift up, and a flat roof. Except when the breeze was strong enough to fill a heavy sail, they were "tracked" by the numerous crew. Agnes and Janet were wild- ly excited and pleased with their floating home, and even the parting with papa, which left their poor mother so heavy- hearted, did not depress their spirits. My mother, like other English women, must have needed some courage to undertake the journey alone, to a country she had never seen, with four babies — she herself a mere girl of twenty-two. A few days after they started, she was terribly frightened by a fight amongst the servants, who took advantage of the absence of any sahib. One of them was nearly killed and thrown overboard ; but eventually he was picked up again and the boat proceeded on its voyage down the beautiful river. Every evening it was anchored alongside the bank, and the children could stretch their little legs, while the servants made fires and cooked their curry and chupatties. Agnes and Janet liked to watch them mixing and baking great piles of these thin cakes, which they afterwards seasoned with a little curry and devoured in immense quantities. One horror of the voyage remains with my sister still. As she sat on deck she often saw long, white-shrouded figures MY MOTHER GOES HOME 15 floating solemnly down-stream, and understood from her mother that they were "deaders" who were thrown into the Ganges to insure that they should float to heaven. One day, however, when she was stooping out of one of the cabin win- dows, which were nearly level with the water, one of these corpses passed right beneath, so that the horrid thing was almost touching her. The flesh was half eaten by fishes, and the sud- den realisation of the horror of death and the dissolution of the body broke upon her childish imagination and gave her an unforgettable fright and shock. At Calcutta the little family went to the Fort, and stayed a few days before sailing in the Indiaman. Here they were entertained by connections of my father, Mr. Gideon Colqu- houn and his nephew James, both of them rich Calcutta mer- chants living in the princely, lavish style common to ''nabobs" in those days, but never seen now. These gentlemen, unfortu- nately, had business reverses, and only a few years afterwards my mother and sisters, who had enjoyed the splendid hospi- tality of Mr. James Colquhoun in Calcutta, met his widow economising at Boulogne with her children. Such contrasts were very typical of Anglo-Indian life of that time. On the journey home my mother had a large stern cabin, with a bath next it, and was as comfortable as circum- stances would allow. The ship was full of officers and their wives and the baba log, their pale, spoilt children, with attend- ant ayahs. At the Cape they stopped for a week — a delightful change for all — and my mother took her little brood to a hotel where even the primitive accommodation, accompanied as it was by fresh food, seemed luxury after the confinement of the ship. Agnes remembers the drive to Constantia to see the vine- yards, which was an invariable trip for the tourist. London was reached at last, and my poor little mother on her first arrival in England was met by one of the handsomest and liveliest of her sisters-in-law — Mrs. Dempster — who laughed and talked a great deal and made fun of the pale little Indian children chattering away in Hindostanee. She made fun, too, of the unfashionable clothes manufactured by the durzees, and carried my mother off to buy "something decent" at the fashionable shops. Agnes was particularly struck with baby Hugh, decked out in a huge Leghorn hat with blue ostrich i6 DAN TO BEERSHEBA feathers. Carried in the arms of a new English nurse, he seemed to her a most imposing and fashionable baby. Once more the family had to embark on a ship — a dirty little boat it looked after the great Indiaman — and on the Leith packet they made the journey to Edinburgh, where their grandmother lived. The picture of this home-coming is very vivid to me, al- though it happened before I was born. Grandmama was a Scottish lady of the old type — the "young-people-should-be- seen-and-not-heard" school. She lived in the house in Carlton Street, at the corner of St. Bernard's Square, which my father had bought, and everything in that house was symmetrical and polished to a degree alarming to eyes accustomed to> the min- gled squalor and luxury of Indian life. Grandmama was state- ly, tall and handsome, always dressed in black satin, with a white tulle ruche round her throat, and with a frilled white cap framing her face. Grandmama's household went like clockwork, and the introduction of an Anglo-Indian lady and her four unruly babies was discomposing, to' say the least of it. The first struggle began over deportment. Grandmama sat erect on her chair and expected children to do the same. More- over, they must not drum on the table with their fingers or kick the rungs of the chairs with restless feet. Breakfast was served in true Scots style, with a big bowl of porridge for each child. None of them had ever seen this food and, accustomed to highly-seasoned dishes, curry and rice and condiments, they could not summon up appetites for anything so plain. The battle of the porridge-bowl waged furiously amid the anxious remonstrances of my gentle mother, who tried in vain to reconcile the warring elements. Finally, Dr. Dempster, a dear, kind, old military doctor uncle, who was stationed at the castle with his regiment, was called in and pro- nounced that it was not good for children to be forced to eat what they didn't like. In subsequent days I often wished Dr. Dempster could have come to my rescue as he did to that of my sisters. Grandmama's house looked out on a square where there were big trees and a rookery. The children were delighted with this colony of birds, and loved to hear the eternal caw- cawing and to see the rooks holding conferences. One day they looked out of the window and called out that beautiful MY MOTHER GOES HOME 17 white feathers were falling from the sky. It was their first sight of snow. The winter in Edinburgh — a severe trial to the Anglo-In- dian family — was enlivened by the presence of uncles, aunts and cousins, and especially the Frasers and Marrs. Archie and Jane Fraser, who were about the same age as my elder sisters, were great friends and playmates, and in after years, when Archie went to Australia, he kept up a correspondence with Janet and cherished her letters until his death. This early friendship, begun before I was born, was recalled to me a few years ago when Archie Fraser's beautiful daughters, now mar- ried women, came over to England for the first time and told me how their father had always talked of his dear cousin Janet. Janet died in India in 1875. My mother and her children spent the summer of 1840 and the following summers at Riddrie. The winters were passed at Edinburgh, where they took a furnished house. The little Anglo-Indians were not bothered with lessons, but allowed to run wild in the garden at Riddrie, and grew round and rosy- cheeked and lost their Indian pallor and languid ways. One night, when the little girls were tucked up in bed, they were awakened by a great noise of laughter and talking, and someone came with great strides up the nursery stairs and picked them out of bed and kissed and hugged them. And it was papa home from the war ! It was nearly five years since they had seen papa, and he had grown to be almost a shadow in the children's minds. Now he burst upon them as something new and delightful — a big, handsome, indulgent papa, who was always laughing and singing and playing on the flute, and who let them play with his beautiful sword and told them wonderful stories about the Afghan war. After a short stay in Scotland he decided to carry my mother off to see something of the continent of Europe, and accordingly the little folks were placed at a home school at Stirling. This was a lovely old-fashioned house and garden at the foot of the Castle, and only a few children were taken. Education was elementary, and the gentle ladies who kept the school left little impression on Agnes, save that they took her and Janet to church on Sundays and (what was far more interesting) read Bunyan's "Pilgrim's Progress" to them in 18 DAN TO BEERSHEBA the evenings. Near Stirling lived relatives, the Sconces, whose hospitable house stood close to the racecourse. After their Continental trip my father and mother returned to London, where my sister Helen was born ; and as soon as she was old enough to travel they went to 1 Scotland and chose a good school for their elder children before returning to India. It seemed to my father that the time had come when Misses Agnes and Janet, now big and handsome girls — Agnes was a real beauty — ought to be turned into young ladies and given a polite education. The school selected was the Misses H.'s of Glasgow, both then and later a fashionable seminary. While their children were absorbed in their own little griefs and pleasures the parents were going through a most trying time. They got back to India in January, 1845, an d almost immediately the Sikh war broke out, and the 43rd, which my father had rejoined, went once more to the front. With this regiment and with the 23rd he was through several engage- ments. At Ferozeshah the Sikhs were attacking, and here the heroic George Broadfoot was killed. My father's horse was shot under him, and he lost a button off his tunic and had a bullet through his helmet; but then, as ever, he escaped with- out a wound, being said by his comrades to bear a charmed life. Victory wavered from one side to another, and the vic- tors lost one-seventh of their numbers and were too exhausted to prevent the Sikhs from crossing the Sutlej and preparing for fresh operations. It was a critical moment in Indian his- tory. The victory of Aliwal followed, and then, on February 10, Sobraon. My mother and her little girl went up with my father, and with Lady Sale and other women and children were placed in a fort during the engagements. The 43rd was one of the four regiments that opened the attack at Sobraon, which was said by Sir Herbert Edwardes to be by far the finest attack of the whole campaign. The Sikhs fought desperately; not one surrendered or asked for quarter. Inside the fort the suf- ferings were great. The army was short both of food and water. It was very cold at night, and the moans and shrieks of the wounded and dying who were brought in to be attended to added to the horror. To complete my mother's sufferings, her little girl, Helen, developed whooping-cough, of which she died. MY MOTHER GOES HOME 19 It was in this campaign that my father made the acquaint- ance of Napier (afterwards Lord Napier of Magdala), to whom reference is made elsewhere, and of Loch (later Lord Loch), then about seventeen years of age and a cornet in a Bengal cavalry regiment, acting as A.D.C. to Gough. Forty- five years later, when Administrator of Mashonaland, I served under Loch, then High Commissioner in South Africa. When the first Sikh campaign ended, my parents went to Simla, thinking the climate might help to restore my father's health, for he was suffering very much from rheumatism ; but it soon became apparent that he could not go on service again, although still a young man — only forty years of age — and much as he desired to stay on a few more months in order to earn the special pension to which he would have been entitled after twenty years' service, he was obliged to resign in 1847, after nineteen years' service, and accompanied my mother home. Had he served three years more he would probably have become Surgeon-General, for there were only two men senior to him and both retired. This would have meant a very fine pension. On the way home I made my appearance, in a violent storm, when the ship — the Alfred — was off the Cape of Good Hope. This was in the year of revolution — the fateful '48. On arrival, my father tried the waters at Bath, and then at various Continental spas, and for two or three years the family moved about with him. When his health was somewhat restored he began to go up to London a good deal. He had brought back a considerable sum from his Indian service, and was induced, like so many retired veterans, to dabble in speculation. He became acquainted with a company promoter whom we will call Jim Courtney, a well-known man in his day, having made a large fortune. By his advice my father invested practically his whole fortune in indigo shares, then a very paying affair. Shortly after, Mr. Courtney — who had acted as his broker — frightened my father by declaring that the bottom had dropped out of indigo, and that he must sell out at once; and out of "friendship," as it was he who had recommended the invest- ment, he took my father's shares off his hands at a "dead loss" — so he said. Strange to relate, indigo shortly after took a change for the better, and my father descended upon his "friend" with great wrath. All the people who knew him in 20 DAN TO BEERSHEBA his prime agree that my father in a rage was not a person to be trifled with. The rest of my father's life was passed at Glasgow, Helens- burgh, and (the last twenty years) in Edinburgh. He drew his pension for forty-two years, and was wont to say he was "one of the Company's bad bargains." Before closing this chapter, in which my father is the hero, although the narrative may ramble away from him sometimes, I must take my readers into my confidence as to the material from which I have had to reconstruct his personal adventures. I have said he was reticent as to himself, and he was, more- over, as averse to putting pen to paper as is his son; for I must confess that without an amanuensis neither I nor my typewriter would be able to earn a living. She, poor lady! would be worried into an early grave by the hieroglyphics which I should with infinite exertion spread over many half- sheets of note-paper. My father had the same preference for this form of memorandum — now sanctioned by the highest political authority — and I have by me at this moment a collec- tion of half-sheets scrawled over in pencil. At some period of his later life he was evidently inspired with the idea that some record of his early adventures would be appreciated by his descendants, or he meant to comply with the reiterated request of his friends to write down some of his experiences. The intention was never realised, but the notes remain. Some peo- ple have the art of making notes at once brief and graphic. Some have not. The reader shall judge some of these for himself. Burma — Tiger — Moulmein — Pirates — Woongyee's daugh- ter — Snakes — Balachoung — Denny's dead horse — Judson — - Wilson stabbed — Adventure — Packed off — Fire in ship — Go to hell — Duel — Cholera — Sale of clothes — Mutiny — Sail for Pe- nang — Ship's distress — Cupmate — Agar's mutiny — Sir R. Ar • buthnot — Free Kirk Dalrymple — "Cholera Sam." From these and other notes, largely supplemented by memo- ries of old stories told by him now and then, and still more by his friends, I know that my father was in Burma in 1826, where he seems to have had a lively time, at Moulmein, Penang and elsewhere, with the Woongyee's daughter, mutinies, stab- bings, a duel, snakes, and other incidents. On one occasion I know he fell ill of cholera and was believed to be dead, and the MY MOTHER GOES HOME 21 news being sent to the place where he had left his effects, they were promptly sold, so that when he turned up he found every- thing gone. It was then, apparently, that he took boat for Penang and had an adventurous voyage, but we are left to conjecture who went to a place unmentionable in polite society. The following must be read in the light of my description of field ambulance work in the Afghan War: — "Amputating scenes — Deaths — Tent work — After Ferozeshah — Ghilzie — Ef- fects of poojah (holiday-making) on apoplexy and cholera — Denny Mit. pills No. 43 — Walker and I — No medicine — Wom- an shot through body — Girl shot at Ghirishk — Chief in neck — W. between camels — Sunday wax candles — Let down tent — Dr. Fleming — Short food — Mrs. Manning — Round Kabul — Loss of shawl — Ensign shoots men outside gate — Jail Kanda- har — Blowing off chief (see p. 36) — Four men princes murder Europeans ; wonder not all — Tortures of princes — Seat at gate — Justice — Courage of servants and dhooly bearers — Battle of Gwynne — Skirmish that morning — Sales of officers' effects — Death scenes — Worsley, Dr. Barnby, Hart, Dr. Jacob Walker — Blond man, law of compensation." The whole of this, when once deciphered, was perfectly in- telligible, except the last sentence, where my father, contrary to his wont, was apparently indulging in philosophical reflec- tions. What were the compensations of a blond man? This is the sort of historic puzzle that should attract Mr. Andrew Lang, but I make a present of it to anyone who cares to try ! CHAPTER III MY BOYHOOD Like my sister, some of my earliest recollections hover round the island of Arran, where we were often taken in the sum- mer; but, unlike hers, my memory has a touch of bitterness. I think it must be characteristic of some children that they are most struck with the injustice and disappointments of life. There was a postman at Arran, one of those long-bearded, soft-spoken Highlanders who charmed us little "leddies and gentlemen" with his deferential ways and flattering remarks. I used to go out to meet him every morning, hanging around till he came in sight, for he had promised me that one day he would bring me a "bonnie wee boat" for my very own. Oh, that boat! Never was such a beauty for swiftness, and the white sails of her and the green paint and the wee seats and the anchor and a' ! With such descriptions the old man be- guiled me of my weekly penny for many weeks — it was to help beautify the boat. I don't know when, where, or how it dawned on me that I was being fooled — that there was not, and never would be, any boat ! Up to the last day of our stay in Arran I believed in my friend and his promise, and was dragged away in tears, thinking that one more day and the boat — the bonnie wee boat — would have been mine. Some years afterwards, in the dawning worldly wisdom of ten years or so, I suddenly realised his treachery, and my heart is black to-day even at the thought of him. Nothing in my whole life has made such a lasting impression on me as this childish incident, or has caused me a tenth part of the suf- fering which I endured over it. For one thing, I was a lonely child. My elder brothers and sisters were at school; there were about nine years between me and the younger ones, Flor- ence and Gideon, who were born after my father's return from Australia. No doubt, I thought them mere babies — at any MY BOYHOOD 23 rate, they could not share in my joys and sorrows. I have felt the pangs of disappoinment since — deferred promotion, foiled ambition — but nothing — nothing — has hurt like the treachery of the Arran postman and his phantom boat ! My other vivid recollection is of a river, with men salmon- fishing, with whom I made friends. This was the river Doon, in Ayrshire, in the Burns country, where we had a house for some time. My fishermen friends gave me my first smoke, and I remember the consequences and the physical prostra- tion that followed, and my flight for consolation to a kindly cook. There is an anecdote of me at the age of nine or ten which shows what a cheeky little chap I was. My sisters were going out to some evening or late afternoon entertainment, and the question of escort was mooted. I interposed loftily, "All right, girls ; I'll take you ! Pull down your veils, and I'll keep the rogues off!" As for my school life, I only recollect that I learnt nothing at all either at the Glasgow academy or at the Helensburgh school. I suppose it was my appalling ignorance and apathy which induced my father to send me to Neuwied on the Rhine — the school of the Moravian Fathers. He had his eye on a commercial life for me, and probably wished me to learn a modern language. Neuwied in my time was a big school, with very few Eng- lish boys in it, and the director was a little man with a huge head, called Von Biilow, whom we all feared but respected. From what I remember of myself, I had an antipathy to doing anything expected of me which amounted to a mania. I don't think it was really natural to any child, but probably resulted from my father's theories of education applied to a boy with more than the average amount of obstinacy. I was on the de- fensive all the time, and my career at Neuwied might have developed, as at my previous schools, into an absolute struggle against being taught anything but for the intervention of a man who had the precious gift of insight. From the passionate devotion with which I afterwards regarded him T conclude that no one else had ever taken the trouble to understand me. I admired Von Stein, to begin with, because he had fought a duel and (it was whispered) had killed his man. On one occa- sion, when I was to have received a well-merited punishment, Von Stein called me to him and spoke as man to man. He 24 DAN TO BEERSHEBA told me how insubordination had wrecked his own life, and then, appealing to my pride, asked how I could bear to see the younger boys beating me in tasks which I could well do if I put my mind to it. In the American phrase, this got right- home. I owe Von Stein a great deal. Of course, lessons were all in German, and I became quite proficient in that language, and got a very sound education generally of the commercial sort — no classics. I had been la- bouring at Latin at the academy, but all that slipped away, and at the present moment I know about as much of the great lan- guages of Greece and Rome as did Shakespeare ! I stayed about two and a half years at Neuwied and then came home and was "at a loose end" for a time, after which Uncle Archy's office, once the open sesame of delight to my sisters, yawned to receive me, an unwilling victim, into its dark and dusty rooms. I spent as little time there as I pos- sibly could. I was still the bookworm that had fed on "Bur- ton's Anatomy" in Uncle Archy's library, and now all my spare cash was spent on books and magazines which, I am afraid, often went into the office and absorbed me a good deal more than Uncle Archy's folios. I really do not see how my father could have expected me to settle down in a Glasgow office. From my early years I had heard nothing but India — India — India. My baby ears had been filled with stories of war ; my eldest sisters talked incessantly about the strange scenes of their earliest days (much of which they knew by hearsay only) ; and as I grew older and learned to be a "little pitcher" I listened to my father and his friends yarning away about adventures which made life in Scotland too tame for words. Never shall I forget the breathless interest with which I heard the story of Vincent Eyre's relief of the "Little House of Arrah," where a tiny garrison held out against great odds and were at their last gasp when Eyre, on his own initiative, reached them by a forced march in the very nick of time. The hero of this exploit was well known to my father. Then I heard such names as Rawlinson, Broadfoot, Christie, Pottinger, Skinner and Gardner, and their stories, which I have since read in a more coherent form. I heard them in the shape of legends and sagas of heroic character — enough to fire the imagination of any boy. Rawlinson was one of MY BOYHOOD 25 my best-known heroes, and a real — not a mythical — figure, as he came to visit my father, having been in Kandahar, as noted already, during the two and a half years spent there. He went out to India a year before my father, at the age of seventeen, and at twenty- three was organising armies in Persia. On one oc- casion he did a wonderful ride, which must, I think, be a record for such achievements, comparing favourably even with Sir Harry Smith's exploit and that of the colonist Dick King, who rode through a country infested with hostile natives to bring help from Grahamstown to Durban. Rawlinson's ride was from Teheran to the Persian camp near Herat, 750 miles, which he did in seven days, and after a short time there he rode back again, doing the distance in 150 hours, or at a rate of five mlies an hour for six consecutive days. Eldred Pottinger, whom my father first met in Kabul, when he and the other prisoners and hostages were brought in from their long captivity, had a history which is truly remarkable when we remember that he was only thirty-three at the time of his death. He was a few years younger than my father, and went out to an uncle who held high office in Sind when he was a mere boy. From this relative he got permission to embark on a most perilous mission in Afghanistan to gather information, and this he accomplished, travelling to Kabul and Herat via Peshawar in various disguises The extraor- dinary facility with which Pottinger and other men at this time learnt native dialects, and travelled as natives through most hostile country, is always a marvel to me At Herat, Pot- tinger found the Persians, accompanied by Russian officers, be- sieging that city, so he threw off his disguise and offered his help in the defence. He was so useful and successful that he acquired great prestige with the Afghans, and was ultimately appointed political agent in Herat. Pottinger could so thoroughly as- sume the habit and bearing of an Afghan that when he went by command to meet Lord Auckland on the frontier, and was invited to dinner, he was nearly chucked out of the mess-tent by the officers assembled there, who resented the uninvited presence of a "native" ! Another Indian hero whose name was familiar to me on my father's lips, though I do not know where and how they be- came acquainted, was Colonel James Gardner, a member of a well-known Irish family. At the age of thirteen family in- 26 DAN TO BEERSHEBA fluence had procured him an ensigncy in the King's service — an honour which, of course, carried with it no obligation to serve. With the termination of the American War, and the reduction of the military establishment, James was placed on half -pay before he was fourteen. In 1789 he was on the active list, and in 1794, at the age of twenty-four, he was retired once more as a captain on half-pay. The exact year in which he went out to India cannot be traced, but by the beginning of the nineteenth century we find him in the army of the Mahrattas and in the service of Holkar. He had married a native princess, one of the family of the independent princes of Cam- bay, who first saw him when he was sent by Holkar on a mis- sion to her father. Of course he did not see her face, but caught a glimpse of dark eyes behind the lattice in the audi- ence-chamber Probably the girls of the zenana had been al- lowed to have a peep at the strange sight of a Feringhee sol- dier, and in any case the electric spark from the two pairs of eyes was enough to light a conflagration in two hearts. Gard- ner afterwards declared that he made up his mind then and there to wed those eyes or none, and the lady was equally attracted, so that, despite the manv difficulties in the way, their marriage was at length allowed. Years after, Gardner said, with some pathos, to a lady who was trying to arrange a match for one of his daughters, that he could not advise any Englishman to marry a native lady, and this although he was always a devoted husband and his wife so deeply attached to him that she only survived him a few months I have been drawn away by these old Indian tales from the story of my boyhood, just as I was drawn away then from my office stool. I stood the office as long as I could — about two years — and then one day I ran away. I went to Edin- burgh and there took a boat — a cattle-boat, I think — from Leith to Hamburg. My sisters had given me a little money, but I had precious little, and I started out to see Europe with only a few shillings in my pocket. I had a companion, another boy from the office, and together we walked and walked and walked. I can hardly remember now where we went, it was all so bewilderingly new. I know we walked through the Black Forest, and slept at peasants' huts, and drank milk and ate black bread. I know we were in Prague, in Innsbruck ; that we saw the Italian lakes, and then came by Lake Constance MY BOYHOOD 27 and down the Rhine, and found ourselves one day at Antwerp. We carried our worldly goods in knapsacks, and my knowledge of German enabled us to pass as burschen — wandering appren- tices on the tramp. We ate with the families at inns or in the peasants' huts, and a few groschen paid for our suppers and rough beds. When I read that finest of all novels, 'The Clois- ter and the Hearth," in later life, it carried me back to this Wanderjahr — to the joys and perils of the road, the smell of the earth, and the deep shade of forest paths. I had remit- tances from time to time from my sisters, but no communica- tion from my angry father. At last I heard that Janet, now married and in India, had asked that I should be sent out to her, confident that something could be got for me to do. This was the only bait that could have brought me back within reach of parental authority. Even now, however, I was not to go to Scotland to see my father. I went to London. Here I heard that a police appointment in the North-West Prov- inces would be open for me. I believe this was the usual refuge where parents sent their black sheep. I know I was a very black sheep, indeed, and with others of my kind, and a very scanty outfit. I was shipped off to India. My brother-in- law, Andrew Symington, Felicia's husband, came up to town to see me off and took my passage, and one or two family friends were kind to me and gave me tips and w r ords of encourage- ment, but I departed to seek my fortune in India with a very strong impression that I had burnt my boats in Scotland, and that my father would not be reconciled to me until I had proved myself something better than the idle, insubordinate youngster he deemed me. It was sink or swim for me now. Once I got to India I was the black sheep no longer, which was a very good thing, for I was not the sort of boy to thrive on admonitions. Friends and relations welcomed me; no one seemed to think I ought to have stuck in "that beastly office," and I had a "rattling good time." It was only in later years that I realised how badly I had behaved to kind Uncle Archy, and from a feeling of false shame I never could write to tell him of my regret. I never saw him again, and, though he for- gave me shortly before his death, I know my conduct must have wounded him. I had been regarded as his probable heir, and it was partly this that kept me tongue-tied — I was afraid he would think I wanted his forgiveness for that! 28 DAN TO BEERSHEBA I did not return to Scotland for twelve years, in which time I had carved out a career of promise for myself and was on the full tide of prosperity. My father was proud of me, my stepmother became my devoted friend, and the black sheep was washed white ! CHAPTER IV I GO TO INDIA Needless to say, I went to India by the Cape — the expen- sive "Overland" was not for youngsters with a plentiful lack of everything except time and health. When we passed my birthplace, off the Cape of Good Hope, we had an even worse storm than that which ushered me into the world. One of our masts was carried away, and I believe we were in some peril. On this voyage I discovered myself to be an excellent sailor, and from that time to this have never been inconven- ienced even by the roughest weather and under the most un- comfortable conditions. I spent a good deal of time yarning with the sail-maker, a picturesque figure no longer familiar in ocean travel. He sat in his own little corner in the bows all day long, stitching away with a huge needle at the sails, his hand protected by a leathern shield, and his eyes by a pair of horn spectacles. The sail-maker on a boat plays a special part in old-fashioned sea-stories — is a bit of a character, a philoso- pher, picking up odd scraps of learning from desultory reading and from his chats with passengers. My friend on the City of Calcutta was a good type of his vanishing race. The car- penter was another old salt of the kind we find in Marryat's tales. I was relieved to find that the discipline maintained by the captain, in the teeth of some little trouble from such sea- lawyers as there were on board, was kept up by moral suasion, and not by loaded pistols and irons, as in my father's experi- ence. No special excitement varied our long, dull passage, and I was glad enough when, after a voyage of four months without a single break or a sight of land, we at last reached Calcutta. Here I was at once with friends, and, as I said before, my sensation of "black sheepdom" vanished before the warmth and kindliness of my welcome. My first stay of any length 29 30 DAN TO BEERSHEBA was arranged to give me an idea of life in the Mofussil. India was divided then, for its English residents, into Presi- dency towns, stations and Mofussil, the last being "up- country." Each Presidency town was a little metrop- olis and looked down on the big "stations" — places like Allahabad, Meerut, or Bareilly — while these, in their turn, pitied the benighted denizens of the Mofussil. Personally, both then and now, in Africa, Australia, or other continents which my countrymen have colonised, I prefer the "veld" and the "bush" or the Mofussil to the imitation towns which grow up with most of the disadvantages and few of the attractions of city life in Europe. My first acquaintance with the Mofussil was, however, made under peculiarly at- tractive circumstances. I went to stay on a large indigo estate in Behar, indigo being still the source of princely incomes. After my youth and bringing up in the school of modest econo- mies usual in our Scottish circles, where Riddrie Park, with its graceful and generous but not lavish hospitality, had seemed the height of luxury, I was astonished at the atmosphere in which I found myself. There was a great low bungalow full of rooms, and surrounded by a huge verandah supported on white pillars. Cane chairs and tables lined the verandah, and the rooms, which were all enormous and painted white, had the simplest of furniture and bare floors with mats. But troops of servants waited on one's lightest whim, and guests came in and out as they wished. Horses and carriages were at their disposal, and meals of the most lavish character were served in the dining-hall, at which, it seemed to me, an indefinite num- ber of men appeared and were accepted as guests, even if they only arrived a few minutes before dinner-time. I think this easy-going hospitality, which was carried to an excess at this time in India, was the thing most likely to strike a newcomer from a thrifty Scots home, where an invitation to eat and drink was a serious matter conveyed some days beforehand. The extravagance and waste in an Indian household, especially in one like that I am describing, where there were no ladies, would have appalled my Scottish relations. And with all its charms, I am bound to say that the system was a bad one, and that it landed many of those who practised it in debt, while the style of living was far too good and led to over eating and drinking, and consequently impaired digestions and livers. The I GO TO INDIA 31 plantation itself was not specially attractive, consisting of a vast estate dotted over with little villages, and presenting the appearance of a huge treeless plain cut only by irrigation ditches. After this sudden plunge into Oriental luxury — which is not comfort — I went to my cousins the Irvings at Allahabad and saw "station life." Dr. Irving was then the civil surgeon — he afterwards became surgeon-general — and his house was a most hospitable one. Here I emerged from the freedom of the non- official Mofussil into the genuine Anglo-Indian station atmos- phere, with its many social gradations, its sharp division into "civilian and military," its personal gossip, the ever-present question of "promotion," and the under-current of pathos in the yearning after home and the anxious waiting for news from loved ones in the old country. A good deal of all this undoubtedly survives to this day, but a great difference exists in the tone of Anglo-Indian society now from the time at which I first made acquaintance with it. This is for the most part due to the far easier intercourse with the old country and the extent to which people move to and fro, coming home con- tinually and being frequently — too frequently, perhaps — visited by streams of friends and acquaintances. At Meerut I joined my sister Janet and her husband, Cap- tain Court, and here I came to a critical point in my career, as I had to decide what to do. The police appointment which was my ostensible goal did not seem good enough to my sister, who had greater ambitions for me, so it was decided I should go to Roorkee and try for an appointment in the Public Works Department. Roorkee is a Government college, founded through the efforts of a Royal Engineer officer, Thomasson, who thought a training college for Anglo-Indian boys would provide a valuable nucleus for the many public works then being undertaken in India, and would also be a relief for the men who could not afford to send all their boys home. Here, too, Indians were trained as surveyors, but in my time the engineering branch was entirely reserved for Anglo-Indians. Among my classmates were several men who have since risen to some distinction in the engineering world, especially Sir W. Willcocks, so well known for his irrigation work in Egypt. With the exception of Mr. (afterwards Sir John) Elliott, the professor of mathematics, all our teachers were Royal Engi- 32 DAN TO BEERSHEBA neers, and the principal was Colonel Medley, R.E. Elliott was extremely popular, and was a delightful companion — gentle, cultivated and thoughtful. He afterwards became head of the Meteorological Department in India and brought that service to a very high pitch of efficiency. All the officers treated us young fellows with great kindness and camaraderie, joined in our games, and took great interest in our training. Inci- dentally I may mention that the first gymkhana held in India or anywhere else (under that name) took place at Roorkee in i860. The word is a hybrid of some kind, but even the erudi- tion of Sir Henry Yule was baffled by it. Altogether, the two years I spent at Roorkee were extremely pleasant as well as profitable. We did a great deal of prac- tical and field work, at which I was always better than at books. I never was any good at examinations, and rejoice that I did not have to compete in the present era, when the examiners' main idea seems to be to find out what the wretched candidate does not know — not what he does ! I should have been ploughed hopelessly again and again. If I ever have a night- mare, it usually takes this form — that I have to go in for an examination, and I suffer agony at the absolute blankness of my mind on every subject! As it was, however, after a little reading with a clergyman at Mussouree I was able to pass into Roorkee, and at the end of two years I passed out cred- itably and got a post as assistant engineer in Burma, my first station being Tenasserim. The education at Roorkee was practically free, and living was very cheap. We all lived in small bungalows, two in each, and messed together. My sister helped me with the necessary expenses, but I think few men got their professional education cheaper than I did. The one thing in which I found myself at a disadvantage was games, for we had played no games at Neuwied. Therefore I could not compete on even terms with my comrades in cricket and football, and, as I hated doing anything badly, I did not join in these games more than I could help. I had never learnt to dance, either, and at a later date I found this a social disad- vantage, but was too stiff and proud to remedy the deficiency. I believe I was extremely sensitive, self-conscious, and rather shy; at any rate, I was never a favourite in society and did not care for it. From Roorkee I paid visits to Delhi and Agra, and at the I GO TO INDIA 33 former was entertained by Major de Kantzow, of Kantzow's Horse, who lived by himself in the city. He was one of the survivors of the Mutiny, and a story was told of him that, being taken prisoner and led out to be shot, he asked for time to finish his cheroot, and so impressed his captors with his fear- lessness that they gave him his life. I was, however, fond of sport, and whenever we had a day to spare went off shooting wild fowl on the upper reaches of the Ganges, and peacock and deer in the dense forests at the foot of the Himalayas. In this neighbourhood there were vil- lages with temples and shrines dedicated to the goddess who protects monkeys, and the surrounding groves were full of her chattering votaries, who were bold with their own im- munity and used to throw down cocoanuts on our heads. On one occasion one of our party, ignorant of their sacred char- acter, shot one of these monkeys, and brought the village like a swarm of locusts round us. For my part, I could never shoot a monkey, however annoying it might be — it is too human in its death agony. I went out tiger-shooting once or twice, but, of course, it was too expensive an amusement for us young- sters, as a rule. My principal recollection of it at this period is the extensive and elaborate organization of the campaign against one animal. Armies of beaters, corps of shikaris, and herds of elephants were marched forth, and my part, as it seemed to me, was merely to sit in the fork of a very uncom- fortable tree and wonder what on earth I should do if the great man-eater, then crashing about in the jungle not far off, should actually appear and make for me. I was not sure I could fire without falling off my perch, and I was not genuinely sorry that the tiger avoided me. I feel that this "tiger story" is far from orthodox, but it has at least the merit of truthfulness. During some of my holidays I joined my sister and brother- in-law in several camping expeditions. He was, I think, de- tailed for political work, and travelled about visiting some of the native States. The pageant of Indian life unfolded itself before me in these journeys, which were made with Oriental leisureliness and luxury. We had a regular cavalcade of camp- followers, and our tents, with furniture, books, carpets and baths, were taken on ahead of us and were ready when we arrived, riding quietly along in the cool of the morning. Then we camped, bathed, and had hazri, after which during the long 34 DAN TO BEERSHEBA day we watched the peasant life of the village, and Captain Court held interminable colloquies with headmen, seated under huge banyan trees. His writer, a bdbu, squatted at his feet, busily taking notes, and at other times was seen juggling with large portfolios and sheets of paper which were the symbols of his office and importance. My own youthful laziness in this life of dolce far niente was tempered by the appearance, at stated intervals, of the grey-bearded old munshi who accom- panied us on all our travels, and who presented himself before me with polite bows, but an inexorable determination that I should read with him. My brother-in-law, an admirable lin- guist himself, would not allow any shirking. He was in many ways a brilliant personage, a fine billiard and racquet player, a good shot and crack rider. He survived my sister, but both are long since dead. The debt of gratitude I owed to my sister Janet at this period can never be repaid. She took me, a raw, rebellious cub, and gave me the chance of my life. When I left her to go to Burma she asked two favours of me — not as pledges, but as resolves : first, that I would not gamble, and second, that I would not get into debt. Her experience had shown her that these were the greatest pitfalls for young fellows like myself. She was of a proud and independent spirit and inculcated the same qualities in me. Whatever success has come to me in life I owe to her intervention at a critical point in my career, and to her wise, gentle influence. Reqaiescat in pace! CHAPTER V IN LOWER BURMA The first thing that struck me about Burma was its unlike- ness to India. I was much pleased with the novelty, for there was an amount of convention in Anglo-Indian life which was not congenial to me. To begin with, the physical features — a long coast-line, embracing the immense delta of a great net- work of rivers and creeks covered by forest of various kinds — were a contrast to the mountains and plains from which I had come, and the climatic change from dryness to extreme humidity was proportionate. At this time we occupied a long, narrow strip of coast-line — Arakan, Martaban and Tenasserim, acquired in 1824-26, and Pegu in 1852-53. Behind this strip lay an almost unknown land, Upper Burma to the north and northwest and Siam to the east. Burma, once a great empire stretching from Dacca to the Gulf of Siam, was now an inland State, whose only outlet lay through foreign territory, and whose authority throughout its borderland was fast dwindling. The people were very different to the Indians. Instead of the Bengalee — too often a cringing sycophant in those days — I met the frank and cheery Burmans, who were and are the most democratic of people and have the easiest and yet most cour- teous manners in the world. Here was no religious difference — no fanatical Mussulman nor fatalist Hindoo, but the child- like Buddhism of the Burmese, with its ritual of flowers, its carved and gilded pagodas and kyoungs, and its doctrine of charity and good works. Here were no feudal castles or es- tates or remnants of an aristocracy. Here, moreover, one was freed from that incubus of India, the hosts of more or less inefficient and lazy servants, and from a moderate bachelor household of ten to fifteen men I descended to about three. The cooking, I must confess, and the service generally were extremely indifferent, for yery few Burmese had been trained, 35 36 DAN TO BEERSHEBA and the best cooks were Arakanese, called Mugs, who were in great demand even in Calcutta, so that they were very scarce and expensive. The Madrasee cook was found only in the coast towns. The houses were another novelty to me, being always raised on piles with an open space beneath, instead of lying on the ground like an Indian bungalow. Here I first made acquaintance with the bamboo, one of the indispensables of life in all Malayan countries. The bamboo* builds houses, provides water pipes, cooking pots, masts of boats, ladders, vats, oil cans, water butts, boxes for clothes, musical instru- ments, bridges — every conceivable thing ! Yule called it the "staff of life" in Indo-China. What pleased me most in Burma was that one got out of the official rut and met in society the big merchants and their employees, so that "station talk" was not so universal and unending. When I first knew Rangoon it was a primitive place, with unpretentious Government house and secretariat, and a few official buildings. In the earlier days of our occupation this town, lying on the mud flats at the mouth of the Irrawaddy, was so unhealthy that its abandonment was contemplated, just as was that of Hong Kong. In both places science has tri- umphed, and a wonderfully clean bill of health is now usual. In 'yi Rangoon was not particularly salubrious, but the Euro- pean colony managed to get along with frequent visits to healthier climes. An evening trip on one of the river tug- boats was supposed to brace one up in the hot weather. The great disadvantage was the lack of any hill-station, and to this day there is no health resort, even in Upper Burma, worthy to be classed with Indian hill-stations like Simla, Naini Tal, Mussouree, or even Ooty (Ootacamund). For this reason it was necessary to go either home or to India for a change, the latter alternative being seldom chosen. Men preferred to save up and go home, the result being, very often, that the needed change was put off too long. Of the men who were my con- temporaries in various Government departments in 1871 many had dropped out by '89, when I left Burma, and practically none are now alive. Of course we did not have the luxuries so essential in sickness, and food was generally poor, even in Rangoon, much more so up-country, where we lived on the tinned foods of the period — nothing like so good as what is now sold. During this part of my life I acquired a dislike IN LOWER BURMA 37 which almost amounts to loathing for tinned food, and though I have frequently since then been obliged to use it on journeys and in up-country stations, yet I always prefer to eat native food, however rough. I cannot even face a sardine with com- placency ! At the time of which I write milk was frequently unpro- curable in Burma, for to milk cows is against Burmese native practice, and ice was an unheard-of luxury except at Ran- goon and one or two of the larger stations. In India we took ice-machines, even when camping, but then we had the neces- sary labour to work them. In Burma we had no punkahs. It was fortunate the nights were cool, for where should we have found punkah-wallahs? The Burmese had not the incentive of grinding poverty to drive them, like Indians, into service, and, moreover, they dislike the method and discipline essential in such work. The result of all this was to strip life of its Indian superfluities, and to teach one the most salutary of all lessons — how to do without. During this period I had frequent changes of post from east, to west, and later on to what was then independent Burma, but my first station was at Moulmein, a beautifully situated little modern town on the bank of the Salween. The people here are the Talaings, or Mon (who had driven out the original inhab- itants) — a very attractive and pleasant people as far as manner goes. There are, of course, several races in Burma, and when we first took over the country they spoke different dialects, and even languages, which, however, are disappearing. Tra- dition speaks of a Shan kingdom in the north of Burma, and there was certainly one at Tali, in Yunnan, conquered by Kublai Khan in 1253, who disrupted the then great Shan power. A large proportion of the population of Southern China is undoubtedly Shan — an unsatisfactory generic term, but there is no better. As I shall often have to mention the Shans, with whom I first made acquaintance in Burma, but afterwards saw in Indo-China and Southern China, I may say here that with wide variations they present certain differences which distinguish them from the Chinese or Tartars. Some of the Shans have fair skins and grey eyes, but other- wise resemble the Burmese and Siamese in many respects ex- cept in the nose, which is more aquiline. My work as an assistant engineer chiefly consisted at first 38 DAN TO BEERSHEBA in surveying for roads, and consequently often took me into regions where the white man had not yet made his appearance. I enjoyed the independence and freedom of the life, liked my work, and got much attached to the Burmese, as indeed are all who have spent any time among those most attractive peo- ple. Of course, their indolence was irritating at times, espe- cially when one was trying to get labour, and I remember one bit of work — embanking or reclamation — in which I was obliged to call in the women and children of the neighbouring villages and pay every one myself at the end of each day's labour. Seated at a table under a tree, I doled out coppers from a big bag — a lengthy, tedious proceeding, but effective. The attraction to the villagers was twofold : First, they did not have to take it on trust that six days' labour would be recom- pensed altogether; second, the mengyee himself handed out the daily earning without such deductions as would certainly have been made by the headman. In this way they grew accus- tomed to the idea of working for us, and later on the contract system became possible. I often wonder whether the great network of law and sys- tem which we have gradually spread over Burma, making it into little more than another Indian province, has sufficient compensations for what it has destroyed. Burma, I am told, is a dull and uniform country nowadays ; and, if we have estab- lished order, we have introduced spirits and undermined their religious beliefs. Burma used to enjoy a very large amount of local authority under the village headmen, who had consid- erable power both for good and evil, and used it both ways; and under their own rulers the play and the boat race, and many other amusements, were encouraged. Whatever the dis- advantages of the system, it was a growth of the soil and suited the Burmese temperament in many ways. We have replaced it by a bureaucracy, and the headman, gradually shorn of his prerogatives, is replaced by the official and the "municipality." The official is, of course, both more efficient and more upright than the headman ; but he is an official and an alien. My work took me to different sections of the country, from the flat plains at the mouth of the Irrawaddy to the mountain- ous districts of Arakan and Tenasserim. I particularly re- IN LOWER BURMA 39 member one station because of the Gilbertian nature of social relations there. We were a very limited community — a dep- uty commissioner and his wife, a police officer and his wife, and myself, a young assistant engineer. Unhappily, the two ladies had quarrelled over a cow belong to one, which had strolled into the compound of the other. The original offence does not seem very great, but the two were not on speaking terms and the feud had extended to the husbands. I was the connecting link and had to exercise considerable tact in order to keep on good terms with both. If I went to tiffin with one, I called later in the day on the other, and the slightest cour- tesy had to be made in duplicate. A travelling parson who sometimes visited us was equally on thorns during his visit, and dare not be seen walking with either lady ! Ludicrous as it may seem, this situation lasted for the better part of the time I was there — nearly a year. After such an experience I quite enjoyed bachelor stations, where I was, more than once, the lord of all I surveyed, and sometimes did not see a white face for months. I did all sorts of work: surveying roads, embankments, canals, and, lastly, was employed on the first railway in Burma, from Rangoon to Prome. Most of the work was fairly easy and primitive, and the executive and chief engineers were competent men who were brought in from outside, or else R.E. officers — not Cooper's Hill men, whose day came later. We were really at the beginning of things in Burma, for even roads did not exist in many parts, and to this day Arakan is practically roadless. It is thirty- seven years since I surveyed a road from Martaban (opposite Moulmein) towards Rangoon, and only this year has a railway been opened to connect these two principal seaport towns of Burma. It was during my second stay at Rangoon, when I was on the railway already mentioned, that I made my entrance into literature, or rather journalism, with a series of would-be sa- tirical sketches called "Paddyville Papers," which I contrib- uted to the Rangoon Gazette. A friend of mine was its editor, and kept the secret of the authorship, which was just as well for me, since I castigated local society and foibles with con- siderable freedom. Paddyville was, of course, Rangoon, from the paddy or rice fields (Malay: padi = rice) with which that 40 DAN TO BEERSHEBA town was surrounded. There was much discussion in the club and drawing rooms over this youthful effort of mine, and I kept my counsel discreetly and smiled at the flutter in the dovecot. I certainly enjoyed myself very much when, at a dinner-table, I heard my humble efforts attributed to the chief judge, because he was said to be the only man sufficiently tal- ented to write them ! I wagged my head and quite agreed, but this was my first and last attempt at social satire, and from what I recollect of them I do not think the Paddyville Papers showed any special talent in that line. Such small societies as ours in Burma always afford good material for caricature, and any personal peculiarities are seized on in a country where topics are few. My own nickname was "Blazes." We really had some quaint and original people, however, and it is only the possibility that some may still be alive that restrains me from describing them. The hero of the following, however, is beyond the reach of ridicule. He was one of the first mili- tary-civilians in Burma — needless to say before my time. When going out he had C.B. painted on all his trunks and boxes. "We didn't know you were a C.B., old man!" said his friends. But the C.B. stood for "Commissioner, Burma." Another worthy was once attending some function, and a friend asked why his breast was adorned with a Mutiny medal. "Sad busi- ness!" he replied. "Dear friend of mine — made me promise always to wear it." I might have stayed in Burma and risen from grade to grade till I retired on a pension as superintending engineer or was tucked away underground like so many of my contemporaries, but a curious chance got me out of my rut. In 1879 it was decided to send a mission to Siam in connection with certain questions as to the forests lying between Burma and the Shan State of Zimmay. Colonel Street was at the head of this mis- sion, and desired to have with him as secretary a civilian with some knowledge of surveying who could make a route map as they marched. There was some competition for this post, which in the ordinary way would have been filled by the chief from his own friends or acquaintances. As a matter of fact, he had a near relation who wanted it and was qualified. Luck- ily for me, he happened to hold extreme views on nepotism, and declined to nominate or select anyone, much less to take IN LOWER BURMA 41 one of his own relations. He requested the head of the Public Works Department to select someone, and to my delight and surprise I was the fortunate individual. Being entirely with- out family influence myself, I owed my chance in life to the unusual fair-mindedness of a stranger. CHAPTER VI A MISSION TO SIAM We left for Siam and Zimmay in 1879, intending to have an interview with the King of Siam at Bangkok, and then proceed up the Menam River to the Shan State of Zimmay, but eventually we returned to Moulmein, ascended the Sal- ween, and marched across the mountain range which divides Burma and Siam. This journey took us first to Singapore, where Sir Cecil Clementi Smith was Acting-Governor, and then to the river-city of Bangkok, the Venice of the East, which was still little known and seldom visited by Europeans. The present King Chulalongkorn was on the throne, where he succeeded his father in 1868. He had been partially edu- cated by an English lady, Mrs. Leonowens, whose experiences as the only European at the Siamese Court make most inter- esting reading. Chulalongkorn's father was an extraordinary character. He had an enormous harem and thousands of women slaves, and this great community of helpless women literally held their existence at his lightest wish, and were ex- alted, cast into prison, or executed at his whim. Mrs. Leon- owens did her best to help and teach these poor creatures, and to exert a wholesome influence on her royal pupils. Chula- longkorn was much attached to her, but was taken from her teaching at an early age to enter a monastery — part of the usual training of Siamese youths. His father was a diligent student of English and thought himself a great hand at com- position. On one occasion he sent for the English consul in the middle of the night, and that unfortunate official, fearing some disaster, was dragged hastily to the palace only to find the royal author in the throes of composition and desirous of some further light on the respective meanings of the words "soul" and "spirit." The impression created on us by Bangkok was by no means 42 A MISSION TO SIAM 43 favourable. On the surface there was a good deal of gaiety, but the evidences of a grinding slavery were as palpable as the official corruption and procrastination which obstructed our negotiations. During a later visit, I was able to inquire more fully into the social conditions, and my impression was confirmed. About nine-tenths of the non-Chinese population were slaves and still more were serfs, forced to work without pay at certain seasons of the year. Justice was a farce, sold to the highest bidder. Taxes, which were very heavy, were farmed to Chinese monopolists, and not one-fourth reached the Government. The officials were miserably paid. The Deputy Lord Mayor, who was also Magistrate, High Cham- berlain, and Gold-Stick-in-Waiting, got 200 ticals or ^20 an- nually. Yet he owned rice fields and mills, had several houses, a steamer, many wives and concubines, and innumerable cattle and slaves. Our party was hospitably entertained by the consul- general, Mr. X., who had been in Bangkok a number of years had had married a Siamese lady. The menage was a curious mixture of European and native, and the house was full of little Siamese serving girls, really domestic slaves, who chat- tered and ran in and out and behaved in a manner which, I think, scandalised some members of our party. There were already one or two Europeans in minor official positions in Siam, and I think their experiences were very similar to those of the men who came later in greater numbers. As long as they were at their posts they could make the machinery work — if stiffly, but should they turn their backs the whole of their employees went off on a holiday. Probably a little more se- riousness has now been imported into public affairs, but I have heard tales, of a fairly recent date, which go to show that, from highest to lowest, the Siamese regard their European advisers in the same way as does a naughty schoolboy his strict master. At the date of my first visit many of the worst abuses of des- potism still remained. Both the king and his secretary, Prince Devawongtse, were genuinely desirous of reform, but they had to tilt against the vested interests of the only educated and influential section of their subjects, which were bound up with the traditions of an oriental court. The atmosphere of the harem, moreover, was enervating, and palace intrigues innumerable blocked the way to every serious reform. The country was, for the most part, parcelled out among the mem- 44 DAN TO BEERSHEBA bers of the royal family — that is, the portions which were under control. The Shan States, such as Zimmay, were prac- tically independent, although shortly before this time the King had begun to introduce Siamese commissioners as the basis of a future control. The representative of Great Britain at Bangkok was Mr. (now Sir Ernest) Satow, who has held the position of Minister at the Courts of Siam, China, and Japan, and is also well known as a student of Japanese literature. He had a library of Japanese books at Bangkok. The first town of any size at which we stopped was Hmine Long-gyee, and here we were received by the chief official of the place, who wore a German helmet and second-hand military jacket, a Siamese sarong and French patent leather shoes. His nails gave evidence of his gentlity by being so long that he could not have performed manual labour for at least a year. His title was the equivalent of the Burmese Myo-tsa — literally "town-eater" — extremely appropriate. He sent five riding ele- phants to meet us, and treated us with great hospitality, but to our annoyance our Burmese followers gave themselves great airs of superiority over the Shans. They have always despised these people, and our own followers, with their superficial ac- quaintance with European ideas, arrogated to themselves the superiority of civilised beings over mere savages. The Red Karens, some of whom we saw, have a bad reputation, but both they and the White Karens when civilised are very gentle and charming people, and in Burma already much had been done to Christianise them. They were practically pagans, which accounts for the fact that they were very amenable to missionary influence and became really genuine Christians — not "curry and rice converts." These Karens were probably tribes drivin south from China by the Shans, and then driven back by the Burmese into the hill country. We noticed in the bazaar that arsenic, vitriol and other poisonous drugs were mixed up with more innocent medicines, and on making inquiry about this we were told that the favour- ite specific was just then out of stock. It was called bangilla, and we were assured of its magic properties for every ailment, so that we puzzled ourselves as to what it could be and thought we had found some new native drug. Eventually it turned out to be an American "pain-killer," and if I remembered the particular brand I would give it a gratuitous advertisement! A MISSION TO SIAM 45 Our departure from this town was the occasion of a grand procession, and we left in state escorted by the "town-eater" in full uniform and his young lady friends in full undress. This is saying a good deal, for the local costume consisted merely of a striped sarong, or skirt, and a kerchief over the head. Jackets had been introduced but had not yet "caught on," except in ultra-fashionable circles, and the elder ladies (who had more reason) adopted them less gladly. I must mention that all along our march houses were built for us by order of the king. They were stoutly constructed of bamboo, and had raised floors and verandahs, so we were very comfortable. Necessaries were also supplied, such as rice, fish, vegetables, fruit, and firewood, and we thought at first these were official gifts. But when we discovered that they were a local corvee we insisted on paying for them, though I very much doubt if the money went to the right quarters, and our conduct won us more derision than gratitude. On the eighteenth day we marched into Zimmay, a proces- sion more imposing in size than in appearance, for we Euro- peans were dirty, unkempt and travel-stained, our servants were worse, and we had picked up a tagrag-and-bobtail of followers and elephants. We were well received and lodged in a nice little bamboo bungalow in the style of a French cot- tage ornec specially built for us under the direction of the Siamese commissioner. He was a dapper little old gentleman, who had come from Bangkok and knew all about European ways. It was the strangest thing to sit in the heart of this half-savage country drinking wine and coffe with a little old Siamese who knew London and Paris — for he was a travelled man and loved to talk, especially of the not too proper quar- tiers of the latter city. "Too much plenty work in London ; plenty pleasure Paris," he said, with a twinkle of his little black eyes. Our cottage ornee was furnished with European furniture and Parisian gimcracks, and looked like something out of opera-bouffe. The cooking, on pseudo-French lines, was equally farcical, and represented our old friend's Paris recollections as carried out by Yunnanese cooks. Luckily there was bread and good China tea. We found American missionaries at work in Zimmay, who were very glad to have converse with Anglo-Saxons again. They came up from Bangkok and had a most tedious river 46 DAN TO BEERSHEBA journey, as the boats frequently stranded and had to be dug out. I may mention here that the first impressions I got of missionary work have never been dispelled — i.e., that it is practically waste of time to preach Christianity to Buddhists, whereas there are many pagan and semi-pagan peoples who are eagerly converted and make good Christians. As for Buddhism in the Shan States and in Burma and Siam gener- ally, great differences exist, which must be considered when forming an opinion on the whole. Bishop Bigandet at Ran- goon, who had forty or more years' experience of the Bur- mese, had the highest opinion of the influence of their religion and of its purity and nobility. This was probably because his researches into their literature brought him in contact with theoretical Buddhism, of the purified character which at one time prevailed in Burma. For myself I found very little to admire in Buddhism as I saw it in the Shan States, and while some travellers testify to the purity of life beneath the yellow robe, I saw laziness, immorality and corruption in most of the monasteries we visited. A very intelligent Peguan whom I met at Zimmay admitted this to be the case, but added that no generalisation was possible — there are good priests and bad priests everywhere. In Burma matters are not nearly so bad, but Buddhism is not the idealised religion of Fielding Hall's books. In Siam not only the common beliefs but the texts of the Pali books have become overlaid with a vast amount of commentaries and fables, and the ritual is debased by many childish observances. King Chulalongkorn was at- tempting a process of purification at the time of my first visit, but my impression was that the spirit of Buddhism had been lost, and not merely obscured. As for the method of educa- tion by which a boy is handed over to the poongyes (priests) and lives as a novice in a monastery for several of the most impressionable years of his life, nothing could have a more fatal effect on the manhood of the country. The boy is re- pressed in all natural and innocent manifestations ; at the best he becomes apathetic and lazy in the monastic atmosphere, at the worst he learns to be hypocritical and vicious as well. Modern education is now established in Siam, as well as in Burma, but the hereditary tendencies and the atmosphere cre- ated by the thousands of monasteries and tens of thousands of monks leading for the most part an idle and useless life, can- A MISSION TO SIAM 47 not easily be counteracted. The superiority of the women of both Siam and Burma and their business capacity and energy is largely due to their freedom in youth from any such cramp- ing and stultifying influence as is spread round the boys. Our mission stayed some weeks in Zimmay, and was fairly successful in arranging the disputes as to forests, which was our main object. We then returned to Moulmein, and I re- sumed my professional duties somewhat reluctantly. The fact was that during this journey I was bitten by two of the interests which have remained with me ever since. In the first place I became profoundly attracted by the political and ethnological study of Indo-China, and having read all I could lay my hands on upon the subject, I became extremely anxious to push my investigations further. At this time Siam was trembling in the balance between France and ourselves, as was Upper Burma at a later date. Our Burmese territory was then limited to a strip along the coast, and north of us were the kingdom of Burma, some independent tribes, and the huge block of independent Shan country. I was possessed with the desire to checkmate the advance of France in Tong- king by a counter movement towards Yunnan through Siam and the independent Shan country. The scheme I could not work out in detail until later, but the idea was fermenting in my brain, and thus the little mission to Zimmay introduced me to the world of high politics and that fascinating subject of communications which has ever since absorbed so much of my interest. Soon after I got back from Zimmay I took my first leave and went home, after being absent for twelve years. I re- ceived a warm welcome from my father and stepmother and made some useful friends, for my journey to so little known a country as Northern Siam marked me out from the run of young fellows. Among these friends was Colonel Sir Henry Yule, the famous editor of "Marco Polo" and one of the most erudite of oriental scholars, who was deeply interested in Burma, having been secretary to Phayre's "Mission to Ava" in 1855 ; he wrote his classic on that mission a few years later. Yule was a most remarkable man who, after a distinguished career in the East as a Bengal engineer, retired in 1862 and settled at Palermo, where he lived for about twelve years, working on his monumental "Marco Polo." After this he 48 DAN TO BEERSHEBA was appointed to the India Council and lived in London until his death in 1889. In later years he developed certain eccen- tricities, among which was an idea that he had no money. His friends and the India Council believed this, and the. latter made certain arrangements to provide for his reduced circum- stances. It was no uncommon thing on visiting him to be asked to share a frugal meal, or even invited to dinner, with an apology for the fact that he could not afford to offer wine. He was always interested in travels and scientific research, and was most kind to young fellows like myself, and we all viewed his poverty in later days with grave concern, though we could not understand the cause of it, since he had several sources of income. When he died it was discovered that he left a con- siderable fortune ! Yule was a man of scrupulous honour and very strong feeling, which he carried into politics. His bete noir was Gladstone, whom he regarded as England's evil genius and satirised in bitter verses as well as in conversation. To the influence of this distinguished member of the Royal Geographical Society I now owed an opportunity for carrying out one of my designs. I wanted to explore Southern China with a view to my famous route to Yunnan. The attempts made by the Government of India to enter Yunnan, in later years through Bhamo, had failed disastrously, and I was de- termined to make the attempt from the China coast, thus re- versing the point of attack. It was a fairly ambitious design for a young engineer, with no money except a few pounds saved from his salary of about £450 per annum. My calcula- tions were made carefully. I wanted a companion, and found one who would go anywhere in the person of Charles Wahab, also an engineer, whose brother was a great friend of mine. I had enough money to pay our passages out, second-class, to Hong Kong, and to leave a few pounds over for the necessary outfit. We had introductions at Hong Kong and also at Can- ton, and knew that we could count on hospitality and get started on our way. A couple of servants and an interpreter would be all we should want, and I knew I could arrange to pay these at the end of our journey — if we got to the end — out of pay which would then be due. I had learnt enough about travelling in the East to know that it can be done with- out a train of baggage and guards, the only drawback in our case being that neither of us spoke Chinese and that Southern A MISSION TO SIAM 49 China was far from peaceful at the time. The route we pro- posed, and afterwards followed, was to a large extent unex- plored, and we intended to make full surveys as we went along. An item in our equipment which would have been outside my slender means was the necessary outfit of scientific and sur- veying instruments. These were lent me by the Royal Geo- graphical Society at the instance of Colonel Yule. Thus equipped, and with a heart as light as my pockets, I left for China in a great hurry, anxious to utilise the dry season and to get well on my way during the year's leave to which I was entitled. I trusted to an extension of leave, if necessary, but my main idea was to make a start, because it seemed at that time such a harebrained escapade, going into the heart of China with very little save the clothes we stood up in, that I was afraid someone or something might intervene and stop us ! CHAPTER VII I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA By a fortunate coincidence I found that Sir Harry Parkes, then British Minister at Tokio, was on board the vessel which was taking us out to China. I made his acquaintance and succeeded in interesting him in our proposed journey, which was a very useful thing for me, as he was able to give excel- lent advice and introductions. Sir Harry Parkes was well qualified to give advice on this subject, having seen a good deal of China. It was he who, with Loch, was taken prisoner by the Chinese in 1861 and was placed in heavy chains for eleven days and subjected to minor tortures before rescue came; but he was not carried about in a cage, as commonly believed. Parkes refused release except with Loch. They had a very narrow squeak for their lives, as a quarter of an hour after the order for their release came from Prince Kung an order signed by the Emperor (then in hiding at Mongolia) came for their immediate execution ! Al- though not an erudite scholar or sinologue like Wade, whom he succeeded in 1883, he had the quality of shrewd common- sense, which is extremely valuable in dealing with the Chinese, and despite his experiences he had a high opinion of both Chinese and Japanese. He appeared to me to be a very good type of Englishman, prompt, energetic, tenacious of purpose, and thoroughly and profoundly patriotic, without any trace of sentiment or jingoism. He gave me letters to Sir John Pope Hennessy, governor of Hong Kong, and to Mr. Hewlett, con- sul at Canton. On board our steamer were a number of French officers and officials going out to Saigon, and I was much interested in their talk, as this was a period of great activity in Indo-China. I picked up information about the expedition of Gamier and concerning the gifted Louis de Carne, who had written a charming account of their adventurous journey. 50 I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 51 At Hong Kong I presented my letter, which at once gained me a favourable reception from the governor. Pope Hennessy was in many ways a very singular character. His talents and personal charm — when he chose — were undoubted, but he was of such a quarrelsome and tricky disposition that to get him out of the Irish parliamentary party (where he was a mauvais sujet) he was given a colonial governorship, I think in the West Indies first. He quarrelled with all his subordinates, and fell out with the mercantile population because, wherever he went, he adopted an extreme pro-native attitude and even stirred up discontent among the people. When he was gov- ernor of Mauritius, later on, he had a famous dispute with Clifford Lloyd, the Colonial Secretary, who was also a hot- tempered Irishman, and the Government actually sent out a commission to inquire into the rights and wrongs of the quar- rel. Sir Hercules Robinson, who conducted the first inquiry into the affair, had suspended Pope Hennessy, but Sir Henry Holland, Secretary of State, decided to reinstate him. The Times of July 16th, 1887, contains a leader with a strong pro- test against sending him back to a community in which he was so unpopular, beginning "Not guilty — but the prisoner is ad- vised not to do it again!" Hennessy was supported by the Government, largely, it was hinted, because they did not want to bring him home ! This stormy petrel was in the very worst odour among the Hong Kong merchants when I arrived, but I believed him to be benevolently disposed towards myself, and he promised to do "anything I asked" to help me on my way. We hired a ho-tau, or houseboat, of the type commonly used on Chinese rivers. It was really quite a luxurious floating home — the best we were to know for many a long day. The ho-tau was a fiat-bottomed hulk, with a deckhouse divided into three compartments by sliding partitions. At the bow a space was left for working the heavy oar-helm, and on each side of the boat, about a foot above water, ran an eighteen-inch footboard along which the crew ran or walked as they poled. The deck, or rather roof, was waterproofed, and all sorts of odds and ends were littered over it, and in the stern was a small space where the crew was packed at night. Over this was a tiny cabin for the captain, who frequently took his wife along with him. Ours did not on this trip, for which 52 DAN TO BEERSHEBA we were grateful, as these ladies frequently have terrible tongues which they exercise on the crews. I cannot linger over the details of our voyage up stream, with its interesting glimpses of native life in the towns and villages we passed, because a full account, written from diaries laboriously compiled at the time, is contained in my book "Across Chryse." One of the most curious things we saw was the fishermen fishing with cormorants, the birds having a ring round their necks so that they cannot swallow the fish but yield it up to their master's net. Sometimes they are trained to give it up without any artificial prohibition. This curious custom has been often described, but I have never seen it ex- cept on the Canton River. As we passed through Kwangsi we began to experience hostility on the part of the natives, and avoided the larger towns as far as possible. At Pe-se it was our intention to leave the ho-tau and send back in her some of the heavier instruments and books while we continued for a short distance in a light canoe before taking the road over the mountains to Yunnan. For some days, how- ever, there had been a lack of harmony in our company, which was chiefly attributable to the attitude of Mr. Hong Beng- Kaw. He had never quite accepted the position which he was intended to fill, and, although we were only too anxious to retain him and to treat him on terms of perfect equality, in such an expedition as ours there had to be a leader, and I intended, as Americans say, to be It. In addition to this it became perfectly apparent to us that our interpreter's heart was failing him as we neared the more arduous and perilous part of our journey. He had imagined a far more imposing and luxurious expedition, with coolies to carry us in chairs, and when he found we meant to go on foot he was a good deal damped in his enthusiasm. Moreover, all sorts of stories about the dangers ahead were retailed to us and our boatmen brought us the news that a placard had been posted at Nan- ning, in the gambling quarter of the city, saying that two for- eigners were coming there, and calling on the people not to allow the "red barbarians" to come to their country, destroy their religion, and take away their good luck. The reward of fifty taels was offered to the first man to give information of our arrival, and two hundred taels (about £50) for each of our heads. The rumour of a placard had reached us below I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 53 Nanning, and when we got to that place we did not land, or stay a second longer than we could help, but the effect of all this on the nerves of Mr. Hong Beng-Kaw was not salutary. At the news of Hong Beng-Kaw's decision the servants said they would go back too, and it looked as though our well- laid plans were ruined. But my companion and I were deter- mined to go on, nothing could have deterred us, and we made up our minds to make our way alone to Yunnan-fu, where we knew that we should find a French mission station. The kindness of a chance acquaintance had secured me a letter from the head of the Jesuit Order in England, Father Beckx, which commended me strongly (though not a co-religionist) to the good offices of all Catholic missionaries. Having made out this plan we told the servants, and then the unexpected happened. The tinchai declared that he could not let us go alone but would go "anywhere" with us. He acted from mixed motives, for he would not have dared to return to Mr. Hewlett and acknowledge that he had deserted us without either servant or interpreter, and in case of anything happen- ing to us he would have got into serious trouble. Still, he was a useful man at the start, intelligent and handy without being much educated, and he did not show the white feather till later in our subsequent adventures. With him to interpret we could spare Mr. Hong Beng-Kaw, and carry out our origi- nal plan, and this we proceeded to do after the most kind and friendly treatment from the Prefect and the General of Pe-se. We were particularly flattered that these officials asked to have their photographs and those of their children taken, and the general even went outside Chinese etiquette so far as to ask us to take his "humble w T ife." This man was actually at Teng- yueh at the time of Margary's murder and ought to have been able to protect him, but declared that he was in mourning at the time — murning within the Chinese meaning entire retire- ment from life, even official duties. He gave us letters and a guard of "braves" to escort us on the first part of our jour- ney, and we went off from Pe-se with great dignity and much inward jubilation. I remember that the most awe-inspiring feature about our Chinese guard was the word "brave" (or its nearest equivalent) embroidered on the breasts of their coats. After leaving Wuchau, on the lower reaches of the Canton 54 DAN TO BEERSHEBA River, we had begun to explore, as no other European had penetrated beyond that point. Nor had anyone passed through southern Yunnan from east to west as we marched, though the French expedition had touched our route at Szumao, strik- ing north again at Mengtzu. Indeed, from Wuchau until we reached Tali we were in country never before visited by white men (except by the French for a small part) and to our ordi- nary fatigues were added those of making a continuous survey and writing up everything at the end of the day's march. The greatest difficulty we had to fear was that the rains would render it impossible to travel down from the Yunnan plateau to the lower levels of the Shan States, and this was eventually the one factor in the case with which we could not contend. When we reached Szumao, the point near the Shan frontier whence we wished to strike south, we were met by opposition from the local officials and from our own ser- vants. I thought then, and still think, that had we been pro- vided with an English interpreter, who would have been with us in our desire to push through at all hazards, we might have carried out our programme. But we were indescribably ham- pered by the obvious desire of the tinchai to raise difficulties instead of overcoming them. The upshot of this was that the prefect refused permission for us to go on, and without that we could get no transport. To go without was impos- sible, especially as Wahab had to be carried, and I had to acquiesce with as good a grace as I could assume in the wreck of my plans. It was the bitterest moment of my life, espe- cially as I was not able to find out how far the difficulties were real and how much they owed to the vivid imagination of my chicken-livered interpreter. The one consolation I had in my disappointment was that the necessary change of plan enabled me to get even with the tinchai, for a time at all events. I now decided that I would strike north to Tali, a march of twenty days, which would afford me an opportunity of exploring another part of Yunnan. Tali was on the route of the Grosvenor mission and Gill's expedition, so it was not specially interesting to me, but it was the only place where I ran any chance of finding someone who could help me to reach the Burmese frontier at another point. I knew a French Roman Catholic mission had been at work there, sent from Yunnan-fu where there was a bishop. I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 55 My introductory letters from Bishop Chose at Canton and from Father Beckx, the head of the Jesuit Order, would, I knew, secure me the good offices of any French missionaries. I also hoped at Tali to find a Chinese-speaking Shan with whom I could communicate in Burmese and thus get rid of the tinchai. I therefore told him — to his great surprise, for he was full of pride and insolence at his victory over me — that I did not need his services any more. He had, in reality, no desire to be abandoned at this place, which would involve his making the long journey back alone, so he changed his note at once and begged me to take him on. Although we were heartbroken at being turned back from Szumao the interest of our march towards Tali consoled us, for it lay through country inhabited by aboriginal tribes whose appearance and manners were sufficiently various to give new interest. We received many tokens of the friendliness of the people. On on occasion I went into a peasant hut for shade and fell asleep. On waking I found the lady of the house and her husband who instead of objecting to my presence brought a mattress and some tea and rice cake, and finally a palm leaf fan with which the lady kept off the flies while I had a refreshing nap. The women are often very comely and fair and the men fine specimens of humanity. Poor Wahab was now too ill to walk at all, suffering from dysentery and consequent ailments. He persisted in drinking unboiled water, which the Chinese themselves never touch and which I myself avoided. In many parts of Yunnan we came across beautiful- looking streams over which were erected tablets, warning trav- ellers that these waters are poisoned. Probably they contain some dangerous mineral or are polluted in some way, but they must be pretty bad for the Chinese to take such precautions. We were both knocked up when we got to Tali, but there a pleasant surprise awaited us. I had expected to find a French Roman Catholic mission there, but what was my delight to hear an English voice out- side my inn! The owner was a member of the China Inland Mission, Mr. George Clarke, who with his wife had recently come down, a long and toilsome journey, from the Yangtze. They had had a great deal of discomfort and worse to endure, being at first unable to get a decent house or a servant to wait on them, but by tact and patience they had overcome the Chi- 56 , DAN TO BEERSHEBA nese prejudices to the extent of establishing a school for a few children. The heroism necessary for such an enterprise for an English lady is something beyond mere words. Need- less to say, a meal presided over by a white lady seemed to us the height of luxury, and we stayed a week at Tali, being doctored and cared for by our kind friends. Fifteen years later I met Mr. Clarke again at Tientsin and reminded him of our first encounter. At Tali we were on the track of other travellers, and had not the stimulus of exploration to carry us on. Nevertheless, the journey which we had still to make, to Bhamo, was the w T orst and most dangerous part of our whole expedition. This was because the rains had set in, no caravans were travelling, the roads were almost impassable, and the country bordering Upper Burma was said to be in a disturbed state, which we found to be only too true. Other drawbacks, such as the fact that plague was raging along some parts of the route to be traversed, troubled me comparatively little, as we had already come through plague-stricken valleys, but I realised the danger later on when my mule stumbled over a dead body outside a village and I saw my muleteers making a detour to avoid it, though they never attempted to warn me from touching the corpse. With the help of Mr. Clarke we engaged our caravan and started off with only seven mules — two for ourselves, two for our servants, and three for baggage. We deposed the cook from his office, as it was ridiculous paying him for Euro- pean cookery when his limit was rice and hard boiled eggs! He came along with us, but we all now fed Chinese fashion, on contract, like the men of our caravan. This was a great economy, and relieved a little of our ever-present anxiety about money. After a couple of days we were riding through a small town when I heard the words "Englishman !" in French accents, and looking up saw, over a garden wall, a French priest in Chinese dress. Pere Terrasse was deighted to have a chat with us. The poor fellow was murdered later on. Two days more and we reached Chu-tung, where we found another French missionary, Pere Vial, who set us on our way next day most courteously. After ploughing along for several days, it became apparent to us that something was wrong. And here I must remind the reader that, throughout all our physical troubles and pre- I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 57 occupations with what we saw, we had to keep our eyes and ears wide open, to remember trustworthy itineraries, and ask frequent questions and calculate distances, for we could not trust in these matters to our escort or servants. When we left Tali, our head muleteer had contracted to get us to Bhamo and to find out en route which was the best road to take, for at one point a new road had been made which was longer than the old one and ran alongside the Salween river for some dis- tance — a region reputed most unhealthy in this season. The word "road" conveys an idea to European ears which is some- what erroneous. There are "roads" in China, both bad and good, but these were not "made" in our sense of the word. This "road" had been "made" by the border official, Li-si-tai, the man who was responsible for the Margary murder and a person of whom I had heard a good deal and mostly evil. On my inquiring as to which road we were to take, I was told "whichever I chose," and eventually I detected a nice little plot, in which our worthy interpreter joined with the muleteer. The contract was that the latter should be responsible for choosing the road, but by shunting the decision on to me he would be able to lead me to the frontier, probably embroil me in difficulties and, while exonerating himself, would be in a position to make terms for our safe return to Tali. Luckily we were not so very far from Chu-tung, where we had left Pere Vial, and we felt that if we could only get rid of the rascally interpreter we should get along better. We arranged that I should stay where I was, while Wahab rode back to seek help and advice from the Pere. We ordered two mules but they never turned up, and although we hunted the town we could not hire any — we had been forestalled. The two conspirators were in high glee, especially when that evening we went out for a walk, called at the magistrate's and, sending in our cards by the boy Akiu, presented our compli- ments to him and said we were returning to Chu-tung next morning. Our Chinese was equal to this emergency, though not very fluent. "How could we go without mules?" chuckled our friends. Next morning, however, we paid our bill, put all the silver we possessed in our pockets, and started off on foot, remarking to cur dumbfounded suite that they could either stay or go as they chose. At midday, when we were sitting at a wayside inn having some tea, they rode up, rather crest- 58 DAN TO BEERSHEBA fallen. After a most trying- three days' journey, during which I had a severe attack of fever, which I "brought out" by doses of "pain-killer" in hot tea — a drastic but effective remedy — we reached Chu-tung and found Pere Vial, on whom all our hopes were now centred. He had intended going down to Burma some months later and with the greatest willingness offered now to accompany us, though it meant no light sacrifice to attempt the journey at this season. I sacked the tinchai, giving him his fare back to Canton and a draft for his wages, payable only if we got through safely to Rangoon, as I thought he would deserve noth- ing if we came to grief. Besides, unless I survived to draw my next half-year's salary, there would be no money for anyone ! There was a caravan of Cantonese traders going back from Tali, so I knew he could get through, and in fact I afterwards saw him again in the yamen at Canton. I felt and wrote bitterly about this man at the time, for he was a new specimen to< me, and I expected truthfulness and loyalty which were really vir- tues outside his ken. It was an immense relief to start off again with Pere Vial to do the talking, and not to feel the sensation of helplessness which comes of being doubtful as to whether one is being deceived or not. We soon found out the mystery of the two roads. Li-si-tai had closed the old road, where the Kachyens had levied toll on travellers, and had opened a new one, after executing sev- eral Kachyen chiefs. As a consequence the Kachyens were murdering anyone who came their way from China. This was a cheerful prospect for us, but we were fairly desperate. We reached the nadir of our miseries when, in our journey through the Kachyen country, we landed at a village where the chief was absent. We had a recommendation of some sort to this chief and hoped to find him friendly, but his wife, knowing nothing of us, was doubtful and would not sell us anything to eat. We were therefore detained in the communal hut which, like all Kachyen buildings, was pitch dark inside, hav- ing no windows. It was not pleasant to sleep there, because one's throat might be cut at any moment before one could see an assailant. We had nothing to read, nothing to eat but rice, and we had arrived at the stage when rice without condiments was so repulsive to us that we would have starved rather than eat it. Poor Wahab, indeed, could not digest it. It rained I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 59 steadily, and we sat in the black hut with gnawing insides and ears strained for the footstep of a possible assassin. After two or three days — I don't think it was more, but it seemed centuries — the chief came back, and after a good deal of suspense was pleased to be friendly to us and consented to take us to Bhamo for a consideration. His wife prepared a dish of vegetables with chillies, upon which we fell with fam- ished eagerness. Another nightmare of riding down slippery tracks and fording swollen streams, of nights spent in vain attempts to sleep, tormented by sand-flies, and of food which had no savour even when we were almost starving — at last we reached Bhamo and the unspeakable luxury of a house owned by American missionaries — Mr. and Mrs. Roberts. They said, later on, that three more disreputable-looking loafers had never crossed their sight. We wore straw sandals and ragged trousers tied with string, dirty, ragged flannel shirts, unkempt hair, and disreputable Yunnanese straw hats. Never, never shall I forget the sensation of getting into a real tub of hot water with plenty of soap and bath towels to get dry with — it was the first real bath since we left Canton six months be- fore ! Then we sat down to a table laid with spotless linen and decked with dainties — bread, butter, jam, and milk — such as we had dreamed of for months. I must mention here that twenty-two years after this I met the kind lady of this feast in a small American town in New York State (where I was a chance visitor) to which she had come home, only a few years before, for the education of her children. We stayed at Bhamo with Mr. Stevenson, of the China Inland Mission, who shared his house, his clothes, and his slender purse with us, enabling us to pay off the Kachyen chief. I wallowed in luxury for a few days but poor Wahab got worse, and the cook and Akiu were now both ill. Fortunately I had somewhat recovered and was pretty well when we started off down the Irrawaddy on a steamboat. I recollect that I didn't want to look at scenery or anything — only to rest! At Mandalay I felt myself at home once more, among the Burmese faces and ways "to which I was so well accustomed. Here we stayed three days to get another steamer for Rangoon, and we bade good-bye to Pere Vial after I had arranged for paying his expenses through Bishop Bourdon. My good friend the Pere waited on for a better season before returning to Chu-tung, 60 DAN TO BEERSHEBA which I hope he reached with less danger and fatigue than it had cost us to leave it. I believe he is still at his work in Southern China. We went all the way to Rangoon by steamer, as Wahab was too ill to be taken by train from Prome as we had intended. At Rangoon the senior civil surgeon, Dr. Griffiths, most kindly took him to his own house, where he had every care and at- tention, while the servants went into hospital. Dr. Grif- fiths could not save poor Wahab's life, but he helped to save mine subsequently. In 1894 I was taken suddenly ill and from my rooms in London I sent him a message, as he was in Eng- land at the time. He came at once, found me at a critical stage, and brought in the specialist who was able to deal suc- cessfully with my case. After I had placed Wahab with this kind doctor I waited a week or so to look after my friend, and at last he was better and was sent to Calcutta en route for home. He started off again, apparently much recovered, but partly owing to his own imprudence he had a relapse and died in the Suez Canal. He was the pluckiest and most patient of comrades, despite his ill-health on the journey, and never once wanted to turn back, but I am afraid he did not value his life sufficiently. I went home first-class — I felt like "doing myself well" ! When I got home I found myself quite a lion — if only a very little lion ! My father treated me almost like an equal — indeed, there was nothing good enough for me. One of my first visits was to Colonel Yule, who was delighted with my success, and he and Sir Henry Rawlinson, my father's old friend, moved that the gold medal of the Royal Geographical Society — the traveller's cordon bleu — should be given to me. It was ac- corded me in 1884, on which occasion, as I was absent from England, Sir Arthur Phayre kindly received it for me and gave it to Colonel Yule who took it to my father who was un- able himself to attend. Up to this point they had not met, and my father, hearing only that a gentleman had called to see him, somehow took it into his head that Yule was a mis- sionary who had called for a subscription. A very funny scene followed between the two old men, which terminated by Colonel Yule sitting down angrily — and heavily — on a fa- vourite cat of father's ! This, however, is anticipation. I was in London during I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 61 the autumn and winter of 1882, preparing my book "Across Chryse," which was published in April, 1883, by Sampson Low. Meeting Sir Henry Stanley one evening at a dinner at Sir Edwin Arnold's, he gave me a piece of advice which I ought to have taken — and didn't. "Sell the book outright for £500, if you can get it," was his advice, and under the circumstances, as I was a tyro in bookmaking and was only in England for a short time and knew nothing about publish- ing, this was sound advice. I did not take it, and "Across Chryse" never brought me a penny, although it was a "gold medal" book and was translated into several languages. It was undoubtedly a very expensive book to produce, for it has thumb-nail sketches on every page and three hundred illus- trations from original drawings and photographs. The preface to "Across Chryse" — a terribly learned and ponderous affair — was written by Terrien de Lacouperie. When I first knew him he was a man of independent means who had collected a library and devoted himself to the study of oriental ethnology and history. Having lost all his money by some misfortune he came to London with his wife and a few books, and estab- lishing himself in a modest menage (entirely run by his ad- mirable wife) he made a hard fight against the most grinding poverty. Science is rarely a good pay-mistress, and he did not know how to popularise. Yule and other orientalists were interested in him and I think he had an appointment at the London University. He was glad to write the preface (which remains an authoritative piece of work to this day) for the small sum I could afford to offer. If "Across Chryse" brought me no money, it was profitable in other ways. Lord Salisbury, who seldom accorded such favours to travellers but who was deeply interested in the question of railway communications, sent for me and had a long conversation in which I was much struck with his knowl- edge of the subject. As Lord Cranborne (when Secretary of State for India), he had sanctioned two surveys for a route between Burma and South-West China, at the instance of the mercantile community in Great Britain, but these surveys were never made, on the first occasion because the Viceroy of India feared complications, and on the second by reason of a change of Government at home. Unfortunately for Great Britain's 62 DAN TO BEERSHEBA position in the Far East Lord Salisbury's interests, after he became Foreign Secretary, were gradually absorbed in the maelstrom of European affairs, and he became not only more cautious but indifferent towards the course of events in the Far East. The result of this later policy, which it was my task for many years to oppose with all my power, will be referred to later on. Perhaps the proudest moment of my first little triumph was reached when I got a letter from Mr. John Macdonald of the Times, and was asked by him if I would go to Tongking as Times correspondent. The veneration in which I and all my friends held the greatest of all newspapers made it the highest honour to be chosen to represent it. The pay and allowances seemed to me princely, and for the first time in my life I had money enough and to spare. I had been given an extra six months' leave already, and now I was "seconded" — the all-pow- erful Times was not refused when it asked for my services — and I started off for Indo-China in the early summer of 1883. During the eight months I was at home I had also managed to address many leading Chambers of Commerce, in connection with the question of surveying a trade route from Burma to China, and was promised support by them. As a result of this Mr. Holt Hallett was sent out to make surveys of the projected line. Before closing this chapter on my exploration of Southern China I may repeat that, thinking it over in the light of more mature knowledge, I believe that with an English interpreter I could have carried out my original plan, and completed a route which has never since been covered, and which I still believe to have had great possibilities. With our slender re- sources and the many things against us we were severely handicapped, but we covered some 1,300 miles of survey of new ground, and of course marched considerably more. We were practically the first unofficial explorers in Southern China, and the fact that neither of us had any previous experience of the country was much against us. The French official ex- pedition, whose route at one point crossed ours, lost Doudart de Lagre, Gamier and de Carne, while Henri Mouhot perished in the same work of exploration in Indo-China. To their memory, and to that of my friend Charles Wahab who bore I EXPLORE SOUTHERN CHINA 63 the burden and heat of the day with me but did not live to reap the reward, I dedicated my first book "Across Chryse." I cannot close this chapter on the note of my own success when I remember how many who did more to deserve it fell by the wayside. R.I.P. CHAPTER VIII THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR L'affaiee Tonkinois is now a matter of past history, though as I write come echoes of it in the shape of "frontier incidents" between France and China. In 1883, however, very little was known of the country and its history, and the enter- prise of France in that region was a matter of bewilderment to Europe. It was to clear up some of this haze that I was sent out, and in August, 1883, I despatched home from Co- lombo a description and history of the country, which was the first really detailed and authentic account to reach Europe. For reasons which will appear I sent it by wire, and it con- stituted a record at the time, containing 8,000 words. I must mention that my agreement with the Times (which was no formal "agreement" but a mere verbal commission from John Macdonald) gave me carte blanche in the matter of expenses — entertaining being a recognised item — as well as a handsome salary which was paid into my bank in London and which I never touched till my return. I was not expected to give any account of the sums disbursed — just a statement of the monthly total. These were palmy days for the special correspondent! I owed my selection for this post not only to my exploration but to my acquaintance with Siam and Burma, and to the policy, of which I had already become the advocate, of a for- ward movement on our part in Indo-China to secure our pre- dominance in Eastern Asia against the growing influence of France and Russia. As soon as I arrived at Haiphong, the principal town at the mouth of the delta, I determined to make arrangements by which I could get all over the country as quickly as possible. As the delta is intersected with waterways a launch was my best method, but there was only one to be had. Thanks to my credit, I was able to secure it from its owner, a well-known THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR 65 character, "old Roche of Saigon." I was joined by another correspondent, Gilder of the New York Herald, and our so- ciety was completed by an Italian skipper who drank vermouth all day long and fed us on sardines, macaroni and anchovies — stimulating but not very wholesome. I found the French posi- tion by no means enviable. The delta which formed their sphere of operations is of rich soil brought down by the river, which the natives know by several names but is called by the Chinese the Songkoi and by the French Fleuve Rouge, on ac- count of its colour. Like the delta at the mouth of the Irra- waddy, this part of Tongking is fast encroaching on the sea. Two centuries ago the Dutch and Portuguese factories at Hungyen — now thirty miles inland — were on the coast, and Hanoi, the capital, was a seaport in the eighth century. The soil is extremely fertile but the climate hot, damp and un- healthy, and I found the military hospitals of the French full to overflowing. As for the natives, the Annamese — a feeble, effeminate race, armed only with pitchforks, old rifles or sticks — had offered little opposition to the French. In Tongking the trading population was almost entirely Chinese, many of the firms being offshoots from Hong Kong, and a little higher up the river there were the Chinese pirates, or Black Flags, who offered the only really formidable resistance to the French ad- vance. The Black Flags had originally been outlawed by the Chinese, but having been called in by the Annamese to oppose the French they fought so stoutly that the Chinese encouraged them — unofficially at first but later without disguise. My observations in Tongking led me to several conclusions, which I will give as briefly as possible. First, the aims of France were antagonistic to British interests ; second, she had got a harder nut to crack than she imagined; and third, the game would not seem worth the candle to the majority of Frenchmen. Accordingly I contributed to the Times letters and telegrams which dispersed a good deal of the polite fiction kept up by M. Ferry and his party as to the objects of their little "punitive expedition" and its trifling character — a mere "military promenade" with no ulterior motive save obtaining redress for the death of brave Frenchmen. My difficulty was to get off my account in time to influence the debate in the French chambers which was shortly to take place. For the purpose no brief telegram was sufficient, but a really carefully 66 DAN TO BEERSHEBA reasoned description from the mass of first-hand material I had accumulated. I therefore took my "stuff," embarked on the first steamer leaving Hong Kong, and in the time which elapsed before we reached Colombo had written a small book on Tongking. Owing to the bad feeding and climate while on the launch I was covered with boils, and could neither sit or lie with any comfort nor leave my cabin. Plastered with poultices I sat in my sweltering cabin and worked doggedly at my task. When it was done it had to be boiled down again, and that completed I was able at Colombo to send it at the low Indian press rates to Calcutta, where the Times had a lien on the wire to Europe. I have often laughed to think of the face of the telegraph operator at Colombo when I handed in my 8,000 word wire. He could hardly have been more astonished had I emulated Gordon Bennett in one of his jour- nalistic coups when, desiring to retain possession of the wire for an emergency and to keep it occupied, he handed in the New Testament with directions to "go on with it." Naturally the effect of the attitude of the Times was to modify the enthusiasm of the French. My own proposal for the settlement of the difficulty was the establishment of a neutral zone between the French and Chinese spheres, and the opening of the Red River to international trade. As a matter of fact the river proved, by later exploration, to be unnavi- gable, but the principle would have been established. Unfor- tunately for my scheme, China became inflated with the idea that Europe was on her side against France, and changed her demands to the whole of Tongking, the delta and the treaty ports. The French answer to this was the taking of Sontay, after two days' heavy fighting with the Black Flags, and the capture of Bacninh in March, 1884. By this time French war correspondents had arrived in shoals. Mr. (now Sir) J. G. Scott, the able author of "The Burman : his Life and Notions," went out with me as my assistant at first, but soon joined the Daily News. He, Gilder, Cameron of the Standard, and my- self formed a little confraternity, and we were a weather- beaten quartette; but the new arrivals turned up in spotless kit, exquisite helmets with flowing green veils, lemon-coloured kid gloves, shining cameras and heaps of note-books, field glasses and other impedimenta. We were not popular origi- nally with French headquarters, but the arrival of our con- THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR 67 freres put our noses still more out of joint, and we had to put up with a good deal of annoyance in consequence. Under the peculiar conditions of French opinion it was natural that the commanders of the expedition desired to send home only such news as should be at once reassuring and inspiring — a combination of brilliant little victories with a low mortality among the French. The difficulties at Sontay were therefore under-estimated, and at Bacninh, where the French advanced in three columns, making a converging movement, and at length '"rushing" the place, they found nothing inside but a few old men, some women, and a mule or two. Yet political exigencies — not vainglory — turned this into a victory and a "capture." Now, our business was to tell the truth and shame anyone who didn't like it. General Negrier, who was our friend, won unpopularity by himself inclining to the belief that truth was the best policy. My first letter about Tongking — written, of course, before war was supposed to have begun — was not viewed with favour by the colonial party in France, who pooh-poohed my assertion that their designs did not stop short at Tongking alone but extended over the southern provinces of China and Siam. Wild as this may seem, it was actually the programme of de Carne and others, the protagonists of the Empire Indo-Chi- noise. My next offence of any moment was a letter, written on January 29th, 1884, and appearing in the Times of March 13th, which described the taking of Sontay. I went over the ground a few days after with a French officer who had taken part in it, and had the description from his lips. The Black Flags made a splendid resistance, and the French troops and Turcos were beaten back time after time. One of the Black Flags, who had been told off to stand between a stockade and the city wall near a gateway, held his post, although the firing around him and the dropping shells had destroyed the masonry behind him. He stood his ground with a Winchester repeating rifle and a cartridge belt, rilling and firing steadily, and drop- ping a man with nearly every shot. He was killed in the act of taking aim. The French, with their usual chivalry, recog- nised his gallantry by giving him a soldier's grave where he fell, all the other dead being heaped into one trench. I have one more "correspondent" story of this period. Our fraternity of three — Gilder, Cameron and myself — pledged 68 DAN TO BEERSHEBA ourselves when we left Tongking to take no advantage of each other but to despatch our telegrams simultaneously. When Gilder and I were getting into Hong Kong we missed Cam- eron, who had slipped over the side and gone ashore. As we made our way to the telegraph office Cameron came out, look- ing rather sheepish, but we greeted him blandly. Going inside I asked : "Oh, by the way, has Mr. Cameron given his message yet?" The reply was what we had expected — The clerk was just about to attend to it. "Wait a moment," I said, and at lightning speed I dashed off an epitome of my original report, and told him to send it "express" which costs treble rates but takes precedence of' everything but Government despatches. The telegram in question stated that the French were now dis- cussing the occupation of Amoy, and I added that the authori- ties at Haiphong would no longer forward my messages. The Times was able to get this out in a second edition on the day it was despatched, and a day before Cameron's wire appeared in the Standard. Poor Cameron, who did splendid service for the Standard, and was such a keen correspondent that his temporary lapse from our bargain must not be thought too much of, lost his life, like several other distinguished corre- spondents, in the Soudan. The record of his work between 1880 and 1885 is an illustration of the sort of life a war corre- spondent led in those days. He was at the battle of Maiwand (Afghanistan) in 1880, was taken prisoner by the Boers at Majuba next year, witnessed the bombardment of Alexandria in 1882, and after a lot of less important work was killed at Abu Klea in 1885. My friend Gilder was one of the most powerful men I ever met and had a cast-iron frame. On the Schwatka expedition, in 1878, to search for the remains of Franklin, he made a record sleigh journey — over 3,200 miles. In 1881 he was again in the Polar regions, in the search for the Jeannette, and after his ship (the Rodgers) was burnt made a mid-winter journey across Siberia from the Behring Straits. He belonged to a distinguished American literary family, and his brother was (and I think still is) editor of Scribner's Magazine. From Hong Kong (as there seemed nothing special for me to do) I wired that I was coming home unless directions to stay reached me. These were actually sent, but somehow missed me, and I arrived back in London only to be sent out THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR 69 again at once. From this time for some months I made my headquarters at Hong Kong, living at Stonehenge, a bachelor "chummery" where lived my friend Stewart Lockhart and other kindred spirits. The chummery of the China side is both economical and extremely comfortable, thanks to the genius of the Chinese for service. Stonehenge was very hospitable, and our Sunday morning breakfasts were a great institution — the discussions were as hot as the mulligatawny soup and dry curry, and that is saying a good deal. It may be mentioned that in my letters I commented strongly on the policy which, at such a critical time, left Hong Kong (whose defences were perfectly obsolete) without the protec- tion of a British fleet. There was a riot at Canton, a war in Tongking, and the fleet was sent for a two months' cruise round Japan and Korea! Meanwhile / 'affaire Tonkinois was taking some unexpected turns. Perhaps no war between two great nations had more comic and paradoxical situations. For one thing, the fighting was going on for a year before war was declared! Then the advent to power in Peking of the "war party" led to a cessation of hostilities. A treaty was signed in hot haste by Li Hung Chang and Commandant Fournier, the latter being raised by telegram to the rank of Plenipotentiary to admit of this. The two negotiators fell into each other's arms! This denouement was brought about quite "accidental like" by my friend Mr. Detring, Commissioner of Customs at Canton, since then at Tientsin. Detring is a German, and is one of the men behind the scenes who make history. We shall meet him again. In this case he met Fournier while on a passage in a French cruiser from Hong Kong to Canton. They patched the thing up between them in a few hours' talk, Fournier knowing that his principals were only too anxious for a settlement, while Detring was equally aware of the Chinese frame of mind and had considerable influence with Li Hung Chang. I was able to get the terms of this treaty in advance, and having the ear- liest possible notice of its signature the Times came out with it before the details reached Paris. Immediately after this "treaty" had been signed war broke out in earnest! Colonel Duguenne, acting under a misapprehension, advanced towards Langson and was repulsed and driven back. Many accounts were given of this incident, but the facts here summarised 70 DAN TO BEERSHEBA are the true ones. The Chinese commander said that no orders to evacuate had reached him, whereas Duguenne had been told that the treaty provided for the occupation of the frontier towns. The collision might have been avoided but for the curious fact that the French had no proper interpreter, so that the Chinese commander's letter asking for time could not be translated. After this disaster to the French many attempts were made to patch up peace, but with no avail, yet for a time a suspension of hostilities took place. During this truce Admiral Courbet entered the Min River, passing the forts at its mouth, and anchored inside. On the resumption of hostilities Courbet took advantage of his position to shell the arsenal at Foochow and sink the Chinese fleet. I was staying with our Vice-Consul Mr. (now Sir Pelham) Warren, close by the arsenal, and although he had had notice from the French admiral that it would be advisable to leave, he declined, in his usual imperturbable manner, to make a move. We dined and smoked comfortably, and the admiral, who did not want to shell us, sent several urgent messages. People who know my friend Pelham Warren will believe me when I say that he was not to be hurried, but eventually about midnight, with his eyeglass screwed firmly in his eye, he started for the quay. It was pitch dark, and we had some difficulty in getting off to the flagship of Admiral Dowell, which was there keeping an eye on the French. Next afternoon, however, when the shells began to burst we saw enough. My telegram to the Times of August 23rd, written on board H.M.S. Champion, says: "The bombardment was a sickening business — no fight, a massacre. The Chinese fleet consisted of eleven light river and coast transports — mere toys. The French had eight heavily armed ships." The Chinese gun- boats had swung with the tide and were not even able to return the fire, nor could the forts reply, since the French ships had passed them and were in their rear. When the Chinese boats sank, the French fired at the men struggling in the water. The bombardment of the town and the arsenal (which, as Li Hung Chang bitterly reflected, was "the creation of French genius") was continued for two hours after every sign of resistance was over. I was the only newspaper correspondent present, having gone up the river with a despatch for the English ad- miral, and immediately firing was over I proceeded down again THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR 71 in a sampan, at some risk from the burning junks and disabled gunboats which threatened to foul us. The river was full of bodies and the scene was really a horrible one. It must, of course, be mentioned that the action of Courbet on the Min River met with little approbation from a people whose tradi- tions of chivalry to an enemy are proverbial. Some time in October or November I heard that the French, who realised that their victories in Formosa had really very little effect on the Chinese, were planning a descent on Port Arthur. I may mention that my sources of information, both now and later, were very varied. I had friends in all camps — the mercantile community, who through their compradores are in close touch with Chinese feeling, the British officials at Hong Kong and Canton many of whom spoke Chinese, and last but not least the Viceroy and his many hangers-on and friends, both Chinese and European, with whom I was on intimate terms. Sometimes I even got a hint from French sources, and altogether I was in a position to gauge the situa- tion with considerable accuracy. Although I had doubts about the Port Arthur scheme I thought the best way to test it was to act as though I believed in it, and therefore went up at once to Chefoo and thence, by special permission of the Vice- roy, I took a Chinese gunboat to Port Arthur. I was consid- erably surprised at what I found there. A few months before, on the conclusion of the Li-Fournier treaty, a number of French officers had visited the fortress and were kindly al- lowed to take photographs ! Immediately after their departure, however, the defences were transformed, and although by no means the impregnable fortress of later times Port Arthur was already very strongly fortified. A German artillery officer, Major von Hannaken, had the work in charge, and took me all ever it under a promise of secrecy. He told me he could hold out there, if properly provisioned, for an indefinite time, and both then and subsequently I formed the impression, strengthened by the late war, that Port Arthur is really im- pregnable from a strategic point of view, if defended to the utmost of its capacity. Von Hannaken, by the way, had an extraordinary escape later on, at the outbreak of the Chino- Japanese war, being on board the Kow siting when she was sunk by the Japanese before war had been declared. The Kowshing was carrying troops, and when they were struggling J2 DAN TO BEERSHEBA in the water the Japanese fired on them. Von Hannaken, a powerful swimmer, was able to reach the coast in a state of great exhaustion and escaped, but the majority of his com- panions perished. Courbet could, in my opinion, have done little at Port Ar- thur, but as a matter of fact his Government would not let him try. They said they wished to save the prestige of "notre ami Li Hung Chang." It was after this that they developed their really effective policy of blocking the grain trade, and so re- duced the Chinese to desire peace at any price. The conclusion of the Franco-Chinese War was as singular as its whole conduct. A second check administered to the French troops at Langson, and the wounding of General Negrier, disheartened the French, but before this happened the Empress-Dowager, in a paroxysm of fear, had given or- ders for peace at any price. Before the news of Langson had reached either Peking or Paris, therefore, peace had been patched up in a most irregular way. The proper agents were, of course, the duly accredited Minister in London and Paris, Marquis Tseng, and his chancellor Halliday Macartney, but the Empress-Dowager chose to confide her fears to Sir Robert Hart, and he communicated to his agent, Mr. Campbell, then in Paris, who thereupon became the negotiator between the two Powers. Before Langson happened the treaty was prac- tically concluded, but formal ratification had not come from Peking. At this point M. Ferry had to meet the French Chamber with the news of the disaster at Langson, and he had two courses open to him. Either he must announce the treaty and the end of the war or he must ask for a credit to continue his operations. In the first place he would run the risk that the Empress-Dowager in the flush of victory might repudiate her irregular agents and the treaty, in which case Ferry himself would become the laughing-stock of Europe, or he would have to face the music of asking for means to prosecute an unpopu- lar war at a moment when his personal prestige was at zero. He had held office for two years — longer than any President since the Empire — but the wave of political reaction was threatening, and he had the clericals against him on the one hand, because of his educational policy, and on the other the radicals and socialists who opposed the war. Faced with the THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR 73 two alternatives Ferry chose — and chose wrong. He de- manded a credit of two hundred millions of francs for con- tinuing the war — an entirely inadequate sum if the campaign had really been carried on. The credit was refused, the min- istry resigned, and Ferry escaped through the streets filled with an angry mob anxious to lynch him or throw him into the Seine. Blowitz wrote to the Times: "The French when visited with affliction discover a victim. Englishmen did not overthrow the Gladstone cabinet when Khartoum fell." He attributed the movement against Ferry not only to the war but to the inevitable tendencies of the bureaucratic system. "It used to be said that every soldier had a marshal's baton in his knapsack. Now that 200 ministers and under-secre- taries have been used up every year every Frenchman is born with a portfolio under his arm !" The prospective minister was always attacking the present one. Clemenceau, in a fa- mous speech, even declared: "I see before me not ministers but accused persons!" In short, Ferry fell with the document in his pocket which might have saved his credit as far as the war was concerned, for the Empress-Dowager never had the slightest desire to repudiate it, being seized with an attack of panic. He fell never to rise again. His fall was the result of political com- binations, but to the public mind it was identified with defeat in Tongking, and at the funeral celebrations of Hippolyte Car- not (father of the President) in 1888 Ferry had to be rescued from the fury of the crowd, which called out "a bas Ferry ! a bas le Tonkinois !" Ferry was a genuine statesman, and there was no one of the same calibre to replace him. He declared proudly "Je revendique fierement le titre de Tonkinois dont les mechants et les sots croient me faire un outrage." His opposition to Boulanger, whom he christened "the St. Armand of the cafe concert," accentuated his unpopularity at a time when that pinchbeck hero was the idol of the public. Ferry died in 1893. Time brings it revenges. In 1906 the French were erecting a monument to him in the Tuileries, and his colonial policy was considered to have more than justified itself. At this junc- ture appeared the memoirs of General Andre, in which slight- ing reference was made to the Langson incident and to the retreat of General Negrier. A challenge was the result, and 74 DAN TO BEERSHEBA one morning the two old soldiers faced each other across a grass plot in a garden at the back of the Hotel Murat. Negrier, the figure of a French nobleman of the old regime, faced his adversary with supreme contempt. Andre had the first shot. He raises a trembling hand, fires — and misses. It is now the turn of General Negrier. Raising his hat courteously he hands his pistol to his second and remarks that he has no intention of firing, whereupon his adversary, less self-controlled, throws his hands into the air with an exclamation of rage. The honours of the day remained with Negrier, and more- over the following morning L 'Eclair published a statement to the effect that Negrier had actually questioned the order of his superior, Briere de Lisle, as to an advance which he ex- pected to fail. The reply came : "The order comes from France!" after which Negrier could only go on to defeat, and was himself seriously wounded. His second in command, Colonel d'Herbinger, who ordered the retreat, was court- martialled and fully exonerated. Negrier had kept silence on the subject for twenty years, which was quite in keeping with his character as a soldier and a gentleman. This was the epi- logue to the strange tragi-comedy of the Franco-Chinese War, which, as my friend the late A. Michie wrote, was in the breach of the peace a historical curiosity and in the even- tual settlement a dramatic extravaganza. During the time I acted as Times correspondent in the Far East I was "seconded" from Government service for close •on two years. I did a good deal of moving about, visiting Formosa, Japan several times, the Yangtze valley, and all the China and Indo-China coast ports. While China was occu- pied with her war with France Japan took the opportunity to question her supremacy in Korea, and thus was taken the first step towards that Japanese expansion which is to-day the most important factor in the Far East. With events in North- ern China, however, it was not my province to deal, although I made it my business to be acquainted with them. I made many friends and acquaintances on "the China side," and al- though time has changed much I could still go back and drop into a pleasantly familiar society — the most hospitable in the world. I found time to run down to Siam, to meet Mr. Holt Hallett, who was conducting the survey for a railway between Burma and Yunnan for which funds had been subscribed by THE FAR EAST IN PEACE AND WAR 75 the leading Chambers of Commerce on my initiative. Hallett also came round to see me when he had finished his survey, and accompanied me to Port Arthur and up the Yangtze val- ley. In the autumn of 1885 I went home, and peace was de- clared between France and China on November 28. Through the courtesy of the Marquis Tseng I was able to get the first information of the terms of the final treaty, by which France secured Tongking and the Sonkoi River. The frontier zone between France and China is still a sort of no-man's land, and serious questions have arisen in connec- tion with it quite recently, but the entire change which has come over the East since the time of which I am writing makes the problem a very different one. In the midst of the shattered hopes and plans of other European nations the French have persisted in their slow but sure advance towards Southern China. The Red River proving unnavigable they have built a railway, which will next year reach Yunnan- fu and, if possible, will be extended to the Upper Yangtze. The policy of Jules Ferry is justified — or will be, when the rich provinces of Southern China are eventually opened to French trade. CHAPTER IX A CAMPAIGN AT HOME It has been mentioned that during my two years' spe- cial correspondence for the Times I found opportunity to run down to Siam and see how Hallett was getting on with the surveys for our projected railway. During my short stay in England in 1882-83 I had addressed a number of the Cham- bers of Commerce on the possibilities of a trade route between Burma and China, and as a result they and the Government of Singapore subscribed £3,500 towards the survey which I, how- ever, was not able personally to carry out. Application was made to the Government of India for another £3,500, and was supported by Mr. (afterwards Sir Charles) Bernard, but the application was refused. Mr. (later Sir C.) Crosthwaite, Chief Commissioner of Burma, endeavoured to secure the sum in another quarter — from the Rangoon Port Fund — but technical difficulties stood in the way. Hallett therefore pro- ceeded to carry out as much of the survey as possible on the sum subscribed, and it may be mentioned here that I myself paid £500 towards the expenses of the report which was sub- sequently issued by Hallett and myself in 1885. Hallett gave his services gratuitously, both in the field and in preparing the report, and carried out the work — 1,500 miles of survey and 2,500 miles of exploration — with great ability. His surveying, which was done from the backs of elephants or from boats, was so accurate as to be specially commented on by the car- tographer of the Royal Geographical Society who plotted the surveys. He said he had never seen such work before. Both Hallett and the men who accompanied him, including the well- known American missionary, Dr. Cushing, suffered consider- ably from fever and other complaints, but the work was car- ried through with great pluck and endurance. Hallett also collected data of all kinds concerning the people of what was 76 A CAMPAIGN AT HOME 77 then an unknown region, including vocabularies of the wilder tribes, and these were passed on to Terrien de Lacouperie for his recondite studies into Indo-Chinese philology. My visit to Siam in 1884 had for its object the enlistment of King Chulalongkorn's support for these railway enterprises in his own country, or rather to induce him to initiate them. Not only did I propose the linking of Siam to British Burma by rail, but a portion of my great northern line was to run through Siamese territory. The king and his secretary and chancellor Prince Devawongtze were genuinely progressive, but the former was not very pleased with me for my outspoken articles in the Times on Siam's peril. He therefore addressed himself chiefly to Hallett, and went over the maps and plans we had prepared. I offended him again by my plain speaking. Having alluded to the strategic value of railways, he remarked loftily that Siam had no need of them, being in no danger, whereupon, with a lack of courtliness, I rejoined that France on one side and Great Britain on the other constituted perils from my point of view ! Chulalongkorn was still to Oriental in his ideas to appreciate this bluntness, but I sometimes won- der if he has thought of it since. His ultimatum was that, if the Government of India would take the first step, he would follow, and as a matter of fact such a decision was wise and reasonable. Unfortunately for me and for Siam the Govern- ment of India was not prepared to accept any responsibilities or initiate any policy. On my return home in 1885 my railway campaign was prose- cuted with vigour. On November 15th Hallett read a report of his survey work and exploration in the Siamese Shan States before the Royal Geographical Society, after which the Mar- quis of Lome as chairman, Colonel Yule and Sir Rutherford Alcock spoke in a most eulogistic way of our labours, and the chairman of the London Chamber of Commerce testified to the interest felt by the mercantile community. The presi- dent of the Manchester Chamber wrote : "In our Chamber there is a strong feeling that Mr. Colquhoun and Mr. Hallett should receive from Her Majesty's Government some recog- nition of the services they have rendered to the commerce of the country." I quote this because it has always been a source of pleasure to me that our efforts, however unavailing, were recognised and supported by the community in whose interests 78 DAN TO BEERSHEBA they were made. About twenty of the leading Chambers of Commerce memorialised the Government in this sense, and some of them did so two or three times, and for several years con- tinued to repeat their memorials. The impotence of the Cham- bers, not only in this but in far more important matters, lay in their isolation. Had they been organised into some cor- porate form their voice would have been heard. As it was, the memorials were doubtless noted, filed and pigeon-holed, and neither the Chambers, nor we, even heard any more about the matter. As I have already said, I had the privilege of paying i50O out of my own pocket for the voluminous report which contained the results of our work, including as it did a collection of elaborate maps, surveys and diagrams. At this time I was also busy on my second book, "Amongst the Shans," published by Field and Tuer in 1885, prefaced by the monograph on "The Cradle of the Shan Race," by Terrien de Lacouperie, to which I have already referred. Hal- lett wrote a historical summary, which was added at the end, and the volume is completed by a selection of Press notices regarding my work and the railway, which are curious reading to-day. I find speeches by Lord Northbrook, Sir Thomas Wade, Sir Arthur Phayre and others, but nothing either they or I had to say was more emphatic than the pronouncement of Lord Salisbury as far back as 1867, when he wrote in a despatch to the Government of India: "I am unable to concur in the reasons which allow you 'to deprecate even the probable expenditure which a preliminary survey of the country would involve.' . . . Looking at these opinions (Sir Arthur Phayre's) and bearing in mind the enormous advantages which have resulted from the establishment of communications in cases where a far smaller amount of traffic had previously ex- isted, I retain the opinion that both in the interests of British Burma and England, this survey should be carried forward." It must not be supposed that the Burmo-Chinese railway was my only preoccupation. During mv visits to Indo-China I had become imbued with the idea, of which Hallett had proofs gathered in his journeys, that the ambitions of France stretched further than Siam, and that there was every chance, unless we interfered, that we might see her establishing "a prior attachment" in Upper Burma. Information on this head of a conclusive character afterwards reached the Indian Govern- A CAMPAIGN AT HOME 79 ment from an Italian gentleman who had access, through his Burmese friends, to confidential papers and made a nice little fortune out of them on which he retired. The death in 1878 of King Mindon of Burma (a strong and progressive prince) led to the accession of Theebaw, one of his sons, who was entirely under the influence of his wife, the Supaya Lat, and her mother. I have already given some description of King Theebaw and his chief wife from people who knew both in their childhood. The King was not actually vicious, but had evil counsellors. He allowed many of the princes with their women folks and high officials to be put to death, in traditional oriental fashion, and then proceeded to rule in the most arbi- trary and inefficient manner. His outlying provinces were much disturbed and the peace of Lower Burma was threatened by the misrule on her borders. Bhamo, where I had passed in 1882, was taken by Chinese outlaws and only recaptured by the Burmese after several months. Theebaw was warned by the Indian Government, but was quite impenitent, and sent missions to other European Powers with a view to securing alliances against Britain. In exchange for promises of arms he was prepared to grant monopolies of any kind to foreign adventurers, and the French consul, M. Haas, took advantage of this frame of mind. A French bank and a French railway were among the projects, and both the Ruby Mines and the monopoly of let pet (pickled tea) — a most important article of food with the Burmese — were to be hypothecated to the French in return for loans. Possibly even these alarming projects or even their private information would not have spurred the Indian Government into action, but Theebaw went too far when he imposed a fine of nearly a quarter of a million sterling on the Bombay-Burma trading corporation, and refused to allow the question to be submitted to arbitration. The repre- sentative of this corporation in Burma was Mr. Annan Bryce, whose brother (now Ambassador to the United States) was one of Gladstone's lieutenants, so that powerful Liberal inter- ests were enlisted in favour of some decisive action. I may mention here that I knew Annan Bryce and his sisters in their home in Glasgow, where their father was principal of the High School. James, the elder brother, went up to Oxford with a bursary before my time. From June, 1885, to January, 1886, a Conservative Govern- 80 DAN TO BEERSHEBA ment was in power, with Lord Randolph Churchill, at the zenith of his too-brief career, at the India Office. In 1884, previous to the Conservative accession to power, Lord Ripon was succeeded in India by Lord Dufferin, so there was some hope of a less invertebrate attitude at Calcutta. Lord Ripon, on his return home, could not refrain from embarrassing his successor by a series of speeches, of the ''avoid responsibility at all hazards" order, being supported by Bright on the prin- ciple that "lust for territory" must not be indulged, and by Morley on similar but more statesmanlike grounds. Lord Dufferin had sent an ultimatum to Theebaw on Octo- ber 27th, and as that prince refused the terms war was inevi- table. On November 9th Lord Salisbury used language which left no doubt as to Britain being at war with Burma, and as the general election came on at the end of the month it will be seen that there had been some reason for the energy with which we had urged action upon a Government more likely to take our advice than one which would be swayed by Bright, Ripon, Morley, and the party to whom no war was ever justi- fiable. On November 10th I perpetrated yet another attack on Lord Ripon, and said he had always followed the policy of "put it off to the latest moment and then half-hearted inter- ference." I think I really deserved my Burmese nickname of "Blazes," for I was always "blazing" away at someone, and at last I had overstepped the mark. The audacity of my conduct (for I was still an engineer in the service of the Indian Government) in giving such bold advice and such severe criticism, and in carrying with me the most influential organ of public opinion, which quoted me on every occasion as the authority on the subject, drew down upon me the disapproval of my superiors, who administered a "warning" that I must be more guarded. As a matter of fact I had, by my activity in the interests of the commercial community, secured a very strong backing in the industrial centres, and the Press of Yorkshire, Lan- cashire and Scotland were all writing in support of my views. Although I was, of course, playing as much as I could into the hands of the Conservative Government, and was frequently consulted by Lord Randolph, I had the support of an extreme Radical like Joe Cowen, of the Newcastle Chronicle, who was that rare bird (in those days) the Radical Imperialist. He A CAMPAIGN AT HOME 81 was under surveillance by the foreign police, having at one period fomented revolutions on the Continent, and all the revo- lutionary fugitives in Europe were guests under his roof and often pensioners on his bounty. Joe Cowen was a little, square- set man with a massive head, and despite the fact that he was educated at Edinburgh University he had a strong Northum- brian accent, which told against him in the House but gave him a great grip on his own people. The Newcastle Chronicle, 2l very influential paper under his guidance, yielded to none in its jealousy for Imperial honour, and so independent was Cowen that, although a Radical, he supported a Tory Govern- ment in the Russo-Turkish war and so brought down upon himself much wrath from Gladstone. My first review article was published in the National Review in 1883, and others appeared in 1885. Alfred Austin, who was the first leader writer on the Standard, was also editor of the National, and I recollect that the cheques I received for these articles were signed by Arthur J. Balfour, who was then part proprietor of that publication. Other newspaper men whom I met were E. B. Iwan-Muller, then on the Manchester Courier, Charles Russell, of the Glasgow Herald, and Edmund Yates, editor of the World, who made me the subject of one of the weekly sketches "Celebrities at Home." This form of journalism, not so painfully overdone in those days, was largely introduced by Yates and de Blowitz, of whom the former was not at all fond. It has been my fate to provide copy for a number of inter- viewers, and in return for the patience with which I have sub- mitted to the infliction I have been described as "possessing distinctly Mongolian features" and as being "the good-natured ruffian I looked"! On one occasion an interviewer (who ap- peared to be educated) asked what I ate in China. I replied, quite innocently: "Beef, mutton, fowls, eggs, rice and vege- tables." He looked baffled, and then asked what was my usual method of travel in China. "Caravan as a rule," I said, get- ting rather bored. He seemed to find that interesting and was making eager notes, when a lady who assisted at the inter- view interposed: "This kind of caravan does not have a yellow body and red wheels ; it is composed of mules or camels !" He had had a vision of a picturesque procession, with an old brown horse jogging along and myself a la gipsy, smoking a pipe on 82 DAN TO BEERSHEBA the front seat, while astonished pig-tailed crowds ran out to see me pass ! En passant, one interviewer irritated me par- ticularly by this sort of thing. " 'Yes.' replied Mr. Colqu- houn, taking a whiff of a fragrant cigarette." . . . Now, as I am not a Guardsman, drawn by Ouida, I object to that kind of "atmosphere," and as a matter of fact I don't smoke ciga- rettes and never did. To get back to the World. It is amusing to see an old pic- ture of oneself. I find I received the World interviewer in my rooms in Old Quebec Street, which contained no curios but a litter of books, instruments, maps, and papers. I was clad in an Afghan choga, a camel-hair gown with a hood, which had been worn by my father in the Afghan war — "had clad my father's frame" is the exact expression. I remember the choga, which was old and dirty and very comfortable. I wish I knew where it has gone to, but, in the years which followed, my personal possessions were frequently reduced to the clothes I stood up in, and many of those (if my friends can be trusted) were borrowed. My father was still alive, and I can think of no more eloquent evidence of his pride in me than the fact that he had given me his choga. Only one thing remains of the objects described by the curious journalist — a slab of Tali marble, highly prized by the Chinese, because it is veined in the similitude of mountain scenery. I was using this as a paper-weight. It hangs on my wall as I write. I was only in England for six months from June to Decem- ber, 1885. On my way home I had visited Lord DufTerin, to whom I was charged with a mission from Li Hung Chang concerning the connection of China and India by telegraph. This was eventually carried out. I also recommended (I be- lieve for the first time) a course which was only followed after a number of years — that Indian officers should go to Peking and Tokio to learn the languages. When later I received the warning not to communicate so freely with the Press I felt doubtful whether I could go on as a Government servant. I am afraid that the free hand I had enjoyed as Times correspondent made me less and less inclined to knuckle under to any official regime. The inde- pendent spirit which had characterised me as a boy, and of which I had never been cured, added to a rather choleric tem- perament — which gained me in Burma the nickname "Blazes" A CAMPAIGN AT HOME 83 — really unfitted me constitutionally for the leading-strings which are inevitable in Government employ. I consulted Lord Randolph Churchill on the subject, and he strongly advised me to throw over the service and be a free-lance, and, despite the advantages I should have to forego, I should probably have acted on this had I not, at this juncture, been posted to Upper Burma as Deputy Commissioner. This was not only great promotion but it took me into a congenial sphere on the out- posts of the Empire, where, I thought, a man would have free- dom of action and a life full of adventure and interest. Need- less to say, I accepted the post, and December, 1885, saw me once more on my way to the East. Among my most vivid recollections of this time is a visit paid by me to Bear Wood. Although I had been connected with the Times for over two years I had only once seen the great head of the house, and that when I had been formally presented to him by Macdonald at the Times office. John Walter was the greatest autocrat I had ever come across, and men who feared not kings, and to whom prime ministers were of small account, trembled before him. Sir Algernon West says of Lord Randolph Churchill that he feared only two men — Bismarck and Gladstone. I did not know these giants, but in my smaller world I feared only one ! To me he represented the greatest power on earth — the chief influence on the most powerful organ of opinion of that day. No newspaper before or since has held such a position, and for fifty years the head of the reigning family which ruled over it was the man who was sitting in the landau which came to meet me at the station ! My heart bumped against my ribs when I realised the honour which had been done me, for John Macdonald himself, to whom I had looked up as a sort of minor Jove, had not ex- pected such an act of condescension. My impression is that Macdonald himself and all the staff were almost as much afraid of their great chief as I was. He was a slight, smallish man, distinguished in appearance and courtly in manner, and by his extreme politeness, added to a somewhat abrupt way of speaking, he contrived to keep one at a distance and pre- serve his own superiority. I was astonished at Bear Wood, as I had not then, in my brief sojourns at home, visited any great houses, and in my experience of the magnificence and luxury of the East there was nothing to compare with the 84 DAN TO BEERSHEBA stateliness and sober comfort of an English country home. It was not a large house party — only myself and Mosely, a leader- writer who was connected with the Times for thirty-five years, and who was one of the most brilliant and versatile talkers I have ever heard, having a marvellous range of information. Such a quality was, of course, essential for a leader-writer in those days, when specialism was not so usual, and when the method of publication permitted a far more studied treat- ment of subjects. Nowadays when a wire comes in, perhaps between nine and ten o'clock, perhaps even later, and has to be embodied in a leader which must be in the printer's hands by 11.30 p.m. for despatch by an early morning train, there is not much opportunity for carefully reasoned and erudite studies in leaders. Even in those days, however, leader-writing was more or less a matter of habit. I recollect Mr. Buckle, the present editor of the Times, telling a story of Alfred Austin, who, when staying in a country house, was challenged to prove what he had boasted of, that he could write a leader on any given subject in fifty minutes. He was given a subject and sat down, and a few minutes before the time was up his copy was written, neatly divided into three paragraphs with three leading motifs all nicely combined at the finish — the classic form for "leaders" in this country. During my stay at Bear Wood Mr. Walter took me all over the estate himself and showed me the models for dwelling-houses for his employees and brickfields where the material for the new offices in Print- ing House Square were being made. The whole thing seemed like a little self-containd world to me, and quite different to anything I had previously seen. English country life at that time was practically a closed book to me, and it is only of recent years that I have seen something of it, as well as of life on estates in Bohemia, Hungary, and other parts of the Continent. CHAPTER X IN UPPER BURMA The occupation of Mandalay was very easily accomplished, partly because the natives were thoroughly dissatisfied with Theebaw, and still more so with his better half, the Supaya Lat. At first our future course was undetermined, and it was quite on the cards that we might put another prince on the throne, but as time went on it was evident that no half- measures would be really satisfactory. As Lord Dufferin said, the first condition for a "buffer" State is that it should have some power of resistance — Burma was "too soft and pulpy." The first step after the deposition was to divide the country into districts and place these under the direct administration of deputy commissioners with police officers and a small staff. The districts were grouped into four divisions under "com- missioners," and the head of the administration was the Chief Commissioner (usually known as the C.C.), with headquarters at Mandalay. Mandalay itself was under the control of Cap- tain Adamson, and the chief police officer there was my friend Theo Fforde. The work accomplished by these two was little short of heroic, for theirs was a most difficult task. In the district we had dacoits to deal with, hard work and danger in covering the areas we were expected to control, but in Mandalay they had even more difficult material in an educated and semi-educated population, the remnants of the bureau- cracy, and the great crowd of Court hangers-on who were thrown entirely out of a living by the abolition of the old regime. The judicial system had to be administered by Adam- son and Fforde, and the Times correspondent at Rangoon, himself an advocate, commented unfavourably upon the fact that prisoners were tried in all sorts of places — private houses, boats, anywhere that the Deputy Commissioner happened to have time to sit down — and that proper judicial forms were 85 86 DAN TO BEERSHEBA not observed. It is always easy to criticise in theory the work done at high pressure by the man on the spot, and no doubt the justice of these early days was rough-and-ready, but some- how or another the job was put through. Repeated attempts at incendiarism gave a great deal of trouble, a portion of the town being destroyed on one occasion, whereby a large number of people were rendered homeless, and being out of em- ployment, joined the dacoit bands. The hard work of these years was undoubtedly largely responsible for the heavy death- roll among the civil officers, quite apart from the number of men who fell in action. Among the former was Theo Fforde, who died in 1888, the second of my great friends who gave their lives to the cause of our empire in Indo-China. The assistant and deputy commissioners were chosen from young men in all branches of Government service in Lower Burma, as the regular civil service was not equal to the strain. One was a civilian of only four years' standing, another had been assistant superintendent of a prison, others were recruited (like myself) from the P.W. or Public Works department, and one or two were entire outsiders. Mr. (now Sir) J. G. Scott, for instance, was a master in the S.P.G. school, but his knowl- edge of Burma and the Burmese was exceptional. Fielding Hall, the author of a charming and well-known but too idealistic book on Burma, "The Soul of a People," was drafted in from a trading corporation. The language question was, of course, the determining factor in these appointments. The ordinary Indian civil servant (except the few already in Lower Burma) was ignorant of Burmese, and accordingly our ranks had to be filled up from men whose local knowledge was their chief qualification, and who had no experience of administration. The powers given to these young administrators were neces- sarily very great. Death sentences had to be confirmed, but below that we had entire jurisdiction, and it was lucky for us and for the people we governed that we had such an admirable guide as the Indian penal code, which is a model of simplicity and efficiency, so that any man of intelligence and common sense can administer it. It was, however, a novel experience to many of us to be pitchforked into a district as big as Swit- zerland, with the assistance of a police officer and a few Sepoys, and then to be left to our own devices. Everyone, from Sir Charles Bernard downwards, tried to do the work of three IN UPPER BURMA 87 men, for each of us was administrator, judge, jury, commis- sioner of works and Lord High Everybody Else. My own district, Sagain, was just below Mandalay and op- posite Ava, the old capital of the Burmese kings, situated on a picturesque bend of the Irrawaddy. I had a Madras native regiment to support me, most of the time the 23rd N. I., under Colonel Poole, and later a detachment, and then the whole second battalion of the Hampshires. At first I had separate quarters and messed with the officers, but later on a building was put up of which the upper part was my residence and the lower the courthouse and offices. In this bungalow I enter- tained several distinguished visitors, including Sir Herbert Macpherson and the Duke of Montrose. My nephew, Andrew Symington, joined me here, and a half-brother also came out to me later but could not stand the climate. It was diffi- cult to get native clerks, as those trained in Lower Burma were, for several reasons, unsuitable for the rough-and-ready methods we now had to employ, but I was fortunate enough to secure one, a young fellow named Tun Lwin, who was of great assistance through his intelligence, industry, and hon- esty. Only this year I welcomed Tun Lwin to England, where he came with his family (including a grandchild) to have the boys educated in England, and to complete eating his dinners at the Bar ! He rose steadily in the service, becoming a magis- trate, and even acting as district judge and deputy commis- sioner and is now qualifying as a barrister with the intention of improving his prospects, and a good career is open to one of his character and ability. I expect he looks back with some amusement to our early proceedings, which were usually held under a tree on the river bank. There sat the deputy commis- sioner, while the police officer, Macdermott, haled the accused before him, a few witnesses on either side protested volubly, and then down came the verdict ! This kind of procedure is, in reality, more congenial to orientals. They prefer to have a whole day to argue and palaver, but what they particularly approve is that Huzoor or Ashin-paxa (your honour, my Lord) should hear them personally and himself pronounce decision on intelligible grounds. If he is skilful in turning his sen- tences, they will probably applaud, even if the case goes against them. As false witness is not the exception but the rule, and the case has to be decided as far as possible on the character 88 DAN TO BEERSHEBA of the accused, justice is as likely to be secured by this primi- tive method as by any other, and it has the advantage of being cheap. Dacoit hunting was, however, our principal occupation. It must be remembered that the country, even before we took it over, had got into a state of anarchy. Bands of robbers lived by terrorising the districts, and many had been in league with the Woons (ministers) at Mandalay, to whom they paid tribute. When Theebaw fell, his army, numbering five or six thousand at Mandalay but some seventeen thousand in all, was disbanded and allowed to go off with all arms. This mis- take cost us a great deal. The disbanded men of course joined the dacoits, whose numbers swelled daily. Every princeling who had any pretensions to royal descent started a Court and went into the dacoit business. It is one of the difficulties of imposing a new civilisation on a people that hardship and injustice cannot be avoided. A vast proportion of the Bur- mese bureaucracy lived on patronage and paid no taxes, while the peasantry were heavily (but irregularly) taxed. The ori- ental does not object to irregular taxation, even if it is des- potic, because there is always a chance that he may evade it in some way, or may get into the privileged class. We had now to spread our fine net of administration and taxation all over the country so that the biggest, as well as the smallest, fish were alike enclosed. This involved what looked like hardship and injustice to people who saw no wrong in their privileges, and had been brought up to do nothing for a living. No wonder that all these causes combined to make our early years in Upper Burma a time full of storm and stress. The civil officers had, as one of their principal duties, to accompany the military expeditions in their attempts to clear out the dacoits, and now began a period of the most trying kind of warfare. Dozens of times we got information of a band within striking distance, perhaps quartered in a village, perhaps in a monastery close by. We waited till nightfall, then made a forced march — no easy thing in a roadless country largely covered with jungle. Timing ourselves to arrive at daybreak we dashed down on the village or kyoung, only to find the boh (dacoit chief) and his band had left "the evening before" ! Sometimes we felt certain that the innocent villagers who surrounded us with this news were actually members of IN UPPER BURMA 89 the band, but in the absence of arms, for which we searched in vain, nothing could be proved. More than once we saw the band calmly streaming" out of one end of the village as we approached the other, and as our soldiers were on foot and were not so fleet as the dacoits, pursuit was useless. One day we ''surprised'' a village in this way, and I saw the tail of the band vanishing into the woods. I was mounted with two Burmese orderlies, and thinking to head them off I galloped round and found myself in the middle of them before I knew where I was. They had hidden their firearms and were only carrying dhas (long Burmese swords), and being really taken unawares they were more in a hurry than usual. I daresay they thought my men were on my heels, so only stopped to give a slash or two at us, wounding one of the orderlies, and then they vanished into the jungle! I well remember how heartily I endorsed the remarks of a Tommy overheard while resting in a sayat before starting for one of our morning "sur- prises." "Well, wot's to happen to-day?" asked one. "Same old game," growled another. "Forty miles across country in the blarsted heat and not a b y poongyee at the end of it!" It became obvious that hunting dacoits with infantry was worse than futile, and the health of the troops suffered severe- ly. Therefore some cavalry were sent up, but being found useless the infantry were mounted on Burmese tats and trained. I believe the first experiment of this sort was made by Major Penn Symons in my own district. It is interesting to remem- ber that he got his promotion only just in time to avoid being retired on account of age. Poor Penn Symons. a most gallant officer, a splendid horseman and keen soldier, was very anx- ious on this account when I first knew him. Pie served his country gallantly for another thirteen years, and no one was more deeply mourned when he fell at Talana, at the beginning of the Boer war. His mounted infantry was very successful, and we now got to closer quarters with the dacoits and had some hot times. The Government of India chose to regard the trouble as due only to lawless bands, but a feeble but genu- ine national movement was also involved, and the villagers and priests, who were represented as "terrorised," were ac- tually often in sympathy with the bohs. The aid given by women to the bands was one of our most serious difficulties, for we could not wage war on them, and yet they led us astray 90 DAN TO BEERSHEBA with false information, concealed arms, supplied the dacoits with food, and acted as spies and scouts. This made the pacification something more than it was officially supposed to be. and the false economy which attempted to run the coun- try with a handful of raw officials, understaffed and not ade- quately supported, cost us dear in the long run. The occu- pation was effected by n,ooo troops, but by July, 1887, no less than 32,000 troops, apart from a large body of military police, were employed in "pacifying" the country. In the jumble of impressions remembered — of hot and weary marches, of broken sleep and of quick confused engagements, the ping of a bullet and a falling body, the rush and slash of dhas and the thrust of bayonets, the empty village with a few silent bodies, the groans of wounded and over all the fiery Eastern sky, the rank vegetation, the water we dare not take to cool our parched lips, the sudden downpours of rain that left us steaming wet — amidst all these memories specially re- called is the first time I was really under fire. I had seen fighting before, but as a non-combatant. Here we had a de- tachment of Hampshires commanded by Lieutenant Smith, and a small native contingent nominally led by a subadhar who, however, was not very keen on leading. At a turn of the jungle road we were suddenly greeted by a heavy volley which dropped several men. We found ourselves in an open valley, with a group of pagodas on the right on a raised mound and jungle on either side. The dacoits were safely ensconced in the pagodas, and our task was to rush the mound, as we could not cross the valley under their fire. Smith and his Hampshires deployed to the right and the native troops to the left, and as Smith could not be in two places at once I had to keep the subadhar up to the mark. My chief impression was that the subadhar was generally lying on his stomach behind any bit of cover while I, a much better mark for bullets, was standing up prominently behind him, and my one thought, as I kicked the line along, was that for the honour of my country / must not lie down, though it seemed to me not only the most desirable but the most sensible thing to do. After all, being shot was not my job ! Never for a moment did I think we should get through, and out of our little force we lost fifteen in a few moments. It was a great surprise to me when we found ourselves inside the pagoda wall with the IN UPPER BURMA 91 dacoits in flight. They put up a very good fight in the teeth of our superior fire, and a considerable number lay dead. I may mention here that, just after writing this paragraph, I was reading the recollections of David Christie Murray and find that his feelings under fire were as unheroic as my own. He tells a good story of men boasting at the Savage Club of the exhilaration of being in battle, and how he stole away, discouraged at his own very different experience, and met Archibald Forbes, to whom he confided his trouble. Forbes said, "Go back to your club and tell 'em on my authority that they're all liars." From what I knew of Forbes I expect he said, "D d liars !" Forbes had been through seventeen campaigns. Smith and I had a number of small scrimmages together, and one which approached a real "engagement," or "show" as it is now the fashion to call it. We went out with about twenty-five mounted Hampshires, and some native troops. We wanted to get the Hampshires, who were the backbone of the force, fresh on to the ground. We made the usual forced night march, and at daybreak surprised not the enemy but ourselves by finding that a big band of dacoits was established in a village which offered peculiar advantages as a defensive post. It not only had a prickly fence all round, but the ap- proach to it was commanded on either side by two groups of pagodas backed by jungle. With the native troops I captured one pagoda, and the Hampshires were out in the open attack- ing the village and losing men. I wanted to get my lot out to assist them, moving out gradually until we were in a posi- tion to rush the village simultaneously with the Hampshires. My native contingent, formed of somewhat heterogeneous up- country Indians, had behaved fairly well up to this point, but both on this occasion and others they were handicapped by not having their own officers. I had got them behind the pagoda but couldn't get them out again! Finally, in desperation, I seized a fat and lusty Sepoy by the hair — his head was shaved except for a tuft — and held him out in front of me, outside the friendly shelter of the pagoda, where shots came whistling pretty thickly, and I swore by all the gods that I would serve every one of them thus in turn if they would not come out into the open of their own accord. Thus adjured, and with their comrade squirming and bellowing, they hastily prom- 92 DAN TO BEERSHEBA ised to obey me and our programme was successfully carried out. We only captured the village after several hours, and when we got into it we were too exhausted to do anything but drop where we stood, having marched all night and fought for the best part of the day in that frightful, hot, damp climate. By no means satisfied as to the method, or lack of method, we were now employing, I embodied my ideas of a more ef- fective policy, not founded entirely on punitive military meas- ures, in a despatch to the local government. In this I drew a parallel between Burma and La Vendee and recalled the policy of General Hoche. The Times of November 23, 1886, says: -"Mr. Colquhoun has discovered in Thiers' account of the pacification of La Vendee an example of systematic and intelligent procedure which he thinks not unworthy of the attention of men engaged in a similar task in Burma. Sir Frederick Roberts has published the document in the Man- dalay supplement of the official Gazette." The same parallel had occurred to Roberts himself in India, though I did not know this at the time, and I believe he wrote a despatch on the subject. The general plan advised, which was actually adopted in principle by General White, was to cover the coun- try with military posts and flying columns, disarming the pop- ulation as far as possible, and (the most important points in my judgment) pushing on roads and other communications and making a direct appeal to the poongyes (the prototypes of the Vendean cures) through whose influence alone we could hope to conciliate the people. Roberts paid a visit to the Thathanabaing (archbishop) with a large body of officers, including, if I remember aright, six generals. "I have four words to say, and I wish you to take them as principles of your government,'' said the head of the Buddhist church. "They are myitia (love), gar una (mercy), mudita (beneficence), upayka (discrimination and moderation)." Throughout the recent South African war I traced with deep interest an ex- traordinary resemblance to this period in Burma, and especially in the part played by the women and predikants. In Sagain we had made some forty miles of road and many more of tracks through the jungle, which made the operations of the mounted infantry possible. After about eighteen months I went down with fever and IN UPPER BURMA 93 was taken to Rangoon by the river steamer, being carried on board in a state of delirium. After two or three days at sea I felt a different being, and although I have suffered from fever both before and since I have always found the sea a sure specific. After a short holiday at home I returned to my district, and the pacification went on slowly but surely. I was presently gent up to the Ruby Mines district, a broken highland region at an average height of 4,000 feet, whose centre is some sixty miles inland from the Irrawaddy River. Geographically it is part of the Shan plateau and is a mass of hills running north and south. The mining population of Mogok, the chief town, had always been noted for its turbulence, and the district itself, accessible only by mountain tracks, was a difficult and dan- gerous one. The mines had been taken over just after the annexation by a syndicate, with Mr. Streeter (the well-known Bond Street jeweller) at the head. Shortly afterwards the Ruby Mines Company was formed, of which my late friend, Sir Lepel Griffin, was chairman, but a combination of heavy working expenses and the peculation which is so difficult to control militated against its success. Under Burmese rule illicit ruby dealing, or e\-en illegal possession of a ruby, could be punished with death, but under our rule an imprisonment of a few days was the only deterrent, while that depended on proof that the ruby was irregularly obtained, and such proof was difficult to secure. At one time the company desired to form a "compound" for their workers on the Kimberley pat- tern, but the Government of India very properly resisted this. A well-known character in my day — he may still be living — was the trader Mating Hmat, called the "King of Mogok," an immensely wealthy man whose dealings in rubies, both legitimate and otherwise, were very extensive. Maung Hmat was one of our friends who was always supremely innocent about dacoits. No information ever came his way, and he was always surprised at their depredations. I have no doubt they subsidised him, and probably he also subsidised them — such an arrangement would have been by no means unusual. Perhaps as an expiation for his misdeeds, Maung Hmat, who was a pious Buddhist, performed many "works of merit," building bridges, rest-houses and monasteries with his ill- 94 DAN TO BEERSHEBA gotten wealth — "fire insurance," as the witty American called it. At Mogok I lived in a pleasant bungalow on the top of a hill by myself, and our society consisted of a military-police officer, Lieutenant Anderson, a civil police officer, Richardson (still alive in Burma, I think), Mr. Atlay, the company's agent, and occasionally a forest officer. We had some Indian military police but no regular troops, until the end of 1888. The Ruby Mines valley was kept fairly quiet, but the neigh- bouring Shan State of Momeit, over which I had political con- trol, was in a disturbed condition, and it became necessary to send an expedition there to defend that town and prevent incursions into our own district. Momeit (the capital of the State of that name and residence of the Tsawbwa or chief) was a small stockaded town, and I feared it might fall into the hands of Saw Yannaing, a notorious boh, and enable him to seize food supplies and arms and control an avenue of communication of some importance. I went there myself with a few Burmese and nine military police (four of whom fell ill) and was there from December 29 till January 3. I then asked for some troops to garrison Momeit, and receiving these from Mandalay took up Lieutenant Nugent and thirty of the Hampshire regiment and left them with express directions, both verbally and in writing, to garrison the town. I also sent Anderson to act as intelligence officer and to give Nugent the benefit of his great local knowledge and experience. Pres- ently, however, when Anderson was out reconnoitring, Nugent got news of a dacoit band raiding villages in the neighbour- hood, and being full of pluck he decided to sally out and take the offensive. He found the dacoits strongly stockaded. I afterwards visited the spot and, with my own limited military knowledge, should have deemed it madness to attack with such a force. In the first assault he lost a man, had six wounded, and was wounded himself. Instead of withdrawing he made another attempt and received a fatal wound. His sergeant, Beer, took over command and, as a proof of the temerity to which Nugent sacrificed his life, his subordinate was able to withdraw without further casualties and to carry back to Momeit both the dead and the wounded men as well as the body of his lieutenant. This happened on January 14, 1889. On getting this news, I at once went up with some more IN UPPER BURMA. 95 troops to Momeit, where Sergeant Beer was holding the town, and with Anderson went out to engage the band and wipe out the impression of the check we had received. This was done promptly and effectually on January 19. I had already wired the news to the Chief Commissioner, and asked for more troops. His answer, dated January 19, was to the effect that I had no business to be undertaking operations outside Momeit, since the defence of that town was my only duty. He said he was sending the troops I had asked for, but it was "very inconvenient," as he had a great deal on hand, and he hoped there would be no more "ill-considered enterprises." Of course I had a complete answer to this censure in the orders originally received from him, and in those I had given to Lieutenant Nugent, which were extant in writing, as well as being known to other officers. I was, however, considerably nettled by the tone of the C. C.'s despatch, especially as I had been given no information as to the movements of certain Gurkha troops in my district, and was quite unaware that events made any movement on my part "inconvenient." More- over in the C. C.'s letter I was told (for the first time) that I might have safely left Saw Yannaing alone to be dealt with later on by Lieutenant , a young political officer, who had just been sent up to the Shan States. Now, I had had no in- formation about and his movements, except from non- official sources, and I was annoyed that such a post should have been entrusted to a man with so little experience, who moreover did not communicate with my own Commissioner (of the northern districts) but worked direct with the C. C, so that we were kept completely in the dark as to his intentions. Before I was able to reply to the C. C. I had received from Mandalay a copy of an article in the Mandalay Herald of Jan- uary 22, containing an account of Nugent's death and an at- tack on my conduct in the affair. I was represented as leav- ing the poor boy to meet his death while removing myself to a place of safety. The libel was widely circulated and credited without any contradiction on the part of the local government, and the Herald itself, rightly or wrongly, was usually believed to be "inspired." One of the charges against me was that I left Nugent without the assistance of a civil officer with knowl- edge of the country and language, but as a matter of fact I had sent up to him, immediately I returned to Mogok, Lieu- 96 DAN TO BEERSHEBA tenant Anderson (battalion commandant of the military po- lice), who was exceptionally qualified in both ways, and who was only temporarily absent on reconnaissance when Nugent made his ill-advised sortie. The fact that I had nothing to blame myself with did not, as it should have done, mitigate the rage with which I read the article and the C. C.'s letter to me of January 19 (written on receipt of telegraphic news only), in which he plainly took the view that the disaster was due to my having acted not only without orders but blunder- ingly. Under the sense of injustice, and in the irritation natural to a man of my temperament (I was not called "Blazes" for nothing) I wired at once to Mr. Moylan, a barrister at Ran- goon, requesting him to take proceedings to clear me of the imputations of the Mandalay Herald. My telegrams gave in- formation of the movements of the dacoits which had, as I believed, been kept in check by my action in garrisoning Mo- meit. That this was perfectly unnecessary I see now, since I had distinct orders to occupy Momeit and had no need to justify myself on that score, but I was biassed in my action by a desire, natural but not prudent, not only to prove that I was in the right but to show that my superiors had under- estimated the position. My telegrams were followed up by a letter to Mr. Moylan — the most important letter I ever wrote. It is dated Mogok, January 30th, 1889. The crux of the situ- ation lay in the fact that Mr. Moylan, my private friend and legal adviser in this case, was also the correspondent to the Times. It will be remembered that he had been pretty free with his strictures on the Government, and efforts to secure his recall had been unsuccessfully made. It was a part of my general indiscretion that I chose this particular man as my adviser and confidant at this moment. Now this letter, with very outspoken criticism of the policy pursued by my superior officers, and containing more inflam- matory material than even appeared on the surface, was not destined to reach the person to whom it was addressed. On the same day I wrote a "semi-official" to the C. C. at Man- dalay, and I am convinced that both letters were enclosed and superscribed aright. But when the C. C. opened the one to him out fell the other without an envelope. He picked it up and began to read it, and having begun went on to the IN UPPER BURMA 97 end. It is just conceivable that until he got to the second sen- tence he might have imagined the letter to be enclosed for his perusal, though only if he had neglected to read the semi- official with which it came. After the first two sentences, how- ever, no doubt could have remained as to the private character of the letter, and when the second paragraph was reached it became apparent that this was that most privileged and pri- vate of communications — a man's instructions to his lawyer. The C. C. read to the end. He does not appear to have suffered from any great inde- cision as to the line to take, for, on February 4th, through his secretary, he wrote to me recounting the circumstance by which my letter to Moylan had come into his hands, and adding that "he has no desire to take advantage of an accident, though he considers the disloyalty and treachery evidenced in your letter deserves little consideration.'' Having thus delivered himself of a generous sentiment, he went on : "It is, however, a matter of public importance that officers should act honestly and loyally towards their Government and that Government should know the character of the men serving under it, and therefore your letter . . . has been submitted to His Excel- lency the Viceroy." The "disloyalty and treachery" with which I was charged could not, of course, have been committed in a private communication, so the point was to demonstrate that I had broken not only the ordinary regulations but my ex- press promise by making communications for publication to the press. The reader will observe that I was not given any opportunity for explanation or protest before my case was sent up to the highest tribunal, and this although the mere fact of such an action being taken by my superior officer would certainly damp my prospects, and might even "break" me altogether. My only protest at first — for I had not even a copy of the in- criminating letter and, as it had been dashed off in a hurry, remembered little about it — was that a private letter should be regarded as privileged. As a matter of fact, while the privacy of the letter might have influenced the C. C. not to read it, there were portions of it — especially the remarks about in the Northern States and the request that information should not be traced to me — which could neither be excused 98 DAN TO BEERSHEBA nor explained away. I see this more clearly now than I did at the time. The qualifying and mitigating circumstances, however, which the C.C. did not take into account, and which were never officially presented to the Indian Government and could not, therefore, be expected to influence their judgment, were of a twofold character. First, I was acting in a moment of passion and under a strong sense of grievance about the Mo- meit affair. This might have been allowed as some slight pal- liation for the bitterness of my comments. The two things were closely connected, though the connection was not plain to the Indian Government. Then my offence against the regu- lations in supplying the Press with information had been con- doned in principle by the C. C., and it was notorious that both military and civil officials in Burma were in the habit of com- municating items of news. Moreover, I had some right to consider myself specially absolved from this rule, and from the promise I had made to Sir Charles Bernard, since I had received from the C. C. himself (Sir Charles Bernard's suc- cessor) a request, first through my Commissioner and then in writing, that I would contribute some views on Burma to the Times. In my defence I was able, how r ever, to plead that I had only once, and that at the C. C.'s request (prior to the letter of January 30) communicated anything to the Press. This was not the view put forward by the C. C. He chose to declare that I was in the habit of supplying Moylan with information for use in the Times, and found in the most innocent of my sentences food for suspicion. Thus, in the incriminating letter I acknowledged the receipt of letters from "Mr. Walter" and "Macgregor," and spoke of writing to Macdonald "re ap- pointment of Symes, also re Thirkell White's late acting ap- pointment." My correspondents were of course the proprietor, Calcutta correspondent, and manager of the Times, but my letters to them — all personal friends — had been of the most unobjectionable character, though the last one certainly con- tained some news and comments, not necessarily for publica- tion. It was of course intolerable that private correspondence should have been suspect in this way, and ridiculous too. Mr. Walter, for instance, was as likely to correspond with me on Indian affairs as the Queen! My opinion of a subordinate IN UPPER BURMA 99 fellow-official, though expressed in terms unflattering to those who appointed him, could not really be construed into high treason, but a great deal was made, and still more implied, as to these communications with newspaper friends, and also as to the telegrams I mentioned that I had sent to Moylan about movements around Momeit. As a matter of fact, however, it was of little consequence what was the degree of my crime, for if the C. C. chose to regard it as sufficiently serious to send up to Calcutta, and if he was not prepared to advance or allow mitigating circum- stances, the Government of India, seeing that I had contra- vened rules and regulations, were bound to punish me. Under the shadow of this affair I was suspended and went home, while my case was under consideration. The affair of the letter dragged on till the following March. My actual offence was aggravated, I was told, by my persisting in stating that the offending letter was a private one in a separate envelope. On cooler reflection, I really do not think that it can have reached the C. C. separately enclosed. The postmaster on the riverside station of my district was an Eura- sian on whom I had had to report confidentially a short time before, and this report was by no means favorable, as he was an ex-convict under an assumed name. I now think it prob- able that this man was in the habit of sampling the correspond- ence, and he may have seen my report and had a grudge against me which induced him to open the two letters of Jan- uary 30 and tamper with their contents. What trifles at times turn the scales of fate ! A little sealing-wax might have altered the whole course of my career. I might have stayed in Burma and have risen in time to a seat on the India Coun- cil, with a portly figure and a liver ! I might have been planted out in the land which received the bones of so many of my friends. But we had few luxuries at Mogok and were "out of" sealing-wax. Kismet! The moral is that one cannot be too careful about letters! One journalist of whom I have heard doubled the parts of correspondent to a sporting "rag" and writer on an evangelis- tic religious weekly. He put his contributions into the wrong envelopes, and the result to him was more fatal than to me — he was sacked by both ! I was not sacked. "The Governor-General in Council, rec- ioo DAN TO BEERSHEBA ognising that Mr. Colquhoun . . . has on many occasions exhibited energy and courage, is unwilling to take this ex- treme step; and therefore directs that Mr. Colquhoun shall be removed from his appointment as Deputy Commissioner in the Burma Commission and be remanded to the Public Works Department to the position which he held before 1886." The sequel to this was that I was gazetted to a post in Belu- chistan, but for reasons hereafter given did not take it up; indeed, I never afterwards did any active work under the Government of India, though remaining nominally in their service till 1894. I do not think the Indian Government could have acted otherwise under the circumstances and with the complexion put on the affair by the C. C. At the time I was very hot about it and agitated not unsuccessful^ at home, where I had the support of many influential people, as well as in India; but I see now that I was treated with generosity after being guilty of insubordination which even the aggrava- tion could not excuse though it might explain. Home I went, taking a few months' holiday in Scotland, which I much needed, and when it seemed certain that my prospects under the Indian Government were blighted I began to look about for another sphere of action. Among my friends and acquaintances was Rochfort Maguire, who introduced me to Alfred Beit, and the latter, after I had seen him several times, gave me letters to Cecil Rhodes in Kimberley. He was so keen that I should go that he actually secured for me a passage out in the kindest way. My Times money had been flung right and left on my propaganda for railways and other projects, and not, I may say, on personal indulgence. Some money, moreover, I had been deprived of by a "friend" who acted as my agent while I was abroad and had a power of attorney. He had lightened my banking account to the tune of five or six hundred pounds, and received me in the most debonair and friendly manner. It was no use suing him, and as a matter of fact I was sorry for him and for his family. It was, therefore, not surprising that, on suddenly having my pay cut down from that of a deputy commissioner to that of an executive engineer, I was at what is vulgarly called a loose end. My old father, with a young family to bring up, could not have helped me had I thought of asking, and Mr. Beit's assistance was most opportune. The chance might have been IN UPPER BURMA 101 missed for want of his help. I am glad to say I was shortly in a position to repay him, and am happy to have the oppor- tunity of acknowledging my obligation to a man who was not only a financial genius but a kind-hearted gentleman. I had other dealings with him in after days and was always treated in the same spirit of consideration, while for tact I have seldom seen his equal. Mr. Buckle, editor of the Times, gave me a letter to Rhodes recommending me on account of my frontier work, and Rochfort Maguire, who knew all about me, also wrote to Kimberley. In this new phase of my life I thought that I had forever said good-bye to Asia, but I was wrong. I have returned to it again and again since then, and still "hear the East a-calling!" CHAPTER XI SOUTH AFRICA AND RHODES When one has many departures and arrivals in one's life it is hard to keep them distinct in one's memory, but I shall never forget my start for South Africa. If I have a night- mare now, and if it does not take the form of a competitive examinations which I have got to pass, I dream I am catching trains — the nightmare trains which always come in at the wrong platforms and generally behave in a distractingly er- ratic way. I suppose I shall be considered very "casual," but it is a fact that with all there was at stake I nearly missed the South African mail-boat train ! I had not had much time for preparation, it is true, but then I never made preparations in the usual sense. After a day or two full of business I found myself on my last evening dining with a party of chums, in- cluding Stewart Lockhart home from China, Duncan Louttit, and others. After a most cheery night I went back to my rooms in the early morning, and was faced by a great mass of letters to be answered and attended to, which still littered my desk. My portmanteau lay open on the floor and my per- sonal effects were scattered about. I wrote and my friends packed. Every now and then they shouted to me: "Has this beastly despatch-box got to go in ?" or "Do you want all these beastly maps?" But they did not bother to consult me over clothes, and I was too busy to care. The cab was at the door before the last bag was strapped or the last letter written, and we caught the train by the skin of our teeth. I sailed on the ss. Mexican on November 29, 1889, among my shipmates being Colonel Frank Rhodes, with whom I went up to Kimberley; Mr. C. D. Rudd, who was one of the men concerned in obtaining the concession from King Lobengula;* and an American, Hennen Jennings, who was going out to Johannesburg as consulting engineer to Messrs. Eckstein and 102 SOUTH AFRICA AND RHODES 103 Wernher Beit. Jennings and I had tastes in common, had both been partly educated in Germany, and struck up a friend- ship. Arrived at Cape Town I lost no time in seeing "sights," but made straight for Kimberley, being well aware that I was not the only runner in the field. The actual scheme which Mr. Rhodes was then working out was not known to the general public, or indeed to anyone outside his immediate circle, but the fact of a large concession and the formation of the com- pany for its development had raised high expectations. I therefore raced up to Kimberley and saw the great man. I did not have to wait long for his verdict, and on Saturday, December 28th, I was able to wire to my friends that Mr. Rhodes had offered me an administrative post with the British South Africa Company, it being understood that I was to stay six months or so with him and then go up to the new territory and start the colony. The form in which my ap- pointment was confirmed by Rhodes in writing (at my re- quest) is so characteristic that I give it here. It must be remembered that he detested putting pen to paper. "December 28, /09. "Dear Mr. Colquhoun, "I am prepared to offer you an appointment with salary of i8oo per annum pending our obtaining civil administration in the Chartered Co. territory, after which I will find you an independent post in the civil administration at a salary of not less than £1,500 per annum. Of course the latter depends on our obtaining the administration of the territory. "Yours truly, "C. J. Rhodes, "For the British South Africa Co. "P.S. — My idea would be to give you charge of Mashona- land as soon as practicable." Kimberley, where I first saw the empire-builder, was not the modern town of villa residences and big shops. There were a few decent houses, but Rhodes lived in a tin-roofed shanty belonging to Jameson, just opposite the club, and I occu- pied a similar one, with Robinow, Michaelis junior and Otto Beit. The offices of the Chartered Company were simply a 104 DAN TO BEERSHEBA couple of rooms in the De Beers building, and we messed at the Kimberley Club. Rhodes had his own little table, to which only his intimates were invited. However much he might be prepared to rough it in his surroundings he always liked a good table, and the club was already famous throughout South Africa not only for its cuisine (all materials having to be brought from the Cape) but for its wines, which were varied and choice. The place was, in a colloquial phrase, "stuffed with money" — more millionaires to the square foot than any other place in the world ("Joburg" had not yet arrived) — and from Rhodes downwards everyone was careless about dress, about housing, about everything except food and drink — especially drink. Kimberley is not now what it was. A year or so ago I tasted in an engineer's hut on the Zambesi River some singu- larly good hock — "From the Kimberley Club," said my host. "They had a sale of wines there the other day !" What Kim- berley is like with De Beers closed down I hardly like to think — Hamlet without not only the ghost but lacking Polonius, the Players, and half the rest of the cast ! A well-known drinking-bar was the place where big trans- actions of all kinds were put through, and it was a current story of Beit that in former days, when other men, with imagi- nations inflamed by copious libations of champagne, were try- ing to do arithmetic on their shirt cuffs, he was coolly present- ing his mental calculations and demonstrations and "pulling off" big strokes of business in consequence. The atmosphere of Kimberley in my time was electric. Big things were in the air. "Northern expansion" was on everyone's lips, the Rand was expected to "move" immediately, and actually did so in the same year. Anyone might be a millionaire next day. I recollect one young fellow, a German clerk in Eckstein's, who, after several adventures, made £80,000, but at what a price ! He told me himself it had cost him his life. His nerves were broken with the strain. He went home, and after hang- ing about "cures" for a few years died — a victim to gold fever. At this time, however, all were full of hopes and specula- tions, and gambling was rife. Outside this we talked a great deal of I.D.B. (illicit diamond buying), and everyone else was full of tales as to this not uncommon foundation for great fortunes. Many of the millionaires who have since peopled Park Lane were familiar figures, though by no means all had SOUTH AFRICA AND RHODES 105 the entree to the Kimberley Club, and practically none were met in the houses of the Government officials or married people. Our amusements were limited. We rode or drove out in the morning or evening to get a breath of air, which hangs heavily over the flat plain on which Kimberley stands. Trav- elling comedy or opera bouffe companies came up from Cape Town with strong contingents of soubrettes, and as feminine society was limited these young ladies had a good time with the jennesse doree, some of whom found themselves saddled for life with companions who were hardly fitted to share their later fortunes. Male dinner parties were sometimes given, and were not always successful. I went to one at the private house of a "prominent citizen," which ended in an altercation between the host and one of his guests and a fight, in which the latter was sent flying amidst the debris of the feast. We all left in disgust, and I walked home with Rhodes, who said nothing for a time and then broke out with, "What cads ! but one has to put up with them!" Rhodes throughout his life took a long ride every morning as far as possible, and his usual companions were "Tim" Tyson, who ran the Kimberley Club till his death a year or so ago, or Gardner Williams. Often they rode an hour or more without a word. It is known that Rhodes was careless about dress. I think at this time he was the worst-dressed man I have ever seen! His old felt hat was battered and dirty, his trousers bagged at the knees, and his coats at the pockets. Later on, when he was in London, friends got hold of hirn and took him to a good tailor, so that his things were well cut at all events, but I should think he was quite capable of buying them ready made! When entertaining guests at Groot Schuur he never went up to dress till the first carriage was heard driving up, and five or six minutes sufficed for his toilet. I got this little characteristic detail from Sir Charles Metcalfe, having re- marked one day that he dressed quicker than any man I knew. He said Rhodes could do even better, and they often used to race ! He told me also that a favourite amusement of Rhodes, when in a railway train or hotel, was to invent histories for people he saw or to speculate as to their relationship to each other — by no means a bad pastime for anyone with a turn for reading character and noting little details of deportment. 106 DAN TO BEERSHEBA I was greatly interested in the engineering works at Kim- berley, which were largely the creation of the American, Gard- ner Williams, a well-known engineer in his own country and a cultivated and interesting man who with his wife lived in his own bungalow, rather apart from the social life which centred in the Club. His son is now the chief engineer of De Beers. Sir Charles Metcalfe came down for a few days every now and then from the survey work for railways on which he was engaged. He had originally come out to South Africa representing influential private persons who desired to detach Rhodes from the "eliminate the Imperial factor" policy of which he was then the apostle. He was able to assure his friends that Rhodes was really sound on the Imperial con- nection, and as a matter of fact, when the time comes for a full history of these times, it will be found that Cecil Rhodes had two distinct periods of political aims, and that the second, with its wide Imperialist vision of a great territory to the north which would be British at the core and balance the rest of South Africa — this vision dates from about 1888. Once he had decided, powerful influence at home helped to secure the Charter and the support necessary for carrying out the daring plans he conceived. I know that once or twice during my period of office work at Kimberley he was afraid that his backers were going to fail him, and his language on these occasions was lurid, for though not habitually intemperate in speech he was subject to fits of rage in which he let himself go. Sir Charles Metcalfe, who was one of Rhodes' closest intimates in later years and up to his death, is still at work on the "Cape to Cairo" railway, which is usually spoken of as one of Rhodes' great ideas. It was, however, in its original form an engineering conception, and the name "Cape to Cairo" occurs in an article written by Metcalfe and Ricarde Seaver in the Fortnightly Review of 1888, before Rhodes had given it serious consideration. Mr. Stead adopted the idea and the name, and was even credited by some with having invented the latter, and Rhodes, once his interest had been roused, was ardent in his support of a project which helped to enlist the popular imagination in favour of his "Northern expansion." The story of the concession, obtained by him personally from the Emperor, that the line should be permitted to pass through German territory is well known. It is to be regretted that SOUTH AFRICA AND RHODES 107 Rhodes never saw the glorious Falls, now accessible to all by the line his support made possible. He had a favourite imagination about the spray dashing against the windows of the carriage as the train, on a slender framework of steel, crawled over the bottomless abyss in which the waters boil for ever, and where the great sheet comes crashing down from the height above. It is all there — the bridge, the train, the spray, and the boiling abyss — the grandest sight on God's earth. But Cecil Rhodes never saw it. I was still a servant of the Government of India. On re- ceiving Rhodes' offer of December 28, I wrote asking for permission to retire on a pension commensurate with the term of my service. Rhodes himself also wrote asking the Colonial Office to secure him my services. My first request was refused, but it was eventually arranged that I should be ''seconded" for three years, which were to count towards my service. Dur- ing these years I had to pay a considerable sum to keep up my claim to a pension, which in the ordinary course of events would not be my right until I had served another fifteen years or so. I belonged to the uncovenanted service whose pension conditions are inferior to those of the covenanted service. I may as well finish this subject by explaining that at the end of these three years I asked for and received permission to resign, receiving a special pension, so that my object of secur- ing an independent and certain income was finally attained. At the period of my arrival in South Africa the question of communications was most important and pressing. From Cape Town the line, which had recently reached Kimberley, was being pushed on to Vryburg (in British Bechuanaland) skirting the Orange Free State and the Transvaal Republic. The importance of the extension through Bechuanaland of this road to the north lay in the fact that an irruption of the Boers on the north might at any moment have cut the route to that land of promise which contained the concession from Lobengula, the King of Matabeleland, which was to be the foundation of a British colony. The Cape railways were being extended to Bloemfontein, and in the Transvaal Kruger was pushing forward the Delagoa Bay line with all the speed pos- sible, for a variety of reasons which need not be discussed here. I went at Mr. Rhodes' desire to Johannesburg and Pretoria, and at the latter place had an interview with the President in 108 DAN TO BEERSHEBA which railways absorbed most of our attention, my real ob- jective in South Africa being somewhat hidden by my well- known interest in communications. I was to sound Kruger and if possible find out, without direct questions, what was his attitude to our "Northern expansion." I found the President on the stoep of the unpretentious shabby little house which is still shown to visitors in Pretoria as the "Kruger home." This house was converted, after the peace of 1903, into a hotel — "The President's Hotel" — and this outrage on sentiment was not the result of a stranger's indifference but of the business-like, unimaginative character of his own friends and relations to whom it belonged. The house stands on the road and just opposite to the ugly, red- brick Gereformeerde Church, whose silver-gilt bell accompa- nied the President in his flight. In the room which was his bedroom, beneath the heavy wooden bedstead, was a secret passage and chamber, the former intended, I believe, to lead over to the church, but I do not think it was ever completed. Probably the President used it as a strong-room. When opened it contained a musket or two, but nothing of special interest. In 1890 I found Paul Kruger, then sixty-five years of age, a strong-looking man. He sat in a leather-covered arm-chair, in dirty-looking clothes, his hair and beard long, a big Dutch pipe in his mouth, and a huge, red bandanna handkerchief hanging out of the side pocket of his loose jacket. A promi- nent piece of furniture was a large spittoon, of which he made frequent use. I was accompanied in my visit by Lord Hough- ton (the present Lord Crewe) and the Duke of Montrose, and the contrast between the men, especially between Houghton and the President, was very striking — the extremes of culture and boorishness. There is no doubt that, with all his surface rusticity, Kruger was a genius — a master of statecraft. His most striking characteristic was a sphinx-like immobility of countenance — no one could forget that great pale heavy face and the little eyes, whose lids closed over them like the hood of a cobra. He did not speak English and professed not to understand it, though as to this last I had my doubts. The advantage he gained, especially in later years, of time to turn things over in his mind while the interpreter was translating was one he was not likely to forego. He had learnt his craft from men and animals, not from books. All his similes — and SOUTH AFRICA AND RHODES 109 he was fond of them — were taken from nature: for instance, the famous "tortoise" to which he likened the Uitlander. "Let it peer and peer, but wait till the head comes right out — then strike !" The head came out with a vengeance — and Kruger struck! The "Flag incident" the year before had not made him more friendly to the Uitlanders. The President was visit- ing Johannesburg and at a meeting the crowd sang "Rule, Britannia!" when the old man roared out "Blig still" (be quiet) — the crowd laughed and he stalked away. The same night the Transvaal flag over the Landrost's house was pulled down. I believe Kruger never again visited Johannesburg. My first sight of Johannesburg — Joburg as it is always called in South Africa — was not very impressive. There was a big square, where all the people came in and held a market, and where one engaged waggons for treks, arranged for sup- plies to be sent out to the mines, or put through any one of the multifarious pieces of business common in a town which is the centre of a pioneer population. Round this square were a few buildings, shops, one hotel, tin shanties and offices, and outside that a few rows of shanties and a number of corrugated iron houses dotted irregularly about. The rents of these most uncomfortable dwellings were perfectly colossal, and the cost of living was proportionate throughout. Service was almost unprocurable. Raw Kaffirs, who till a few months before had never seen the inside of a house, were pressed into a service for which they have no natural bent, and the best one could hope for was an inferior type of Cape boy. Only budding magnates like my host "Jim" Taylor could afford to keep up a decent establishment, and his house, well appointed and with an excellent table, was a perfect oasis in the dessert! He had a billiard room, I remember, and the house had some pre- tensions to architecture. In this billiard room I first saw Lionel Phillips, Abe Bailey, and many other magnates of later days. I recollect that in honour of the arrival of the Duke and Lord Houghton we decided to dress for dinner — a sacri- fice to the conventions not usual in Joburg in those days ! On another occasion we had quite a grand dinner party graced by the presence of two ladies, Mrs. Lionel Phillips being, I be- lieve, one of them. How quaint these recollections seem when I remember the Joburg of 1904 — as I last saw it ! Then I stayed with Lord Milner in what might have been a well appointed no DAN TO BEERSHEBA English country house with a pleasant garden round it. I dined at many houses where the appointments would have done credit to New York and the service to London, and went to the opera afterwards where an excellent performance of "Pagliacci" was witnessed by a fashionable and bejewelled audience. Joburg when I first saw it was devoid of trees, and was the ugliest place I had ever seen except Kimberley, being only slightly redeemed by the fact that it does not lie on a flat plain like the latter, but has some hills and valleys surrounding it. When I returned to it thirteen years afterwards, it was abso- lutely unrecognisable. Not only are there fine business quar- ters and shops but the residential portion stretches out in long roads lined with trees, and the fashionable quarter, Park Town, is like a pretty London suburb, with its pretentious villas em- bosomed in gardens and a view over a rolling valley covered with pine-woods. The great drawback has always been the red dust, which swirls round one unexpectedly in the Joburg streets and is ruinous, I am told, to the ladies' toilets. There is, however, comparatively little dust in the high-lying suburb of Park Town. After these visits I went down to Cape Town and saw Rhodes there. The famous Mount Nelson Hotel had not yet been built, the position being made accessible later by tram lines. Everyone put up at the Royal or Sea Point. At Cape Town I met Sir Henry (later Lord) Loch, then High Com- missioner, and discovered from him that he was an old friend of my father's and had been in the same regiment in India in 1844. He was very friendly to me on this account, and during my administrative work I corresponded with him regularly. Loch was one of the few men who left South Africa at the end of his term without leaving his reputation in that "grave" which has swallowed so many. He was in these days very prudent and non-committal, and I recollect that Rhodes was by no means certain as to what line he would take towards the projected occupation of Mashonaland. Matters were now nearly ripe for the latter, and at this point I may give a bird's-eye view of the situation for the ben- efit of readers who may have forgotten the sequence in this page of English history. The point at issue was, not whether the authority of the native chief who ruled in Matabeleland SOUTH AFRICA AND RHODES III should be disturbed, but who was to do it. The Boers were anxious to secure the Land of Promise, the Portuguese were nibbling at Mashonaland, and Germany was casting longing eyes from her post of vantage on the west coast. In 1887 the territories of Matabeleland and Mashonaland were subject to Lobengula, son of the great chief Moselikatze who had been driven north by the Boers. He had conquered the Mashona and desolated their land — the flower of the South African territories. In 1888, at Rhodes' instigation, the British Gov- ernment obtained a treaty with Lobengula (a despotic Zulu ruler of the usual type) and by this treaty he engaged not to make any agreement with a foreign Power or to sell or cede his lands without the sanction of the British High Commis- sioner. This constituted a British protectorate over Matabele- land and Mashonaland, but without effective occupation this could not be maintained, especially in view of Lobengula's very doubtful claims over a good portion of the territory thus ear -marked. As has been said, Portugal on the east, Germany on the west, and the Transvaal on the south were "nibbling"." Various syndicates were despatched to seek concessions from Lobengula, and an important one, known as the Rudd conces- sion, was secured by Rudd, Rochfort Maguire and F. R. Thompson. The various interests involved were amalgamated in one company in 1889 by Rhodes, and under these circum- stances the British South Africa Company was born. The charter was obtained in October, 1889, which granted to it the right to construct railways and telegraphs, to promote trade and colonisation, and finally to develop the mineral and other concessions. The names of the directors to whom the charter was granted were the Dukes of Fife and Abercorn, Lord Gif- ford,"Mr. Rhodes, Mr. Beit, Mr. (now Lord) Grey and Mr. Cawson, and the capital was only one million sterling. To give practical effect to this charter it was decided that a pioneer column should go up and establish itself in the heart of the country, and I was to accompany it and report on its progress, and if the settlement was successfully accomplished to estab- lish civil government and draw up the elementary regulations for the new community. CHAPTER XII MASHONALAND AND GROOT SCHUUR The Rhodesian pioneers consisted of two hundred armed and mounted English and South African Volunteers, organ- ised and commanded by Major Frank Johnson, and five hun- dred mounted police specially raised for the purpose, and ad- mirably equipped with arms, mountain and machine guns, elec- tric light and other appliances, the whole under the command of Colonel Pennefather of the Inniskilling Dragoons, a regi- ment which had had great experience in the Zulu wars. The applications for inclusion in these two forces came in by hun- dreds, and young fellows with and without introductions were always turning up at the Kimberley office and worried all of us considerably. We took with us the well-known hunter, F. C. Selous, as a guide and scout. He had already been nearly twenty years in the country, and hunted practically all over it, and knew the native peoples and their ways, both Matabele and Mashonas. Colenbrander, the Africander scout, started with us but returned to Buluwayo when Jameson joined the column and stayed there to keep an eye on Lobengula. My last news from home, which reached me at Macloutsie before we started on a march which was considered to be full of danger, was that my father was dead and that one of my sisters, Mrs. Symington, was near her end. I was consider- ably worried by the thought that my stepmother and her chil- dren might be left badly off, while I might not get through our enterprise and be in a position to help her if necessary. Fortunately, however, my father had made full provision for her and his young family, and was even able to leave a few hundreds to each of his elder children. I did not know this till later and left Macloutsie with rather a heavy heart. A nephew was now with me, a son of my sister in America, who had joined us a few days after the start. MASHON ALAND AND GROOT SCHUUR 113 We rode in column formation. Selous with his scouts (most of them lent by Khama) went on in front and spread out on either side, the Pioneers and police surrounded the waggons, and the guns brought up the rear, with more scouts behind. With all the precautions we could take, however, we were con- scious that in the broken and scrubby country, which became more and more difficult as we approached Mashonaland, we could have been cut up in a few moments by a determined at- tack. We were anxious and on the alert until we reached the open country, but on the high plateau of Mashonaland we breathed more freely. At night the waggons were laagered and the electric searchlight played over the surrounding coun- try to reveal any enemies who might have tried to stalk us. The scattered bands of Mashonas must have thought wonder- ful things of this strange body of men, so curiously clad and armed, who called to their aid a great white eye which watched over them at night and pierced into the heart of the jungle with its rays. To get the guns and waggons along we had to cut through the banks of the drifts and sometimes to make cordu- roy roads. Here and there the track had to be cut through thick jungle. I remember the bivouac at night, when we took our well- earned rest rolled in our karosses and mackintosh sheets, the camp fire flickering and a savoury steam going up from cook- ing pots. The troopers round their fire sang lustily in the still African night, while the smoke and scent of their pipes, charged with the Boer tobacco which is good only on the veld but unsurpassable there, filled the air with a peculiar pungency. A favourite song, of which the refrain has stuck to me ever since, dealt in true Tommy fashion with life's little ironies and had appropriate colour : 'There goes the I.D.B. ! Are ye there, Moriar-r-i-ty?" with a rich Irish brogue. This never failed to bring down the house. The great, white eye of our electric light attracted the wild animals, of which the country was then full, but also kept them at bay. When we got on to the high veld we saw large herds of giraffes, zebra and buck, and later on, in the north of Mashonaland, elephants and lions. Gold prospecting ii4 DAN TO BEERSHEBA at a later date was complicated by the dangers from these beasts, and I remember one man had the novel experience of seeing three lions at three different places on the same day. Rhodes himself once had a narrow escape from a lion on his way up from Beira. He had gone out for a morning stroll in his pyjamas and was seen racing back as hard as he could pelt, having nearly walked into a lion at a turn in the path. After a ten weeks march the Pioneers accomplished their journey of 450 miles, building four forts in which they left garrisons on the way to maintain the line of communication. On September 20, 1890, they reached their destination, Mount Hampden, some ten miles north of the spot where the town of Salisbury now stands. On the way up, shortly after reaching the plateau, with a party which included Selous, Jameson (who had now joined the column) and Fiennes, I started off to make a treaty with the Chief of the Manika and obtain for the British South Af- rica Company concessions for the mineral and other rights in his territory. I was desirous of obtaining some reliable infor- mation and, if possible, ocular evidence of that ever-vanishing and hitherto unknown quantity — the will-o'-the-wisp of so- called Portuguese "occupation." On our way up through Mashonaland, not a trace or vestige of the existence of the Portuguese at any time, much less of a present occupation of this country, to which they had laid claim with much well- simulated indignation a year before, could be detected, or at any rate was visible to the naked eye. The ruins we saw — at Zimbabye, for instance, and other places — could never by the wildest stretch of imagination be ascribed to Portuguese handiwork, or admitted for one moment as fulfilling their in- variable contention of "ancient ruins and traditions/' upon which they laid so much stress and based their chimerical rights in this part of the world. Until we reached Manika there was nothing of general interest to record. We passed through some of the most charming scenery imaginable, cross- ing numerous streams of clear, swiftly flowing water over rocky beds, winding their way amongst perfect wooded moun- tain scenery, of which one could find the exact counterpart in favoured portions of either Scotland or Wales. The importance of Manika lay not only in the fact that it brought the British South Africa Company's frontier nearer MASHONALAND AND GROOT SCHUUR 115 the coast and put a definite stop to Portuguese expansion, but also that at that time great things were expected of the Manika goldfields, which had been worked from time immemorial. About Rhodesian goldfields generally I shall have more to say later on. On the way to Manika Jameson had a bad accident in being thrown from his horse, and had to be left behind. I have a characteristic letter written by him at this juncture, which is well worth quoting because of some little side-lights on the local politics of the day. After some details about food, wag- gons, and trading stuffs, he says: "My infernal side gets more shaky instead of better — the torments of the damned after trying to get up for a few min- utes. So, as I would only be an encumbrance to Selous at present, I am going on to Mount Hampden (our original idea for a terminus, about ten miles north of Salisbury) to await him there or join him after you return. As the tent is the only means of making a hammock to be carried in I am using it. Tell Selous I will bring or send him another if he goes on. The only alternative is to lie here indefinitely — poor sport. The natives brought some good gold here yesterday — a lot of Portu- guese bastards here evidently trading in gold. I suppose you would put a P.S. to your concession form giving the most ex- tensive limits Umtassa will allow — to the coast if possible — and get him to sign it as well as the form. That would include everything. Love to all, wish you every success." Upon the conclusion of the Manika treaty Mr. Selous and two others of my mission rode on to Massi-Kessi, where, it was said, some Portuguese were established. Selous and his party on their way to that place met a party of East Coast blacks in charge of two Portuguese officials (one a captain in the Portuguese army, the other a civil engineer) recently ar- rived from the coast and bearing a letter to me — I had re- mained behind in the neighbourhood of Umtassa's kraal — pro- testing against the presence of the representatives of the company in Manika as well as Mashonaland generally. On hearing that Selous, who informed them where I could be found, wished to go on to Massi-Kessi, they intimated their willingness to fall in with that arrangement, and Selous went on and visited the Baron de Rezende. The latter may have had, under normal circumstances, a small retinue of black u6 DAN TO BEERSHEBA "soldiers"; but these, it is understood, had been told off sum- marily to swell the cortege enorme, avec un drapeau deploye (as the party was afterwards described) despatched late the evening before with the letter of protest to myself. Every nerve had no doubt been strained to render the cortege of as imposing an appearance as possible, with the object of duly impressing me with the solid and substantial, not to say mili- tary, nature of Portuguese occupation. Beyond this one iso- lated representative of the Mozambique Company, however, Selous failed to trace the existence of one single other resident Portuguese, either official, colonist, trader, or miner. There were certainly two or three engineers in the neighbourhood, temporarily engaged in surveying, and there were the two recently arrived officials from the coast already mentioned. The contrast between this and the occupation of Mashona- land by the British South Africa Company struck us forcibly soon after. At Fort Salisbury — to say nothing of what had been done at the various stations below — within one month of the arrival of the expedition several hundred prospectors were scouring the country in all directions in search of gold, forts had been built, huts were springing up in every direction, postal communication was punctually kept up from the base, and the general work of administration was being soundly and firmly established. The difficulties between England and Portugal were, after much further negotiation, happily ended by the ratification of a new agreement, dated June u, 1891. This agreement, which gave Mashonaland access to the port of Beira through the Portuguese territory, together with the agreement concluded with Germany in the previous year, brought about a general arrangement of Central and Southern Africa between the Powers interested in that region. It was, of course, a great drawback that Rhodesia could not secure a coast line, and a great deal of our thoughts and energies in the first months of our occupation were bent to this end. It was expected by the Company that the British Government would support us in any concession we might have obtained "even down to the sea coast," but unfortunately the Portuguese position in Beira was too well defined, or at all events I thought so. Had I cared to despatch a filibustering expedition to seize Beira I could have done so but, as I was now perfectly aware, with the cer- MASHON ALAND AND GROOT SCHUUR 117 tainty that in the case of accident I should be disavowed. The temper displayed by the Portuguese over the affair of Um- tassa's kraal was, moreover, a plain indication of possible com- plications. I think I forgot to mention that our prisoner, d'Andrada, turned out to be a near relation of some very high personages, and his private influence, which extended beyond his own country, was highly inconvenient. I must now go back to the point when I rejoined the Pioneer column at Mount Hampden, soon after which we moved on to Salisbury. The prospectors began to spread over the coun- try — at least, many of them. Others, who had expected to find gold in chunks ready to be picked up, squatted in their waggons and waited for the liquor to arrive. All had been given three months' rations by the .Company but were expected to find meat for themselves, and I find in a plaintive letter from the officer left in command when I went away to inspect the country, that these so-called prospectors surrounded him day and night asking him for meat, "Of which," he adds with some misgivings, "I really have none to give." Within a few weeks of our arrival the rains set in, and were unusually severe that year. The rivers rose in our rear and cut our communi- cations, and as we had travelled very light, expecting waggons of supplies to follow, we were soon on short commons. Meat was to be had for the shooting, but native meal was difficult to obtain and we had not the trading stuff to barter for it. Tea, coffee, sugar, and even salt we ran out of at headquarters, and the prospectors were short of everything and suffered severely from malarial fever. In short, we had a very rough time. I had one anxious week, having gone out to a mining camp with a brother of Dr. Jameson. We were isolated by the river, which was in spate in front, and by the track behind us, impassable from the heavy rain. We took shelter in a hut and subsisted on the scanty food we were carrying and what the natives in a kraal could give us, but it was a trying ex- perience. Our position at Salisbury became so desperate that at last I was forced to send an expedition to Tete, a Portuguese trad- ing post on the Zambesi, and thence they brought up a couple of waggon loads of supplies, but the journey was a terrible one at that time of year and cost several lives. As soon as the rains were over conditions improved very much and the work n8 DAN TO BEERSHEBA of organisation proceeded apace. Among the steps to be taken were the formation of a headquarters at Salisbury, the estab- lishment of postal communication, the laying out of townships, the creation of mining districts with commissioners, the deal- ing with applications for mining rights and licenses, the ad- justment of disputes among the settlers, the establishment of hospitals, the preparation and introduction of mining and other laws and regulations, the initiation of a survey, the opening out of roads to the various mining centres, and the despatch of missions to native chiefs. Naturally, under the conditions of laying the foundation stone of a colony, in which commercial interests were so large- ly represented, there were many strings being pulled, many intrigues, and a certain amount of friction, but the general behaviour, especially of the police, was excellent. My own position was not an easy one by any means, for I was between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand a body of settlers who were not under the same control as they would have been in a Crown colony, and over whom during the first few months, until provisional laws and regulations had been promulgated, I had no real power ; and on the other my employers who were not accustomed to the forms and procedure usual in official communications — a fact which enormously increased my work. The principle of undivided control pressed for by me was not recognised, partly, I think, because Rhodes was anxious from the first that his alter ego, Jameson, who would be nble as no one else could to interpret his policy, should really control the destiny of the colony although he could not spare him for the initial spade work. Jameson was occupied in journeying to and fro and in affairs of high policy, and was only in Mashona- land for a very short time during my tenure of office, but he was appointed managing-director, and after I left he took over the administration. My departure in the autumn of 1891 was rendered necessary by the fact that I could not face another rainy season without leave, having suffered severely from the strain of the work and the hardships involved. At the same time was found practicable to disband the military force, Colonel Pennefather and other officers returning to their regiments. "Pat" Forbes remained in charge of a volunteer force nomi- nally 500 strong, now the only force, military or police, in the country — a sure indication that our first year had been success- MASHONALAND AND GROOT SCHUUR 119 ful in establishing the colony on a secure and peaceful founda- tion. Appended is a facsimile letter from Mr. Rhodes, one of the few I ever received in his own writing — the labour evinced in the heavy irregular scrawl is indicative of his dislike for the manual labour of writing. There is no secret history involved, though it is an amusing little sidelight on the sort of question we had to tackle, and the difficulties in our path — by no means always of native origin. At Cape Town I stayed with Rhodes at his famous house, Groot Schuur, once a granary, as its name implies, and for long in the possession of the Hofmeyr family. When he became Prime Minister in 'go he tenanted the house and bought it a couple of years later. In '96 it was burnt down and re- stored by Baker in the form which it now wears — larger and more elaborate, but in the style of the old house. No one who ever saw Groot Schuur, even in those early days, could forget it — the avenue of pines and oaks, the scrolled white gable-ends, quaint windows and moulded chimney-pots, the foreground of Dutch garden, and at the back the three terraces with their fringe of pines and great clumps of arum lilies. Behind it all the bush-clad slopes topped by the krantses of Table Moun- tain and the Devil's Peak — a wonderful site for a house and a wonderful house for the site. The interior was more homely and comfortable than elabo- rate, and the modern house seemed to me in 1904 less of a home and more of a museum, which of course it is since the master left it. Much of the old furniture now contained in it was collected from all parts of South Africa for the new house. Rhodes was always fond of old things and especially of curios, and every visitor saw the wooden bowl brought from Zimbabye, and the curious carved birds, which he liked to believe were Phallic symbols. There was a coin of Antoninus Pius from the same treasure trove. More interesting to me was the library, a really good one, containing many classics and good modern series, such as the "History of the Nations." The table was very good, and the service, on a modest scale with one white man-servant and coloured underlings, was quite adequate. Groot Schuur was, from the first, the scene of great hospi- tality. At the time of my visit Rhodes was engaged in the heavy task of placating the Dutch element and keeping them 120 DAN TO BEERSHEBA in hand, while the northern expansion was being carried out, and at the same time soothing the susceptibilities of the British Africanders who could not but fear that the northern expan- sion might lead to a shifting of the centre of gravity and thus leave the Cape stranded and isolated in South Africa. Con- sequently one met at Groot Schur not only the Bond leaders but politicians of every shade. Jan Hofmeyr, the "Mole," quiet and secretive but bearing the reputation (which I think he de- served) of being the straightest man in South Africa, was very often there, and John X. Merriman, the brilliant Englishman, who was to identify himself with the Bond and is now Prime Minister, was another interesting figure. Merriman was at this time a great friend of Rhodes and took many morning rides with him — a friendship which terminated abruptly and left bit- terness behind when Rhodes "betrayed the Dutch." Merri- man is one of the wittiest and most caustic of men, but like many others of his calibre is, I think, best in opposition. He is credited with having spoken of "The sons of Belial — I mean Balliol !" to indicate the young British officials who were his betes noirs when introduced by Lord Milner after the war. Balliol men remain "sons of Belial" to this day without any reflection on their characters ! Another witty Biblical perversion related to the demand of a section of the Cape farmers for some facilities for the trans- port of agricultural produce. Although they did not get what they wanted the minister for railways, in a gracious speech, promised to carry local building materials at reduced rates. "You have asked for bread and he gives you a stone!" was Merriman's apt comment. On my way down I had met Lord Randolph Churchill on his last melancholy journey, and had two hours' conversation with him. One could not help being pained by the obvious signs of disease and mental wear and tear. Only this year a paper on our East African Empire was read by me at the Colonial Institute, at which Lord Randolph's son, now a Cabinet min- ister, took the chair. I could not help thinking of my last in- terview with his father. This was, though I did not suppose it for a moment, the last time I ever saw Cecil Rhodes. He was very kind and cordial to me, and offered me six months' leave and the option of returning to my post if I liked; but I felt that the avenues MASHONALAND AND GROOT SCHUUR 121 to promotion in that direction were few and the conditions of service not such as would suit me. I was, however, given by him six months' leave on full pay, though it was understood that I was not coming back. I do not think my decision about Rhodesia was unwise. The development of the country was not to proceed on ordinary lines, since the administration was complicated by the financial question. Rhodes originally be- lieved that the country was so heavily mineralised from end to end as to be a certain success from the start, and counted on finding a second banket reef which would at once bring in a large and prosperous community. Had he known, as he knew later, that though the country is "mineralised from end to end" the gold deposit is of a character to make its exploita- tion an industry, but not an Eldorado, he would have followed an entirely different policy. He meant the mines to act as a magnet to population and capital, and thought the develop- ment of the country would follow. Now it has become patent that Rhodesia must depend on her land as well as her minerals, but the first false steps have to be painfully recovered, and Rhodesia's prospects, after eighteen years, are still unrealised though much has been done in the country and its possibilities are as great as ever. Under the abnormal conditions attend- ing the early development of Rhodesia, I do not see in what direction a career would have opened to me. Business ability, essential in dealing with the complicated situation, was lacking on my part, and I had an utter distaste for the atmosphere of mining speculation and company promoting which pervaded the country. Moreover, although much attracted by the cli- mate and the country I could not, after my experiences in the East, enjoy the task of dealing with natives who had to all seeming neither a history nor a future. I have always been proud to have played a part, however humble, in securing a part of this country for the Empire ; but when the pioneer stage was over, and the patriotic motif had to be subordinated to the question of dividends, my first enthusiasm began to wane. In short, I was not drawn towards the work in Rhodesia by any strong attractions, and from the point of view of worldly suc- cess I have never had reason to deplore the fact that I decided not to return. Rhodesia has not proved an avenue to promo- tion or distinction, and the expense of living has always handi- capped those to whom salary is a consideration. 122 DAN TO BEERSHEBA Revisiting Rhodesia the other day, I was amused at the question of a youngster who asked me where "Government House" was in my time ? Mine was a mud hut with a thatched roof, and I wrote home that it was extremely comfortable and actually had windows, as I knew from the draughts — no glass, but a sheet of cotton nailed over the framework. I contem- plated a more elaborate establishment, and had thoughts of importing my stepmother and youngest half-sister to preside over it, but I warned them that no ladies had entered the coun- try as yet and that of trained service there was none. The men who fared best were those who, like Selous, had Zulu body servants who had followed them for years and knew how to provide for a rough kind of comfort. My stepmother, in answer to my suggestion, wrote that I might marry, to which I replied — and the statement is extant to prove the vanity of a man's judgment on himself — "I shall never marry. I am too old, in spirit as well as in years, to venture on such an un- dertaking." Had I but known, the lady who was to change my mind on this subject had just become acquainted with my family circle, and on my return to London my fate was de- cided, although the event tarried some seven years. CHAPTER XIII A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES The return to England in the middle of the winter was not well calculated, for nothing depresses one more after the clear African sky than the grey pall which too often spreads over these islands during the months between November and April. I was, however, anxious to see my stepmother and brothers and sisters and to learn their plans for the future, for I had half a mind to settle down with them somewhere and devote myself to literature. The spring of 1892 found me enjoying a holiday in Eng- land practically for the first time. It will be remembered that on my first furlough home (in 1881) I only stayed a few months and did a lot of work in that time; my second stay (in 1882) was as short, and even more strenuous; while the third, before I went out to Upper Burma, was only some five months, and during that time I was writing and lecturing incessantly. Naturally, the period (from August to November in 1889) which preceded my sudden departure for South Africa was too anxious a time to be enjoyed, so that I had practically never in my life had a complete rest from work, travel, and worry. The London season being on, and my stepmother and her youngest girl now in town, I much enjoyed the novel ex- perience of taking them about. My sister was then studying at the studio of Ludovici, and I was invited to teas there and used sometimes to go to fetch her. It was a joke against me that I did not fancy studio teas, expressing doubts as to whether the cups had been properly washed, and declaring that the cake tasted of palette-knife! But fate lurked behind the teacups and the painty cake, and a very young lady in a red overall succeeded in impressing her image on my not very sus^ ceptible heart. I arranged parties carrees, in which she was included, but I fear I did not make the most of my opportuni- ties, for she assures me that at Earl's Court in the evening, 123 124 DAN TO BEERSHEBA under the fairy lights and to the music of a Strauss waltz, I discussed with her the unification of Germany and the work accomplished by von Stein! The end of this episode came with a party up the river, which was to have been an idyll, but turned out a fiasco. We started from Westbourne Park in a light drizzle and the carriage packed to suffocation. Our party — one of my carefully-planned fours — was unexpectedly increased by the untimely appearance of a young brother and a friend, who insisted on joining us. The brother could have been choked off, but the friend, for reasons of his own, was impervious to my hints. We reached Henley in a downpour. We walked along the river bank through torrents of rain. We lunched at the hotel in dryness and comfort, but by this time my temper was horrid, for to add to everything I had a liver attack! After lunch we sat in a damp summer-house, and even the geniality of Duncan Louttit could not dispel the gloom which had settled over us. The guest of the occasion decided that I must be a very unpleasant man to live with, and on our arrival back in town — the sun came out as we reached it — she elected to be escorted home by Duncan ! We were not to meet again for seven years. An adventurous spirit in the journalistic world with whom I was acquainted was the American, Stillman, who started life as a landscape painter. In 1852 he went on behalf of Louis Kossuth to Hungary to carry away the Crown jewels, which had been hidden during the revolution. Later he was United States consul at Rome and in Greece, but took to literature and then joined the Times. From his conversation I got my first interest in the politics of South-Eastern Europe and in the Bal- kans generally. I think I met him at Sir Edwin Arnold's house, a very hospitable one, where the family circle formed rather an amusing mutual admiration society. Arnold's sec- ond wife, the daughter of Dr. Channing, a well-known Boston preacher, was talented and constantly dilated on the genius of her husband, while he led one round to admire her paintings, and the rest of the household sat and worshipped at both the shrines! Arnold accumulated a perfect museum of foreign (chiefly Eastern) orders which were a great topic of conver- sation. After a short time life in England began to bore me. My future course was still undecided, but in any case I was rest- A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 125 less for fresh fields and pastures new. Having a sister and brother in America and many friends, and feeling that to un- derstand Welt Politik (which was my desire) it was essential to see the West as well as the East, I packed up my traps and started for America, travelling all over not only the Northern but the Southern States, and spending many months with my sister in Atlanta, Georgia, where she lived for the education of her children. I was immensely entertained by my Ameri- can nephews and nieces, for the freedom of manner and many of the social customs were strange to me. I remember vividly my sensations when, in a house where my sister and I were calling one evening, some young fellows arrived to see the girls of the family, and our hostess rose from her comfortable "rocker" and said to us, "Well, I guess we had better go into the back parlour and leave the young folks to enjoy them- selves !" So many charming novels have been written which give pictures of social conditions in the Southern States after "the s'render" that it is perhaps foolish for me to add my stone to the cairn, but I cannot forget the vivid impression made on me at this time. Coming from the Northern States, where the whole atmopshere was full of work, hustle, money, enterprise, and nervous tension, I dropped into a society where the princi- pal occupation seemed to be the struggle to make both ends meet on the most slender resources, and yet where worldly success was of less account than an honourable name and ancestry. From the atmosphere of equality — an equality in which, as has been well said, every man is "as good as another and a bit better" — I came into a social world full of subtle class distinc- tions. The fact that everyone "in society" was poor did not detract from their claims on consideration based on their fam- ily position. In no society in Europe would one meet with a greater degree of aristocratic exclusiveness, though it was kept up with a delicate high-bred absence of assumption. One recognised at once that the underlying principle of this society was the fact that, like Englishmen in India or Burma, the "best people" were a sahib class, living among a race of in- ferior civilisation. The destruction of the fabric of their society by the entire reversal of social conditions in the "reconstruc- tion period" had driven them to what appeared like an exag- 126 DAN TO BEERSHEBA geration of the sense of caste — in the struggle to preserve their position. It was impossible not to admire the beautiful Southern women, many of whom toiled in menial capacities during the day but received in the evening in their refined if shabby homes, and entertained us with the gaiety and ease of those to whom social intercourse is the chief affair of life. I re- member one woman particularly, delicate and fragile in ap- pearance, who had been a great belle in her youth and the mistress of a fine establishment in her early married years. She hawked books for sale during the day. It was only the shadow in her eyes that gave any indication of her sufferings when she entertained her callers in the evening. It was not "good form" to talk about "better days" or indeed to draw attention, directly or indirectly, to the fact that everything was not as it should be. Among men, however, the conver- sation ran greatly on the struggle many were having to keep the remnant of their estates. The word "mort- gage" was omniously familiar and hung over our spirits like a pall. Bitterness against the North had not by any means died out, and a Northerner was still a foreigner and an outsider, not to be tolerated as a son-in-law, though young folks sometimes thought differently. I wonder if any of these old-world communities are still to be found, or if the great industrial expansion of the South has swept them away on a wave of prosperity! The generation then growing up was not likely to perpetuate either the sentiments or the preju- dices of their parents, or the pathetic futility of their attitude towards the forces at work in their country. Among my most interesting experiences was a visit to the old home of John C. Calhoun, the celebrated Southern states- man, in the hills of South Carolina. The house, a modest one, but beautifully situated, was, I think, preserved by the piety of his descendants as a relic of him. The walls were hung with portraits, and a valuable collection of his letters was preserved in strong boxes, at which I was allowed to have a look. My sister and I were specially interested to find out if he belonged to the same family as ourselves, and from the correspondence gathered that this was actually the case, though his forbears had come to America via Donegal where they were settled for some generations. All the Colquhouns, Calhoons A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 127 and other variants of the name must be, in fact, descended from the Loch Lomond clan, though I am not prepared to say that the original Kilpatrick who got the Colchune lands may not have come from Ireland ! In John Calhoun's face we thought could be traced the tradi- tional family features, and particularly the high-bridged nose and fine forehead which were so marked in my own father. He had a French mother, whose beautiful portrait, full of life and spirit, also hung on the walls, and from her he got the flashing dark eye which was one of his characteristics. I feel proud to be able to claim kinship with one of America's great- est men, whom I have always admired not only as a statesman but as a philosopher, and I was much interested to meet the handsome and talented descendant of his, Miss Eleanor Cal- houn, to whom reference has already been made. Atlanta, where my sister lived, had only recently started on the career of industrial expansion which now makes it a great railway and manufacturing centre. While I was there I went up to see the Chicago Exhibition, and heard an amusing story illustrating the coolness of an Atlantian animated by Southern pride. A Yankee said to him, "You come from Atlanta? Busy little place! We always call it the Chicago of the South !" "You don't say !" answered the Southerner. "I call that a genuine coincidence. We always call Chicago the Atlanta of the No'th !" I was told also — a less authenticated story — that a Chicago man died and came in due course to a Certain Place. A spirit met him at the gate and showed him over his new abode. He saw miles and miles of business quarters and streets, and the more he saw the more enthusiastic he became. "Why, Heaven is better than Chicago," he cried. The spirit answered, "This is not Heaven !" Being determined to see something of America outside the towns, I made several journeys by rail and buck -board and stopped at farm houses, meeting, of course, none but Ameri- cans, and even in towns and hotels avoiding the few Britons who might be seen there. I found my country and people excessively unpopular, and my own passport to favour was the fact that I was "Scoto-Irish" — the generic term for all Celts in America. Had I been English my welcome would have been a very poor one, and I was often forced to listen to a criticism of my country which was founded on the perverted 128 DAN TO BEERSHEBA information conveyed in the Press and the school books of the day. My own nephews and nieces waved the Stars and Stripes under my nose and rubbed in the iniquities we had committed on every possible occasion, the fact that both their father and mother were British weighing nothing against their own poignant sense of American nationality. This was my first glimpse of a subject which has been much discussed since then — the power of this great country for digesting aliens and turning them out American citizens. No traveller in the United States has failed to be struck by the inoculation of patriotism in the schools, and its effect on the children of immigrants. In Boston I met an Englishman whose loyalty to his own na- tion had never even permitted him to take out naturalisation papers, though he was settled there for life. One day, walk- ing over Boston Common with his small boy, aged seven, the latter gave his father a little shove and said slyly, pointing with his finger, "That's where we whopped you, poppa!" An Irish lady of my acquaintance whose parents settled in Virginia when she was nearly grown up, volunteered one day to take a geography class in school for one of the teachers who was ill. The subject was Europe. She stood up before the map and, pointing to it, began, "Europe is the smallest but the most important of the continents " She never finished the sentence. The class rose as one child and mobbed her, and as she would not retract, the lesson had to be abandoned. A great improvement has, I believe, taken place in the school books, which give a more just appreciation of Great Britain without detracting from American pride in their own national achievements. I say I "believe," because only three years ago I had occasion to dip into some "Readers," and found a rechauffe of stories about English cruelty to American pris- oners which may be historically accurate, but are given an entirely false perspective by being taken out of their context and served up for the consumption of children to whom such anecdotes are apt to be far more vivid than the greater move- ments of which they are part. At the period of my first visit the education of the negro was only just beginning to engage attention, and was violently opposed by many people in the South. I recollect many stories of the hardships and even dangers encountered by the Northern school-marms who had to be imported to teach the negro schools. At a later date A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 129 much time and consideration were devoted by me to this "Black problem," but it is too involved for any discussion here. I may say that my acquaintance with the South, and the con- ditions of life of a small white population living in the midst of a black cloud, prevented me from adopting the Northern attitude, but at the same time I have always felt, in Africa as in America, that the negro race must be helped on an upward path of civilisation. A witty definition of the attitude of the North and South respectively towards the negro problem runs as follows : "The North sympathises with the negro — the South with a negro." This was the epigram of a coloured man, and it is true, for while the negro in the abstract — in principle — ap- peals to the theoretic justice of the Northener, the colour line is really drawn hard-and-fast in the North as in the South, while in the latter long and often affectionate association with black people as servants and nurses makes the Southerner kinder and more sympathetic to individual negroes. I remember the affectionate familiarity of the old mammies and field hands on my sister's plantation in Alabama, and their intimate ac- quaintance with the family affairs which they regarded as their own. Many of them, of course, had been born in slavery, for this was only thirty years after the war. I particularly like the story of the old negro butler who, thinking one of his young mistresses was neglecting a guest at dinner, took occa- sion to whisper to her, "A little more condessation to de right, missy !" Everyone knows the part played by negro servants in running the estates when their masters went to the war, and often acting as the sole supports and protectors of white mis- tresses when the latter lost their own men folk. I regret to say my sister writes to me that the black people have now grown so insolent that it is not considered safe for a white lady to live on a plantation unprotected. I have a lively recollection of the surprise shown by an American lady a few years since in the West Indies, when she saw white women living on lonely plantations from which their husbands or sons were often absent for days at a time. One lady was asked, "Are you not frightened?" She replied, in all good faith, "Oh, no! there are plenty of hands on the estate, and so few white loafers come this way !" And there is no Judge Lynch in Jamaica ! The farming population of Ohio, where I also visited, was a great contrast to that of Georgia or Carolina. In the former 130 DAN TO BEERSHEBA I was driven in smart buck-boards, behind spanking horses, and the houses of my hosts were full of homely comfort, and not a few contained books and music. . The food was plentiful and good of its sort, but oh! the horrible indigestion induced by American middle-class cooking. In the South, where tra- ditions of creole cookery linger, one gets the most delicious food in the world, and the tables of the rich in the Eastern towns are most delicately furnished, but the genuine middle- class fare is only fit for an ostrich. Visions of "pie," of rich and oily turkeys with highly seasoned stuffing and sweet sauce, of steaks like leather and hot cakes like lead, of strong tea and weak coffee drunk in gallons with these meals, of fat boiled bacon and beans swimming in grease — the very memory gives me dyspepsia ! A patent "liver cure" is a sure cut to fortune in America! The farming communities were sociable, the whole tone of life full and free — a delightful country and peo- ple. The Southern farmers, on the contrary, scattered and isolated, struggling against adverse labour conditions and back- ward in their methods, were often ground down to that hope- less level of agricultural poverty which is the worst of all. Amusements were scarce, intellects were starved. The Sunday paper represented all they knew of the outside world. The poor white communities of the hill country presented the gravest social problem, and I do not think this blot on American civ- ilisation has yet been removed, judging from the reports I have recently seen of the Hargis feud. These family feuds have their counterpart in such countries as Sicily to-day, but the whole condition of the people who harbour them is more reminiscent of the Highland clans of Scotland in ruder times. The lawlessness displayed by these American highlanders, often degenerate and absolutely ignorant "poor whites," living in a semi-primitive manner in the mountains, but cherishing the traditions of "family," provides picturesque material for the sensational journalist or novelist. "Judge" Jim Hargis, with his twenty or more notches on his gun to show the num- ber of murders committed, is at last shot in his own store by his son to whom he had denied some request ! Wild justice — not the majesty of the law — rules in these regions. It is to be regretted that, even in parts of the United States where the "poor-white question" does not come in, the education which makes men patriots seems too often to fail to imbue A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 131 them with a sense of the duties, as well as the rights, of citi- zenship. Lawlessness in her people is one of the great prob- lems of the United States to-day, a fact, no doubt, largely due to the admixture of races to whom the idea of law is not yet a tradition. I was immensely struck, on my first sojourn, by this disrespect for law, for although I had been in countries where civilisation was primitive I had nowhere encountered the deliberate contempt for the law and its processes which characterised many of my own friends and acquaintances. Many things which they disapproved they suffered rather than set the machinery of law in motion, regardless of the fact that, however uncertain that machinery might be, it must deteriorate with disuse, and that the way to improve it w T as not to ignore it. Everyone knows the stories of editors "out West," whose offices had to be barricaded against ousiaughts of offended readers. Perhaps it may be news to some people that at the end of the nineteenth century a Southern editor, whose public contained some of the fine fleur of American civilisation, might have a no less exciting existence. I knew one who went to his work warily every day. The office was situated in a square, and to reach it he had to pass down a street and cross the road. The crossing was the dan- gerous point. Down the street he had his shoulder to the wall and his "iron" handy. Then he took a good look to see if the coast was clear, and made a dart to the office door. Colonel X., with two big sons, was on the look-out for him to avenge some insult in the paper, but for some days the editor evaded him. An Englishman, a friend of mine, who was on his staff, was writing busily one evening when the office boy rushed in with the news that the editor was being murdered in the square. He seized his '"gun," threw himself downstairs and was just in time. The editor had his back to the wall and the colonel and his "boys" were taking shots at him. When my friend arrived on the scene and took steady aim they thought better of it and disappeared. The reason why more people are not killed in such an affray is that the six-shooter is not a weapon of precision in the hands of an angry man. The principal danger is to lookers-on, and they usually have the sense to get out of the way. My friend's "gun" was not loaded as a matter of fact, but it was an effective weapon for all that, and saved the editor's life. There was no prosecution on account of this 132 DAN TO BEERSHEBA as it was known the jury would not convict. Instances of a flagrant kind have failed to secure conviction from a prejudiced jury, and this, to a great extent, is the root of the mischief. A horrible case, illustrating a genuine problem of America — that of juvenile crime — came also within my own knowledge. Two boys had a row and one knocked off the cap of the other, whereupon the insulted one went home, took his father's gun, and lay in wait for his enemy, finally taking deliberate aim through a window and shooting him dead. It is, perhaps, a little unfair to include these stories in so brief an account of the Southern States as I saw them, but naturally the incidents were of a character to impress them- selves on one's mind. Let me tell one of a less serious char- acter. A briefless young. barrister in a Western town was or- dered by the Court to take the defence of a prisoner — a thief caught red-handed in the act. "What can I do for him, Jedge ?" he queried. "You done caught him in the act." "Do the best you can for him, Bob," was the answer. The young advocate asked and obtained permission to confer with his client, while another case was called, and as no convenient place was to be found in the court-house they adjourned to the tavern across the way. Presently a constable came over to fetch them and found the lawyer alone. He shambled over to the Court and was confronted by the Judge. "Where's the prisoner ?" "Wal, I guess he's acrost the border into Wyoming by now. You done told me to do the best I could for him, and seeing the tight place he was in I give him the Jedge's horse and he lit out!" All the best Americans agree that the enforcement of the law and the incorruptible administration of justice are questions of the first importance at the present stage of their national life, and I am glad to see the prominence given to this by Mr. Taft, who will, I hope, be President by the time this book appears. A country which has such statesmen as Roosevelt and Taft can have no serious difficulty in securing vital reforms. This mention of American statesmen may be my excuse for introducing some of those I have known. In London I met Mr. Bayard, the United States Minister, who was worthy of his name. At the Embassy, later on, I also met Mr. John Hay, with whom I became somewhat intimately acquainted, as our tastes were similar. I have a number of kind letters from him A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 133 about my books. In manner and appearance he was cosmo- politan, a slender, dapper, dark-bearded man, with a quiet voice. His literary ability was quite above the average, though the quiet distinction of his prose style did not attract the sen- sational notice which constitutes fame nowadays. He had a real taste for poetry which has descended to one of his daugh- ters. His career was really extraordinary. He began as a lawyer, fought in the Civil War, and became assistant adju- tant-general and brevet-colonel. For five years he was edi- torial writer on the New York Tribune and acted for the editor, Mr. Whitelaw Reid (who succeeded Hoi ace Greeley in 1872) when the latter was away. He was secretary and intimate friend of Lincoln, then went into diplomacy, and was at the Paris and Vienna Legations, after which he became first As- sistant Secretary of State. In 1897-98 he was Ambassador to England, and from that time was Secretary of State to the United States. This is the most important post after that of the President. Lie held it till his death. The last time I saw him was at Washington in 1903, and I remember his remind- ing me that he had served under three Presidents who had been assassinated — Lincoln, Garfield, and McKinley — "Rather unnerving, if I were a nervous man," he said quietly. In a less serious mood, he told my wife of a domestic disaster which once befell him and which will earn the sympathy of all bookish men. Leaving his library one summer vacation, he gave direc- tion to the housemaid to be most careful in her dusting of the books. When he returned she pointed out to him with pride that she had followed his orders — she had taken them all out and re-arranged them, according to ike colour of their bindings! With Mr. Roosevelt I did not become acquainted until my visit to Washington in 1903, although I was known to him through my books. After I had published my "Greater Amer- ica" he wrote me a most characteristic letter. Having found in the first few pages some statement he wished to discuss, he did not wait to finish the book but dashed off a letter at once. He very kindly wrote again later and said he was delighted with "Greater America," "though you have not got the thing quite right about education in the Philippines. I wish, if you get to this side again, you would see Secretary Taft." He also 134 DAN TO BEERSHEBA said : "I shall go over some of your views on the Philippines with Secretary Taft." My wife has two stories of the White House which shall be included here. The first relates to a concert given by the President and Mrs. Roosevelt in the pretty, newly-decorated ball-room. Little gilt chairs were placed for the guests, and these were well filled, except one row in front reserved for per- formers. The President came in a little late, and glancing round took one of these chairs. An attendant bustled up to him and whispered something, when he immediately jumped up and apologetically transferred himself to a back seat. The Senator who was next my wife said to her,. "You see how truly democratic we are. We don't even allow our President to think he can sit where he likes at his own party !" The other story concerns a curious coincidence. At a reception at the White House a lady in black came up to my wife and asked her, "Did I hear your name announced just now as Mrs. So- and-so?" "No," replied my wife, "I am Mrs. Archibald Col- quhoun." "And I," said the lady, "am Mrs. Archibald Forbes." The coincidence was the more strange because the two hus- bands had both been special correspondents and had known each other well. Mrs. Archibald Forbes was a widow by this time, and (another coincidence) she was a daughter of Major- General M. C. Meiggs, U.S.A., and therefore belonged to the family of the celebrated engineer whose grandchildren are friends of ours. In the chat which followed Mrs. Forbes told my wife an amusing experience of hers when she went to Scotland as a bride. Americans were not so well known in Scottish society at that time and she was regarded as a new specimen. Her more unsophisticated relations half expected her to have a red skin and wear feathers on her head! At a dinner-party given in her honour she overheard them congrat- ulating themselves that she apparently was quite civilised and had perfect table manners ! I have had unusual opportunities for studying Mr. Taft, having spent some six weeks in the Philippines with him, and though this belongs, of course, to a period subsequent to the point fixed upon as a stopping-place in this book, the special interest attaching to this big American at this time may excuse my saying a few words about him here. The circumstances of our meeting belong to "another story." "Bill" Taft, as I A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 135 see the journalists are beginning to call him — in his family circle I never heard the name used, but then no one but a jour- nalist ever called Mr. Roosevelt "Teddy'' — first loomed upon us in the sweltering heat of a tropical noon as the biggest, red- dest, hottest and best-tempered man we had ever seen. This impression was never effaced. I hope to have an opportunity of seeing him with the background of the White House, which under the Roosevelt regime has become a decent though by no means imposing residence for the First Magistrate of so great a country as the United States. But I shall always re- member Mr. Taft with a background of sapphire sky and sea — blindingly bright — sitting in a cane chair with a folding table in front of him, a secretary on one side and Judge Luke Wright on the other. All are in white, and everyone's collar his wilted. Perspiration streams down the pale cheek of the secretary and the red cheek of Mr. Taft, as he alternately mops and fans himself and dictates letters. At intervals the judge calls him in to discuss some knotty point in the legal code they are drawing up, but as if these two occupations are not enough at one time, Mr. Taft pauses every now and then to shoot a joke over his shoulder at a group of ladies lying flat in long chairs a few yards off. "Now then! Now then! Mrs. Calhoon, I can't have any treason to the United States talked aboard this boat — oh, yes, I heard you all right!" On this particular boat it may be mentioned here, there were some of the heaviest men I have known — I was a lightweight at fourteen stone! The Filipinos were much impressed by our size. "Are all Americans like that?" they asked with awe. The exertions of which Mr. Taft is capable in his voracity for work were the more remarkable in the climate of the Phil- ippines, which saps the energy of most people, especially when one considers his size, which must have made the heat more oppressive. He will not have much time for idleness in the White House. One evening I remember when Mr. Roosevelt came in to his private room at nearly 11 p. m. to have the chat for which I was waiting by appointment, he threw himself down in a chair and said the President was the hardest-worked man in America! "He works hard too," he said, nodding laughingly at a picture of the Emperor William. "But, Lord ! nothing like me!" Another quality for which Mr. Taft will* find abundant use is the sweetness of his temper and genial 136 DAN TO BEERSHEBA tact. I have seen him worried by the little details of organisa- tion which ought to have been spared him, but which the demo- cratic system demanded that he should personally attend to, and his good humour and patience were invariable. A more attractive personality it would be hard to find. There is some- thing clean and straight and genuine about him, and he is as devoid of vanity or smallness of any kind as he is incapable of deceit. Withal he is genuinely American, with the buoy- ancy and idealism of the best type of his race, mixed with the practical common sense and love of work which mark a more common and perhaps less attractive type. The combination is one of which any country might be proud. This is a per- sonal book, so I will leave politics alone, otherwise I should be tempted into some forecasts as to Mr. Taft's development as a statesman. It has been mentioned that I put my savings into American real estate. It was just at the end of my first visit to the States that I accomplished this stroke of genius. I was told a boom was coming to the South, and I hastened to rake my shekels together and invest them in a fruit plantation. The other day I heard a Canadian retrieve himself very neatly after a faux pas. He had been talking very amiably to a lady at a public dinner whose name he had not caught when they were intro- duced. Presently a speech was made referring to a lady jour- nalist who was their guest that night. "Who is this woman?" he inquired of his neighbour. "Why, you're talking to her!" was the reply. For a moment he was out of countenance, then he said : "I reckon a man must make a fool of himself at least once in his life — and my time has come !" Well, "my time" had certainly come ! Hardly had I completed the invest- ment of all my savings when down went the market. I heard the news when just sailing for home, and immediately on my arrival, being determined not to repeat my experience with "Chartereds," and be squeezed out just before the property went up in value again, I raked some more money together somehow, borrowed on an insurance and sent out another thousand or so to be dropped into the bottomless pit! The crisis was one of the most severe ever experienced in the United States, and the depression lasted long enough to make it impossible to keep my plantation going. Luckily for me I was able, at this juncture, to retire, A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES 137 drawing a special pension from the Government of India, so that my living was at least secure, but I had crippled myself severely by my foolish investment, and found it neces- sary, for the first time, to take inexpensive rooms, using my club as an address. I descended from Bryanston Street or St. James' to Camden Town! Throughout life I have proved that what seems like a misfortune frequently turns out a blessing. In this case I found in the landlady of my rooms one of the best and most devoted of women, and from this time to the date of my marriage my home in England was always made under her roof, though I was not so comfortable in her second and more pretentious establishment as in my old "digs." She looked after me with care and even, I think, affection, and I recall her memory with gratitude. A small lecturing tour was now undertaken by me, always a most exhausting business but lucrative if well managed. When one thinks of the number of good men killed by the fatigues of lecturing, especially in America, one is glad to have escaped. To give a few instances in my own memory — Charles Dickens, Max O'Rell, Ian Maclaren — all fell victims to the overstrain and fatigue of lecture work. It is not so much the actual lecturing as the travelling between and the well-meant but fatal kindness included under the term "hos- pitality." Mark Twain was once asked what his charges would be to deliver a lecture "out West." He wired, "Lec- ture $200. if with hospitality $400." Colonel Pond, the great American lecture agent, with whom I was once in communica- tion, told me that English lecturers as a rule did not make much of a success in the United States, but that Max O'Rell was the biggest "draw" that he had ever handled. I knew this clever and amusing man, and from his lips got the story of a tu quoque which is hard to beat. He was touring in Australia at the same time as an actor-manager with a Shakespearean repertory, and at a dinner to which both were invited, the latter called across the table to him, "D'ye know, M. Blouet. I went to see your show the other night and I never laughed once !" "How curious," replied "Max" swiftly; "I went to see your Hamlet last night and laughed the whole time!" Mme. Blouet has told me that the enthusiasm of the American ladies after her husband's lectures was beyond all bounds. One of them rushed up to her and said: "Madame Blouay, your 138 DAN TO BEERSHEBA husband is just the loveliest thing that ever happened!" Personally I thought Blouet inimitable — the very best lec- turer of his genre I ever heard. His premature death was most regrettable. My own experience of a lecture tour ended disastrously. After visiting several of the large manufacturing cities, where addresses were delivered to geographical or other societies, I was due at Edinburgh to be present at a party given by a married sister there. The preceding night, after my lecture, I spent at a hotel in Manchester, and woke up feeling cold and miserable but caught the train and arrived at my sister's house. I felt feverish and had some difficulty in keeping up during the evening, but next morning the doctor, who was sent for, declared it was nothing much. I had an overpowering desire to get back to my own place — the sick animal's instinct to crawl to his hole — and I took the express to London, arrived at my rooms in a state of collapse, and tumbled into bed. I never left that bed for five months, going through a most severe attack of rheumatic fever. My kind landlady did all in her power for me, and my half-brother and an old friend, Archie Constable, also came to me, but for a great part of the time I was unconscious or delirious. It has been mentioned that I was practically saved by an old doctor friend from Rangoon, who came and brought a great specialist on rheumatic fever. The latter prescribed drastic but effec- tive treatment. He afterwards told me he had seldom seen a more severe case. As soon as I was strong again I had to face a great tangle in my affairs, brought about by more than a year's inactivity and heavy expenses on the top of all my losses in America. How I set about getting work again I will show in the next chapter. CHAPTER XIV IN CENTRAL AMERICA 'The ruling passion" with me — the subject of communica- tions — had drawn my attention while in the United States to the Canal question, and I had discussed it at Washington and elsewhere with many people who were well up in the sub- ject. This fact brought me, indirectly, into touch with a group of men in London who desired more information about it, as they contemplated participating in the construction. Of course, at this time it was thought that the Canal would be made by a private company but would certainly be owned internationally. Partly with a view to "prospecting" for these people and partly on my own account I determined to visit Central America and go into the Canal question as thoroughly as I could on the spot. I therefore took a passage by the Royal Mail Steamship Line for Colon and arrived there after a very pleasant voyage, during which I touched at several of the West Indian islands and made my first acquaintance with those jewels of the Caribbean. Colon, the Atlantic terminus of the Panama Canal, was very different in those days to what it is now. The dreaded mosquito had not yet been grappled with, indeed, we were not aware of his deadly character, and bore his stings with as much equanimity as we could muster. Fever was rampant, and the West Indian negroes who had been imported for the Canal work were no more exempt than the whites. When I arrived, about five hundred men were being kept at work in order that the French concession under the new company might not lapse, and the machinery and plant were maintained in fairly good order. I travelled over the route and studied numbers of estimates, reports and monographs on the sub- ject, with the result that I was by no means convinced of i39 140 DAN TO BEERSHEBA the feasibility of the Canal under the conditions then existing. The estimate made by me for completing the work was not less than forty millions sterling, a sum which seemed too large to allow of the Canal being built under private auspices. The scheme which is now being carried out was originally estimated at twenty-eight millions but has already been altered so as to considerably increase the amount. Judging from the present rate of expenditure, and allowing for contingencies not adequately provided for, I do not think the ultimate cost of the Canal will fall short of the sum originally laid down by me. I was then, moreover, of the opinion that the factor of the greatest uncertainty was the Chagres River, ordinarily a quiet stream but liable to be swelled suddenly into a tor- rential flood. Having seen something of tropical rivers in connection with engineering problems in other countries I was anxious to form my own estimate of the Chagres, and the result was a conviction that that river presents difficulties for which we have no adequate experience to guide us in circumventing it. This judgment remains true to this day. Constant alterations have been made in the Canal scheme as adopted by the United States Government with a view to strengthening the works by which the Chagres is to be con- trolled, but these works must be of an experimental character, and the success of the Canal depends on the Chagres behaving as it is expected to after the works are finished. The largest possible margin will of course be allowed for accident. My intention had been to return from my inspection to Colon and take a steamer thence up the coast to Greytown, but finding no steamer available I decided to present a letter of introduction, given me by Major (later General) Ludlow, Military Attache to the United States Embassy in London, to Robley Evans, then with a portion of the White Squadron which was off Colon. "Fighting Bob" Evans received me very kindly and was quite willing to give me a passage up the coast as the squadron was just starting, but the admiral, a confirmed Anglophobe, when the request was preferred to him, swore he would have "no d — d Times correspondent on his ships." It must be explained that the affair of the Mosquito Coast (see p. 331) was then on the tapis, and that the English were not popular in Central America. Rather than wait a couple of weeks in Colon I crossed the isthmus to Panama IN CENTRAL AMERICA 141 and took a passage from there up the Pacific coast to the Nicaraguan port Corinto, but this disarrangement in my plans was a serious inconvenience to me and an extra expense for which provision had not been made. I was determined not to miss any part of my programme, however, so took a pas- sage at the lowest rate on the Pacific boat — it practically amounted to a deck passage. I had not the ready cash for anything more, unless I crippled myself unduly before arriv- ing in Nicaragua, where I was most anxious to move about freely and stay some time. The agent of the boat offered to give me a cabin on trust, saying the money could be sent later, and on my refusal, being determined to economise, he actually gave me a cabin to myself and said I could arrange my own messing. I provided myself with some stores and was quite prepared to "see it out," but even here the kindness of strangers pursued me, for an American gentleman travelling first class begged me to join their meals as his guest, offered me the passage-money as a loan, and when both kind offers were refused, was quite put out. The little discomfort was, of course, nothing to an old campaigner like myself and I much preferred the saving it enabled me to effect, but I was certainly inconvenienced by the fact that one cannot step out of the usual rut without attracting attention. At a trifling cost I messed with the engineers, whose society was perfectly congenial and from whom a lot of information was picked up. Since this journey I have visited many other Spanish- American countries and towns, and the likeness of one to another and of all to their European prototypes is quite remarkable. The Spaniards have set an unmistakable seal upon lands they conquered while the British have not Briticised any tropical country below the surface. They adopt a style of architecture and a mode of life modelled on that of the natives, but Spain built solidly, great stone cathedrals, thick wailed houses with patios, massive fortifications, wide plazas with ornate fountains, stately presidios, strong and loathsome prisons. No bamboo huts and bungalows for them ! More- over, they imposed their religion and civilisation wherever they went. The cities of Spanish America have consequently none of the temporary makeshift appearance one finds in other settlements of Europeans on alien soil. The Spanish tempera- ment, with its love of art and poetry, has stood the shock i 4 2 DAN TO BEERSHEBA of race admixture. The Spanish-American has the faults of his European forbear with others added, but he has what painters call "quality" — there is originality in him, stuffing in him. He may do great things yet, because with all his faults he has ideals and the great tradition of his Latin blood is not forgotten. But, while this is true of the Latin-Ameri- can peoples as a whole, and especially of such as the Chilians or Brazilians, it must be confessed that the worst specimens of the breed are to be found in the Panama isthmus. The ways of love-making amused me much. Strictly speak- ing, in accordance with the unwritten laws of Spanish Central America, the lover is absolutely forbidden to enter the house of his inamorata. Even when, prior to his amatory inclina- tion becoming evident, he happens to be an intimate of the family, all friendship ceases the moment it is known that he is haaendo el oso ("playing the bear") as they say, to one of the young ladies. Seeing that the unfortunate Romeo has to carry on his courtship in the most stealthy manner possible, the only opportunity of speaking with his lady-love being through the reja of the window, where he is to be found night after night haunting the iron railings with a pertinacity that would do credit to a Yankee drummer, the phrase seems somewhat of a misnomer. He certainly never gets a chance of hugging. The enmity provoked in the bosoms of the young lady's family is really remarkable. He is cut by all of them, and must ever be on guard against the sudden ap- pearance of his probable future relations on the scene of his amorous dalliance. Such, then, are the pains and penal- ties of daring to fall in love, and under the circumstances the lover ought to be a very unhappy man, but I do not know that he is. Questioned on the subject, he will tell you that their methods of courtship, with the thrilling excitement to be found in stolen interviews, accomplished only by unceas- ing intrigue, are infinitely preferable to the tame Anglo- American custom, and that he fails to see any attraction in being allowed to accompany one's sweetheart when she takes her walks abroad or in being constantly in her company. There are, of course, exceptions to this rule of courtship among the more advanced section of society, when the lover is allowed not only to enter the house but to take his seat at the side of the young lady: everything he has to say, however, IN CENTRAL AMERICA 143 must be spoken in presence of members of the family, or at any rate of the duenna who never for a moment leaves him alone and under no circumstances allows herself to be caught napping. Notwithstanding all this excessive vigilance, the standard of morality is by no means high, as indeed might be expected from the training given to men and women (but especially the convent education of the latter) and from the indolent life invariably led. With regard to public amusements, the people are devoted to the theatre, but naturally few passable theatrical com- panies come to Nicaragua, though now and again a fair Mexican travelling troupe is to be found there, playing light opera or heavy drama. Like all the peoples of the Latin race, the Nicaraguans are passionately fond of music, but most of all of light or comic opera. Even if comedy or drama be played, ballad and chorus must seemingly be in- troduced in some form or another. The "marimba," an instru- ment well adapted to the plaintive but melodious native airs, is kept at all the tambos (resting stages) on the main high- ways where the cartmen and muleteers stop. It is not unusual for an unfortunate troupe of actors to be stranded in one of the inland towns without the means to move. A friend of mine told me that on one occasion he and another man, who had witnessed the performance of such a troupe and had quite lost their hearts to the young and lovely leading lady, collected a handsome subscription which they proposed to lay personally on her shrine and thus get another glimpse of the goddess. Unfortunately for their illusion they chose the morning for their visit, and found the senorita with her stout mamma, eating pickled onions en deshabille. Not all the languishing of her long brown eyes could prevent them from noticing the high-water mark on her neck and, as my friend pathetically remarked, they felt they would pay twice the monev to get her out of the town ! Now and again may be witnessed an inferior bull-fight — or perhaps one ought to say bull-baiting, seeing that they are not allowed to kill the animal — on which occasion everybody turns out ; this pastime, or gambling, alone possessing the magic power of making the Nicaraguan lose a little of his wonted indifference. They played Audran's "Mascotte" one night I visited the Granada theatre, during the performance 144 DAN TO BEERSHEBA of which a topical song, brought very much up to date and rounded off with a crushing verse about the British nation with reference to the Corinto incident, was introduced with startling success. It may be remembered that the occupation of Corinto by the British Government for the violent treat- ment of her consular representative, for which a fine of £5,500 was exacted as "smart money," created great excite- ment in Nicaragua. Luckily the impresario was good enough to omit several verses which would certainly have exercised an unfortunate effect upon the already over-excited people, especially the youth of the city, who had been for days parad- ing the streets, shouting Que mueran los Ingleses. The local journals went delirious, and the Press of the United States was inundated by telegraph with exaggerated and inflammatory views. I was invited by a Nicaraguan paper to retrace my steps: to "return at once by the way I had come." The Monroe doctrine was in everyone's mouth. Nicaragua's hopes were without doubt centred in the expected interference of the United States Government, largly influ- enced by what was appearing in the American Press, es- pecially certain distorted interpretations of the Monroe doc- trine which encouraged the view that territorial aggrandise- ment and the control of the inter-oceanic route were the real aims of the British. The United States Government, and the larger section of the whole people too, I believe, took altogether a soberer view of the matter, and fully recognised that Britain had done nothing in Nicaragua which the United States them- selves would not have done under similar circumstances. The incident cleared the air, and was useful as a practical exposi- tion of the Monroe doctrine and of the obligations of the United States towards the various republics of Central America, as well as towards the West Indies and South America. It was made evident that the position of the United States is not that of an involuntary Power whose armed force is to be at the beck and call of any American State that may find itself in need of aid. It is not possible to spend even a short time in a Central American republic without seeing something of the peculiar political conditions resulting on the adoption, by a people ill adapted to work it, of an outward form of republicanism. IN CENTRAL AMERICA 145 Every well-governed Spanish-American republic — and there are more than one — owes its prosperity to having found a dictator. Nicaragua has not been so fortunate, and is still a prey to the political unrest that I noted at the time of my first visit. On a subsequent occasion I remember, when re-visiting Central America, and pottering up the coast in a fruit steamer which collected bananas at all the small ports, at one place a cheerful American doctor welcomed us in a charming bungalow and talked about revolutions. One was expected at that moment. "Do they inconvenience you much?" we asked. "Wa-al, they do some," he said, reflec- tively. "Last time they chose to manoeuvre across my tennis court, and as I'd had considerable trouble in getting it in order I did raise an objection that time!" Revolutions are, however, by no means always bloodless. Colombia waged a civil war which so decimated her full- grown men that on one occasion when I visited that country the merest little boys were enrolled as soldiers. Political convictions, moreover, are serious matters ; a man will die for them. I met a quiet, sad-eyed little man, one who had just come out of Cartagena jail after three years' captivity. The dungeons of Cartagena are something to be seen to be believed; prisoners have to be supplied with food by their friends, and many of them save an expense their families can ill afford by dying. My little friend had suffered and survived. We asked him what it was all about. "A matter of politics," he replied; "I am anti-clerical, and the other party came in, so when they sent round a proclamation for me to sign and demanded a heavy contribution I refused. Then, of course, I must go to prison." "But why not pre- tend?" asked an unscrupulous young lady who listened to the story — she had seen the dungeons, and she knew that the little man had lost most of his property by confiscation as well. "Oh, senorita," he replied, "for a man of honour that is impossible!" My serious studies of the Canal occupied most of my time, and on my return home I embodied them in a book called "The Key of the Pacific," in which the advantages of the Nicaragua route were urged. It would have been much longer than the Panama, but I do not think the engineer- 146 DAN TO BEERSHEBA ing difficulties are nearly as great. Among the advantages, the chief is the strategic one. On the waters of Lake Nica- ragua — the largest body of fresh water between Lake Michigan in North America and Lake Titicaca in Peru — could float the combined navies of the whole world, and a glance at any general map will suffice to show why such vast importance has been attached to it in the past by men like David, Nelson, Humboldt, and Napoleon III and by the leading American statesmen and naval authorities of the present day. Nelson realised the importance of the lake when, in helping to put into execution Dalling's plan in 1780 (to control the com- munication between the Atlantic and the Pacific), he conveyed a force of 2,000 men to San Juan de Nicaragua to effect the conquest of the country. "In order to give facility to the great object of government," he wrote, "I intend to possess the great lake of Nicaragua, which I regard as the inland Gibraltar of Spanish America." It is impossible here to tell the story of the war waged over the rival routes, in which my "Key" was a weapon used more than once, quoted in the Senate, extracts embodied in Government reports, and so forth. The forces which had opposed both canals, for reasons of self-interest, were finally worsted in the fight, but political conditions decided in favour of the route by Panama. The question was this: Could the United States with its expansionist policy, of which Presi- dent Roosevelt became the protagonist, permit the Canal to be owned, even partly, by another nation? The question was answered in the negative and, the United States having shouldered the burden with the acquiescence of the other Powers, one great difficulty was eliminated. The question of expense was no longer of paramount importance, and an expenditure of thirty or more millions sterling could be faced without blinking. This at once removed an objection to Panama, and France was bought out. The second difficulty which had occurred to me — that of carrying out such vast works in a foreign territory — was overcome by Mr. Roose- velt in a fashion which could hardly have been anticipated in 1894. In short, all objections to Panama, including the malarial mosquito, have been successfully eliminated save one — the Chagres River. The Culebra cut, which seemed to the engineering science of 1894 an enormous obstacle, is now IN CENTRAL AMERICA 147 being rapidly disposed of, but the river itself still puzzles the experts, who find it hard to decide where and how it is to be successfully dammed and made to play the game. A factor which is undeterminable in either route is the pos- sibility of seismic disturbance, and in view of this I have always been in favour of the fewest possible artificial works, and these as strong as engineering skill can make them. With the energy the United States are now putting into the work, the Canal — barring accidents — should be open in time for me to go through it. On my way home I stopped at Trinidad and met there a former Times correspondent in the governor, Sir Napier Broome, and his wife, who as Lady Barker had been in New Zealand and South Africa and had written several interesting books and sketches of social life. I remember her as an excellent talker and with considerable powers of repartree. On one occasion she was visiting an American country house, on the invitation of a New York lady of the type which just then was beginning to play at having a ^'country home" without much idea of the game. Lady Broome was dressed with great simplicity — probably she looked dowdy. She had expected an afternoon visit to a sort of farmhouse and a scramble about on the hills. She found a cottage ornee and all the ladies in full toilettes. Her hostess, in the course of a discussion as to their respective countries, said, "You don't mind my saying it, I hope, but English women don't know how to dress !" "Quite so," said Lady Broome sweetly, "but you will also allow, I am sure" — with a sly glance round the room — "that American women don't know ivhen to dress !" On another occasion she was talking with the admiral of a foreign squadron which put in at Trinidad. He was bellicose and had not much tact. "If we did have a brush with your ships," he began. "Well," said Lady Broome, "what then?" He laughed. "I should be tow- ing that tub" — pointing to the English flagship — "into one of your ports!" "Indeed," said Lady Broome, "you compliment neither yourself nor us. I should have expected you to reply that both ships would be sunk or disabled!" It was very pretty, and the reproof, conveyed without any disparagement of his own prowess, struck me as especially neat. Home again — and with plenty of fresh material for work. 148 DAN TO BEERSHEBA I was launched by "The Key of the Pacific" on the public of America as well as of my own country as an author, and from this time forward I have never been without either a commission or scheme for a fresh book. My work for re- views on both sides of the Atlantic increased steadily, and about this time I formed a connection with the Morning Post which continues unbroken to this day. The Times, to which I had hitherto contributed, had now a very strong staff to deal with Eastern affairs, including Mr. Valentine Chirol and soon after my friend Dr. Morrison, the best informed correspondent any paper ever had in the Far East. As the Far Eastern question was then becoming prominent I returned to it in the columns of the Morning Post, and since then I have never written for any other daily paper, except an occasional book review for the Daily Chronicle before it became half price. At this point, my return from America and my definite em- barkation upon the sea of literature and journalism, I must close — for the present, at all events — the record of work and travel in four continents. The work has been good to do and it is good to remember. Some of it I hope has been useful, none was purposeless. Such retrospects are not without a melancholy side, for one looks back on lost comrades and lost causes, but for my own part I find the present too absorbing to have time to regret the past. I have said very little in these pages about my politics, because for the best part of my life I was not able to identify myself with any party, and in our country politics without party are hardly intelligible. Having spent comparatively so short a time in England I have never followed the more localised questions which influence home politics. It has been, on the contrary, a bitter experience to find the interests of whole communities of British overseas subordinated to some affair of the parish pump. But the parish pump is of vital importance to the parish, and by degrees I have come to realise that it is not a fault in our people but in the system, and even so the system is the best that has yet been devised by man so long as it is not stereotyped. It must progress. I hope that it may progress in the direction of an Empire which will be something more than a heterogeneous collection of "colonies," "dependencies," and "independencies" — we want the last term — bound together but not united. In IN CENTRAL AMERICA 149 short, I am a convinced and rabid Imperialist, and my chief ambition is that the work I have been able to do, in helping to educate my countrymen as to little known regions and in attempting to grapple with world problems, has been a con- tribution, however humble, towards the knowledge that is power and without which we cannot build our Empire strong and safe. With this end in view I have written always with- out fear or favour. Before closing this book I will briefly recapitulate my prin- cipal doings since 1895. In the following year I went out to China on a mission from the Hong Kong and Shanghai Bank, in company with Mr. Detring who represented a power- ful group of German banks. This business kept me in China for a year, and I had a house at Peking and got a consider- able insight into things Chinese. My mission took me into the region of high politics, and on my return home I published "China in Transformation" and did a good deal of speaking in connection with affairs in the Far East. I ought to mention that I came home via Canada and spent some time there en route. In 1897 I was commissioned by Messrs. Harper and went out across Siberia by the railway to Irkutsk (then the terminus) and thence across the Gobi desert by camel to Peking. From Peking I made my way south, up the Yangtze, and out via Yunnan to Tongking. Returning via Australasia I wrote "The Overland to China/' and a smaller book, "Russia against India." I got married in a brief interval, the time between renewing acquaintance with the lady and our wedding being exactly six months ! We then went to Spain and Mo- rocco, and in the autumn of the same year (1900) departed for an extended journey in the Pacific, in which we visited the Dutch East Indies, Borneo, the Philippines (still in a state of war), the China coast, Japan and Korea, and returned by the Siberian railway. The year 1902 saw the publication of "The Mastery of the Pacific" and an illustrated book from my wife's pen called "Two on their Travels." The autumn of that year was spent in the West Indies and Central America, and we then went through the States and revisited Canada, the result being "Greater America," which appeared in 1904. Next autumn and winter was spent in South Africa, visiting the German West Coast on the way, travelling in every colony and revisiting Rhodesia and the Victoria Falls, and finally return- ISO DAN TO BEERSHEBA ing home in early summer by the East Coast. The next spring saw the publication of "The Africanderland," and that year (1906) we devoted to a study of European politics and to travel in Austra-Hungary and the Near East, which resulted in "The Whirlpool of Europe," published in 1907. Through- out this period I contributed frequently to the Morning Post and on occasion acted as special correspondent to that jour- nal, wrote articles for the Quarterly, Fortnightly, North American Reviezv, and other periodicals, and read papers be- fore the Royal Colonial Institute, Society of Arts, Royal United Service Institute, and other Associations in London and the provinces. If this catalogue of work done in the last eight years appears a heavy one, it must be remembered that it is the output of two people working in collaboration, and working very hard — otherwise it could never have been ac- complished. I have used the past tense in speaking of my work but, as a matter of fact, my literary activity continues unabated, and makes it difficult for us to devote as much time to travelling as heretofore. Nevertheless we have plans for future journeys as fascinating as those already accomplished. This brief outline leaves out of account smaller journeys taken for pleasure only, but the reader can imagine that the years have been full ones, and that with the widening horizon life becomes more and more interesting. Heartily can I en- dorse the "Sentimental Traveller" when he says, in the words chosen for the motto of this book: "I pity the man who can travel from Dan to Beersheba and cry ' 'tis all barren' ; and so it is, and so is all the world, to him who will not cultivate the fruits it offers." OCT 19 1900