& 
 
 ZqS^v- 
 
How it 
 Was Done 
 
 IN JEFFERSON 
 
 A Drama in Five Acts 
 
 By 
 FRANK Q. STUART 
 
THE LIBRARY OF 
 
 CONGRESS, I 
 
 Two Copies Received j 
 
 APR 27 1 903 | 
 
 Copyright Entry { 
 
 ^CLASS JJ XXc, No. j 
 
 copy b. 
 
 Copyright 1903 
 
 by 
 
 FRAtfK Q STUART 
 
 Chariton, Iowa. 
 All rights reserved. 
 
How it Was Done 
 
 In Jefferson = 
 
 A Drama, in Five Acts 
 
 ... By ... 
 FRANK Q. STUART 
 
 Chariton, Iowa 
 
 DES MOINES, IOWA: 
 
 T.-KOCH PRINTING CO. 
 1903- 
 
Persons of The Play 
 
 BENJAMIN H. WENTWORTH 
 
 Owner of the Jefferson Railroads. -p^* / ^ ^ 
 
 EDWARD WHITNEY ^ 
 
 Manager of the Jefferson Railroads. , *-~\ 
 
 PORTER JORDAN 
 
 A former official of the Jefferson Railroads; afterward 
 leader of the Equity movement, and finally Governor 
 of the State of Jefferson. 
 
 GERALD SLOAN 
 
 Counsel for the Jefferson Railroads; afterward one of 
 the leaders in the Equity movement. 
 
 BUCK CRANDALL 
 
 Leader of the Strikers on the Jefferson Railroads. 
 
 LESLIE PELHAM GREY 
 
 A scion of the English nobility, and suitor for Miss 
 Wentworth's hand and her father's wealth. 
 
 SPRIGGS 
 
 An active youth who is a faithful employe of Went- 
 worth and a persistent lover of Cissy. 
 
 ARCHIBALD FENTON 
 
 Member of the House from Pawnee county. Believes 
 in protecting the people's interests, in opposition to the 
 people's judgment. 
 
 LEVINSKY ) A ,. 
 
 Wr.r-i i mv' V Two, Anarchists. 
 PRELLER ) .::. 
 
 HELEN WENTWORTH 
 
 Daughter of Wentwoith. 
 
 GERTRUDE RALSTON 
 
 Niece of Wentworth. TMPS6-007189 
 
 CISSY 
 
 Who runs a " street stan " and sells papers, etc. Loves 
 
 Spriggs under certain conditions. 
 
 Sheriff, Soldiers, Strikers, Detective, etc. 
 
3 
 
 FIRST ACT. 
 
 [Scene — Meeting of the Equity League, Public Hall, Cen- 
 tralia, Jefferson.'] 
 * 
 
 Jordan— Mr. Chairman. 
 
 Chairman— Mr. Jordan. 
 
 Jordan — The Committee on Resolutions is ready to report. 
 
 Chairman — The meeting will now hear the report of the 
 Committee on Resolutions. 
 
 Jordan — [Reading.] "Whereas, during the past seven 
 months throughout the State of Jefferson business has been 
 paralyzed and communities have been terrorized by a barbarous 
 contest between a powerful combination of labor and a greedy 
 combination of capital ; and 
 
 "Whereas, in the name of organized labor brutal crimes have 
 been committed and the violation of the laws of the state has 
 been openly advocated, and in behalf of incorporated capital 
 extortionate freight and passenger charges have been exacted; 
 and 
 
 "Whereas, the people of the state of Jefferson have come to 
 learn that both combinations of labor and combinations of 
 capital are purely selfish in nature, incorporated capital being 
 legally aggressive and organized labor being illegally defen- 
 sive; and 
 
 "Whereas, the time has arrived when in the matter of 
 repressing organized lawlessness and restraining incorporated 
 avarice the people should assert their sovereign will, 
 
 "Now, therefore, we, the accredited delegates representing 
 more than 200 Equity Clubs throughout the state of Jefferson, 
 with a membership of over 150,000 voters of all parties, do 
 in State League assembled, resolve and declare that 
 
 "We sympathize with laboring people in general in all law- 
 ful and peaceful efforts on their part for the betterment of their 
 condition ; but we denounce the present strike on the Jefferson 
 railroads as unwarranted, and the methods of its leaders as 
 unlawful ; and in the name of the people of the' state we call 
 upon the Executive Council of the Federation of Railway 
 Employes to bring the strike to an end.' 
 
—4— 
 
 "We are opposed to both labor trusts and capital trusts, and 
 we maintain that neither the one nor the other, nor both com- 
 bined, shall hereafter be permitted either to rule or to ruin this 
 commonwealth. 
 
 "We denounce the arrogance of the Consolidated Jefferson 
 Railway Company exhibited in its dealings with its employes, 
 and we denounce the extortions and oppressions practiced by 
 that Company upon a patient and long-suffering public. 
 
 "Recognizing the justness of the policy now in force in 
 nearly every respectable country in the world, the United States 
 being the most notable exception, we declare for state owner- 
 ship of the public highways known as railways, and for state 
 ownership of all telegraph and long-distance telephone lines- 
 it being understood that the present private owners of these 
 public utilities in Jefferson shall be reimbursed to the extent of 
 the value of the same. 
 
 "We are opposed to the monopolization by the Consolidated 
 Jefferson Railway Company of more than 2,000,000 acres of 
 vacant, unused land in this state, while hundreds of thousands 
 of families in this country are homeless; and we demand the 
 condemnation and taking of this land and of land so held by 
 others into the hands of the state, for occupancy and use by the 
 people as homes — it being understood that the present owners 
 of these lands shall be fairly reimbursed for the same, or be 
 allowed five years in which to dispose of them to actual settlers. 
 
 "The Equity Clubs of the state of Jefferson are wholly non- 
 political, in the party sense, and they hereby irrevocably bind 
 themselves not to favor any particular party or ticket ; but they 
 faithfully pledge themselves to work for the nomination in any 
 and all parties, and for the election, of such candidates as will 
 honestly and faithfully carry out these principles. 
 
 "We commend to the careful reading of every voter in the 
 state that epoch-making book entitled 'HOW IT WAS 
 DONE/ on the teachings of which the Equity movement is 
 founded." 
 
 Chairman — You have heard the resolutions ; are you ready 
 to vote on their adoption? 
 Crandaix— Mr. Chairman. 
 Chairman— Mr. Crandall. 
 
— 5— 
 
 Crandaix — Representing the Federation of Railway Em- 
 ployes on the Consolidated Jefferson roads, I demand a hearing 
 on these resolutions before they are put to a final vote. For 
 the past seven months the employes on these roads have been 
 engaged in one of the greatest strikes known to the history of 
 railroading. We are righting a battle with one of the strongest 
 a gg re g at i° n s of capital in this country. We are fighting for 
 the rights of men, for our homes and our firesides, for bread for 
 our families. We are waging this battle singlehanded and 
 alone. We have asked no aid nor assistance from any source. 
 We ask none now. But we do ask, and we have a right to 
 expect, reasonable and fair treatment from this organization. 
 These resolutions are neither fair nor reasonable. They are 
 artfully drawn. To my surprise they deal with subjects 
 entirely foreign to the questions at issue between the striking 
 employes and the Jefferson roads. Their evident purpose is 
 to defeat the strike. In the name of oppressed and outraged 
 labor I appeal to the Equity League not to lend itself to this 
 hellish purpose. It is a recognized fact that the phenomenal 
 growth of the Equity movement since the appearance of a sen- 
 sational and visionary book about a year ago has rendered this 
 movement a dominant force in the affairs of this state. It is 
 the aim of the Consolidated Jefferson Railway Company to 
 bring the powerful influence of this movement to bear against 
 the strikers on the Jefferson roads and to fool the people and 
 weak-kneed workingmen into support of its scheme by throw- 
 ing out the sops of state ownership of the railroads, the tele- 
 graphs and the telephones, and by advocating the abolition of 
 land monopoly. In furtherance of this purpose two able and 
 expert representatives of this conscienceless corporation will 
 doubtless address you today — Mr. Gerald Sloan, the paid attor- 
 ney of the Jefferson Company, and Mr. Porter Jordan, the 
 Superintendent of Motive Power on the Jefferson system, and 
 who in the interest of that Company has just submitted these 
 resolutions. The one is a shrewd and experienced corporation 
 lawyer; the other is an adroit and resourceful railroad man, 
 who sometimes prides himself on having risen from the ranks 
 of labor, but who, throughout this strike, has proven himself 
 a traitor to the cause of labor, and today has the effrontery to 
 
— 6— 
 
 appear in this meeting as the pretended champion of the people, 
 while in fact he is secretly serving his corporation master. 
 But the interest of these two distinguished corporation advo- 
 cates is not limited to the Jefferson Company, nor to the Presi- 
 dent of that Company. Observing persons have noted the fact 
 that it extends with greatly increased intensity to the family of 
 the President of the Company. The following interesting 
 item from the society columns of a New York paper throws 
 some light on the subject: [Reading.] 
 
 "Mr. Benjamin H. Wentworth, together with his charming 
 daughter, Helen, and her accomplished cousin, Miss Ralston, 
 have returned to Jefferson. They will make but a brief stay 
 there, however, their intention being to sail for Europe as 
 soon as Mr. Wentworth has disposed of some important busi- 
 ness in connection with his Jefferson roads. They will remain 
 abroad several months. Their prolonged absence will be felt 
 in New York, and it is to be regretted that the select social 
 functions of the current season will not be enlivened by their 
 presence." 
 
 Prompted by both sentiment and material interest, these two 
 able advocates of the Jefferson Company will certainly distin- 
 guish themselves before this meeting. What is the Consoli- 
 dated Jefferson Company, anyway? It is Benj. H. Went- 
 worth, the multi-millionaire. Who owns all the stock of this 
 fictional company, except two or three shares that are placed 
 in the hands of convenient friends for the purpose of perpetu- 
 ating the corporation? Benj. H. Wentworth, the railway 
 magnate, who lives in New York, sojourns in Europe, and 
 exists for brief periods of time in Jefferson while putting in 
 operation his matured plans for the systematic robbery of our 
 people and the complete enslavement of workingmen. Who is 
 it that owns all the railroads in this state, and levies such 
 tribute from the people as he sees fit to exact ? Who is it that 
 by hook or crook has appropriated to himself millions of acres 
 of land which h'e withholds from use by placing upon it prices 
 entirely beyond the reach of homeseekers? It is Benj. H. 
 Wentworth, the heartless, grinding money shark, who by these 
 resolutions is asking you to help him weld the chains and rivet 
 the shackles of labor. . The .tyrannies practiced by this mam 
 
upon a cringing public and upon cowardly employes who have 
 not the manhood to defend their rights are a disgrace to civi- 
 lization. I hold in my hand a copy of an order issued by him 
 a year ago to the heads of certain departments of his roads. It 
 reads like the ukase of a Czar: [Reading.] 
 
 "No free pass, either trip or annual, shall hereafter be issued 
 to anybody not a good-faith employe of the Company, whose 
 name appears on the pay rolls as such. No passes to 'friends' 
 of the Company; we don't want any friends that we have to 
 buy, and our Company will no longer submit to blackmail from 
 highwaymen of the highly respectable ilk. None to newspaper 
 people; if we do any advertising, let us pay for it ; if editors and 
 publishers ride on our trains let them pay for it. None to 
 judges of courts, none to legislators, none to public officials of 
 high or low degree; they are supposed to work for the State; 
 let the State pay them. 
 
 "No rebates, drawbacks, concessions or special privileges of 
 any kind or character to any business corporation, concern or 
 individual. The law says we are a public servant, a common 
 carrier, and should treat everybody alike. 
 
 "No half fares nor excursion rates to particular classes of 
 people; if favors are to be extended, they should be extended 
 to everybody alike. 
 
 "Without discrimination or favoritism of any kind, I want 
 our roads to charge the public generally as high rates as we 
 can legally obtain. The new schedules are framed with that 
 end in view, and you will see to it that they are strictly adhered 
 to." 
 
 It is by these methods that this grasping financial fiend filches 
 from the people of Jefferson their substance, imperiously exact- 
 ing from them the highest freight and passenger rates charged 
 by any railway system in America. No wonder he occupies 
 a prominent place in the financial circles of New York. No 
 wonder he stands high in the estimation of the financial thieves 
 of Wall Street. No wonder that a fawning organ of that 
 hotbed of legalized larceny speaks of him in the following ful- 
 some terms : 
 
 [Reading.] "The rise of Benj. H. Wentworth in the finan- 
 cial world has been phenomenal in its rapidity during the past 
 
ten years. His speculative operations have been in railway 
 stocks and bonds in general, but his permanent investments 
 seem all to have been made in the railway properties and lands 
 in that portion of the West comprised within the limits of the 
 newly created state of Jefferson. As purchaser under the fore- 
 closure sales two and three years ago, he became, virtually, the 
 sole owner of the Southern, the Northern^ and the Central Jef- 
 ferson roads, aggregating some 900 miles, and of the accom- 
 panying lands, amounting to more than 2,000,000 acres. The 
 stupendous cash deal by which he acquired these properties at 
 once stamped Mr. Wentworth as one of the top-notchers among 
 our men of many millions. " 
 
 The taxpayers, the farmers and ranchmen, the traveling and 
 shipping public, the workingmen of this fair state know too 
 well "upon What meat doth this, our Oeasar, feed, that he is 
 grown so great." The starving families of his employes 
 know too well this monarchal millionaire, this stall-fed finan- 
 cial baron who seeks to control legislatures, make and unmake 
 United States senators, elect judges, rule municipalities and 
 formulate laws ; this financial emperor whose principality is the 
 new and promising commonwealth of Jefferson and who today 
 is endeavoring to use this great organization of the people for 
 the purpose of crushing labor and more firmly establishing his 
 sovereignty. Will you aid him in his develish work? The 
 adoption of these resolutions will mean that the Equity Clubs 
 of Jefferson are the friends of incorporated greed and the foes 
 of honest labor. It will mean that in your infatuation for the 
 teachings of a fool book and its crazy scheme of State owner- 
 ship of the railroads you will not hesitate to make yourselves 
 the pliant tools of a human hyena and the relentless perse- 
 cutors of your fellow men. What do workingmen care for 
 State ownership of railroads? What good would the aboli- 
 tion of land monopoly do us? What we want, and intend to 
 have, is shorter hours of work and better pay for our labor. 
 If you are determined to array yourselves and this movement 
 against the Federation of Labor, if it is your set purpose to 
 down the strikers who for the past seven months have been 
 battling for their rights, I give you fair warning that your self- 
 imposed task will not be an easy one. The men back of this 
 
—9— 
 
 strike, an army of determined workingmen, will not submit 
 to this capitalistic tyranny. They will to the utmost resist the 
 purpose of these resolutions, and will, if necessary, meet force 
 with force and draw blood for blood, regardless of conse- 
 quences. Let the responsibility rest where it may. 
 
 Sloan— Mr. Chairman. 
 
 Chairman— Mr. Sloan. 
 
 Sloan — In view of what has been said by the preceding 
 speaker, I suppose it is not necessary for me to announce that I 
 appear before this meeeting as the representative of the Con- 
 solidated Jefferson Railway Company. I regret the necessity 
 of being compelled to agree with the spokesman of the strikers 
 in anything, for it must be quite clear to everyone who has 
 heard him, that he is an anarchist in principle and a revolution- 
 ist in practice. But, like him, the Company which I repre- 
 sent is opposed to these resolutions, though upon grounds 
 entirely different from those upon which he bases his objec- 
 tions. The Company opposes the resolutions for the reasons 
 that it is prepared to show that its dealings with its employes 
 have been entirely fair and honorable, and its dealings with the 
 public have been in strict accord with the laws of the state, and 
 that therefore it is not properly subject to censure in these mat- 
 ters. The Company does not even ask a public denunciation 
 of the strikers by this meeting. It relies upon the courts to 
 enforce the existing laws in regard to interference with the 
 operation of its trains. That the attitude of the Company 
 with respect to these resolutions may be a surprise to the 
 spokesman of the strikers, is a matter of small concern. I may 
 say, however, in this connection, that the resolutions, as sub- 
 mitted by your Committee, are a surprise to me, as well as to 
 the representative of the strikers. I had supposed that the dis- 
 cussion here today, and the action of your meeting would be 
 limited to the matters in controversy between the railway 
 company and the strikers. As to the issues of State owner- 
 ship of railways, and' the abolition of land monopoly, I 
 have no doubt that the Jefferson Company will meet them when 
 they are presented in a tangible form for legislative action, but 
 at present, pursuant to my instructions, I shall confine my 
 remarks to the matters directly at issue between the Jefferson 
 
—10— 
 
 Company and the strikers on the Jefferson roads. We have 
 listened to a tirade of coarse abuse directed against the Jef- 
 ferson Company and its President, but not a single argument 
 has been advanced that in the remotest degree tends to show- 
 that the contention of the strikers with the Company is a just 
 one. The entire harangue of the gentleman may be summed 
 up in the reckless assertions that Benj. H. Wentworth is a rich 
 man, and therefore a financial fiend and a human hyena; and 
 that the Jefferson roads charge the public high freight and 
 passenger rates. If all this were true, it would not justify the 
 strikers in undertaking to control the business of the Jefferson 
 Company nor in interfering with the operation of trains and 
 the tying up of the traffic on the entire system, nor in taking 
 forcible possession of the Company's property, nor in crimin- 
 ally assaulting and beating employes who do not belong to the 
 Federation, nor in disabling locomotives, burning cars and 
 ditching trains, as has been done within the past few weeks. 
 It is well to bear in mind that the real contention of these gen- 
 tlemen who propose to control the business of a great railway 
 system, dictate policies to the people of Jefferson, and, if nec- 
 essary, in opposition to the constituted authorities of the state, 
 "meet force with force and draw blood for blood. " Here are 
 the "demands" upon the rejection of which this strike was 
 inaugurated : 
 
 [Reading] "(i) Eight hours to constitute a day's work 
 in the operating and mechanical departments of the system, 
 with double pay for all work over time. 
 
 "(2) No persons not members of the Federation to be 
 employed in either of these departments. 
 
 "(3) No employe in either of these departments to be dis- 
 charged, or suspended for a period of more than fifteen days; 
 without the written approval of the Executive Council of the 
 Federation. 
 
 "(4) The wages paid in these departments to be fixed by 
 the Executive Council of the Federation and to be subject to 
 revision by the Council every six months." 
 
 From these "demands" it will readily be seen that the real 
 question at issue between the Company and the strikers is, 
 whether the Company or the Federation is to manage the 
 
—11— 
 
 Company's business. No claim is made that the Jefferson 
 Company does not pay as high wages as are paid to railway 
 employes anywhere in the United States. On the contrary, I 
 hold in my hand a tabulated statement which shows that this 
 Company pays exactly ioj4 per cent higher wages in all its 
 departments than are paid by any other railway system in 
 America, and the labor statistics of the state show that the rail- 
 way employes of Jefferson receive, on an average, 13 per cent 
 higher wages than are paid to any other class of wage earners 
 in the state. These facts are indisputable, and they prove 
 beyond question that whatever charges may justly be brought 
 against the Jefferson Company, the employes of the company 
 certainly have no ground for complaint against it. It should 
 be remembered that this unreasonable, this wholly groundless 
 strike would never have occurred but for the wicked machina- 
 tions and high-handed methods of the loud-mouthed agitator 
 to whom you have listened today. It is a matter of history 
 that in the deliberations of the Federation eight months ago the 
 "demands" on which the strike is based were opposed by many 
 of the best men in that organization, and that they were finally 
 adopted by a very slender majority. Who was the recognized 
 power that forced the "demands" through the Federation meet- 
 ing? Who was it that brought on this terrible battle between 
 the Jefferson Company and its employes — a conflict that has 
 injured the business interests of Jefferson beyond calculation, 
 cost the employes themselves many thousands of dollars in the 
 loss of wages, damaged railway property greatly, and that has 
 finally resulted in a series of crimes that are a menace to the 
 stability of government itself? It was Buck Crandall, the 
 self-constituted "workingman's friend" and peripatetic dele- 
 gate, who had but recently come from no one knows where— 
 probably from some less credulous clime, for reasons best 
 known to himself; Buck Crandall, the defender of the 
 "oppressed millions" ; one of those ubiquitous champions of 
 labor who themselves most dearly love to labor with their lungs 
 and who work most industriously with their jaws. And a man 
 of this class is commissioned to advocate the meritless cause of 
 the strikers before this meeting of intelligent citizens of Jeffer- 
 son! The strikers say that Mr. Wentworth is a wealthy man. 
 
—12— 
 
 True; but he acquired his wealth honestly, by strictly legal 
 means, and no man can say aught against his personal charac- 
 ter. They say he owns all the railroads in Jefferson. 
 Granted; but he bought them and paid for them — purchased 
 three bankrupt lines of road, thoroughly equipped them, and 
 now furnishes to the people of Jefferson as good a railway serv- 
 ice as can be found in any part of the country. At the invita- 
 tion of the laws enacted by the representatives of the people of 
 Jefferson, Mr. Wentworth brought his wealth into this state and 
 invested it here. Is this a crime ? They say his roads charge 
 high freight and passenger rates. The answer is, they charge 
 not one cent in excess of what the law allows. If the laws are 
 wrong, let the people, who are responsible for the laws, change 
 them ; let it not be said that the people of this state countenance 
 and encourage the persecution of men of capital for conducting 
 their business in strict accordance with the laws of the state. 
 When the farmer sells his wheat, he gets the highest price he 
 can; when the laborer takes a job, he gets the highest wage he 
 can; and when the professional man renders services, he usually 
 exacts "all that the traffic will bear." Shall the railroad owner 
 be held to a different rule? They say that Mr. Wentworth is 
 a land monopolist. He is not the only land monopolist in this 
 state. Unfortunately land monopoly is sanctioned and even 
 encouraged by the laws of this and of other states. The people 
 of Jefferson are themselves responsible for the laws that legal- 
 ize the holding of large tracts of land by individuals for specu- 
 lative purposes. When the people of this state shall awaken to 
 a full realization of the evils of their land laws, and shall under- 
 take by rational means to put an end to land monopoly, I ven- 
 ture to predict that Benj. H. Wentworth, land monopolist 
 though he be, will bow more gracefully to the people's will and 
 come nearer proving himself a law-abiding citizen than any 
 government-hating, bomb-throwing anarchist that ever 
 breathed the free air of a self-governing republic. 
 
 Jordan — Mr. Chairman. 
 
 Chairman — Mr. Jordan. 
 
 Jordan — The representative of the strikers has charged that 
 in supporting these resolutions I am acting in the interest and 
 at the instance of the Jefferson Railway Company. The fact 
 
—13- 
 
 that the company through its regularly appointed attorney is 
 opposing the resolutions ought to be a sufficient answer to the 
 charge, but possibly this letter [Holds letter in his hand.}, 
 which was written some ten days ago, will supply a more satis- 
 factory refutation. [Reads letter.] "Porter Jordan, Centra- 
 lia— Dear Sir: — Your resignation is received. In view of the 
 fact that you have espoused the principles of the so-called 
 Equity movement— which principles are diametrically opposed 
 
 ^ to the interests of this Company — your resignation is accepted. 
 
 ' You will be relieved at the end of the month. Yours truly 
 Edward Whitney, Manager." The spokesman of the strikers 
 also says that I pride myself on having sprung from the ranks 
 of labor, but that throughout the present strike I have proved 
 myself a traitor to the cause of labor. It is true that I am 
 not ashamed of having come from the ranks of labor, but I 
 most emphatically deny that I have during the present strike or 
 at any other time been a traitor to the cause of labor. I was 
 an active member of labor organizations for ten years and my 
 record was clear. In recent years the scope of my employment 
 
 has rendered me ineligible to membership in the Federation. 
 
 Crandaix — You have opposed the strike. 
 
 Jordan— Yes, and so did 46 per cent of the membership of 
 your own organization. This is shown bv the vote on the 
 "demands" at the time you forced them through the Federa- 
 tion meeting. I have been opposed to the strike for the same 
 reason that nearly half the membership of your own organiza- 
 tion opposed it at the outstart, viz., because it is an unreason- 
 able and unrighteous contention. 
 
 Crandall— You are opposing the Federation, and vou 
 know it. 
 
 Jordan— I am not opposing the Federation ; I am opposing 
 you, sir^and your criminal methods [A voice: "Give it to him, 
 Jordan!''], the same as I am opposing the arbitrary and oppres- 
 sive policies of the Company which I lately served ; and I give 
 you fair notice, sir, that the Executive Council of the Federa- 
 tion which you claim to represent will be called upon either to 
 endorse or repudiate your methods and policies. [Voices' 
 "Hurrah for Jordan! Hurrah for Jordan!"] 
 
—14— 
 
 Crandall— You are supporting these resolutions and have 
 gone back on labor unionism. 
 
 Jordan — I have not gone back on labor unionism, I have 
 gone ahead of it, as it is represented by men like you. I have 
 gone back on monopoly— both capital and labor monopoly. 
 But men of your class are standing where mere strikers too 
 frequently stand — for labor monopoly all the time, as against 
 the millions of working people who do not belong to your 
 unions; and for capital monopoly as against the whole people 
 just as long as you think that capital is giving you a fair divi- 
 sion of its filchings from the public. [Cheers. A Voice: 
 "He's the man for Governor!"] Fellows like you don't lose 
 any sleep about the corporation robberies of "the dear people." 
 The only question with you is, are the corporations "whacking 
 up" with you "on the level." "What do we care for State 
 ownership of the railways, or abolition of land monopoly?" 
 said the spokesman of the strikers awhile ago ; "what we want 
 is shorter hours and higher wages." And it should not be for- 
 gotten that only last winter this same Federation passed reso- 
 lutions in opposition to f vo important bills then pending before 
 the state legislature — one for the reduction of passenger fares 
 to two cents a mile, and one to establish reasonable and uni- 
 form freight rates. And are not the railway company and the 
 strikers standing shoulder to shoulder today in opposing the 
 resolutions now pending before this meeting? Let it be under- 
 stood that I do not oppose labor unionism per se. Labor 
 organization has been a necessary defensive force for the pro- 
 tection of labor against the encroachments and aggressions 
 of incorporated capital. It has done great good in 
 awakening d'id educating the working classes up to a clearer 
 conception of their interests. But labor unionism furnishes no 
 solution to the great politico-economic problems that confront 
 us as a nation and a state. The labor union will never abolish 
 a corporation. It is itself a corporation in principle. The 
 Federation of Labcr will never abolish a trust. It is itself a 
 trust in principle. Organizations of labor will never abolish 
 monopolies. They are themselves devoted to the upbuilding 
 of monopoly — monopoly of employment in the various fields 
 of manual labor — and in nine cases out of ten, where the selfish 
 
— 15 — 
 
 interests of the unions themselves are not involved, you will 
 find the unions morally arrayed on the side of incorporated 
 capital in all contests between the latter and the public at large. 
 While I shall ever be one of the last to disparage the real good 
 that has been accomplished for the working classes by labor 
 organizations, I have for a long time realized that labor union - 
 ism offered no logical solution to the real questions at issue. 
 As a citizen and a man I have for years earnestly tried to find 
 the correct solution, and I have finally succeeded in finding it. 
 
 CrandaUv — In that crazy book with a fool title? 
 
 Jordan — [Holding book aloft in his hand.] In this great- 
 est economic works of the century, called, "HOW IT WAS 
 DONE." [Loud cheers.] This book, whose facts and figures 
 are indisputable, and whose arguments are unanswerable; this 
 book which is revolutionizing this state, and which is heartily 
 hated alike by the anarchist and the privilege-pampered mil- 
 lionaire, the professional labor agitator and the wily trust pro- 
 moter, the state socialist and the corrupt politician, and by all 
 the fad worshiping devotees of the various irrational ickies, 
 ories and isms that have from time to time been promulgated 
 for the political regeneration and social rejuvenation of man- 
 kind—hated and despised simply because it makes justice and 
 truth so plain and exposes fraud and sophistry so glaringly that 
 a wayfaring man, though a fool, cannot fail to comprehend. 
 [Great applause.] In this great book I have found that for 
 v. hich I have been searching for many years — the rational, just 
 and adequate solution of the problems of labor and capital. I 
 hove found that legalized monopoly in its various forms is the 
 curse of this country, and that its total abolition, and that alone, 
 will usher in a new day— a new day not only for the laboring 
 people, but for the tradespeople, the professional people, — in 
 short for everybody who is being crowded to the wall or 
 trampled under foot by the frightful competition that has been 
 engendered by congested conditions; by unnatural conditions 
 that are the direct and necessary results of legalized monopoly. 
 I have found that the only way to "control" a trust is to 
 abolish it; that the only way to "regulate" a monopoly of 
 any kind, is to abolish it outright; and that the only way to 
 abolish trusts and monopolies is to repeal the laws that legalize 
 
—16— 
 
 them. I have further found that the laws which legalize trusts 
 and monopolies, which create and sustain them, are state laws, 
 not national ; that land monopoly is legalized and sustained by 
 state, not national legislation; that railway monopoly and all 
 other forms of corporate monopoly are legalized and sustained 
 by state laws for the organization of corporations for pecuniary 
 profit, and not by national legislation. What is a railway ? A 
 railway is simply an improved highway; a locomotive is an 
 improved horse; a car is an improved wagon. What intelli- 
 gent person would for one moment entertain the proposal to 
 turn over to a private corporation, or to one man doing busi- 
 ness under the name and style of a corporation, the common 
 highways of a state, together with the vehicles and the means 
 of locomotion used thereon? The proposition is too prepos- 
 terous for serious consideration. And yet this is exactly what 
 our state statutes do with respect to the improved highways 
 known as railways ! Viewed in the proper light, it is a system 
 of monopoly for which there is absolutely no defense in logic 
 or common sense. The attorney for the railway company says, 
 "If the laws are wrong, change them." That is just what the 
 Equity movement intends to do. It intends to bring about these 
 changes legally, peacefully and with entire fairness to all con- 
 cerned. It intends that the state shall operate. the railways at 
 actual cost to the people, and forever put a stop to such bar- 
 barous battles between labor and capital as this which has 
 demoralized our state for the past seven months. It proposes 
 that the public and not private individuals shall own and oper- 
 ate all public utilities. The spokesman of the strikers charac- 
 terizes this proposal as visionary and foolish. And yet the 
 United States is about the only respectable country in the 
 world today where the railroads are not owned and operated 
 in whole or in part by the state. In this country the first rail- 
 road that was constructed was built and owned by the Govern- 
 ment ; but financial schemers saw that there was big money in 
 it, and they planned to obtain it as their own private property. 
 And from such beginnings, founded in avarice and fraud, the 
 pernicious doctrine of private monopoly of public utilities has, 
 by procured legislation and influenced judicial decisions, grad- 
 ually and stealthily engrafted itself on our governmental system, 
 
— 17— 
 
 to which it adheres with leech-like tenacity, feeding like a vam- 
 pire on the substance of the people. There has been enough 
 given to railway companies in this country, in lands and 
 subsidies, to build all the railroads twice over; and 
 yet today nearly every railway in the country is 
 bonded and mortgaged for more than double its full value, 
 and the people are forced to pay freight and passenger rates 
 that will enable the companies to pay large dividends on false 
 capitalizations amounting to millions upon millions of dollars. 
 1 1 is the purpose of the Equity League to correct these abuses 
 in the one sovereign state of Jefferson, at least. It is its pur- 
 pose to abolish land monopoly root and branch, and to secure 
 to every person who desires it, a home, as God intended all 
 should have. "The land shall not be sold forever ; for the land 
 is mine; for ye are strangers and sojourners with me," is as 
 true today as it was when thundered in the tabernacle of the 
 congregation three thousand years ago. Natural law is above 
 aid superior to all other laws. It is binding over all the earth, 
 in all countries, at all times, and under all circumstances. No 
 human-made laws are of any validity if contrary to it. Under 
 natural law there is no valid or binding title to land other than 
 the natural and just title of occupancy and use. This is as 
 true today as it was when promulgated by the early juriscon- 
 sults and writers on fundamental law. "Any human statute in 
 contravention of natural justice is void," is as true today as 
 it was when announced as a judicial edict by Chief Justice 
 Hobart of England over a hundred years ago. To think that 
 there is sufficient land in one great state of this Union to supply 
 homes for all the teeming millions of people that inhabit the 
 earth, one-half acre to each family of five persons, and still 
 leave, in that one state, 28,000,000 acres to spare! And yet 
 today, under the legislation of that same state, a comparatively 
 few men and corporations are permitted to monopolize and 
 hold out of use for speculative purposes all that vast expanse 
 of God's footstool, while millions of homeless families in this 
 country have neither vine nor fig tree ! For nineteen hundred 
 years hath the spirit of love labored with men, and vet, oh, our 
 Father, "the foxes have holes and the birds of the air have 
 nests, but the son of man hath not where to lay his head!" 
 
—18— 
 
 To think that in this beautiful state of Jefferson one man is per- 
 mitted to hold out of use, for purely speculative purposes, over 
 2,000,000 acres of land, an area sufficient to supply 50,000 
 families with homes of 40 acres each, while thousands of Amer- 
 ican children smother and die in overcrowded tenements and 
 garrets, never having known the real meaning of the sacred 
 word Home ! Talk about American civilization, while by vicious 
 legislation seven-tenths of our population are denied the exer- 
 cise of the natural God-given right to occupy and use the sur- 
 face of the earth! From tomes of musty precedents reeking 
 with injustice and fraud, must we turn to the aboriginal sav- 
 age to learn anew the fundamental, God-ordained truth that 
 every human being on this planet is entitled to a place to live, 
 a home, free from mortgages, trust deeds, bonds, leases, judg- 
 ments or other fictitious liens and titles founded, as the great- 
 est writer on law says, "in the craft and ambition of men"? 
 Have we forgotten that for more than a century the practically 
 defenseless red men, without written or printed code, edict of 
 king, act of legislature or decree of court, but relying alone 
 on the innate sense of justice implanted in their breasts by 
 Almighty God, maintained and retained their just system of 
 land tenure, individual occupancy and use, as against the con- 
 stant and conscienceless aggressions of. the all-powerful white 
 man who, by artifice, fraud and force, the legerdemain of legis- 
 lation, and in flagrant violation of sacred treaties, sought to 
 deprive them of their natural birthright? But enough. I 
 cannot here expound at length the truths contained in this 
 incomparable book. These truths may not be pleasing to either 
 anarchists or land monopolists, the professional labor agitator 
 or the privilege-entrenched corporation magnate ; but I can say 
 to them one and all, that their irrational contentions, their 
 wicked theories, their corrupt methods, plans and policies have 
 been carefully considered by at least 1 50,000 voters of this state 
 of Jefferson, to whom the truths contained in this book are 
 very dear, and that though in their blindness they may not see 
 it, the handwriting is on the wall— "MENE MENE TEKEL 
 UPHARSIN!" 
 
 A Delegate — Mr. Chairman, I move that the resolutions as 
 read be adopted, and that it be expressed as the sense of this 
 
—19- 
 
 meeting that the Equity Clubs of the State of Jefferson shall 
 select and support as their candidate for Governor, Porter 
 Jordan of Centraha. [Applause and cheers and great uproar 
 from the strikers.] 
 
 Crandaix— In the name of outraged labor I denounce this 
 whole proceeding as a fraud and a farce, concocted and eno-i- 
 • neered by Benj. H. Wentworth and his paid hirelings, and I 
 call upon all workmgmen who are ready to fight for their 
 rights to follow me. [Crandaix leaves the hall, followed by 
 strikers, anarchists, etc., shouting, "Down with the State'" 
 Property is robbcrry!" "Hurrah for anarchy'" "To tin- 
 shops l" "To the shops ! ,} etc.] 
 
 Voices —Question ! Question ! Question ! 
 
 Chairman— All who favor the motion will signify it bv 
 saying "Aye !" Wnanimous "Aye" vote and loud cheers.l 
 
 Curtain. 
 
 SECOND ACT. 
 
 [Scene— Wentworth' s home in Centralia. Spriggs enters has- 
 tily, deposits some letters on escritoire and exits into another 
 part of the house. In a minute he returns.] 
 
 Spriggs— They's somethin' curus goin' to happen 'round 
 here. The young ladies pear awful glad to git back, but the ole 
 governor's underjaw don't look just right when he's readin 
 them newspapers-an then he told me to leave the trunks in 
 his car an to tell Barclay he wouldn't want the carriages 
 imter Cissy, newspapers under one arm and iiozvers in other 
 hand.] Hello, Cissy, I must have that kiss— one every dav 
 till you marry me. [ Tries to kiss her. ] 
 
 Cissy- [Beating him off.] Go way, you coyote; you mt 
 no kisses from me. These flowers are for Miss Ralston, from 
 Mr. Jordan; an here's one / brought for Miss Wentwort 
 Are they goin to stay here in Centralee for awhile? 
 
 SPRIGGS-Ahnut two weeks. T thought, but it now looks 
 more like two days. On the dead, Cissy, I'm thinkin there'* 
 somethin about the curves of Jordan and Miss Ralston or 
 
—20— 
 
 Sloan an Miss Wentwort, or Crandall an the strikers, or that 
 gang of yammerin Equityites that don't ezacly suit the ole Guv- 
 ernor. 
 
 Cissy— Well, I should think not, but he'd better tend to the 
 strikers an his railroads, an leave them sweet young ladies 
 alone. 
 
 Spriggs — Well, whatever, er whoever it is, they'd better 
 look out, fer the ole man is chalkin his cue. But Holy Moses, 
 Cissy, wasn't the town alive wid them Equityites? Where 
 the devil did they be all comin frum? 
 
 Cissy — Ain't I been makin slathers of money be sellin 
 their book at me street stan? 
 
 Spriggs — What's that book got to do wid them ? 
 
 Cissy — Why, readin the book be the thousans have made 
 them start incubatin schools, an now the hull state do be filled 
 wid em like fleas on a dog's back. 
 
 Spriggs — Well, that was a great powwow they had yisti- 
 day, an they went agin the strikers. 
 
 Cissy— Yes, and agin ole Wentwort, too. 
 
 Spriggs — I wuz up dere an Mr. Sloan made de best speech 
 you ever heerd. 
 
 Cissy — Not on yer forty- four ! I wuz dere meself, an Por- 
 ter Jordan talked de microbes offin de hull shootin match. 
 
 Spriggs — But he wuz fer de state's ownin de railroads ! 
 
 Cissy — Yis, an he's dead right. De people's been chumps 
 fer allowin ole Wentwort to own all de railroads an charge tree 
 prices fer everyting. 
 
 Spriggs — Sufferin Cyrus, Cissy ! Do ye be advocatin arn- 
 icky? 
 
 Cissy — Naw, I'm not advocatin arnicky. Dat ain't arnicky. 
 Yer ought to read dat book an git some sense in yer head. 
 Spriggs— Ye'll be makin a crank of me ! 
 Cissy— I'll be makin a man of ye. 
 
 Spriggs — Wantin me to wear whiskers down to me knees 
 an be reachin aroun an talkin in me own ear about de op- 
 pressed and sufferin millions. 
 
-21— 
 
 Cissy— A frien of de people ! 
 
 Spriggs- A jabberin trust-buster, wid a bushel of crazy- 
 ideas, an not a shirt to me back ! 
 
 Cissy— A champeen of trut an justice, like Porter Jordan! 
 
 Spriggs— Say, Sissy, I'm not put up for dis worl-savin biz- 
 ness. I m for Mr. Wentwort an de Jefferson roads in gineral, 
 an fer Cissy, de Queen of de Street, in paticular. 
 
 Cissy— Well, I'm gittin dis Equity fever purty bad, an I 
 dont know about dat ole guy Wentwort. [Exit] 
 
 SPRIGGS-Dat goil'll be de deat of me yit. [Takes flowers, 
 hnter Wentworth with newspaper in hand.] 
 
 Wentworth -Tell Miss Ralston I wish to see her. 
 
 Spriggs— Yis, sir. [Exit with flowers.] 
 
 Wentworth— It will never do ! Never ! The stakes are 
 too great! She must be sacrificed! "Interest not limited to 
 the Jefferson Company, nor to its President!" "Extends 
 with greatly increased intensity to the family of the President !" 
 "Prompted by both sentiment and material interest !" Damn 
 the newspapers ! [Enter Gertrude.] Gertude, vou know 
 what the newspapers are saying. Your relations with Mr Jor- 
 dan must cease at once. 
 
 Gertrude— But— Uncle— you have not hitherto objected— 
 and — 
 
 Wentworth— The situation is wholly changed; his attitude 
 toward me and my interests is entirely different. You know 
 what I have at stake; you know about his speech before the 
 Equity League; you know of the coarse insinuations of that 
 man Crandall— 
 
 Gertrude— But— Uncle— I— 
 
 Wentworth— Gertrude, must I remind you of your prom- 
 ise to your mother ? This relation must be broken off at once » 
 We will return to. New York tonight, and will sail for Europe 
 the first of the week. 
 
 Gertrude— But— I— may— tell— Mr. Jordan— 
 WENTwoRTH-Tell him nothing; I forbid it. But you 
 may leave a letter for him, saying what you like, but that 
 
.90. 
 
 must end all communication. [Exit Gertrude.] And her's 
 is the old-fashioned kind of love— the kind my sainted sister 
 gave to her father, and his sister gave to me. But it can't 
 be helped! The public, the rabble must not suspect! It 
 would ruin all! [Bnter Helen.] 
 
 Helen — Poor Gertrude — it will kill her, father— is there 
 no other way ? 
 
 WenTworth — None, my child, none! And, Helen, you 
 are more or less interested in Gerald Sloan? 
 
 HELEN — During our stays in Jefferson, and his visits in 
 New York, I have found Mr. Sloan to be a very interesting 
 and highminded gentleman. I— think— a great deal of him— 
 father. 
 
 Went worth— Well, I think a great deal of him myself. 
 He is one of the ablest young lawyers in the West, and his 
 father was one of the truest men I ever knew. But these are 
 trying times, my daughter, trying times — no times for senti- 
 ment. Every day brings changes. There are liable to be 
 developments that will test every fibre of his character — 
 and you may change your opinion of him — or he may change 
 his opinion of you. Guard your affections, Helen ; guard your 
 manner. 
 
 Helen — For— how— long— father? 
 
 WenTworth— For how long? Forever, if need be! 
 
 Helen — I — shall endeavor to heed your words — father. 
 [Exit] 
 
 WenTworth— And she may have to suffer too! All for 
 the "dear people," damn them! [Enter Whitney and Sloan.] 
 How about the injunction? 
 
 Whitney— It has been granted. The writ will be issued 
 tomorrow. « 
 
 Sloan — But we will not serve it until late in the evening, 
 when the strikers will be least expecting anything, and when 
 the movement of the soldiers will attract the least attention. 
 
 WenTworth — The sheriff will be amply supported by sol- 
 diers ? 
 
 Sloan— Yes, in any numbers that may be required. 
 
-23— 
 
 Went worth. — The soldiers will not know for what pur- 
 pose they are ordered out ? 
 
 Sloan — No. They will be brought down Vernon Street. 
 and the sheriff and I will join them at the yards, opposite the 
 shops. 
 
 Whitney — The force of new men will follow the soldiers 
 closely, and will be installed in the shops when the strikers 
 are expelled, and will be kept there under military protection. 
 
 Went worth— Be prepared for every emergency. There 
 may be a nasty fight. 
 
 Whitney — Yes, I have been cautioning Sloan about Cran- 
 dall. I regard that fellow as the most desperate and crafty 
 man I have ever known. 
 
 Went worth — Have you obtained any reliable evidence in 
 regard to the car-burning and engine business, yet? 
 
 Sloan — No, but I have faith that we shall yet trace it all 
 to Crandall, where it undoubtedly belongs. 
 
 Wentworth — Well, in every move you make, you must 
 keep us within the limits of the law, Sloan. This will end 
 the strike. They can't stand out against the court's decree 
 and the State's soldiery. 
 
 Whitney — But how about this craze for State ownership 
 of the roads and confiscation of our lands? It seems to me 
 that these issues are really graver than this seven months' 
 strike. 
 
 Wentworth— Well, "sufficient unto the day is the evil 
 thereof." I suppose we will have to meet these issues in the 
 legislature next winter. At present, however, we will not 
 borrow trouble. 
 
 Whitney— I fear you do not fully realize the gravity of 
 the situation. In all my experience in railroading, I have never 
 known an agitation against railroads to assume anything like 
 the proportions of this. I tell you there is danger ahead, grave 
 danger. 
 
 Sloan — The meeting of yesterday was a sufficient proof 
 that the movement has great strength ; and it must be admitted 
 
—24— 
 
 that the speech of Porter Jordan was a most powerful exposi- 
 tion of their doctrines. 
 
 Whitney— Yes, the truth is, that that incendiary book 
 has set the people of the state wild, and, great as our Com- 
 pany is, it can't afford to lose many such men as Porter 
 Jordan. I fear they will elect him Governor, and carry the 
 legislature. 
 
 Wentworth — Well, I don't see that we can do anything at 
 present to stay the storm. I don't much believe in repressive* 
 measures, anyway. We will have to wait until the matter 
 comes up in the legislature. 
 
 Whitney — I beg your pardon, Mr. Wentworth, but I think 
 we might do a great deal. You know that last year I thought 
 you were making a serious mistake in placing our rates at such 
 high figures and in doing away with all passes, rebates, etc. I 
 think we ought to change our policy: "Sugar" a few in- 
 fluential men in each community with passes, etc., and "fix" 
 the newspapers. I tell you a railway company must have its 
 friends. 
 
 Wentworth — No, Whitney, I value your worth as a man- 
 ager, and I appreciate your frankness, but I cannot consent to 
 a change of policy. Let matters take their course until the 
 legislature meets. We will then play a card or two — trust 
 me. You will settle the strikers tomorrow. I shall return to 
 New York tonight. 
 
 Sloan— Will Miss Wentworth and Miss Ralston accom- 
 pany you? 
 
 Wentworth— Yes, and we will leave for Europe next 
 week. 
 
 Whitney— Well, we will do the best we can here, and will 
 keep you posted as to developments. By the way, who is this 
 Pelham Grey, of New York, or London? He came in this 
 morning and, assuming to represent the Ford-Drexel system 
 in Texas and the Southwest, proffered their support to us in 
 this strike matter. I could not understand what he was geting 
 at. 
 
 Wentworth — Oh, I guess he imagines that he is repres- 
 enting 1 he English bondholders in those lines, but that isn't 
 
—25- 
 
 really what is the matter with him. I think he is harmless. 
 [Rising. Whitney and Sloan also rise.] I will go down to 
 the offices with you. 
 
 Sloan— I shall not go at present ; I wish to see Miss Went- 
 worth. 
 
 Whitney— Very well. 
 
 Wentworth— [Taps call bell and Spriggs appears.] Tell 
 Miss Wentworth that Mr. Sloan wishes to see her. [Exit 
 Spriggs. Exeunt Wentworth and Whitney. Enter Helen, 
 and she and Sloan greet each other.] 
 
 Sloan — I am sorry to learn that you will return to New 
 York at once. 
 
 Helen— Yes, I had hoped that we would remain here for a 
 fortnight at least. 
 
 Sloan — You still like Jefferson as well as New York ? 
 
 Helen — Oh, yes, I have always liked Jefferson, and absence 
 tends to increase, rather than to diminish the liking. 
 
 Sloan— That is most gratifying to at least one inhabitant of 
 Jefferson, I can assure you, Miss Wentworth. I had feared 
 that the splendor of New York society and the anticipatorv 
 glamor and gradeur of things European might have driven 
 from your mind all thoughts of Jefferson. 
 
 Helen — Ah, no; that were not an easy thing to do. Our 
 friends -here are very dear to us, and, whether we may be in 
 New York or abroad, we shall always remember them with 
 gratitude for having in various ways contributed to the pleas- 
 ure of our visits here during the past two years. I feel that 
 in this regard we are specially indebted to you, Mr. Sloan. 
 
 Sloan— The mere knowledge that I have been a factor in 
 rendering your visits in Jefferson pleasant ones, is more than 
 ample reward for my efforts; for, in seeking to beguile you I 
 was most selfishly contributing to my own highest enjoyment. 
 HELEN— [Deliberately.]— That is a very high compliment 
 — from one who, I have observed, usually weighs his words 
 >well. 
 
 Sloan — That you think so — coming from me— gives me a 
 happiness and hope I would fain express. - May I say more ? 
 
—26— ; 
 
 HELEN— No— not now. 
 
 Sloan— But the poor tribute does not offend you? 
 
 Helen — No — but you must not talk in this vein — now. 
 
 Sloan — When may I— Helen? 
 
 Helen — Oh— I do not know — maybe in one or two years — 
 maybe never! 
 
 Sloan — Why— what do you mean — Helen? 
 
 Helen — Oh — do not ask— I do not know — I may 
 change my opinion of you — or, worse still, you may change 
 your opinion of me. 
 
 Sloan— I shall not change. May I write to you? 
 
 Helen — No — it cannot be— not now. 
 
 Sloan— Or visit you in New York? 
 
 Helen— I must not say so. 
 
 Sloan — But — Helen you love me! 
 
 HELEN— I mustn't — you must go! 
 
 Sloan — But I may entertain hope? 
 
 HELEN— The tribute of your regard is the highest tribute 
 I have ever received— or hope to receive. I cannot say — or 
 hear — more now. Go — mon ami — mon cher! [Exit Sloan, 
 Enter Gertrude.] 
 
 Gertrude — Oh, Helen, this grief is more than I can bear! 
 I wish I were dead. 
 
 Helen — Courage dear cousin— I too have a cross — we 
 must be brave. 
 
 Gertrude — It cannot be that Gerald Sloan has incurred 
 your father's displeasure! 
 
 Helen — No — but I fear the worst. Father has warned me 
 against our attachment, and I have just parted from Mr. Sloan, 
 leaving him in a state of utter uncertainty. 
 
 Gertrude— This is cruelty! 
 
 Helen — And I could not tell him why— he will never know 
 the cost to me — and the thought that he may misjudge me will 
 haunt me day and night! 
 
27- 
 
 GERTRUDK-Must our hearts be crushed ! Must these noble 
 men be spurned like clogs, for the sake of the Jefferson roads! 
 
 mother^ bmitt ° it! But the PTQmise to m ^ 
 
 HEi.EN-We must teach ourselves to bear, Gertrude, and 
 have hope. There may come a time— 
 
 < Gertrude— You well know your father will never yield an 
 inch. And Porter Jordan will never surrender his principles 
 —not even for love ! * 
 
 Helen— Dear cousin — 
 
 Gertrude— But he shall know the reason whv! He shall 
 know I am not untrue! Oh, my mother! [Enter Spriggs 1 
 
 Spriggs— Mr. Leslie Pelham Grey ! 
 
 _ Helen— At such at a time as this ! [To Spriggs.] Show 
 him m. [Exit Spriggs.] I dread this meeting ! 
 
 Gertrude— I should think he could have awaited your re- 
 turn to New York. But the persistency of wealth-hunting of- 
 ten outstrips the bravery of love. Wise is the woman who 
 can distinguish the difference. But why should I talk of love' 
 [hxit Gertrude. Enter Grey.] 
 
 Grey-Aw, I am delighted to see you, Miss Wentworth 
 It seems like an age since I saw you in New York a few davs 
 ago. •> 
 
 HELEN-Thank you, Mr. Grey. We shall return to New 
 York soon. 
 
 M GRE J~ Aw ' ^ es ; B «t I can scarcely forgive you for leaving 
 New York so suddenly without letting those who venture to 
 count themselves your best friends know anything about vour 
 intended departure. • J 
 
 Helen— I am sure I meant no inattention to my friends. 
 
 Grey— And, aw, you must know that vour absences brief 
 or prolonged, without even an indirect assurance at anv time 
 that we occupy your thoughts, are not. aw, conducive to our 
 peace of mind. 
 
 Helen— Mr. Grey, you compel me to observe that your 
 veiled compliments are not bestowed with that discrimination 
 which their studied wording merits. 
 
—28— 
 
 Grey — Eh, aw, I read in the papers of your intended de- 
 parture for Europe. 
 
 Helen— Yes. 
 
 Grey — And, aw, fearing that I might not catch you in 
 New York, I have combined pleasure with a business trip and 
 hastened to see you here, aw, that I might beg the privilege of 
 accompanying you to London and prevailing upon you to 
 spend a week at the country seat of my uncle, the marquis. 
 
 HELEN — That is very thoughtful in you, but we shall find 
 it impossible to accept of your uncle's hospitality. 
 
 Grey — Aw, I assure you, Miss W'entworth, my uncle is a 
 most considerate gentleman. You would feel no constraint 
 whatever in his presence. 
 
 Helen — Ah ? 
 
 Grey— No, indeed; the marquis has a very clear conception 
 of the ways of this country and its people, and, eh, aw, to tell 
 the truth, he is more tolerant in many respects than I am. 
 
 HELEN — I doubt not your uncle possesses a very charitable 
 disposition. 
 
 Grey — Aw, yes, assuredly. My dear Miss Wentworth, my 
 uncle knows of you through me, and of your father through 
 Messrs. Glockheimer & Meyer, of London, and he will be 
 really desirous of entertaining you before you return to New 
 York. 
 
 Helen — It is kind of you and your uncle to favor us with 
 your thoughts, but it will be quite impossible for us to accept 
 the honor of any marked attentions while abroad. 
 
 Grey— Aw, not from me, your most devoted admirer? 
 Nor from my distinguished relative? 
 
 Helen — Not from anyone, Mr. Grey. Our purpose abroad 
 will not be to form new personal acquaintances, but to gain 
 such profit as is supposed to inure to American young ladies 
 like Miss Ralston and myself from even limited travel and ob- 
 servation in Europe. 
 
 Grey— Aw, I trust you will believe that I hoped to be in- 
 strumental in causing to be bestowed on you attentions which 
 are not extended to every American young lady. 
 
—29— 
 
 HELEN— I thank you, but my birth and education have been 
 such that I am sure I could not accept such attentions with 
 the grace and appreciation that would be expected, and, this 
 being true, I could not persuade myself to accept them at all. 
 
 Grey — Aw, Miss Wentworth, it must have been impossible 
 for you not to have observed my particular interest in you ever 
 since our first meeting, through the kind offices of Mrs. Bron- 
 son-Smythe, at the Brazelton function a year ago. 
 ^ HELEN — I am sure I have never had a wish or desire to ex- 
 cite or encourage in you any interest in me. I believe I know 
 how to esteem expressions of this kind, but it were best T 
 should say plainly that it would be idle for you to assume or 
 hope, Mr. Grey, that under any circumstances such expressions 
 from you would be agreeable to me. 
 
 Grey — You Americans are very elusive, Miss Wentworth. 
 
 Helen— Do you think so? 
 
 Grey — Very elusive, and quite artful, aw. 
 
 HELEN — I sometimes think that we Americans, at least some 
 of us, are but imperfectly understood by our friends across the 
 water. 
 
 Grey — I can scarcely concede that. In general, I believe 
 our estimate is correct. 
 
 Helen — You should understand that we Americans, some 
 of us at least, are so constituted that Europeanism, per se, does 
 not strike us with that impressive force that seems to be pre- 
 sumed in certain circles in Europe and to be more or less con- 
 ceded in New York. 
 
 Grey — Eh, aw, what do you mean ? 
 
 Helen— It is scarcely worth while to discuss my meaning. 
 I am crude. You know I am not a New York girl. I was 
 reared in the West. 
 
 Grey — New York is quite tolerable in some respects, aw, 
 but of course it isn't Europe. 
 
 Helen — No— but is New York to be commiserated? 
 Grey — Ask New York, aw. 
 
 Helen — I think a great deal of New York. Father took 
 Miss Ralston and me there that we might gain some polish. 
 
—30- 
 
 Tf we haven't succeeded, it is certainly not the fault of the New 
 York people, for they have been uniformly kind to us. 
 
 Grey — Do you know, Miss Wentworth, that we of Eng- 
 gland rather like the — aw, what's that French word — naivette 
 of the western girls of this country ? 
 
 Helen— The western girls have not the finish of the east- 
 ern girls. We gain much from association with the eastern 
 girls— for which we are duly grateful — but in other respects, 
 I take it, the difference between the western girls and the east- 
 ern girls is not so great as some people of your country, are, 
 upon occasion, pleased to imagine. 
 
 Grey — You deftly thwart my purpose in calling to see you 
 today. I — 
 
 Helen — The western girls are less tactful than the eastern 
 girls, and, I believe, are wholly lacking in veneration for many 
 things which people of your class regard as almost sacred. For 
 instance, such a sentiment as special respect for what is termed 
 the nobility of your country is entirely unknown to us. On 
 the contrary, a well-bred western girl wouldn't think of favor- 
 ing a suitor, much less of choosing a husband, from among the 
 nobility of any foreign country. 
 
 Grey — [Rising vtith offended dignity. Miss Went worth 
 also rises.] Aw, Miss Wentworth, before respectfully taking 
 my feave, I wish to say that I visited you today with very laud- 
 able and serious intentions. It was my purpose to offer to you 
 the name which my family bears. 
 
 HELEN— And you expected in return? 
 
 Grey — If you will pardon me, aw, full appreciation of the 
 honor involved. 
 
 HELEN — Is that all? 
 
 Grey — Eh, aw, well, I calculated that a union of the wealth 
 of your family with the lineage of mine would be desirable 
 from all points of view, aw, and especially so to two agreeable 
 contracting parties. 
 
 HELEN — Your frankness does you credit, relatively speak- 
 ing; but your views of life and mine could never be made to 
 harmonize. People of my class attach considerable importance 
 
—31— 
 
 to nobility of character and wealth of soul, but not a great deal 
 to what you term lineage. 
 
 Grey — I have discerned as much, aw. 
 
 Helen— And none to money in itself. 
 
 Grey— Eh, aw, I fear I do not understand you. 
 
 Helen — I am sure you do not. 
 
 Grey— And I will bid you good afternoon. 
 
 Helen — Goodbye, Mr. Grey. [Exit Grey. Exit Helen. 
 Enter Went worth and seats himself at escritoire.'] 
 
 Wentworth — [Writing and reading aloud as he writes.] 
 Glockheimer — & — Meyer, — Bankers, — London : — The 
 
 — Consolidated — Jefferson — is — not — a — bonded — 
 system. — All — bonds — were — extinguished — in — the 
 
 — foreclosure — sales — to — the — present — . owner 
 [Enter Spriggs.] 
 
 Spriggs, — Mr. Buck Crandall ! 
 
 Wentworth — Crandall! Admit him. [Exit Spriggs.] 
 There's something in the wind. [Spriggs ushers in Cran- 
 dall. Exit Spriggs, closely eyeing Crandall.] 
 
 Crandall — How do you do, Mr. Wentworth? 
 
 Wentworth— How do you do, sir. 
 
 Crandall — I suppose you are a little surprised to see me, 
 but I think I have something to say that will interest you. 
 
 Wentworth — Well, sir. 
 
 Crandall — This strike is costing your roads a vast amount 
 of money. More than that, this Equity movement is going to 
 confiscate your roads and your land unless it is checked. 
 
 Wentworth — Well. 
 
 Crandall— You are a business man, sir. There is a way 
 to bring this strike to an end, and to give the Equity move- 
 ment a set-back that will enable you to combat it successfully. 
 
 Wentworth — What are you getting at? 
 
 Crandall— Porter Jordan is a traitor to you and he is a 
 traitor to the strikers. He has opposed the strike from the 
 start, and now that he sees a chance to court popularity with 
 the people, he goes back on you. 
 
—32— - 
 
 WdntworTh — Well. 
 
 Crandaix — I need not say to a railroad man that there is al- 
 ways "a wheel within a wheel." By controlling a faction with- 
 in the Federation I control the Federation. We can easily 
 make it appear that Jordan's antagonism to your interests is a 
 mere pretense, and that he has sold out the strikers and the 
 Equity movement to you. I can furnish half a dozen affi- 
 davits to this 'effect, and you merely need not deny the fact. 
 I am an experienced man in these matters. Business is busi- 
 ness. $10,000 placed with me — a portion of it to be used in 
 oiling some of the cogs of the inside wheel — will stop this 
 strike and give a body blow to the Equity agitation. 
 
 WentworTh— How dare you come to me with such a das- 
 tardly proposal ! 
 
 Crandau,— Oh, don't get on your high horse with me; I 
 won't stand for it. I'm not the kind to be bluffed by a rail- 
 road president or anybody else, and you are not the first rail- 
 road magnate I have talked to by any means. You are in the 
 railroad business for money; I am in the strike business for 
 money. You are the chief mogul of a capitalistic trust; and 
 for the time being I am the general manager of a labor trust. 
 Be wise and "do business," and don't put on any airs with me, 
 for I know you fellows like a book. 
 
 WentworTh— Leave this house instantly, you scoundrelf 
 
 CrandalIv — [Making threatening movement toward Went- 
 worTh.] Damn you, if you knew — [Spriggs in rear of and 
 unseen by WentworTh, covers Crandall 'With a gun and 
 keeps him covered until he leaves. . . Crandaix backing out of 
 door.] I am not through with you. This will cost you more 
 than $10,000, and don't you forget it. [Exit.] 
 
 WenTworTh — [Turns and sees Spriggs with gun. . . 
 Spriggs quickly faces audience; side to Wentworth, gun in 
 right hand at side; appears to be expecting a rebuke.] I didn't 
 call you, sir. [Spriggs bows to W^ntworth, and exits.] "Ex- 
 perienced man in these matters." "Not true first he has talked 
 to by any means." [Taps call bell find Spriggs re-enters.] 
 Spriggs, we leave for New York tonight, and will sail for Eu- 
 rope next week ; will be back about the first of January. While 
 
—33- 
 
 we are away you will assist Mr. Whitney in the general offices. 
 Your salary will be $60 instead of thirty. Try to behave your- 
 self. 
 
 Spriggs — [Bowing and scraping.] Thankee sir; thankee a 
 thousand times. 
 
 Wentworth— Here, take this cable. [Hands message.. . 
 Exit Spriggs. Wentworth writes, reading aloud as he 
 writes.] Fielding: — Put — your — best — men — on — 
 the — back — trail — of — this — man — Crandall. — He 
 — undoubtedly — has — a — bad — record — somewhere — 
 in — the — east, — probably — in — Pennsylvania. — He — 
 is — not — a — new — man — at — the — business. — 
 Spare — no — expense — and — be — prepared — to — sub- 
 mit — full — report — when — I — return — from — Eu- 
 rope. [Puts letter in envelope and seals it. .Enter Spriggs.] 
 
 Spriggs — Mr. Porter Jordan wishes to see Mr. Wentworth 
 or Miss Ralston. 
 
 Wentworth — Call Miss Ralston. [Exit Spriggs.] See 
 me! He'll see me next January! Then — I'll show him and 
 the damphool public a few points in up-to-date railroading 
 along the lines of least resistance ! [Exit Wentworth . . . En- 
 ter and exit Spriggs. . .Enter Gertrude. . .winter Jordan. 
 
 Jordan — Gertrude [He takes both her hands in his, he ap- 
 pearing anxious, she grief -stricken.] you are ill. 
 
 Gertrude — I am unhappy, so unhappy ! 
 
 Jordan — I sent you flowers this morning, but received no 
 acknowledgement. Later I sent you a note, asking if I might 
 call this evening, but it was returned unopened. 
 
 Gertrude — Oh, you do not doubt me, Porter! The flow- 
 ers I have watered with tears. The note I never saw. 
 
 Jordan — You are in trouble — tell me dear. 
 
 Gertrude— I am not free! 
 
 Jordan— You do not love another ! 
 
 Gertrude — No, no ! Never ! 
 
 Jordan — And you will marry me? 
 
 Gertrude — Or I shall never marry ! But I am bound by a 
 sacred promise to my dying mother to obey my uncle, and — 
 
— 34— 
 
 Jordan — Ah, it is he ! I thought so ! Hearts must break, 
 lives must be ruined, the very heavens must bend at the be- 
 hest of an angered millionaire! And you were to be hurried 
 back to New York tonight, without being permitted even a 
 word with me. 
 
 Gertrude — But I have written you everything, dear— you 
 will get my letter tonight— you will know all. Oh, Porter, I 
 am not allowed to talk, but I have been writing to you ever 
 since — for hours — I was permitted to do so! And you will 
 not doubt my love — my faithfulness ! 
 
 Jordan — Doubt you — my life, my soul — not until truth 
 and innocence are banished from heaven! Take courage, Ger- 
 trude. Obey your uncle. Do your duty, as you see it. By 
 the memory of your mother, you shall yet be mine, or Ben- 
 jamin H. Wentworth shall, by his acts, deny that she was his 
 sister. [Enter Wentworth.] Sir, I shall hold you respon- 
 sible for the happiness of this young woman ! 
 
 Wentworth — I accept the responsibility .[Jordan presses 
 her hand to his lips, and twits.] 
 
 Curtain. 
 
 THIRD ACT. 
 
 [Scene I. Dark street or wood. Enter t\wo Anarchists. 
 Levinsky makes mysterious signs to PrEUvER. Prefer 
 makes mysterious signs to Levinsky.] 
 
 - Levinsky — [With hand to side of mouth.] Property is rob- 
 bery! 
 
 Preiser — [With hand to side of mouth.] Death to the 
 state! 
 
 Levinsky.— Did ye git de dinker? 
 
 Preiser. — [Producing imitation sticks of dynamite. ] Two 
 of 'em! [Hands one to Levinsky.] 
 
 Levinsky. — Ha ! ha ! Dem fool workingmen tink dere 
 fightin for dere "rights" ! 
 
—35— 
 
 Preiser.— Dere "rights"! Ha! ha! We'll give em a 
 touch of de reel ting ! Who'll give us de "lay" an de "dough" ? 
 
 Levinsky.— Buck himself; he'll be here soon. 
 
 Preiser.— [Makes odd signs and punches pit of his stom- 
 ach with finger. Levinsky replies with mysterious signs and 
 jabs locality on his own person where is secreted a bottle sup- 
 posed to contain whiskey. Takes bottle from his pocket and 
 drinks, then hands bottle to Preiser. Preiser drinks and 
 returns bottle to Levinsky. Enter Crandau, cautiously.'] 
 Pere comes Buck. 
 
 Crandau,. — Did you get the plunks ? 
 
 Levinsky. — Sure. [They each exhibit a supposed stick of 
 dynamite.] 
 
 Crandaix. — Are you heeled for the other business ? 
 
 Preiser.— You know it. [They each exhibit a revolver.] 
 
 Crandau,.— Now listen. No. 6 is on time, and she'll be 
 here in ten minutes. She's pulled by that damned "scab" 
 Withrow and his gang, and she's got to be ditched. 
 
 Levinsky. — We're onto our job. 
 
 Preiser— An it's dead easy. 
 
 Crandaix. — They'll be goin' at a good whirl. Put the 
 plunks down east of the tower house where it's darkest. If 
 cue doesn't fix em, the other will. 
 
 Levinsky. — It's ez good ez done, now. 
 
 Preiser— It's a lead pipe cinch. 
 
 Crandau,. — The noise will draw a crowd, and I'll bring the 
 strikers from the shops. There'll be lots of excitement, and 
 it'll be dark as hell. Sloan will come clown the east side of 
 Vernon Street in a hurry, to see what's the trouble, and Jordan 
 will run over to the yards from the Portland Hotel. You 
 [Addressing Levinsky.] will be behind the building just north 
 of the tracks, and as Sloan slows up, going down the steps to 
 the tracks, you plug him and make your getaway. You [To 
 PREISER.] will be at the 'end of the coal house, and as Jordan 
 passes, you'll do the business for him. 
 
 Levinsky. — I can hear em croakin now. 
 
— 36 — 
 
 Preiser. — Croakin! Ugh! De undertaker's got dere 
 stiffs ! 
 
 Crandau,.— Here's half your money. [Pays them.] Now, 
 remember, you undertook this work voluntarily, and your pay 
 is big. If you don't carry it out to the last detail you'll have 
 to answer to the "group" — and you know what that means ! 
 
 Levinsky.— [To Preiser.] Have you got Buck's lectric 
 belt? 
 
 PrEUvER. — Naw, nor his curlin iron nuther! 
 
 Levinsky. — He must a left em an his nerve in Pittsburg. 
 
 CrandaIvIv. — Now go, act quickly, and watch your corners ! 
 [Levinsky and Preiser make mysterious signs to Crandaij., 
 and slink off stage.] They'll break the strike, down Buck 
 Crandall, and elect Porter Jordan Governor, will they? I'll 
 blow this damned town off the earth first ! [Exit.] 
 [Scene 2. Railway yards, and shops in distance. Stage 
 darkened. .Levinsky and Preiser enter and maneuver 
 up stage as if placing bombs on track.] 
 
 Levinsky. — Hev ye got her planted, Prel? 
 
 Preiser. — Naw, they's a dam toad jumpin round here and 
 it skeered me. 
 
 Levinsky. — Hurry up ; I hear six a comin. [Noise of train 
 in distance.] 
 
 PrELLEr.— Now she's fixed. [Train can be heard more dis- 
 tinctly.] Gimme another dose of thet nerve balsam. [Both 
 drink from bottle.] Now fer de coal house! 
 
 Levinsky. — An de steps! [Commands to marching sold- 
 iers can be heard off stage above noise of approaching train.] 
 
 Captain. — Column right. — March ! 
 
 PrEIvLER.— Jumpin Jerusalem! Soldiers! What'll we do? 
 
 Levinsky. — Take to de woods! [Exeunt, frightened.] 
 
 [Approaching train can be heard more and more distinctly, 
 bell ringing, etc., until train seems to be coming right onto the 
 stage. Two explosions and lurid flashes in quick succession; 
 a great crash as if train is thrown from the track. All lights 
 out, everything perfectly still for half a minute. Then soldiers 
 can be heard approaching double-quick, the captain giving or- 
 ders and halting his men off the stage. Captain orders that 
 
—37— 
 
 crowd be kept back and that lights be brought. Rear of stage 
 is lighted up exposing scene on which derailed engine and cars 
 are shown. Enter Sloan. Enter Crandall opposite side of 
 stage. ] 
 
 Sloan — What have you to say to this, Crandall ? 
 
 Crandall— That you have hired someone to commit this 
 crime, in the hope of putting it onto the strikers. But you 
 can't do it. We were all at the shops. 
 
 Sloan. — The Sheriff is here with four companies of soldiers 
 to enforce the court's injunction and install the new men. A 
 strong detachment is now taking possession of the shops. You 
 are run to earth, man ! Don't you realize it ? 
 
 Crandall. — Damn the court ! And you, too ! [Stealthily 
 drawing knife.] If — I— have— to — go— to — hell, you shall 
 go with me! [Stabs, supposedly cutting gash in Sloan's 
 cheek that is out of view of the audience. Sloan grapples 
 with him and in the struggle they turn about, exposing to audi- 
 ence Sloan's gashed cheek covered with blood. Sloan finally 
 overpowers Crandall and the knife drops from Crandall' s 
 grasp to the stage. At that moment Sheriff and Soldiers 
 rush onto stage and take Crandall. Sloan throzvs off coat, 
 exposing blood on shirt, and prepares to meet Strikers coming 
 to succor Crandall.] 
 
 Sloan. — [To sheriff] Don't shoot them! 
 
 [Enter John Edwards, followed by Strikers with guns, 
 clubs and other weapons. They rush on to within three feet 
 of Sloan, who is backed up by the Sheriff and Soldiers, 
 when a very shrill zvhistle is heard. Edwards and Strikers 
 stop stock still, as Jordan rushes on to back centre, holding 
 paper aloft in hand.] 
 
 Jordan — Hold, Edwards! 
 
 Edwards— An order from the Executive Council! 
 
 Jordan — Yes. [Reading.] "The strike in Jefferson is 
 off. The Federation cannot countenance anarchy and law- 
 lessness !" 
 
 Curtain. 
 
—38— 
 
 FOURTH ACT. 
 
 [Scene i. Sloan's law office in Centralia. Law books — on 
 shelves, etc. Two or three chairs, desk, etc. Book — not 
 a law book — lies on table. Sloan sits at desk, and is 
 reading a letter. He appears haggard and pale. Red 
 scar shows on his face and is discernible through the re- 
 mainder of the play. 
 
 SivO an— [Reading letter aloud.] "Dear Mr. Sloan: — We 
 are extremely pained to learn of the injuries you received in 
 the strike. Father deeply appreciates your loyalty to his in- 
 terests, but he would not have consented that you endanger 
 your person. It frightens me to think what might have been 
 the result. Do not, I beseech you, take any risks in the future ; 
 and may heaven protect you, is the prayer of your sincere 
 friend,— Helen Wentworth." The only letter I ever received 
 from her, and that guardedly distant. Never a word since 
 I resigned from her father's roads and wrote him that my 
 enlightened conscience commanded me to espouse the cause 
 of the people and oppose his financial interests. [Takes book 
 from table, and looks at it, without opening it.] Has that 
 book made a noble-minded man of me, and at the same time 
 blighted my life? "How— It — Was — Done!" [Rising and 
 business.] My God! Has the corroding influence of money 
 stifled every noble impulse and stilled every divine emotion in 
 this distracted land? [Enter Jordan.] 
 
 Jordan — Good morning, Sloan. 
 
 Sloan — Good morning, Governor. 
 
 Jordan — Well, the matter has been fully discussed in cau- 
 cus, and both bills, just as you drafted them, will be passed by 
 the senate today. And the railroad bill will be passed by the 
 house tomorrow. But if there isn't a change, we are going to 
 be beaten on the land bill in the house. 
 
 Sloan. — Can't we control our men? 
 
 Jordan — No, there will be a majority of three against us. 
 You see, some of our fellows are big land speculators them- 
 selves, and their greed is outweighing their honesty. 
 
—39— 
 
 Sloan — And they will violate their solemn pledges to the 
 people ! 
 
 Jordan — Yes, giving some flimsy and technical excuse, of 
 course. And that man Fenton, from Pawnee county, is help- 
 ing them. Crandall is here, too. You made a great mistake 
 in not prosecuting him for his assault on you at the time of 
 the strike. He will do us all the dirt he can. 
 
 Sloan — Well, I never had much faith in Fenton. And as 
 for Crandall— but the railroad bill is absolutely safe, isn't it? 
 
 Jordan — Oh, yes, it will have an assured majority of 28 
 in the senate and a certain majority of 10 in the house. 
 
 Sloan — Will the railroad company be given a hearing in 
 committee before the bill is placed on its final passage? 
 
 Jordan — Yes, if they want it — and it's strange they haven't 
 asked it before this. That is what brings me here. The 
 steering committee has requested that you call on Mr. Went- 
 worth and present to him the ultimatum of the majority, and 
 say to him that the committee will be glad to give him a hear- 
 ing on the subject of the valuation of his roads, if he wishes it. 
 
 Sloan — I wish they had assigned this duty to someone else. 
 
 Jordan — No, you, above all others, are the proper person to 
 present the matter to Went worth. 
 
 Sloan — I assure you it will be a far from agreeable duty, 
 Governor. 
 
 Jordan— Oh, don't call me "Governor," Sloan; it's all right 
 from others, but not from you. Say, I want to ask you a few 
 plain questions. 
 
 Sloan— [Rather surprised.] Well. 
 
 Jordan — Have you seen the Wentworths since their return 
 to Centralia? 
 
 Sloan — No ; I have only seen Mr. Wentworth at a distance. 
 
 Jordan — Haven't you had any communication with the 
 family since you resigned from the roads last summer? 
 
 Sloan — No, except at the time of my relinquishment of the 
 counselship I received a formal letter from Mr. Wentworth 
 accepting my resignation and thanking me for past services 
 to the company. 
 
—40— 
 
 Jordan— Sloan, I am going to tell you something — for I 
 must tell somebody. I am deeply interested in Miss Ralston, 
 and I have reason to know that the feeling is returned. But 
 old Wentworth is against me. 
 
 Sloan— Of course. 
 
 Jordan — And he wields a terrible influence over Miss Ral- 
 ston. 
 
 Sloan — Is there any love now-a-days that equals the power 
 of wealth? 
 
 Jordan — Yes, I think so — at least I am going to find out. 
 By a promise made to her dying mother, Miss Ralston feels 
 herself bound to obey him to the letter in these matters, and 
 he is mean enough to use this leverage to keep us apart. But 
 in spite of all the powers of darkness I am going to find out 
 if she still loves me, and if she does, by the Cross of Calvary, 
 I'll break his brutal power or brand him in the sight of men as 
 a moral monster ! 
 
 Sloan — My friend, yours is the fire of Triermain in the 
 Valley of St. John. It is grand! It is the glow of chivalry, 
 but methinks it belongs to another day and age. In these 
 days of dollars, doubt and diabolism I fear your dream must 
 end in certain disappointment. But I know how to sympa- 
 thize with you. 
 
 Jordan — Yes, I have surmised as much. You haven't told 
 me your secret, Sloan, but I believe I know it. 
 
 Sloan — I will go with you to the statehouse. [Exeunt.] 
 
 [Scene 2. Street in Centralia. Enter Cissy with news 
 papers.] 
 
 Cissy — Morning papers ! All about the legislatur and the 
 railroad bill ! Governor Jordan standin by de people! [Pass- 
 erby buys paper.] Papers! Land monopoly doomed! Thou- 
 sand people comin to Jefferson to git free homes! [Enter 
 Spriggs.] 
 
 Spriggs — Why won't' you be talkin to me any more, Cissy? 
 
 Cissy— Didn't I tell ye I wouldn't hev nothin to do wid ye 
 long as yer workin fer dat ole monopolis, Wentwort? 
 
—41 — 
 
 Spriggs — Why, Cissy, you oughtn't ter want me ter go back 
 on Mr. Wentwort. If it hadn't been fer him I wouldn't had 
 a good job. 
 
 Cissy — Hain't everbody goin back on him ? De hull state's 
 agin him fer his robbin de people. He's been back here tree 
 weeks, an he dassent show his mug on de streets, fer everybody 
 despises him. 
 
 Spriggs— Well, he stood by me, when I hadn't no friens in 
 de worl. 
 
 Cissy — An he keeps dem purty an sweet young loidies 
 cooped up at home like dey was in jail. 
 
 Spriggs— An I don't tink I ought ter go back on him jus 
 because everybody else is goin back on him. 
 
 Cissy— Well, you stick to de ole skinflint; but ye better 
 keep way frum me. If ye don't I'll sue ole Wentwort. Dis is 
 a free country, ye understan? An no bloated ole monopolis 
 ner none uf his hirelins kin pester me ! [Exit Cissy, Spriggs 
 following.] 
 
 [Scene 3. WentworTh's home in Centraha. Went worth 
 seated at escritoire, is busily engaged in reading telegrams 
 and letters. Enter Helen, with newspaper in hand.] 
 
 HELEN — Father, it is perfectly dreadful, the way these Jef- 
 ferson papers talk about you and your roads. 
 
 Went. — [Busy reading telegrams and letters, and making 
 notations on them.] Oh, that is nothing, my daughter. It 
 is part of the business. You must not let matters of that kind 
 
 trouble you in the least. ^ 
 
 *" HELEN— But they are abusive, and they say things about 
 you that are not true. 
 
 Went. — [Still very busy.] Well, don't let that annoy you. 
 The newspapers are not to be blamed for reflecting public 
 sentiment, and public sentiment is — they'll change their tone 
 before long. 
 
 HELEN— I am glad to see that Mr. Sloan never says a word 
 against you personally. [Enter Gertrude.] 
 
 Went. — [Still busy and doesn't want to talk.] No, Sloan 
 has acted very honorably. 
 
—42— 
 
 Helen — And the paper says that in his speech last night he 
 told the Clubs that it was neither wise no; commendable to 
 attack you as a man; that you simply represented a system 
 which they opposed, but that as a citizen and a man, you were 
 above reproach. 
 
 Gertrude: — And Governor Jordan told them that this was 
 no time for unreasoning radicalism, and that if the state took 
 your roads you should be fully and fairly paid their actual 
 value. 
 
 Went.— [Very busy, and evidently annoyed with the young 
 ladies' talk.] Yes — that's all right. Don't worry yourselves 
 about me or the Jefferson roads. I will take care of the legis- 
 lature and the newspapers — and Sloan and Jordan seem to be 
 able to take care of themselves. 
 
 Helen— But you are not specially angered at Mr. Sloan? 
 
 Gertrude— Or Governor Jordan? 
 
 \Yznt.— [Exasperated, but recovers himself.] No— oh, 
 no — they're all right — but you must not bother me, girls — 
 I'm very busy; very busy. [Turns to work. HELEN and 
 Gertrude rise to leave, closely watching Wentworth.] 
 
 Gertrude. — [With hesitation.] I wish they could be as- 
 sured that you have no ill feeling toward them. 
 
 Went. — [Fussily.] Very busy. Lot of things to look 
 after. [Exeunt Helen and Gertrude slowly, watching 
 Wentworth. When they are off stage, Wentworth looks 
 after them, takes a long breath and resumes work at escritoire. 
 Taps bell, and Spriggs enters.] Take these telegrams to the 
 operators, [Handing him telegrams.] and these letters tb Mr. 
 Ormsby. [Handing him letters. Exit Spriggs. Enter 
 Whitney, with two legislative bills in his hand.] Well, 
 Whitney, did you get the bills? 
 
 W putney— Yes, here they are. [Hands bills to Went- 
 worth.] And they have the opinions from the three emi- 
 nent lawyers, employed, in addition to Sloan, to pass upon the 
 validity of the bills. 
 
 Went. — Did you read the opinions? 
 . Whitney— Yes. 
 
—43— 
 
 Went. — What is their purport? 
 
 Whitney— They all three agree that both bills are sound 
 in principle, being founded on the law of eminent domain, and 
 they agree that the land bill will have the legal effect intended, 
 and will be sustained by the courts. 
 
 Went. — But they can't pass the land bill ? 
 
 Whit.— No, there will be a majority of three against it in 
 the house. 
 
 Went.— And on the railroad bill? 
 
 Whit.— Judge Cranston, of Philadelphia, says that the 
 constitutional limitation as to the state's indebtedness does 
 not apply, and that the state may take the roads and compel 
 the owners to accept state warrants or bonds for any amount 
 over and above the constitutional limitation, the right of trial 
 by jury as to the actual value of the roads being preserved to 
 the present owners by the provisions of the bill. Craig Gor- 
 ham of Chicago says that the question is a very close one, but 
 that the railroad corporation being a creature of the law, and 
 having secured its life, its charter, its franchises and privileges 
 from the law-making power, he leans strongly to the view that 
 the legislature can annul its charter, recall its franchises and 
 condemn its right-of-way and other holdings on such terms 
 as it deems proper, provided it preserves to the company the 
 right of trial by jury as is contemplated in the bill. Frederick 
 E. Harrington, of New York, says flatly that the constitutional 
 limitation .does apply, and that the state not being allowed to 
 incur an indebtedness to exceed $500,000, the bill, if enacted, 
 will be held by the courts to be invalid. 
 
 Went.— Pretty high authority. They seem to be guarding 
 every point with great care. 
 
 Whit.— Yes, they seem to be following very closely the plan 
 outlined in that infernal book. 
 
 Went. — Well, I imagine we'll have an inning today and 
 tomorrow. 
 
 Whit.— Well, I hope so, for, to me, things look exceedingly 
 blue. [Rises to leave. Enter Spriggs and hands letter to 
 Wentworth. Exit Spriggs.] 
 
—44- 
 
 WenT. — [Opens letter.] Wait, Whitney. A letter from 
 Fielding. [Reads.] "St. Louis, Jan. 6th. I have the two 
 anarchists who ditched the train. They have made a full con- 
 fession. They were employed by Crandall, and it was in the 
 plot to kill Sloan and Jordan, but the unexpected coming of 
 the soldiers scared them away, and they got out of town as 
 quickly as they could. They know all about Crandall. He is 
 an escaped convict from Pennsylvania, under twenty years' 
 sentence for murder, and his real name is John Bartoff. I 
 have arranged for requisition to be sent to our sheriff. I will 
 reach Centralia with the two anarchists by the same train 
 which carries this letter to you. I will hurry them to the jail 
 without letting anybody know their identity, and then I will 
 come direct to your house. I dared not use the telegraph for 
 fear Crandall would get wind and skip. We must nail him 
 sure." It's now fifteen minutes to one. Fielding must be at 
 the county jail or on his way here. : Wait a minute. [Goes 
 to telephone and rings tip.] Hello! — Main 376, please. 
 Hello! Is this the county jail? — Is Mr. Fielding there?— 
 Yes, please. — Hello ! Fielding, is that you ? — This is W. Say, 
 is the sheriff there? — Well, say, you and he come over here to 
 my house right away. Bartoff will be here at one o'clock. 
 Understand? — Say, come in the back way and Whitney will 
 meet you. Understand?— All right — Goodbye. [Returns 
 to desk and taps call bell. Enter Spriggs.] Tell Barclay to 
 have the closed carriage in waiting at one o'clock. [Spriggs 
 bozvs and exits. I received this [Reaching for letter on desk.] 
 from Crandall this morning. [Reads] "You certainly rea- 
 lize the necessity of 'doing business' now. I am in a position 
 to give you dead sure 'lines' on a sufficient number of mem- 
 bers of the house. Do you want to see me? If so, send 
 word to me at the Portland Hotel." I sent him word to come 
 here at one o'clock. It's important that I get this informa- 
 tion from' him. Understand? After I have gotten it, it 
 would suit my purposes to have him disappear off the earth 
 for about a day. But certain tender flowers in the legislature 
 must, not be frightened by his arrest until that bill is voted on 
 tomorrow, unless possibly it shall suit my. purposes better to 
 
make known his arrest sooner myself. And yet we must 
 take no chances of his getting away. 
 
 Whit. — I understand. 
 
 Went.— Well, Fielding and the sheriff will be here in a 
 few minutes. They will come in the back way. You will 
 meet them and bring them into the adjoining room here. 
 [Indicating.] If I don't get the required information from 
 Crandall, I will let him go, and we will "shadow" him. If 
 I do get it, the pressure of this electrical button [Indicating 
 button on desk.] will signal Fielding and the sheriff, and they 
 will come in and arrest him. My closed carriage will be in 
 readiness in the rear. They can enter it and convey him to 
 the county jail without anybody, except us four, having anv 
 knowledge whatever of what has occurred. 
 
 Whit. — I see. 
 
 Went. — And mind you, Whitney, I don't want anybody 
 to know of his arrest until after the vote on that bill tomorrow, 
 unless I see fit to tell it myself. Caution Fielding particularly 
 about this, and tell him to bind the sheriff to the utmost 
 secrecy. 
 
 Whit. — I understand. [Exit.] 
 
 WENT\ — ['Examining legislative bill and reading aloud.] 
 "The owners of said vacant, unoccupied and unused lands 
 shall have five years from and after the approval of this act in 
 which to dispose of the same to actual, good-faith settlers ; but 
 in the meantime any person desiring to occupy and use any 
 portion of the same may institute proceedings to condemn 
 such portion, and, upon paying into court the full value of 
 such portion as found by a jury, may occupy and use the same 
 as his own in severalty." [Enter Crandall.] 
 
 Crandall— Well, I take it, that you have finally concluded 
 . to "do business." 
 
 Went. — Well, I am doing a good deal of it now, but I 
 don't mind undertaking a little more. 
 
 Crandall — You need six votes in the house to defeat the 
 railroad bill. 
 
 Went. — Six will do it. 
 
—46— 
 
 CrandaUv— I know the man who can deliver the goods. 
 Went. — I must do business with the principal alone. 
 
 Crandall — I understand that. I have fixed matters with 
 him. 
 
 Went. — You expect no reward nor promises from me? 
 
 Cran. — None whatever. He's my huckleberry. I am 
 merely sent to arrange a meeting for him. You deal with 
 him. 
 
 Went. — Is he a man of standing ? 
 Cran. — He's a member of the house. 
 Went.— I will meet him. 
 Cran.— Where? 
 Went. — Here. 
 Cran. — When ? 
 
 Went. — As soon as he can get here. 
 Cran. — Where's your 'phone? 
 
 Went. — There— but hold on, there must be no publicity 
 about this. 
 
 Cran. — Do you think I am a fool? I haven't sodiered in 
 this kind of work for fifteen years to be caught napping now. 
 
 Went. — But who is your man, where is he, and what do 
 you intend to say over the 'phone? 
 
 Cran. — My man is the Hon. Archibald Fenton, the highly 
 respected member of the house from Pawnee county. He is 
 now waiting at a 'phone in a livery stable on Preston Street 
 to hear my gentle voice conveying to him the glad tidings that 
 Annie is better, in fact all right, and will be glad to see him 
 right away. I'm to telephone him before two. 
 
 Went. — But you must not be mixed up in this. You must 
 not be seen with him or his friends. You are known. There 
 must be no ground for suspicion. 
 
 Cran. — That's all right. He understands that. I'll make 
 myself scarce for a day or two. 
 
 Went. — Well, tell him you'll not see him till day after to- 
 morrow. 
 
— 47— 
 
 Cran. — [Goes to 'phone and calls up.] Hello! Give me 
 Express 427, please. Hello, is that you A. F.?— Well, say, 
 Annie is better, in fact, she's all right, and she'll be glad to 
 see you right away.— Yes, at her home. Say, I'll not see you 
 till day after tomorrow. — So long. [Wentworth presses 
 button, and Finding, Sheriff and Whitney enter, covering 
 Crandau, with guns as he turns from telephone.'] 
 
 Sheriff— You are under arrest, John Bartoff, on a requi- 
 sition from the Governor of Pennsylvania! Levinsky and 
 Preller are now in jail, and have confessed everything. 
 [Crandaix submits to handcuffs.] 
 
 ^ Crandau, — [To WentworTh.] You're a genius, old man. 
 I've been railroading for twenty-three years, but you're the 
 only man I've ever seen that really understands the business. 
 You ought to have a double-track trunk line between heaven 
 and hell. It's all right. But just tell em some time, will 
 you, that John Bartoff, the Pennsylvania convict, though a 
 trifle late in making the discovery, was the first man in Jef- 
 ferson that got onto your game. You understand. [Mean- 
 ingly. Exeunt Sheriff, Crandall, Fielding and Whit- 
 ney; WenTworth looking after them.] 
 
 [Scene 4. Street in Centralia. Enter Cissy with nczes- 
 papers.] 
 
 Cissy— Papers! All about the railroad bill! Railroads 
 can't buy de legislator! Great excitement in other states! 
 Everybody comin' to Jefferson to live! [Enter Fenton.] 
 Paper ? 
 
 Fenton— [Gruffly.] No! [Exit.] 
 
 Cissy — I'll bet dat feller's crooked. All about de people 
 ownin' de railroads! Papers! [Enter Grey. Cissy stares 
 at him in amazement.] 
 
 Grey— I say! Eh, aw, me little goil, could you guide me 
 to the seat of Mr. Wentworth? 
 
 Cissy— I say! Eh, aw, I could not. But you go straight 
 ahead four blocks, an then you cut bias dat way [Pointing.] 
 and deres a meatshop on de corner. 
 
 Grey— Aw! 
 
—48— 
 
 Cissy — An then you ask dat man where de meanest man 
 in Jefferson lives, and he'll show you ole Wentwort's house, 
 aw. 
 
 Grey— -Eh, aw! {Exit.'] 
 
 Cissy — [Looking after him.] I wish I had a lariat. Pa- 
 pers ! All about Jefferson's big boom ! People to own de rail- 
 roads, an everybody ter have free homes! [Exit.] 
 
 [Scene 5. WenTworth's home in Centralia. Wentworth 
 seated at escritoire, carefully examining legislative bills. 
 Enter Fenton.] 
 
 Fenton— How do you do, Mr. Wentworth. My name is 
 Fenton — Archibald Fenton, member of the house from Paw- 
 nee county. 
 
 Went. — [ They shake hands.] Oh, yes, for whom Mr. 
 Crandall arranged a meeting. I am glad to meet you, Mr. 
 Fenton. Be seated. 
 
 Fenton— But Mr. Crandall did not go into details. He 
 was not informed, nor empowered. 
 
 Went. — Oh, no ; not at all. He merely arranged the meet- 
 ing, and left everything for discussion between you and me. 
 
 Fenton — We are entirely alone? 
 
 Went. — Entirely. 
 
 Fenton — This railroad bill, Mr. Wentworth, of course you 
 want it defeated? 
 
 Went. — Supposedly. 
 
 Fenton— Well, sir, it will pass the senate, and it is the gen- 
 eral impression that there is a safe majority for it in the 
 house. 
 
 Went. — Yes. 
 
 Fenton — And we must concede that the sentiment of the 
 people is largely in its favor. 
 
 Went. — Yes. 
 
 Fenton — But there is a serious question as to the power of 
 the state to incur the indebtedness necessary for the purchase 
 of the roads — the constitutional limitation, you know. 
 
—49— 
 
 Went.— Yes, sir; yes, indeed. 
 
 Fenton— Now, to be plain, I have never believed in this 
 doctrine of State ownership. I think, sir, that the people 
 have gone wild over this proposition. I want to protect the 
 people, even against their judgment. As a conscientious leg- 
 islator, I regard it as my duty to do so. 
 
 WENT.— Certainly, sir, certainly; and I doubt not there are 
 other men, here in Jefferson, who are classed against us, but 
 who, in fact, entertain the same views that you do. 
 
 Fenton— Yes, sir; that is the point I was getting at. And 
 there are some who haven't any decided opinion one way or the 
 other, but who can be influenced, you understand. 
 
 Went.— Yes,* I suppose so. 
 
 Fenton— In other words, Mr. Wentworth, it is possible to 
 defeat that bill. 
 
 Went.— Possible to defeat the bill ! 
 
 Fenton— Yes, sir. 
 
 Went.— How? 
 
 Fenton— On this question of the constitutional limitation, 
 I can control the votes of six members of the house who are 
 classed as supporters of the bill. These votes changed from 
 the affirmative to the negative, will wipe out the majoritv of 
 ten and defeat the bill by two votes. 
 
 Went. — Yes, but can you do this? 
 
 Fenton— Yes, sir; but it will cost money, Mr. Wentworth, 
 money, and lots of it. 
 
 Went. — How much ? 
 
 Fenton— $100,000. 
 
 Went.— Do you know to a certainty that you can control 
 these men? 
 
 Fenton— Yes, sir, to a certainty. We have discussed the 
 matter fully together, and to be explicit, I am sent here by 
 them to reach an understanding with you. 
 
 Went. — Where are they? 
 
-—50— 
 
 FenTon — They are now on the second floor of the Portland 
 Hotel, in my room, 23. They are waiting for me. 
 
 Went. — I must have positive assurances from each and 
 all of them. 
 
 Fenton — Yes, sir ; I will bring you face to face with them. 
 
 Went. — That will not do. I must have their solemn 
 pledge in writing, over their own signatures, yours included. 
 $100,000 is a big sum of money. 
 
 Fenton— [Rising.] I will obtain the pledge, and we can 
 complete the business immediately. I am an honest man, sir, 
 and expect to get nothing out of this for myself; but in the 
 people's interest, these men must be controlled, and it costs 
 money to do it. 
 
 Went. — State the proposition plainly in writing, have each 
 and every one of them sign it, and return here as soon as pos- 
 sible. 
 
 FenTon — Yes, sir; I'll have no difficulty in obtaining their 
 signatures, for they know you have everything at stake, and 
 that there is no danger of exposure. [Exit.] 
 
 Went. — [Turns to escritoire and writes, reading aloud as 
 lie writes.] Fielding: Fix — the — identity— of— the— six 
 — men — now— in — room — 23 — Portland — Hotel, — and 
 get — snap — shots — of — them — if — possible. B. — H. — W. 
 [Folds paper and taps bell. Enter Spriggs.] Take this to 
 Fielding quick. [Spriggs takes paper, and exits. Went- 
 worth examines legislative bill. Enter Grey.] 
 
 Grey — How do you do, Mr. Wentworth. [They shake 
 hands.] My name is Grey, Leslie Pelham Grey. I met you 
 in New York some twelve months ago, aw; possibly you 
 remember me. 
 
 Went. — Yes, I remember you quite well. 
 
 Grey— Aw, may I inquire as to the health of Miss Went- 
 worth ? 
 
 Went. — [Drily.] My daughter is quite well, thank you. 
 
 GrEy — Aw, Mr. Wentworth, I come to see you on a mission 
 of considerable importance. Perhaps you are not aware that I 
 
—51 — 
 
 am the American representative of Glockheimer & Meyer, of 
 London. 
 
 Went. — Well, no, I was not aware that you were their 
 authorized agent. 
 
 Grey — Aw, yes. Messrs. Glockheimer & Meyer control 
 large English holdings of American railway securities. 
 Went. — Yes, sir. 
 
 Grey — And the troubles which the Jefferson roads have had 
 with strikers, and those which they are now having with this, 
 aw, so-called reform movement, have attracted considerable 
 attention among New York and London investors in railway 
 securities. 
 
 Went.— I suppose so. 
 
 Grey — Yes, aw; and they fear the movement will spread 
 into other states, and impair the value of this class of securi- 
 ties. 
 
 Went.— There is certainly occasion for alarm on their part. 
 
 Grey— Yes, aw; and they have conferred together and 
 have come to the conclusion that the railroad bill now pending 
 in the legislature of this state must be defeated, at whatever 
 cost. 
 
 Went. — Oh, they have, have they ? 
 
 Grey — Aw, yes, sir ; and I am the bearer of a letter to you 
 from G. P. Dorgan & Co., Wall Street, authorizing you to 
 draw on them for $500,000, to be secured by first mortgage 
 bonds on your roads at 4 per cent. [Takes letter from pocket.] 
 This will enable you to control a sufficient number of votes in 
 the legislature to defeat the bill. 
 
 Went. — From Dorgan & Co., eh? [Reaches for letter.] 
 
 Grey — Eh, aw, excuse me, Mr. Wentworth; but first, I 
 should like to reach a definite understanding with you in regard 
 to a matter that deeply interests me. 
 
 Went.— Ah? 
 
 Grey — Aw, yes, sir. For a long time I have admired your 
 daughter. Last year she repelled my advances, for the reason, 
 I believe, that she at that time entertained sentiments of warm 
 esteem for the junior counsel of your roads, aw, a Mr. Sloan. 
 
We: : — Sir, I have neither the time nor the inclination to 
 listen to as of this character. 
 
 Grey — Aw. I pray you will bear with me. I have waited 
 a long time and have come a long distance to do you a good 
 turn at the same time to place myself right. 
 
 We xt. — At 4 per cent first mortgage, eh? Well. sir. be 
 brief, for I assure you that this kind of talk is not the most 
 agreeable to me. 
 
 Grey — The changed relations of Mr. Sloan with your 
 roads, and presumably with your family, lead me : assume 
 that I may. aw. express myself with some degree : freedom to 
 you. 
 
 Went. — One should be careful not to- indulge in unwar- 
 ranted assumptions or presumptions. You would better de- 
 liver Dorgan & Co.'s business proposition. 
 
 Grey — Yon do not understand me. aw: I insist that 
 allow me to explain myself. 
 
 Went. — Well, proceed as brieflv as possible. 
 
 Grey — Aw. it has seemed to me that a union of your family 
 with mine — the wealth of your family with the noble name 
 which I bear — is a desideratum that should commend itself to 
 a man of your discernment. If I am right in this. I shall have 
 but little doubt of my ability to render myself personally pie — 
 ing t Ventworth. 
 
 We xt. — Your assurance six is truiv amazing. But I have 
 always made it a point not to try to mix my bank account with 
 my daughter's aft ectior. s peculiarly constituted that 
 
 I do not think I could do so. if I would, and I am reasonably 
 certain that I wouldn't do so if I could. Personally I do not 
 
 sh to invest in European nobilir As : the sentimental 
 phase of the subject — if indeed there is any sentiment in it — 
 you will have to confer with her. Do you wish to deliver 
 Dorgan & Co.'s letter 
 
 Grey — Aw. I suppose I must do so. [Hands letter to 
 Wextworth.] 
 
 We xt. — [Hastily pe better.] It is useless to pursue 
 
 this phantom. I am not in need of money. Our friends in 
 
—53— 
 
 New York have no conception of the magnitude and strength 
 of this movement. 
 
 Grey — Aw, but the members of the legislature can be influ- 
 enced by money? 
 
 Went. — Influenced by money ! Why, man, you don't know 
 what you are talking about ! You might as well try to fly to 
 the moon as to try to influence the vote of a single legislator 
 by the use of money ! They are worse than religious fanatics 
 en the subject of this bill ! If you should approach one of them 
 with a money proposition, he would shoot you dead in your 
 tracks, and if one of the pledged majority should vote against 
 the bill, he would be hanged to the nearest lamp-post by the 
 enraged populace! 
 
 Grey — [Exhibiting some uneasiness.] Eh, aw, is it pos- 
 sible ! 
 
 Went. — Possible! Well, I should say so! The life of no 
 man who is against this bill is safe for a moment in this town ! 
 [GrEy alarmed.] Why, do you realize that if your mission 
 here were known you would be murdered before you could get 
 out of town! [Grey greatly alfirmed. Rises from chair.] 
 Even now the "Death Committee" is watching you ! 
 
 Grey— [Exhibiting- much trepidation.] "Death Commit- 
 tee" — watching me ! 
 
 Went.— Yes, watching you! [Getting a pretended cipher 
 message from escritoire.] Shortly before you called I received 
 a cipher message from one of my detectives. I didn't under- 
 stand it, but now I see that it refers to you! [Re a ds mes- 
 sage.] "Warn New York friend who arrived today that he 
 is suspected [GrEy starts.] and is being closely watched by the 
 "Death Committee!" 
 
 Grey — [Frightened.] What shall I do! 
 
 Went. — Get out of town on the first east-bound train ! 
 And, to allay suspicion, you would better play the part of a 
 book agient. Here. [Hands him book.] Take this. If any- 
 body speaks to you, try to sell him a book; and if they mention 
 my name, give me the "Old Harry" for putting you out of 
 my house! Be sure and catch that first train. It leaves in 
 about thirty minutes. [Hustling him out.] 
 
—54— 
 
 Grey— I shall ! I certainly shall ! [Exit] 
 
 Went. — Well ! That's the worst I ever did ! But it was 
 the only way. [Seats himself at escritoire and resumes exam- 
 ination of legislative bill. Enter Helen.] 
 
 Helen — Father, I have an invitation to dine at Mrs. West- 
 lake's today, and to spend the evening there. Mr. Sloan is 
 also invited. 
 
 Went. — You must not go, Helen; send an excuse. 
 
 Helen— Father, you must talk to me — I have a right to 
 ask it. 
 
 Went.— What do you mean, my daughter, what do you 
 mean ? 
 
 Helen— I mean, father, that I am no longer a child, and 
 that in matters which deeply concern me as a woman, I am 
 entitled to an adequate reason for a course of action such as 
 you require. 
 
 Went. — No longer a child — matters that deeply concern 
 you — entitled to a reason — my daughter ! 
 
 Helen— I have always tried to be dutiful and considerate 
 toward you — and I love you devotedly— but, father, I can- 
 not understand your attitude toward Mr. Sloan. 
 
 Went. — Sloan— Sloan— my attitude toward Sloan! Is he 
 not doing everything in his power to confiscate my property 
 — to divest me of all my holdings ? 
 
 Helen — Yes, father, but in an honorable manner. He is 
 simply following his convictions as a man — and you, yourself, 
 have never, in my presence, uttered a word derogatory to him. 
 
 Went. — His ability and energy in shaping the policy of 
 those opposed to my interests have rendered him my most 
 dangerous adversary. 
 
 Helen — I know you too well, father, to believe for a mo- 
 ment that this is the real ground of your objection to him. 
 
 Went.— Didn't I tell you long ago that there were liable 
 to be developments which would — 
 
 Helen — Yes, father, and haven't those developments come? 
 Hasn't his character been tested? [Pause. WentworTh 
 
—do- 
 does not reply.] With resepect to me, I have reason to know- 
 that he hasn't changed— and mother in heaven knows I have 
 not! 
 
 Went. — You love him, Helen? 
 
 Helen — From the moment I first met him I have loved 
 him. But because I respected your washes I prisoned my 
 heart. I would not allow him to write to me. 1 refused him 
 the privilege of visiting me in New York, lest I might be 
 tempted to forget your injunction. He has had no word, 
 direct or indirect, from me since he severed his connection -with 
 rhe roads. The thought that he might reasonably conclude 
 that I was unworthy of his regard has worried me unspeakably. 
 Father, I have suffered; suffered and waited — but with hope. 
 He has suffered, without hope. 
 
 Went. — And you deem his relentless antagonism to my 
 financial interests an insufficient objection to him? 
 
 Helen — Yes, father, because from my earliest childhood 
 you have taught me that the heart's sentiments are not to be 
 measured by such considerations. 
 
 Went. — And what if your sentiments run counter to my 
 plans with respect to the Jefferson roads? 
 
 Helen — You have said that I have my mother's heart. 
 Were I alone involved— my life even — I would do almost 
 anything for you, for I love you; but — forgive me, my father, 
 for I have your spirit and your will— I would not blight the 
 life of Gerald Sloan for all the railroads in ten states! 
 
 Went. — [Pauses, as if worried and meditating.] Repre- 
 senting the legislative committee, Mr. Sloan will call here to- 
 day. With perfect propriety you can hear what occurs. Do 
 so, and then— follow your own judgment! [Helen throws 
 her arms about her father's neck and places her Head on his 
 breast; then exit. WentworTh seats himself at escritoire 
 and resumes eramination of railroad bill. Reads aloud.] "And 
 the said members of the State Directorate of Railways, as 
 named in this act and elected by the legislature, shall have the 
 entire management and direction of the said railways of the 
 State of Jefferson until their successors are duly elected by 
 
-56— 
 
 the people, as provided for in Section 9 hereof." [Enter 
 Gertrude. ] 
 
 Gertrude— Uncle, I have a note from Governor Jordan, 
 asking the privilege of calling on me. 
 
 WentworTh — [Amazed and exasperated.] Jordan call! 
 Jordan ! No ! No ! Most positively no ! 
 
 Gertrude — [Surprised, offended and hurt.] Uncle! 
 
 Went. — •[Partially regaining composure.] Pardon me,, 
 Gertrude. Wait till day after tomorrow. You will then un- 
 derstand. 
 
 Gertrude — But this is not satisfactory. What reply am 
 I to make to his note ? 
 
 Went. — [Agitated.] Reply ! Make none now ! Wait till day 
 after tomorrow. 
 
 Gertrude— But, Uncle, what does this mean? I cannot 
 understand you. I have tried to obey you, and I want to 
 continue to respect you. But I want to know plainly if it is 
 your intention for all time to use my obligation to my mother 
 as a means for destroying my happiness? 
 
 WENT. — [Excited and agitated.] You must wait till day 
 after tomorrow. This is imperative. You will then know 
 all. [Gertrude, as if intending to speak, restrains herself, 
 bows, and exits. AVentworTh impatient and flustered; then 
 resumes examination of railroad bill. Cissy knocks loudly at 
 door. WentworTh in a loud voice and impatiently.] Come 
 in ! [Enter Cissy. WentworTh turns and sees her. Busi- 
 ness, as if can hardly contain himself.] Lord, here's another! 
 Madam, are you in love ? 
 
 Cissy — [Stamping her foot angrily.] No, I'm not in love! 
 I want ye ter make Spriggs leave me alone ! He's pesterin me 
 all de time! Wants ter marry me! An I won't have nothin 
 ter do wid him long as he works fer ye. I'm agin ye an yer 
 monopolies an everybody 't works fer ye! I'm fer de Equity 
 Clubs 'n de people's rights! 
 
 Went. — [Reaching in his vest pocket for money.] Arrest 
 him ! Have him arrested on any charge ! Here ! [Hands her a 
 $10 bill] Arrest any of my employes you can find who are 
 
—57— 
 
 talking 1 love and marriage — $10 a head to you for each one — 
 have the whole outfit arrested and put in jail. [Goes to desk 
 and fumbles papers excitedly and fussily and exit.] 
 
 Cissy — [Who has been looking at him in blank amazement, 
 looks at money, then after Wentworth, and then at audience.] 
 Well, wouldn't dat jar ye! [Exit Cissy. Enter Went- 
 
 WORTH.] 
 
 WENT. — [Still rattled.] Three railroads and a balky leg- 
 islature are nothing to two or three sentimental women! 
 They'll bust any combination on earth. [Enter Spriggs 
 with picture, which he hands to WentworTh and exit.] 
 The snap shot! [Looks at picture, and then carefully pe- 
 ruses writing on the back of picture; then again looks at pic- 
 ture and deposits it on escritoire.] I own them, body and 
 soul! [Resumes examination of bill. Enter FenTon.] 
 Well, what success have you had? 
 
 FenTon— Excellent, Mr. Wentworth, excellent; I ha,ve 
 the signatures of every one of them. [Hands paper to 
 Wentworth.] 
 
 Went. — [Examines the paper and signatures care- 
 fully.] Yes, the proposition is plainly and positively stated. 
 You remember when you all came out of your room into the 
 hall at the hotel, you said : "Say, fellows, we must not be 
 seen together; you go to your rooms, and I will go down 
 alone?" 
 
 FenTon — Amazed and startled at Wenworth's knowl- 
 edge.) Ye-es! 
 
 Went.— [Showing the picture to him.] Isn't that a pretty 
 good group picture? 
 
 FenTon — [Thunderstruck and alarmed.] I — I — don't 
 understand ! 
 
 Went. — You understand that under the criminal statutes 
 of the State of Jefferson this proposition renders every one 
 of you fellows liable to imprisonment in the penitentiary for 
 a term of from eight to fifteen years, don't you? 
 
 FenTon — [Frightened.] Ye-es— but, my God, you won't 
 expose us ! 
 
— 58— 
 
 Went. — Not if things go my way. I never tell secrets if 
 things go my way. But you have misunderstood me. You 
 have been greatly mistaken in supposing that I wish the rail- 
 road bill defeated. I want that bill to pass. 
 
 Fenton — [Still astounded and alarmed.] You want it 
 passed ! 
 
 Went.— Yes, I want both it and the land bill to be enacted 
 into law without the change of a single word or letter, and if 
 every one of you fellows don't vote for both of them, you will 
 all be under arrest before tomorrow night ! 
 
 Fenton— And you will not ruin us — 
 
 Went. — Not if things go my way — but go my way they 
 must; don't forget that! If all of you vote for both bills, 
 without quibble or cavil, and they are approved by the Gover- 
 nor, call here, and I will return to you this signed paper and 
 deliver to you this picture. Do you understand? 
 
 Fenton — I do. And no one will be any the wiser? 
 
 Wentworth — No one. I never tell secrets — if things go 
 my way! And I dare not in this instance, for, under the 
 law, I have no right to shield you from prosecution, as I pro- 
 pose to do. 
 
 Fenton— But how about Crandall? 
 
 Wentworth — Crandall is now in the county jail, arrested 
 on a requisition from the Governor of Pennsylvania, where 
 he will be sent in a day or two. He couldn't injure you, any- 
 way, for you will vote for the bills instead of against them. 
 
 Fenton— Both bills will pass, sir. [Exit.] 
 
 Wentworth — Yes, I rather think they will. Pure gov- 
 ernment is a great blessing. [Resumes examination of legis- 
 lative bill, and reads aloud.] "This act shall become a 
 law and be operative on and after its approval by the Gover- 
 nor." [Enter Slqan.] How do'you do, Mr. Sloan. [They 
 shake hands.] 
 
 Sloan— [Pale, dignified, and somewhat constrained. ,]. 
 How do you do, Mr. Wentworth? [They take seats. Helen, 
 unseen by Sloan, appears at door and listens to their talk.] 
 
 Wentworth — It has been quite a while since I saw you. 
 
—59 — 
 
 Sloan — Yes, and there have been great changes since we 
 met. 
 
 Wentworth — Yes, great changes. 
 
 Sloan — Mr. Wentworth, on account of our past relations, 
 I could well wish that the duty which sends me here today had 
 fallen upon other shoulders. I am commissioned by the steer- 
 ing committee of the house to wait upon you and inform you 
 that the railroad bill is about to be placed on its final passage, 
 and that the committee would be glad to give you a hearing on 
 the subject of the valuation to be placed on your roads, if you 
 desire it. 
 
 Wentworth— Have you any doubts as to the legality of 
 your bill ? 
 
 Sloan — I have none, but there are some eminent lawyers, 
 among them Mr. Harrington of New York, who entertain 
 the opinion that it will be held to be unconstitutional, on the 
 ground that the indebtedness to be incurred by the State in 
 the purchase of the roads will be very much in excess of the 
 constitutional limitation. 
 
 Wentworth — Do you think you have a clear and reliable 
 majority in the house? 
 
 Sloan— Oh, yes; we have a safe and certain majority of 
 ten. 
 
 Wentworth— Has it ever occurred to you that I might 
 defeat the bill, if I were so disposed ? 
 
 Sloan — No, sir; that would be utterly impossible. 
 
 Wentworth — Will you push the land bill in the house? 
 
 Sloan — Yes, it will go to a vote, for we wish to place all 
 the members on record; but we do not expect it to pass the 
 house at this session; there is a majority of three against it. 
 
 Wentworth — Then the only question about the railroad 
 bill is that of the State's indebtedness, and the only thing in 
 the way of the land bill is a matter of two or three votes ? 
 
 Sloan — Yes, sir; and the one I do not regard as serious, 
 but the other is, for the present, vital. 
 
 Wentworth— Well, I want both bills to pass. 
 
 Sloan— What! 
 
—60— 
 
 Wentworth — I say I want both bills to pass; and I have 
 arranged matters so that you will get the necessary votes to 
 enact the land bill, as well as the railroad bill. 
 
 Sloan— Mr. Wentworth, you are trifling with me! 
 
 Wentworth — I never trifle with anybody. I want the 
 land bill, as well as the railroad bill, to be pushed to a third 
 reading, passed and signed by the Governor, without delay. 
 On condition that this is done [Reaching for t a paper on escri- 
 toire which he hands to Sloan.] I place in your hands this 
 formally executed document, in which I and my Company con- 
 sent and agree to a valuation of $500,000 for our entire sys- 
 tem and release the state from any and all liability over and 
 above that sum. Thus the constitutional question is solved 
 to a certainty, and the passage of both bills is assured. 
 
 Sloan— [Utterly amazed; looks at Wentworth intently, 
 then examines document.'] Mr. Wentworth, what does this 
 mean ! 
 
 Wentworth — It means what it says. There is no doubt 
 as to the legality of the railroad bill; but I will not trust this 
 constitutional question to the courts ; they are generally too 
 anxious to twist their decisions and manufacture law in favor 
 of the corporations. 
 
 Sloan — Do you mean that you consent to the State's tak- 
 ing your roads at a fraction of their value ? And do you rea- 
 lize that the land bill compels you to dispose of your lands 
 to actual settlers within five years, and in the meantime ren 7 
 ders the land subject to entry by actual settlers at prices to be 
 fixed by jury? 
 
 Wentworth — Yes. 
 
 Sloan — But there is a majority in the house against the 
 land bill. 
 
 Wentworth — I tell you that I have arranged so that you 
 will get more than enough votes to pass it. 
 
 Sloan— Mr. Wentworth, excuse me, but haven't your re- 
 sponsibilities and these troubles rather — er — unbalanced you 
 — nervously — or mentally — for the time being? 
 
 Wentworth — Not at all ; I'm all right. 
 
—61— 
 
 Sloan — Pardon me, but this unparalleled concession on the 
 valuation of your roads and your expressed desire for the 
 passage of the land bill are beyond my comprehension ! 
 
 Wentworth — You think you are right in advocating these 
 measures, don't you? 
 
 Sloan— Yes, but you— 
 
 Wentworth — Can't I, as well as you, be a friend to justice 
 and fair play? Can't I, as well as you, favor rational reform? 
 
 Sloan — Certainly, but — - 
 
 Wentworth— You and Jordan have been ably prosecuting 
 a great work ; I am simply helping you to complete it. 
 
 Sloan — Do you mean to say that you believe in these re- 
 forms ? 
 
 Wentworth — Yes. 
 
 Sloan — [Astounded, and the truth seeming to dawn upon 
 him gradually.] Have you been — reading— that— book! 
 
 Wentworth — If my plans had been known to a living 
 soul, these reforms would not have been possible. Gerald 
 Sloan, I wrote that book! [Sloan more astounded than ever; 
 looks at Wentworth, with varying emotions. Starts to 
 speak, hesitates, totters and kneels at Went worth's feet. 
 Wentworth leaves stage hastily, and Helen at same time 
 goes to Sloan and places both her hands on his head. Still 
 kneeling, he takes one of her hands and presses it to his lips, 
 holding it there.] 
 
 Curtain. 
 
 FIFTH ACT. 
 [Scene — W entivortW s home in Centralia.] 
 
 Spriggs — [Enters with letters and telegrams, which he de- 
 posits on escritoire. Among the letters he sees one for him- 
 self.] Here's one for me, and I believe on me soul it's frum 
 Cissy. [Opens letter in which there is a $10 bill — and reads 
 aloud.] "Dear Spriggy:— I wush you would give this $10 
 back to Mr. Went wort. He give it ter me ter have ye ar- 
 
— 62 — 
 
 rested." Ter have me arrested! What de devil's de matter 
 wid everybody an everyting! Yistiday I was about de only 
 frien Mr. Wentwort had in Jefferson, an he was payin people 
 $10 ter have me arrested! Last night I was workin fer him, 
 an today I'm workin fer de state of Jefferson, unbeknownst 
 to meself ! Yistiday Cissy was dead soured on me, an today 
 she's writin me "dear Spriggy" notes! Search me if I know 
 any more whuther I'm a double-geared monkey wrench er a 
 jabberin chimpanzee! [Continues to read aloud.'] "But I 
 don't want ter have ye arrested." Oh, ye don't! I'm glad 
 ter hear it. Mebbe she wants me hanged er burnt alive! 
 [Reads further, aloud.'] "An I know now that Mr. Went- 
 wort wasn't in earnest, an I'm offul glad uf it." So am I! 
 [Reads further, aloud.] "Tell Mr. W'entworth I'm comin' to 
 his reception, an, Spriggy, if ye'll fergiv me fer bein mean ter 
 ye, I wush ye wud bring me home frum Mr. Wentwort's big 
 doins. Yer's fer sure, if ye'll hev me." Hev ye! Ye bundle 
 of sugar cussedness, I'd ruther hev ye thin a gold mine! 
 [Went worth enters and seats himself at escritoire.] Mr. 
 Wentwort, my gurl, Cissy, wants me to give ye back dis $10 
 and tell ye dat she's comin ter yer reception. 
 
 Wentworth — Tell her that's all right; I'd rather she'd 
 keep the $io;.I think she earned it. Did you deliver all the 
 invitations early this morning? 
 
 Spriggs — Yes, sir. An Guvner Jordan said to give ye his 
 best regards. 
 
 Wentworth — Are there many people coming in on the 
 trains ?■ 
 
 Spriggs — Yes, sir; all de hotels an boardin houses is full, 
 an evry train is loaded down to de trucks wid people comin 
 to git homes. 
 
 Wentworth— Well, that is all at present. [Exit Spriggs. 
 Wentworth opens and reads telegrams and letters. Writes 
 answer to one, reading aloud as he writes.] Spencer Lin- 
 coln, — Springfield, Illinois : — I — thank — you — for — 
 congratulations, — but — after — all — the — reforms — 
 brought — about — in — Jefferson — are — not — so — 
 great — as — many — people — may — imagine — . There 
 
—63— 
 
 — is — no — good — reason — why — every — state in 
 
 — the — Union — should — not — own — and — operate 
 
 — the — railways — within — its — boundaries. — For — 
 years — we — railroad — men — have — marvelled — at — 
 the — meekness — and — docility — of — the — people — 
 in — submitting — to — the — most — exorbitant — extor- 
 tions — and — flagrant — discriminations — in — the — 
 
 matter — of — railway — charges. — In — regard to 
 
 the — land — reform — , it — should — be — remembered 
 
 — that — Blackstone — and — other — philosophic — writ- 
 ers — on — law — long — ago — demonstrated — to — a 
 
 — mathematical — certainty — that — there is no 
 
 real — or — defensible — title — to — land — other — than 
 
 — the — natural — title — of — occupancy — and — use.— 
 And — as — a — matter — of — fact — the — Indian — 
 Territory — out — of — which — this — State — of — Jef- 
 ferson — was — formed — never — did — recognize — any 
 
 — title — other — than — the — just — title — of — occu- 
 pancy — and — use ; — but — the — spirit — and — pur- 
 pose — of — the — law — were — in — many — cases 
 
 shamefully — violated — by — the — iniquitous — lease — 
 system — that — was — inaugurated — by — the — white 
 
 — people — who — invaded — the — Territory. [Spriggs 
 enters and delivers communication from the State Directorate 
 of Railways. Wentworth takes communication, and de- 
 livers to Spriggs telegrams and letters.] Give these to Mr. 
 Ormsby. [Exit Spriggs. Wentworth opens communica- 
 tion and reads aloud.] "You are hereby advised that the 
 State Directorate of Railways have made a reduction of 50 per 
 cent on all freight and passenger rates and telegraph tolls 
 heretofore charged within the state, and that they have voted 
 to tender to you the position of State Superintendent of Rail- 
 ways on a salary of $6,000 per year." [Writes .answer, and 
 reads aloud as he writes.] Herbert Armand, Secretary : — I — 
 thank -— the— State — Directorate — of — Railways — for 
 
 — their — tender — to — me — of — appointment — to — 
 the — position — of — State — Superintendent — of — 
 Railways, — but — beg — to — decline — the — position 
 
 — and — take — the — liberty — of — recommending — in 
 
—64— 
 
 — my stead, — Edward — Whitney, — the — present — 
 efficient — Manager — of — the — Jefferson — roads. 
 [Taps bell. Enter Spriggs. Delivers to Spriggs reply to 
 Directorate.} Take this to the Secretary of the Railway Direc- 
 torate. [Exit Spriggs. Wentworth, glancing at open 
 tetegram on desk, proceeds to write reply, reading aloud as 
 he zvrites.] A. — H. — Stephens, — Jr., — Richmond, — 
 Va. : — Yes — the — press — reports — are — true. — Any 
 
 — one — can — now — secure — a — home — in — Jeffer- 
 son, — and — all — railroad — rates — and — telegraph — 
 tolls — have — already — been — reduced — one-half — . 
 While — in — one — sense — the — changes — are — great, 
 
 — you — will — no — doubt — be — surprised — to — learn 
 —that — there — will — probably — be — no — actual — change— 
 whatever — in — the — official — management — of — the 
 
 — Jefferson — roads. — May — God — hasten — the — day 
 
 — when — private — monopoly — of — public — utilities, 
 
 — grasping — trusts — and — conscienceless — corpora- 
 tions, — will — be — things — of — the — past — in — all 
 
 — the — states. [Enter Fenton.] How do you, do 
 Fenton ? 
 
 Fenton — Mr. Wentworth, our pledge is redeemed, and I 
 have come for the evidences of our guilt. 
 
 Wentworth — [Delivering the signed paper and the snap 
 shot.] Here they are — the paper, and the picture. 
 
 Fenton— I am a crushed and humbled man, sir. I feel 
 that I shall never regain the footing lost by this false step. I 
 scarcely realized the wickedness and criminality of my acts. 
 
 Wentworth — Don't speak of it, Fenton; at heart you are 
 not a bad man. I have a good deal of charity for men of your 
 class. For the past forty years the idiotic corporation legis- 
 lation of this country has placed a premium on official dishon- 
 esty — and it's a wonder that a greater number of public serv- 
 ants have not lost their bearings. 
 
 Fenton — But the penitentiary was staring me in the face! 
 I am disgraced ! I have lost my self-respect ! 
 
 Wentworth — Heavens and earth, man, isn't the peniten- 
 tiary staring me in the face for compounding the felony ! Here, 
 
—65— 
 
 brace up! We crooks must stand together, or we will all be 
 "pinched." 
 
 Fenton — [Laughing in spite of himself, and regaining 
 hope and courage.'] Mr. Wentworth, you present the matter 
 in a new light to me. I have grievously erred, I know, but, 
 with a high and firm resolve, I believe I shall yet be able to 
 lead a clean and useful life. 
 
 Wentworth — Of course. Statutory crime doesn't always 
 involve the deepest moral turpitude. Under human-made laws 
 many a good man may be adjudged a criminal, while for some 
 of the worst moral villainies there are often no legal penalties. 
 
 Fenton — [Extending his hand to Wentworth.] I have 
 exposed my character to you, Mr. Wentworth, but I am glad 
 of it. You have made a new man of me. 
 
 Wentworth — Goodbye, Fenton. Come and see me occa- 
 sionally. Under the statutes of Jefferson, we'll have to change 
 our ways a little, but we'll pull through all right. [Exit 
 Fenton. Wentworth, thoughtfully.'] Well, it's all in a 
 lifetime! [Exit with letter in hand. Enter Helen and 
 Gertrude.] 
 
 Helen — Well, Gertrude, is not this happy culmination 
 worth the long wait? 
 
 Gertrude — Indeed it is, dear; and though I felt that your 
 father must be right, it was difficult to make the heart obedient 
 to the head. 
 
 Helen — Yes, father's ways are hard to fathom, but time 
 generally proves their wisdom and justice. 
 
 Gertrude — Do you think he is entirely reconciled to Mr. 
 Jordan? 
 
 Helen — Oh, yes; you may rest assured he esteems Gover- 
 nor Jordan very highly, else he would not have invited him to 
 our home. [Enter Spriggs, followed by Sloan and Jordan.] 
 
 Spriggs — Mr. Sloan and Governor Jordan ! [Exit Spriggs. 
 Pleasant greetings all around, and small talk.] 
 
 Helen — Mr. Jordan, this is the first opportunity we have 
 had to congratulate you on your election. 
 
—66— 
 
 Jordan — I thank you, but the congratulations are due to 
 your father. It is to the teachings and influence of his book 
 that I owe my prominence, and the people of Jefferson owe him 
 more than they can repay. 
 
 Sloan — Yes, Mr. Jordan and I thought we were defending 
 the people and opposing his interests, whereas we were mere 
 instruments of his in the accomplishment of a great purpose. 
 
 Gertrude — But you were none the less able instruments. 
 
 Helen — And let us not forget that father and you were all 
 probably the instruments — let us hope worthy — of the source 
 of all goodness. 
 
 Jordan — Mr. Sloan, if we might have Miss Ralston's inspir- 
 ing influence, to spur our ambition — 
 
 Sloan — And Miss Wentworth's restraining influence to sub- 
 due false pride and remind us of our responsibilities — 
 
 Jordan — We would not falter, and could not fail in any 
 undertaking. [Bnter Spriggs, followed by Whitney.] 
 
 Spriggs — Mr. Whitney! [Exit Spriggs. Pleasant greet- 
 ings all around, and small talk. Enter Spriggs, followed by 
 Cissy. Spriggs zvith some ceremony, and exhibiting pride.] 
 Ladies and gentlemen, Cissy ! [Pleasant greetings all around, 
 and small talk appropriate to the occasion. Exit Spriggs.] 
 
 Whitney — Well, Cissy, you were pretty hard on us railroad 
 men. What do you think of the "ole skinflint" now? 
 
 Cissy— Oh, I'm sorry I wuz agin Mr. Wentwort; he's a nice 
 man. I see now I wuz too durn patriotic-like. [Quickly, rea- 
 lises that she has used an improper expression, and is greatly 
 embarrassed. Makes awkward and deprecatory curtsies to the 
 ladies.] Excuse me! Excuse me! Beg your pardon ! [Ev- 
 erybody laughs.] 
 
 '■ Helen — Oh, never mind, Cissy; no offense. 
 
 Gertrude — [Goes to Cissy and makes over her.] . We are 
 glad to see you, Cissy, and Mr. Wentworth will be pleased to 
 know that you have come. [Enter Wentworth. Pleasant 
 greetings all around and appropriate -small talk. 'Wen'^- 
 wowh.. center; Jordan an d Gertrude left center; Sloan and 
 Helen right center; Whitney extreme right ; Cissy extreme 
 
—67— 
 
 left. Enter Spriggs with message which he hands to Went- 
 worth, and then takes place by Cissy.] 
 
 WENT worth— [Reading message aloud.] "The Railway 
 Directorate of the State of Jefferson beg to announce that they 
 have appointed to the position of State Superintendent of Rail- 
 ways, Mr. Edward Whitney of Centralia, on a salary of $6,000 
 a year." 
 
 Spriggs— Where do I come in in dis wreck of matter an 
 crash of worlds? [Everybody laughs. 
 
 Whitney — You shall be Inspector of Depots and Buildings, 
 Spriggs, at a hundred a month. [Spriggs bows and scrapes in 
 acknowledgement. Whitney turns to Wentworth.] I 
 owe this to you, Mr. Wentworth. 
 
 Wentworth — No, you owe it primarily to your faithful- 
 ness in a position of great trust, and secondarily to "that in- 
 fernal book," but lastly to the generous appreciation of a free 
 people. 
 
 Jordan— [To Wentworth.] And in the name of that 
 sovereign people, I invoke for you, sir, all the choicest blessings 
 that should crown a noble life. 
 
 Wentworth — [Exhibiting some feeling.] In the name of 
 the people! The people — when they are right — Vox Populi, 
 Vox Dei! 
 
 Curtain. 
 
 The End, 
 
APR 27 
 
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