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Jlii9 
 
 ETHAN ALLEN 
 
 AND THE 
 
 GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
ETHAN ALLEN 
 
 AND THE 
 
 GllEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES 
 
 OF '76. 
 
 WITH A SKETCH OF THK 
 
 EAELY HISTORr OF VERMONT. 
 
 
 BY HENRY W. DE PITY. 
 
 AUTHOE OF "LOUIS NAPOLEON AND HIS 'VlMKS,*' " KOSSUTH, *<?." 
 
 BUFFALO: 
 PniNNEY & CO., 188 MAIN STREET. 
 
 1859. 
 

 Knt«.d l^rdtog to Act of Congrc^, to the ,.« 185«.by 
 
 PHINNEY SCO, 
 
 to «.. Clerk- .ffie. of the Distnet Court for the Northen. Di»«« 
 
 of New York. % 
 
 SOURCE Uf^KNOWN 
 MAY 2 8 IS 25 
 
CONTENTS. 
 
 Imtboduction ^1 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 EAKLT HISTORY OF VERMONT. 
 
 Early Discoveries— Cavtier at Hotchelaga— Interview with the Na- 
 tives — Return to France — Cbamplain — His Discoveries— Hudson — 
 The Green Mountains— The Six Nation* — The Adirondacks — Fire 
 Arms — Torture of a Prisoner — War between the French and 
 Indians — Corlear — French Expedition against the Mohawks — First 
 EngHsh Prisouei-8 in Canada— Montreal attacked by the Indians — 
 Massacre at Schenectady— French Invasion of New Hampshire- 
 Death of Major Waldron— English Expedition against Canada — Sir 
 William Phipps— Captain John Schuyler— French Emulation of 
 Indian Cruelty— Burning of Deerfield— Rev. John Williams— The 
 March over the Green Mountains— Death of Mrs. Williams— The" 
 Forest Sermon— The Daring Boy— Sufferings of the Captives- 
 Ransom of Rev. Mr. Williams— The Bell of St. Regis— Border 
 Warfare— Colonial Wtir with Canada— English Army on Lake 
 Champlain— Fleet on the St. Lawrence— Peace— First Settlements 
 in Vermont— Frontignac — Joliet — Exploration of the Missis- 
 sippi—Lake Champlain— Crown Point— Progress of the English 
 and French Colonies— Fort Dummer — LovewelTs War — The 
 Jesuit Rolle— Siege of Louisbourg— Indian Depredations— Mas- 
 sacre at Fort Massachusetts- Heroic Defense of " Number F(.ur "— 
 Captain Hobbs— Saratoga— The Abbo Picquet— French War of 
 175fi_Sir William Johnson— Expedition against the French- 
 Johnson's Victory over Dicskau— Indian Depredations— Captain 
 Johnson— Subjugation of Canada again undertaken -General 
 Abercrombie— John Stark— His Intrepidity— Montcalm's Ad- 
 vances toward Fort William Henry— Massacre at Fort Edward— 
 IsRABi. Putnam- William Pitt— Putnam's Battle with Firft 
 
^^ C O K T E N T S . 
 
 Abercrorabie's Defeat at Ticonderoga— Capture of Putnam— Cm- 
 elties inflicted upon him— Attempt to burn him— Rescue— Th« 
 Fair Captive—Amherst takes Ticonderogia and Crown Point- 
 Destruction of the Village of St Francis— General Wolfe— His 
 Death and Victory at Quebec— Death of Montcalm— Vaudreuil 
 defeated at Montreal— Canada surrendered to the English— Close 
 of the French War, 13 to 116 
 
 CHAPTER II 
 THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GRANTS. 
 
 The Peace of 1763— Advance of the English Settlements— The 
 Delius Grant— Conflicting Grants by the British Crown— Contro- 
 versies arising therefrom— New-York Charter— Correspondence 
 
 between the Governors of New Hampshire and New Yoik 
 
 Charter of Bennington — Grants of Laijds by the Governor of New 
 Hampshire — Proclamation of Governor Colden — Counter-Proola- 
 mation— Appeal to the King — An Ambiguous Decree— Excitement 
 among the People— Agent sent to England— Determination to 
 repel the New-York Claimants— Ethan Allen— His early Life—' 
 He becomes interested in the New-Hampshire Grants— Journal of 
 Ira Allen— Scheme of a Land Speculator— The Aliens in New 
 York— Ira Allen's Foresight — Adventure with a Ghost— Seth 
 Warner— Personal Appearance of Warner — His Favorite Pur- 
 suits — Capt. Remember Baker — Is a Soldier in the French War — 
 Removes to the New-Hampshire Grants— Samuel Robinson — Set- 
 tlement of Bennington — Establishment of a Church and a 
 School — Jedediah Dewey — Oppressive Measures of New York — 
 Indictments— Convention of the Settlers— Samuel Robinson— The 
 King's Order— It is disregarded by Governor Tryon— Procla- 
 mation— Indictments— Ejectment Trials at Albany— Anecdote of 
 Allen — New Attempts to deprive the People of their Property — 
 Defensive Measures — " Hideous Groans " — The Green-Mountain 
 Boys— Reward offered for the Arrest of Allen — Allen's Proclama- 
 tion—His Courage— Attack upon Captain Baker's House— His ' 
 Capture and Rescue- Attempt to arrest Warner- A Rumored 
 
 Invasion — Conciliation — Allen's Protej^t— Joy in Bennington 
 
 Quarrel Renewed — Letter to Governor Tryon — The " Beech- 
 Seal " — The Scotch Emigrants — Proceedings in Clarendon — " The 
 
CONTlwNIS. VU 
 
 Bloody Law " — Allen's Opinion of it — Public Meetings — Doctor 
 Samuel Adanas — Benjamin Hough — Allen's Certificate — Trials of 
 the Pioneers — Tyranny of the Government — Rescue of a Pris- 
 oner — Treason Trials — Murder of William French — Dawn of the 
 Bevolution, 116 to 196 
 
 CHAPTER III. * 
 
 ETHAN ALLEN. 
 
 Character of the Patriots of '76 — Ethan Allen — His Position — Re- 
 riew of the Causes which produced the Revolution — The Stamp 
 Act — The Tea Tax— The First Congress— Measures of Resist- 
 ance — Contemplated Entei-prise against Ticonderoga — Ethan 
 Allen chosen its Leader — His Plan — The Boy-Guide — Alien 
 crosses the Lake — The Fortress attacked — Confusion of the 
 Enemy — Allen and Deiaplace — Surrender of the Garrison — Crown 
 Point and Skenesborough Secured — Arnold's Naval Victory — 
 Allen and Congress — Allen and Parson Dewey — Capture of 
 Allen — Narrative of Allen's Captivity — His Account of the 
 Victory at Ticonderoga — He falls into the Hands of the Enemy — 
 A Singular Shield — Barbarity of Colonel Prescott — Allen put in 
 Irons — The Tenpenny Nail — Allen's Challenge of Doctor Dace — 
 Magnanimity of Captain Littlejohn — The Duel — Reliance upon 
 Allen's Honor — Cruel Treatment of Prisoners — The Petty Ty- 
 rant — Voyage to England — Allen's Sufferings — Landing at Fal- 
 mouth — Expected Execution of Allen — His Letter to Congress — 
 Reflections upon Death — Conversations with his Visitors — Captain 
 Symonds — The Generous Irishmen — Allen sails from England — 
 The Voyage — Arrival in America — From Bad to Worse — Meeting 
 with old Enemies — Illness — Cruelty and Kindness — Mrs. Blac- 
 den — Removal to New York — A Humane Commander — Allen's 
 Gratitude — The Prison Ship — Battle of Bennington — Allen on 
 Parole — The American Prisoners in New York — Barbarity of the 
 British — Incredible Sufferings — Starvation, Disease and Death — 
 Washington — General Howe — The British Bribe — Allen's Reply — 
 Allen and Rivington — Captain Vandyke — Mr. Miller — Majors 
 Wells and Paine — Mr. Fell — Evacuation ,of Ticonderoga — Battle 
 of Hubbardton — Triumph of Allen — Burgoyne's Surrender — 
 BuTgoyne's Proclamation — Allen and the British Officer — Allen's 
 Liberation — His Return to Vermont, 196 to 27 J 
 
Vm OONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 THE GKEEN-MOUNTATN HERGES. 
 
 Charter of the Early Settlers of this Country— Influence of their 
 Example— The Puritans and the Followers of Penn— Indian Con- 
 verts— Otigi| of the Revolution — Reflections on the Character and 
 Services of Congress— Declaratiox of Independence — Bunker 
 Hill— Ticonderoga— Campaign of 1775 — General Montgomery — 
 General Schuyler — Montgomery enters Canada — Death of Captain 
 Baker — Etha.x Allen— Siege of St. John's— Mutiny— James 
 Livingston — Surrender of Fort Chambly— Seth Warner— The 
 Green-Mountain Rangers— Repulse of Carleton— Surrender of St 
 John's — Carleton's Retreat from Montreal — Extraordinary March 
 of Arnold— The British retire to Quebec — The Assault Begun — 
 Death of Montgomery — The Cowardly Commanders— Honors to 
 Montgomery- His Character — His Widow — Arnold — Major Mor- 
 gan — Retreat of the Americans — Reinforcements — Energy of 
 Warner— General Gates— Naval Preparations — Battle on Lake 
 Champlain— Plans of the British— Supplies for Ticonderoga — 
 Close of the Campaign of 1776— Geneial Carleton — The Green- 
 Mountain Pledge— Burgoyne — The Campaign Opened — Evacua- 
 tion of Ticonderoga — General St. Clair — Retreat of the Americans 
 — Battle of Hubbardton — Advance of the British — Jane McCrea— 
 Account of her Murder— A New-Hampshire Patriot— General 
 Stark— Movements of Burgoyne — The Foray upon the Green 
 Mountains— Battle at Cambridge — Skirmishing — Rain — The Bel- 
 licose Parson — Stark's Speecli — Battle of Bennington — The 
 British Reinforced — The Victory at Bennington — General Stark's 
 Account — Colonels Warner and Herrick — Honor to General Stark's 
 Genius — Important Consequences of this Victory — Censure of 
 Stark in Congress changed to Thanks — General Burgoyne's Opin- 
 ion of his Antagonist changed — Spoils and Trophies — Expenses 
 of Stark's Brigade — Traveled Cannon — British, German and Tory 
 Prisoners — Lions and Lambs — Curiosity to see Lord Napier — A 
 Bereaved Mother — General Lincoln — Colonels Brown and Johnson 
 at Lake George — Brown's Sticcess — Generals Gates and Bureroyne 
 — Engagement at Saratoga — British Testimony to American Patri- 
 otism — The Spirit of '76 ; Death rather than Dishonor — Burgoyne's 
 DifficultiGB thicken — He Surrenders — Medal and Thanks to General 
 
CONTENTS. IX 
 
 Gates — Feats of the Green-Mountain Boys — British Retreat from 
 Ticonderoga, with loss — Difficulties of the Inhabitants of the New- 
 Hampshire Grants — Their Need of a Government — Declare their 
 Independence as a State — Congress refuses to receive them — They 
 form a Constitution — Council of Safety — Its Officers and Powers 
 — Ira Allen on Ways and Means — A Regiment raised and paid 
 from Tory Property — Governor Chittenden — Incidents of his Life 
 —Ira Allen Secretary of State— His Appearance and Services — 
 Measures of Vermont opposed — Ethan Allen's Return — His 
 Welcome — His Military Distinction — Is Agent from Vermont to 
 Congress — Governor Clinton's Proclamation — General Allen's 
 Counter-Proclamation — He advocates Law and Order — A Hanging 
 Postponed — Excitement in consequence — General Allen's Sppech 
 — "Somebody shall be Hanged " — General Allen's Quarrel with 
 his Brother Levi — The Tooth-drawing — Colonel Seth Warner — 
 Dies in Poverty — Inscription on his Tomb — His Widow's Petition 
 to Congress — Widow Storey — Her Secret Retreat — Destruction of 
 Royalton — Pursuit of the Indians — Their Kindness to Female 
 Prisoners — Anecdotes of the Indians — Daring of Mrs. Stone — Mrs. 
 Barker and her Infants — Adverse Claims for Vermont Territory — 
 Congress censures Vermont — Vermont extends its Territory- 
 Poetry for the Green-Mountaineers — British Overtures to Ethan 
 Allen — Allen's Letter to Congress — General Haldimand negotiates 
 privately with Vermont Leaders — Allen and Fay mislead the 
 English — Their Commission — General Haldimand's Instmction to 
 his Agent — The Agent's Notes of Interviews — Ira Allen's Ingen- 
 ious Delays— Notice of his Career — Washington reconciles Ver- 
 mont and Congress— Feeling of the People— Difficulties with New- 
 York — Ethan Allen suppresses Insurrection — His Characteristic 
 Proclamation — Vermont admitted an Independent State, 1789 — 
 Ethan Allen's Retirement— Becomes an Author— Chancter of his 
 Book — A popular Anecdote of him Contradicted — His Integrity — 
 Scene in Courts-Changes his Residence— Characteristic Courtship 
 of his Second Wife— Amusing Account of the Marriage — "The 
 Church Militant and the Church Military "—Allen's Kindness— 
 The Lost Children Fftund— Tribute to his Patriotism— His Death 
 — Inscription on his Toiub *279 to 42A 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 «» Far be from me or my friends," says a vlistinguished writer, 
 "such frigid philosophy, as may conduct us, indifferent and 
 unmoved, over any ground that has been dignified by wisdom, ' 
 bravery or virtue. The man is little to be envied whose patiiot- 
 ism would not gain force upon the plains of Marathon, or whose 
 pietv would not grow warm among the ruins of lona." And 
 thus, among the objects that attract the attention of people, in 
 all countries, as they advance in civilization, few are sought with 
 more avidity than the facts concerning their early history. 
 
 Our patriotism is warmed, and our virtue is strengthened, 
 while gazing upon the fields where the blood of our ancestors 
 was shed in defense of hberty, or while perusing the story of the 
 perils, sufferings, and self-sacrificing heroism of those who won 
 our national independence. Nothing, therefore, can tend more 
 strongly to the preservation of the liberties of our own favoied 
 and happy country, than a familiarity with the deeds, and an 
 admiration for the character, of our revolutionary ancestoi-s. 
 Our glorious institutions can be in no danger while there is a 
 ientiraent of patriotism among the people, which glows at 
 the recital of our countr>''s renown, and which cherishes the 
 
Xll I N T K O D U C T lO ^i . 
 
 memory of it& heroes. To foster this feeling, as well as to direct 
 attention to a class of patiiots whose claims to the grateful re- 
 membrance of those who enjoy the blessings of free institutions 
 have been too much disregarded, is the design of the present 
 volume. 
 
 No portion of our country has a history so replete witii 
 stirring events as that bordering upon Lake Champlain. Situ 
 ated between the French province of Canada and the English 
 colonies, and simultaneously claimed by each, it was, for one 
 hundred and fifty years, the grand highway of their warlike 
 expeditions against each other, and the scene upon which their 
 bloodiest and most hotly contested battles were fought. Here 
 many of the heroes of the American Revolution received their 
 first experience in the art of war, and achieved that renown which 
 afterward placed them at the head of armies whose noble pur- 
 pose sanctified their resort to the awful arbitrament of battle. 
 There, too, the most powerful and thi-eatening army sent out to 
 crush the freedom of this country, began its march in triumph, 
 and there ended it in a most disastrous defeat. The history of 
 the Green-Mountain state, which stretches along the ,east shore 
 of Lake Champlain, is so closely interwoven with that of the 
 armies which have trodden its soil, and of the wars in which 
 they were engaged, that the one cannot be fairly written to the 
 exclusion of the other. 
 
 In addition to the usual authorities on American histftry con- 
 sulted in the preparation of this volume, especial indebtedness 
 to the following is acknowledged — Slade's Vermont State 
 
IN TK O D U C TI ON. XIU 
 
 Papeis — Williams' and Thompson's Histories of Vermont — 
 and Chipman's Lives of Warner, Chittenden and Chipman. 
 These are all Vermont aiithoi-?,. Rev. Samuel Williams, D. D^ 
 author of the first History of Vermont, was the grandson 
 of Rev. John Williams, the " Deerfield Captive," and father of 
 Charles K. Williams, for many years Chief Justice of Vermont, 
 and recently the popular governor of that state. He was one 
 of the founders and the principal benefactor of the Univei-sity 
 of Vermont, at Burlington. For several years he employed his 
 talents, almost if not quite gratuitously, in delivering lectures in 
 natural philosophy, and in forwarding the progress of the Uni- 
 versity. With only four hundred and eighty dollars raised by 
 subscription, he purchased the first philosophical apparatus for 
 the institution. That this apparatus might be as complete as 
 possible, Dr. Williams expended the money in the most frugal 
 manner, admitting nothing of foreign manufacture which eould 
 be made at home, and nothing of brass where it might be made 
 of wood. Dr. Williams had removed to Vermont as early as 
 1777, and resided at Rutland. In 1793, he published his 
 History of Vermont, in one volume. The narrative was- then 
 brought down to the Revolutionary war ; but the work was 
 afterward greatly enlarged, and, in 1809, was published in two 
 'olumes of about five hundred pages each. The history of the 
 rtate was brought down to the period of the publication of the 
 vork. The few copies of it yet in existence are highly prized. 
 The copy which the writer of this obtained, although much 
 worn, printed on coai-se paper, and roughly bound, cost as much 
 
Xiv INTBODUCTION. 
 
 as a dozen volumes of new works got up in the most faultless 
 modern style. Kev. Zadock Thompson, of Burlington, has also 
 published a large work of six hundred pages of small type, 
 comprising the Natural and Civil History and a Gazetteer of the 
 state. It is a work of great research and value, and as a larga 
 portion of it can be of especial interest to Vermontei-s only, it 
 should hold a prominent place in the library of every citizen of 
 that state. ' 
 
 The compiler is indebted to the courtesy of several gentlemen 
 of Vermont for important assistance in the preparation of these 
 pages. From the Hon. Charles K. Williams was received a file 
 of the "State Banner," published at Bennington in ] 841, and 
 containing a series of "Historical Readings," by Hon. Hiland 
 Hall, which have been freely used in the portion of this work 
 relatino- to the difficulties between Kew York and the New- 
 Hampshire Grants. From George F. Houghton, Esq., of St. 
 Albans, many valuable suggestions were derived, as well as a 
 most eloquent address on the Life of Seth Warner, delivered by 
 him before the Vermont legislature. This and two other ad 
 dresses, by Prof. James D. Butler, on the early history of Vermont, 
 have supplied these pages with several important incidents not 
 found elsewhere. Chauncey Goodrich, Esq., of Burlington, and 
 Brigadier-general Ethan Allen Hitchcock, (grandson of the " Hero 
 of Ticonderoga," ) also comumnicated facts which have enriched 
 the present work. 
 
 Hon. Henry Stevens, the distinguished antiquary of Vermont, 
 courteously placed a considerable portion of his large and 
 
INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 invaluable collection of State Papers at the disposal of tiie 
 compiler. For many years, Mr. Stevens has been indefatigable 
 in collectiijg documents concerning the early history of Vermont. 
 The papers of the early settlers of the state — the correspond- 
 ence of Revolutionary officers — and the documents in the 
 ai'chi\es of the nation, or copies of them, have been treasured 
 up by Mr. Stevens. Vermont is under great obligations to him 
 for his sei-vices in searching for and arranging official papei-s and 
 other testimony touching the origin, progress, and final consum- 
 mation of the struggle which resulted in giving to the American 
 Switzerland that proud individuality of which it so justly boasts. 
 Vermont will only do justice to itself, its founders, and to Mr. 
 Stevens, when these records of a state whose history is more 
 remaikable than that of any other in the union, are placed 
 before the public. When this is done, the world will be satisfied 
 that these early settlers weie men of no common mould, and 
 their services will be better understood and more gratefully 
 appreciated than at present. 
 
 For a mere handful of men to resist the combined efforts of 
 New York on the one side and Xew Hampshire on the other, 
 while repulsed if not rejected by the home government, and 
 menaced by a foreign foe — involved the exercise of no ordinary 
 sagacity, and an amount of nerve and energy with which, in 
 this day, we are not familiar. But so it was. While maintain- 
 ing an open war with the neighboring states, they protected the 
 whole line of our frontier by keeping on terms with the common 
 enemy, while at the same time they rendered moie efficient aid 
 
XVI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 to the government which discarded them, than either of the 
 states alluded to. The official correspondence with Washing- 
 ton — comprised in the Papei's of Mr. Stevens — goes to 
 demonstrate this beyond a doubt. 
 
 The engraving of the Heroic Statue of Gen. Ethan Allen will 
 be reofarded as an attractive feature of the present volume. The 
 Statue is the production of B. H. liinney Esq., a young and self- 
 taught Vermont artist; and, although his first great undertaking, is 
 of promising excellence, and gives evidence of a high order of art- 
 istic ability. It is the length and breadth, the depth and power of 
 Ethan Allen, morally and historically considered, and in his phys- 
 ical no less than in his intellectual characteristics, — an artistic 
 realization of one of the most practical and common-sense 
 characters that ever lived. Those who look upon it are at once 
 oonvinced that it is an actual likeness of the Hero of Ticonde- 
 roga. This is the best evidence of the genius of the sculptor, 
 that his work is invai'iably regarded as a truthful representation. 
 The statue is of heroic size — one-third larger than life — and 
 represents the subject in a bold, commanding attitude; his camp 
 cloak thrown from his left and resting on his right shoulder; his 
 hand grasping the sword at his side; and his whole expression 
 resolute and full of enei-gy — as if he had just uttered those 
 memorable words at Ticonderoga, and intended to see his 
 demands complied with at all hazards. The engraving is the 
 more valuable as it is the only picture of the statue that the 
 sculptor has permitted to be engraved. As the reader may be 
 interested to know something more of Mr. Kinney, the following 
 
INTRODUCTION. XVll 
 
 notice of his career, iis furnished by himself in a private letter 
 to a friend, will appropriately close this notice of his statue : 
 
 " I was bred, from infancy to manhood, in the town of Sunderland, 
 Bennington county, Vermont — the town in which Ethan Allen first 
 lived, and which for nearly twenty years was his residence. During 
 my boyhood I listened to the tales respecting the great hero of the Green 
 Monntnins. with those thrilling emotions and the wild delight which are 
 only known to mountaineers. Many were the acts of "desperate valor," 
 performed by my schoolmates and myself, in sham fights emulating 
 the daring deeds of the Green-Mountain Heroes of '76. And the 
 impression which I received at that time of the noble spirit of patriotism 
 which stimulated the fearless and true-hearted Hero of Ticonderoga, has 
 grown brighter and brighter as I have grown to years of manhood, and 
 witnessed the neglect of duty to their country, in the pursuit of selfish 
 ends, so characteristic of a considerable portion of the prominent men 
 of this age. This is the reason of my selecting Ethan Allen as the first 
 great subject of my labors in iny favorite art" 
 
 1 
 
MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 EARLY HISTORY OF VERMONT, 
 the savages, of murderous soul, 
 
 In paiuted bands, dark to the combat roll, 
 With riiiiliiiyht orgies, by the gloomy shade, 
 On the pale victim point the reeking blade ; 
 Or cause the hamlet, lulled in deep repose, 
 No more to wake, or wake to ceaseless woes." 
 
 HuAtPHEEYS. 
 
 Of the adventurous band of navigators, who, early 
 in the sixteenth century, sailed westward in the wake 
 of those frail caravels, the Mina, Pinta, and Santa 
 Maria, James Cartier, a Frenchman, was the first to 
 explore the interior of the vast continent to which 
 Columbus had led the way. While sailing along the 
 Atlantic coast, in 1534, in search of a passage to China, 
 he discovered the mouth of a great river, to which he 
 subsequently gave the name of ''St. Lawrence."* The 
 following spring, in the belief that the St. Lawrence 
 was the desired channel to the East Indies, a larger ex- 
 pedition was equipped, which Cartier conducted direct 
 to this noble stream, and sailed two hundred leagues 
 inland. There the navigation was obstructed by "a 
 
 • Thus named in honor of the Saint whose festival occurred on the 
 day (10th August) of its discovery. 
 
20 ETHAN ALLEN AND GliEEN-MOUNTAXN HEROES. 
 
 great and swift fall." At this point, Cartier found a 
 large Indian village, bearing the name of Hochelaga. 
 The population was more numerous, the wigwams 
 were more substantially built, and the town was more 
 strongly fortified than any other occupied by the abo- 
 rigines, of which the early settlers of the country have 
 given a description. Cartier conciliated the natives by' 
 presents of hatchets, beads and rings — articles more 
 magnificent than any of which they had previously had 
 a conception — and they regarded him and his associ- 
 ates as celestial beings. To Cartier all was so new and 
 strange, that he almost deemed himself transported to 
 some land of enchantment. lie erected a fort where 
 the city of Montreal now stands, calling it, in honor of 
 his king. Mount Hoyal. There he passed the winter, 
 formed alliances with the Indians, and took formal pos- 
 session of the country, which he named New France. 
 Ascending the iill which towered above his fortress, 
 and overlooked the country for many miles around, he 
 was enraptured with the scene upon which he gazed. 
 Before him the mighty St. Lawrence, coming solemnly 
 from an unknown land, rolled on majestically toward 
 the ocean ; the distant horizon was bounded by the lofty 
 mountains of Vermont,* crowned with perpetual ver- 
 dure ; while illimitable forests, robed in the gorgeous 
 hues of autumn, were spread out before liim in every 
 direction. Donnacona, the Indian king who conducted 
 him to the summit of the hill, informed him that he 
 might sail westward on the great river, for three 
 moons — passing through several immense lakes — 
 
 * So called when the state was organ izeil, from two French worl^ 
 verd, green, and mont, luonntain. 
 
DISCOVERIES OF CARTIER. 21 
 
 Without reaching its source ; that the river had its 
 origin in a sea. of fresh water to wliich no limits were 
 known. Far to the south-west, he continued, there was 
 another great river,* which ran through a country 
 where there was no ice or snow ; to the north, there 
 was a large inland sea of salt water,f extending to a 
 region of perpetual ice ; while southward there were 
 rivers and smaller lakes, penetrating a beautiful and 
 fertile country, belonging to a powerful and warlike 
 nation called the Iroquois. 
 
 The next spring, Cartier, taking with him Donna- 
 cona and several of the natives, returned to France, 
 and represented to the king the advantages that would 
 result from a settlement in this country, principally 
 by means of the fur trade ; but the fallacious opinion 
 then prevalent among all the nations of Europe, that 
 guch countries only as produced gold and silver were 
 worth the possession, had such influence on the mon- 
 arch, that he slighted the judicious advice of Cartier, 
 and deferred making any establishment in Canada. 
 But, although this object was generally neglected, some 
 individuals entertained just views of its importance ; 
 and among the most zealous for prosecuting discov- 
 eries and making a settlement there, was Roberval, a 
 nobleman of Picardy. The king, at length convinced 
 of the expediency of the measure, resolved to send 
 Cartier, accompanied by this nobleman, again to Can- 
 ada. The expedition was undertaken in 1540, and an 
 attempt was made to found a colony : but in the 
 course of a year or two, the enterprise was abandoned. 
 The colony was broken up, and for upward of half a 
 
 • The Ohio. t Hudson's Bay. 
 
22 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIX UEKOES. 
 
 century, the French made no further attempt to estab- 
 lish themselves on the St. Lawrence. 
 
 In 1600, one Chauvin, a commander in the French 
 navy, made a voyage to Canada, from which he re- 
 turned, with a profitable cargo of furs. The public 
 now began to turn more attention to this country. An 
 armament was equipped, and the command given to 
 Pontgran. He sailed in 1603. Five years afterw^ard, 
 Samuel de Champlain, who had accompanied Pont- 
 gran's expedition, founded the city of Quebec* In 
 1609, accompanied by several friendly Indians, he 
 proceeded to the locality described by Cartier. lie 
 afterward sailed up the Richelieu or Sorel river, and 
 entered a lake to which he gave his own name.f He 
 also visited Lake George, which, from the extreme 
 purity of its waters, he called &t. Sacrament.;]: It is 
 inferred from his own narrative, that he then proceeded 
 across the country, and touched the Hudson river at 
 Glen's Falls. During the same season, Henry Hudson 
 Bailed up the river to which his name is given, as far 
 as Albany. Possibly, at the same time that Champlain 
 was resting near the head waters of the Hudson, the 
 English navigator was encamped scarcely forty miles 
 below. Strange that two adventurers, in the service 
 of different sovereigns, ruling three thousand miles 
 
 * This was the original Indian name, signifying narrow, because 
 the St Lawrence, which, from that point to the ocean, is from ten to 
 fifteen miles wide, is there reduced to a width of about one noile. 
 
 t The Indian name of Lake Champlain was Canaideri-Guarunte, sig- 
 nifying the mouth or door of the country. Another Indian name was 
 Petawa-Borcque, signifying alternate land and water. 
 
 I The original Indian name was Horicon, meaning Silver Water. It 
 WBH also called Canavleri-oit, or The. Tail of thf T^alce. 
 
CliAMPLAIN AND HtJDSON. 23 
 
 awaj, and approaching from different points of the 
 compass, should so nearly meet in the vast forests 
 of wild America — each exploring a part of the conti- 
 nent never before traversed by Europeans. Strange, 
 too, that the vicinity where these adventurers so nearly 
 met, should, for almost a hundred and fifty years, be 
 the boundary between the nations respectively repre- 
 sented by them, and the scene of their frequent and 
 bloody conflicts for supremacy. 
 
 Although that beautiful portion of Vermont border- 
 ing on Lake Champlain was thus early explored, and 
 although settlements were made in its immediate 
 vicinity, by the Dutch at Albany in 1613 — by the 
 English at Springfield, on the Connecticut, in 1635 — 
 and by the French at Montreal in 1640, the whites did 
 not permanently occupy any portion of the territory 
 comprised in the present boundaries of the State, until 
 the year 1724. Situated between the settlements of 
 the French on the one hand, and those of the English 
 on the other, it was constantly exposed to the incur- 
 sions and depredations of both, in the almost inces- 
 sant warfare maintained between them. The dense 
 forests of the Green Mountains became the favorite 
 lurking places of the wield ers of the tomahawk, and 
 resounded with the war-whoop of those savages who 
 were willing to be allies for either of the contending 
 parties. They were traversed by the prisoners taken 
 in the French wars, and were witnesses of their heroism 
 and of their sufferings. For these reasons, actual set- 
 tlements were perilous and impracticable. It was a 
 dis »uted ground between the English and the French, 
 4** wMch many a guerilla battle was fought. And 
 
24 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 tnus the history of Vermont is so closely interwoven 
 with that of the regions adjacent, that it will be neces- 
 sary, in the progress of this narrative, in order to 
 exhibit a complete view of the transactions in whicn 
 Vermont was interested, or in which its early heroes 
 bore a distinguished part, often to carry forward an 
 account of events which transpired beyond the geo- 
 graphical limits of the state. 
 
 In his expedition across the lake which bears his 
 name, Champlain was accompanied by only two 
 Frenchmen — the balance of the party, amounting to 
 about sixty, were Huron and Algonquin warriors, who 
 Lad determined on a hostile excursion into the terri- 
 tory of the Iroquois, or, as they were afterward desig 
 nated by the English, the Five Nations. 
 
 This federal association is said to have derived its 
 origin from the most remote antiquity ; and, as the 
 name imports, it comprehended five Indian nations, of 
 which the Mohawks have obtained the most lasting re- 
 nown, and which were confederated, on terms of tho 
 strictest equality, in a perpetual alliance, for united 
 conquest and mutual defense. The members of this 
 united body reckoned themselves superior to all the 
 rest of mankind, and the distinctive appellation which 
 they adopted* was expressive of this opinion. But the 
 principles of their confederacy displayed far more pol- 
 icy and refinement than we might expect from the arro- 
 gance of their barbarous name. Thej had embraced 
 the Koman practice, of increasing their strength by 
 incorporating the people of other nations with them- 
 eelvcs. After every conquest of an enemy, when they 
 
 • Ongue-Honwe, — iLat is, " Men surpassing all otbors." 
 
THE FIVE NATIONS. 25 
 
 bad indulged their revenge by some cruel executions, 
 thej exercised their usual policy, in the adoption of 
 the remaining captives ; and frequently with so much 
 advantage, that some of their most distinguished sa- 
 chems and captains, were derived from defeated and 
 adopted foes. Each nation had its own separate repub- 
 lican constitution, in which rank and office were claimed 
 only by age, procured only by merit, and enjoyed but 
 by the tenure of public esteem. In no community was 
 age accorded • more respect, or youth endowed with 
 greater beauty.* The people of the several nations, 
 and especially the Mohawks, were distinguished by the 
 usual Indian qualities of attachi^ent to liberty, forti- 
 tude in the endurance of pain, and preference of craft 
 and stratagem to undisguised operations in war,f and 
 by a more than usual degree of perseverance, resolution, 
 and active intrepidity. Almost all the tribes around 
 this people, and even many at a great distance, w^ho 
 were not included in their confederacy, acknowledged 
 a subjection to it, paid a tribute which two aged 
 sachems were annually dej^uted to collect, ;[: and were 
 restrained from making war or peace without the con- 
 sent of the Five ISTations. It was the policy of all the 
 
 * Such was the efficacy of the Indian mode of life, in developing the 
 finer pio|)ortions of wliich the human frame is susceptible, that, when the 
 statue of the Apollo-Belvidere was beheld, for the first time, by Benjamin 
 West, the distinguished American painter, he started at the unexpected 
 likeness, and exclaimed, "How like it is to a young Mohawk warrior 1 " 
 
 t In this peculiarity most of the Indian tribes resembled the ancient 
 Hpartans ; as they did also in the diligence with which they cultivated 
 conciseness of speech. * 
 
 t " I have often had opportunity to observe what anxiety the poor In- 
 dians were' under, while these two old men remained in that part of tb« 
 
 2 
 
26 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 chiefs to affect superior purity, and to distribute among 
 the people their own share of tribute and plunder. 
 All niatters of common concernment were transacted 
 in general meetings of the sachems of each nation ; 
 and the influence of time, aided by a long course (^f 
 judicious policy and victorious enterprise, had com- 
 pletely succeeded in causing the federal character and 
 sentiments to prevail over the peculiarities of their sub- 
 ordinate national associations. When, at a period 
 subsequent to the first visit of the Europeans, the Tus- 
 carora tribe was vanquished, they were permitted to 
 revive their broken estate, by ingrafting it on this 
 powerful confederacy, by being associated as a new 
 member of the general union, instead of being diffused 
 and losing their identity among the other tribes, and 
 the confederacy thereafter obtained the name of the 
 Six Nations. Both the French and English writers, 
 who have treated of the character or affairs of this 
 people, have concurred in describing them as at once 
 the most judicious and politic of the native powers, 
 and the most fierce and formidable of the native 
 inhabitants of America. ^ 
 
 When the French under Champlain settled in Can- 
 ada, they found the Five Nations engaged in a bloody 
 war with the powerful tribe of Adirondacks, by whom 
 they had been driven from their original possessions 
 .»iound Montreal, and between the Connecticut river 
 and Lake Champlain, now the state of Vermont, and 
 forced to seek an asylum in the region bounding on 
 
 country where I was. An old Mohawk sachem, in a poor blanket, and 
 dirty shirt, may be seen issuing his order with as arbitiary an authority 
 as a Rotnan dictator.*' — Colden. 
 
THE FIVE NATIONS. 27 
 
 Lake Ontario and the Mohawk river. Tlie Five Na- 
 tions, however, were regaining their lost ground, aJid 
 had compelled the Adirondacks to fly for safety behind 
 the strait where Quebec is built. But the tide of suc- 
 cess was suddenly turned by the arrival of Chaniplain, 
 who naturally joined the Adirondacks, because he 
 had settled on their lands, l^ear the place where the 
 fortress of Ticonderoga was afterward erected, the 
 Indians, with whom Champlain was exploring the 
 country, encountered a body of two hundred Iroquois, 
 who were on their way down the lake on a war expe- 
 dition. Loud shouts at once arose from both parties, 
 as they snatched up their weapons and prepared for 
 action. Champlain and the two Frenchmen with liim, 
 each armed with an arquebuse,"^ participated in the 
 conflict, and as the Iroquois had no previous knowl- 
 edge of fire-arms, they soon fled in dismay, leaving 
 fifty w^arriors dead on the field, while ten or twelve 
 prisoners were captured by the Adirondacks. f All 
 engaged in this expedition went to their homes highly 
 
 • " A sort of hand-gun ; a species of fire-arms anciently used, which 
 was cocked with £(^heel. It carried a ball that weighed nearly two 
 ounces. A larger kind, used in fortresses, carried a ball of three ounces 
 and a half." — Encyclopedia. 
 
 t If, on this occasion, the Indians were for the first time witnesses of 
 the deadly effect of fire-arms, the French were equally surprised by the 
 fiendish cruelties inflicted by the Indian warriors upon thoir prisoners. 
 "After proceeding about eight leagues down the lake," says Dr. Fitch 
 in his admirable history of Washing:ton county, "they landed after 
 nightfall ; and, taking one of the prisoners, made a speech to him, up- 
 braiding him with the barbarities which he and his people had perpe- 
 trated in the war, without showing mercy in any instance, and informing 
 bim. that it wouM now devolve on him to submit to the same destiny. 
 They then told him to smg if he had any courage : this he commenced 
 
28 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOtrNlji.IN HEROES. 
 
 pleased with Champlain, and from this time onward, 
 their several tribes were firmly attached to the French 
 and their interests.* 
 
 doing, but in the most sad and dolorous tones. A fire had been previ- 
 ously kindled, and was now burning briskly. Each Indian took from 
 it a brand, and commenced burning the skin of the poor creature, a lit- 
 tle at a time, to make him suflPer longer torment Remitting this at times, 
 they would then throw him on his back in the water. Afterward, pull- 
 ing off his finger-nails, they put hot ashes on the ends of his fingers. 
 Next, they tore the scalp from the top of his head, and then dropped 
 melted pitcli upon the naked skull. They then pierced holes through 
 his arms near the wrists, and with sticks drew out therefrom the sinews 
 and nerves, forcibly pulling upon them, until they were rent asunder. 
 Strange cries at times were uttered by this miserable creature ; yet, dur- 
 ing the whole of the horrid performance, he was so firm and unshaken, 
 that one would hav-e said he did not feel any pain. The Indians urged 
 Champlain to take a firebrand, and join them in their employment. 
 But he remonstrated with them, telling them he was unused to such 
 cruelties — that his people only shot at their enemies with their guns, 
 and if they would only permit him to have one shot at the captive with 
 his arquebuse, it was all he would ask. They would not consent to 
 this; and, unable longer to endure the sight, he turned away with dis- 
 gust. Perceiving his disquietude, they called him back, telling him to 
 do as he had desired. He hereupon discharged his arquebuse at the 
 sufferer with such effect, that, as Charlevoix intimates in describing this 
 scene, be had no occasion for desiring a second shot Even now that 
 their victim was dead, they were not satisfied, but, ripping him open, 
 they threw his entrails into the lake, and then cut off his head, arms 
 and legs, preserving only his scalp, which they added to the number 
 they had taken from those who had been killed in the battle. More 
 atrocious still, they took his heart, and cutting it into a number of slices, 
 gave a piece to one of his own brothers, and to each of the other pris- 
 oners, ordering them to eat it These put it into their mouths, but were 
 unable to swallow it; whereupon, some of the Algonquin Indians who 
 guarded the prisoners, allowed them to spit out the whole and throw it 
 into the water." 
 
 • Champlain died at Quebec, in December. 1634 — one hundred years 
 ailor CartJer had disco verixl the St Lawrence. He was governor of 
 
FRENOn WARFARE WITH THE INDIANS. 29 
 
 From this period, an implacable war was carried on 
 by the Iroquois against the Canadian settlements on 
 the St. Lawrence. For a time, the conduct, the bravery, 
 and especially the fire-aryis of the French, proved an 
 overmatch for the skill and intrepidity of the Five Na- 
 tions, who were defeated in several battles, and reduced 
 to great distress. It was at this critical juncture, that 
 the Urst Dutch ship arrived in the Hudson river, with 
 the colonists who established themselves at Albany. 
 The Iroquois, easily procuring from these neighbors a 
 supply of that species of arms to which alone their 
 enemies had been indebted for their superiority, re- 
 vived the war with so much impetuosity and success, 
 that the nation of the Adirondacks was completely an- 
 nihilated ; and the French too late discovered, that they 
 bad espoused the fortunes of the weaker people.* 
 
 Canada from 1610 until the time of his death, with the exception of 
 three years, during which period the English had possession of the 
 country. By his arduous efforts, Quebec, as early as 1G26, began to 
 ^ume the appearance of a city. That year a stone fortre-ss was built, 
 and the colony was rapidly growing into power. Champlain died after 
 having been more than thirty years a resident of Canada. He is repi'e- 
 Bented by the writers of that time, as a man of much penetration, activ- 
 ity and intrepidity. He could not have succeeded in establishing a new 
 city and colony in the midst of a populous, warlike, and savage nation, 
 if he had lacked great ability, enterprise and courage. He was a man 
 of eminent piety, and zealous in the propagation of the Catholic faith. 
 He often said, "the salvation of one soul was of more value than the 
 conquest of an empire." 
 
 * One of the stratagems of the Five Nations is worthy of mention. 
 At one time they sent the French a proposal for a peace, to which the 
 latter readily inclined, and requested the Indians to receive a deputation 
 of Jesuits, whose exertions, it was expected, would conciliate their sin- 
 cere friendship. The Five Nations willingly agreed, and desired to see 
 the prie.sU immediately ; but the instant they got hold of them they 
 
30 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 flence originated the mutual dread and enmity that so 
 long subsisted between the French and confederated 
 Indians, and entailed so many calamities upon both. 
 
 The French colony, being in extreme distress, solic- 
 ited aid from the mother country. Two regiments 
 were sent out by the king, and thus strengthened, 
 Courcelles, governor of Canada, dispatched a party by 
 the way of Lake Champlain, in the winter of 1665, to 
 attack the Five Nations. The French, less accustomed 
 to the climate, and less acquainted with the country 
 than their savage enemies, attempted vainly to imitate 
 their rapid and secret movements. They lost their way 
 among the wastes of snow, and often enduring the 
 greatest misery, arrived, wdthout knowing where they 
 w^ere, at the village of Schenectady, which a Dutch- 
 man of consideration, named Corlear, had recently 
 founded. The French, exhausted and stupefied with 
 cold and hunger, resembled rather an army of beggars, 
 than of hostile invaders, and would have fallen an easy 
 prey to a body of Indians who w^ere in the village, if 
 Corlear, touched with compassion at their miserable 
 appearance, had not employed both influence and arti- 
 fice with the Indians, to persuade them to spare their 
 unfortunate enemies, and depart to defend their own 
 people, against a more formidable attack in a diflferent 
 quarter, which he led them to expect. When the In- 
 dians were gone, Corlear and his townsmen gave re- 
 freshments to the famishing Frenchmen, and supplied 
 them with provisions and other necessaries to carry 
 
 marched to attack the Indian allies of the French, and taking the prics^a 
 with them as hostJiges, to enforce the neutrality of Uieir countrymen, gave 
 the Adirondacks a signal defeat. 
 
FRENCH EXPEDITION AGAINST TELE MOHAWKS. 31 
 
 them home : liaving taught them, by a sensible lesson, 
 that it is the mutual duty of men to mitigate by kind- 
 ness and charity, instead of aggravating by ambition 
 and ferocity, the ills that arise from the rigors of 
 climate and the frailty of human nature. The French 
 governor expressed much gratitude for Corlear's* kind- 
 ness, and the Indians never resented his benevolent 
 stratagem. The names of two of the ofificers of Cour- 
 celles in this expedition are perpetuated, the one by the 
 Sorel river, the other by the town of Chambly. 
 
 To retrieve the misfortunes of their winter expedi- 
 tion, the French, in the spring of 1666, with all the 
 militia of Canada, amounting to twenty companies uf 
 foot, marshed into the Mohawk country. The expedi- 
 tion was attended with great expense and fatigue, 
 beins continued for more than seven hundred miles 
 through an uncultivated and hostile country ; and 
 failed in iTiaterially harassing the Indians. At the ap- 
 proach of the French, the savages easily found places 
 of safety by retiring into the woods and swamps, 
 where the French armies could not follow them. The 
 result, however, was favorable to the cause of peace. 
 
 * This man enjoyed great influence with the Indians, who, after his 
 death, always addressed the governors of New York with the title of 
 Corlear, an expression, in their view, significant of kindness, friendship, 
 and confidence. Grateful for his unexpected, if not undeserved hospi- 
 tality, Courcelles invited Corlear to visit him in Canada. The inviUtion 
 was accepted, but on his journey thither, this noble man was unfortu- 
 nately drowned in Lake Champlain. The lake in which he perished, the 
 Indians afterward called Corlear's Lake, by which name it was commonly 
 known among the English and Dutch, for many years. The erroneous 
 idea, that Champlain perished in the lake which bears his name, waa 
 obviously derived from this incident 
 
^32 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEB. 
 
 The French, exhausted with the expense and fatigue 
 of the campaign, and mortified by their want of suc- 
 cess, did not wish to repeat the experiment of another 
 expedition into the Indian territory. The Indians 
 were not pleased to see the war brought into the heart 
 of their own territory, and were not yet able to oppose 
 a large body of men armed and disciplined in the 
 European manner, with much prospect of success. 
 And at length, after a long period of severe but inde- 
 cisive hostilities, both parties, wearied of war, but not 
 exhausted of animosity, agreed to a general peace, 
 which was concluded in the year 1667. Thus, for the 
 first time, the blessings of complete peace were real- 
 ized by the French colonies. 
 
 During the partial cessation of hostilities between 
 the French and Indians, for almost twenty years, the 
 former, by insidious artifices, did much to influence 
 the Indians against the English settlers in New Eng- 
 land, and doubtless afibrded them aid in their bar- 
 barous w^arfare upon the English settlements. The 
 French, whose suppleness of character and demeanor^ 
 was always more acceptable to the Indians in their 
 native condition, than the grave, unbending spiiit of 
 the English, found it easier to cultivate and employ, 
 *han to check or eradicate the treachery and cruelty 
 
 * A curious instance of the complaisance of the French, is related by 
 Oldmixon in his account of the savages who were greatly charmed with 
 the good breeding of the Fiench, in always appearing perfectly naked 
 in their mutual conferences ("Iharlevoix, a French author, boasted that 
 the Fren'^h were the only Europeans who had ever succeeded in render- 
 ing themselves agreeable to the Indians. Whatever reason he may have 
 had for this boast, he had no reason to glory in the means by which 
 they courted popularity 
 
FIRST ENGLISH PRISONERS IN CANADA. 33 
 
 of their Indian neighbors. The encouragement of the 
 French allies prevailed with the Indians to reject all 
 friendly overtures from the English, which, at first, 
 they seemed willing to accept, and their native ferocity 
 prompted them to signalize their enmity by a series of 
 unprovoked and unexpected massacres. So openly did 
 the French afford aid to the Indians toward the close 
 of King Philip's war, that Frenchmen were known to 
 accompany their war-parties, and several prisoners, 
 taken in battle, were carried to Canada and sold to the 
 French. Hatfield, a settlement on the Connecticut 
 river, furnished the first of that long procession of 
 prisoners who, during the succeeding seventy years, 
 were transported from New England across the Green 
 Mountains and over Lake Champlain to Canada. 
 Toward the close of 1677, fifty Indians from Canada 
 surprised the settlement, and captured about twenty 
 prisoners, among whom were several women and chil- 
 dren. On their march to Canada, the prisoners en- 
 dured great hardships, and were often threatened with 
 death. One man was actually burned at the stake, 
 with the usual Indian barbarity. The remainder were 
 sold to the French. Two of the women were wives of 
 men named Wait and Jennings. On hearing that 
 they had been conveyed to Canada, the husbands 
 made application to the governor of Massachusetts for 
 commissions, authorizing them to proceed to Canada, 
 and ransom them. Starting in the winter, they pursued 
 their perilous journey across Lake Champlain, and 
 finally arrived at Chambly. There they found the 
 captives, some of whom had been pawned by the sav- 
 
 jiijjes for liquor. Paying two hundred pounds for the 
 
 2^ 
 
34 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MO DNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 ransom of the prisoners, these noble men started in the 
 spring of 1678 on their return home. Their progress 
 was slow, 'for they were compelled to procure their 
 provisions by hunting. Early in the summer they 
 reached home, without accident. This was the tirst 
 tour performed by ]S'ew-England men across the coun- 
 try so often traversed for similar purposes in the sub- 
 sequent wars, and w^hich became the grand theater of 
 military operations between the French and English 
 m later times. After this event, tranquillity prevailed 
 along the New-England frontiers for about ten years. 
 The peace which, for nearly twenty years, had been 
 maintained between the French and the Five Nations, 
 was broken in 1087, and hostilities were carried on 
 between them with a mutual fury and ferocity, that 
 seemed totally to obliterate the distinctions between 
 civilized and savage men. Although unaided, the 
 Five Nations maintained the struggle with an energy 
 that promised the preservation of their independence, 
 and finally, with a success that threatened even the 
 subjugation of their civilized adversaries. Undertaking 
 an expedition with twelve hundred of their warriors 
 against Montreal, they conducted their march with 
 such rapidity and secrecy, as to surprise the French in 
 almost unguarded security. The suddenness and fury 
 of their attack proved irresistible. They burned the 
 town, sacked the plantations, put a thousand of the 
 French to the sword, and carried away a number of 
 prisoners whom they burned alive ; returning to their 
 friends with only a loss of three of their own number. 
 They strained every nerve to follow up their advantage, 
 and shortly after their attack on Montreal, possessed 
 
FRENCH EXPEDITION AGAINST SCHENECTADY. 35 
 
 themselves of several fortresses which the garrisoDS 
 abandoned in the panic. They reduced every station 
 that the French possessed in Canada, to a state of the 
 utmost terror and distress. Nothing could have saved 
 the French from utter destruction, but the ignorance 
 which disabled the Indians from attacking fortified 
 places ; and it was evident that a single vigorous act 
 of interposition by the English colonists — compelled 
 by treaty to remain inactive spectators of the contest — 
 would have sufficed to terminate forever the rivalry 
 of France and England in this quarter of the world. 
 
 The condition of the French in Canada, was suddenly 
 raised from the brink of ruin, by the arrival of a stroTig 
 reinforcement from the parent state, under the conL 
 mand of a skillful and enterprising officer, the old Count 
 de Frontignac, who now assumed the government of 
 the French settlements, and quickly gave a different 
 complexion to their affairs. He set on foot a treaty 
 with the Five JSTations, and succeeded, meanwhile, in 
 obtaining a suspension of their hostilities. About this 
 time war was declared between France and England ; 
 and he boldly determined to revive the drooping spirits 
 of the colony, by making an attack upon 'New York. 
 
 A considerable body of French and Indians was 
 accordingly collected and dispatched in the depth of 
 winter against New York. By a strange coincidence, 
 which must ever stain the name of the French colonists 
 with the blackest ingratitude and dishonor, this party, 
 like their predecessors in 1665, after wandering for 
 twenty-two days through deserts rendered trackless by 
 snow, approached the village of Schenectady in so 
 exhausted a condition that they had determined to 
 
 i 
 
86 ETHAJJT ALLEN AND OREEN-MOD NTAIN IIEKOES. 
 
 •urrena©* *.v.ein8elve8 to the inliabitants as prisoners of 
 war. But, arriving at a late huur un an inclement 
 night, (February 8, 1()90,) and hearing from the mes- 
 Bengers that they had Bent forward, tliat the inhabitants 
 were all in bed, without even the precaution of a public 
 watch, they exchanged their intention of imploring 
 mercy to themselves, for a plan of nocturnal attack 
 and massacre of the defenseless people, to whose charity 
 their own countrymen had once been so deeply in- 
 debted. This detestable requital of good with evil, 
 was executed with a barbarity which of itself must be 
 acknowledged to form one of tlio most revolting and 
 terrific pictures that has ever been exhibited of hu- 
 man cruelty and ferocity. Dividing themselves into 
 a number of parties, they set lire to the village in 
 various places, and attacked the inhabitants with fatal 
 advantage, when, alarmed by the conflagration, they 
 endeavored to escape from the burning houses. The 
 exhausted strength of the Frenchmen seemed to revive 
 with the work of destruction, and to gather energy 
 from the animated horror of the scene. Not only were 
 all the male inliabitants they could reach put to death, 
 bat women and children were barbarously murdered. 
 13ut either the delay occasioned by their elaborate 
 cruelty, or the more merciful haste of the flames to 
 announce the calamity to those who might still fly 
 from the assassins, enabled many of the inhabitants to 
 escape. The eflbrts of the assailants were also some- 
 what impeded by a sagacious discrimination which 
 they thought it expedient to exercise. Though un- 
 mindful of benefits, they were not regardless of policy, 
 and of a number of Mohawk Indians wlu> were in the 
 
WARFARE IN NEW ENGLAND. 37 
 
 village, not one sustained an injury. Sixty persona 
 perished in the massacre, and twenty-seven were taken 
 prisoners. Of the fugitives who escaped half naked, 
 and made their way through a storm to Albany, 
 twenty-live lost their limbs from the intensity of the 
 frost. The French having totally destroyed the vil- 
 lage, retired across Lake Champlain loaded with plun- 
 der. They were pursued by a party of young men, 
 who killed or captured twenty-tive. 
 
 In concert with the expedition against New York 
 under D'Aillebout, Front.ignac sent a party of French 
 and Indians, under the command of Sieur Ilertel, to 
 lay waste the frontier settlements of Massachusetts 
 and New Hampshire.* This expedition was also 
 
 • At Salmon Falls, in New Ilampshire, thirty persons were killed, 
 and fifty-four, chiefly women and cljildreu, were carried into captivity. 
 Among the prisoners was a Mr. Rodgers, who, being quite corjjulent, 
 was unable to carry the burden inij)()H<!d upon him, and attempted to es- 
 cape in the woods. The Indians cau<j;ht him, strijjped, beat and pricked 
 him with their kfives ; then tied hitn to a tree and danced around him 
 until they had kindled a fire. They gave him time to pray and take 
 leave of his fellow -prisoners, who were compelled to witness his death. 
 They piished tlie fire toward him, and when he was almost stifled, took 
 it away to give him time to breatlie, and thus prolong his misery ; they 
 drowned his dying groans with their hideous singing and yelling; all 
 the while dancing around the tire, and cutting off pieces of his flesh and 
 throwing them in his face. When he was dead they left his body broil- 
 itig on the coals, in which state it was found by his friends, and buried. 
 
 An anecdote of a different character is told of this expedition. While 
 Rn Indian was preparing strings to bind a i)risoiier named Toogood, the 
 latter seized his gun and went backward, keeping the gun pointed at the 
 Indian, and threatened to shoot him if he alarmed the othei-s, who had 
 passed over the brow of a hill. By compelling the Indian to follow him 
 Bome distance, he was enabled to make his escape, his adversary calling 
 him Nogood, Nogood. When the Indian returned to hie companions 
 wilhout gun or prisoner, th«y ridiculed him heartily 
 
38 ETHAN ALLEN ANE GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 successfux, and marked . with cruelties scarcely lesi 
 monstrous than those committed at Schenectady. The 
 success that attended these expeditions served to revive 
 the spirits of the French colony, and at the same time 
 occasioned great alarm in every part of the English 
 plantations. Aided by Frontignac, the Indians made 
 frequent incursions into the English settlements, and 
 wherever they went committed the most horrid acts 
 of savage cruelty.* The French, by giving premiums 
 for scalps, and by purchasing the English prisoners, 
 animated the Indians to exert all their activity and 
 
 * In 1689, the Indians, having resolved upon attacking Dover in New 
 Hampshire, employed their usual art to lull the suspicions of the inhab- 
 itants. So civil and respectful was their behavior, that they occasionally 
 obtained permission to sleep in the fortified houses in the town. On 
 the evening of the fatal night, they assembled in the neighborhood and 
 sent their women to apply for lodgings at the houses devoted to destruc- 
 tion. When all was quiet, the doors were opened and the signal given. 
 Against Major Waldron, one of the principal inhabitants, their animosity 
 was particularly excited by his former harsh dealings with the Indians. 
 They rushed into his house, and hastened to his apaitment Awakened 
 by the noise, he seized his sword and drove them back; but when re- 
 turning for his other arms, was stunned with .a hatchet and fell. They 
 then dragged him into his hall, seated him in an elbow-chair upon a 
 long table, and insultingly asked, "Who shall judge Indians now ? »• 
 After feasting upon provisions which they compelled the rest of the 
 furnily to procure, each one, with a knife, cut gashes in Waldron's breast, 
 sayi. g, " I cross out my account!" They then cut off his nose and 
 ears, and forced them into his mouth ; and when, weakened from the 
 losfi of blood, he was about to fall from the table, his own sword was 
 held under him, which put ar. c'nd to his tortures. At other houses, sim- 
 ilar acts of cruelty were perpetrated, and in the whole, twenty-three 
 persons were killed, and twenty-nine carried prisoners to Canada, who 
 were shortly sold to the French. Maniy houses were burned and ninch 
 pro])erty was plundered ; but so expeditious were the Indians, that 
 they had fled beyond reach before the neighboring people could be 
 collected 
 
EXPEDITION AGAINST QUEBEC. 39 
 
 address, and the frontier inhabitants endured the most 
 aggravated sufferings. 
 
 To avenge these barbarities, a combined invasion 
 of Canada was projected. An expedition commanded 
 by Sir William Phipps,* sailed from Boston against 
 Quebec; and the united forces of Connecticut and 
 Kew York, under the command of General Winthrop, 
 were to march against Montreal, by the way of Lake 
 Champlain. The first, commanded by Phipps, con- 
 sisted of forty vessels, and the number of troops on 
 board amounted to over two thousand. These were 
 furnished by Massachusetts and New Hampshire. 
 Phipps arrived before Quebec so late in the season, 
 that there was but little opportunity for accomplishing 
 his purpose. The English were arrested in various 
 
 * Sir "William Phipps was a native of Massachusetts, and notwith- 
 Btandinpj a mean education, and the depression of the humblest circum- 
 stances, had raised himself by the mere vigor of his mind to a conspicuous 
 rank, and gained a high reputation for spirit, skill and success. Ha kept 
 sheep in his native province until he was eighteen years of age, and was 
 afterward apprenticed to a ship-carpenter. When he was freed from his 
 indentures, he pursued a seafaring life, and attained the station of captain 
 of a merchant vessel. Having met with an accouut of the wreck of a 
 Spanish ship, loaded with great treasures, near the Bahama Islands, about 
 fifty years before, he conceived a plan of extricating the buried treasures 
 from the V)owels of the deep ; and, transporting himself to England, ho 
 Stated his scheme so plausibly, that the king was struck with it, and in 
 1683 sent him out with a vessel to make the attempt It proved unsuc- 
 cessful ; and all bis urgency could not induce the king to engage in a 
 repetition of it. But the Duke of Albemarle, resuming the design, 
 equipped a vessel for the purpose, and gave the command of it to Phipps, 
 who now realizing the expectations be bad formed, succeeded in raising 
 specie to the value of $1,500,000, from the bottom of the ocean. Of 
 this treasure he obtained a portion sufficient to make his fortune, with a 
 itiil larger meed of general consideration and applause. 
 
40 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 severe encounters, and compelled at length to make 
 a precipitate retreat ; and the fleet, after having sus- 
 tained considerable loss in the voyage homeward, 
 returned to Boston. 
 
 General Winthrop, with a thousand men, marched 
 from Albany into the northern wilderness, with the 
 design of passing through Lake Champlain and cap- 
 turing Montreal. But this army, the forerunner of the 
 many marshaled hosts that for almost a century after- 
 ward, made Lake Champlain and the country border- 
 ing on it their highway, was retarded by defective 
 arrangements, and disappointed by the friendly In- 
 dians who had engaged to furnish them with canoes 
 for crossing rivers. After marching some distance 
 toward Montreal, the commander deemed it expedient 
 to retreat without doing any injury to the enemy. 
 
 Yexed at having the expedition thus abandoned, 
 and knowing that the friendly Indians were losing 
 confidence in the energy and power of their English 
 allies. Captain John Schuyler, (grandfather of General 
 Philip Schuyler of our revolutionary history,) enlisted 
 a force of thirty whites and one hundred and twenty 
 Indians, the same fall, and made an excursion to the 
 St. Lawrence, destroyed the village of La Prairie, took 
 nineteen prisoners, devastated the country in the 
 vicinity of Montreal, and returned in triumph to 
 Albany.* 
 
 The following year, (1691,) Major Peter Schuyler, 
 (brother to John Schuyler,) having acquired extraor- 
 dinary influence with the Five Nations by his courage, 
 
 * Fitcli's Hiator}' of Wasliingtun County. 
 
FKENCU EMULATION OF INDIAN CRUELTY. 41 
 
 good sense, and friendly attention to their interests, 
 undertook an expedition against Montreal, at the head 
 of a considerable body of colonial and Indian forces. 
 Though the invaders were finally compelled to retreat, 
 the French sustained great loss in several encounters * 
 and such was the spirit and animosity of the Fiv 
 Nations, that they continued, during the winter, to 
 wage incessant and harassing hostilities against the 
 French, although the colonial troops had returned to 
 their homes. Count Frontignac was so er.asperated 
 by their continued assaults, that he condemned to a 
 death accompanied by all the torments French inge- 
 nuity could devise, two Mohawk captives^ whom the 
 fate of war had thrown into his power.* The peace of 
 Ryswick, in 1697, put an end to hostilities for a brief 
 period, between the rival colonies of the French and 
 English. 
 
 In a few years war again broke out in Europe, and 
 hostilities speedily recommenced in America. The 
 
 * Shortly before the execution, some FrenchTnan, less inhuman than 
 his governor, threw a knife into the prison, and one of the Mohawks 
 immediately dispatched himself with it ; the other, expressing contempt 
 at his companion's mean evasion of glory, walked to the stake, singing 
 in his death-chant, that he was a Mohawk warrior ; that all the power of 
 man could not extort an expression of suffering from his lips ; and that it 
 was ample consolation to him to reflect that he had made many French- 
 men suffer the same pangs that he must now himself undergo. When 
 attached to the stake, he looked round on his executioners, their instru- 
 ments of torture, and the assembled multitude of spectators, with all the 
 complacency of heroic fortitude, and, after enduring for some hours, with 
 composed mien and triumphant language, a series of barbarities too atro- 
 cious to be narrated, his sufferings were terminated by the interposition 
 of a Frencli^lady, who prevailed with the governor to order tliat mortal 
 olow, to which human cruelty has given the name of coup dc grace, or 
 stroke oi favor 
 
42 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOFNTAIN HEE0E8. 
 
 first blow fell upon Deerfield, which was at that time 
 the most northerly settlement on tlie Connecticut river, 
 a few families at Northfield excepted. Against this 
 place a party of two hundred French, and one hundred 
 and fifty Indians was sent. They w^ere under the 
 command of Ilertel de Rouville, assisted by four of his 
 brothers, all of whom had become distinguished in the 
 "wars. They passed up Lake Champlain until they 
 reached the Winooski (at that time called French) 
 river. There they crossed over to Connecticut river, 
 and traveled on the ice until they arrived in the vicin- 
 ity of Deerfield. Early on the morning of March 12, 
 1704, Eouville attacked the village. The snow around 
 the fort was in many places drifted nearly to the top 
 of the palisades, and the enemy found no difficulty 
 in surmounting these defenses. The occupants were 
 buried in profound sleep. A simultaneous assault was 
 made upon all the houses, the doors were broken open, 
 and the people seized in their beds. When resistance 
 was attempted, the tomahawk or musket ended the 
 strife. A few were so fortunate as to escape by flight 
 to the ai3jacent woods ; but the greater part were either 
 killed or made prisoners. 
 
 Early in the assault, about thirty Indians attacked 
 the house of the iCev. John Williams, who, awaking 
 from a sound sleej), instantly leaped from his bed, ran 
 toward the door, and found a party entering. Calling 
 to awaken a couple of soldiers in his chamber, he 
 seized a pistol, presented it at the breast ^f the fore- 
 most Indian, and attempted to shoot him ; but the 
 pistol missed fire. He was instantly overpowered, 
 bound, and kept for an hour without his clothes. Two 
 
MASSACRE AT DEERFIELD. 43 
 
 of his young children were dragged to the door and 
 murdered, and his negro-woman shared the same fate. 
 Mrs. Williams and live children, the youngest of whom 
 was but a few weeks old, were also captured. 
 
 Another dwelling-house was successfully defended 
 by seven armed men and a few women, by whom it 
 was occupied. While the brave defenders were pour- 
 ing their lire upon the assailants from the windows and 
 loop-holes, the no less brave women were busily em- 
 ployed in casting balls for future supply. Unable to 
 carry the house, or intimidate the defenders to a sur- 
 render by all their threats and stratagems, the enemy 
 gave up their efforts, and cautiously endeavored to 
 keep out of the range of the shot. But notwithstanding 
 their precautions, several were singled out and shot 
 down by the marksmen in the house. 
 
 Having collected the prisoners, plundered and set 
 fire to the buildings, Rouville began to retrace his 
 march to Canada. But a party of the inhabitants who 
 had escaped, returned to the village, and, joined by the 
 men who had defended their house, and a few people 
 who had hurried on from Hatfield, pursued the enemy, 
 and a sharp skirmish ensued ; but, being at length 
 nearly encircled by a superior force, they were com- 
 pelled to retire, with the loss of nine of their number. 
 The pursuit, though highly honorable to the bravery 
 of the pursuers, exposed the captives to imminent 
 danger. During the fight, the English maintained 
 their ground with great resolution, and at one crisis, 
 Rouville, apprehending a defeat, sent orders for the 
 C£i.{)tive8 to be tomahawked ; but fortunately the mes 
 eenger was killed before he delivered his orders 
 
44 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 Preparations were however made by the Indians who 
 guarded the prisoners, to put them to death in case 
 of the defeat of their party. On the retreat of the 
 English, Rouville countermanded his order, and saved 
 the captives. 
 
 The whole number of prisoners amounted to one 
 hundred and twelve. Forty-seven were slain, and the 
 loss of the enemy was about the same. The entire 
 village was reduced to ashes with the exception of one 
 house, which is still sj:anding, and the traces of the 
 tomahawks and bullets are still to be seen. 
 
 Soon after the action, Kouville commenced his 
 march for Canada. Most gloomy were the prospects 
 of the captives. Many were women then in a condition 
 requiring the most tender treatment ; some were young 
 children whose feeble frames could not sustain the 
 fatigues of a day ; others were infants, carried in the 
 arms of their parents. Several of the men were suffer- 
 ing from severe wounds. The distance to Canada was 
 nearly three hundred miles, through a country wild 
 and waste. It was in the midst of winter, and the 
 ground was deeply covered with snow. The whole 
 party was unsupplied with provisions, and dependent 
 solely for food upon the game that should be killed 
 on their route. The first day's m.arch was necessarily 
 slow and difficult. Tlie Indians, probably from a de- 
 sire to save the young to dispose of in Canada, or to 
 retain for their own service, rather than from tender- 
 ness, assisted the parents by carrying the children 
 upon their backs. At night, they encamped by clear- 
 ing away the snow, spreading boughs, and construct- 
 ing slight cabins of brush. The prisoners were as 
 
SUFFERINGS OF THE CAPTIYE8. 45 
 
 comfortably lodged as circumstances would admit. To 
 prevent escapes, the most athletic were bound, and se- 
 cured according to the Indian mode, and this was prac- 
 ticed at the subsequent night camps. Notwithstanding 
 this precaution, Joseph Alexander, one of the prisoners, 
 had the good fortune to escape. To deter others from 
 similar attempts, Mr. Williams, who was considered as 
 the head of the captives, was informed, that in case of 
 another escape, the remainder should suffer death by 
 fire. In the course of the night, some of the Indians 
 became intoxicated with spirits which they had found 
 at Deerfield, and fell upon Mr. Williams' negro and 
 murdered him. 
 
 The second day's march was equally slow, and Mr. 
 Williams was permitted, for a short time, to assist his 
 distressed wife in traveling, who now began to be ex- 
 hausted ; but he was soon torn from her and placed at 
 the head of the column, leavinor her to struo^o-le alons: 
 unassisted. At the upper part of Greenfield meadow, 
 it became necessary to pass Green river, a small stream 
 then open, in performing which, Mrs. Williams fell 
 into the water ; but recovering herself, she with difli- 
 culty reached the shore and continued her route. An 
 abrupt hill was now to be surmounted, and Mr. Wil- 
 liams, who had gained the summit, entreated his mas- 
 ter (for so the Indian who captured him was called,) 
 for leave to return and help forward his distressed 
 wife, but was barbarously refused, and she was left 
 to struggle with difficulties beyond her power. Her 
 ferocious master finding her a burthen, sunk his hatchet 
 in her head, arid left her dead at the foot of the hill. 
 Her body was soon after taken up by a party from 
 
46 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 field, and interred in the public burial-ground in that 
 town, where her grave-stones, with those of her hus- 
 band, Mr. Williams, are still to be seen. 
 
 Rouville encamped the second night in the northerly 
 part of the present town of Bernardston. A young 
 woman and an infant were dispatched in the course 
 of this day's march. At this camp a consultation 
 was held by the Indians in regard to killing and 
 scalping Mr. Williams ; but his master, unwilling to 
 part with so valuable a prize, interfered and saved 
 him from the Latch et. The next day the captives 
 were more equally distributed for convenience of 
 marching, and several exchanged masters. The fourth 
 day brought the army to Connecticut river, about 
 thirty miles above Deerfield, probably in the upper 
 part of Brattleborough,, Vermont. Here slight sledges 
 were constructed, for the conveyance of the children, 
 wounded and baggage, and the march, w'hich was now 
 on the ice, became more rapid. One female was this 
 day relieved from her sufferings by a stroke of the 
 hatchet. 
 
 The march on Connecticut river continued several 
 days without any extraordinary incident, excepting 
 now and then the murder of an exhausted captive. 
 On the first Sunday, the prisoners were permitted to 
 halt and rest themselves, and Mr. Williams delivered a 
 discourse from these words : * " The Lord is righteous^ 
 for I have rebelled against his commandiupnts : Hear 
 I pray you^ all people^ and hehold my sorroio : My 
 
 * This sermon is said to have been delivered at the njouth of Williams' 
 river, in Rockingham, Vermont : froir -^hich circumstance the river 
 received its name. 
 
ANECDOTE. 47 
 
 virgins and young men are gone into captivity^^ 
 Lamentations, i. 18. 
 
 At the mouth of White river, Iloiivil]e divided his 
 force into several parties, and they took different routes 
 to the St. Lawrence. The one which Mr. Williams 
 accompanied, ascended the former river, and passing 
 the higlilands to the Winooski, proceeded down 
 that stream to Lake Champlain, and continued the 
 march on tlie lake to Missisco bay, near which they 
 joined a party of Indians on a hunting excursion. On 
 reaching the Sorel, they built canoes and passed down 
 to Chambly, w-here they found a French fort and a 
 small garrison. Their route was then continued to the 
 village of Sorel, where some of the captives had already 
 arrived. Mr. Williams was thence conveyed down 
 the St. Lawrence to the Indian village of St. Francis, 
 and some time after, to Quebec ; and after a short 
 residence at that place, was sent to Montreal, where he 
 was humanely treated by Governor Yaudreuil. Some 
 of Mr. Williams' children accompanied another party, 
 and after much delay and great suffering, arrived at 
 various Indian lodges on the St. Lawrence. In a few 
 instances, the captives were purchased of the Indians ; 
 but the greatest proportion were retained by them, 
 at their lodges in various parts of the country. Of 
 the one hundred and twelve taken at Deerfield, 
 about seventeen were killed, or died on the march, 
 and the sufferings of all w^ere severe in the extreme. 
 An anecdote is told of a boy among the prisoners who, 
 having nothing given him to eat, ran up to an old 
 Indian, and snatched a bone from his hands. Contrary 
 to the ex})ectation of the other captives, the Indian was 
 
4:8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROEa. 
 
 not displeased, but laughed heartily at the courage of 
 the lad. He was afterward treated with much kind- 
 ness, and became a favorite with the Indians. 
 
 During his captivity, Mr. Williams was permitted 
 to visit various places on the St. Lawrence, and in his 
 interviews with the French Jesuits, he found them 
 zealously attached to the Roman Catholic religion, to 
 which they spared no pains to convert him, as. well as 
 the other captives ; and in some instances they inflicted 
 punishments for non-compliance with their ceremonies. 
 But they found him as zealously attached to his own 
 faith, and through his influence, most of the captives 
 continued firm in the protestant persuasion. In 1706, 
 a flag-ship was sent to Quebec by Governor Dudley, by 
 which fifty-seven of the captives were obtained and 
 conveyed to Boston, among whom was Mr. Williams* 
 and his children, with the exception of his daughter 
 Eunice, who, notwithstanding all the exertions of her 
 father to obtain her redemption, was left among the 
 Indians, and, adopting their manners and customs, 
 married a savage, by whom she had several children. 
 Some time alter the war, she with her husband, visited 
 her relations at Deerfield, dressed in the Indian cos- 
 tume ; and though every persuasion was tried to induce 
 her to abandon the Indians, and to remain among her 
 connections, all proved ineflfectual ; she returned to 
 
 * This worthy man was born at Roxbuiy, Massachusetts, in the year 
 1664. In 1683, after graduating at Hartford college, he became the 
 pastor of the chur.ch at Deerfield, and was the first settled minister in 
 the western part of Massachusetts. His people found in hira an able, 
 conscientious, and judicious friend, capable both of directing their devo- 
 tions, and of assisting them in the difficulties and hardships of frontier 
 life. After his return to Boston, several of the wealthiest paiishes ic 
 
THE BELL OF ST. KEQI8. 4:9 
 
 Canada, and there ended her days, a true savage. 
 Twentv-eight of the captives remained in Canada, 
 and, mixing with the French and Indians, and adopting 
 their manners and customs, forgot their native country, 
 and were lost to their friends. 
 
 New York having agreed with the French and 
 western Indians to remain neutral, the enemy were 
 enabled to pour their w^hole force upon Massachusetts 
 and IS^ew Hampshire, the inhabitants of which, for tea 
 
 that vicinity, urged him to settle with them. He declined any offer of 
 this kind, and, in accordance with a vow made in his captivity, he re- 
 turned to Deerfield, collected his scattered flock, and began again wiih 
 them the labors, and endured with them the privations and perils of a 
 new settlement. His salary was at first forty *pounds, but was raised m 
 1711 to sixty. He married a second wife, by whom he had several chil- 
 dren. He remained at Deerfield until his death, in 1728. His grandson, 
 Df. Samuel Williams, was the first historian of Vermont. Charles K. 
 Williams, the son of the latter, was for thirty years a judge of the 
 supreme court of Vermont, and recently governor of that state. 
 
 One of the motives for the expedition against Deerfield, was to recover 
 a bell which had been purchased in France for a Roman Catholic church 
 at St Re<;is, on the St. Lawrence. The French and English being then 
 at war, the vessel in which the bell was shipped fell into the hards »( 
 the latter. It was taken to Salem, and in 1703, purchased for the church 
 of Mr. Williams, at Deerfield. After the ma.ssacre at the latter place. 
 " the bell was conveyed in triumph through the forest to Lake Cham- 
 plain, at the spot where Burlington now stands, where the Indians buried 
 it with the benedictions of father Nicolas, the priest of St. Regis, who 
 accompanied them. Thus far they had carried it by means of timber 
 upon their shoulders. They hastened home and returned in early spring, 
 with oxen and sled, to convey the sacred bell, now doubly hallowed in 
 tit"': minds, to its destinaticm. The Indians of the village had never 
 heard the sound of a bell, and powerful was the impression uptm their 
 minds, when its deep tones, louder and louder, broke the silence of the for- 
 est, as it approached their village at evening, suspended upon a cross-jiiece 
 of timber, and rung, continually by the deliifhted carriers. It was hiuig 
 in the steeple with solemn ceremonv, and there it remaius." — Losnng. 
 
50 ETHAN ALLEN ANB GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 years, endured the miseries peculiar to an Indian war, 
 of wliicb no description can give an adequate idea. The 
 enemy was at all times prowling about the frontier 
 settlements, watching in concealment for an opportu- 
 nity to strike a sudden blow, and to fly with safety. 
 The women and children retired into the garrisons ; 
 the men left their fields uncultivated, or labored with 
 arms at their sides, and with sentinels at every point 
 whence an attack could be apprehended. Yet, not- 
 withstanding these precautions, the Indians were often 
 successful, killing sometimes an individual, sometimes 
 a whole family, sometimes a band of laborers ten or 
 twelve in number; and so swift were they in their 
 movements, that but few fell into the hands of the 
 English. 
 
 Determined to give the frontiers no respite, and 
 probably animated by the success of Rouville at Deer- 
 field, four hundred French and Indians marched from 
 Canada, the same year, (1704.) across the Green Moun- 
 tains, and, on the 31st of July, fell upon Lancaster 
 in Massachusetts. Six fortified houses were simul- 
 taneously attacked, but the enemy met with so warm 
 a reception that they were compelled to retire. Before 
 they left the place, most of the other buildings were 
 fired, and reduced to ashes. Three hundred men frc>m 
 the adjacent towns, hurried on to the place toward 
 tlie close of the day, came up with and engaged the 
 enemy, and several were killed on each side. 
 
 In the autumn, the French suffered a severe loss, 
 by the capture of a large store-ship called the Seine, 
 on her passage from France ; on board of which were 
 a number of ecclesiastics and laymen, of great fortunes. 
 
COLONIAL WAR WITH CAJS'ADA. 51 
 
 The cargo was estimated at two hundred thousand 
 dollars. The loss of this ship was a great embarrass- 
 ment to the military operations of the French in 
 Canada, and very few depredations were committed 
 in 1705. Yaudreuil, the governor of Canada, made 
 propositions to Governor Dudley of Massachusetts, for 
 a treaty of neutrality between the hostile colonies. 
 The latter, then contemplating the conquest of Canada, 
 was opposed to the measure, but he had the address 
 to protract the negotiation, under the pretense of con- 
 sulting the other English governors. In the mean 
 time, negotiations for an exchange of prisoners were 
 carried on ; and it was by this arrangement that a 
 large portion of the Deerlield captives were finally 
 released. 
 
 In 1707, Massachusetts, l^ew Hampshire and Khode 
 Island dispatched an armament against Port Koyal 
 in Nova Scotia, then in possession of the French, 
 which returned, however, without efiecting its object; 
 but in 1710, the troops of New England, assisted by 
 a British fleet, succeeded in reducing the place, and 
 in compliment to Queen Anne, changed its name to 
 Annapolis. 
 
 The only effectual way to put an end to the depre- 
 dations of the enemy, seemed to be the subjugation of 
 Canada. Representations to this effect were acqui- 
 esced in by the British ministry early in 1709, and 
 they promised to dispatch a squadron, containing five 
 regiments, to Boston. The colonial governments east 
 of Connecticut, were required to raise twelve hun- 
 dred men, with suitable transports and provisions for 
 three months, to accompany the British troops against 
 
62 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN tiEKOES. 
 
 Quebec. The other colonies were to equip fiiteen 
 hundred men to proceed by the way of Lake Cham- 
 plain, and make an attack upon Montreal. The latter 
 were put under the command of Governor ^Nicholson, 
 who, early in the summer, marched to Lake Cham- 
 plain, to be in readiness to cooperate with the arma- 
 ment to be dispatched against Quebec. These were 
 joined by six hundred Indians. AVhile the latter 
 were engaged in the construction of canoes, the for- 
 mer were cutting roads between the Hudson river 
 and Lake Cliamphiin, erecting forts, and supplying 
 them with provisions. Every thing promised success. 
 The Indians appeared to be heartily engaged in the 
 enterprise. Joy and triumphant exultation pervaded 
 the colonies. But the English squadron w^as delayed 
 far beyond the appointed time, and at last intelligence 
 arrived that, on account of reverses in Portugal, the 
 fleet destined for this enterprise was directed to pro- 
 ceed to the relief of the British army in Portugal. 
 In connection with this disappointment, a fatal e])i- 
 deniic broke out among the troops on Lake Champlain. 
 Probably not less than a thousand men fell victims 
 to this epidemic, which, with the non-arrival of the 
 promised force from England, induced Nicholson to 
 abandon the enterprise and to dismiss his trooj»s. 
 Thus terminated the second o^reat effort for the sub- 
 jugation of the French in Canada. 
 
 Encouraged, however, by the'success of his expedi- 
 tion against Port Boyal, Governor Nicholson visited 
 England in 1710, to concert another campaign for 
 the complete subjugation of Canada. Ilis plans were 
 adopted, and in June, 1711, Admiral AValker, with a 
 
BRITISH FLEET DISPERSED. 63 
 
 fleet of fifteen ships of war, and forty transports, 
 bringing an army of veteran troops, arrived at Boston. 
 Taking on board two additional regiments, he sailed 
 from that port abont the last of July. At the same 
 time, Governor Nicholson repaired to Albany, to take 
 command of the troops that were to proceed by the 
 way of Lake Champlain. When the fleet had ad- 
 vanced ten leagues up the St. Lawrence, the weather 
 became tempestuous and foggy. A difference of 
 opinion arose concerning the course to be pursued : 
 the English pilots recommending one course, and 
 the colonial another. The admiral, like most EriHish 
 officers, preferred the advice of his own pilots to the 
 colonial. Pursuing the course they recommended, 
 during the night, nine transports were driven upon 
 the rocks and dashed to pieces. From every quarter 
 cries of distress arose, conveying, through the dark- 
 ness, to those who were yet afloat, intelligence of the 
 jfejte of their comrades, and of their own danger. The 
 shf.ieks of the drowning pleaded powerfully for assist- 
 ances but none could be aff(.)rded until the mornino' 
 dawned, when six or seven hundred, found floating 
 on the scattered wrecks, were rescued from death, 
 more than a thousand having sunk to rise no more. 
 Only one of the colonial vessels was wrecked, but 
 all the persons on board escaped the watery grave 
 in which so many of Iheir brethren from the mother 
 country were lost. Weakened by this terrible disaster, 
 the admiral determined to abandon the enterprise and 
 return to England. 
 
 The army designed to invade Canada by way of 
 L?ke Champlain, had not advanced far from Albany, 
 
54: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 before tbej received intelligence of the disaster which 
 had attended the fleet. JS'othing remained for Nichol- 
 son but to disband his troops and return. The Mar- 
 quis de Yaudreuil, governor of Canada, had been at 
 Quebec, preparing to repulse the British armament. 
 He received intelligence from the fishermen, that sev- 
 eral vessels had been wrecked, and that numerous 
 dead bodies, with red coats, had drifted to the shore, 
 but that there were no ships in the river. Yaudreuil, 
 justly concluding that the English fleet, had suff'ered 
 80 much as to induce them to abandon their attempt 
 upon Quebec, ordered his united forces to Montreal 
 and Lake Cham])lain, to oppose the advance of Nich- 
 olson's army. Three thousand French troops were 
 posted at Chamblj, to check his approach to Mon- 
 treal. But Yaudreuil soon learned that he had nothing 
 to fear from the colonial army ; that it had been dis- 
 banded upon tlie intelligence of the disaster that hr.d' 
 befallen the fleet; and that the people of Albaj;^, 
 instead of being engaged in any hostile attempts ag Inst 
 Montreal, were in much anxiety concerning the'yf own 
 safety. But he was not prepared to take adv^antage 
 of the calamities of the English, and invade the col- 
 onies. Such was the disastrous termination of the 
 third systematic attempt to subjugate Canada. 
 
 In 1713, the treaty of Utrecht put an end to the 
 wars between the French and English colonies, and for 
 tliirty years they enjoyed the benefits of peace. Dur- 
 ing this period of ti-anquillity, the earliest settlements 
 in Yermont occurred, and were made almost contempo- 
 raneously by the English on the Connecticut river, and 
 by the Frerch on Lake Champlain. The boundaries 
 
FEENCH DISCOVERIES. 66 
 
 between the two nations Lad never been defined, and 
 as the outskirts of their respective settlements began 
 to meet, disputes in regard to jurisdiction arose, and 
 the red flames of war were again kindled. 
 
 The early discoveries of Cartier had turned the eyes 
 of France toward the St. Lawrence and the neighbor- 
 ing territory, and established her claim to it, according 
 to that peculiar code by which European powers had 
 deemed it proper to apportion among themselves the 
 rest of the world. Although Canada had scarcely any 
 likeness to the smiling and luxuriant aspect of Florida, 
 or even of Virginia, yet it opened into regions of vast 
 extent ; and the tracing to distant fountains the sea- 
 like abyss of its waters, presented more than common 
 attraction to curiosity and adventure. But for fifty 
 years after their discovery, the French government 
 gave but little encouragement to the plan of colonizing 
 these northern regions, and after the project was un- 
 dertaken, more attention was given to the consolidation 
 and improvement of the colony, than to exploring the 
 expanse of interior America. The Count de Fron- 
 tignac, however, was of a more enterprising spirit. He 
 extended the range of settlement to the shores of Lake 
 Ontario, built there a fort to which his own name was 
 given, and opened an intercourse with the tribes who 
 roamed over the boundless plains westward of the 
 Alleghariies. Not content with this, he determined to 
 explore the mighty stream which was said to pour its 
 stupendous current in a direction opposite to that of 
 all the streams then known in America, but toward 
 some distant ocean that lay far in the south and west. 
 In the existing darkness as to the boundaries of the 
 
66 ETHAN AJXEN AND GEEEN-MOIJNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 continent, it was concluded that this could only be the 
 Mer Vermeio, or Gulf of California, by which it was 
 hoped that the long-sought passage might be found to 
 the golden regions of India. The strongest motives, 
 therefore, impelled the count to strain every effort for 
 ite discovery. There was no want of bold and fitting 
 men ready to engage in the enterprise. M. Joliet, with 
 but six white men and two Indians for guides, setting 
 foivb in two bark canoes, undertook to cross this great 
 contiQsnt. Proceeding to Lake Michigan, they passed 
 by VAj of the Fox and Wisconsin rivers to the Missis- 
 sippi. Floating down the current, they heard in a few 
 days, 5rom tlie right, the roar of a great stream, and 
 soon after saw another river, with even a more prodig- 
 ious currcct than that of the Mississippi. Following 
 these two strosms until they reached the mouth of the 
 Arkansas, thoy became convinced that the Mississippi 
 emptied itself ii^to the Gulf of Mexico, and not, as they 
 had expected an-l hoped, into the Pacific. Fearing 
 that, by following farther on, they might fall into the 
 hands of the Spaniards who were exploring the gulf, 
 they determined to re'urn to Canada. La Salle after- 
 ward followed the same route, and as early as 1699, 
 the French began settlomorts in lower Louisiana, and 
 in 1717 founded JSTew Orleans. 
 
 Being in possession of the inland seas of Canada, as 
 they were called, and of the mcutks of the two largest 
 rivers in North America, the French conceived tho 
 magnificent idea of uniting their northern end south- 
 ern possessions by a chain of forts along the b^^nks of 
 the Ohio and Mississippi, and by that n:ean8 of »on- 
 fining the English colonists to the eastern side o* the 
 
THE FRENCH FORTIFY LAKE CHAMPLAIN. 57 
 
 Alleghanies. In pursuance of this plan, in the year 
 1731, they ascended Lake Champlain with a consider- 
 able force, intendino: to erect fortifications at the most 
 commanding positions. No measure could have been 
 better adapted to promote their own interest. It was 
 through Lake Champlain that their troops had marched 
 in their expeditions against Schenectady, the Mohawk's 
 castles, and Deerfield. It was through this lake that 
 their scouting parties found the most easy and safe 
 passage in tlieir excursions against the English colonies. 
 In all the attempts of the English to effect the conquest 
 of Canada, the attacks upon Montreal it was always 
 contemplated should be effected through the waters of 
 Lake Champlain. To erect a fortress at the south end 
 of this lake was to secure the whole navigation of it, 
 and the command of a large portion of the English 
 and Indian frontier. From this commanding situation, 
 the French could not only defeat the attempts of the 
 English to penetrate their own country, but would 
 always have a magazine of arms and ammunition, to 
 supply their own troops and scouting parties, and an 
 asylum to which the Indians might readily retreat, 
 from their plundering and scalping expeditions against 
 the English frontiers. And by means of the river 
 Sorel and the lake, the fort might always be reinforced 
 in three or four days, or receive any supplies without 
 difficulty or danger. 
 
 The French garrison was at first placed on the east 
 Bide of the lake, and the settlement began in what is 
 now the town of Addison. On the western side, a 
 more convenient situation was found, however, in 
 
 which the harbor was good, and the fortress would bo 
 
 3* 
 
58 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 encompassed by water on three of its sides. On this 
 spot, now called Crown Point, the French erected a 
 fort sufficiently strong to resist any force that could 
 be suddenly or easily brought against it, and gave it 
 the name of St. Frederick. The land on whicli it was 
 erected properly belonged to the Six Nations ; but 
 it was claimed by the government of New York, and 
 had been granted by one of their governors, so early as 
 1696, to Dellius, the Dutch minister of Albany. The 
 designs of the French, and the dangerous consequences 
 attending the erection of their new fort, were well un- 
 derstood in the English colonies. The Massachusetts 
 government was not a little alarmed. Mr. Belcher, 
 the governor, gave the first information to the gov- 
 ernment of New York, of the French proceedings. 
 Still, through the passiveness of the council, the French 
 were suffered to advance nearly two hundred miles 
 toward Albany, and to erect a fortress which would 
 enable them, in any future war, to make their assaults 
 with safety and success upon the frontier settlements 
 of New York, Massachusetts, and New Hampshire. 
 
 The war which had so long distressed the frontiers 
 of Massachusetts and New Hampshii*e, effectually pre- 
 vented the progress of settlements to the north and 
 west. From 1703 to 1713, the inhabitants being 
 constantly harassed by calls for military service, agri- 
 culture was suffered to languish, many people were 
 killed or captured, a heavy public debt was incurred, 
 and the population of the country was vastly below 
 what it would have been, had an uninterrupted peace 
 been maintained. According to Hutchinson, from 
 1G75, the beginning of Philip's war, to 1713, five or 
 
POPULATION OF THE COUNTRY. 59 
 
 Bix thousand of the youth of the country had been 
 destroyed by the enemy, or diseases contracted by the 
 war ; nine in ten of these would have been fathers of 
 families^ and, in the course of forty years, must have 
 multiplied to near one hundred thousand. The north- 
 ern and western part of Kew York was a wilderness, 
 little known to the English. 
 
 Nor was the war less embarrassing to the progress 
 of settlements and population in Canada. In 1714, the 
 whole number of inhabitants, from fourteen to sixty 
 years of age, able to bear arms, was four thousand 
 four hundred and eighty -four. The standing forces at 
 that time were twenty-eight companies of marines, 
 paid by the king, containing six hundred and twenty 
 eight men ; but the Indians were numerous, always 
 ready to turn out on short notice, and as they were fre- 
 quently led by daring French officers, their incursions 
 were generally attended with distressing consequences. 
 
 Relieved from the war, the inhabitants of New 
 England now turned their attention to their internal 
 affairs, and the improvement of. their plantations ; and 
 the settlers who had been shut up in fortified houses, 
 or driven from their plantations, now flattered them- 
 selves that they should not again be molested by the 
 Indians. But this was a vain hope, for a renewal of 
 war between England and France must necessarily 
 produce hostilities between their colonies, and all the 
 horrors of savage war must be again sustained. A 
 fleet sufficient to block up the St. Lawrence, and a 
 small invading army by Lake Champlain under an 
 able commander, would have put an end to the embar- 
 rassments so long suffered by the English colonies. 
 
60 ETHAN ALLEN AND UREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 During the calm which followed the peace of Utrecht, 
 the Ensrlish colonies increased their settlements north 
 and west. 'New York, Massachusetts, and New Hamp- 
 shire extended their grants of land into the present 
 limits of the state of Vermont. Fort Dummer was 
 erected by Massachusetts in 1724, on the west bank 
 of the Connecticut river, near the place where the vil- 
 lage of Brattleborough has since grown up, and was 
 thus named in compliment to Mr.. Dummer, lieutenant- 
 governor of Massachusetts. Other forts were built in 
 its immediate vicinity on the east bank of the Con- 
 necticut, and many families settled near them on both 
 sides of the river. These pioneers were considerably" 
 harassed by a war, which raged principally in New 
 Hampshire, between the whites and Indians, and which 
 was generally known as "Lovewell's war," from the 
 name of a successful leader of the English. The In- 
 dians were said to have been instigated by Sebastian 
 Rolle, a Jesuit, who had long been settled among them, 
 and possessed great influence with several tribes.* The 
 war was begun in 1723, and concluded in 1725. 
 
 * Rolle was slain in battle, while fighting against the English. He 
 had been a very active agent in, if not the principal cause of the war, 
 and his death was considered a very auspicious event, by the English. 
 It must be acknowledged, however, that he was a loss to the literary 
 world. Previous to his residence at Nonidggwock, he had spent six 
 years in traveling among the various tribes in the interior of America, 
 and he had learned most of their languages. He was nearly forty yeara 
 a missionary, twenty-six of which he had spent at Norridgewock among 
 the Indians ; and with their manners and customs he had become inti- 
 mately acquainted. His letters on various subjects, evince that he was 
 a man of superior natural powers, which had been improved by an edu- 
 cation in a college of Jesuits in Europe. With the learned languages he 
 vraa thoroughly acquainted, and by his assiduity, he had taught many 
 
LOUISBOUKG. f}l 
 
 In 1744, Eii<?land again declared war against France 
 and Spain, which again involved tlie colonics in hos- 
 tilities with the enemies of the mother country and 
 their Indian allies. The savages took up the hatchet 
 with great alacrity, and the frontier posts suffered 
 severely. Commerce, in general, and especially the 
 fisheries, suffered great injury from privateers fitted 
 out at Louisbourg, a French port on Cape Breton. 
 Its situation gave it such importance, that nearly six 
 milliono of dollars had been expended on its fortifi- 
 cations. The place was deemed so strong as to de- 
 serve the appellation of the Dunkirk of America. 
 In peace, it was a safe retreat for the ships of France, 
 bound homeward from the East and West Indies. 
 In war, it gave the French the greatest advantages 
 for ruining the fishery of the northern Engltsh colonies, 
 and endangered the loss of ]^ova Scotia. The reduc- 
 tion of this place was, for these reasons, an object 
 of the highest importance to New England ; and Mr. 
 
 of his converts to read and write, and to correspond with hira in their 
 own language. With the principal clergymen of Boston, he held a cor- 
 respondence in Latin. He possessed great skill in controversy, and 
 made some attempts at Indian poetry. By a compliance with the In- 
 dian mode of life, and a gentle, condescending deportment, he had 
 gained the affections of the savages. But he used the offices of devotion 
 as incentives to Indian ferocity, and even kept a flag, on which was de- 
 picted a cross surrounded by bows and arrows, which he used to hoist 
 on a pole at the door of his church when be gave the Indians absolution, 
 previous to their engaging in any enterprise. A dictionary of the 
 Norridgewock language, composed by him, was found amons? his papers, 
 which 18 now deposited in the library of Harvard college. It is a quarto 
 volume of five hundred pages. RoUe was in tlie sixty-seventh year of 
 his age when he was killed. His natural son, by an Indian woman who 
 )a^<J served him as a laundress, was also slain during the war. 
 
62 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 Yaughan of 'New Hampshire, who had often visited 
 that place as a trader, conceived the project of an 
 expedition against it. He communicated it to Gov- 
 ernor Shirley, and being ardent and enthusiastic, con- 
 vinced him that the enterprise was practicable, and 
 inspired him with his own enthusiasm. Early in Jan- 
 uary, 1745, before he received any answer to tho 
 communications he had sent to England on the sub- 
 ject, he requested of the members of the general 
 court, that they would lay themselves under an oath 
 of profound secrecy in regard to a proposal of very 
 great importance. They readily took the oath, and 
 he communicated to them the plan which he had 
 formed of attacking Louisbourg. The proposal was 
 at first rejected, but it was finally carried by a ma- 
 jority of one. Letters were immediately dispatcher 
 to all the colonies, as far as Pennsylvania, request 
 ing their assistance, and an embargo on their ports 
 Forces were promptly raised, and William Pepperreli 
 was appointed commander of the expedition. This 
 oflicer, with several transports, sailed from I^antucket 
 on the 24th of March, and arrived at Canso on the 
 4th of April. Here the troops, joined by those of 
 New Hampshire and Connecticut, amounting collec- 
 tively to upward of four thousand, were detained 
 three weeks, waiting for the ice, which environed the 
 island of Cape Breton, to be dissolved. At length 
 Commodore Warren, agreeably to orders from England, 
 arrived at Canso in the Snperbe, of sixty guns, with 
 three other ships of forty guns each ; and, after a 
 consultation with the general, proceeded to cruise 
 before Louisbourg. The general soon after sailed with 
 
SIEGE OF LOUrsBOURG. 63 
 
 the whole fleet ; and on the 30th of April, coming 
 to anchor at Ghapeaiironge Bay, landed his troops. 
 Lieutenant-colonel Vaughan conducted the first col- 
 umn through the woods within sight of Louis bourg, 
 and saluted the city with three cheers. At the head 
 of a detachment, chiefly of the New-Hampshire troops, 
 he marche<3|pi tfee night to the north-east part of the 
 harbor, where' they burned the warehouses containing 
 the naval stores, and staved a large quantity of wine 
 and brandy. The smoke of this fire, driven by the 
 wind into the grand battery, so terrified the French 
 that, spiking? the guns, they abandoned it and re- 
 tired to the city. The next morning, Yanghan took 
 possessicfn^ of the deserted battery; but the most 
 diflicult' labors of the siege remained to be performed. 
 TheC cannon were to be drawn nearly two miles over 
 a deep morass, within gun-shot of the enemy's prin- 
 cipal fortifications ; and for fourteen nights the troops, 
 with straps over their shoulders, sinking to their 
 knees in mud, were employed in this arduous ser- 
 vice. The approaches were then begun in the mode 
 which seemed most proper to the shrewd understand- 
 ings of untaught militia. Those ofiicers who were 
 skilled in the art of war, talked of zig-zags and 
 epaulements ; but the troops made themselves merry 
 with the terms, and proceeded in their own way. 
 By the 20th of May, they had erected five batteries, 
 one of which mounted five forty-two-pounders, and 
 did great execution. Meanwhile, the fleet cruising 
 in the harbor had been equally successful ; it cap- 
 tured a French ship of sixty -four guns, loaded with 
 stores for the garrison, to whom the loss was as 
 
64: ETHAN AifJEN AND GRMM«)irNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 distressing as to the, besiegers the capture was for- 
 tunate. English ships of war wei*e, besides, con- 
 tinually arriving, and added such strength to the 
 fleet, that a combined attack, upon the town was 
 resolved upon. Jm^%> 
 
 Discoui-aged by these adverse events and menacing 
 appearances, Duchambon, the French commander, 
 determined to surrender ; and, on the IGth of June, 
 1745, articles of capitulation were signed. After the 
 surrender of the city, the French flag was kept flying 
 on the ramparts, and several rich prizes were thus 
 decoyed. Two East-Indiamen, and one South Sea 
 ship, valued at six hundred thousand pounds, were 
 taken by the squadron at the mouth of the harbor. 
 This expedition was one of the most remarkable 
 events in the history, of North America. It was not 
 less hazardous in the attempt, than successful in the 
 execution. It displayed the enterprising spirit of 
 New England ; and though it enabled Britain to 
 purchase a peace, yet it excited her envy and jeal- 
 ousy against the colonies, by whose exertions it was 
 acquired. The intelligence of this event spread rap- 
 idly through the colonies, and difi*used universal joy. 
 "Well might the citizens of New England feel some- 
 what elated. Without even a suggestion from the 
 mother country, they had projected, and with but 
 comparatively little assistance achieved, an enterprise 
 of vast importance to her and to them. Their com- 
 merce and fisheries were now secure, and their 
 time cities relieved from all fear of attack fr 
 quarter recently so great a source of dread^ 
 discomfort. 
 
n 
 
 FEENCH FLEET DISPERSED. 65 
 
 • Fired with resenttnent at their loss, the French made 
 extraordinary exertions to retrieve it, and 4.0 inliict 
 chastisement on New England. The next summer 
 they dispatched to the American coast a powerful 
 fleet, carrying a large number of soldiers. The news 
 of its approach spread terror throughout New England 
 but an uncommon succession of disasters deprived it 
 of all power to inflict injury. After remaining a 
 short time on the coast, it returned *to France, hav- 
 ing lost two admirals, both of whom, it was supposed, 
 put an end to their lives through chagrin ; having 
 also, by tempests, been reduced to one-half of its 
 former force, without efie(4tin'g any of the objects 
 anticipated. 
 
 In former wars, several routes had been traversed 
 by the enemy in approaching the frontiers of the New- 
 England colonies from Canada. One by the river St. 
 Francis through Lake Memphremagog,* thence over 
 portages to the Pasumsic river, which empties into the 
 Connecticut at Barnet. Another was throuofh Lake 
 Champlain by the present town of AYhitehall, thence 
 up AVood or Pawit creek, and over the Green Moun- 
 tains to the Connecticut. Otter creek, the Winooski, 
 Lamoille and White rivers, emptying into Lake Cham- 
 plain, were also frequented routes in passing over the 
 Green Mountains to the corresponding rivers on its 
 eastern slope emptying into the Connecticut. All 
 portions of that territory were therefore familiifr^to the 
 
 ,* This lalce is thirty miles long, and two or three in width. It lies 
 ^S«4y inXai^a, but the south end extends into Vermont The Indian 
 words fibcirTB^ich its name is derived are Mem-plow-bouque, signifying 
 a lar<;e expanfje of water. — Sei> Thompson's Gazcttf^r. 
 
66 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 French, and as'Hhe scouting parties of the' English 
 were al^ penetrating northward to intercept the en- 
 emy, Vermont, w'hich had been the highway of war 
 parties, became the scene of many fierce and bloody 
 afirays. The French fortress of St. Frederick, (called 
 afterward, by the English, Crown Point,) afforded great 
 facilities for sudden and successful attacks upon the 
 English settlements. The history of a war on the fron- 
 tiers is little else than the recital of the exploits, the 
 sufferings, and the deliverance of individuals, of sin- 
 o^le families, or, at most, of small parties. The first 
 incursion of the Indians was at the "great meadow," 
 (now Putney, Vt.,) a few miles above Fort Dummer. 
 They killed a few individualsL-at various times, and 
 carried others into captivity. One i»ase of heroism is 
 mentioned with pride. Two Indians captured Wil- 
 liam Phipps in his field. After they had conducted 
 him some distance, the Indians being some distance 
 apart, Phipps knocked down the nearest Indian with 
 his hoe, and, seizing his gun, shot the other. But, on 
 returning to the fort, he fell into the hands of three 
 other Indians, who killed him. 
 
 In August, 1746, a party of nine hundred French 
 and Indians attacked Fort Massachusetts, near the 
 south-west corner of Vermont. The garrison consisted 
 of only twenty-two men, under the command of Ser- 
 geant Hawks. Notwithstanding the inferiority of 
 his force, this brave officer, knowing the character of 
 the French commander, resolved to defend the place 
 to the last extremity. Fur twenty-eight hours, with 
 small-arms onlj', and a scanty supply of^ ammunititm, 
 he resisted the efforts of the enemy, and kept them at 
 
HEROISM OF SERGEANT HAWKS. * 67 
 
 a respectful distance. Habituated to sharp-shooting, 
 the garrison singled out the assailants wherever they 
 exposed themselves, and brought tllem down at long 
 shot. Instances occurred in which the enemy were 
 thus killed, at the extraordinary distance of sixty 
 rods ; and they often fell when they supposed them- 
 selves in perfect security. Having at length expended 
 most of his ammunition, the brave commander reluc- 
 tantly consented to submit, and a capitulation was 
 agreed upon, by w^hich the garrison were to remain 
 prisoners of war until exchanged or redeemed, to be 
 humanely treated, and to be shielded from the cruelty 
 of the Indians. Vaudreuil, in violation of the articles 
 of capitulation, delivered one half of the captives into 
 the hands of the irritated Indians. Hawks* lost but 
 one man during the siege, but the enemy, according to 
 information afterward obtained, had forty-seven killed 
 or badlv wounded. 
 
 ■ In the mean time, Shirley, having effected the con- 
 quest of Louisbourg, which must ever remain one of 
 the hardiest enterprises recorded in military annals, 
 determined on the conquest of Canada. His plan, 
 like all previous ones for the accomplishment of that 
 purpose, contemplated a simultaneous attack on Queliec 
 by a fleet, and an expedition by the way of Lake 
 Champlain against Crown Point and Montreal. Like 
 the others, ill-success attended this enterprise. 
 
 * Sergeant Hawks rose to the rank of lieutenant-colonel in the army, 
 in the war of 1755, and was at the attack on Ticonderoa;a in 175R, and 
 with the army in the conquest of Canada. Bold, hardy, and enterprising-, 
 he acquired the confidence and esteem of his superior officers, and waa 
 intrusted with important commands. He was no less valued by the in- 
 habitants of Deerfitjld, liis native town, for his civil qualitiea 
 
68 • ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES 
 
 ^Early in the year 1747, the fort at Number Va.v 
 (now Charlestbwn,) near Fort Dummer, was attacked 
 by a party of three hundred French and Indian?, 
 under the command of a Frenchman named Debeline. 
 It was defended by Captain Phinehas Stevens, and 
 thirty men. The fort being constructed of combustible 
 materials, the enemy believed it possible to set it on 
 fire, and thereby compel the garrison to surrender 
 without further opposition. To effect this, the neigh- 
 borino^ fences, and a loo^ hut about forty rods to wind- 
 ward, were soon set on fire, and as the wind was 
 strong, the flames approached, and covered the fort 
 with a dense body of smoke, through which was heard 
 the terrifying yell of the savages, and a constant roar 
 of musketry. Undaunted, the brave little garrison 
 resolved to defend their post to the last extremity, 
 and a novel scheme was adopted to extinguish the 
 approaching flames, which now began to threaten its 
 destruction. By great exertions, no less than eleven 
 trencher, or subterranean galleries, were carried under 
 the walls, of such a depth that men standing in them 
 to extinguish the fire on the exterior walls, were 
 completely protected from the shot of the enemy. 
 Buckets of water, from a well within, were handed 
 to the men, who kept the parapet constantly moist- 
 ened. Several hundred barrels were thus expended, 
 and the fort rendered perfectly secure from the ap- 
 proaching flames. In the mean time, a brisk fire 
 was continued upon the enemy, when they could be 
 distinojuished throui^h the smoke. Thus baffled in 
 his plan, Debeline resolved to carry the place by 
 other means ; a sort of carriage was prepared, loaded 
 
DEFENSE OF NUMBER FOUR. 
 
 61) 
 
 with burning fagots, and forced toward the fort; 
 flamino- arrows were also tried, but his eftorts to lire 
 the pUice proved abortive. On the second day, De- 
 beline proposed a cessation of hostilities until sunrise 
 the next morning, to which Stevens assented ; and 
 in the morning, before the time had expired, Debeline 
 approached with fifty men, under a flag, which he 
 planted within twenty rods of the fort. A parley 
 was then agreed on, and Stevens admitted a lieutenant 
 and two men into the fort as hostages, and the same 
 number were sent out to Debeline, who demanded 
 that the garrison should lay down their arms, pack 
 up their provisions in blankets, surrender the fort, 
 and be conducted prisoners to Montreal; and Ste- 
 vens was requested to naeet him without the fort, 
 and give an answer. Stevens accordingly met the 
 French commander, but before he had time to retiyn 
 his answer, Debeline threatened that if the terms 
 were rejected, the fort should be stormed, and in case 
 any of his men should bd killed, the garrison should 
 be put to the sword. Stevens coolly replied, that 
 as he had been intrusted by his government with the 
 command of the fort, lie should hearken to no terms, 
 until he was satisfied that he could no longer defend 
 it. Stevens returned to the fort and found his men 
 unanimously determined to defend the place or die 
 In the attempt. This resolution w^as communicated 
 to the French commander about noon ; the hostages 
 were exchanged, and the firing was renef-ed with a 
 shout from the Indians, and it contil^ued until day- 
 light the next morning, when Stevens was familiarly 
 saluted with a ''good morning" from the enemy, and 
 
 • 
 
 • 
 
70 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 a proposition was made for a cessation of arms for 
 two hours. Soon after, two Indians approached with 
 a flag, and promised that if Stevens would sell them 
 provisions, they would leave the place without further 
 effi^rt^. In reply, they were told that five bushels of 
 corn would be given for each captive in Canada, for 
 whom they should give hostages, to remain until the 
 captives should be delivered. In the attack which 
 continued three days, thousands of balls were poured 
 upon the fort, yet not a man of the garrison was 
 killed, and only two wounded. Debeline, convinced 
 that he could not operate upon the fears of his enemy, 
 or gain possession of the place without an assault, 
 continued a distant fire a short time ; then reluctantly 
 withdrew from the fort. When the intelligence of 
 this brave defense was received at Boston, Commo- 
 dore Sir Charles Knowles, who happened to be at 
 that station, was so highly gratified at the conduct 
 of Stevens, that he sent him an elegant sword ; and 
 Number Four, when incorporated into a town in 
 1753, was called after the commodore^s name, Charles- 
 town. It should have been named after its heroic 
 defender. 
 
 Although bafiled in their attempt on ISTumber Four,* 
 Pebeline's forces remained on the frontiers, divided 
 into small parties, and were engaged in several severe 
 skirmishes with the hard}^ English pioneers. Fort 
 Dummer, Bridgman's fort, and others, were the scenes 
 of some of *these afirays. Others occurred with bands 
 
 * This was one of the four townships granted on the east side of tlie 
 df»nnecticut by Massachusetts, and then distinguished by no other name 
 ihan their number. 
 
BATTLE KTEAR FORT DUMMEK. 71 
 
 of colonial rangers, who made frequent excursions over 
 the Green Mountains, and sometimes to the vicinity 
 of Crown Point. One of these bands of rangers, con- 
 sisting of forty men, under the command of Captain 
 Ilobbs, met the enemy twelve miles west of .Fort 
 Dummer. The latter, one hundred and fifty in num- 
 ber, were commanded by a half-breed named Sackett. 
 Confident of victory from their immense superiority 
 in number, the enemy rushed up impetuously, but 
 were checked by the well-directed fire of Hobbs. The 
 two commanders had been known to each other in time 
 of peace, and were celebrated for their intrepidity. 
 Sackett, who could speak English, in a stentorian voice 
 frequently called upon Hobbs to surrender, and threat- 
 ened, in case of refusal, to rush in and sacrifice his 
 men with the tomahawk. Hobbs, in tones which shook 
 the forest, as often returned a defiance, and urged 
 his enemy to put his threat in execution. The action 
 continued with undaunted resolution, and, not unfre- 
 quently, the enemy approached Hobbs' line, but were 
 driven back to their first position, by the fatal fire 
 of his sharp-sighted marksmen ; and thus four hours 
 elapsed without either side giving up an inch of their 
 original ground. At. length, finding Hobbs determined 
 on death or victory, and that his own men had suffered 
 severely, Sackett ordered a retreat, carrying oft' his 
 dead and wounded, and leaving his antagonist to con- 
 tinue his march without further molestation. 
 
 In November, 1747, a descent was made upon Sara- 
 toga, where about thirty families were collected. A 
 party of French and Indians concealed themselves near 
 the fort at night. In the morning, a few of the Indians 
 
72 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 approached the fort, and were fired upon by the garri- 
 son as soon as they were discovered. The Indians, 
 pretending to be wounded, fell ; then rose up, and, run 
 ning a short distance, fell again. The English rushed 
 out to take them prisoners, when the French, who had 
 been concealed, surrounded and quickly disarmed them 
 Several were massacred and others were carried into 
 ca2:>tivity.* 
 
 The treaty of Aix-la-Chapelle, in 1748, again gave 
 peace to the colonies. Prisoners were to be released 
 on both sides without ransom, and all conquests 
 mutually restored. This war had been extremely 
 
 * This expedition was led by the Abbe Picqnet, a distinguished 
 jcvsuit missionary. He was born in 1708. He became very celebrated 
 in France, at an early age, and seemed rapidly winning his way to the 
 highest distinction in the church ; but the activity of his zeal induced hira 
 to become a missionary among the Indians. He came to America in 1733, 
 and remained thirty years. He established a mission at La Presentation, 
 (nrtw Ogdensburg,) where he also erected a fort. Mills, workshops and 
 trading-houses were completed in rapid succession. Beginning with only 
 six families in 1749, there were ninety the year following, and four hun- 
 dred in 1751. His industry and energy were remarkable. He labored 
 from three o'clock in the morning until nine ai night. His disinterest- 
 edness was extreme. He supported himself by his own exertions, having 
 a daily alhnvance of only two pounds of bread and a half-pound-of pork 
 from the government ; which caused the savages to say, on an occasion 
 when they gave him a deer and some partiidijes, "We doubt not, Father, 
 but that there have be^n disagreeable expostulations in your stomach, 
 because you have had nothing but pork to eat Here's somcthins: to 
 put yonr affairs in order." Picquet had the address to attach the Six Na- 
 tions to the French interests. Three thousand of these Indians were in 
 hK colony. He afterward distinguished him8elf in the war which re- 
 Bult'cd in the conq-iest of Canada. When, in 1760. he saw that all was 
 lost, he went to New Orleans by the way of the lakes and the Missis- 
 pippi, and about two years afterward he returned to France, and died ia 
 1781. 
 
FKB:NCU jb.'NCROACHMENTS. * 7o 
 
 disiistrous to the colonies. Many livee were lost, the 
 increase of population was checked, great losses were 
 sustained in the commercial interests of the country, 
 and a burdensome debt of several millions had been 
 incurred. "With the return of peace, however, com- 
 merce revived, the settlements began to extend, and 
 public credit was restored. 
 
 But only a brief interval of repose was allowed to 
 the colonies. In 1756, eight years from the peace of 
 Aix-la-Chapelle, Great Britain again declared war 
 against France, on the ground of the encroachments 
 of the French upon the English territories in America. 
 Some years previous to this war, the French had com- 
 menced a chain of posts, designed to extend from the 
 head of the St. Lawrence to the Mississippi, with a 
 view to maintain a communication between their 
 northern possessions and Louisiana. In 1750, the 
 English government granted a large tract of land on 
 the Ohio river to an association called the Ohio com- 
 pany, formed for the purpose of settling the country, 
 and carrying on a trade in furs with the Indians. The 
 French governor of Canada, apprehending both the 
 loss of the fur trade and the interruption of his com- 
 munications with Louisiana, claimed the whole country 
 between the Ohio and the Alleghanies, and prohibited 
 the further encroachments of the English. He also 
 opened a new communication between Lake Erie and 
 the Ohio, and stationed troops at posts along the line. 
 The Ohio company, thus threatened in their trade, 
 persuaded Governor Dinwiddle of Virginia, in 1753, 
 to send a remonstrance to the French commandant. 
 
 Geoege Washington was the bearer. The commandant 
 
 4 
 
74 . ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN nEEOKS. 
 
 returned for answer that he had taken possession of 
 the country by order of the governor-general of Can- 
 ada, whose orders alone he could regard. The British 
 government, on learning the claim set up by tho 
 French, directed the Virginians to resist it by force 
 In 1754, an expedition was conducted against tho 
 French by Washington ; but the superior force of the 
 enemy obliged him to capitulate, with the privilege of 
 returning with his troops to Virginia. This was prop- 
 erly the commencement of whit is commonly styled 
 the French war,, although the formal declaration was 
 not made till 1756. In the mean time, the British 
 government recommended the colonies to unite for 
 their common defense. A convention of delegates 
 from all the northern colonies accordingly met at Al- 
 bany in 1754, and adopted a plan of union ; but it 
 was rejected both by the provincial assemblies and by 
 the home government: by the former because it gave 
 too much power to the crown, and by the latter because 
 it gave too little. The substance of the plan was the 
 formation of a grand council, consioJ^ing of delegates 
 from the several colonies, subject to the control of a 
 president-general to be appointed by the crown, whose 
 assent should be essential to the adoption of any meas- 
 ure of policy. This council, it was proposed, should 
 have power to enact general laws, apportion the quotas 
 of men and money to be raised by each colony, deter- 
 mine the building of forts, regulate the operations of 
 armies, and concert all measures for their common 
 protection and safety. It is worthy of remark that this 
 plan of union was perfected on the fourth of July the 
 day which afterward became so memorable in our 
 
EXPEDITION AGAINST CROWN POINl. 75 
 
 history. In the spring of 1755, vigorous preparations 
 were made for carrying on the war. An expedition 
 under General Braddock, directed against the French 
 on the Ohio, was unfortunate. 0\^ing to the arrogance 
 and rashness of the commander, the British troops 
 were surprised and defeated, with great loss, by a very 
 inferior force of French and Indians. General Brad- 
 dock was mortally wounded, and the conduct of the 
 retreat devolved on Washington, who was in command 
 of the colonial militia, and by whom the army was 
 saved from total destruction. 
 
 In conn-ection with Braddock's expedition against 
 Fort Du Quesne, two others were concerted : one 
 against Fort Niagara and Frontignac, to be com- 
 manded by Governor Shirley of Massachusetts, and 
 one against Crown Point, to be commanded by Gen- 
 eral William Johnson. The former of these met with 
 BO many delays, that when it arrived at Oswego, the 
 season was so far advanced, that prudence forbade 
 the further prosecution of the enterprise. 
 
 The forces destined to attack Crown Point, with 
 the requisite military stores, could not be collected 
 at Albany until the last of August, 1755. Thence 
 the army under command of General Johnson, pro- 
 ceeded to the south end of Lake George,* designing 
 to proceed to the outlet of the lake at Ticonderoga, 
 and there erect a fort to aid in the operations against 
 Crown Point. There he learned that an armament, 
 fitted out in France, had eluded an English squadron 
 
 • Until this time the lake had been called St. Sacramei t, but Johnson 
 give it the nanie of Lake George. Recently, eflforts have been made 
 to restore to this beautiful lake the original Indian name of Uoricon. 
 
76 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 sent to intercept it, and had arrived at Quebec; and 
 that Baron Dieskau, commander of the French forces, 
 was rapidly advancing to the defense of Crown Point. 
 Fin ling that no imniediate attack would be made by 
 the English, and being informed that Johnson's camp 
 was not strongly fortilied, Dieskau resolved on march- 
 ing toward tiie English lines. An express that had 
 been sent out by Johnson, returned about midnight, 
 bringing word that the enemy was within four miles 
 of Fort Edward, apparently intending to attack that 
 post. It was probably only a detached party of In- 
 dians that had been seen by the express. This mis- 
 information caused a severe disaster. A council of 
 officers was assembled, who advised that a force 
 should be sent to intercept the enemy, whether de- 
 feated or victorious, when on his way back from Fort 
 Edward. Colonel Ephraim Williams, with a thousand 
 troops, and Hendrick, a celebrated Indian chief, with 
 two hundred Indians, were accordingly detached for 
 this purpose, on the morning of September 8th. They 
 had proceeded but four miles, when they encountered 
 the enemy. Dieskau, informed by his runners of 
 their approach, had halted and prepared for their 
 reception, forming his forces in a semicircle, the ends 
 of which were far in advance of the center, and con- 
 cealed from view by the forest. Into this ambuscade 
 the detachment marched, wholly unsuspicious that 
 any enemy was within several miles. Suddenly the 
 war-whoop resounded in every direction, and a gall- 
 ing fire was Opened all along the front and left side 
 of the column. Williams, to obtain a more defensible 
 position, ordered his men to ascend the rising ground 
 
VICrOKY OF GEMERAL JOHNSON. 77 
 
 on their right. But this only brought them upon tho 
 other wing of the French line. Both Williams and 
 Ilendrick, with numbers of their followers, fell, and 
 a confused retreat ensued. A large portion of these 
 troops were from western Massachusetts, and there 
 were few families in that district who did not mourn 
 the loss of relatives or friends who were cut off in 
 " the bloody morning scout at Lake George," as this 
 encounter was familiarly designated."^ 
 
 As the firing came nearer, it was manifest that 
 Williams was defeated ; and three hundred men un- 
 der Colonel Cole, were sent out to cover the retreat. 
 The discomfited soldiers soon began to arrive in large 
 bodies, and at length, Dieskau's troops made their 
 appearance. The order and regularity with which 
 the grenadiers advanced in platoons, with their bur- 
 nished muskets glittering in the sun, we can readily 
 imagine caused no small trepidation among the raw 
 troops of which Johnson's force was composed. Portu 
 nately, a considerable pause was made by the French 
 before commencing the attack, enabling the men 
 measurably to recover from their panic, and w^heu 
 once engaged, they fought with the calmness and 
 resolution of veterans. The camp was assailed by 
 the grenadiers in front, and by the Canadians and 
 Indians upon both flanks. But a few discharges of 
 artillery against these last, caused them to fall back 
 and secrete themselves behind locrs and trees, frc»m 
 whence they afterward maintained only an irregular 
 and nearly harmless fire. General Johnson being 
 wounded, was compelled to retire to his tent, and 
 
 • Fitch's History of Washington Couuty 
 
78 ETUAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 the command subsequently devolved upon General 
 Lyman, who several times stationed himself in front 
 of the breastwork, the better to inspirit the men and 
 direct their movements. For nearly four hours the 
 battle lasted ; and the assailed still standing firm at 
 every point, Dieskau was constrained to order a re- 
 treat. This order appears to have been obeyed with 
 more alacrity than any that had. been given for some 
 time previous. So hastily did the men withdraw, 
 that their leader, having been wounded in his foot, 
 was unable to keep pace with them. Reclining 
 against a stump to obtain temporary relief from his 
 pain and fatigue, he was discovered by a provincial 
 soldier. Dieskau, to propitiate the soldier, was about 
 drawing out his watch to present to him ; whereupon 
 the soldier, deeming he was searching for a pistol, 
 discharged his musket at the baron, giving him a 
 grievous wound in the hip, of which he died twelve 
 years afterward. The French retreated to the ground 
 where the forenoon engagement had occurred, and 
 there paused for the night, searching out the bodies 
 of the slain, and rifling them of whatever they found 
 of value upon them.* 
 
 This victory revived the spirits of the colonists, 
 depressed by the recent defeat of General Braddock; 
 but the success was not improved by General John- 
 son. With an apathy quite unaccountable, he failed 
 to follow up his victory, and drive the French from 
 Lake Champlain, as he might easily have done. The 
 remainder of the campaign was employed in the 
 erection of Fort William Henry, at the head of Liiko 
 
 • Fitch's History of Washington County 
 
REVIEW OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1755. 79 
 
 ueorge. In the fall his army was discharged, with 
 the exception of six hundred men who occupied the 
 forts on the frontier. The French retained possession 
 of Ticonderoga,* and fortilied it. Thus ended the 
 campaign of 1755. It opened with the brightest pros- 
 pects: immense preparations had been made, yet 
 not one of the objects of the three principal expe- 
 ditions had been attained ; and, by this failure, the 
 whole frontier was exposed to the ravages of the 
 Indians, which were accompanied by their usual acts 
 of barbarity. The expedition under Braddock had 
 been conducted with extreme imprudence and rash- 
 ness, and had terminated in defeat and disgrace. 
 The movement against Niagara, under Shirley, had 
 been too extensive in its plan to be concluded in one 
 campaign ; and at the northward. Baron Dieskau had 
 given Johnson an opportunity to gain a victory 
 without leaving his camp or exposing himself to 
 danger. 
 
 The army under General Johnson, on the frontiers 
 of New York, although it checked incursions to the 
 north-west quarter of Massachusetts, afforded but lit- 
 tle security to the frontiers on Connecticut river. 
 The St. Francis tribe of Indians, commanding an 
 easy route through Lake Memphremagog and several 
 neighboring streams, made frequent inroads, and killed 
 many persons. But the most disastrous affair that 
 occurred on Connecticut river, was at Bridgman's 
 
 • The original Indian name was Cheonderoga, signifying noisy, in 
 reference to the rush of waters at the outlet of Lake George. It wai 
 at Hrst called by the French Carillon, a word having the same signifi- 
 e7*«on as the Indian name. 
 
80 ETHAN ALLEN AND GliEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 Fort. A fortified house had been destroyed at the 
 same place in 1747, and anotlier was built soon after, 
 and is still standing in Vernon, Yt. The Indians 
 found the men belonging to this fort at work in a field, 
 and shot them. Throe women, with eleven children, 
 were taken prisoners and carried to Crown Point. 
 
 Another band of Indians, the year previous, had 
 captured several persons at Number Four, and had 
 taken them to Canada. Among these prisoners was a 
 Mrs. Johnson, who, on the second day's journey, gave 
 birth to a daughter, and named her Captive.* In 
 this critical situation, she had little hope of escaping 
 the hatchet; but, contrary to their usual conduct, the 
 Indians treated her and her infant with tenderness, 
 carrying them part of their route on a litter, and 
 they took much pains in nursing the infant. After 
 a painful captivity, this little band of sufierers was 
 ransomed, and returned again to their friends. 
 
 The colonies, considerably encouraged by the results 
 of the campaign of 1755, determined to renew and 
 increase their exertions. General Shirley, to whom 
 the superintendence of all the military operations 
 
 * Captive Johnson was uiarried to Colonel George Kimball, and was 
 
 still living a few years ago. At Vernon, near where she was born, a 
 
 monunient has been erected, on which is the following inscription : " This 
 
 is near the spot that the Indians encamped the night after they took 
 
 Mr. Johnson and family, Mr. Labaree and Mr. Farnsworth, August 30t.h, 
 
 1754, and Mrs. Johnson was delivered of her child half a mile up this 
 
 brook. 
 
 "When trouble is near the Lord is kind, 
 
 He hears the Captive's cry ; 
 
 He can subdue the savage mind, 
 
 And learn it sympathy." 
 
 [^ee Tliompson*)i Gairteer. 
 
OPENING OF THE CAMPAIGN OF 1756. 81 
 
 had been confided, assembled a council of war at 
 New York, to concert a plan for the ensuing year. 
 He proposed that expeditions should be carried on 
 against Du Quesne, Niagara, and Crown Point, and 
 that a body of troops should be sent, by the way 
 of the riv^ers Kennebec and Chaudiere, to alarm the 
 French for the safety of Quebec. This plan was 
 unanimously adopted by the council. Shirley, on the 
 last of January, returned to Boston to meet the as- 
 sembly of Massachusetts, of which colony he was 
 governor. He endeavored to persuade them to con- 
 cur in the measures proposed ; but, disgusted with 
 the proceedings of the last campaign, and especially 
 at General Johnson for neglecting to pursue his ad- 
 vantages, they were unwilling to engage in offensive 
 operations, unless the command of their forces should 
 be given to General Winslow, who had acquired 
 popularity by his success in Nova Scotia. Their 
 wishes were complied with, and their concurrence 
 was then granted. In April, news arrived from 
 Great Britain, that the conduct of General Johnson, 
 instead of being censured, was considered highly 
 meritorious ; that, as a reward for his success, the 
 king had conferred upon him the title of baronet, 
 and parliament a grant of five thousand pounds 
 sterling; that his majesty disapproved of the conduct 
 of Shirley, and had determined to remove hira from 
 command. This information not being ofticial. Gen- 
 eral Shirley continued his preparations with his imual 
 activity and zeal. While engaged in collecting at 
 Albany, the troops from the difierent colonies, General 
 "Webb brought from England, ofticial information of 
 
82 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 his removal. On the 25th of June, General Aber- 
 cronibie arrived and took command of the army. 
 It now consisted of about twelve thousand men, and 
 was more numerous, and better prepared for the field, 
 than any army that had ever been assembled in 
 America. 
 
 The change of commanders delayed the operations 
 of the English army. The French were active ; and 
 on the 12th of July, General Abercrombie received 
 intelligence that they meditated an attack upon 
 Oswego, a post of the utmost importance. General 
 Webb was ordered to prepare to march with a regi- 
 ment for the defense of that place. In the mean 
 time. Lord Loudon, who had been appointed com- 
 mander-in-chief over all the British forces in the 
 colonies, arrived in America. Amidst the ceremo- 
 nies which followed, the affairs of the war were for- 
 gotten. General Webb did not begin his march until 
 the 12th of August. Before he had proceeded far, 
 he learned that Oswego was actually besieged by a 
 large army of French and Indians. Alarmed for his 
 own safety, he proceeded no further, but employed 
 his troops in erecting fortifications for their defense. 
 General Montcalm, the commander of the French 
 troops in Canada, began the siege of Oswego on the 
 12th of August. On the 14th, the English commander 
 having been killed, terms of surrender were proposed 
 by the garrison, and w^ere agreed to. These terms 
 were shamefully violated. Several of the British offi- 
 cei*8 and soldiers were insulted, robbed, and massa- 
 cred by the Indians. Most of the sick were scalped 
 ia the hospitals, and the French general delivered 
 
CLOSE OF THE aV^IPAIGN OF 1756. 83 
 
 twenty of the garrison to the savages, that being the 
 number they had lost during the siege. Those un- 
 happy persons were, doubtless, according to the Indian 
 custom, tortured and burnt. In this expedition the 
 French took fourteen hundred prisoners, and an im- 
 mense quantity of provisions and munitions of war. 
 General Webb was permitted to retreat, unmolested, to 
 Albany. Lord Loudon pretended it was now too late 
 in the season to attempt any thing further, though 
 the troops under General Winslow were within a few 
 days' march of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and 
 were sufficient in number to justify an attack upon 
 those places. He devoted the remainder of the season 
 to making preparations for an early and vigoro 
 campaign the ensuing year.. This spring had opened 
 with still more brilliant prospects than the last ; and 
 the season closed without the occurrence of a single 
 event that w^as honorable to the British arms, or 
 advantageous to the colonies. This want of success 
 was justly attributed to the removal of the provincial 
 officers, who were well acquainted with the theater 
 of operations, but whom the ministry, desirous of 
 checking the growth of talents in the colonies, were 
 unwilling to employ. Yet the several assemblies, 
 though they saw themselves thus slighted, and their 
 money annually squandered, made all the prepara- 
 tions that were required of them for the next campaign. 
 In the campaign of 1756, two persons, who were 
 destined to win imperishable honor in the war of the 
 Revolution, received their first military discipline. 
 These were Israel Putnam and John Stark. Thero 
 were no great engagements during the year in which 
 
84: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROKS. 
 
 they could distinguish themselves ; but in the arduous 
 duties oi sco^cts or rangers, they were eminently useful, 
 and were soon found to be foremost among the skillful, 
 active and daring. In January, 1757, Major Rogers, 
 in whose company of rangers Stark* was a lieutenant, 
 was ordered on'a reconnoitering expedition down Lake 
 .George toward Ticonderoga. Traveling now on the 
 
 * Stark was born in New Hampshire, August 28th, 1728. His early 
 life was one of great hardship. In 1752, he was taken prisoner by the 
 Indiana "While on a hunting excursion with three other persons, far to 
 the north of the English settlements on the Connecticut, and while sep- 
 arated from his companions, he was seized by a party of ten Indians. 
 On being questioned about his companions, he pointed in a direction 
 opposite to that which they had taken, and thus succeeded in leading the 
 Indians two miles out of the way. His companions, unfortunately, be- 
 coming alarmed at his absence, and ignorant of its cause, fired several 
 guns as a signal to him. This betrayed them to the savages. But John 
 had the courage, as the Indians were coming up to them, to hail them 
 and urge them to escape. While they were retreating, four Indians fired 
 upon them, but, at the moment of the discharge, John stnick the guns 
 of two, and his brother William was by this means enabled to escape. 
 John was severely beaten for this. When the Indians returned to St 
 Francis, the captives were compelled to "run the gauntlet." One of 
 them was severely beaten ; but Stai-k snatched a hatchet from the nearest 
 Indian, and attacked with great fury all who attempted to strike him. 
 This pleased the old men of the tribe, and won Stark much favor. He 
 appears to have caught the humor of the Indians, and to have known 
 how to approach them on the side of their prejudices. On one occasion, 
 he was ordered by them to hoe their corn. Well aware that they regarded 
 labor of this kind as fit only for squaws and slaves, he took care to cut 
 up tlie corn and spare the weeds, in order to give them a suitable idea 
 (A his want of skill in unmanly labor. As this experiment upon their 
 good nature did not s^nswer its desired object, he threw his hoe into tho 
 river, declaring " it was the business not of warriors, but of squaws to 
 hoe com." This spirited deportment gained him the title of "young 
 chief," and the honor of adoption into tho tribe.— See EveretCs L\fe </ 
 Staik. 
 
STARK IN BA'ITLE. S5 
 
 ice and now oil snow-shoes, they, on the third day, 
 crossed to Lake Champlain, and seeing some sleds 
 approach, hastened toward and captured some of 
 them. From the prisoners they learned there was a 
 large force at Ticonderoga. Knowing that those who 
 escaped would convey intelligence which would speed- 
 ily bring out an overwhelming company in pursuit of 
 him, Kogers directed an immediate return to Fort 
 William Henry. On their way back, tramping over 
 the snow in single file, as the foremost men gained the 
 summit of a hill, they unexpectedly found themselves 
 close upon two hundred of the enemy, who were drawn 
 up in a semicircle to receive them. The rangers re- 
 coiled before the tire that blazed in their very faces, 
 and crimsoning the snow with their blood, they reached 
 the rear under Stark, who was fifteen rods distant on 
 the summit of another hill. They here formed their 
 line, and firmly stood, in snow four feet in depth, and 
 rej^elled every attack of the enemy from two o'clock 
 until nightfall. Rogers, wounded upon the head, and 
 by a bullet through his wrist, was so disabled tiiat the 
 entire command devolved on Stark. At sunset, some 
 of the men suggested that they ought to make their 
 escape before the piercing cold of the winter's niglit 
 closed upon them ; but Stark, standing himself where 
 the shot fell thickest, and knowing that their safety 
 depended on maintaining their ground till after dark, 
 threat'med to shoot the first man who should attempt 
 to fly. Evening came, and the French now abandoned 
 the combat, and withdrew, leaving half their numbei 
 scattered upon the trampled and blood-stained snow 
 of the hill-side, sleeping that sle^p that know? no 
 
86 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 waking. Forty-eight of the rangers remained im- 
 wounded, and the company now dragged themselves 
 through the woods and snow the livelong night, 
 reaching the shore of Lake George in the morning. 
 All were now quite exhausted with their fatigues, and 
 the wounded were wholly nnable to advance further 
 on foot. Stark hereupon generously offered to travel 
 with two others to Fort William Henry, at the opposite 
 end of the lake, and obtain sleds for convevincr the 
 wounded. He accordingly departed, and reached the 
 fort in the evening. The sleds being procured, he 
 immediately set out with them to return to his com- 
 rades, traveling all night and arriving at their bivouac 
 upon the following morning. And finally he drew a 
 loaded sleigh back to the fort, reaching there in the 
 evening. He thus stood out three days and two nights 
 of severe and incessant toil, engaged for nearly four 
 hours in a hot combat, and the remainder of the time 
 in traveling over snow and ice. Such was the future 
 hero of Eennington. 
 
 At the commencement of the year 1757, a council 
 was held at Boston, composed of Lord Loudon and 
 the colonial governors. At this council, his lordship 
 proposed that New England should raise four thousand 
 troops for the coming campaign, and that New York 
 and New Jersey should supply a proportionate number. 
 These requisitions were complied with, and in the 
 spring he found himself at the head of a very consid- 
 erable army. Admiral Holborn arrived at Halifax in 
 July, with a powerful squadron, and a reinforcement of 
 ^VQ thousand men under the command of Lord Howe. 
 Lord Loudon sailed from New York with six thousand 
 
CAMPAIGN OF 1757. 87 
 
 regulars to join these troops at the place of their ar- 
 rival. Instead of the complex operations undertaken 
 in previous campaigns, he limited his plan to a single 
 object. Leaving the posts on Lake Champlain strongly 
 garrisoned, he resolved to direct his whole disposable 
 force against Louisbourg; Halifax having been deter- 
 mined on as the place of rendezvous for the fleet and 
 army destined for the expedition. Information was 
 soon received, however, that a French fleet had lately 
 sailed from Brest ; that Louisbourg was garrisoned by 
 six thousand regulars exclusive of provincials ; and 
 that it was also defended by seventeen line-of-battle 
 ships which were moored in the harbor. There being 
 no hope of success against so formidable a force, the 
 enter})rise was deferred until the next year ; Loudon 
 proceeded to ^New York, and the colonial troops were 
 dismissed. 
 
 The Marquis de Montcalm, availing himself of the 
 absence of the principal part of the English force, 
 advanced with an army of nine thousand men, and 
 laid siege to Fort William Henry. Montcalm had 
 won a distinguished reputation on the continent of 
 Europe, and had met with extraordinary success in 
 America. The conquest of Oswego had raised his 
 fame among the Indians, and given him the command 
 of almost all their tribes and commerce. He pursued 
 the advantages he had gained, with much discretion. 
 The garrison at Fort William Henry consisted of be- 
 tween three and four thou^^and regulars under the 
 command of Colonel Monroe, and its fortiflcationa 
 -were strong and in good order; and for the additional 
 security of this important post. General Webb was 
 
88 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 stationed at Fort Edward with an army of four thou- 
 sand men. The French commander, however, urged 
 his approaches with such vigor, that, within six days 
 after the investment of the fort. Colonel Monroe, the 
 commandant, having in vain solicited succor from Gen- 
 eral Webb, found it necessary to surrender by capitula- 
 tion. The garrison was to be allowed the honors of 
 war, and to be protected against the Indians until 
 within the reach of Fort Edward ; but the next morn- 
 ing, a great number of Indians, having been permitted 
 to enter the lines, began to plunder ; and meeting with 
 no opposition, they fell upon the sick and wounded, 
 whom they immediately massacred. Their appetite 
 for carnage being excited, the defenseless troops were 
 attacked with fiend-like fury. Monroe in vain im- 
 plored Montcalm to provide the stipulated guard, and 
 .the massacre proceeded. All was turbulence and 
 horror. On every side savages were butchering and 
 scalping their wretched victims. Their hideous yells, 
 the groans ^of the dying, and the frantic shrieks of 
 others shrinking from the uplifted tomahawk, were 
 heard by the French unmoved. The fury of the sav- 
 ages was permitted to rage without restraint until 
 fifteen hundred were killed, or hurried captives into 
 the wilderness. The day after this awful tragedy, 
 Major Putnam* was sent with his rangers to watch 
 
 • Israel Putnam was born at Salem, Massachusetts, Januaiy 7th, 1718. 
 Courage, enterprise, activity and perseverance were his prominent char- 
 acteristics. He was also distinguished for a faithful discharge of all the 
 duties of his station, and for the most undeviating principles of honor, 
 humanity and benevolence. Ii 1739, he removed to Pomfret, Connect- 
 icut, where he applied himself to agricultural pursuits until the openins: 
 
MASSACRE AT FORT WILLIAM KFNRT. 89 
 
 the motions of the enemy. When he came to the 
 shore of the hike, their rear was hardly beyond the 
 reacli of musket shot. The prospect was horrible in 
 the extreme ; the fort demolished ; the barracks and 
 buildings yet burning ; innumerable fragments of hu- 
 man carcasses still broiling in the decaying fires ; and 
 dead bodies, mangled with tomahawks and seal ping- 
 knives, in all the wantonness of Indian barbarity, 
 were everywhere scattered around. Who can forbear 
 exclaiming with the poet, 
 
 " Man is to man the surest, sorest ill I " 
 
 Thus. ended the third campaign in America; happily 
 forming the last of a series of disasters resulting from 
 folly and mismanagement, rather than from want of 
 means and military strength. The successes of the 
 French left the colonies in a gloomy state. By the ac- 
 quisition of Fort William Henry, they had obtained full 
 possession of the Lakes Champlain and George ; and 
 by the destruction of Oswego, they had acquired the 
 dominion over those other lakes which connect the St. 
 Lawrence with the waters of the Mississippi. The first 
 afforded the easiest admission from the northern colo- 
 nies into Canada, or from Canada into those colonies; 
 the last united Canada to Louisiana. By the continued 
 possession of Fort Du Quesne, they preserved their 
 ascendancy over the Indians, and held undisturbed 
 
 of the war with the French in 1755, when he waa appointed to the com- 
 mand of a company of rangers. His hardy and adventurous disposition 
 always led him to the post of the greatest fatigue and danger, and he 
 often came near falling into the hands of the enemy, or being slain in 
 his frequent skirmishes with them. His services during the campaign 
 of 1756, had been rewarded by promotion to tlie rank of major 
 
90 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 control of the country west of the Alleghany moun- 
 tains. The British nation was alarmed and indignant, 
 and the king found it necessary to change his councils. 
 At the head of the new ministry, he placed the cele- 
 brated William Pitt, afterward earl of Chatham, who 
 was raised by his talents from the humble post of 
 ensign in the guards, to the control of the destinies of 
 a mighty empire ; under his administration public con- 
 fidence revived, and the nation seemed inspired with 
 new life and vigor. He was equally popular in both 
 hemispheres ; and so promptly did the governors of 
 the northern colonies obey the requisitions of his cir' 
 cular letter of 1757, that by May, in the following year, 
 Massachusetts had seven thousand, Connecticut five 
 thousand, and Kew Hampshire three thousand troops, 
 prepared to take the field. The zeal of Massachusetts 
 was particularly ardent. The people of Boston en- 
 dured taxes which took away two-thirds of the income 
 on real estate ; one-half of the effective men in the 
 province were on some sort of military duty ; and the 
 transports for carrying the troops to Halifax were 
 ready to sail in fourteen days from the time of their 
 engagement. The mother country was not less active. 
 While her fleets blockaded or captured the French 
 armaments, she dispatched Admiral Boseawen to 
 Halifax with a formidable squadron of ships, and an 
 army of twelve thousand men. Lord Loudon was 
 replaced by General Abercrombie, who, early in the 
 spring of 1758, was ready to enter upon the campaign 
 at the head of fifty thousand men, the most powerful 
 army ever yet seen in America. 
 Li the winter of 1757, when Colonel Haviland wav 
 
PUTNAM CONQUERINQ FIEE. 91 
 
 comrnandant at Fort Edward, the barracks adjoining 
 the north-west bastion, took tire. They stood but twelve 
 feet tVoin the magazine, which contained three hundred 
 barrels of powder. On its first discovery, the fire raged 
 with great violence. The commandant endeavored in 
 vain, hy discharging some pieces of heavy artillery 
 against the supporters of this range of barracks, to 
 level them with the ground. Putnam arrived from an 
 island where he was stationed, at the moment when 
 the blaze approached that end which was contiguous 
 to the magazine. With the promptness, energy and 
 daring that always characterized him, Putnam at once 
 made a vigorous attempt to extinguish the conflagra- 
 tion. A way was opened by the postern gate to the 
 river, and the soldiers were employed in bringing 
 water, which he, having mounted on a ladder to the 
 eaves of the building, received and threw upon the 
 flame. It continued, notwithstanding their utmost 
 efforts, to gain upon them. He stood, enveloped in 
 smoke, so near the sheet of fire, that a pair of blanket 
 mittens was burnt entirely from his hands. He was 
 suppl'.ed with another pair dipped in water. Colonel 
 Ilaviland, fearing that he would perish in the flames, 
 called to him to come down ; but he entreated that he 
 might be suffered to remain, since destruction must 
 inevitably ensue if their exertions should be remitted. 
 The gallant commandant, not less astonished than 
 charmed at the boldness of his conduct, forbade any 
 more effects to be carried out of the fort, animated the 
 men to redoubled diligence, and exclaimed, ''If we 
 must be blown up, w'e will all go together." At last, 
 when the barracks were seen to be tumbling, Putnam 
 
92 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 descended, placed himself at the magazine, and contin 
 ued, from an incessant rotation of replenished buckets, to 
 pour water upon its blazing walls. The outside planks 
 were already consumed by the proximity of the fire, and 
 as only one thickness of timber intervened, the trepi 
 dation now became general and extreme. Putnam, 
 still undaunted, covered with a cloud of cinders, and 
 scorched with the intensity of the heat, maintained his 
 position until the fire subsided, and the danger was 
 over. He had contended for one hour and a half with 
 that terrible element. His legs, his thighs, his arms, 
 and his face were blistered ; and when he pulled off 
 his second pair of mittens, the skin from his hands 
 and fingers followed them. It was a month before he 
 recovered. The commandant, to whom his merits had 
 before endeared him, could not stifle the emotions of 
 gratitude due to the man who had been instrumental 
 in preserving the magazine, the fort, and the garrison. 
 
 Three points of attack were involved in the cam- 
 paign of 1758 : Louisbourg, Ticonderoga, and Da 
 Quesne. General Amherst conducted the enterprise 
 against Louisbourg with an army of fourteen thousand 
 men. Pi-eparations had been made on such an ex- 
 tensive scale, that the commander at Louisbourg soon 
 saw that all resistance would be in vain, and he 
 accepted terms of capitulation. The command of the 
 St. LawTence was by this surrender placed in the 
 hands of the English. The expedition against Fort 
 Du Quesne was equally successful ; the garrison es- 
 caping down the Ohio, the evening before the arrival 
 of the British army. 
 
 The army destined to execute the plans against 
 
STORMING OF TICONDKROGA. 93 
 
 Ticonderoga, was commanded by General Abercrom- 
 bie, and consisted of more than fifteen thousand men, 
 attended by a formidable train of artillery. Early 
 in July, the general embarked bis troops on Lake 
 George, and commenced operations against Ticonde- 
 roga. After debarkation at the landing-place, in a 
 cove on the west side of the lake, the troops were 
 formed into four columns, the British in the center, 
 and the provincials on the flanks. In this order they 
 marched toward the advanced guard of the French, 
 which, consisting of one battalion only, posted in a 
 logged camp — destroyed what was in their power, and 
 made a precipitate retreat. While Abercrombie was 
 continuing his march in the woods toward Ticonde- 
 roga, the columns were thrown into confusion, and 
 in some degree entangled with each other. At this 
 juncture, Lord Howe, at the head of the right cen- 
 ter column, fell in with a part of the advanced guard 
 of the enem}^, which had been lost in the wood in 
 retreating from Lake George, and immediately at- 
 tacked and dispersed it, killing a considerable num- 
 ber, and taking one hundred and forty-eight prisoners. 
 This success was attended by the loss of the gallant 
 nobleman, who fell in leading the attack. The English 
 army, without further opposition, took possession of 
 a post within two miles of Ticonderoga. Abercrom- 
 bie, having learned from the prisoners the strength 
 of the enemy at that fortress, and, from an engineer, 
 the condition of their works, resolved on an imme- 
 diate storm, and made instant disposition for an as- 
 sault. The troops having received orders to march 
 up briskly, rush upon the enemy's fire, and reserve 
 
 [ytUf 
 
94 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 their own till they had passed a breastwork, marched 
 to the assault with great intrepidity. Unlooked-for 
 impediments, however, occurred. In front of the 
 breastwork, to a considerable distance, trees had been 
 felled with their branches outward, many of which 
 were sharpened to a point, by means of which the 
 assailants were not only retarded in their advance, 
 but, becoming entangled among the boughs, were ex- 
 posed to a very galling fire. Finding it impracti- 
 cable to pass the breastwork, which was eight or nine 
 feet high, and much stronger than had been repre- 
 sented, General Abercrombie, after a contest of near 
 four hours, ordered a retreat, and the next day re- 
 sumed his former camp on the south side of Lake 
 George. In this brave but ill-judged assault, nearly 
 two thousand of the assailants were killed and 
 wounded, while the loss of the enemy, who were 
 covered during the whole action, was inconsiderable. 
 General Abercrombie immediately recrossed Lake 
 George, and entirely abandoned the project of cap- 
 turing Ticonderoga. 
 
 In the month of August, five hundred men were 
 employed, under the orders of Majors Rogers and 
 Putnam, to watch the motions of the enemy near 
 Ticonderoga. At South Bay they separated the party 
 into two equal divisions, and Rogers took a position 
 on "Wood creek, twelve miles distant from Putnam. 
 Upon being, some time afterward, discovered, they 
 formed a reunion, and concerted measures for return- 
 ing to Fort Edward. Their march through the woods 
 was in three divisions, by files : the right commanded 
 by Rogv:;rs, the left by Putnam, and the center by 
 
CAPTURE OF pltnam; 95 
 
 Captain D' Ell. At the moment of moving, the 
 famous French partisan, Molang, who had been sent 
 with five hundred men to intercept their party, was 
 not more than one mile and a half distant from them. 
 Major Putnam was just emerging from the thicket, 
 into the common forest, when the enemy rose, and, 
 with discordant yells and whoops, commenced an 
 attack upon the right of his division. Surprised, 
 but undismayed, Putnam halted, returned the fire, 
 and passed the word for the other divisions to ad- 
 vance to his support. D'Ell came. The action^ 
 though widely scattered, and principally fought be- 
 tween man and man, soon grew general, and intensely 
 warm. 
 
 Major Putnam, perceiving it would be impracticable 
 to cross the creek in his rear, determined to maintain 
 his ground. Inspired by his example, the officers and 
 men behaved with great bravery ; sometimes they 
 fought collectively in open view, and sometimes in- 
 dividually under cover : taking aim from behind the 
 bodies of trees, and acting in a manner independent 
 of each other. For himself, having discharged his 
 fusee several times, at length it missed fire, while 
 the muzzle was pressed against the breast of a large 
 and well-proportioned savage. This warrior, availing 
 himself of the indefensible attitude of his adversary, 
 with a tremendous war-whoop, sprang forward with 
 his lifted hatchet, and compelled him to surrender; 
 and, having disarmed and bound him fast to a tree, 
 returned to the battle. 
 
 The intrepid Captains, D'Ell and Ilarman, who 
 now commanded, were forced to give ground, for a 
 
DG ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN7MOTJNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 little distance ; the savages, conceiving this to be tho 
 certain harbinger of victory, rushed impetuously on, 
 with dreadful and redoubled cries. But the two 
 partisans, collecting a handful of brave men, gave 
 the pursuers so warm a reception, as to oblige them, 
 in turn, to retreat a little beyond the spot at which 
 the action had commenced. Here they made a stand. 
 Tliis change of ground placed the tree to which 
 Putnam was tied, directly between the hottest fire of 
 the two parties. Human imagination can hardly 
 figure to itself a more deplorable situation. The balls 
 flew incessantly from either side ; many struck the tree, 
 while some passed through the sleeves and skirts of 
 his coat. In this state of jeopardy, unable to move 
 his body, to stir his limbs, or even to incline his 
 head, he remained more than an hour — so equally 
 balanced, and so obstinate was the fight! At one 
 moment, while the battle swerved in favor of the 
 enemy, a young savage chose an odd way of dis- 
 playing his humor. He found Putnam bound — he 
 might have dispatched him at a single blow — but he 
 loved better to excite the terrors of the prisoner, by 
 hurling a tomahawk at his head ; or rather, it would 
 seem, his object was to see how near he could throw 
 it without touching him. The weapon stuck in the 
 tree a number of times, at a hair's breadth distance 
 from the mark. When the Indian had finished his 
 amusement, a French officer, perceiving Putnam, came 
 up to him, and, leveling a fusee within a foot of his 
 breast, attempted to discharge it — it mj|sed fire. In- 
 effectually did , the intended victim solicit the treat- 
 ment due to his situation, by repeating that ho was 
 
PDTNAM IN CAPTIVITY. 97 
 
 a prjfioner of war. The degenerate Frenchman, dead 
 to sensibility, violently and repeatedly pushed the 
 muzzle of the gun against Putnam's ribs, and finally 
 gave him a cruel blow on his jaw with the butt-end 
 of his piece. After this dastardly deed he left him. 
 At length, the active intrepidity of D'Ell and Ilar- 
 man, seconded by the persevering valor of their fol- 
 lowers, prevailed. They drove from the field the 
 enemy, who left about ninety dead behind them. As 
 they were retiring, Putnam was untied by the Indian 
 who had made him prisoner, and whom he afterward 
 called master. Having been conducted for some dis- 
 tance from the place of action, he was stripped of 
 Ills coat, vest, stockings, and shoes ; loaded with as 
 many packs of the wounded as could be piled upon 
 him ; strongly pinioned, and his wrists tied as closely 
 together as they could be pulled with a cord. After 
 he had marched through no pleasant paths, in this 
 painful manner, for many a tedious mile, the party 
 (who were excessively fatigued) halted to breathe. 
 His hands were now immoderately swelled from the 
 tightness of the ligature, and the pain had become 
 intolerable. His feet were so much scratched that 
 the blood dropped fast from them. Exhausted with 
 bearing a burden above his strength, and frantic 
 with torments exquisite beyond endura,nce, he en- 
 treated the Irish interpreter to implore, as the last 
 and only grace he desired of the 'savages, that they 
 would knock him on the head at once, or loose his 
 hands. A French officer, instantly interposing, or- 
 dered his hands to be unbound, and some of the 
 
 packs to be taken off. By this time, the Indian who 
 
 5 
 
98 ETaAJf ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 
 
 captured him, and who had been absent with the 
 wounded, coming up, gave him a pair of mocoasins, 
 and expressed great indignation at the unworthy treat- 
 ment his prisoner had suffered. 
 
 That savage chief again returned to the care of 
 the wounded, and the Indians, about two hundred 
 in number, went before the rest of the party to the 
 place where the whole were that night to encamp. 
 They took with them Major Putnam, on whom, be- 
 sides innumerable other outrages, they had the bar- 
 barity to inflict a deep wound with a tomahawk in 
 the left cheek. His sufferings were, in this place, to 
 be consummated. A scene of horror, infinitely greater 
 than had ever met his eyes before, was now preparing. 
 It was determined to roast him alive. For this pur- 
 pose they led him into a dark forest, stripped him 
 naked, bound him to a tree, and piled dry brush, 
 with other fuel, at a small distance in a circle around 
 him. They accompanied their labors, as if for his 
 funeral dirge, with screams and sounds inimitable 
 but by savage voices. They then set the piles on 
 fire. A sudden shower damped the rising flame. 
 Still they strove to kindle it, until, at last, the blaze 
 ran flercely round the circle. Major Putnam soon 
 began to feel the scorching heat. 
 
 • His hands were so tied that he could move his 
 body. He often shifted sides as the fire approached. 
 This sight, at the Very idea of which all but savages 
 must shudder, afforded the highest diversion to. his 
 inhuman tormentors, who demonstrated^ the delirium 
 of their joy by corresponding yells, dances, and ges 
 ticulations. He doiibted not that his final hour was 
 
rUTJS^AM US' CAFIIVITI. 99 
 
 luevitably come, lie summoned all his resolution, 
 and coiiijjused his mind as far as circumstances cuuld 
 admit, to bid an eternal farewell to all he held most 
 dear. To quit the world would scarcely have cost 
 him a single pang, but for^the idea of home, but for 
 the remembrance of domestic endearments, of the 
 aliectiunate paitner of his soul, and of their beloved 
 oliapring. ills thoughts were ultimately tixed on a 
 happier state of existence, beyond the tortures he 
 was beginning to endure. The bitterness of death, 
 even of that death which is accompanied with the 
 keenest agonies, was in a manner past — nature, with 
 a feeble struggle, was quitting its last hold on sub- 
 lunary things, when a French officer rushed through 
 the crowd, opened a way by scattering the burning 
 brands, and unbound the .victim. It was Mulang 
 himself, to whom a savage, unwilling to see another 
 human sacritice immolated, had run and cojnmuni- 
 cated the tidings. That commandant spurned and 
 severely reprimanded the barbarians whose nocturnal 
 powwows and hellish orgies he suddenly ended. Put- 
 nam did not want for feeling or gratitude. The 
 French commander, fearing to trust him alone with 
 them, remained until he could deliver him in safety 
 into the hands of his master. 
 
 The next day he was allowed his blanket and moc- 
 casins, and permitted to march without carrying any 
 *pack, or receiving any insult. T9 allay his extreme 
 hunger, a little bear's meat was given him, which 
 he sucked through his teeth. At night the party 
 arrived at Ticonderoga, and the prisoner wus placed 
 under the care of a French guard. The savages, who 
 
100 ETHAN AT.LFX AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 liad been prevented from glutting their diabolRal 
 thirst for blood, took another opportunity of manifest 
 ing their malevolence for the disappointment, by hor 
 rid grimaces and angry gestures ; but they were nc 
 more suffered to offer violence or personal indignity 
 to him. Colonel Peter Schuyler was then a prisonei 
 among the French. No sooner had he heard of Major 
 Putnam's arrival, than he went and found him, in a 
 comfortless condition, without coat, waistcoat or hose ; 
 the remnant of his clothing miserably dirty and rag- 
 ged ; his beard long and squalid ; his legs torn by 
 thorns and briers ; and his face gashed with wounds 
 and swollen with bruises. Through Colonel Schuyler's 
 intervention, Putnam was treated according to his 
 rank, and clothed in a decent manner. The follow- 
 ing year an opportunity was afforded for an exchange 
 of prisoners, and Putnam was released.* 
 
 * On his return from Canada, Putnam was accompanied by Mrs. 
 Howe, known as the " fair captive," who had been taken at Bridgraan's 
 Fort in 1756. Her history was very affecting. Her first husband was 
 "William Phipps, an account of who>e death, after having slain two 
 of his Indian captors, near Fort Dummer, has already been related. Her 
 second husband was Mr. Howe, who was also slain at the time of her 
 captivity. On the march to Canada, she had endured extreme suffering, 
 the poignancy of which was increased by the cruel treatment which her 
 children received from the Indians. She was taken to Crown Point, and 
 from thence, by the way of Montreal, to the village of St. Francis* 
 her master having failed to sell her. "Our provisions," she says, in ho* 
 deeply affecting narrative, "were so scanty, as well as insipid and un- 
 savory, the weather was so cold, and the traveling so very bad, that it 
 almost seemed as if I must have perished on the way. The lips of my 
 poor child were sometimes so benumbed, that, when I put it to my breasts 
 it could not, till it grew warm, imbibe the nourishment requisite for its 
 support. While we were at Montreal, we went into the house of a certain 
 F.-ench gentleman, whose lady, on being sent for, and coming into the 
 
THE FAIK CAFIIVE. 101 
 
 The campaign of J758 had been highly honorable 
 to the British arms, and the result of it was very 
 important. Of the three expeditions, two had com- 
 pletely succeeded, and the leader of the third had 
 
 room where I was, to examine me, seeing I had an infant,^exclaimed 
 suddenly in this manner : ' D — ■ — it, I will not buy a woman that has a 
 child to look after.' There was a swill-pail standing near me, in which 
 I observed several crusts and crumbs of bread swimming on the surface 
 of the greasy liquor it contained. Surely pinched with hunger, I skim 
 med them of with my hands and ate them ; and this was all the refresh- 
 ment which the house afforded me." Mi-s. Howe's children, being 
 claimed by different Indians, were separated from their mother and from 
 each other. Even her babe was snatched from her. " This," she says, 
 in her narrative, "was a severe trial. The babe clung to ray bosom with 
 all its might ; but I was obliged to pluck it thence, and deliver it, 
 shrieking and screaming enough to penetrate a heart of stone, into the 
 hands of those unfeeling wretches, whose tender mercies may be termed 
 cruel." It was taken to Missisco, where, some weeks after, Mrs. Howe 
 was permitted to visit it. "I had preserved my milk," she says, "ia 
 hopes of seeing my beloved child again. And here I found it, it is true, 
 but in a condition that afforded me no great satisfaction — it bei'ng 
 greatly emaciated and almost starved. I took it in my arms, and put 
 its face to mine, and it instantly bit me with such violence, that it seemed 
 as if I must have parted with a piece of my cheek. I was permitted to 
 lodge with it that and the two following nights ; but every morning that 
 intervened, the Indians, I suppose on purpose to torment me, sent me 
 away to another wigwam, which stood at a little distance, though not 
 so far from the one in which my distressed infant was confined, but that 
 I could plainly hear its incessant cries, and heart-rending lamentations.'* 
 During her rambles with the Indians, she was frequently on the point of 
 perishing with hunger, and as often subjected to hardships seemingly 
 intolerable. On one occasion she was informed by a friendly Indian, 
 that one of her children was in a wigwam seven miles distant, and she 
 determined to visit him. "While I was busy in contemplating tliis af- 
 fair," she says, "the Indians obtained a little bread, of which they gave 
 me a small share. I did not taste a moi-sel of it myself, but saved it all 
 for my poor child, if I should be so lucky as to find him. At length, 
 having obtained leave of my keepers to be absent for one day, I set ofl 
 
102 ETUAN ALLKN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 made an important conquest. ,To the commanding 
 talents, of Pitt, and the confidence which they in- 
 spired, this change of fortune must be chiefly atlrib 
 uted ; and in no respects were these talents moro 
 strikingly displayed than in the choice of men to 
 execute his plans. The advantages of this campaign 
 
 early in the morning, and beheld, as I drew nigh, rny little son without 
 the camp. He seemed to be nearly starved. I took him in my aims, 
 and bespoke to me those words in the Indian tongue : 'Mother, are you 
 come ? ' I took him into the wiffwam with me, and observing; a number 
 of Indian children in it, I distributed all the bread which 1 had reserved 
 for my own child, among them all; otherwise I should have given great 
 offense. My little boy appeared to be very fond of his new mother, kept 
 as near me as possible while I stayed, and when I told him I must go, he 
 fell as though he had been knocked down with a club." Two of Mi-s. 
 Howe's daughters were of marriageable age,, and to add to the number 
 of her miseries, the Indians selected a couple of their young men to 
 marry them. 'J'he fright and disgust which the intelligence of this in- 
 tention occasioned to these poor young creatures, added infinitely to the 
 sorrows and perplexities of their frar>tic mother. But she found an op- 
 portunity of conveying to the governor a petition that her daughters 
 might be received into a convent, for the sake of securing the salvation 
 of their souls. Hnppily, this expedient succeeded. After Mrs. Howe had 
 been a year with the Indians, she was purchased by an old Frenchman, 
 in whose family new trials awaited her. She was still beautiful, and 
 both her master and his son, who lield a commission in the French army, 
 became passionately fond of her, and she was greatly embarrassed by tlieir 
 importunities, from which she saw no way of escape. Finally, she found 
 an opportunity of telling the story of her woes to Colonel Peter Schuy- 
 ler, who was then a prisoner at Montreal. He immediately endeavored 
 to procure her liberty ; but the Frenchman who had purchased her from 
 the savages, unwilling to part with so fair a purchase, demanded an im- 
 mense ransom. Colonel Schuyler, however, obtained from tlie governor 
 in order that she should be given up for the price that had been paid for 
 her ; nor did his active goodness rest, until he had restored every one of 
 her five sons to her. One of her daughters subsequently married a French 
 'jflTiccr, and tlie other returned home. Such is a brief narrative of the 
 «iufi*erings of one of the early Vermont matrons. 
 
CAMI'AIGN OF 1769. lOS 
 
 had, however, been purchased by an Expensive effort, 
 and corresponding exhaustion of provincial strength ; 
 and when, by his persuasion, the colonies resolved 
 upon making the most vigorous preparation for the 
 next, they soon discovered that their resources were 
 by no means commensurate with their zeal. 
 
 Notwithstanding these difficulties, it was resolved 
 to signalize the year 1759 by the complete conquest 
 of Canada. The plan of the campaign was, that three 
 powerful armies should enter the French possessions- 
 by three different routes, and attack all their strong- 
 holds at nearly the same time. At the head of one 
 division, Brigadier-general Wolfe, a young officer who 
 had signalized himself at the siege of Louisbourg, was 
 to ascend the St. Lawrence, and to proceed against 
 Quebec, escorted by a strong fleet to cooperate with 
 his troops. The central and main army, composed 
 of British and provincials, was to be conducted 
 against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, by General 
 Amherst, the new commander-in-chief, who, after mak- 
 ing himself master of these places, was to proceed 
 • on Lake Champlain, and by the way of the liichelieu 
 river to the St. Lawrence, and, descending that river, 
 form a junction with Wolfe before Quebec. The third 
 army, to be composed principally of colonial troops, 
 reinforced by a strong body of friendly Indians, was 
 to be commanded by General Prideaux, who was to 
 lead this division lirst against Niagara, and, after 
 the reduction of that place, to embark on Lake On- 
 tario, and proceed down the St. Lawrence against 
 Montreal. The second of these expeditions properly 
 belongs to the scope of this narrative ; while the others 
 
104: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. • 
 
 can only be described sufficiently to show their in- 
 fluence upon the military operations carried on by 
 way of Lake Charaplain. 
 
 Early in the year 1X59, General Amherst commenced 
 preparations for his part of the enterprise. But so 
 many difficulties occurred to retard the operations of 
 his army in that unsettled part of the country, that 
 the summer was already far advanced, before he could 
 pass Lake George with his troops and artillery. Aware 
 of the danger of surprise, and not unmindful of the 
 disaster that the British troops had sustained the year 
 before, this able and judicious officer proceeded with 
 the greatest circumspection : leaving nothing to chance, 
 but making provision for every difficulty or opposition 
 that could be foreseen. At length, in the latter end of 
 July, he arrived in the vicinity of Ticonderoga, with 
 his army of regulars and provincials in excellent order, 
 and amply supplied with artillery, military stores, and 
 provisions. The enemy had watched all his motions, 
 in the hope of finding an opportunity to gain some 
 advantage ; but they ventured to make no opposition 
 to his troops, either when crossing the lake, or effecting 
 their landing. Having passed the lake and landed his 
 stores, Amherst immediately began to make prepara- 
 tions to reduce the fortress by a regular siege. At first 
 the enemy appeared determined to make a stubborn 
 defense. They soon found that they had an able 
 officer to oppose ; that Amherst was cautious, resolute, 
 well prepared for undertaking the siege, and not dis- 
 posed to subject anything to unnecessary risk or hazard. 
 Despairing of making a successful defense, and having 
 orders to retreat from place to place toward the centr^ 
 
TICONDEROGA ABANDONED BY THE FliENCH. 105 
 
 of operations at Quebec, rather than to run the risk of 
 diminishing the French force by surrendering prisoners 
 of war, they set about dismantling the fortifications; 
 and, Iiaving done some small injuries to the works, 
 abandoned them and retired to Crown Point ; leaving 
 their heavy artillery, several snnken boats, and the 
 works but little damaged, though on fire. 
 
 Having succeeded in his attempts against Ticonde- 
 roga, Amherst began to repair and enlarge the fortifi- 
 cations ; and to prepare his bateaux and other vessels 
 for an expedition against Crown Point. Scouting and 
 ranging parties were constantly employed, hovering in 
 the neighborhood of that place, and watching all the 
 motions of the enemy. One of these parties brought 
 intellio^ence that the French had also abandoned Crown 
 Point and were gone down the lake without destroying 
 the works. Amherst detached a body of rangers to 
 take possession of the place ; and on the 4th of Angust 
 embarked with his army, landed the same day, and 
 placed his troops within the enemy's w^orks. Thus was 
 eft'ected the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. 
 No sooner was their conquest completed, than Amherst 
 undertook the erection of new works, strengthened and 
 enlarged the old ones, and began another fort : deter- 
 mined that the enemy should never again obtain pos- 
 session of a post which had been so dangerous and 
 distressing to the British provinces. The French troops 
 retired to the Isle Aux Noix at the north end of Lake 
 Cham plain. 
 
 Crown Point had been in the possession of the 
 French for thirty years, and from the time of its erec- 
 tion had afforded facilities for predatory excursions into 
 
 5* 
 
106 ETHAN AJLLEN AND GKEExV-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 the English colonies ; and man}'^ were the prisoners who 
 had there suffered all the barbarities that savao^e ino^e- 
 miity could devise. Its conquest insured safety to the 
 frontiers of New England from incursions bj way of 
 Lake Champlain ; but another channel, through which 
 the settlements on the Connecticut had been harassed, 
 remained still open. This was the Indian village of St. 
 Francis, situated at the mouth of the river of that 
 name. This place the Indians had eftriched with the 
 pillage of the IS^ew-England settlements, and they had 
 garnished it with the scalps of many hundreds of their 
 victims. Passing up the St. Francis river to Lake 
 Memphremagog, and from thence to the Connecticut, 
 these Indians had been enabled to make sudden and 
 successful incursions into the colonies of Isew Hamp- 
 shire and Massachusetts, and to return to their homes 
 in safety. Amherst resolved to attempt the destruc- 
 tion of this village. Major Rogers, of the New-Hamp- 
 shire rangers, was selected for this arduous duty. Two 
 hundred of the most hardy and resolute men in the 
 army were placed under his command. The massacre 
 at Fort William Henry, and the numberless other 
 atrocities which their kindred and friends had suffered 
 from these Indians, were fresh in the minds of all ; and 
 they exulted in the expectation that the time for retri- 
 bution had now come. The orders which they received 
 from Amherst were little calculated to restrain their 
 ferocity. '* liemember," said he, "the barbarities that 
 have been committed by the enemy's Indian scoundrels 
 on every occasion, where they had an opportunity of 
 showing their infamous cruelties on the king's subjects, 
 which they have done without mercy. Take your 
 
'4 
 
 DESTRUCTION OF AX INDIAN VILLAGE. K)7 
 
 eveiige, but forget not that thongli these villains have 
 dastardly and promiscuously murdered the women and 
 children of all ages, it is my orders that no women or 
 children are killed or hurt." The only practical route 
 to the Indian village was by way of Missisco bay, near 
 where the French were encamped. The utmost circum- 
 spection being necessary to avoid a discovery of the 
 enemy, Rogers was seven days in reaching the bay. 
 Concealing his boats he pushed forward through the 
 woods, to the village of St. Francis. On the 2d of 
 October, after having forded many streams and passed 
 through many swamps, wi*;h incredible labor, Rogers 
 reached the St. Francis river, and succeeded in fording 
 it, although it was five feet in depth with a strong cur- 
 rent. October 4th, in the evening, they came in sight 
 of the Indian village. Disguised as Indians, Rogers, 
 with two other ofiicers, went forward to reconnoitre 
 the place. They discovered that the Indians were 
 wholly unsuspicious of danger, engaged in a dancing 
 frolic. Their revelry was continued till four o'clock in 
 the morning, when they retired to their huts, and all 
 became still. The troops, relieved of their packs, had 
 refreshed themselves, and were now led up ; and, half 
 an hour before sunrise, in three divisons, made a sim- 
 ultaneous attack on three sides of the village. So 
 completely were the savages surprised and confounded, 
 that thff)^ made but Jittle resistance, and an indiscrimi- 
 nate massacre in true Indian style now took place. The 
 cabins were forcibly entered, and their inmates knocked 
 down, or shot dead in their attempts to fly, few escapino-. 
 In the obscure light, and confusion of the onset, it was 
 impossible to distinguish age or sex. As the sun arose, 
 
108 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 it revealed to their view a scene so horrid that the men 
 might have relented, but for the sight of the scalps of 
 their murdered countrvmen, six or seven hundred of 
 which, suspended on poles, were waving in the air in 
 all parts of the village. This steeled their hearts to 
 all emotions of compassion, and they continued to 
 dispatch all alike ; and about seven o'clock the work 
 was terminated by a general conflagration of the vil- 
 lage. Of its three hundred inhabitants, two hundred 
 were slain. Twenty women and children were taken 
 prisoners*, but most of them were soon after liberated. 
 Five English captives were found in the place, and were 
 set free. Two hundred guineas in coin were found, 
 and a silver image weighing ten pounds, together 
 with a large quantity of clothing and some provisions. 
 Collecting the provisions, and such articles as they 
 could easily transport, they set fire to the town, and 
 reduced it to ashes. At seven o'clock in the morning,- 
 the affair was completely over ; Rogers then assembled 
 his men, and found that one was killed, and six slightly 
 wounded. Having refreshed his men for one hour, 
 the major made no further delay, but set out on his 
 return. To avoid his pursuers, Rogers now took a 
 different route, and marched up St. Francis river: 
 meaning to have his men collect, and rendezvous at 
 Coos on the Connecticut. On their march, they were 
 harassed by some of the enemy, a«d several times at- 
 tacked in the rear. In these encounters they lost seven 
 of their men. At length, Rogers, favored by the dusk 
 of evening, formed an ambuscade, and fell upon the 
 enemy where they least expected it ; by this stroke, 
 he put an end to any further annoyance from them. 
 
GENERAL WOLFE. 109 
 
 Foi about ten days the detachment kept together till 
 they had passed the eastern side of Lake Memphre- 
 magog. It was then thought best to scatter into 
 smaller parties, and make the best of their way to 
 some of the English settlements. Their sufferings 
 now began to be severe, not only from the excessive 
 fatigues they had undergone, but from hunger. Their 
 provisions were expended, and they were yet at a dis- 
 tance from any place of relief. Some were lost in the 
 woods, and others perished at Coos, being unable to 
 hold out any further. But Rogers, with most of his 
 men, persevered amidst all their sufferings, till they 
 arrived at JN'umber Four. This enterprise had been 
 dangerous and fatiguing to the men who had been 
 engaged in it ; but it made a deep impression on the 
 enemy. It carried alarm^^and consternation into the 
 heart of Canada, and convinced the Indians that the 
 hand of vengeance was now come upon them. 
 
 During the operations of i^mherst at Lake Champlain, 
 General Wolfe prosecuted his daring and important ex- 
 pedition against the capital of Caf.ada. Strong natu- 
 rally, and still stronger by art, Quebec had obtained 
 the appellation of Gibraltar of America ; and every 
 attempt against it had failed. It was now commanded 
 by Montcalm, an officer of distinguished reputation ; 
 and its capture must have appeared chimerical to any 
 one but Pitt. He judged rightly, however, that the 
 coldest and most dangerous enterprises are often the 
 most successful, especially when committed to ardent 
 minds, glowing with enthusiasm and emulous of glory. 
 Such a mind he had found in Wolfe, whose conduct 
 had attracted his aftention. In June, 1759, Wolf© 
 
110 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 landed with eight thousand troops a few miles below 
 Quebec. From this position, he could take a near 
 and distinct view of the obstacles to be overcome. 
 These were so great, that even the bold and sanguine 
 Wolfe perceived more to fear than to hope. But he 
 resolved to do his best. He declared he would rather 
 die than to fail in the enterprise. Various attempts 
 were made against the French, but besides his superior 
 position, Montcalm's forces were much more numerous 
 than those of Wolfe, and the latter was several times 
 repulsed with the loss of many men. Nothing, how- 
 ever, could shake the resolution of this valiant com- 
 mander, or induce hifti to abandon his purpose. 
 
 Baffled and harassed in all his previous assaults, 
 General Wolfe seems to have determined to finish the 
 enterprise. by a single bold and desperate eflbrt. This 
 was to surmount the heights of Abraham, which over- 
 looked Quebec, and were then deemed inaccessible. 
 To mislead the French, the English fleet sailed several 
 miles up the riv^er, making occasional demonstrations 
 of a design to land troops ; while on the night of Sep- 
 tember 12th, a strong detachment of flat-bottomed boats 
 was dispatched down the St. Lawrence, to a point a 
 mile above the city. The army landed about an hour 
 before daybreak, clambered up a precipitous steep, 
 three hundred feet high, and by sunrise, five thousand 
 troops were marshaled on the heights of Abraham — a 
 position which commanded the city. Montcalm would 
 not at first believe the intelligence of this movement ; 
 but, as soon as he was aware of its truth, he made all 
 prudent haste to decide a battle which it was no longer 
 possible to avoid. About nine in the morning, the 
 
DEATH OF GENERAL WOLF^. Ill 
 
 main body of the French advanced briskly to the 
 charge, and the action soon became general. Mont- 
 calm having taken post on the left of the French army, 
 and Wolfe on the right of the English, the two generals 
 met each other where the battle was most severe. The 
 English troops reserved their fire until the French had 
 advanced within forty yards of their line, and then, 
 by a general discharge, made terrible havoc among 
 their ranks. The fire of the English was vigorously 
 maintained, and the enemy everywhere yielded to it. 
 General AVolte, who, exposed in the front of his battal- 
 ions, had been w^ounded in the wrist, betraying no 
 symptoms of pain, wrapped a handkerchief round his 
 arm, and continued to encourage his men. Soon after, 
 he received a shot in the groin; but, concealing the 
 wound, he was pressing on at the head of his grena- 
 diers, with fixed bayonets, when a third ball pierced 
 his breast.* The i«'my, not disconcerted by his fall, 
 
 * On receiving his mortal wound, Wolfe was conveyed into the rear, 
 where, careless about himself, he evinced, in the agonies of death, the 
 most anxious solicitude concerning the fate of the day. "Support 
 me," he said to an officer near him; "let not my brave soldiers 
 see me drop. The day is ours — keep it" From extreme faintness, 
 he had reclined his head on the arm of an officer, but was soon aioused • 
 by the cry of " They fly, they fly ! " " Who fly ? " exclaimed tlie dying 
 hero. "The Frencli," answered his attendant; "they give way every- 
 where." " W])at ! " feebly exclaimed Wolfe, " do they run already ? Go 
 Co Colonel Preston and tell hin) to march Webb's regiment immediately 
 to the bridge over the St Charles so as to cut off the fugitives' retreat 
 Now, God be praised, I die happy." These were his last words, and in 
 the midst of sorrowing companions, just at the monient of victory, he 
 expired. A death more full of military glory has seldom been recorded 
 by the pen of the historian, or celebrated by the pencil of the painter. 
 General Wolfe was only thirty -three years of age. He possessed those 
 cailitary talents, which, with the advantage of yeare and opportunity of 
 
112 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-M0U.\TAI2^ UEKOES. 
 
 continued the action under Monckton, on whom the 
 command now devolved, but who^ receiving a ball 
 through his bodj, soon yielded the command to Gen- 
 eral Townshend. Montcalm, figliting in front of hi8 
 battalions, received a mortal wound about the same 
 time ; and General Senezergas, the second in command, 
 also fell. The British grenadiers pressed on with their 
 bayonets. The center of the French army was broken. 
 The Scottish highlanders, drawing their broadswords, 
 completed the confusion of the enemy. An attempt 
 was made by them to rally, but after a brief and iierce 
 conflict, they retired, leaving the British undisputed 
 masters of the field. The loss of the French was much 
 greater than that of the English. Although Quebec 
 was strongly defended by its fortifications. General 
 Townshend had scarcely prepared to get his heavy 
 artillery upon the heights for a siege, when the inhab- 
 itants capitulated on condition tUat, during the war, 
 they might enjoy their civil and religious rights. A 
 garrison of five thousand English troops was placed 
 in the city, and the fleet sailed out of the St. Lawrence. 
 The fall of Quebec did not produce the immediate 
 submission of Canada. The main body of the French 
 
 action to moderate his ardor, expand his faculties, and give to his intui 
 tive perception and scientific knowledge the correctness of judgment 
 perfected by experience, would have placed him on a level with the 
 most celebrated generals of any age or nation. Montcalm was every 
 way worthy to be a competitor of Wolfe. He had the truest military 
 genius of any officer whom the French had ever employed in America. 
 After he had received his mortal wound, he was carried into the city; 
 and when informed that it was mortal, his reply was, " I am glad of it." 
 On being told that he could survive but a few hours, " So much the bet- 
 ter," he replied, " I shall not then live to see the surrender of Quebec." 
 
EXPEDITION AGAINST MONTREAL. 113 
 
 army retired to Montreal. There they remained dur- 
 ing the winter, making extensive preparations for the 
 recovery of Quebec. In the month of April, 1760, 
 the French army sailed down the St. Lawrence, and 
 ^fiected a landing near Quebec. General Murray, to 
 whom the care of maintaining the English conquest 
 had been intrusted, had taken every precaution to 
 preserve it ; but his troops had suffered so much from 
 the extreme severity of the winter, that instead of 
 five thousand, the original number of the garrison, 
 there were scarcely three thousand fit for service. 
 But with this small army he resolved to meet the 
 enemy in the field, and marched out to the heights 
 of Abraham, to defend that important location against 
 the French ; but after a fierce encounter, Murray 
 was obliged to retreat into the city. But before the 
 French could prepare their batteries, and bring their 
 guns to bear upon the fortifications, a British fleet 
 most opportunely arrived, and the French precipi- 
 tately retreated to Montreal. There the Marquis de 
 Yaudreuil, governor of Canada, had fixed his head- 
 quarters, and determined to make his last stand. 
 For this purpose he called around him the whole 
 force of his colony. 
 
 While Yaudreuil was thus preparing for resistance, 
 General Amherst was concertino^ and executinoj meas- 
 ures to bring all the British armies in America, to 
 act in concert against Montreal. Pie had sent in- 
 structions to General Murray, at Quebec, directing 
 him, as soon as the season would permit, to advance 
 up the river St. Lawrence by water, toward Montreal, 
 with all the troops that could be spared from the 
 
114 ETPIAJSr ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 garrisoD of Quebec. He appointed Colonel Haviland 
 to command a body of troops, which were to pro 
 ceed from Crown Point, through Lake Champlain 
 to take possession of the Isle Aux Noix; and from 
 thence they were to advance by the shortest practi 
 cable route, to the banks of the river St. Lawrence. 
 For himself, he proposed to go with the main body 
 of his arm}^ by the way of the Mohawk to Lake 
 Ontario; to embark his troops at Oswego, sail over 
 the lake, and down the river St. Lawrence, to the 
 Island of Montreal. By this plan, he proposed to 
 bring all his troops against that place, and to inclose 
 and surround the enemy on that island. Almost on 
 the same day, the armies from Quebec, from Lake 
 Ontario, and from Lake Champlain, were concen- 
 trated before Montreal, and Yaudreuil was speedily 
 compelled (September 8, 1700) to capitulate. In 1763, 
 peace was ratified between England and France, by 
 which all the possessions of the French in Canada 
 were ceded to the English. 
 
 Thus terminated a war, which originated in an at- 
 tempt on the part of the French to surround the 
 English colonists, and chain them to a narrow strip 
 of country along the coast of the Atlantic ; and ended 
 with their giving up th« whole of what was then 
 their only valuable territory in ^NTorth America. The 
 immediate advantage the colonies derived from the 
 successful issue of the contest was great and appa- 
 rent. Although, for a short period after the conquest 
 of Canada had been effected, they were sul)ject to 
 attacks from the Indian tribes attached to the French,- 
 they were soon enabled to visit their cruelties with 
 
CIX)Sii OF THE FRENCH WAK. 1.15 
 
 severe retribution, and to procure a lasting repose, 
 as the Indians had no forts to which to repair for 
 protection or aid. But the indirect results, though 
 almost unperceived at first, were far more important, 
 and prepared the way for those momentous efforts 
 which resulted in the loss to Great Britain of the 
 fairest portions of her colonies, and the establish- 
 ment of her vassal as a rival. The colonies became 
 inured to the habits and hardships of a military life, 
 and skilled in the arts of European w^arfare ; while 
 the desire of revenge for the loss of Canada, which 
 France did not fail to harbor, was preparing for them 
 a most efficient friend, and making way for the anom- 
 alous exhibition of a despotic sovereign exerting all 
 his power in the cause of liberty and independence. 
 
CHAPTEK II. 
 
 THE NEW-HAMPSHIRE GRANT? 
 
 **Look now abroad — another race has filled 
 
 These populous bordi^'S — wide the wood recede* 
 And towns shoot up, and fertile plains are tilled; 
 
 The land is full <(f harvests and eieeii meads ; 
 Streams, numberless, that many a fountain feeds, 
 
 Shine disembowered, and give to sun and breeze 
 Their virgin waters; the full region leads , 
 
 New Colonies forth, that tctward the western seas 
 Spread, like a rapid flame among the autumnal lea es'* 
 
 Bryant. 
 
 Up to the close of the French war in 1760, the 
 territory now composing the state of Yermont, was 
 an uncultivated wilderness. The only considerahle 
 settlement within its limits was at Fort Dummer, 
 now Brattleborough. This fort had been built under 
 the authority of Massachusetts, in 1724, and gave pro- 
 tection to *a few families in its immediate' vicinity^ 
 The region between Lake Champlain and the Con- 
 necticut river is not knowfi to have been the perma. 
 nent habitation of the Indian tribes, although it was 
 often traversed by them in their hunting excursions, 
 and in their warlike expeditions against each other. 
 The constant warfare which was maintained between 
 the Indians on the St. Lawrence, and those on the 
 Mohawk, as well as the subsequent wars between 
 the French and English colonies, were carried on 
 chiefly through Lake Champlain and its vicinity, ren- 
 dering the settlement, by Indians or whites, extremely 
 
KE8ULTS OF PEACE. 117 
 
 hazardous. To prevent the unwelcome iocursians of" 
 the Indians attached to the French interests, and to 
 give protection to the frontier settlements, Fort Dum- 
 mer was erected ; as was also, about twenty years 
 afterward, Fort Hoosic or Massachusetts, the site of 
 which is now pointed out between the villages of 
 Williamstown and Korth Adams. For a series of 
 years previous to 1759, the French had held posses- 
 sion of the forts at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
 and their vicinity had been the scene of many bloody 
 and destructive battles between them and their Indian 
 allies on the one hand, and the English colonists on 
 the other. In these warlike operations, as well as in 
 the incursions of the «^avages, much of the best blood 
 of New England had been spilt, and many of its 
 most valuable inhabitants had been carried into cap- 
 tivity. In their retaliatory expeditions against Can- 
 ada, the English colonists had traversed the greater 
 portion of Vermont, and had become charmed with its 
 beauties and fertility. The French also regarded this 
 region as an attractive portion of their possessions, and 
 while, in the intervals of peace, the English colonists 
 were gradually spreading their settlements northward 
 on the Connecticut, French adventurers as eagerly 
 sought homes along the borders of Lake Champlain. 
 The war having terminated in the conquest of 
 Canada, the frontiers of New York, Massachusetts 
 and New Hampshire were no longer exposed to the 
 inroads of the French, or the ravages and depreda- 
 tions of the Indians. The prospect was that the un- 
 settled parts of the country would now afford pleasant 
 and safe abodes for a large body of farmers, who 
 
118 mHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN -MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 might wish to advance their fortunes bj establishing 
 settlements along the frontiers. IS^o portion of the 
 country appeared more inviting than that situated 
 between Lake Champlain and the Connecticut, and 
 it was eagerly explored by adventurers and specula- 
 tors. The soil was, in many places, of uncommon 
 fertility, favorable to the production of grain, and in 
 all, to grazing and the raising of cattle. It was plenti- 
 fully waterecl by numerous streams, and abounded 
 with excellent timber. In such a soil and situation, 
 it was thought by the hardy pioneers, the labor and 
 hardships of a few years could scarcely fail to secure 
 for them valuable farms, with the ease and indepen- 
 dence which are the proper rewards of industry and 
 frugality. Encouraged by such prospects, many peo- 
 pie began to settle, or to speculate in those lands. As 
 early as 1696, indeed. Governor Fletcher, of the prov 
 ince of JS^ew York, bestowed a considerable portion 
 of the present state of Yermont upon Godfrey Del- 
 lius, one of his favorites, who was the minister of the 
 Dutch church in Albany. Uellius was one of the 
 commissioners for Indian affairs, and had previously 
 obtained from the Mohawk Indians, fraudulently, as 
 they said, a deed of their title to the same lands. 
 This singular and very liberal donation, conveyed 
 to Dellius eight hundred and forty square miles of 
 territory. The avarice of the minister, and the gen- 
 erosity of the governor, are equally entitled to a smile, 
 if it is permissible to smile at any transaction between 
 60 venerable a prelate as "our Loving Subject the 
 Reverend Godfredius Dellius, Minister of the Gospel 
 att our city of Albany," and so august a magistrate 
 
THE DELLIUS QEANT. 11© 
 
 as " his Excellency, the Honorable Benjamin ffletcher, 
 his Majesty's Governor and Commander in Cliief of 
 the Province of New Yorke and tiie territories de- 
 pending thereon in America." The conveyance was 
 made upon the following condition: "lie Yielding 
 Kendeiing and Paying therefore Yearly and every 
 Year unto us our Heirs and Successors on the feast 
 Day of the Annunciation of our blessed Virgin Mary 
 at our city of New Yorke the Annuall Rente of one 
 Raccoon Skinn in lieu and stead of all other Rents 
 Services Dues Dutyes and Demands whatsoever for 
 the said Tract of Land and Islands and Premises." 
 The Earl of Bellamonte, who succeeded Fletcher, 
 justly regarding these and other large grants as cal- 
 culated to impede the settlement of the country, rec- 
 ommended the annulment of these grants or patents 
 by the legislature. This was accordingly done, and 
 the assembly, exercising ecclesiastical as well as civil 
 authority, also passed a resolution, suspending Dellius 
 from the ministry for "deluding the Maquaas [Mo- 
 hawk] Indians, and illegal and surreptitious obtaining 
 of said grants." Dellius returned to Holland, and, 
 regarding his title as still valid, transferred his claim 
 to the Rev. John Ljdius, his successor in the min- 
 istry at Albany, whose descendants long afterward 
 attempted the enforcement of the claim. From 1731, 
 until the conquest of Canada in 1760, the French 
 governors of that province made grants of nearly 
 all the lands contiguous to Lake Champlain, and 
 various settlements w^ere begun ; but they were all 
 abandoned during the last French war. 
 
 In the charters granted by the sovereigns of England 
 
120 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 to the earlv colonists on the continent, so little was 
 known of the geography of the country, and so trifling 
 was the value of the grants considered, that their 
 definition of boundaries was extremely vague, as they 
 well might be, the crown having no precise notions of 
 the extent or situation of the territories it was ceding 
 to its favorites. Accordingly, as the importance of the 
 colonies increased, and the people became interested 
 in knowing the exact limits of their possessions, it was 
 found that there were, in several instances, conflicting 
 claims to the same tract of country. Hence arose 
 many imbittered controversies between the colonies, 
 some of which were not finally settled until long after 
 the Revolution. The territory comprising the state of 
 New York is an example of the difiiculty attendant 
 upon these questions. By the terms of the charters to 
 Massachusetts and Connecticut, the possessions of each 
 were to extend westward to the South sea or Pacific 
 ocean. Although the Dutch had for several years been 
 in possession of the Hudson river, it does not seem to 
 have been fully known that the above grants conflicted 
 with their interests, although they contained the follow- 
 ing condition : "Provided always, that the said lands, 
 islands, or any of the premises b}^ the said letters patent 
 intended or meant to be granted, were not then actually 
 possessed or inhabited by any other Christian power 
 or State." After the conquest of "]N'ew Netherlands," 
 as the Dutch possessions were called, Charles H. granted 
 them to his brother, the Duke of York. The terms of 
 this charter, (the controversy respecting which resulted 
 in the admission of Vermont as a separate state of the 
 Union) will interest the reader. 
 
THE CHARTER OF NEW YORK. 121 
 
 " CHARLirs THE Second, bj the Grace of God, King 
 of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender ot 
 the Faith, &c. To all to whom these presents shall 
 come. Greeting : Know ye, that we, for divers good 
 causes and considerations, have, of our especial grace, 
 certain knowledge and mere motion, given and granted, 
 and by these presents, for us, our heirs and successors, 
 do give and grant unto our dearest brother, James, 
 Duke of York, his heirs and assigns, all that part of 
 the main land of New England, beginning at a certain 
 place, called or known by the name of St. Croix, next 
 adjoining to New Scotland in America ; and from 
 thence extending along the sea coast, unto a certain 
 place called Petuaguine, or Pemaquid, and so up the 
 river thereof to the furtherest head of the same, as it 
 tendeth northwards; and extending from the river of 
 Kenebeque, and so upwards, by the shortest course of 
 the- river Canada, northwards : And all that island 
 or islands, commonly called by the several name or 
 names of Matowacks or Long Island, situate, and being 
 towards the west of Cape Cod, and the Narrow High- 
 gansetts, abutting upon the main land, between the 
 two rivers there, called or known by the several names 
 of Connecticut and Hudson's River, together also with 
 the said river called Hudson's, and all the land>< from 
 the west side of Connecticut rvoer to the east side of 
 Delaware Bay: and also, all those several islands, 
 called or known by the names of Martin's Vineyard, 
 and Nantuckes, otherways, Nantucket ; together with 
 all, &c. Dated the twenty ninth day of June, in the 
 twenty sixth year of the reign of King Charles the 
 Second." 
 
 The boundary between New York and Connecticut 
 
 was ultimately fixed at a distance of twenty miles east 
 
 of the Hudson, it being found that lands had been 
 
 granted by the Connecticut authorities, and settlements 
 
 made, thus far westward ; and, for a similar leason, the 
 
 same arrangement was made in regard to the boundary 
 
 Detweeu Massachusetts and New York. The governor 
 
 6 
 
122 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 of New Hampshire, thinking it probable that the juris- 
 diction of his government, the charter being somewhat 
 ambiguous, was designed to extend as far westward as 
 thiit of Massachusetts and Connecticut, took piompt 
 measures, as soon as the importance of the territory 
 seemed to justify the step, to establish this boundary 
 During the peace which preceded the last French war 
 Benning Wentworth, then governor of New Hampshire, 
 wj'ote to Governor George Clinton, of New York, in 
 regard to the subject. He said, "I have it in command 
 from his Majesty, to make grants of the unimproved 
 lands within my government, to such of the inhabitants 
 and others as shall apply for grants of the same, as will 
 oblige themselves to settle and improve, agreeable to 
 his Majesty's instructions. The war, hitherto, has pre- 
 vented me from making so great a progress as I hoped 
 for on my first appointment ; but as there is a prospect 
 of a lasting peace with the Indians, in which your 
 Excellency has had a great share, people are daily 
 applying for grants of land in all quarters of this 
 government, and particularly some for townships to be 
 laid out in the western part thereof, which will fall in 
 the neighborhood of your government. I think it my 
 duty to apprise you thereof, and to transmit to your 
 Excellency the description of New Hampshire, as the 
 king has determined it in the words of my commission, 
 which, after you have considered, I shall be glad if you 
 will be. pleased to give me your sentiments in whj*t 
 manner it will affect the grants made by you or preced- 
 ing governors ; it being my intention to avoid, as much 
 as I can, consistent with his Majesty's instructions, 
 interfering with your government.'' Governor Clintoa 
 
, GUBERNATORIAL CORRESPONDENCE. 123 
 
 placed this letter before the council ; tliey "humbly ad 
 vised his Excellency to acquaint Governor Wentworth 
 in answer to his said letter, that this province [New 
 York] is bounded eastward by Connecticut river ; the 
 letters-patent from King Charles II. to the Duke of 
 York, expressly granting ' all the lands from the west 
 side of the Connecticut river to the east side of Del- 
 aware bay.' " This resolution of the council was 
 transmitted to Governor Wentworth. 
 
 Previous to receiving a reply from the governor of 
 New York, Wentworth granted (January 3d, 1749) to 
 William Williams and sixty-one other persons, a town- 
 ship, six miles square, which, in allusion to his own 
 name, was called Bennington. It was situated twenty- 
 four miles east of the Hudson river, and six miles north 
 of the Massachusetts line. Wentworth gave informa- 
 tion to Clinton of this grant, and promised to make 
 no further cessions of land in that vicinity until the 
 question of jurisdiction should be decided. Both 
 governors con8ente(J to make representations of the 
 matter to the king, and await his decision. Notwith- 
 standing' this, Wentworth, during the ensuing four or 
 five years, continued to make grants of lands on the 
 west side of the Connecticut, amounting, in all, to 
 fourteen 'townships in 1754. That year hostilities 
 commenced between the English and French colonies, 
 and until the final conquest of Canada, no further 
 ap})lication8 were made for lands within the disj^uted 
 limits. During the continuance of the war, the New- 
 England troops cut a road from Number Four, on the 
 Connecticut, to Crown Point, on Lake Champlain. 
 From the summits of the Green Mountains thty looked 
 
124 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 admiringly upon the smiling and luxuriant valleys 
 beneath them, and many a hardy volunteer selected 
 the place where, at the close of the vrar, he should 
 wish to establish a home. Upon the conquest of Can- 
 ada, these persons applied foi grants to the governor 
 of 'Nqw Hampshire, within whose jurisdiction the 
 lands were generally supposed to be. By the advice 
 of his council, Wentworth directed a survey to be 
 made of Connecticut river for sixty miles ; and three 
 lines of townships to be laid out, on each side. The 
 applications for lands increased, and new surveys 
 were made. So rapid was the progress, that during 
 the year 1761, not less than sixty townships, of six 
 miles square, were granted on the west of Connecticut 
 river. The whole number of grants, in one or two 
 years more, amounted to one hundred and thirty-eight ; 
 and their extent was from Connecticut river, to what 
 was considered twenty miles east of Hudson river, so 
 far as that extended to the northward ; and after that, 
 as far west as the eastern shore of Lake Champlain. 
 The cultivation of the country, and the number of the 
 settlers, increased with surprising rapidity ; *and Mr. 
 Wentworth had an opportunity to accumulate a large 
 fortune, by the fees and donations which attended the 
 business, and by a reserve of five hundred acres, 
 which lie made in every township, for himself 
 
 To check the proceedings of New Hampshire, and 
 to intimidate the settlers, Mr. Colden, lieutenant-gov- 
 ernor of New York, issued a proclamation, setting 
 forth the charter to the Duke of York, asserting its 
 validity, claiming that the jurisdiction of New York 
 extended eastward to the Connecticut river, and 
 
COUNTER-PROCLAMATIONS. 125 
 
 commanding the sheriff of the county of Albany to 
 make a return of all persons who, under color of 
 grants from Governor Wentworth, had taken pos- 
 session of any lands west of the Connecticut. To 
 counteract the influence of this proclamation, Mr. 
 "Wentworth also published one, pronouncing the char- 
 ter to the Duke of York to be obsolete ; asserting that 
 New Hampshire extended as far westward as Massa- 
 chusetts and Connecticut ; and assuring the settlers 
 upon his grants that they would be confirmed by the 
 crown, even should the jurisdiction be transferred' to 
 New York. The people were exhorted not to be in- 
 timidated, but to be industrious and diligent in the 
 cultivation of their lands ; and the civil officers were 
 required to exercise jurisdiction as far westward as 
 grants had been made, and to punish all disturbers 
 of the peace. After such assurances from a royal 
 governor, they entertained no suspicion that a con- 
 test between two provinces, respecting th^ extent of 
 their jurisdiction, would ever affect the rights of those 
 who had fairly purchased their lands from a governor 
 appointed by the king. 
 
 Hitherto, the claim of New York to the territory 
 in question had been founded on the grant to the 
 Duke of York. But when application was made to 
 the crown for a confirmation of the claim, it was 
 supported by a petition, purporting to be from a large 
 number of the settlers on the New-Hampshire grants, 
 representing that it would be for their advantage to 
 be annexed to the colony of New York, and praying 
 that the western bank of Connecticut river might be 
 established as the eastern boundary of that province. 
 
126 ETHAN ALLEN AND GiiEEN-MOUNTAllS' HEROES. 
 
 The application from New York was referred to the 
 boaixl of trade, and upon their recommendation, sec- 
 onded by a report of a committee of the privy-council, 
 an order was made by the king, (July 20, 1764,) de- 
 claring "the western banks of Connecticut river, from 
 where it enters the province of Massachusetts Bay, 
 as far north as the forty-fifth degree of latitude, to le 
 the boundary-line between the two provinces of New 
 York and New Hampshire." 
 
 This decree, like many other judicial determinations, 
 while it closed one controversy, opened another. The 
 jurisdiction of the governor of New Hampshire, and 
 his authority to grant lands, were circumscribed on 
 the west by Connecticut river ; but the grantees of 
 the soil found themselves involved in a dispute with 
 the government of New York. From the words " to 
 J^," in the royal declaration, adverse conclusions were 
 drawn. The government assumed that they referred 
 to time past, and construed them into a declaration 
 that the Connecticut alwavs had formed the eastern 
 boundary of New York; consequently, that all the 
 grants made by Mr.Wentworth were illegal, and that 
 the lands mif^ht be granted ao^ain. The 2:rantees un- 
 derstood the words as simply designed to affect the 
 future, and not to annul the validity of past transac- 
 tions. They regarded it as merely extending the ju- 
 risdiction of New York, from that period, over their 
 territory. But they had no apprehension that it could 
 in any way affect the title to their lands. Having 
 purchased and paid for those lands, under grants 
 from the crown, they did not understand by what 
 perversion of justice they could be compelled, by the 
 
EXCITEMENT AMONG THE PEOPLE. 127 
 
 BZ.me authority, to repurchase or abandon them. To 
 the change of jurisdiction they were wilh'ng to sub- 
 mit, although, at first, the governor of JS'ew Hamp- 
 shire remonstrated against it. However, he was at 
 length induced to abandon the contest, and issued a 
 proclamation "recommending to the proprietors and 
 settlers due obedience to the authority and laws of 
 the colony of JSTew York." In this state of things, 
 the government of New York proceeded to extend 
 its jurisdiction over the New-Hampshire grants, di- 
 viding the territory into four counties, and establish- 
 ing courts of justice in each." The settlers were called 
 on to surrender their charters, and repurchase their 
 lands under grants from New York. Most of them 
 peremptorily refused to comply with this order. New 
 grants of their lands were, therefore, made to others ; 
 in whose names actions of ejectment were commenced, 
 and judgments obtained, in the courts at Albany." 
 The attempts to execute these judgments, by dispos- 
 sessing the settlers, met with a determined and ob- 
 stinate resistance. For the purpose of rendering this 
 resistance more effectual, various associations were 
 formed ; and at length, a convention of representatives 
 fre m the several towns on the west side of the moun- 
 tains was called. This convention, after mature de- 
 liberation, appointed Samuel Robinson, of Bennington, 
 an agent, to represent to the court of Great Britain 
 the grievances of the settlers, and obtain, if practi- 
 cable, a confirmation of the New-Hampshire grants. 
 Mr. Rocinson proceeded to London, and laid the o 
 sub'ect before his Majesty. 
 
 By this means he obtained an order from the king, 
 
128 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROEH. 
 
 (July 24, 1767,) as follows : " His Majesty, taking th<» 
 said report [a report of the board of trade] into con 
 sideration, was pleased, with the advice of his private 
 council, to approve thereof, and doth hereby strictly 
 charge, require and comroand, that the Governor or 
 Commander in Chief of his Majesty's Province :>f 
 ^ew York, for the time being, do not, upon pain 
 of his Majesty's highest displeasure, presume to make 
 any grant whatsoever, of any part of the lands de- 
 scribed in the said report, until his Majesty's further 
 pleasure shall be known, concerning the same." 
 
 ^Notwithstanding this explicit prohibition, the gov- 
 ernor of Kew York continued to make grants ; and 
 writs of ejectment continued to be issued, returnable 
 to the supreme court at Albany. On trial of these 
 actions, it was decided that duly authenticated copies 
 of the royal orders to th* governor of ^N'ew Hamp- 
 shire, and of the grants made in pursuance of those 
 orders, should not be read in evidence. Thus, com- 
 pelled to abandon a legal defense, the settlers were 
 driven to the last resort. A convention of the people 
 assembled at Bennington, and "resolved, to support 
 their rights and property under the New-llampshire 
 grants, against the usurpation and unjust claims of 
 the governor and council of JSTew York, by force, as 
 law and justice were denied them." 
 
 Conspicuous among thosp who were, by their re 
 sistance to New York, laying the foundation upon 
 which the independent state of Vermont has been 
 reared — indeed the leader and champion of that reso 
 lute band of husbandmen who first planted themselvep 
 in the wilderness of the Green Mountains — wa? 
 
THE ALLEN FAMILY. 129 
 
 Ethan Allen.. Joseph Allen, the father of Ethan, 
 was a native of Cov^entry, Connecticut; but afterward, 
 on his marriage to Mary Baker, removed to Litchfield, 
 where Ethan was born, January 10, 1737. The father 
 of Etiian Allen was a sober, industrious farmer, of 
 good character, and in moderate circumstances. Af- 
 ter the birth of Ethan, his parents removed to Corn- 
 wall, where other children were born, making, in all, 
 six sons and two daughters : Ethan, Ileman, Lydia, 
 Heber, Levi, Lucy, Zimri and Ira. All the brothers 
 grew up to manhood, and four or five of them emi- 
 grated to the territory west of the Green Mountains, 
 among the first settlers, and were prominent mem- 
 bers of the social and political compacts into which 
 the inhabitants gradually formed themselves. Bold, 
 active and enterprising, they espoused with zeal and 
 defended with energy, the cause of the settlers against 
 what were deemed the encroaching schemes of their 
 neighbors, and, with a keen interest, sustained their 
 share in all the border contests. Nothing is known 
 of the early life of Ethan Allen, previous to his re- 
 moval to Bennington, Vermont. This was about the 
 year 1772, although, being interested in a considera- 
 ble portion of the New-Hampshire grants, he had 
 spent much of his time in exploring the lands in the 
 vicinity of the Green Mountains, for the purpose of 
 locating townships, and had taken an active part in 
 the controversy with New York for three or four of 
 the previous years. Next to Ethan, Ira, the youngest, 
 was the most energetic of the brothers, and entered 
 into the land speculation with more zeal than the 
 others. While thus engaged, he kept a journal of liia 
 
130 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOIJNTAIN HEE0E8. 
 
 proceedings, and a few extracts frora^ it cannot be 
 uninteresting ; for they depict, in a lively manner, the 
 nature of the transactions in which he was engaged, 
 and are illustrative of his character. His foresight 
 ill the choice of the location where the beautiful and 
 flourishing town of Burlington has grown up, will per- 
 haps excite quite as much admiration as the shrewd- 
 ness he displayed in disposing of worthless lands.* 
 
 1772. " My next object was to make a map of the town- 
 ship of MansHeld with the allotments and survey-bills 
 thereof, agreeable to the bond, &c., I had given the Pro- 
 prietors of said town the preceding summer. I soon 
 completed the map, but turning my attention to the 
 field-books that Captain Kemember Baker and 1 had 
 kept, a diliiculty arose in my mind, for my object was 
 to sell out of Mansfield at all events, and if possible, to 
 get the ninety pounds for the survey, &c. A great pro- 
 portion of the corners of said lots were made on Spruce 
 or Fir timber, and if I described them as such, it would 
 show the poorness of the town, and raise many questions 
 I wished to avoid. 1 made use of a stratagem that an- 
 swered my purpose. In my survey-bills I called Spruce 
 and Fir, Greenwood, a name not known by tlie people 
 of Sharon, (the place where the Proprietors lived.) 
 They asked what kind of timber Greenwood was. I 
 told*^ them full, straight trees, that had a 2:um much 
 like the gum on Cherrj-trees, &c. While the Proprie- 
 tors were busy in inspecting the map, survey-bills, &c., 
 I took aside the Brother of one of the principal Pro- 
 prietors, who was an ignorant fellow, and owned two 
 rights of land in the town. I tried to buy his rights, 
 but he dare not sell them without first consulting his 
 Brother. By this the Proprietors all got the alarm 
 that I wished to purchase, and Land in Mansfield was 
 
 i * The original manuscnpt of Ira Allen's journal is in the possession 
 (of Henry Stephens. Esq., of Barnet, Vermont, the distinguished atiti 
 
 quary of that state. The extracts are given verbatim, and are now, f(M 
 
 the first time, placed before the public 
 
THE ALLENS IN NEW YORK. 131 
 
 considered of consequence. I was nro^ed to sell back to 
 the Proprietors the twenty rights 1 had bought, which 
 I did, and obtained the ninety pounds for the survey, 
 &c., which I considered of more consequence than the 
 whole town. Having closed this business satisfactory 
 to myself, I returned to my Brothers, and had a hearty 
 laugh with the Brothers Heman and Zimry, on inform- 
 ing them respecting the Greenwood, &c. 
 
 1772. "Some lands were owned by Edward Burling 
 and others at the White Plains, twenty-one miles from 
 Kew York which we wanted. Col. Ethan Allen, Capt. 
 Remember Baker and myself armed with hatchets and 
 pistols, a good case of pistols each in our pockets, with 
 each a good hanger set out to purchase the aforesaid 
 and other lands in the colony of New York. We trav- 
 eled under the character of British officers, going from 
 Canada to New York to embark for London, and made 
 no small parade. My brother Heman being then in a 
 mercantile line, set out for New York, but was seldom 
 in company with us as he was too much known on that 
 road. We put up at a tavern near Mr. Burling's, hav- 
 ing p«'eviously concerted measures with Ileman to ac- 
 quaint Mr. Burling of our intentions and the reason of 
 our traveling in that manner, the time we should call 
 on him <fec. We proceeded according, bought great 
 part of Mr. Burling's lands and bought of others, spent 
 three days there without the suspicion who we were. 
 The evening before we left there after closing our busi- 
 ness, Ileman came & putting up at the same house, as 
 it was necessary to be together as we should part next 
 morning, for Ileman was to make purchases in New 
 York (Zimry was also occasionally to purchase Lands) 
 it was with much difficulty Heman could get introduced 
 to our company that evening by the diffidence of the 
 Landlord, and after questions of the supposed British 
 Officers, questioning tlie character of the Connecticut 
 merchant &c. But Heman got leave by bringing in 
 his hand a liberal Bowl to be introduced. It was with 
 difficulty we could all keep our countenances till the 
 Landlord retired, which was very soon. It was curi- 
 ous to see the astonishment of the Landlord the next 
 
132 ETHAif al:.en and green -mountain heko?:s. 
 
 morning, when we called in our bill all together, and 
 declared who we were, informing a Pedler who was 
 present, going direct to New York, that bounties were 
 offered for us, giving our naipes &c. We saw the Ped- 
 ler set out at full speed to New York to raise a party 
 against us, as he supposed we were going to continue 
 speculating in lands, depending on our own arms for 
 defence. On his arrival in New York he went to the 
 Governor and Council, and gave his deposition of our 
 being purchasing Lands &c. at the White Plains. At 
 first it was proposed to send a party of light horse 
 men after us, and preparations were made for that 
 purpose ; but James Duane, Esq. observed that we 
 were daring fellows and no doubt well mounted, and 
 had gone directly out of the colony in hopes of being 
 pursued to laugh at our pursuers, that it was in vain 
 to pursue Green Mountain Boys on their guard &c. 
 Mr. Duane was perfectly right, for within two hours 
 after the express arrived in New York we were in the 
 colony of Connecticut, in hopes of being pursued, to 
 gain a greater opportunity to satarize our adversaries. 
 1773. "I went and pitched a number of hundred-acre 
 lots contiguous to Burlington Bay. The land in itself 
 was great part poor-looking Pine plains. This move 
 of mine, astonished my friends, who had observed me 
 to be very enterprising in pitching good lands, and that 
 much good land remained untouched in Burlington ; 
 and I gave no reasons for my conduct, which raised 
 many questions and disputes ; indeed I did not but in 
 part explain myself to my worthy friend and partner, 
 Baker ; for I found he had but little opinion of that 
 place, but looked for good lands, more than situations ; 
 observing that good lands would certainly be of conse- 
 quence, but it was hard to determine where places of 
 consequence would arise in a country so extensive and 
 new, that after securing the best of the lands by pitches, 
 we might in consequence of settlements, &c., be [a few 
 lines illegible in the original manuscript] of situations, 
 and pitch or purchase any lands we might think of con 
 sequence. These remarks were of much good sense, but 
 Baker had not explored the country so much as I liud 
 
LEA Allen's journal. 133 
 
 and I bad settled mj opinion from which I was deter- 
 mined not to depart, nor give anj further reasons. Fre- 
 quent satires passed on me respecting Burlington Pine 
 Plains. One rainy day Stephen Lawrence, Josliua Stan- 
 ton and others had been fishing at the Falls, the rain 
 proving too hard came into the fort where Baker kept 
 spirits (kc. for sale & over a bowl of PiAich began severely 
 to bulragg me for pitching Burlington pitch pine plains 
 (by knic name I was called Stub) they carried the joke 
 60 far as to call Stub a fool for pitching such lands 
 that he could not give any good reason for it. Stub as 
 cheerfully answered to that name as to any other, re- 
 solved to take them a little in and give no satisfactory 
 reasons neither, observed that he was surprised that 
 they could not see use for such lands considering its 
 situation &c., that for a double bowl of punch he would 
 give his reasons. This they agreed to give, but Stub 
 would have the punch in and take a good drink before 
 he began to give his reasons. This was done with so 
 much apparent candor that the company complied, the 
 punch was brought in and Stub took the first drink and 
 passed it round. All attention was then paid for Stub 
 to give his reasons for pitching Burlington Pine Plains. 
 When Stub putting on a serious countenance began. 
 That the life of man was by sacred writ estimated at 
 three score years and ten, that although some survived 
 that period of life, yet many fell short and none could 
 tell the time of their dissolution, that dry Pine plain 
 was easy digging and good burying ground, and if as 
 suggested by some, the spirits of the deceased conversed 
 with each other and viewed the conduct of posterity 
 it would be convenient passing from Tomb to Tomb 
 through that light dry earth and to see from the high 
 sand bank the multitude carry on commerce in Bur- 
 lington Bay &c. This serious satire and having first 
 got a double bowl of punch, induced Stub's neighbors 
 t) say very little more to him about Burlington Pine 
 l.*lains for considerable time." "^ 
 
 • The following amusing narrative of Ira Allen's adventure with a 
 {host, as told by him in th«i autobiography from which the above extracts 
 
134 ETHAN AtLEN ANT GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEK0E8. 
 
 Seth Warner was second only to Ethan Allen in 
 that energetic resistance to the claims of Governor 
 Trjon, which ultimately led to the independence of 
 Vermont. He was born in Woodbury, Connecticut, 
 
 are taken will doubtless be interesting, as illustrative of the charac- 
 ter of the Aliens : " Mr. and Mra Mclntiie were from Scotland, and 
 had two daughters about twenty-four years of age. The old lady and 
 her daughters used to amuse me by telling many frightful stories respect- 
 ing ghosts, apparitions, <fec,, appearing to people in Scotland, <fec., amongst 
 which was many stories respecting an old woman appearing without a 
 head. One evening I challenged the old woman without a head, and all 
 the ghosts, <tc., to meet me at any time and place they chose. This ex- 
 ceedingly alarmed my honest landlady and daughters, and they all seemed 
 exceeding anxious for my safety for being so presumptuous as to make 
 such a challenge, and not doubting but that I should meet with difficulty 
 the first time belated and in the woods in the evening. The next day 1 
 found a part of the hogs that had been strayed away and become wild, 
 with all the art I had, could not get them so gentle as to come to them till 
 near dark, at which time I was at least three miles in the wilderness. 
 There was then a snow on the ground about four inches deep. I made 
 the best of my way to gain a foot-path from Mr. Mclntire's to a beaver 
 meadow. In the way I passed a thicket of Hemlock, <fec., under which 
 it was dark. I cut a staff about three feet long to defend my eyes <fec. 
 from limbs that might come in my face. In this way I found the foot 
 path, in which several loads of hay had been carried from the meadow 
 to the house which had mixed leaves, snow, &c,., so that I could discovei 
 the foot path for twenty rods before me. At this time for the first time 
 that night 1 thought of the old woman without any head at which I had 
 a hearty laugh to think whether I should turn out if she met me in that 
 narrow path. I thought no more of the matter till I had walked about 
 one mile, when to ray no small surprise at about eight rods distance, I 
 discovered the perfect appearance of a woman in the path without any 
 head ; her shoulders, waist, arms akimbo, her hands on her hips, women's 
 clothes <fe feet below were in perfect shape before me which I viewed 
 with astonishment. 
 
 I reasoned tx) myself is this appearance fictitious or real. If the God 
 
 ' of Nature aulliorises sucl apperalions then there is no flying from them. 
 
 What injury can they possibly do me? I had been promised laithfully 
 
BETH WARNER. 135 
 
 in 1743. His father, Dr. Benjamin "Warner, removed 
 to Bennington in 17G3, only one year after the first 
 settlement was made in that town. Although quite 
 young, Seth at once took a prominent part in the vari- 
 ous controversies and struggles which were incident to 
 the early settlement of a new state. lie was "distin- 
 guished in his youth, as he was afterward in his man- 
 hood, for the solidity and extent of his understanding. 
 With no other scholastic advantages than such as a 
 common school education afforded, yet those advan- 
 tages were employed to the best possible purpose ; 
 and, at his majority, he was possessed of a fund of 
 knowledge, which was as serviceable as if it had been 
 obtained in the classic walks of Harvard, or under the 
 elms of Yale. 
 
 Coming to the state of Vermont, as Seth "Warner 
 did, while the soil was yet but poorly tilled, while the 
 
 not to flinch at any such appearance I will see it out : on this determi- 
 nation, kicked the snow away that I might know where I made the dis- 
 covery, and advanced with my cane in my hand for a blow as soon as I 
 arrived near enouj^h. With trembling approaches I came within about 
 thirty yards, before I discovered the cause of such an appearance. The 
 facts were that a tree had been broken by the wind leaving a stump, 
 which the woodcocks had pecked the bark off in that shape so long that 
 the wood had become whitish and the bark of the other part fallen off. 
 The darkness of the night prevented me from seeing the darker colour, 
 while the reflection of snow shone the other part of the stumps forming 
 ihe size and figure of a woman without a head. Had it been a little 
 lighter the whole stump would have been seen, or a little darker and no 
 part could have been seen. To satisfy myself, I went back to where 
 I kicked away the snow, and the old woman again appeared in per- 
 fect shape. I occasionally passed that place frequently after, but not 
 at a time when such an opportunity could be discovered. Had I been 
 frightened and ran away, I might like others have believed in such 
 appeal ances." 
 
136 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 forests were uncleared, while no school-honse or church 
 had been erected, there was, it would seem, but little 
 to encourage the mind of that Connecticut boy to 
 become a resident among the Green Mountains. But 
 the rivers, lakes and ponds were filled with large 
 quantities of excellent fish. The forests abounded 
 with every variety of game, and in the dells and on 
 the hills could be seen flowers of rare excellence and 
 beauty. "Solomon in all .his glory was not arrayed 
 like one of these." Young Warner was a skillful 
 botanist. He sought, partly from necessity but chiefly 
 from choice, to render himself familiar with such 
 plants and roots as were indigenous to Vermont. We 
 are assured that no man acquired more information 
 touching the nature and properties of such natural 
 productions than he. With such invaluable knowledge, 
 he was exceedingly useful in new settlements, where he 
 could administer relief when medical assistance could 
 not easily be obtained. 
 
 Young Warner was a huntsman, too. The ready 
 pen of that romance-writer who cordially sympathizes 
 with every effort to learn the character of the early 
 settlers of this state, represents him, under the character 
 of "Colonel Warrington," as a successful lover of the 
 pleasures of the chase. Traveling back eighty years, 
 if we wish to see him as he was, we find him an 
 inhabitant of one of the rude cabins that were thinly 
 scattered through the wilderness. We observe him 
 felling the forest, or tilling the soil which had never 
 been touched by any hand before. There will be found 
 around his cabin, unbroken silence, save when the 
 stroke of his ax awakens the echo, or the howl of the 
 
BETH WARNER. 137 
 
 wolf disturbs the dull ear of midniorht. In the midst 
 of all his labors, as well as his pastime, he is compelled 
 to be ready with the loaded musket to repel the lurk- 
 ing savage. " You see a man of a very fine and 
 even majestic appearance. Though tall and muscular 
 so compactly and finely set are his limbs, that his 
 contour presents nothing to the eye in the least dis- 
 proportioned or ungainly. His features seem to cor- 
 respond in regularity of formation to the rest of his 
 person, while his countenance is rather of the cool and 
 deliberate cast, indicative, however, of a mild, benevo- 
 lent disposition, as w^ell as a sound and reflecting in- 
 tellect. Every development, indeed, whether of hia 
 shapely head or manly countenance, goes to show a 
 strong, well-balanced character, and one capable of 
 action beyond the scope of ordinary men."* 
 
 It is said by contemporaries who have seen him at 
 the head of his brave " Green-Mountain Regiment," 
 armed and equipped for duty, that no man could 
 bestride a horse with more grace and dignity than he. 
 With a broad and intellectual forehead, relieved by 
 a profusion of nut-brown hair, and with sparkling blue 
 eyes beaming forth under eye-brows most beautifully 
 arched, his physiognomy gave unmistakable signs of 
 an intelligent, courageous and energetic man. 
 
 Such was the skillful huntsman and the practical 
 botanist, before the blast of war blew in the ears of the 
 early settlers of the New-Hampshire grants. Contin- 
 uing to use his quick eye-sight and steady arm in 
 hunting after game in the forests, and indulging his 
 scientific taste in the dells and dinMes where medicau 
 
 • See tLe " Green Mountain Boys," by Daniel P. Thompson, Esq. 
 
138 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 plants were most abundant, he became widely known 
 as one npon whose usefulness and humanity reliance 
 could be reposed. And thus was laid the basis of that 
 reputation which, in after times, rendered him so in- 
 fluential and powerful for good when " the slings and 
 arrows of outrageous Fortune " were hurtled at those , 
 who, like himself, had pitched their tents among the 
 green hills of Vermont. 
 
 Captain Rkmoiber Baker, who was early associated 
 with Allen and Warner, was, like the latter, a native 
 of Woodbury, Connecticut. He was born about the 
 year 1740. In his youth he was deprived of his father, 
 who was accidentally shot by a neighbor, while on a 
 hunting excursion. Yoimg Baker, being thus left an 
 orphan, was sent to live with, and learn the trade of a 
 joiner, by whom he was taught to read and write, and 
 was made acquainted with figures. In the year 1757, 
 he enlisted as a soldier in an expedition against Can- 
 ada. He also served in the ensuing campaign as a 
 non-commissioned otiicer, and gained nmch applause 
 for his intrepidity. He was also at the storming of the 
 French lines when Abercrombie was defeated before 
 Ticonderoga, and his bravery in that fatal action, as 
 well as his discretion on the retreat of the colonial 
 forces, eave him considerable distinction. He contin- 
 ued .a third year in the service, but returned to Con- 
 Lecticut after the conquest of Canada. In the year 
 1763, he removed to the New-Hampshire Grants, as 
 the .country which afterward received the name of 
 Vermont was then called, where he spent considerable 
 time in exploring the wild lands, and in hunting the 
 game with which the Green Mountains then abounded. 
 
BENNINGTON. 139 
 
 He finally reir.oved with his family to Arlington, where 
 he built the lirat mills that were erected uurth of Ben- 
 nington. This afforded great encouragement to the 
 settlers, and the population in the vicinity of Arlington 
 increased with much rapidity. 
 
 The charter of Bennington, although dated January 
 3d, 174:9, was not actually issued until March, 1750. 
 The survey, however, was made in 1749 — and it was 
 no doubt designed that the actual occupancy of the 
 territory would, as in the case of Connecticut and 
 Massachusetts, result in settling whatever controversy 
 might arise, respecting jurisdiction, in favor of New 
 Hampshire. The charter of the town had been granted 
 in sixty -four equal shares, or "rights," as they were 
 called, of three hundred and sixty acres each. The 
 grantees resided principally, if not wholly, at Ports- 
 mouth, New Hampshire. But none of them, it is 
 believed, ever removed to the town. The first settlers 
 were purchasers under the original proprietors, and 
 were from Massachusetts. Samuel Robinson, of Hard- 
 wich, who had been for several years a captain in the 
 French war, on his return from Lake Geoi'ge to Fort 
 Massachusetts, while proceeding up Hoosic river, mis- 
 took the Walloomscoik* for that stream, and followed 
 it up to the tract of country which had been granted 
 under the name of Bennington. There he discovered 
 that he had missed his way, and directed his course to 
 the fort. He was much pleased with the country, and 
 returned to his family with a determination to begin a 
 settlement upon it. He accordingly repaired to New 
 
 * See Thompson's Gazetteer of Veimout — an iuvaluable woik to al] 
 Termontera 
 
140 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HERCE8. 
 
 Hampshire, made purchases of a considerable portion 
 of the "rights," and then sought for persons who would 
 undertake to occupy the lands. These were readily 
 found, and the settlement of the town was coiumenced 
 in the spring of 1761. The first emigrants were Har- 
 woods, Robinsons and Pratts, and, with their families, 
 consisted of about twenty persons. They traveled on 
 horseback, and in that way transported all their house- 
 hold effects, of which, it may be imagined, there was 
 no considerable variety or quantity. They reached 
 the town on the 18th of June. Benjamin Harwood, 
 (who was still living a few years ago,) was the first 
 person born in the town, (January 12th, 1762.) In the 
 fall of 1761, inany other families settled in Bennington, 
 and the place rapidly grew in importance. Among 
 the first cares of the people, after the.erection of suita- 
 ble habitations, was the establishment of a church and 
 a school. The first meeting of the proprietors, of 
 which a record has been kept, was held February 12tb, 
 1762. A committee was then appointed "to look out - 
 a place for a meeting-house ; " and soon after a site 
 was agreed upon, and a church was immediately con- 
 structed, whioh was paid for, partly by individual con- 
 tributions, and partly by a tax on the proprietors of 
 the town. Upon the organization of the church, the 
 "Cambridge platform" was adopted, except such parts 
 as admitted, according to the New-England fashion of 
 that day, the aid of the civil magistrates in enforcing 
 the support of the ministry, and their coercive power 
 over the church in other matters. They denominated 
 themselves " Congregationalists," but being in advance 
 of the great majority of their brethren of that period 
 
THE PIONEERS OF VERMONT. 14.1 
 
 in the liberality of their views of religious freedom, 
 were for some time called "Separatists." In the fall of 
 1763, the Kev. Jedediah Dewey, of Westfield, Massa- 
 chusetts, became pastor of the church, and in addition 
 to the encouragement he obtained from voluntary con- 
 tributions, he received from the proprietors of the town 
 a donation of three hundred and sixty acres of land, 
 eligibly situated, which was called "the minister's 
 right." Mr. Dewey continued to reside with the con- 
 gregation at Bennington until his death, in 1778. In 
 1763, the proprietors voted a tax for building a school- 
 house, and sixty dollars were contributed toward sup- 
 porting a school "to be kept in these parts of the 
 town." 
 
 The early settlers suffered great inconvenience for 
 the want of roads, bridges and mills. To overcome 
 these difficulties, the inhabitants taxed themselves lib- 
 erally — opened roads in various directions, and con- 
 structed bridges where necessary. For the erection of 
 each saw and flouring mill, a bounty of forty dollars 
 was paid by the proprietors. Meantime, among the 
 inhabitants of the New-England colonies, a market had 
 been found for the lands granted by Governor Went- 
 worth, and settlers were flocking over the mountains 
 from various quarters. The easy terms upon which 
 the townships had been patented, enabled the original 
 purchasers to disspose of shares and single farms at 
 very low prices, thus holding out strong allurements to 
 settlers. Apprehensions as to the validity of their 
 title, may also have induced the first proprietors to 
 prefer a quick sale with small profits, to the uncertain 
 prospect of larger gains at a future day. By this 
 
142 ETHAK ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 union of policy and interest, the lands were rapi<lly 
 Bold, in tracts of various dimensions, to practical farm- 
 ers, who resolved to establish themselves as permanent 
 residents on the soil. Many settlements were begun, 
 and when, after enduring almost incalculable hardships 
 and the severest toil, they began to realize the blessings 
 for fv'hich they had labored so indefatigably, the alarm- 
 ing intelligence reached them, that they must repur- 
 chase their lands from the government of New York, 
 at exorbitant prices, or be expelled from their homes 
 and deprived of their possessions. To pay a second 
 time for their lands at their original value, would have 
 been regarded as grossly unjust ; but to be required to 
 purchase the improvements which they had made in 
 effort and self-denial, was a demand which they felt 
 that they could meet only with armed resistance. 
 
 In regard to the jurisdiction of the government of 
 New York, which had been established by order of 
 the crown in July, 1764, as heretofore stated, they were 
 not disposed to have any serious controversy. They 
 were, indeed, familiar with the laws and institutions of 
 New Hampshire, and preferred them to those of New 
 Y^ork. New Hampshire, as well as the other New- 
 England provinces, recognized the townships as little 
 republics, in which the people, at annual town-meetings 
 appointed their own legal officers, and, in conformity 
 with established laws, made their own municipal regu- 
 lations. In New York, most of these matters were 
 then either subjects of direct provincial legislation, or 
 came under the still more anti republican superintend- 
 ence of the governor and council, or of the judges of 
 the courts, who were the creatures of their appointment. 
 
GOVERNOR TRTON. 143 
 
 The people contemplated with regret the withdrawal 
 of power from themselves which early education had 
 made dear to them, and long experience had proved to 
 be convenient and just. Besides, the division of New 
 York inty^ge tracts of territory termed manors, of 
 which indi^uals denominated landlords or patroons, 
 were the owners, and all who cultivated the soil were 
 their tenants, subject to the payment of quit-rents, alien- 
 ation fees, and other acknowledgments of dependence 
 and subjugation, accorded ill with their New-England 
 notions of personal equality and independent owner- 
 ship of the soil. But notwithstanding this strong pref- 
 erence to the government of. New Hampshire, the 
 jurisdiction of New York, had jurisdiction been the 
 sole aim of Governor Tryon, would have been quietly 
 acquiesced in. 
 
 But the governor of New York had other objects in 
 view, than that of simply extending the powers of his 
 government over the people inhabiting the "New- 
 Hampshire Grants." Those grants contained a large 
 quantity of fertile lands, much of which had been 
 made highly valuable by the improvements of the 
 settlers; and tlie temptation to derive a pecuniary 
 profit from them was too strong to be resisted.* He 
 therefore called on the settlers, by proclamation, to 
 surrender their grants and repurchase their lands from 
 him. A few of the towns near Connecticut river com- 
 plied ; but most of them, including all those west of 
 the Green Mountains, refused. Upon this refusal, 
 
 * The fees to the governor of New Hampshire, for granting a town- 
 ship, were about one hundred dollars; under the government of New 
 York they usually amounted to between two and three thousand dollara. 
 
14:4: LTUAN ALLEN AND G K El'; :n -MOUNTAIN UKitOEls. 
 
 Governor Try on made new grants of the town to 
 others : principally to his friends and dependents, 
 including some belonging to his council, and also 
 judges of the courts, members of the bar, and of 
 the colonial assembly. The limitation o^^fse grants 
 to a favored class who were connected wich the gov- 
 ernment, will account for the pertinacity with which 
 the New- York claims were afterward prosecuted by 
 the rulers of the province, as w^ell as the apathy with 
 which their successive efforts to eject the original 
 settlers were seconded by the people at large. 
 
 The New- York purchasers caused their lands to be 
 surveyed preparatory to making sales or leases of 
 them. This proceeding was quite unacceptable to the 
 actual occupants of the land, and whenever the sur- 
 veyors were discovered, they were roughly driven 
 from their employment. One of the surveyors, in at- 
 tempting to run a line. across the farm of Samuel 
 Robinson, of Bennington, was attacked by him with 
 a hoe and driven off. For this, Robinson was ap- 
 prehended ; but after being confined for two months 
 in the jail at Albany, was released, on the payment 
 of a fine. Others who resisted were indicted, but 
 the sheriff of Albany county, (which then extended 
 to the Connecticut river,) was generally unsuccessful 
 in his attempts to arrest them. The people were 
 alarmed by these and other demonstrations by the 
 governor of New York, but having a strong reliance 
 upon the justice of their cause, and being confident 
 that the crown had been deceived in regard to the 
 subject, or that a wrong construction had been placed 
 upon the order of the king, prepared a remonstrance 
 
APPEAL TO THE KINQ. 14:5 
 
 Against the proceedings of New York, and in the faU 
 of 1766, at a convention of the several towns on the 
 west side of the Green Mountains, appointed Samuel 
 Robinson as their agent to present the remonstrance, 
 and to a(i|€^ate their application for relief, by his 
 personal solicitations. They could not conceive that 
 a parental government, in which character they were 
 disposed to view that of the mother country, could 
 possibly desire to deprive them of their hard-earned 
 property, for the benelit of a few land-speculators. 
 By some of the towns, their share of the expense of 
 the embassy was levied in the form of a tax upon 
 the proprietors ; while in others, resort was had to in- 
 dividual subscriptions. An order from the king was 
 obtained, as heretofore stated, forbidding the issue of 
 further grants by the governor of "New York ; but 
 before the purpose of his mission had been fully ac- 
 complished, Mr. Robinson was seized with the small- 
 pox, and died. 
 
 The progress of Governor Tryon, in his eiforts to 
 obtain possession of the disputed lands, underwent 
 some interruption from the order of the king in re- 
 gard to making grants. It was, however, soon dis- 
 covered, that the order did not, technically, prohibit 
 his taking possession of lands which he had already 
 granted, but only forbade the issue of new grants. In 
 October, 1769, the governor's council advised him 
 that the king's order "did not extend to prevent the 
 governor from the granting of any lands which had 
 not previously been granted by ]S"ew Hampshire." 
 He therefore proceeded to issue new patents, and in 
 
 eflect w^holly neglected the king's oixier, and continued 
 
 7 
 
146 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTAIN UEKOES. 
 
 giving lands to his friends, without regard to their 
 liuviiig been previously granted by Kew. Hampshire. 
 Tiius, the mission of Mr. Kubinson to England, although 
 attended with apparent success, had r^o other effect 
 upon the New-York government, than tj^ impose a 
 tem])orary check upon its operations, ffowever, it 
 inspired the settlers with new coniidence in the jus- 
 tice of their cause, and gave them sti'ong reasons to 
 hope that their rights would eventually be acknowl- 
 edged and protected by the ''home government," which 
 was then recognized as the supreme authority that 
 would finally decide the question. 
 
 In 1769, the eftorts of the New- York claimants to 
 obtain possession of the disputed lands, were again 
 commenced with great vigor. In October of that 
 year, a number of the inhabitants of Bennington were 
 assembled on the farm of James Brackenridge, in the 
 western part of the town, for the purpose of assisting 
 him in harvesting his corn. While they were thus 
 employed, a number of surveyors came upon the farm, 
 and appeared to be running a line across it. Mr. 
 Brackenridge, and Mr. Samuel Eobinson left their 
 work, and entered into conversation with them. The 
 surveyors declared that they were acting under the 
 autiiority of the state of Kew York, for the purpose of 
 dividing among the proprietors the patent of Wallum- 
 Bchaik."*^ Brackenridge and Robinson forbade their 
 proceeding further, stating, at the same time, that it 
 
 • It was asserted that, about ten years previous to the grant of the 
 township of Bennington by Governor Wentworth, a Dutchman, named 
 Wallum, liad obtained from the governor of New York, a grant, cov- 
 ftiinij nearly all of the same territory, although he took no measures 
 
INDICTMENTS. 147 
 
 wa8 not their intention to use violence, but merely 
 to protest against the proceeding, for the purpose of 
 preserving their legal rights. Much conversation took 
 place, and finally the party desisted from their sur- 
 vey, and retired. Upon this, Abraham Ten Brook, 
 one of the proprietors of the patent, petitioned the 
 governor and conncil of ^ew York on the subject; 
 stating, that the commissioners and surveyors for di- 
 vidiiior the patent of Wallumschaik, had been "vio- 
 lently opposed by sundry persons, and prevented by 
 their threats from executing the trusts reposed in 
 them." Upon which a proclamation was issued by 
 the governor "for apprehending and securing the 
 principals and ringleaders;" and at the following 
 January term of the court at Albany, several per- 
 sons who had been present were indicted as rioters. 
 Among them was the Rev. Jedediah Dewey, Joseph 
 Robinson, Elijah Fay, Thomas Henderson, Ebenezer 
 Robinson, and John Stewart. It^one of them, how- 
 ever, were arrested or brought to trial. Other at- 
 tempts, of a similar character, were attended with 
 the same results, and actions of ejectment w^ere 
 brought by the Kew-York grantees against the set- 
 tlers. Affairs were approaching a crisis. Upon the 
 actions of ejectment depended the title to the lands, 
 BO far as the courts of Kew York could determine 
 the question. Although the people had but little con- 
 fidence in these tribunals, they resolved to appear and 
 
 to occupy it The grant was called Wallumschaik — the termination 
 "chaik " meaning scrip or patent. This gave name to the stream pass- 
 ing through it ; the orthography of which, in accordance with the 
 pronunciation, was changed to Walloomscoik. 
 
14:8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN UEEOES. 
 
 make the best defense in their power. The manage- 
 ment of the business was intrusted to Ethan Allen. 
 Bold, enterprising, ambitious, and having extreme 
 confidence in his powers, both of body and mind, 
 he entered zealously upon his task. His aid was 
 rendered the more valuable, by reason of his exten- 
 sive acquaintance in Kew England and Kew York. 
 Although laboring under the disadvantages of a de- 
 fective early education, he possessed considerable gen- 
 eral information, anu he could write a letter or au 
 argument in strong and intelligible, if not accurate 
 and polished language; and he could address a mul- 
 titude, and, when occasion required, a court, with skill 
 and effect. Upon his selection as an agent to defend 
 the suits brought against the settlers, he went to ISTew 
 Hampshire, and obtained copies of Governor "VYent- 
 worth's commission and instructions from the kinor, 
 under which he had acted in making the grants. 
 He next proceeded to Connecticut, and engaged the 
 services of Mr. Ingersoll, an eminent counselor of 
 that time. In June, 1770, they appeared before the 
 court in Albany. An action of ejectment against 
 Josiah Carpenter, of Shaftsbury, came on for ti ial ; 
 and the defendant's counsel offered in evidence the 
 documents above mentioned, together with the char- 
 ter of the township, and a deed of the land in ques- 
 tion from the original proprietor to the defendant. 
 This evidence was rejected by the court, on the 
 ground that the New-Hampshire charters were illegal 
 and void, and the jury were directed to find a ver- 
 dict for the plaintiff. Two other actions were tried 
 ■with the same result. As all the cases were precisely 
 
THE TKIAL8 AT ALBANY. 149 
 
 like these, their decision was regarded as a precedent 
 for the residue, and no further attempts at a defense 
 were made, in the various trials which ensued.^ The 
 deftmdants and their friends did not, however, con- 
 template that the matter would end at Albany. Af- 
 ter Allen retired from the court, several gentlemen, 
 interested in the New- York grants — one of whom 
 was the king's attorney-general for the colony — called 
 upon him, and urged him to go home and advise his 
 friends to make the best terms they could with their 
 new landlords ; intimating that their cause was now 
 desperate, and reminding him of the proverb, that 
 "might often prevails against right." Allen coolly re- 
 plied: "The gods of the valleys are not the gods of the 
 
 * In 1779, Allen published a •work, entitled, "A Vindication of the 
 opposition of tlie Inhabitants of Vermont to the governor of New- 
 York, and of their right to form into an independent state, humbly 
 submitted to an impartial world, by Ethan Allen." From this work, 
 tlie following characteristic account of these trials is taken : " In the 
 year 1769, the claimants under the subsequent grants from New York, 
 and not residing on the controverted premises, brought actions of 
 ejectment in the supreme court held at Albany, against sundry actual 
 settlers, who claimed the soil by virtue of prior grants from New 
 Hampshire. But most, if not all tlie judges and attornies, particularly 
 Messi-s. Duane and Kemp, which attended the court, were patentees 
 under New York ; and some of tliem interested in the very patents 
 on trial The plaintiffs appearing in great state and magnificence, 
 which, together with their junto of land thieves, made a brilliant ap- 
 pearance ; but the defendants appearing but in ordinary fashion, having 
 been greatly fatigued by hard labor wrought on the disputed premises, 
 and tlieir cash much exhausted, made a very disproportionate figuro 
 at court. In fine, interest, conviction and grandeur, being all on one 
 Rid<», easily tnrned the scale against the honest defendants, and judg- 
 ments without meroy, in favor of the claimants under New York, wis 
 given against them," <Stc. 
 
150 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MoUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 hills ; " and when asked by Kemp, the attorney-general, 
 to explain his meaning, he replied : "If you will ac- 
 company me to the hill of Bennington, the sense will 
 1)3 made clear." 
 
 The purpose of his mission being thus brought to 
 a close, Mr. Allen returned and reported the partic- 
 ulars to his constituents. The news spread from hab- 
 itation to habitation, and created a sudden and loud 
 murmur of discontent among the people. Seeing, as 
 they thought, the door of justice shut against them, 
 and having tried, in vain, all the peaceable lueans 
 of securing their rights, they resolved to appeal to 
 the last arbiter of disputes. Tlie inhabitants of Ben- 
 nington immediately assembled, and came to a for- 
 mal determination to defend their property by force, 
 and to unite in resisting all encroachments upon the 
 lands occupied by persons holding titles under the 
 warrants granted by the governor of I^ew Hampshire. 
 This was a bold step ; but it was promptly taken, 
 and with a seeming determination to adhere to it, 
 at any hazard, and without regard to consequences. 
 Nor was this decision changed or weakened by a 
 proposition on the part of the Kew-York patentees, 
 made about this time, which allowed to each occu- 
 pant a fee-simple of his farm, at the same price for 
 which the unoccupied lands in his neighborhood were 
 sold. The first purchasers still insisted tliat this was 
 requiring them to pay twice for their lands ; and that, 
 in any view, the proposal was not just, inasmuch jjs 
 the value of the unoccupied lands depended mainly 
 on the settlements which had been made in their vi- 
 cinity, by the toil, and at the expense, of the original 
 
DETERMINATION OF THE MOfNTAINEERS. 151 
 
 occupants. In short, the time for talking about char- 
 ters, and boundaries, and courts of judicature, was 
 past, and the mountaineers were now fully bent on con- 
 ducting the controversy by a more summary process. 
 Actions of ejectment continued to be brought before 
 the Albany courts ; but the settlers, despairing of suc- 
 cess, after the decision of the first cases, did not ap- 
 pear in defense, nor give themselves any more trouble 
 in the matter. Next came sheriffs and civil majris- 
 trates to execute the writs of possession, and by due 
 course of law to remove the occupants from the lands. 
 At this crisis, the affair assumed a tangible shape. 
 The mountaineers felt themselves at home on the soil 
 which they had subdued by their own labor, and in 
 the territory over which they had begun to exercise 
 supreme dominion, by meeting in conventions and 
 committees, and taking counsel of each other on pub- 
 lic concerns. To drive one of them from his house, 
 or deprive him of his hard-earned substance, was to 
 threaten the whole* community with an issue, fatal 
 alike to their dearest interests, and to the rights which 
 every man deems as sacred as life itself. It was no 
 wonder, therefore, that they should unite in a com- 
 mon cause, which required their combined efibrts to 
 maintain. But the results of the trials at Albany had 
 given additional confidence to the New- York claim- 
 ants, and they determined on renewed efibrts to ob- 
 tain possession of the disputed lands. The proprietors 
 of the Wallumschaik patent made another attempt 
 to survey the township of Bennington ; but, as in. pre- 
 vious instances, the endeavor was unsuccessful. The 
 surveyors had not proceeded far, wlien they were met 
 
152 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 by a body of twenty or thirty of the settlers, who 
 warned them to desist, in so decided a tone, that they 
 abandoned the undertaking. This was in September, 
 1770. Abraham Ten Brook, one of the proprietors 
 of the patent, in behalf of himself and the other pro- 
 prietors, petitioned the governor and council of JSTew 
 York on the subject; stating "that the proclamation 
 which the governor had issued on the 11th of Decem- 
 ber, 1769, for apprehending rioters, had been attended 
 with no eflect — that actions of ejectment had been 
 tried at the last summer-assizes at Albany, against the 
 settlers, and three different verdicts obtained against 
 them, and that another defendant had made default — 
 that these judgments had induced the petitioners to 
 believe the commissioners might proceed unmolested ; 
 but that they had been opposed by a riotous and 
 tumultuous body, who armed themselves with clubs, 
 and warned them to desist from their business ; 
 threatening them with violence, &c. The petition 
 also stated that the commissioners did not think it 
 safe to proceed further, and prayed the governor and 
 council for aid and relief in the premises." The pe- 
 tition was taken into consideration, and in October, 
 1770, the council advised the governor "to issue a 
 proclamation for apprehending Simeon Hatheway, Mo- 
 ses Scott, Jonathan Fisk, and Silas Robinson, prin- 
 cipal authors and actors in said riot, and to insert 
 in the proclamation, the declaration that the governor 
 had orders from the king, to protect the New- York 
 claimants with his whole power and authority." 
 
 At this period, and for some time afterward, one of 
 the most active and eflScient advocates and supporters 
 
LEGAL pkoceedi>;gs kenewed. 153 
 
 of the ]N"ew-York government, was Jolin Munro, pro- 
 prietor of a patent under that province, lying upon 
 White creek and extending into the present town of 
 Shaftsbruy. He held the office of justice of the peace 
 for Albany county, and resided on his patent. He 
 had a number of tenants and dependents about him, 
 and by his boldness and energy of character, was very 
 troublesome to the occupants of the New-IIamspliire 
 grants. In obedience to the governor's proclamation, 
 Henry Ten Eyck, sheriff of the county of Albany, in 
 company with Munro and others, repaired to the house 
 of Silas Robinson, in Bennington, early on the mornino- 
 of the 29th of lN"ovember, and arrested him. By at- 
 tacking him unexpectedly, and returning precipitately 
 to Alban}^, they succeeded in committing him to the 
 jail, before any attempt could be made by his neigh- 
 bors to rescue him. The sheriff was much elated by 
 his success, and wrote an account of it to the governor, 
 who returned a highly complimentary letter, and di- 
 rected him to keep the prisoner in custody until he 
 should be released by due course of law. Eobinson was 
 afterward indicted, but was finally released, on givino- 
 bail for his appearance at court. Fourteen ethers were 
 indicted with Robinson, but no attempt was made to 
 arrest them. 
 
 From the time judgments were rendered in the eject- 
 ment suits at Albany, in the spring of 1771, various 
 efforts were made by the sheriff to put the plaintiffs in 
 possession of the premises which had been adjudged 
 to them, but without success. Wherever he went, he 
 was sure to be met by a party larger than that which 
 accompanied him, and was told that any attempt to 
 
154: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 execute a writ of possession would certainly be resisted 
 by force. These facts being reported tc the governor, 
 he directed them to summon the militia of tiie county 
 to his aid. This was accordingly done, and in J*uly, 
 1771, an attempt was made to arrest James Bracken- 
 ridge. The following account of this expedition is 
 from Ira Allen's History of Vermont : "'^ 
 
 ''The sheriff of Albany county summoned the posse 
 to aid him in serving a writ of possession upon James 
 Brackenridge. Tlie sheriff was followed by seven hun- 
 dred and fifty men well armed, and three hundred sot* 
 tiers assembled to resist him. The settlers had full 
 notice of his approach, and had completed their ar- 
 rangements for defence. An officer with eighteen men 
 was placed in the house — one hundred and twenty 
 beiiind trees in a wood near a road through which the 
 sheriff must march and would naturally halt his men. 
 The other division was stationed beliind a ridge of 
 land in a meadow, within gunshot of the house, and 
 out of sight of the sheriff's men. Thus an ambuscade 
 was formed to have a crossfire on tlie sheriff"'s men 
 without endangering themselves, and to be ready 
 against the she'ritf forced the door, which was to be 
 known by hoisting a red flag above the top of the 
 chimney. When the sheriff approached, all were si- 
 lent : he and his men were completely within the 
 ambuscade before they discovered their situation. Mr. 
 Ten Eyck, the sheriff, went to tiie house and demanded 
 ►entrance as the sheriff of Albany county, and threat- 
 ened on refusal to force the door. The answer was 
 'Attempt it and you are dead men.' lie repeated his 
 demand and threat without using any force, 6z received 
 for a second answer hideous groans from within! At 
 this time the two divisions exhibited their hats on the 
 points of their guns, which appeared to be more nu- 
 merous than they really were. The sheriff and his 
 
 • This is a small work, published by Allen in London, m 1798. It is 
 now rarely to be met with. 
 
DEFENSIVE MEASCKES. 155 
 
 posse seeing their dangerous situation, and not being 
 interested in the dispute, made a iiastj retreat, so that a 
 musket was not fired on either side, whicli gave satis-. 
 taction to and cemented the union of the inhabitants, & 
 raised their consequence in the neighboring provinces." 
 Although the New- York claimants had been foiled in 
 their attempts to execute their writs of possession, they 
 did not abandon their determination to substantiate 
 their claims by other means. Finding that the militia 
 of Albany county could not be relied upon to act 
 effectually against the settlers, they sought to accom- 
 plish their object by less direct means. The old prac- 
 tice of indictment for riots was again resorted to ; 
 favorable offers of titles under New York were made 
 to prominent individuals residing on the grants ; ofiices 
 were conferred on others ; and persons from New York 
 were encouraged to make settlements on unoccupied 
 lands which had been granted by New Hampshire. 
 By these means it w^as hoped divisions would be created 
 among the people, and the New- York interest so much 
 strengthened as to secure its predominance. In order 
 effectually to resist these movements of the New- York 
 authorities, committees of safety were appointed by 
 the several towns west of the Green Mountains, who 
 met in convention, passed resolutions, and adopted 
 regulations which had the potency of laws with their 
 constituents. It was decreed, among other things, that 
 no officer of New York should convey any person from 
 the New-Hampshire Grants without permission of the 
 committee of safety ; and that no surveys should be 
 made, or settlements attempted by people from New 
 York, upon any portion of the territory originally in 
 dispute between New York and New Hampshire 1^ or 
 
156 ETHAJf ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 
 
 a violation of this law, the offender was to be punished 
 according to the judgment of the committees of safety, 
 or "the ideas of the people." Nevertheless, the civil 
 officers of JS'ew York were to be allowed the exercise 
 of their proper functions in the collection of debts, and 
 also in other matters not connected with the controversy 
 in regard to lands. That a force might be ready to act 
 in any emergency, a military association was formed, 
 of which Ethan Allen was appointed commandant, 
 with the title of colonel, and Seth Warner, Remember 
 Baker, Robert Cockrane, Gideon "Warner, and some 
 others were appointed captains. The men were arjiied, " 
 and occasionally met for military exercise. John 
 Munro, in a letter to Governor Try on, stated that "the 
 rioters had established a company at Bennington, com- 
 manded by Captain Warner — and that on New Year's 
 day (1772) his company was reviewed and continued 
 all day in military exercise and firing at marks." 
 
 In pursuance of the policy heretofore mentioned, the 
 grantees made attempts to establish settlements on the 
 western borders of the grants. Whenever this was 
 done, Ethan Allen, at the head of a detachment of the 
 "Green-Mountain Boys," as the men under his com- 
 mand were called, promptly met the intruders and 
 drove them off. The New- York sheriffs continued to 
 be pursued with unremitting eagerness, whenever they 
 dared to set their feet on the forbidden ground. With 
 these various affairs on his hands, it will readily be 
 imagined that the commander of the Green-Mountain 
 Boys was not idle ; nor was it surprising that he should 
 attract the particular notice of the New- York govern- 
 ment. So many complaints were made of the riotous 
 
Allen's pkoclamation. 157 
 
 and disorderly proceedings of his volunteers and as- 
 sociates ; such was the indignation of the Xew-York 
 party on account of the harsh measures adopted by thera 
 toward the persons whom they seized as trespassers 
 upon their property ; and so entirely did they set at 
 defiance the laws of New York, to which their oppo- 
 nents accounted them amenable, that the governor 
 was tempted to try the virtue of another proclamation, 
 in which he branded the deed of dispossessing a New- 
 York settler with the opprobrious name of felony, and 
 offered a reward of twenty pounds to any person who 
 would apprehend and secure Allen, or either of eight 
 other persons connected with him, and mentioned by 
 name. 
 
 Whether this proclamation was thought too mild in 
 its terms, or whether new outrages had added to the 
 enormity of the offense, it is not easy to decide ; but 
 another was promulgated, enlarging the bounty for 
 Allen to one hundred and fifty pounds, and for Seth 
 Warner and five others to fifty pounds each. Not to 
 be outdone by the authority of New York in exercising 
 the prerogatives of sovereignty. Colonel Allen and his 
 friends sent out a counter-proclamation,* offering a 
 
 * Advertisement £25 Reward. Whereas James Dnane and John 
 Kcmpe of New York, have by their menaces and threats greatly dis- 
 turbed the public Peace and Repose of the honest Peasants of Benning- 
 ton and the settlements to the Northward, which Peasants are now, and 
 ever have been in the Peace of God <fe the King, and are patriotic and 
 liege subjects of George the Third, — Any person that will apprehend 
 those common disturbers, viz., James Duaneand John Kempe, and bring 
 them to Landlord Fays at Bennington, shall have £15 Reward for James 
 Duane, and £10 for John Kempe, paid by Ethan Allen, 
 
 K KM EMBER BaKKR, 
 
 . Dated at Poultney, Feb. 5th 1772. Robkrt Cockkank. 
 
158 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. " 
 
 reward for the apprehension of the persons who had 
 become most obnoxious to the inhabitants of the I^ew- 
 Hampshire Grants. Notwithstanding the frequency 
 of proclamations, it is believed that no person was 
 apprehended in consequence of them, which is a proof 
 tliat the people of the parts of 'New York adjoining 
 the New-Hampshire grants were more favorable to 
 the settlers than were prominent men of the colony ; 
 otherwise, the allurement of the reward would have 
 induced combinations for seizing individual offenders, 
 particularly as the people were required by law to 
 assist the sheriff in the execution of his office. Allen 
 never denied that the conduct of himself and his 
 mountaineers, interpreted by the laws of New York, 
 or the laws of any well-ordered society, was properly 
 called riotous ; but he contended that they were driven 
 to this extremity by the oppression of their stronger 
 neighbors ; that no other means were left by which they 
 could defend their property ; and that, under such cir- 
 cumstances, they were perfectly justified in resorting to 
 these means. They encroached not upon the posses- 
 sions of other people ; they remained on their own soil ; 
 and, if riots existed, they were caused by those who 
 came among them for molestation and injury. View- 
 ing things in this light, he thought it hard, and with 
 reason, that he should first be called a rioter, then a 
 criminal rioter, and last of all be denounced to the 
 world as a felon, with a price set upon his liberty, and 
 threats of condign punishment if he should be taken. "'*■ 
 But Allen, who was brave even to rashness, was in 
 no degree intimidated by the reward offered .for his 
 
 • See Sparks' Life of Ethan Allen. 
 
DARING OF COLONEL ALLEN. 159 
 
 apprehension, and this be designed that those who had 
 advised tliat measure should fully understand. Much 
 anxiety was felt by his friends for his safety, on account 
 of the many opportunities which his indifference to 
 danger afforded for arrestinj]^ him. Allen, however, 
 laughed at their fears, and offered a bet that he would 
 proceed to Albany, alight at the most prominent house 
 0+' entertainment, drink a bowl of punch, and finally 
 escape unharmed. This was accepted. Having made 
 the necessary arrangements, Allen proceeded to Albany, 
 and, after deliberately alighting from his horse, and 
 entering the house with a haughty air, called for a 
 bowl of punch, according to the terms of his bet. The 
 intelligence that "Ethan Allen was in the city," sprea.d 
 rapidly, and a large concourse of people collected 
 around the house, among whom was the sheriff of 
 Albany county. Allen was wholly unmoved. Having 
 finished his punch, he went to the door, mounted hi8 
 horse, and giving a hearty "Hjizza for the Green 
 Moimtains," departed unharmed. Those who were 
 disposed to arrest him felt that the enterprise would 
 not be unaccompanied with danger. 
 
 On another occasion, Allen's terr^eWty very nearly 
 proved his ruin. While traveling upon the shores of 
 Lake Champlain, opposite Crown Point, with a single 
 companion, he stopped at the house of a Mr. Eichards. 
 It happened that, at the same tim«, a party of six sol- 
 diers fiom the neighboring fortress, fully armed, were 
 at the house, with the intention of remaining during 
 the night. Knowing Allen, they determined on arrest- 
 ing him, aLd obtaining the tempting reward offered by 
 the government of New York for Lis apprehension. 
 
160 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 Mrs. Eichards overheard their conversation, and when 
 lighting Allen and his companion to their room, in- 
 formed them of the design of the soldiers; and silently 
 raising a window, advised them to escape. When the 
 soldiers discovered that Allen had left the house, they 
 threatened Mrs. Richards with punishment, for con- 
 niving at the escape of the heroic leader of the Green- 
 Mountain Bojs ; but she apologized, on the ground 
 that if she had failed to do so, the people would have 
 torn down 'her house, and driven herself and family 
 from their possessions. 
 
 John Munro, who has been heretofore mentioned as 
 an active and determined partisan of New York, in 
 the hope of receiving the reward offered by Governor 
 Tryon, and to enjoy the honor which would attend the 
 success of such an undertaking, resolved on capturing 
 and carrying to Albany one of the persons who had 
 been outlawed by the proclamation. He accordingly 
 assembled ten or twelve of his friends and dependents, 
 and, on the morning of March 22d, 1772, before day- 
 light, surrounded the house of Remember Baker, of 
 Arlington, for the purpose of arresting him. Armed 
 with swords and pistols, they burst open the door and 
 entered the house. Baker was severely wounded upon 
 the head and arm by a sword. His wife, and a son 
 about twelve years of age, were also treated with great 
 inhumanity, the one being wounded upon the head and 
 neck by the blow of a sword, and the other receiving 
 a dangerous cut npon his arm. Baker, being over- 
 powered by numbers, was bound, thrown bleeding into 
 a sleigh, and driven rapidly toward Albany. The alarm 
 was spread with great rapidity, and in a short time ten 
 
REMEMBER BAKER. 161 
 
 "well-carmed men mounted tlicir horses, and started in 
 pursuit of tlie captors. Others, as speedily as prepara- 
 tions could bo made, hastened to their assistance. As 
 Munro, with his prisoner, reached the Hudson river, 
 the party in pursuit also arrived at the ferry. Munro 
 and Ids party abandoned their prisoner and fled. 
 Captain Baker, who was nearly exhausted from loss 
 of blood, needed the immediate care of his hardy 
 friends. They dressed his wounds, and carried hinr. 
 back to his family, to the extreme joy of the entire 
 community. Munro, in the report of this transaction 
 to the governor of New York, represented the conflict 
 at Baker's house as a very desperate one, ancl said "he 
 had reason to be thankful to divine Providence, for the 
 preservation of his life, and that of the whole party." 
 An account of the scene, written, as it was understood, 
 by Ethan Allen, was published in the Connecticut 
 Courant, of June 9, 1772, with the ensuing title: "The 
 following contains a true narrative of the sufferings 
 and abuses received by Mr. Eemember Baker, his Wife 
 and Family, on the 22d day of March, A. D. 1772, 
 at his own dwelling-house in Arlington, and on the 
 lands granted by his late Excellency Benning "VYent- 
 worth, Esq., late Governor of the Province of IS'ew 
 Hampshire." '^ 
 
 "This wicked, inhuman, most barbarous, infamous, 
 cruel, villainous and thievish Act -was perpetrated, 
 committed, and carried into execution by one John 
 Munro, a reputed Justice of the Peace, living near that 
 phice, with a number of ruffians, his neighbors — who, 
 
 • Tliis curious document, the style of which was well suited to the 
 leolings and comprehension of the uneducated Green-Mountain Boys, is 
 rppublished verbatim. 
 
162 ETHAN ALLEN AND UKEEJN-fllODNTAIN HEEOEB. 
 
 after a Lords day consultation in plotting this wicked 
 and horrid design, surprised the said liuker in his said 
 dwelling-house, about the lirst a])pearance of morning 
 light, on the said 22d day of March, and, after making 
 an attempt to discharge their tire-arms through the 
 said Baker's house, and finding their lire-arms missing 
 fire, said Munro with his attendants, did with axes 
 forcibly break and enter the said Baker's house, and 
 with weapons of death, spread destruction round the 
 room, outtins: with swords and bruisino; with fire-arms 
 and clubs men women and children, swearing by' — * 
 he would have Baker dead or alive, and that he would 
 burn the house. Baker Wife & Children and all the 
 effects, and to compass and bring this villainous scheme 
 into execution, did with his own wicked and rebellious 
 hand convey fire from the hearth in the said house to 
 a cupboard in the room, it being the most convenient 
 place to answer his intentions, when all on a sudden, 
 as quick as a flash, a Judas spirit, that of gain and 
 plunder, overballanced his wicked noddle. Tliis being 
 agreed on, he instantly thrust his sword at Mrs. Baker 
 with an. intention to have ended at that instant her life 
 (as he has since confessed) when her right arm, near 
 her elbow joint, for that time, happily preserved her 
 from the intended mxirder. Others, in the mean time, 
 his attendants, were mauling and beating and bruising 
 liis children. Mr. Baker, having at that time posted 
 himself in his Chamber for the better security of him- 
 self, family and effects, finding their malice oaths and 
 imprecations principally levelled at his ])erson, thought 
 most proper to leave his ciiamber, tliinking thereby to 
 draw the murderers after him and so give his family 
 in their wounded circumstances a better op])ortunity 
 to save themselves from impending ruin and utter de- 
 struction, accordinojlv burst a board from the ^iible end 
 of the house and leaped out of the window he had by 
 that means made, when part of the ruffians, by the 
 
 * Wheipver oaths occur in the oiiy;i rial nanntireof the assault upon 
 Mr. Baker, as well as otluM- d vonmonts republished in those pages, t)»6'* 
 place will be supplied with a dash. 
 
BEMEMBKR BAKEK. 163 
 
 eajd Justice's comniand, were ordered (after firing on 
 
 said Baker, and saying three times successively, 
 
 Liin be is dead) to set on liiin a large spiteful wilful 
 and very malicious dog, educated and brought up 
 agreeable to their ow'n forms and customs who beiuo- 
 like those other servants of the devil at that time all 
 obedience, seized the said Baker, and being instantly 
 joined by those his cruel partners, bound and pinioned 
 him so fast that be was unable to use or make even the 
 least resistance in defence of himself, his unhappy 
 wounded wife, or his poor helpless distressed children. 
 
 "And not being as yet satisfied with their own un- 
 lawful proceedings, and their thirst for blood not being 
 quenched, the better to enhance & increase their horrid 
 crime and procure a fell draught of human blood, to 
 quench their urmatural thirst, did convey the said 
 Baker to the carriage in which they rode ; where in 
 his confined state, the said John did with bis attend- 
 ants. Tomahawk, cut and slash in spots, that their eyes 
 might see a life languish out by degrees in streams of 
 
 blood, while they did with a at almost every 
 
 breath, laugh him in the face, to express their satisfac- 
 tion in bis affonizinof srroans. 
 
 "In this awful and lamentable situation, almost on 
 the verge of eternity, by means of the bruises, cuts, 
 and great efi'usion of blood, said Baker witli a voice 
 according to bis strength, called for bis clothes as be 
 was yet naked from his bed, who was denied them by 
 the said Justice, which after several strokes with hip 
 naked sword over said Baker's naked face and eyes 
 and breaking the same in three pieces and gave him 
 
 this reflection, that him be would cloath 
 
 bim as a traitor; which aggravating 
 
 threats, gave them a new sip to their beloved re- 
 venge. — Thus they continued him in bis naked jcMir- 
 ney, for the space of four miles and a half, with many 
 cruel words, and hard blows stopping bis breath with 
 handkerchiefs, till almost suffocated, lest be should 
 ap})ly to some person for relief 
 
 "The said Justice and attendants bad taken what of 
 the effects belonged to the house, he and they thought 
 
164 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 wortliy their present affrighted notice ; although they 
 would in probability have been more faithful in the 
 prosecution of self and worldly gain, had not they 
 have feared a surprise in so unchristian an act. — Tliey 
 pursued their journey with" severe words and crnel 
 threats as thoucrh resolved to take a full swiiitr and 
 make an ample feast of human cruelty, until pursued 
 by three persons' loyal and faithful subjects to the 
 Crown of Great Britain, whose banner they mean ever 
 more to live and die under, and, after inquiring for the 
 preservation of the life of said Baker, were immediately 
 tired on by several of Munro's party and robbed of 
 what interest he had with him, to the value of forty 
 dollars, as a fresh sip and recruit to their hellish de- 
 mand. These distressing tidings being soon spread on 
 the premises, enhanced the innocent inhabitants, and 
 for the preservation of Baker his family & their own 
 persons, families and eft'ects, some of them did pursue 
 the said carriage about thirty miles, and when said 
 John with his attendants, being savage like, conscience 
 struck and condemned, run and hid themselves so pri- 
 vate that it is not known by«his or their acquaintances 
 where they have been ever since ; leaving the said 
 Baker witfi very little remains of life, unable to tight 
 for liimsx^lf, who willingly in his capacity accepted of 
 mercy, which he had been so long a stranger to. 
 
 "The foregoing contains but a very short, though 
 true account of the barbarous conduct of the said John 
 towards the said Baker and family, and such conduct 
 exercised b}^ a pretended civil magistrate, or such a 
 magistrate rather must be dishonorable, a reproach, 
 shame, disgrace vfec. pn the laws, restrictions, regula- 
 tions, peace, manners, good order and economy, both 
 of the Laws of God and Man. The above and much 
 more can be attested with good authority, as many 
 worthy persons were eye witnesses of the said tragedy. 
 The robbery has since been confessed by the said Justice 
 and he has promised to make amends." 
 
 But to return to the spring of 17 2. The attack 
 upon Captain Baker, as might have been anticipated, 
 
ATTEMPT TO ARREST WARNER. 165 
 
 produced a strong feeling of indignation among his 
 friends and partisans. This was still further increased 
 by a subsequent attempt of Munro to arrest Captain 
 Seth Warner. The latter, with a single friend, was 
 riding on horseback in the vicinity of Munro's resi- 
 dence. Munro, with several of his dependents, met 
 them, and entered into conversation. Suddenly, Munro 
 seized the bridle of Warner's horse, and commanded 
 those present to aid in his arrest. Warner, after advis- 
 ing the ]S^ew-York magistrate to desist, struck him over 
 the head with his cutlass so powerfully, that he fell to 
 the ground insensible. The spectators, intimidated by 
 this energetic action, made no attempt to interfere ; and 
 Warner rode off, without further molestation. Munro 
 received no permanent injury, and speedily recovered. 
 He wrote to the governor, however, giving a most 
 dismal account of the state of affairs in his vicinity ; 
 stating, among other things, that the "rioters," by their 
 number and boldness, were "striking terror into the 
 whole country — that he was in a continual fear of 
 them, as he could not find, a single magistrate or 
 officer that would speak or act against them — that he 
 was almost worn out with watching, and that nothing 
 but the most vigorous measures for the defense of his 
 property, would save it from destruction." 
 
 It now became the fixed determination of the set- 
 tlers, at all hazards, to maintain their position by ex- 
 pelling from the l^ew-Hampshire Grants every person 
 who should attempt to act under the authority of the 
 New-York claimants. While the feelings of the peo- 
 ple were highly exasperated by the occurrences which 
 Lave been narrated, intelligence reached Bennington 
 
166 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 that Governor Trjon was ascending the Hudson, with 
 a body of British troops, who were on the way to sub- 
 due the refractory Green-Mountain Boys. This news 
 was the more readily credited, as the royal troops had 
 recently been employed at "Bateman's Patent," in the 
 colony of New York, to quell an insurrection founded 
 on a dispute in regard to the title or rents of lands; 
 and it was also known that the New- York claimants to 
 the New-Hampshire Grants, had applied to the gover- 
 nor to send the troops of the regular army against the 
 Green-Mountain Boys. The report of the approach of 
 Governor Tryon at first produced alarm. The com- 
 mittees of safety, with the military officers, met in con- 
 vention, to consult on the measures proper to be taken. 
 Their perilous situation was anxiously discussed, and 
 on full consideration it was finally resolved, that "it 
 was their duty to oppose Governor Tryon and his 
 troops to the utmost of their power." This resolution 
 being taken, every practical measure was adopted to 
 make their resistance efiectual. Two pieces of cannon 
 and a mortar were procured from Fort Hoosic and 
 taken to Bennington, and a general rally of all persons 
 capable of bearing arms was instituted. A plan of op- 
 erations was devised, by which a few sharp-shooters 
 were to be stationed in a narrow pass on the road 
 leading from Albany to Bennington, who were to re- 
 main in concealment,, and shoot down the officers as 
 they approached with their troops. The same marks- 
 men were then to return through the woods, and join 
 another party of their comrades in a similar position, 
 where they were to exercise their unerring skill in 
 the use of the rifle, and, when they could :io longer 
 
RENEWED NEGOTIATIONS. 167 
 
 maintain their position, retreat to the main body, who 
 would be prepared to receive the invading troops, dis- 
 ordered and dispirited as it was supj^oscd they would be 
 by the loss of their officers. A trusty person was dis- 
 patched to Albany, with instructions to await the 
 arrival of Governor Tryon's army ; to observe the 
 officers particularly, that he might distinguish them 
 again ; and to ascertain as many particulars as he 
 should be able in regard to the number of the enemy, 
 the time of marching, and their intended movements. 
 The messenger returned with the welcome information, 
 that the troops were bound for Ticonderoga and Crown 
 Point, and that they had no intention of marching 
 toward Bennington. Although the people were hap- 
 pily relieved from the necessity of putting their valor 
 to the test, their prompt and bold preparations for the 
 onset were a pledge that in no event would it have 
 terminated in their dishonor. The increased number 
 of troops stationed within their immediate vicinity, 
 could have no other effect than to strengthen their ap- 
 prehensions as to the ultimate designs of the governor 
 of New York. 
 
 Information of the proceedings of the Green-Moun- 
 tain Boys, during this alarm, soon reached the gover- 
 nor of New York, in letters from Munro, and also from 
 several individuals, who, in consequence of having re- 
 purchased their lands from New York, had excited th»^ 
 animosity of their neighbors, and deemed it prudent to 
 flee to Albany, during the preparations to resist Gov- 
 ernor Tryon. This magistrate, from the number and 
 determined spirit of the settlers, as indicated during 
 their apprehension of an invasion, seems to have been 
 
168 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 impressed with the difficulty of subduing them by force, 
 and to have come to the determination of trying what 
 could be done by negotiation. He accordingly pre- 
 pared a letter, addressed to the Rev. Mr. Dewey and 
 other principal inhabitants of Bennington, in which, af- 
 ter censuring the illegality of their conduct, he expressed 
 a strong desire to do them justice, and invited them to 
 send a deputation of such persons as they might choose, 
 to lay before him a full statement of their grievances, 
 and the reasons for their resistance to his authority. 
 "That there may be no obstruction," continued the gov- 
 ernor, " to your laying before me, in council, as soon as 
 possible, a fair representation of your conduct, I do 
 hereby engage full security and protection to an}'^ per- 
 sons whom you shall choose to send on this business 
 to New York, from the time they leave their homes to 
 the time of their return, except Robert Cockrane, as 
 also Allen, Baker and Sevil, mentioned in my procla- 
 mation of the 10th of December last, and Seth "Warner, 
 whose audacious behavior to a civil magistrate has 
 subjected him to the penalties of the laws of his 
 country." 
 
 This letter was duly delivered to the occupants of 
 the IS^ew-Hampshire Grants by the sheriff of Albany 
 county. On receiving this invitation to negotiate, the 
 people of Bennington and the neighboring towns as- 
 sembled by their committees, took the subject into con- 
 sideration, and promptly acceded to the proposal. They 
 returned a firm and respectful answer to Governor 
 Tryon, detailing the oppressions which they had suf- 
 fered, and urging him to discontinue all violent pro- 
 ceedings against them, until a full representation of 
 
Allen's vindication. 169 
 
 the matter could be made to the king, and his full de- 
 cision of all the points involved in the controversy 
 could be obtained. Captain Stephen Fay, with his 
 Bon, Dr. Jonas Fay, were appointed delegates to return 
 this answer to Governor Tryon, with authority to make 
 particular explanations, in case that functionary should 
 wish them to do so. 
 
 Neither was the opportunity to be passed over by 
 Allen and his proscribed friends, of vindicating them- 
 selves against the aspersions cast upon tliem by their 
 enemies, and the stigma of being pointed out to the 
 world as rioters, abettors of mobs, and felons. They 
 sent a joint dispatch to Governor Tryon, in the natir. e 
 of a protest against the treatment they had received, 
 and in justification of their motives and acts. Allen 
 was again the penman for his brethren ; and, consider- 
 ing their provocations, and the degree of excitement 
 to which they had been wrought up, their remonstrance 
 was clothed in language sufficiently respectful — breath- 
 ing the spirit of men conscious of their dignity, and 
 resolute in the defense of their rights, but ready to 
 meet the awards of justice, and abide by the decision 
 of a fair and impartial tribunal.* Some of their ar- 
 guments are put in a forcible manner. "If we do not 
 oppose the sheriff and his posse," say they, "he takes 
 immediate possession of our houses and farms ; and 
 when others oppose officers in taking their friends so 
 indicted, they are also indicted, and so on, there being 
 no end of indiotments against us, so long as we act the 
 bold and manly part, and stand by our liberty. And 
 it comes to this at last : that we must tamely be dispos- 
 
 • See Life of Ethau Allen, by Jared Sparki. 
 
 8 
 
170 ETHiN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 sesscd, or oppose officers in taking possession ; and as a 
 next necessary step, to oppose the taking of rioters, so 
 called, or run away like so many cowards, and quit 
 the country to a number of cringing, polite gentlemen, 
 who have ideally possessed themselves of it alread^^." 
 Again: "Though they style ns rioters for opposing 
 them, and seek to catch and pnnish us as such, yet in 
 reality themselves are the rioters, the tumultuous, dis- 
 orderly, stimulating faction, or in fine the land-jobbers ; 
 and every violent act they have done to compass their 
 designs, though, ever so much under pretense of law, 
 is in reality a violation of law, and an insult to the 
 constitution and authority of the crown, as well as 
 to many of us in person, who have been great suf- 
 ferers by such inhuman exertions of pretended law. 
 Kight and wrong are eternally the same to all periods 
 of time, places and nations ; and coloring a crime with 
 a specious pretense of law, only adds to the criminality 
 of it, for it subverts the very design of law, prostituting 
 it to the vilest purposes." " We beg leave to observe," 
 says Allen, "that as, on the one hand, no consideration 
 whatever shall induce us to remit, in the least, of our 
 loyalty and gratitude to our most gracious sovereign, 
 nor of a reasonable submission to your Excellency ; so, 
 on the other hand, no tyrannical exertions of the powers 
 of the government, can deter us from asserting and 
 vindicating our undoubted rights and privileges as 
 Englishmen." "No person or persons," continues the 
 sturdy patriot, "can be supposed to be under any par- 
 ticular compact or law, except it presupposeth, that 
 that law will protect such person or persons in his or 
 their properties ; for otherwise the subject would, by 
 
CONCILIATOKY KECOMMENDATION. 171 
 
 law, be bound to be accessory to his own ruin and 
 destruction, which is inconsistent with the law of selt- 
 preservation ; but this law being natural as well as 
 eternal, can never be abrogated by the law of men." 
 And again : ''The transferring or alienation of property 
 is a sacred prerogative of the true owner — kings and 
 governors cannot intermeddle therewith."* Had kings 
 and governors, in those days, possessed much foresight, 
 they would have been more reluctant to drive men 
 like Ethan Allen to the utterance and armed main- 
 tenance of such principles. 
 
 Governor Tryon received the agents who were the 
 bearers of these communications, with affability and 
 kindness. He invited them to meet with his council 
 and discuss freely the subjects in dispute. After- 
 ward, a committee of the council made a report to the 
 governor respecting the controversy, and made the fol- 
 lowing recommendations : "The committee are desirous 
 your Excellency should afford the inhabitants of those 
 townships all the relief in your power, by suspending, 
 till his Majesty's pleasure shall be known, all prosecu- 
 tions in behalf of the crown, on account of the crimes 
 with which they stand charged, by depositions before 
 us ; and to recommend it to the owners of the contested 
 lands under grants from this province, to put a stop, 
 during the same period, to all civil suits concerning 
 the lands in question." This report of the committee 
 was approved by the governor and council, and with 
 this intelligence the Fays returned to their constituents, 
 and were hailed as the harbingers of peace and joy. 
 
 * This letter is published entire in Slade's Vormon' State Papers — a 
 collection of historic documents of great interest. 
 
172 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 t 
 
 The people had never asked for more than was imp/ied 
 in these terms, being well persuaded that, however 
 the question of jurisdiction might be settled, the king 
 could never sanction a course of proceeding which 
 would deprive them of their property. Gladness was 
 difi'used rapidly throughout the cabins of the remotest 
 settlers. A large public meeting w^as held at Benning- 
 ton, where the minutes of the governor's approval of a 
 peaceful policy were read amid loud acclamations, and 
 for the moment, the memory of all former griefs was 
 swept away by the overflowing tide of enthusiasm in 
 tavor of Governor Tryon. The following account of 
 the proceedings of this meeting was sent to Albany 
 by the Fays : 
 
 "We, as messengers, laid before the above committee 
 an extract of the minutes of his Majesty's council of 
 the province of New York of the 2d instant, together 
 with his Excellency Governor Tryon's letter of the 
 same date, directed to the inhabitants of Bennington, 
 &c., and after reading the same, the above committee 
 and. a numerous concourse of the inhabitants of the 
 adjacent country and other spectators, gave a full and 
 unanimous vote in favor of the papers aforesaid ; and 
 the thanks of the people were presented to us for our 
 diligence in procuring these papers. Peace was also 
 recommended on the whole New Hampshire Grants, 
 by all who were present ; when the whole artillery of 
 Bennington, with the small-arms, were several times 
 discharged in honor of the governor and council of 
 New York. — Health to the king — Health to Governor 
 Tryon — Health to the council of New York — Uui 
 versa! peace and plenty, liberty and prosperity, by 
 
QUARREL RllNEWED. 173 
 
 sundry respectable gentlemen, some of wtiom were 
 from neighboring provinces. Stephen Fay, 
 
 Jonas Fay." 
 This season of rejoicing was of but short continuance. 
 The reconciliation was not so complete as the people 
 imagined. The seeds of contention had not been 
 eradicated, and it was but a short time before the 
 former animosity between the Green-Mountain Boys 
 and the governor of New York resumed its wonted 
 vigor. The conciliatory resolve of the governor and 
 council contained an ambiguity which had escaped the 
 notice of a people eager to believe that they were to 
 receive justice. The New- York grantees were re- 
 quested to refrain from prosecuting their claims until 
 the king's pleasure could be known ; but nothing was 
 caid in regard to suspending executions where suits 
 had already been decided in their favor. There was 
 no prohibition of their claiming possession of the lands 
 which had been awarded to them by such decisions, 
 nor were they required to desist from surveying the 
 lands and determining their situation or boundaries. 
 Hence, many actual sources of dissension and tumult 
 still remained open. Unfortunately, an act of violence 
 on the part of the inhabitants of the Grants, hastened 
 the interruption of the friendly feeling which it was 
 hoped had been established. During the absence of 
 the commissioners in New York, intelligence was re- 
 ceived at Bennington that Mr. Kockburn, a surveyor 
 who was especially odious to the people, was busily 
 engaged in some of the northern townships, in the 
 survey of lands. A small party, with Colonel Allen 
 at their head, went in pursuit of Mr. Kockburn, and 
 
174 ETHAN ALLEN" AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 succeeded in capturing him and in destroying hii? in- 
 ptrum«nts. He was taken to Castleton, tried by a 
 court-martial, and threatened with death should he 
 ever again enter the interdicted territory. But at tliis 
 juncture, the result of the mission of the Fays to New 
 York was learned, and Mr. Kockburn was released, 
 and the sentence against him withdrawn. During the 
 expedition in search of Mr. Kockburn, Ethan Allen 
 and his party dispossessed the tenants of an intruder 
 in New Haven, near the mouth of Otter creek. The 
 charter of the townships had been granted by New 
 Hampshire in 1763, and as early as 1769, a settlement 
 was commenced under the charter, and a saw-mill 
 erected. Soon afterward. Colonel Reid, of New York, 
 who claimed under a subsequent patent from that prov- 
 ince, forcibly turned out the New-Hampshire settlers 
 and put his own tenants in possession. They erected 
 additional log-houses and a grist-mill. Allen gave these 
 persons a short time to remove their effects, and then 
 burned the houses, requiring the people to repurchase 
 under New Ham])shire, or leave the district. Pang- 
 burn, the former proprietor, was put in possession of 
 his saw-mill, but the machinery of the grist-mill was 
 destroyed. Governor Tryon, on hearing of these ex- 
 ploits, was much exasperated. He wrote a letter to 
 the inhabitants of the Grants, complaining of this con- 
 duct as an insult to the government, and a violation 
 of public faith. This letter was taken into consider- 
 ation by the committees of the several townships, 
 assembled ^t Manchester, who returned a bold and 
 decisive, though conciliatory answer. They asserted 
 that their conduct could be no breach of faith, because 
 
LETTER TO GOVERNOR TRYON. 175 
 
 none was plighted until the 15th of July, when the 
 proposition of Governor Tryon was accepted by the 
 people in convention at Bennington, and that the 
 transactions complained of had happened before that 
 time; that if there had been any violation of the 
 compact, the ISTew-York claimants had been the ag- 
 gressors in undertaking to survey and occupy the 
 territory in dispute. If such conduct, contended they, 
 was not forbidden by the agreement proposed by Gov- 
 ernor Tryon and accepted by the people, they had 
 wholly misunderstood the character of his proposition, 
 and had been deceived in regard to the compact which 
 had received their approval. They assured him that 
 they had never consented, and never would consent to 
 abandon their property to the land speculators of New 
 York. Although the forms of civility were retained 
 in the correspondence, it was evident that the situa- 
 tion of the people was precisely what it had been 
 previous to any attempt at negotiation. Indeed, as is 
 usual in cases of unsuccessful efibrts at reconciliation, 
 the animosity of the parties was increased, and the 
 prospect of a peaceful termination of the difficulties 
 was much diminished. 
 
 A meeting of deputies, from the towns on the west 
 side of the Green Mountains, was held at Manchester, 
 on the 21st of October, 1772, which not only confirmed 
 all previous resolutions to resist the ISTew- Yorkers, but 
 adopted others still more belligerent. For the purpose 
 of strengthening their interest on the Grants, the New- 
 York government renewed the policy of appointing 
 several of the most conspiciwus and influential settlers 
 to office. In some instances these appointments were 
 
176 ETHAN ALLEN AND G KEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 attended with the anticipated results, and the individ- 
 uals thus distinguished became the adherents of the 
 government by which they had been honored. To 
 counteract the tendency of this policy, it was decreed 
 by the convention, that no person residing within the 
 limits of the disputed territory should hold or accept 
 office under 'New York. On conviction before a proper 
 tribunal of Green-Mountain Boys, the offender was to 
 be punished at the discretion of the " court." The pun- 
 ishment under this decree, which continued in force 
 for several years, was commonly whipping and banish- 
 ment — the whipping was quaintly denominated "the 
 application of the heech-seal,^ or, as Ethan Allen 
 sometimes had it, "a castigation with the twigs of the 
 wilderness." The ISTew-Hampshire Grants were thus 
 actually separated from New York, and thenceforward 
 acted as an independent republic, the people making 
 and administering their own laws, and yielding only a 
 nominal allegiance to the authority of the British crown. 
 Indeed, the people of Bennington seem never to have 
 fully acknowledged the jurisdiction of New York. Un- 
 til near the beginning of 1770, the notifications of all 
 town-meetings were usually headed, "Province of New 
 Hampshire;" but after that time they were simply en- 
 titled "Town of Bennington," without any allusion to 
 the province in which it was situated. This was con- 
 tinued until 1778, when the inhabitants of the Grants 
 formally announced their independence, and adopted 
 a written constitution. During the intermediate pe- 
 riod they existed as a thorough democracy ; all laws 
 and regulations, as well as the time and manner ot 
 their enforcement in particular instances, being decided 
 
THE SCOTCH EMIGRANTS. 177 
 
 Upon in general meetings of the people. Tlie conven- 
 tion at Westminster, it is true, had sent Jehiel liawley 
 and James Brackenridge as commissioners to London, 
 to seek redress of their grievances from the governor 
 of New York ; but the subject of taxing the colonies 
 then engrossed the entire attention of the home gov- 
 ernment, and prevented any decisive action being 
 taken in regard to the matter. 
 
 From the fall of 1772 until the commencement of 
 the Revolution, the controversy with Kew York was 
 carried on with increasing vigor a-nd animosity. Its 
 history is one of repeated attempts on the part of the 
 New- York authorities to take possession of the disputed 
 lands ; of indictments against the occupants of the 
 New-Hampshire Grants as rioters for resisting these 
 attempts ; of laws and proclamations for their appre- 
 hension and punishment ; of the forcible exjDulsion of 
 the New-York intruders ; and of the arrest, punishment 
 or banishment of persons on the Grants who counte- 
 nanced the New-York titles or jurisdiction. Only a 
 few of the most important incidents of this period need 
 be mentioned. The settlement at New-Haven Falls, 
 the scene of Ethan Allen's summary manner of award- 
 ing justice, became the subject of further ditficulties. 
 In July, 1773, Colonel Reid, who then resided in New 
 York, induced a number of Scotch emigrants, who had 
 recently landed in that city, to accompany him to New 
 Haven, and become his tenants upon the lands which 
 he claimed under a patent from New York. This 
 party took immediate possession of the improve- 
 ments — a second time expelling the New-IIampshire 
 settlers. Having repaired his mills, Colonel Reid 
 
178 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOKS. 
 
 returned to New York, leaving the Scotchmen to retain 
 possession of the premises and to continue the im- 
 provements. Intelligence of this invasion was seait to 
 Bennington, and Allen, Warner, Baker and others im- 
 mediately repaired to the scene of action, and forcibly 
 reinstated the I^ew-Hampshire claimants. The ma- 
 chinery of the flouring mills was broken, and the 
 miller was warned not to repair it, "on- pain of suf- 
 fering the displeasure of the Green-Mountain Boys." 
 The Scotchmen, who were accompanied by their fam- 
 ilies, on being informed of the nature of the contro- 
 versy, declared that they had been deceived by Colonel 
 Reid, removed from the place, and finally settled near 
 the Mohawk river. To prevent further intrusions, 
 Allen and his party caused a block-fort to be erected 
 at the place, and supplied it with a small garrison, 
 which thenceforward aflTorded full protection to the 
 people in that vicinity. A similar fort was built on 
 the Winooski, amply furnished with arms and ammu- 
 nition. Further defensive measures were contemplated, 
 and an agent was actually sent abroad to purchase the 
 necessary munitions of war. 
 
 In consequence of information received at [N'ew York, 
 of these and other occurrences of a similar character, 
 the council advised Governor Trvon, "that the fre- 
 quency of riots and the boldness of rioters made it ne- 
 cessary to employ a military force;" and unanimously 
 requested him to demand of General Haldimand, the 
 commander of the regular forces, "a sutiicient number 
 of troops to occupy Ticonderoga and Crown Point, to 
 aid the magistrates in the performance of their duty.' 
 This requirement was made by the governor, but was 
 
ALLEN AND THK " D URH AMll'ES." 179 
 
 not well received by the general, who did not appear 
 to be convinced of the propriety of assenting to the 
 use of the regular troops for such a purpose. A volu- 
 minous correspondence ensued between the two officials, 
 which was protracted until so late in the season that 
 it became impracticable to transfer the troops to the 
 proposed stations. 
 
 The town of Clarendon and its vicinity was the the- 
 ater of repeated disturbances. The first settlers of the 
 town, which they called Durham, had purchased from 
 the heirs of Lydius. They favored the claims of New 
 York, although they declined to repurchase their lands 
 of either New York or New Hampshire. Governor 
 Tryon, in the hope of obtaining their aid against the 
 claimants of lands under New-Hampshire grants, ac- 
 quiesced in the validity of their title from the heirs 
 of Lydius. Some of their principal men were ap- 
 pointed magistrates, and they recognized the juris- 
 diction of New York. This defection, in the midst of 
 the New-Hampshire Grants, gave much uneasiness to 
 the Green-Mountain Boys, and various measure^ were 
 adopted to induce the "Durhamites," as they were 
 called, to recognize the validity of the titles from 
 Governor Wentworth. In order either to terrify or 
 force them into a compliance with the views of the 
 Green-Mountain Boys, Allen and Baker, with one 
 hundred armed men, marched to Clarendon in the 
 autumn of 1773. The persons against whom the ex- 
 pedition was chiefly undertaken, having notice of the 
 approach of the hostile force, efiected their escape. 
 Allen and his party remained in the town several 
 days, *' visiting the inhabitants, and exhorting them to 
 
180 ETHAN Ai.LEN AND JJREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 repent of their New- York attachments." . After com- 
 mitting several acts of violence, and threatening still 
 severer measures should their requirements be disre- 
 garded, they returned to their homes. The persons 
 who had fled from Clarendon proceeded to J^ew York, 
 and placed before the governor and council a full 
 statement of the alledged outrages of Allen and his 
 party, which they denominated "the Bennington mob." 
 In the winter of 1774, the IS'ew-York grantees com- 
 bined their influence, and applied to the assembly for 
 legislative aid against the Green-Mountain Boys. The 
 result was a law purporting to be an act for the pre- 
 vention of tumultuous and riotous assemblies, and the 
 punishment of rioters, which may safely be pronounced 
 to be one of the most extraordinary specimens of leg 
 islative despotism that ever disgraced a statute-book. 
 After naming Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, Remember 
 Baker, Robert Cockrane, Peleg Sunderland, ^ilvanus 
 Brown, James Brackenridge, and John Smith as the 
 principal leaders in the riots, the law empowered the 
 governor and council to issue a proclamation requiring 
 those persons, or any others who should be indicted for 
 a similar ofiense, (that of resisting the sherifl*,) to sur- 
 render themselves for commitment to any justice of 
 the peace, within seventy days from the date of such 
 requirement ; and in case this summons should be dis- 
 obeyed, the person neglecting to surrender himself was 
 to be "adjudged and deemed" convicted, and to sufier 
 death without further trial ; and the supreme court 
 was authorized to pass a judicial sentence in the same 
 manner as if an actua trial had been had, and a ver- 
 dict of guilty duly rendered! This law was enacted 
 
THE "bloody law." 181 
 
 on the 9th of March, 1774, and on the same day the 
 governor, never weary of oiFering rewards for the ap- 
 prehension of Allen and his associates, issued a proc- 
 lamation promising a reward of one hundred pounds 
 for the arrest of Ethan Allen, and fifty pounds for 
 either of the other persons accused as "the principal 
 ringleaders of the Bennington riiob." The purpose of 
 these proceedings was to inflict a punishment so severe 
 upon these persons, as would overawe the opposition 
 to the authority . of JS'ew York. The eflfect was far 
 otherwise. "They may," said Allen laughingly, ''^sen- 
 tence us to be hung for refusing to voluntarily place 
 our necks in the halter : but how will the fools manaere 
 to hang a Green-Mountain Boy before they catch him?" 
 The committees of the several townships assembled in 
 convention, and took up the subject with more calmness 
 than could have been anticipated under circumstances 
 so irritating. They reviewed the causes of the contro- 
 versy, asserted anew their rights, affirmed that they 
 were not the aggressors, that all the violence to which 
 they had been accessory was fully justified by the 
 laws of self-preservation, and that they were deter- 
 mined to maintain the ground they had taken, without 
 fear or favor, at every hazard and every sacrifice. 
 They closed their public proceedings by a resolve, that 
 all necessary preparations should be made, and that 
 the inhabitants should hold themselves in readiness at 
 a minute's warning to defend those among them "who, 
 for their merit in the great and general cause, had 
 been falsely denominated rioters;" declaring, at the 
 6ame time, that they would act only on the defensive, 
 and that in all civil cases, and criminal prosecutions — 
 
182 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTALN HEROES. 
 
 really such — tbey would assist the proper officers to 
 enforce the execution of the laws. 
 
 In addition to these public doings of the people at 
 large by their representatives, the proscribed persons, 
 at the head of whom was Ethan Allen, published a 
 manifesto, to which they jointly affixed their names, 
 containing a defense of themselves, and free remarks 
 on the !New-York act and proclamation. To look for 
 moderation as a prominent quality in a paper of this 
 kind, is perhaps more than would be authorized by the 
 nature of the case, or the character of the individuals 
 concerned ; yet it expressed sentiments which we should 
 be sorry not to find in men whom we would respect, 
 and in whom we would confide in the hour of peril. 
 It spoke in a tone of deep complaint of the injuries 
 they had sufifered from the vindictive persecutions of 
 their enemies, protested against the tyrannical abuse of 
 power which w^ould arraign them as criminals for pro- 
 tecting their own property, and threatened death to 
 those who "should be tempted by the wages of un- 
 righteousness offered in the proclamation," and under- 
 take to put in execution against them the sanguinary 
 edict of the New- York assembly. After these decisive 
 manifestoes of the belligerent parties, acts of violence 
 might be anticipated. These were, however, not nu- 
 merous, nor of a decisive character. There were a few 
 cases in which the "beech-seal" was applied to the 
 partisans of New York with considerable energy ; but 
 this punishment was reserved for the most incorrigible 
 offenders. Milder measures w'ere adopted with the 
 less dangerous and active, and usually with success. 
 Hidicule was often emp^\yed, and constituted the 
 
FUNIS aMEm' OF DOCTOR ADAMS. 183 
 
 principal ingredient of the punishments inflicted upon 
 tliem. An instance of this is found in the case of 
 Doctor Samuel Adams, of Ai'lington. He openly 
 declared himself a partisan of New York, and was 
 accustomed to speak disrespectfully of the conventions 
 and committees, and advised the public to peaceably 
 purchase the title to their lands from New York. He 
 was informed by his neighbors that his conversation 
 w-as unacceptable, and they admonished him to be 
 more prudent in the expression of his views. Far 
 from producing a reform, their hints served only to 
 stimulate the anger of the courageous doctor, who forth- 
 with armed himself with pistols and other weapons, 
 and proclaimed his opinions more loudly and decidedly 
 than ever. He announced his full determination to 
 defend himself to the best of his ability against any 
 person who should approach him with any unfriendly 
 design. Such a threat was not likely to be disregarded, 
 and the doctor was seized in an unguarded moment, 
 and compelled to surrender. He was taken to the 
 "Green-Mountain Tavern" in Bennington, (then kept 
 by Captain Stephen Fay, and now occupied as a pri- 
 vate residence by his grandson, Samuel Fay, Esq.,) 
 where he was arraigned before the committee, who, 
 not satisfied with his defense, sentenced him to a novel 
 punishment, which was immediately inflicted. Before 
 the door of the tavern stood a sign-post, twenty-flve 
 feet high, the top of which was adorned with the skin 
 of a catamount stuflfed to the size of life, with its head 
 turned toward Albany, its jaws distended, and its for- 
 midable teeth portending destruction to all who should 
 approach from that direction. The contumacious 
 
184 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOTTNTAJN HEROES. 
 
 doctor was tied into a chair, and drawn up to the top 
 of the sign-post, where, according, to the decision of 
 the court, he was to remain suspended for two hours. 
 This occasioned great merriment to the large assem- 
 blage which was present to witness the afikir, and so 
 mortified Doctor Adams that he returned to his houso 
 in silence, and thenceforward took no part in the 
 controversy. 
 
 It will be borne in mind, that the resolutions adopted 
 by the conventions of the people were regarded as the 
 law of the ]^ew-Hampshire Grants. Offenses against 
 the dearest rights of the people, when they threatened 
 to be attended with any degree of success, were pun- 
 ished with commensurate severity. The case of Ben- 
 jamin Hough will serve as an example of this. He 
 was among those who applied to the assembly of New 
 York for legislative aid against the Green-Moun- 
 tain Boys, and was commissioned as a justice of the 
 peace, on the very day that the assembly passed its 
 sanguinary law and the governor, issued his offensive 
 proclamation against the defenders of their mountain 
 homes. Taking with him these documents, he returned 
 to his residence in Clarendon, and undertook to estab- 
 lish the authority of IsTew York. He was repeatedly 
 warned not to act as a magistrate, but, being found 
 incorrigible, was taken before the committee of safety 
 at Sunderland. The committee ordered the resolution 
 of the convention of the New-PIampshire Grants to be 
 read, in which the holding of any ofiice, civil or mili- 
 tary, under the colony of l^ew York, within that dis- 
 trict, was declared to be penal. The prisoner confessed 
 that he had been active in procuring the passage of 
 
hough's certificate. 185, 
 
 the odious ISTew-York law, and in exercising his au- 
 thority as a magistrate, but pleaded the jurisdiction of 
 New York in justitication of Jiis conduct. The sentence 
 of the committee was as follows : " That the prisoner 
 be taken from the bar of this committee of safety, and 
 be tied to a tree, and then, on his naked back, receive 
 two hundred stripes ; his back being dressed, he should 
 depart out of the district, and on return, without spe- 
 cial leave of the convention, to suffer death." This 
 sentence was carried into execution in the presence of 
 a large concourse of people ; and at his request the 
 following certificate was furnished for his future 
 reference : — 
 
 " Sunderland, 30th January, 1775. 
 
 "This may certify the inhabitants of the New- 
 Hampshire Grants, that Benjamin Hough hath this 
 day received a full punishment for his crimes com- 
 mitted against this country ; and our inhabitants are 
 ordered to give him, the said Hough, a free and unmo- 
 lested passport toward the city of New York, or to 
 the Westward of our Grants, he behaving himself as 
 becometh. 
 
 " Given under our hands the day and date aforesaid. 
 
 Ethan Allen, 
 Seth Warner." 
 
 When this paper was handed to Hough, Allen 
 observed that the certificate, together with the receipt 
 on his back, would, no doubt, be admitted as legal 
 evidence before the supreme court and the governor and 
 council of New York, although, in several instances, 
 to his knowledge, the king's warrant to Governor 
 Wentworth and his excellency's sign-manual, with the 
 fijreat seal of the province of New Hampshire, would 
 
186 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTALN HEROES. 
 
 not. Living, as we now do, in the enjoyment of jnet 
 and equal laws, and in times when such penalties are 
 never inflicted, it is no slight task to form a proper 
 estimate of the measures now under review. Those 
 who regard them as severe must bear in mind that, 
 aside from the alternative of surrendering their farms, 
 which their industry had made to blossom as the rose, 
 or a determined resistance by force, the settlers on the 
 New-Hampshire Grants were threatened with penalties 
 the most inhuman, for endeavoring to defend the 
 homes that were dear to them. "Let it not be said," 
 remarks a distinguished Yermonter,* " that the inflic- 
 tion of this barbarous punishment proves that the 
 people of the Grants were less civilized than the peo- 
 ple of other parts of New England ; for long afterward 
 this relic of barbarism was found in the criminal code 
 of all the states ; but a more advanced state of civili- 
 zation has since broken np the habit by which it had 
 been continued through generations of civilized man, 
 and it has been exploded, never again to find a place 
 in the code of any of the American states." Aside 
 from the reasons heretofore given for retaliation on the 
 part of the Green-Mountain Boys, it need not escape 
 remembrance that as necessity drove them to resistance, 
 60 sound polic}^ would naturally dictate that such re- 
 sistance should be of a character to inspire a full and 
 firm belief that it would be efiectual. Every prospect 
 of reconciliation or submission to the claims of New 
 York had vanished. The New-Hampshire grantees, 
 believinfr the action of the New-York authorities to 
 originate in the avarice of a set of speculators wl '^ 
 
 * Hon. Daniel Chipiuan. 
 
PRIV'ATIONS OF THE PIONEERS. 187 
 
 coveted their lands, and that the people of New 
 York felt no disposition to aid in enforcing such 
 claims — satisfied that the public sentiment was highly 
 favorable to the riejbts of the settlers — and beinfy 
 aware, from past experience, that the militia of the 
 colony could never be induced to contend against 
 them — regarded with contempt every threat or legal 
 enactment intended to inspire terror. The idea of 
 submission seems never for a moment to have occupied 
 the attention of the handful of brave men against 
 whom these measures were directed. Educated in the 
 school of adversity, and inured to hardships and dan- 
 gers, they met and sustained the shock with a firm, 
 unbroken spirit. 
 
 At the commencement of the controversy in regard 
 to the jurisdiction of the JSTew-Hampshire Grants, the 
 population of that district is supposed not to have 
 exceeded three hundred families ; but in the year 1775 
 the number of inhabitants was estimated at twenty 
 thousand. The smoke of the settlers' cabins curled up 
 from almost all the numerous, beautiful and fertile 
 valleys which nestle amid the Green Mountains ; and 
 the sound of the woodman's ax echoed from almost 
 ever}^ hill-side. As is usually the case with the pio- 
 neers of a new country, the early settlers of Vermont 
 were poor, and wholly dependent upon their efforts for 
 obtaining homes for themselves and families. Their 
 descendants can scarcely realize the privations and 
 suffermgs they endured in thus establishing themselves 
 in the unbroken wilderness. In numerous instances, 
 families proceeded to the farms they had purchased, 
 miles from any other human habitation, and encamped 
 
188 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 in the forest until, by their own unaided efforts, they 
 could erect log-cabins. Many of them traveled in 
 canoes, or on foot, carrying their entire effects upon 
 their backs. The heads of other families proceeded to 
 their farms in the summer, erected cabins, cleared 
 their lands, and in the winter brought their families to 
 their rude and solitary homes. It was not uncommon 
 for them to travel on foot, drawing their household 
 utensils on "handsleds," and, frequently, when the 
 wife was too feeble to endure these trials, the husband 
 would draw her in this manner. A single family 
 would thus move into a township, and reside months 
 without seeing another human being. Mr. Amos Cut- 
 ler, the first settler in the town of Brandon, spent an 
 entire winter without seeing any other person ; and 
 Mr. Abijah Wheelock, an early pioneer of Calais, after 
 a flourishing town had grown up around him, would 
 allude pleasantly to the hermit-life he had formerly 
 endured, by asserting there had /been a time when he 
 was the most respectable man in the town. The wife of 
 Thomas Whitmore, the earliest settler in Marlborough, 
 spent the most of one winter alone, her husband being 
 absent on business. This lady lived to the advanced 
 age of eighty-seven years, and saw a flourishing state 
 grow up, where but a few scattered families resided 
 when she entered the territory. Throughout her active 
 years she performed the duties of a nurse ; and so 
 indispensable was her assistance considered in that 
 vicinity, in cases where the census of the new state 
 was affected, that the good old lady was enabled to 
 boast, in her declining years, that she had assisted at 
 the birth of over two thousand children! 
 
A NEW TROUBLE-. 189 
 
 The ]N"ew-IIampshire grantees were by no means so 
 engrossed by their own troubles as to be indifi'erent to 
 the policy pursued by the mother country toward her 
 colonies in America. As the settlers were chiefly 
 eraigra^nts from Connecticut and Massachusetts, they 
 sympathized with the feelings of discontent which 
 pervaded those colonies. Those residing on Connecti- 
 cut river, who had surrendered their original charters, 
 and taken out new grants under the broad seal of New 
 York, and had submitted to the jurisdiction of that 
 colony, were comparatively unconcerned spectators of 
 that bitter controversy in which the grantees on the 
 west side of the mountains were interested. But their 
 freedom from participation in the angry contest be- 
 tween the settlers and the governor of New York, 
 gave them a better opportunity to understand and 
 resist the tyrannical measures which England was 
 preparing for the more complete subjection of the 
 colonies. An event took place in the spring of the 
 year 1775, in their midst, which served still further to 
 arouse their detestation of the policy of the mother 
 country. When, at a former day, the line was estab- 
 lished between Massachusetts and Connecticut, many 
 inhabitants, who had received grants of land from the 
 former province, in compensation for their services 
 against the French and Indians, found themselves 
 thrown into the latter, and were required to abandon 
 their possessions. The state of Massachusetts, with 
 a commendable sense of justice, made them, in com- 
 pensation, a grant of what is now the towns of Putney, 
 Dummerston and Brattleborough, Vermont, — hence 
 called, in those days, " the Equivalent Land," — and 
 
190 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOFNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 their title, it is believed, was respected by New Hamp- 
 shire. These men were of the old Puritan stock, and 
 when, upon the conquest of Canada, in which they 
 had aided, the British parliament established the 
 Roman Catholic faith as the religion of that province, 
 by an act called "the Quebec Bill," it was extremely 
 exasperating to their feelings ; and one Lieutenant 
 Spalding, of Dummerston, on one occasion, called the 
 king "the Pope of Canada." This remark, which 
 might have been wisely and judiciously passed over, 
 was seized upon by the royal satellites, as a good 
 oppoitunity to show their power, and Spalding was 
 arrested for high treason, and imprisoned in the jail at 
 Westminster. This was on the 28th of October, 1774, 
 and on the 29th, a majority of the inhabitants of Dum- 
 merston assembled and chose a committee of corre- 
 spondence, "to join," in their ow^n language, "with 
 other towns and respectable bodies of people, the bet- 
 ter to secure and protect the rights and privileges of 
 themselves and fellow-creatures from the ravages and 
 embarrassments of the British tyrant and his New- 
 York and other emissaries." This led to such concert 
 that a large body of men from Dummerston, Putney, 
 Guilford, Halifax and Draper, (now Wilmington,) pro- 
 ceedied to Westminster, opened the door of the jail, and 
 released Spalding from imprisonment. 
 
 This brought the controversy to a point, and it now 
 became manifest that, on the one side, if the roya] 
 authority was to be upheld, the whole apparatus of 
 executive and judicial power must be brought into 
 play, numerous criminal proceedings instituted, and 
 civil ejectments must follow ; and on the other, the 
 
EXCITEMENT OF THE PEOPLE. 
 
 191 
 
 abandonment of the proceedings must be compelled 
 by the people, and the whole machinery of royal 
 oppression resisted and stayed, at once and forever. 
 Both parties prepared for the crisis ; and as the 
 court was to hold its next session on the 14th of March, 
 1775, at Westminster, they had about four months to 
 make preparations and arrangements. On the 13th of 
 March, 1775, they assembled at Westminster, the loyal 
 officers of the county being supported by their adherents. 
 The whigs, as they were then called, came also in con- 
 siderable numbers, and having learned that it was the 
 private intention of the royal party to get the first 
 possession of the court-house, they placed therein about 
 one hundred men, commanded by a captain of the 
 militia, and determined to keep possession until their 
 grievances were laid before the judges and redressed. 
 Near the setting of the sun, the sheriff came with his 
 posse^ part of whom were armed with muskets, and 
 d^'^anded admittance; which was refused, unless he 
 would order his men to lay aside their arms. About 
 ten o'clock at night, the chief justice came among 
 them, and assuring their captain that no attempt 
 should be made to molest them until morning, the 
 latter withdrew the principal part of his force, leav- 
 ing only a small body of men, armed with bludgeons ; 
 among whom was William French, a young farmer, 
 not twenty-two years of age, who lived in Brattle- 
 borough. The people of that town, who lived in his 
 immediate neighborhood, were of the opposite party, 
 and, indeed, some of them were in the sheriff's band ; 
 that officer being himself an inhabitant of the town. 
 French, who generally acted with his friends in Dum 
 
192 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES- 
 
 merston, appears, though holding no official station, to 
 have been much esteemed for his honesty, bravery and 
 patriotism ; and the treatment he afterward received 
 from his opponents, sufficiently attests how much they 
 feared his influence. About eleven oxlock at night, the 
 persons appointed to watch reported that the sheriflf, 
 with an armed force, was approaching, and means were 
 taken to prevent his coming into the house. 
 
 When he came up, he again demanded entrance, 
 and was refused as before. He then ordered his men 
 to fire, which they did by aiming above the heads of 
 the people within ; but finding that this produced no 
 effect, he repeated his order, and the muskets were 
 leveled and discharged with such efiect, that the de- 
 fenders were driven back, and the assailants rushed 
 into the house, and commenced a horrid butchery upon 
 the defenseless men. William French, in lacing them, 
 received five bullet-wounds in different places : in his 
 thigh, leg, mouth, face and forehead. Several others 
 were severely wounded ; and one, Daniel Houghton, 
 was shot through the body, and after lingering a few 
 days, expired. About twenty, who had not retreated, 
 including the wounded, were seized and inhumanly 
 thrust into prison ; and the bleeding body of the dying 
 French was dragged to the prison-door, and thrown 
 in among them, with circumstances of the most cruel 
 insult and brutality. 
 
 The court was opened at the usual hour on the next 
 morning, with something like triumphal ceremony, and 
 adjourned formally until three o'clock in the afternoon. 
 But that court never reassembled. The news of the 
 murder spread with great rapidity, and before the 
 
WILLIAM FRENCH. 193 
 
 appointed hour, the people were rushing to the scene 
 from all directions. The principal aggressors took 
 the alarm, and fled precipitately. Ou the 15th of 
 March, an inquest was held on the body of French, 
 and on the same day it was committed -to the ground^ 
 n the common burial-place at Westminster — the mili- 
 tia from the neighboring towns attending, and firing 
 volleys over his grave. A tombstone was soon brought 
 from Dummerston, bearing an inscription peculiarly 
 illustrative of the times, and placed at the head, 
 where it still remains. Being of slate, taken from 
 the quarry near his residence, it is not of the most 
 enduring character, but quite liable to injury and 
 decay. For, while the face of the stone retains to 
 this day the "rude but emphatic inscription," the rains 
 and snows of nearly eighty winters, lodging on tho 
 top, have percolated between the layers, and partially 
 separated them; so that, if they had not been re- 
 tained together by a small rivet of lead, inserted 
 oy no one knows who or when, the whole must lonj* 
 duce have crumbled and been lost.* "With the buria^ 
 
 • The following is a literal copy of the inscription upon the «1 * 
 nonument: 
 
 In Memory of "William French 
 Son of Mr Nathaniel French Who 
 "Was shot at Westminster March ye I3th 
 1775 by the hands of Cruel Ministereal 
 tools of George ye 3d in the Corthouse at 
 alia Clock at Night in the 22d year of 
 
 his Age 
 
 Here William French his Body lies 
 
 9 
 
194 ETHAI^' ALT.EN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 of William French, were buried the hopes of subju- 
 gacifig the men who dwelt on the hills and in the 
 valicjts cf the Green Mountains. The spirit of re- 
 sisting oppression to the last extremity, awakened by 
 his death, was never extinguished ; and within two 
 years from that time, there was proclaimed from the 
 same building in which he was martyred, the decla- 
 raticTi of the independence of Yermont. 
 
 HiiTfilv irritated by the massacre of William French, 
 a committee of the larger portion of the people on the 
 east side of the Green Mountains met at Westminster, 
 i\pril 11, 1775, and adopted the following resolution : 
 "Voted, that it is the duty of said inhabita^^ts, as 
 predicated on the eternal and immutable law of self- 
 preservation, to wholly renounce and resist the admin- 
 istriitioD of the government of ]S"ew York, till such time 
 as the lives and property of those inhabitants may 
 be secured by it ; or till such time as they can have 
 opportunity to lay their grievances before his most 
 gracious Majesty in council, together with a proper 
 remor.sLfcii'iwy against the unjustifiable conduct of that 
 govenifiibuj, with an humble petition to be taken out 
 of so oppressive a jurisdiction, and either annexed to 
 some otner government, or erected and incorporated 
 into a new one, as may appear best ^o the said inhab- 
 itants, to the royal wisdom and clemency, and till 
 Buch time as his Majesty shall settle this controversy." 
 
 For Murder his blood for Vengance cries 
 King Georg the third his Tory crew 
 tha with a bawl his head Shot threw 
 For Liberty and his Countrys Good 
 he Lost his Life his Dearest blood 
 
SUSPENSION OF THE CONTROVERSY. 195 
 
 What would have been the final result of the con- 
 troversy with New York, had not the attention of 
 the people been diverted from the subject by one of 
 greater importance, can only be conjectured. But a 
 higher and more momentous controversy, involving 
 the independence of the whole American people, 
 was brought before them, and they forgot their land 
 difficulties, their "beech-seal" certificates, and their 
 midnight riots. 
 
 / 
 
CHAPTEK III. 
 
 ETHAN ALLEN". 
 
 "The mountains green that witnessed first his fame. 
 From rocks to rocks resounded far his name. 
 As the tough horn-beam, (peering o'er those rocks, 
 With gnarled grain the riving thunder mocks. 
 Indignant Allen, manacled in vain, 
 With soul revolting, bit the British chain." 
 
 HUMPHBKTS. 
 
 The American Eevolution called forth the latent 
 energies of many individuals, who would, in a more 
 peaceable state of political alfairs, have slumbered in 
 obscurity, and gone down to the grave unhonored and 
 unknown. The very nature of the policy of Great 
 Britain toward this country — a policy every way 
 tyrannical and oppressive — was calculated to call into 
 action the efforts of every friend of liberty. It was an 
 attempt to strip the people of their rights, and manacle 
 them with the fetters of slavery. But, thanks to the 
 spirit which prevailed among our fathers — thanks to 
 the patriotism which then warmed the hearts of the 
 people — the mercenaries of a foreign power were 
 unequal to the task of accomplishing the designs of 
 their masters. True-hearted volunteers rallied to the 
 calls of the brave and wise men of our country, 
 imbued with a spirit worthy of the little band which 
 defended the pass of Thermopylae. They fought and 
 conquered; and their declining years were cheered 
 
ETHAN ALLEN. 197 
 
 witli the knowledge that the country for which they 
 had struggled so long and fearfully, was prosperous 
 and happy, and that their deeds were gratefully 
 remembered. 
 
 Perhaps no individual, of equal advantages, and in 
 the station he occupied, contributed more toward 
 establishing the independence of our country, than 
 Ethan Allen. The mass of the people among whom 
 he resided, were rude and uncultivated ; yet bold in 
 spirit, and zealous in action. It consequently followed, 
 that no one but a man of strong natural endowments — 
 of much decision, energy and bravery^could control 
 their prejudices and inclinations. Habit had rendered 
 them familiar with danger, and impatient of restraint : 
 hence it followed, that no policy, unless proceeding 
 from a source in which they had confidence, ever 
 gained their approbation. Upon Allen, whose courage 
 was undoubted, and whose zealous devotion to their 
 interests was universally acknowledged, they implicitly 
 relied. They had known him in adversity and pros- 
 perity — they had weighed him, and found nothing 
 lacking. To friend or foe, he was ever the same 
 unvieldinor advocate of the rights of man, and uni- 
 versal lil)erty. The policy, therefore, he upheld, as 
 beneficial to the common cause of American liberty, 
 ever found strong and efficient supporters in the 
 friends with whom he associated, and by whom he 
 was known. 
 
 From the commencement of our revolutionary 
 struggle until its final close, Ethan Allen proved a 
 zealous and strenuous supporter of the cause. Whether 
 in the field or council — whether at home, a freeman 
 
198 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 
 
 among the mountains of Yermont, or loaded with tho 
 manacles of despotism in a foreign country, his spirit 
 never quailed beneath the sneer of the tory, or the 
 harsh threats of insolent authority. A stranger to 
 fear, his opinions were ever given without disguise or 
 hesitation ; and, an enemy to oppression, he sought 
 every opportunity to redress the wrongs of the op- 
 pressed. It is not to be supposed, however, that he 
 was faultless. Like other men, he had his errors — 
 like other men, his foibles : yet he was not willfully 
 stubborn in either. When convinced of an erroneous 
 position, he was ever willing to yield ; but, in theory, 
 as in practice, he contested every inch of ground ; and 
 only yielded, when he had no weapons left to meet 
 his antagonist. This trait in his character serves, at 
 least, to prove that he was honest in his conclusions, 
 however erroneous the premises from which they 
 were deduced. 
 
 The period at which we have now arrived in the 
 Jife of Ethan Allen, places him in a more conspicuous 
 and interesting position before the reader. Heretofore 
 he has been seen only as the zealous friend of the 
 section in which he resided — as the champion of 
 the humble citizen, contending for the rights of indi- 
 vidual property, and private justice. In these offices 
 of friendship and duty, however, he had ever tlie con- 
 fidence and the esteem of his neighbors. He had 
 evinced a spirit of patriotism, and a love of freedom, 
 which warmly recommended him to the notice and 
 the admiration of the most determined and able 
 advocates of American liberty. That he should have 
 been selected, therefore, as the leader in an enterprise 
 
REVIEW OF COLONIAL HISTOliY. 199 
 
 t)f tbe Iiighest moment to the cause of liberty, was 
 alike due to his principles, his services, and his 
 position. 
 
 A hasty glance at the posture of affairs at this 
 juncture, however well tlie reader may be acquainted 
 with it, cannot be improper. During the seventy -one 
 years from 1689 to 1760, the colonies were involved 
 in four wars, occupying, in all, twenty-seven years ; 
 not to allnde to the interminable hostilities which raged 
 between Ihcm and the Indian tribes, along their 
 frontier Rettlements. Yet, in this period, the popula- 
 tion had increased from two hundred thousand to 
 about three millions. The arts and manufactures, 
 being opposed by the mother country, made but little 
 progress ; but there was a steady advancement in 
 ao'riculture. Trade and commerce had gone on greatly 
 increasing — so much that, in the ten years preceding 
 the revolutionary war, the average annual exports, to 
 Great Britain and elsewhere, amounted to four million 
 pounds sterling, and the imports, to three and a half 
 millions. In the mean time, colleges, and other supe- 
 rior institutions of learning, had been established in 
 nearly all the colonies, and popular instruction pro- 
 vided for, especially in New England. The country 
 was advancing in intellectual culture; and, more than 
 all, the necessity of uniting for the common defense, 
 and the intercourse of the colonies that grew out of it, 
 liad tended to create a national spirit, which the events 
 of the twelve years succeeding the peace of 1760, still 
 further developed and strengthened. 
 
 The colonists, from the first, always cherished a 
 jealous sense of their rights. As early as the middle 
 
200 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN ILEliOES. 
 
 of the seventeenth century, it was a settled doctrine 
 among them, that the authority of parliament was 
 limited to the regulation of trade, and that taxes 
 could not be imposed upon them without their own 
 consent. Previous, indeed, to the peace of Paris, the 
 home government had never attempted to interfere 
 with internal taxation. Por a century, however, be- 
 fore that event, a variety of restrictions had, from 
 time to time, been imposed upon the trade of the colo- 
 nies ; the object of which was to oblige the colonists 
 to buy and sell exclusively in the English markets. 
 Colonial manufactures were also, in every possible 
 way, discouraged. These restrictions produced much 
 discontent. In 1764, the first act avowedly for the 
 purpose of raising a revenue in America was passed 
 in parliament. This was followed, the next year, by 
 the famous "stamp act," making illegal all deeds, 
 mortgages, bonds, notes, and other instruments of a 
 like character, unless written upon stamped paper, 
 upon which a duty to the crown was imposed, varying 
 in amount with the transaction which they represented. 
 These acts excited great displeasure throughout the 
 colonies; and in October, 1765, a congress of delegates 
 from Rhode Island, Massachusetts, Connecticut, New 
 York, New Jersey, Maryland, and North and South 
 Carolina, met at New York, and passed several reso- 
 lutions, acknowledging the rightful authority of parlia- 
 ment, but denouncing the stamp act, and other 
 enactments of the kind, as subversive of the just 
 rights and liberties of the colonists, as natural-born 
 Englis-h subjects. The proceedings of this body were 
 sanctioned l>y ail the colonies. The public indignation. 
 
RESISTANCE TO TAXATION. 201 
 
 inflamed by newspapers, pamphlets, and popular meet- 
 ings, rose to the highest pitch. Combinations were 
 everywhere formed, to abstain from usinor articles of 
 British manufacture, and, in every way, to oppose the 
 measures of the home government. The officers ap- 
 pointed under the stamp act were, in many places, 
 insulted, abused, and forced to resign ; and when the 
 time arrived for the act to go into operation, neither 
 stamps nor stamp-officers were to be found. Business 
 of all kinds requiring stamps, was, for a time, sus- 
 pended ; law-proceedings were stayed, and the courts 
 were closed. The next year the stamp act was re- 
 pealed ; although the repeal was accompanied by a 
 declaration of the "right of ]»arliament to bind the 
 colonies in all cases whatsoever." In a few months 
 from this time, a new ministry came into power, and a 
 new plan for taxing America was introduced into 
 parliament: that of levying a tax on glass, paper, 
 pasteboard, painters' colors, and tea, imported into 
 the colonies. To enforce this law, a body of troops 
 was sent out, and quartered in Boston. Tliese meas- 
 ures produced great exasperation in the colonies, and 
 led to combinations against using the articles subjected 
 to duty. In 1770, this act was repealed, with the ex- 
 ception of the duty on tea. The colonists were only 
 the more decided in renouncing the use of that article. 
 An act of parliament was passed in 1773, allowing 
 the East-India company a remission of certain govern- 
 ment charges on the tea they should send to America, 
 which would enable them to sell tea to the colonists 
 cheaper than they could sell it in England. This wae 
 done with the hope of inducing the colonists to return 
 
202 KTilAN ALLKN AND GREEN-MOUNTAI^ UEK0K8. 
 
 to the use of the article. In this submission to the tax 
 upon tea, it was expected that the principle, that 
 parliament had a right to tax the colonists, would be 
 adopted ; and the way would be open for indiscrimi 
 nute and oppressive taxation. Large shipments of tea 
 were accordingly made ; but the Americans refused to 
 pay the slight duty upon it. The cargoes sent to New 
 York and Philadelphia, were not suffered to be 
 landed ; in Charleston, it was not allowed to be sold ; 
 and, at Boston, it was thrown into the harbor, by a 
 party of men disguised as Indians. These proceedings 
 excited the tierce displeasure of the British govern- 
 ment, especially against Boston ; and in March, 1774, 
 "the Boston port bill," so called, was passed, prohibit- 
 ing all commercial intercourse with that city. Another 
 bill subverted the charter-government of Massachu- 
 setts, vesting the appointment of the council and 
 judges in the crown ; and a third, shortly after, em- 
 powered the governor to send persons indicted for 
 capital oflenses, to another colony, or to Great Britain, 
 for trial. These violent proceedings awakened the 
 greatest indignation throughout tlie colonies. All 
 made common cause with Massachusetts. In the fall 
 of 177-i, a general congress met at Philadelphia, and 
 adopted a declaration of rights and grievances, and 
 ao-reed to an entire suspension of all commercial inter- 
 course with Great Britain, until the repeal of the acts 
 of which they complained. They likewise voted an 
 address to the king; another to the people of Great 
 Britain, and a third to the inhabitants of Canada. 
 These peaceful measures for redress proving in- 
 effectual, the feeling of the neco, sity of resisting by 
 
BLOODSHED AT LEXINGTON. 203 
 
 force became quite general in the colonies. Prepara- 
 tions began to be made ; warlike stores were collected, 
 and the people began to arm. In Massachusetts, 
 Governor Gage had convoked the legislative asscnibly, 
 but afterward judged it expedient to countermand the 
 meeting. Notwithstanding this, the assembly con- 
 vened, and, the governor not appearing, organized 
 themselves, and adopted a plan for the defense of tjae 
 province. They resolved to raise a force of twelve 
 thousand men, and to request the other New-England 
 Btates to increase the number to twenty thousand. 
 Early the next year, (1775) parliament, in spite of the 
 conciliatory counsels of the Earl of Chatham, pro- 
 ceeded to pass a bill restraining still further the trade 
 of Kew England. Soon after, restrictions were im- 
 posed upon the middle and southern colonies, except 
 New York, Delaware, and North Carolina. These 
 exceptions were made with a view to produce dissen- 
 eions among the colonies ; but it failed of its object. 
 This brings us to the commencement of actual hos- 
 tilities. General Gage, the royal governor of Massa- 
 chusetts, sent a detachment of eight hundred soldiers 
 to destroy some military stores which were deposited 
 at Concord. On their way, they arrived at Lexington, 
 on the morning of the 19th of April, 1775, where they 
 found a company of provincial militia assembled on 
 parade. This company, not instantly obeying an or- 
 der to throw down their arms and disperse, were 
 fired upon, and eight of their number killed. The 
 detachment proceeded to Concord, and destroyed th^ 
 stores, though not without opposition and bloodshed; 
 But the spirit of the people was up ; and On iholf 
 
W4: ETHAN ALLEJS' AND GKEEN-MOUNTATN HEKOES. 
 
 return to Boston, the British were harassed the whole 
 way, and continually fired upon from behind walls, 
 buildings and fences. The British loss, in killed, 
 wounded and missing, amounted to nearly three 
 hundred ; the American, to less than one-third of that 
 number. 
 
 The vigilant patriots of Massachusetts, tlien the 
 very hot-bed of rebellion, early perceived the neces- 
 sity of securing Ticonderoga the moment hostilities 
 should commence. Early in March, 1T75, Samuel 
 Adams and Joseph Warren, members of the com- 
 mittee of correspondence of Boston, sent a secret 
 agent into Canada, to ascertain the opinions and 
 temper of the people of that province, concerning the 
 great questions at issue, and the momentous events 
 then pending. After a diligent but cautious per- 
 formance of this delicate task, the agent sent word to 
 them from Montreal, that the people were, at best, 
 lukewarm ; and advised that, the moment hostilities 
 commenced, Ticonderoga and its. garrison should be 
 seized. This advice was coupled with the positive 
 assertion, that the people of the New-Hampshire 
 Grants were ready to undertake the bold enterprise. 
 Within three weeks after this information was received 
 by Adams and Warren, the battle of Lexington 
 occurred. This event aroused the whole country, 
 and the patriots flocked from all quarters to Boston. 
 The provincial assembly of Connecticut was then in 
 session, and a plan was there concerted for surprising 
 Ticonderoga, and seizing tlie cannon in that fortress 
 for the use of the army then gathering in the vicinity 
 of Boston. The whole p. an and proceedings were 
 
EXPEDITION AGAINST TICONDEKOGA. 205 
 
 of a private character, without the public sanction 
 of the assembly, but with its full knowledge and 
 tacit approbation. A committee was appointed, with 
 instructions to proceed to the frontier towns, inquire 
 into the state of the garrison, and, should they deem 
 it expedient, raise men and take possession of it. 
 Eighteen hundred dollars were supplied by the pro- 
 vincial territory, to purchase arms and ammunition, 
 and defray the other expenses of the expedition. On 
 their way to Bennington, to lay their plans before 
 Ethan Allen and secure his cooperation, they en 
 listed between fort}'- and fifty volunteers, among whom 
 was Colonel James Easton, of Pittsfield, Massachusetts. 
 On arriving at Bennington, they found that Ethan 
 Allen was already preparing to accomplish the pro- 
 posed object. He was chosen the commander of the 
 expedition ; Colonel Easton was appointed second in 
 command, and Seth Warren, the third. Colonel 
 Allen's Green-Mountain Boys, to the number of two 
 hundred and thirty, were speedily in readiness, and 
 on the 7th of May the little army reached Castleton. 
 It was there decided that Colonel Allen and the 
 principal officers, with the main body of their forces, 
 consisting of about one hundred and forty men, 
 should march directly to Shoreham, opposite to 
 Ticonderoga ; that Captain Herrick, with thirty men, 
 should keep on to Skenesborough, (now Whitehall,) 
 at the head of Lake Champlain, seize the establish- 
 ment of Major Skene, and hasten with the boats and 
 stores they might capture, to join Allen at Shoreham ; 
 and that Captain Drylas should proceed to Panton, 
 and secure every boat or bateau that should fall in 
 
206 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 his way. They were joined at Castleton by Colonel 
 Benedict Arnold, who, in the French wars, had 
 greatly distinguished himself, at the battles in the 
 vicinity of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Possess- 
 ing great genius, a restless character, and an intre- 
 pidity bordering upon madness, he seems to have 
 conceived the same plan. To this end, he had con- 
 ferred with the committee of safety of Massachusetts, 
 who appointed him colonel, with authority to enlist 
 volunteers for the attempt to capture Ticonderoga. 
 In pursuance of this arrangement he proceeded to 
 Castleton, and his surprise was extreme at finding 
 himself anticipated. But, as nothing could delight 
 him more than to engage in this hazardous service 
 he consented, after beings assured that the Green 
 Mountain Boys would serve only under their favorite 
 leader, to put himself under the command of Colonel 
 Allen. It was deemed essential to the success of 
 the enterprise, that it should be conducted with pro- 
 found secrecy, and sentinels were posted upon all the 
 roads, to prevent any rumor of their approach from 
 reaching the menaced point. Allen, with his little 
 army, reached Shoreham, opposite Ticonderoga, on 
 the night of May 9th, 1775. It was important to 
 have a guide who was acquainted with the grounds 
 around the fortress, and the places of access. Allen 
 made inquiries as to those points, of Mr. Beman, a 
 fiirmer residing on the shore of the lake. He replied 
 that he seldom crossed to Ticonderoga, and had no 
 8pe<jial knowledge in regard to the internal arrange- 
 ment of the fortress ; but that his son Nathan, a young 
 lad, passed much of his time there in company with 
 
ATTACK ON TICONDEROGA. 207 
 
 the boys of the garrison. Nathan was called, and ap 
 peared by his answers to be familiar with every part 
 of the fort, and every passage by which it could be 
 approached. In the opinion of Ethan Allen, he was 
 the very person to guide him in the enterprise; and by 
 the consent of his father, and a little persuasion, Na- 
 than Beman was engaged for that purpose. But a 
 serious difficulty now occurred. They had but a few 
 boats, and none had been sent from Skenesborough or 
 Panton. The day began to dawn, and only the officers 
 and eighty-three men had crossed the lake. Delay 
 was hazardous, for the garrison, if aroused, would 
 make stout resistance. Allen, therefore, resolved not 
 to wait for the rear division to cross, but to attack the 
 fort at once. He drew up his men in three ranks upon' 
 the shore, and in low but distinct tones, briefly ha- 
 rangued them; and then, placing himself at their head, 
 with Arnold by his side, they marched quickly but 
 stealthily up the height to the sally-port. The sentinel 
 snapped his fusee at the commander, but it missed 
 fire, and he retreated within the fort under a covered 
 way. The Americans followed close upon his heels, 
 and were thus guided by the alarmed fugitive directly 
 to the parade within the barracks. There another 
 sentinel made a thrust at Colonel Easton, but a blow 
 upon the head from Allen's sword made him beg fur 
 quarter, and the patriots met with no further resist- 
 ance. As they rushed into the parade, they gave a 
 tremendous shout, and filing ofi' into two divisions, 
 formed a line of forty men along each of the two ranges 
 of barracks. The aroused garrison leaped from their 
 pallets, seized their arms and rushed for the parade, 
 
208 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 but only to be made prisoners by the intrepid I^ew- 
 Englanders. Allen demanded to be shown to the 
 apartment of Captain Delaplace, the commandant of 
 the garrison. It was pointed out, and Colonel Allen, 
 with Nathan Beman at his elbow, who knew the way, 
 hastily ascended the stairs, which were attached to the 
 outside of the barracks, and called out with a voice of 
 thunder at the door, ordering the astonished captain 
 instantly to appear, or the whole garrison should be 
 sacrificed ! Startled at so strange and unexpected a 
 summons, he sprung from his bed and opened the dooi», 
 when the first salutation of his boisterous and unsea- 
 sonable visitor was an order immediately to surrender 
 the fort. Rubbing his eyes and trying to collect his 
 scattered senses, the captain asked by what authority 
 he presumed to make such a demand. "In the name 
 of the Great Jehovah and the Continental Congress !" 
 replied Allen."^ The commandant began to remon- 
 strate, but Colonel Allen cut short the thread of his 
 discourse by lifting his sword over his head, and reit- 
 erating the demand for an immediate surrender. Ilav- 
 ing neither permission to argue nor power to resist, 
 Captain Delaplace submitted, ordering his men to pa- 
 »rade without arms, and the garrison was given up to 
 
 * This is the language of Allen as given by himself in his narrative. 
 But it was asserted by those who stood near him, that his demand was 
 enforced by an emphatic oath. Lossing [see "Field-Book of the Revo- 
 lution,"] was told by the surviving brother of a man named Rice, who 
 stood at Allen's side, that he exclaimed, " In the name of the Great Je- 
 hovah and the Continental Congress, by ." " Delaplace." says 
 
 Lossing, " had about as much r'^spect for the 'Continental Congrofis ' as 
 Allen had for 'Jehovah,' and they respectively relied upon ai.a feared 
 powder and ball more thau either." 
 
OAPTUEE OF CEOWN POINT. 209 
 
 the victors. It is a singular fact that the " Continental 
 Congress," instead of authorizing Allen to take Ticon- 
 deroga, were entirely ignorant of the enterprise, and 
 did not meet for organization until six hours after the 
 surrender of the fortress. This achievement, besides 
 being the first on the part of the patriots, was of tlie 
 utmost importance. Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
 commanded the great avenue between Canada and 
 the other colonies, and its possession gave the Ameri- 
 cans facilities for the subsequent brilliant campaign in 
 Canada, and the military spoils taken by Allen were 
 of incalculable benefit to the army near Boston. 
 These spoils consisted of one hundred and twenty 
 pieces of iron cannon, fifty swivels, ten tons of musket- 
 balls, three cart-loads of flints, thirty new carriages, a 
 considerable quantity of shells, a warehouse full of 
 material for boat-building, and a large quantity of 
 other stores. 
 
 Warner crossed the lake with the rear division, and 
 marched up to the fort just after the surrender was 
 made. He was immediately dispatched against Crown 
 Point, but a strong head-wind drove his boats back, 
 and he returned to Ticonderoga. He renewed the 
 attempt on the 12th of May, and succeeded in obtain- 
 ing possession of the fortress without bloodshed. Thus 
 another strong position was secured, and a great addi- 
 tion was made to the munitions of war acquired at Ti- 
 conderoga. Previous to this affair. Colonel Allen had 
 sent a messenger to Captain Remember Baker, who 
 was at Winooski River, requesting him to join the army 
 at Ticonderoga with as large a number of men as be 
 could assemble. Baker obeved the summons : and 
 
210 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 when he was coming up the lake with his party, he 
 met two small boats, which had been dispatched from 
 Crown Point to carry intelligence of the reduction of 
 Ticonderoga to St. John's and Montreal, and solicit re- 
 inforcements. The boats were seized by Baker, and 
 he arrived at Crown Point just in time to unite with 
 Warner in taking possession of that post. Thus the 
 main object of the expedition was attained ; but the 
 troubles of the leaders were not at an end. Is^o sooner 
 had the fort surrendered, than Arnold assumed the 
 command, affirming that he was the only officer in- 
 vested with legal authority. His pretensions were not 
 heeded, and although he was vehement and positive, 
 yet it was in vain to issue orders which nobody would 
 obey ; and finally he consented to a sort of divided 
 control between Colonel Allen and himself, he acting 
 as a subordinate, but not wholly without official con- 
 sideration. 
 
 But the plan of the captors of Ticonderoga would 
 not have been complete had they hot secured to them- 
 selves the exclusive control of the lake, to accom])li.-h 
 which it was necessary to take a corvette tlie Eng- 
 lish kept stationed near St. John's at the nortli end of 
 Lake Champlain. They resolved, therefore, to arm a 
 schooner, (taken at Skenesborough) for the purpose, 
 the command of which was given to Arnold, while 
 Allen was to follow him in flat-boats with a reinforce- 
 ment. The wind blowing fresh from the south, the 
 vessel of Arnold left the flat-boats far in the rear. He 
 approached the corvette unexpectedly, the captain of 
 which was far from apprehending the danger that 
 menaced him, and took possession of it without 
 
PKEPAKATIONS FOE THE WAR. 211 
 
 resistance ; and, as if Ileaven was pleased to distin- 
 guish with evident tokens of its favor these first 
 achievements of the Americans, the wind suddenly 
 changed from south to north, so that, in a few hours, 
 "Colonel Arnold returned safely to Ticonderoga. 
 
 Colonel Allen exhibited great discretion in his new 
 position. An account of his expedition was sent to 
 the Massachusetts, Connecticut and New- York com- 
 mittees of safety, with an urgent solicitation for a re- 
 inforcement of his brave little army, and a supply of 
 provisions. These were accordingly sent, and meas- 
 ures were taken to organize an army at the north for 
 the defense of Lake Champlain. In the accomplish- 
 ment of this object, and in the hope of having an ex- 
 pedition sent against Montreal and Quebec, Allen vis- 
 ited the provincial Congress at ISTe^ York, as well as 
 the general Congress at Philadelphia. Some opposition 
 was made to his appearance before the former of these 
 bodies, on account of the troubles existing between 
 New York and the New-Hampshire Grants, and the 
 prominent part taken by Allen in the hostilities result- 
 ing from them. But the majority felt the importance 
 of forgetting local controversies in the impending con- 
 test with the mother country, and Ethan Allen was 
 treated with the cordiality due to one engaged with 
 them in a great cause, and with the distinction merited 
 by one whose services had been of the most important 
 character. Allen's representation had immense influ- 
 ence, not only in favor of his projects for the conquest 
 of the British army in Canada, but in fixing the de- 
 termination of Congress and the country to resist, by 
 force of arms, the tyrannical measures of the British 
 
212 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 government. "While on his way to lay his schemes 
 before the Continental Congress, he visited Bennington, 
 •where the Rev. Mr. Dewey preached, before him and 
 other officers, a sermon on the capture of Ticonderoga. 
 In his prayer, Mr. Dewey, with much fervor, poured- 
 forth his thanks, to the Lord for having given the pos- 
 session of this important fortress into the hands of a 
 people struggling for the defense of their dearest 
 rights. Allen was displeased, and as the preacher 
 continued in this strain of thanksgiving, the bluff old 
 hero cried out, "Parson Dewey!'' The reverend o-en- 
 tleman gave no heed to the iiiterrti prion. Allen ex- 
 claimed still louder, "Parson Dewey!" But as the 
 minister pursued his prayer, Allen sprung to his feet 
 and roared out in a voice of thunder, " Parson Dew^ey ! " 
 The clergyman opened his eyes and gazed with aston- 
 ishment at Allen. The latter then said with great 
 energy, "Parson Dewey, please make mention of iny 
 Leins: there!'- * 
 
 But Ethan Allen, who has the imperishable honor of 
 achieving the first momentous enterprise in the his- 
 tory of the American lievolution, had the misfortune, 
 soon afterward, to fall into the hands of the British, 
 and to be carried a prisoner to England. The narra- 
 tive of this captivity, written by Allen after his return 
 to Vermont, w^ill form the remainder of the ]^resent 
 chapter, in order that the subsequent history of the 
 part taken by the Green-Mountain Heroes in the 
 Kevolution, may be given without interruption. The 
 
 •This anecdote is given on tlie authority of Aaron Robinson, Esq., 
 son of Moses Robinson, the second governor of Vermont, and is un« 
 doubtedlj authentic 
 
NAERATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 213 
 
 •* Narrative" was first published in 1779. "The critic," 
 he says in the original Preface, " will be pleased to ex- 
 cuse any inaccuracies in the performance itself, as 
 the author has unfortunately missed of a liberal edu- 
 cation." The Narrative, the faults of which the author 
 60 happily excuses, is here republished, without alter- 
 ation, from • the original edition: 
 
 NARRATIVE. 
 
 Ever since I arrived at the state of manhood, and 
 acquainted myself with the general history of mankind, 
 1 have felt a sincere passion for liberty. The history 
 of nations, doomed to perpetual slavery, in consequence 
 of yielding up to tyrants their nntural-born liberties, I 
 read with a sort of philosophical horror; so that the 
 first systematica] and bloody attempt, at Lexington, to 
 enslave America, thoroughly electrified my mind, and 
 fully determined me to take part with my country. 
 And, while I was wishing fur an opportunity to signal- 
 ize myself in its behalf, directions were privately sent 
 to me from the then colony, (now state) of Connecti- 
 cut, to raise the Green-Mountain Boys, and, if possible, 
 with them to surprise and take the fortress of Ticonde- 
 roga. This enterprise I cheerfully undertook ; and, 
 after first guarding all the several passes that led 
 tliither, to cut ofi" all intelligence between the garrison 
 and the country, made a forced march from Benning- 
 ton, and arrived at the lake opposite to Ticonderoga, 
 on the evening of the ninth day of May, 1775, with 
 two hundred and thirty valiant Green-Mountain Buys; 
 and it was with the utmost difiiculty that I procured 
 boats to cross the lake. However, I landed eighty- 
 tliree men near the garrison, and sent the boats back 
 for the rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, 
 but the day began to dawn, and I found myself under 
 the necessity to attack the fort, before the rear could 
 cross the lake; and, as it was viewed hazardous, I 
 harangued the ofiicers and soldiers in the mannef 
 following : — 
 
214 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEg. 
 
 "Friends and fellow soldiers, You have, for a num 
 ber of years past been a scourge and terror to arbitrary 
 power. Your valor has been famed abroad, and ac- 
 knowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to 
 me, from the General Assembly of Connecticut, to 
 sui'prise and take the garrison now before us. I now 
 propose to advance before you, and, in person, conduct 
 you through the wicket-gate ; for we must this morning 
 either quit our pretensions to valor, or posse'ss ourselves 
 of this fortress in a few minutes; and, inasmuch as it 
 is a desperate attempt, which none but the bravest of 
 men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any contrary 
 to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise 
 your firelocks." 
 
 The men being, at this time, drawn up in three ranks, 
 each poised his tirelock. I ordered them to face to the 
 riglit, and at the head of the centre-file, marched them 
 immediately to the wicket-gate aforesaid, where I found 
 a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at 
 me; 1 ran immediately towards him, and he retreated 
 through the covered way into the parade within the 
 garrison, gave a halloo, and ran under a bomb-prouf. . 
 My party, who followed me into the fort, I foi'mod on 
 the parade in such a manner as to face the two bar- 
 racks which faced each other. 
 
 Tiie garrison being asleep, except the sentrleg, we 
 gave three huzzas which greatly surprised them. One 
 of the sentries made a pass at one of my officers with 
 a charged bayonet, and slightly wounded him : My 
 first thought was to kill him with my sword ; but, in 
 an instant, I altered the design and fury of the blow 
 to a slight cut on the side of the head, upon which he 
 dropped his gun, and asked quarter, which 1 readily 
 granted him, and demanded of him the place where 
 tlie commanding officer kept; he showed me a pair 
 of stairs in the front of a barrack, on the west part of 
 he garrison, which led up to a second story in said 
 oarrack, to which I immediately repaired, and ordered 
 he commander, Capt. De la Place, to come forth in- 
 stantly, or I would sacrifice the whole garrison ; at 
 .vhich the Capt. came immediately to the door, with 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'r CAPTIYlTi. 215 
 
 his breeches in his hand ; when I ordered him to 
 deliver me the fort instantly; he asked me by what 
 authority I demanded it: 1 answered him^ '•^ Iti the 
 naine of the great Jehovah^ and the Continental 
 Congress^"* The authority of the Congress being very 
 litle known at that time, he began to speak again ; but 
 I interrupted him, and with my drawn sword over 
 his head, again demanded an immediate surrender of 
 the garrison ; with which he then complied, and ordered 
 his men to be forthwith paraded without arms, as he 
 had given up the garrison. In the mean time some 
 of my officers had- given orders, and in consequence 
 thereof, sundry of the barrack doors were beat down, 
 and about one third of the garrison imprisoned, which 
 -3onsisted of the said commander, a Lieut. Feltham, a 
 conductor of artillery, a gunner, two Serjeants, and 
 forty-four rank and tile ; about one hundred pieces of 
 cannon, one thirteen inch mortar, and a number of 
 Bwivels. This surprise was carried into execution in 
 the grey of the morning of the tenth of May, ] 775. The 
 sun seemed to rise that morning with a superior lustre ; 
 and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled to its 
 conquerors, who tossed about the flowing bowl, and 
 wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom 
 of America. Happy it was for me, at that time, that 
 the tlien future pages of the book of fate, which after- 
 wards unfolded a miserable scene of two years and 
 eight months imprisonment were hid from mj^ view. 
 
 But to return to my narrative : Col. Warner, with 
 the rear guard, crossed the lake, and joined me early 
 in the morning, whom I sent off, without loss of time 
 with about one hundred men, to take possession of 
 Crown Point, which was garrisoned with a Serjeant 
 and twelve men ; which he took possession of the same 
 day, as also of upwards of one hundred pieces of can- 
 non. But one thing now remained to be done, to make 
 ourselves complete masters of lake Champlain ; this 
 was to possess ourselves of a sloop of war, which was 
 then lying at St. Johns ; to effect which, it was agreed 
 in a council of war, to arm and man out a certain 
 schooner, which lay at South Bay, and that Capt. (now 
 
 • 10 
 
216 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOJSS. 
 
 geDeral) Arnold should command her, and that I should 
 command the batteaux. The necessary preparations 
 being made, we set sail from Ticonderoga, in quest of 
 the sloop, which Was much larger, and carried more 
 guns and heavier metal than the schooner. General 
 Arnold, with the schooner, sailing faster than the bat- 
 teaux, arrived at St. Johns ; and by surprise, possessed 
 himself of the sloop, before I could arrive with the 
 batteaux : He also made prisoners of a serjeant and 
 twelve men, who were garrisoned at that place. It is 
 worthy of remark that as soon as General Arnold had 
 secured the prisoners on board, and had made prepara- 
 tion for sailing, the wind, which but a few hours before 
 was fresh in the south, and well served to carry us to 
 St. Johns, now shifted, and came fresh from the north ; 
 and in about one hour's time. General Arnold sailed 
 with the prize and schooner for Ticonderoga. When 
 I met him with my party, within a few miles of St. 
 Johns, he saluted me with a discharge of cannon, which 
 I returned with a volley of small arms. This being 
 repeated three times, I went on board the sloop with 
 my party, where several loyal Congress healths were 
 drank. 
 
 We were now masters of lake Champlain, and the 
 garrison deperding thereon. This success I viewed 
 of consequence xn the scale of American politics ; for, 
 if a settlement between the then colonies and Great 
 Britain, had soon taken place, it would have been easy 
 to have restored these acquisitions ; but viewing the 
 then future consequences of a cruel war, as it has really 
 proved to be, and the command of that lake, garrisons, 
 artillery, &c., it must be viewed to be of signal import- 
 ance to the American cause, and it is marvellous to me 
 that we ever lost the command of it. Nothing but 
 taking a Burgoyne with a whole British army, could, 
 in my opinion, atone for it; and notwithstanding such 
 an extraordinary victory, we must be obliged to regain 
 the command of that lake again, be the cost what it 
 will ; by doing this Canada will easily be brought into 
 union and confederacy with tho United States of 
 America. Such an event would "out it out of the 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's OAPTIVITi- 217 
 
 power of the western tribes of Indians to carrj' on a 
 war with us, and be a solid and durable bar against 
 any further inliuman barbarities committed on our 
 frontier inhabitants, by cruel and blood-thirsty sav- 
 ages ; fur it is impossible to carry on a war, except 
 they are supported by the trade and« commerce of some 
 civilized nation ; which to them would be impracticable, 
 did Canada compose a part of the American empire. 
 
 Early in the fall of the year, the little armv under 
 the Command of the Generals Schuyler and Montgom- 
 ery, were ordered to advance into Canada. 1 was at 
 Ticonderoga, when this order arrived ; and the Gen- 
 erals, with most of the field officers, requested me to 
 attend them in the expedition ; and, though at that 
 time 1 had no commission from Congress, yet they 
 engaged me, that I should be considered as an officer, 
 the same as though I had a commission ; and shoujd, 
 as occasion might require, command certain detach- 
 ments of the army. This 1 considered as an honorable 
 offer, and did not hesitate to comply with it, and 
 advanced with the army to the Isle-aux-Noix ; from 
 wlience I was ordered by the General, to go in company 
 with Major Brow^n, and certain interpreters, tbrough 
 the woods into Canada, with letters to the Canadians, 
 and to let them know that the design of the army was 
 only against the English garrisons, and not the country, 
 their liberties, or religion ; and having, through much 
 danger, negotiated this business, I returned to the Isle- 
 aux-Noix in the fore part of September, when General 
 Schuyler returned to Albany ; and in consequence the 
 command devolved upon General Montgomery, whom 
 I assisted in laying a line of circumvallation round the 
 fortress of St. Johns. After which I was ordered, by 
 the General, to make a second tour into Canada, upon 
 nearly the same design as before ; and withal to 
 observe the disposition, designs and movements of the 
 inhabitants of tlie country. This reconnoiter I under- 
 took reluctantlv, choosine: rather to assist at the seijxe 
 of St. Johns, which was tlien closely invested ; but my 
 esteem for the general's person, and opinion of him as 
 a jiojitician and brave officer induced me to proceed. 
 
21 S K'i ELAJS^ ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOKS. 
 
 I passed through all the parishes on the river Sorei, 
 to a parish at the mouth of the same, wljich is called 
 by the same name, preaching politics ; and went trora 
 thence across the Sorel to the river St. Lawrence, and 
 up the river through the parishes to Longueuil, and so 
 far met with good success as an itinerant. In this 
 round my guard w^ere Canadians, my interpreter, and 
 some few attendants excepted. On the morning of the 
 24th day of September, I set out with my guard of 
 about eighty men, from Longueuil, to go to Laprairie ; 
 from whence I determined to go to General Montgom- 
 ery's camp ; but had not advanced two miles before I 
 met with Major Brown, who has since been advanced 
 to the rank of a Colonel, who desired me to halt, saying 
 that he had something of importance to communicate 
 to me and my confidants ; upon which I halted the 
 part}^ and went into a house, and took a private room 
 wi'tli him and several of my associates, where Col. 
 Brown proposed that, "provided I w^ould return to 
 Longueuil, and procure some canoes, so as to cross the 
 the river St. Lawrence a little north of Montreal, he 
 would cross it a little to the south of the town, with 
 near two hundred men, as he had boats sufficient; and 
 that we could make ourselves masters of Montreal." 
 This plan was readily approved by me and those in 
 council ; and in consequence of which I returned to 
 Longueuil, collected a few canoes, and added about 
 thirty English-Americans to my party, and crossed 
 the river in the night of the 2ith, agreeably to the 
 before proposed plan. 
 
 My whole party at this time, consisted of about 
 one hundred and ten men, near eighty of w^hom were 
 Canadians. We were most of the nii^ht crossinoj the 
 river, as we had so few canoes that they had to pas3 
 and repass three times, to cary my party across. Soon 
 after day-break, I set a guard letween me and the 
 town, with special orders to let no person pass or repass 
 them, another guard on the other end of the road, with 
 like directions ; in the mean time, I reconnoitered the 
 best ground to make a defence, expecting Col. Brown's 
 party was landed on the other side of the town, he 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 219 
 
 having, the day before, agreed to give tliree L izzas- 
 with his men early in the morning, which signal 1 was 
 to return, that we might each know that buth parties 
 were landed ; but the sun, by this time, being nearly 
 two hours high, and the sign tailing, I began to con- 
 clude myself to be in a premunire, and would have 
 crossed the river back again, but I knew the enemy 
 would have discovered such an attempt; and as there 
 could not more than one third part of my troops cross 
 at a time, the other two-tliirds would of course fail into 
 their hands. This I could not reconcile to my own 
 feelings as a man, nmch less as an otticer : 1 therefore 
 concluded to maintain the ground, if possible, and all 
 to fare alike. In consequence of this resolution, I des- 
 patched two messengers, one to Laprairie, to Col. Brown, 
 and the other to I'Assomption, a French seit-.ement, to 
 Mr. Walker, who was in our interest, requesting their 
 speedy assistance, giving them, at the same time to 
 understand my critical situation. In the mean time 
 sundry persons came to my guards, pretending to be 
 friends, but were by them taken prisoners and brought 
 to m,e. These I ordered to continement, until their 
 friendship could be further confirmed ; for I was jealous 
 they were s])ies, as tliey proved to be afterwards. One 
 of the principal of them making his escape, exposed 
 the weakness of my party, which was the final' cause 
 of my misfortune ; for I have been since informed that 
 Mr. Walker, agreeably to my desire, exerted himself, 
 and had raised a considerable numl)er of men for my 
 assistance, which brought him into ditiiculty afterwards, 
 but upon hearing of my misfortune, he disbanded them 
 again. 
 
 The town of Montreal was in a great tumult. General 
 Carleton and the royal party, made every preparation 
 to go on board their vessels of force, as 1 was after- 
 wards informed, but the spy escaped from my guard to 
 the town, occasioned an alteration in their ])olicy, and 
 emboldened Gen. Carleton to send the force which he 
 had there collected, out against me. I had previously 
 chosen my ground, but when I saw the number of the 
 ei'emy as they sallieii out of the town, 1 perceived it 
 
220 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 would be a day of trouble, if not of rebuke ; but I had 
 no chance to flee, as Montreal was situated on an island, 
 and the St. Lawrence cut off my communication to 
 General Montgomery's camp. I encouraged my sol- 
 diery to bravely defend themselves, that we should 
 soon have help, and that we should be able to keep the 
 .ground, if no more. This, and much more, 1 affirmed 
 with the greatest seeming assurance, and which in 
 reality I thouglit to be in some degree probable. 
 
 The enemy consisted of not more than forty regular 
 troops, together with a mixed multitude, chiefly Cana- 
 dians, with a number of English who lived in town, 
 and some Indians ; in all to the number of five hundred. 
 
 The reader will notice that most of my party were 
 Canadians; indeed it was a motely parcel of soldiery 
 which composed both parties. However, the enemy 
 began to attack from wood -piles, ditches, buildings, 
 and such like places, at a considerable distance, and 1 
 returned the fire from a situation more than equally 
 advantageous. The attack began between two and three 
 o'clock in the afternoon, just before which I ordered a 
 volunteer by the name of Richard Young;, with a de- 
 tachment ot nme men as a flank guard, which, under 
 the cover of the bank of the river, could not only annoy 
 the enemy, but at the same time, serve as a flank guard 
 to the left of the main body. 
 
 The tire continued for sometime on both sides; and 
 I was confident that such a remote method of attack 
 could not carry the ground, provided it should be con- 
 tinued till night: but near half the body of the enemy 
 began to flank round to my right ; upon which I ordered 
 a volunteer by the name of John Dugan, who had 
 lived many years in Canada, and understood the 
 French language, to detach about fifty Canadians, and 
 post himself at an advantageous ditch, which was on my 
 right, to prevent my being surrounded : He advanced 
 with the detachment, but instead of occupying the post, 
 made his escape, as did likewise Mr. Young upon the 
 left, with their detachments. I soon perceived tliat the 
 enemy wap in possession of the ground, which Dugan 
 should have occupied, j^*- this ti\ue I had but about 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 221 
 
 forty five men with me ; some of whoiti were wounded ; 
 the enemy kept closing round me, nor was it in my 
 power to prevent it ; by which means, my situation, 
 which was advantageous in the first part of the attack, 
 ceased to be so in the last; and being entirely sur- 
 rounded with such vast, unequal numbers, I ordered 
 a retreat, but found that those of the enemy, who were 
 of the country, and their Indians, could run as fast 
 as my men, though the regulars could not. Thus I 
 retreated near a mile, and some of the enemy, with the 
 savages, kept flanking me, and others crowded hard 
 in the rear. In tine, I expected, in a very short time, 
 to try the world of spirits ; for I was apprehensive that 
 nr quarter would be given to me, and therefore had 
 determined to sell my life as dear as I could. One 
 of the enemy's officers, boldly pressing in the rear, 
 discharged his fusee at me ; the ball whistled near me, 
 as did man} others that day. I returned the salute, 
 and missed him, as running had put us both out of 
 breath ; for I conclude we were not frightened : I then 
 saluted him with my tongue in a harsh manner, and 
 told him that, inasmuch as his numbers were so far 
 superior to mine, I would surrender provided I could 
 be treated with honor, and be assured of good quarter 
 for myself and the men who were with me ; and he 
 answered I should ; another officer, coming up directly 
 after, confirmed the treaty ; upon which I agreed to 
 surrender with my party, which then consisted of 
 thirty-one eft'ective men, and seven wounded. I ordered 
 them to ground their arms, which they did. 
 
 The officer I capitulated with, then directed me and 
 my party to advance towards him, w^hich was done; I 
 handed him my sword, and in half a minute after, a 
 savage, part of whose head was shaved, being almost 
 naked and painted, with feathers intermixed with the 
 Imir of the other side of his head, came running to 
 me with an incredible swiftness ; he seemed to advance 
 with more than mortal speed ; as he approached near 
 me, hifi hellish visage was beyond all description; 
 finake's eyes appear innocent in comparison to his ; his 
 featnj-es extorted ; malice, death, murder, and the wrath 
 
222 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 of devils and damned spirits are the emblems of his 
 countenance ; and in less than twelve feet of me, pre- 
 sented his firelock ; at the instant of his present, I 
 twitched the otiicer, to whom I gave my sword, between 
 me and the savage ; but he flew round with great furj, 
 trying to single me out to shoot me without killing the 
 onicer ; but bj this time I was nearly as nimble as he, 
 keeping the officer in such a position that his danger 
 was my defence ; but, in less than half a minute, I was 
 attacked by just such another imp of hell : Then I 
 made the officer fly around with incredible velocity, 
 for a few seconds of time, when I perceived a Canadian, 
 who had lost one eye, as appeared afterwards, taking 
 my part against the savages ; and in an instant an 
 Irishman came to my assistance w^ith a flxed bayonet, 
 
 and drove away the fiends, swearing by he would 
 
 kill them. This tragic scene composed my mind. The 
 escaping from so awful a death, made even imprison- 
 ment happy ; the more so as my conquerors on the 
 field treated me with great civility and politeness. 
 
 The regular officers said that they were very happy 
 to see Colonel Allen : I answered them, that I should 
 rather choose to have seen them at General Montgom- 
 ery's camp. The gentlemen replied, that they gave 
 full credit to what 1 said, and as I walked to the town, 
 which was, as I should guess, more than two miles, a 
 British officer walking at my right hand, and one of 
 the French noblesse at my left ; the latter of which, in 
 the action, had his eyebrow carried away by a glancing 
 shot, but was nevertheless very merry and facetious, 
 and no abuse was ofi:ered me till I came to the barrack 
 yard at Montreal, w^here I met general Prescott, who 
 asked me my name, which 1 told him : He then asked 
 me whether I w^as that Col. Allen, who took Ticonde- 
 roga. I told him that I was the very man : Then he 
 shook his cane over my head, calling many hard names, 
 among which he frequently used the word rebel, and 
 put himself in a great rage. I told him he would do 
 well not to cane me, for I was not accustomed to it, 
 and shook ray fist at him, telling him that was the 
 beetle of mortality for him if he offered to strike 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN^S CAPTIVITY. 223 
 
 Tipon wlilcli Capt. M'Cloud of the British, pulled him 
 by the skirt, and whispered to him, as he afterwards 
 told me, to this import ; that it was inconsistent with 
 his honor to strike a prisoner. He then ordered a 
 Serjeant's command with fixed bayonets, to come for- 
 ward, and kill thirteen Canadians who were included 
 in the treaty aforesaid. 
 
 It cut me to the heart to see the Canadians in so 
 hard a case, in consequence of their having been true 
 to me ; they were wringing their hands, saying their 
 prayers, asl concluded, and expected immediate death. 
 I therefore stepped betv/een the executioners and the 
 Canadians, opened my clothes, an,d told Gen. Prescott 
 to thrust his bayonet into my breast, for I was the sole 
 cause of the Canadians taking up arms. 
 
 The guard, in the mean time, rolling their eyeballs 
 from the General to me, as though impatiently waiting 
 his dread command to sheatfi "their bayonets in my 
 heart ; I could, however, plainly discern, that he was 
 in a suspense and quandary about the matter : This 
 gave me additional hopes of succeeding; for my de- 
 sign was not to die, but to save the Canadians by a 
 finesse. The general stood a minute, when he made 
 me the following reply ; "I will not execute you now ; 
 
 but you shall grace a halter at Tyburn, 
 
 you." 
 
 I remember I disdained his mentioning such a place; 
 I was, notwithstanding, a little pleased with the ex- 
 pression, as it significantly conveyed to me the idea of 
 postponing the present appearance of death ; besides 
 his sentence was by no means final, as to "gracing a 
 halter," although 1 had anxiety ahout it, after 1 landed 
 in England, as the reader will find in the course of this 
 history. Gen. Prescott then ordered one of his officers 
 to take'me on board the Gaspee schooner of war, and 
 confine me, hands and feet, in irons, which was done ' 
 the same afternoon I was taken. 
 
 The action continued an hour and three quarters, by 
 the watch, and I know not to this day how many of 
 my men wore killed, though I am certain there were 
 but few. If I remember riirht, 7 were wounded ; one 
 
 10*' 
 
*22J: El^HAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 t 
 
 of tliem, Wm. Stewart, by name, was wounded by a 
 Bavao-e with a tomahawk, after he was taken prisoner 
 and disarmed, but was rescued by some of the gener- 
 ous enemy ; and so far recovered of his wounds, that 
 he afterwards went with the other prisoners toEncrhuid. 
 Of the enemy, were killed a major Garden, who had 
 been wounded in eleven different battles, and an em- 
 inent merchant, Patterson, of Montreal, and some 
 others, but 1 never knew their whole loss, as their ac- 
 counts were different. I am apprehensive that it is 
 rare, that so much ammunition was expended, and so 
 little execution done by it ; though such of my party 
 as stood the ground, behaved with great fortitude, 
 much exceeding that of the enemy, but were not the 
 best of marksmen, and, 1 am apprehensive, were all 
 killed or taken ; the wounded were all put into the 
 hospital at Montreal, and those that were not, were 
 put on board of different vessels in the river, and 
 shackled together by pairs, viz. two men fastened to- 
 gether by one hand-cuff', being closely fixed to one 
 wrist of each of them, and treated wdth the greatest 
 severity, nay as criminals. 
 
 1 now come to the description of the irons, which 
 
 were put on me : The hand-cuff was of common size 
 
 and form, but my leg irons, 1 should imagine would 
 
 weigh thirty pounds ; the bar was eight feet long, and 
 
 very substantial ; the shackles, which encompassed my 
 
 ancles, were very tight. I was told by the othcer, who 
 
 put them on, that it was the king's plate, and I heard 
 
 other of their officers say, that it would weigh forty 
 
 w^eight. The irons were so close upon my ancles, that 
 
 I could not lay down in any other manner tluin on my 
 
 back. I was "^put into the 'lowest and most wretched 
 
 ■ part of the vessel, where I got the favor of a chest to 
 
 sit on ; the same answered for my bed at night ; and 
 
 • having procured some little blocks of the guard, who 
 
 day and night, with fixed bayonets, watched over me, 
 
 to lie under each end of the large bar of my leg irons, 
 
 to preserve my ancles from galling, wliile I sat on the 
 
 chest, or lay back on the same, though mo&t of the time, 
 
 night and day, I sat on it ; but at length, having a 
 
NAIiRATIVE OF ALLEN 's CAPTIYITY. 225 
 
 desire to lie down on my side, which the closeness of my 
 irons turbid, I desired the captain to loosen them for 
 that purpose ; but was denied the favor. Tbe cap- 
 tain's name was Royal, who did not seem to be an ill- 
 natured man ; but oftentimes said, that his express 
 orders were to treat me with such severity, which was 
 disagreeable to his own feelings ; nor did he ever in- 
 sult me, though many others, who came on board did. 
 One of the officers, by the name of Bradley, was very 
 generous to me ; he would often send me victuals from 
 his own table ; nor did a day fail, but he sent me a 
 good drink of grog. 
 
 Tlie reader is now invited back to the time I was 
 put into irons. I requested the privilege to write to 
 General Prescott, which was granted. I reminded him 
 of the kind and generous manner of my treatment of 
 the prisoners I took at Ticonderoga ; the injustice and 
 ungentleman-like usage I had met with from him, and 
 demanded better usage, but received no answer from 
 him. I soon after wrote to Gen. Carlton, which met 
 the same success. In the mean while, many of those 
 who were permitted to see me, were very insulting. 
 
 I was confined in the manner I have related, on 
 board the Gaspee schooner, about six weeks ; during 
 which time I was oblii::ed to throw out plenty of ex- 
 travagant language, which answered certain purposes, 
 at that time, better than to grace a history. 
 
 To give an instance ; upon being insulted, in a fit 
 of anger, I twisted off a nail with my teeth, which I 
 took to be a ten-penny nail ; it went through the mor- 
 tise of the bar of my hand-cuff, and at the same time 
 I swaggered over those who abused me ; particularly 
 A Doctor Dace, who told me that I was outlawed by 
 New- York, and deserved death for several years past ; 
 was at last fully ripened for the halter, and in a fair 
 way to obtain it. When I challenged him, he excused 
 himself, in consequence, as he said, of my being a 
 criminal ; but I flung such a flood of language at him 
 thatit shocked him and the spectators, for my anger 
 
 was very great. I heard one say, him. can he 
 
 eat iron ? After that, a small padlock vas fixed to tho 
 
22G ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN ^vuNTAIN HEROEi 
 
 hand-cnff, instead of the nail ; and as they were lae-xn- 
 spirited in their treatment to me, so it appeared to roe, 
 that the} were equally timorous and cowardly. 
 
 1 was after sent, with the prisoners taken with me, 
 to an armed vessel in the river, which lay oif against 
 Quebec, under the command of Capt. M'Cloud, of the 
 British, who treated me in a very generous and obliging 
 manner, and according to my rank ; in about twenty- 
 four hours 1 bid him farewell with regret ; but my 
 good fortune still continued. The name of the Cap- 
 tain of the vessel I was put on board, was Littlejohn ; 
 who, with his officers, behaved in a polite, generous, 
 and friendly manner. I lived with them in the cabin, 
 and fared on the best, my irons being taken off, con- 
 trary to the order he had received from the command- 
 ing officer ; but Capt. Littlejohn swore, that a brave 
 man should not be used as a rascal, on board his ship. 
 That I found myself in possession of happiness once 
 more, and the evils I had lately suffered, gave me an 
 uncommon relish for it. 
 
 Capt. Littlejohn used to go to Quebec almost every 
 day, in order to pay his respects to certain gentlemen 
 and ladies ; being there on a certain day, he happened 
 to meet with some disagreeable treatment, as he im- 
 agined, from a Lieutenant of a man of war, and one 
 word brought on another, until the Lieutenant chal- 
 lenged him to a duel on the plains of Abraham. Capt. 
 Littlejohn was a gentleman, who entertained a high 
 sense of honor, and could do no less than accept the 
 challenge. 
 
 At nine o'clock the next morning they were to figlit. 
 Tlie Captain returned in the evening, and acquainted 
 his Lieutenant and me with the affair. His Lieutenant 
 was a high blooded Scotchman, as well as himself, who 
 replied to his Captain that he should not want for a 
 second. With this I interrupted him and gave tlie 
 Captain to understand, that since an opportunity had 
 presented, I would be glad to testify my gratitude to 
 nim, by acting the part of a faithful second ; on which 
 he gave me his hand, and said that he wanted no bet- 
 ter man. Says he, I am a King's officer, and you a 
 
NARRATITE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 227 
 
 priponer under my care ; yon must, therefore, go M'ith 
 me, to the phice appointed in disguise, and added fur- 
 ther; 'you must engage me, upon the honor of a gen- 
 tleman, that wliether I die or live, or wliatever happens, 
 provided you li-ve, that you will return to my Lieuten- 
 ant on board this ship.' All this I solemnly engaged 
 him. The combatants were to discharge each a pocket 
 pistol, and then to fall on with their iron-hilted muckle 
 whangers ; and one of that sort w^as allotted for me ; 
 but some British officers, who interposed esir\y in the 
 morning, settled the controversy without fighting. 
 
 Xow having enjoyed eight or nine days' happiness, 
 from the polite and generous treatment of Captain 
 Littlejohn and his officers, I was obliged to bid them 
 farewell, parting with them in as friendly a manner as 
 we had lived together, wdiich, to the best of my mem- 
 ory, was the eleventh of November : when a detach 
 ment of General Arnold's little army appeared on 
 Point Levi, opposite Quebec, who had performed an 
 extraordinary march through a wilderness country, 
 with design to have surprised the capital of Canada; 
 I was then taken on board a vessel called the Ada- 
 mant, together with the prisonei'S taken with me, and 
 put under the power of an English Merchant from 
 London, whose name was Brook Watson :. a man of 
 malicious and cruel disposition, and who was probably 
 excited, in the exercise of his malevolence, by a junto 
 of tories, who sailed with him to England ; among 
 whom were Col. Guy Johnson, Col. Closs, and tiieir 
 attendants and associates, to the number of about 30. 
 
 All the ship's crew, Col. Closs, in his personal be- 
 "'javior excepted, behaved towards the prisoners with 
 that spirit of bitterness, which is the peculiar chai'ac- 
 teristic of tories, when they have the friends of Amer- 
 ica in their power, measuring their loyalty to the 
 English King by the barbarity, fraud and deceit which 
 they exercise towards the whigs. 
 
 A small place in the vessel, enclosed with white oak 
 plank, was assigned for tiie prisoners, and for me 
 among the rest. I should imagine that it was not more 
 than twenty feet one way, and twenty-two the other. 
 
228 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEE0E8. 
 
 Into this place we were all, to the number of thirtj-fonr, 
 thi'ust and hand-cufted, two prisoners more being added 
 to our numl>er, and were provided with two excrement 
 tubs ; in this circumference we were obliged to eat and 
 perform the otilces of evacuation, during the voyage 
 to England ; and were insulted by every black-guard 
 sailor and tory on board, in the crudest manner ; but 
 what is the most surprising thing is, that not one of us 
 died in the passage. When I was first ordered to go 
 into the filthy inclosure, through a small sort of door, 
 I positively refused, and endeavored to reason the 
 before named Brook Watson out of a conduct so de- 
 rogatory to every sentiment of honor and humanity, 
 Dut all to no purpose, my men being forced in the den 
 alread}^ ; and the rascal who had the charge of the 
 prisoners commanded me to go immediately in among 
 the rest. He further added that the place was good 
 enough for a rebel ; that it was impertinent for a capi- 
 tal oftender to talk of honor or humanity ; that any 
 thing short of a halter was too good for me ; and that 
 that would be my portion soon after I landed in Eng- 
 land ; for which purpose only I was sent thither. About 
 the same time a lieutenant among the tories, insulted 
 me in a grievous manner, saying I ought to have been 
 executed for my rebellion against New- York, and spit 
 in my face; upon which, though I was hawd-cufied, I 
 sprang at him witfi both hands, and knocked him parth^ 
 down, but he scrambled along into the cabin, and I 
 after him ; there he got under the protection of some 
 men with fixed bayonets, who were ordered to make 
 ready to drive me into the place aforementioned. I 
 challenged him to fight, notwithstanding tliQ impedi- 
 ments that were on my hands, and had the exalted 
 pleasure to see the rascal tremble for fear ; his name I 
 have forgot, but Watson ordered his guard to get me 
 into the ])lace with the other prisoners, dead or alive; 
 and I had almost as lieve die as to do it, standing it 
 out till they environed me round with bayonets ; and 
 brutish, prejudiced, abandoned wretches they were, 
 f om whom I could expect nothing but death or wounds ; 
 however, J told them, that they were good honest 
 
NAKllATIVE OF ALLEn's CAFriVITY. 229 
 
 fellows ; that I could not blame them ; that I was only 
 in dispute witli a calico merchant, who knew not how 
 to behave towards a gentleman of the military estab- 
 lishment. This was spoken rather to appease them 
 for my own preservation, as well as to treat Watson 
 wilh contempt; but still I found they were determined 
 to force me into the wretched circumstances, which 
 their prejudiced, and depraved minds had prej^ared 
 for me; therefore, rather than die, I submitted to their 
 indignities, being drove with bayonets into the lilthy 
 dungeon with the other prisoners, where we were de- 
 nied fresh water, except a small allowance, which was 
 very inadequate to our wants : and in consequence of 
 the stench of the place, each of us was soon followed 
 with a diarrhoea and fever, which occasioned intolera- 
 ble thirst. When w^e asked for water, we were, most 
 coinmunly, instead of obtaining it, insulted and de- 
 rided ; and to add to all the horrors of the place, it 
 was so dark that we could not see each other, and were 
 overspread with body lice. We had, notwithstanding 
 these severities, full allowance of salt provisions, and 
 a gill of rum per day ; the latter of which was of the 
 utmost service to us, and, probably, was the means of 
 saving several of our lives. About forty days we ex- 
 isted in this manner, when the land's end of England 
 was discovered from the mast head ; soon after which, 
 the prisoners were taken from their gloomy abode, 
 being permitted to see the light of the sun, and breathe 
 fresh air, which to us was very refreshing. The day 
 following we landed at Falmouth. 
 
 A few days before I was taken prisoner, I shifted 
 my clothes, by which I happened to be taken in a 
 Canadian dress, viz: a short fawn-skin jacket, double- 
 lireasted, an undervest and breeches of sagathy, worsted 
 stockings, a decent pair of shoes, two plain shirts, and 
 a red worsted cap ; this was all the clothing I had, in 
 which 1 made my aj^pearance in England. 
 
 When the prisoners were landed, multitudes of the 
 citizens of Falmouth, excited by curiosity, crowded to 
 ece us, which was equally gratifying to us. I saw num- 
 bers on the tops of houses, and the rising adjacent 
 
230 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTATN HERuES. 
 
 grounds were covered witli them, of both sexes. Tlie 
 ttironir: was so great, that the king's officers were 
 obliged to clraw their swords, and force a passage to 
 Peiidennis castle, which was near a mile from the town, 
 where we were closely confined, in consequence of 
 orders from General Carleton, who then commanded 
 in Canada. 
 
 The rascally Brook Watson then set out for London 
 in gi'eat haste, expecting the reward of his zeal ; but the 
 miriistry received him, as I have been since informecf, 
 rather coolly ; for the minority in parliament took ad- 
 vantage, arguing that the opposition of America to 
 Great Britain, was not a rebellion : If it is, say they, 
 why do you not execute Col. Allen according to law? 
 But the'majority argued that I ought to be executed, 
 and that the opposition was really a rebellion, but that 
 policy obliged them not to do it, inasmuch as the Con- 
 gress*^ had then most prisoners in their power ; so that 
 my being sent to England, for the purpose of being 
 executed, and necessity restraining them, was rather a 
 foil on their laws and authority, and they consequently 
 disapproved of my being sent thither. But I had 
 never heard the least hint of tliose debates, in parlia- 
 ment, or of the working of their policy, until sometime 
 after 1 left England. 
 
 Consequently the reader will readily conceive I was 
 anxious about my preservation, knowing that I was in 
 the power of a haughty and cruel nation, considered 
 as such. Therefore, 'the first proposition which I deter- 
 , mined in my own mind was, that humanity and moral 
 suasion would not be consulted in the determining of 
 my fate; and those that daily came in great numbers 
 out of curiosity to see me, both gentle and simple, 
 united in this, that I would be hanged. A gentleman 
 from America, by the name of Temple, and who was 
 friendly to me, just whispered me in the ear, and told 
 me that bets were laid in London, that I would be ex- 
 ecuted ; he likewise privately gave me a guinea, but 
 durst sav but little to me. 
 
 However, agreeably to my first negative proposition, 
 that moral virtue would not influence my destinv, I 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 231 
 
 had recourse to stratagem, which I was in hopes would 
 move in the circle of ttieir policy. I requested c|f the 
 commander of the castle, the privilege of writing to 
 Congress, who, after consulting with an officer that 
 lived in town, of a superior rank, permitted me to 
 write. I wrote, in the fore part of the letter, a short 
 narrative of my ill-treatment ; but withal let them know 
 that, though 1 was treated as a criminal in England, 
 and continued in irons, together with tiiose taken with 
 me, yet it was in consequence of the orders which tlie 
 commander of the castle received from Gen. Carleton, 
 and therefore desired Congress to desist from matters 
 of retaliation, until they should know the result of tiie 
 government in England, respecting their treatment 
 towards me, and the prisoners with me, and govern 
 themselves accordingly, with a particular request, that 
 if retaliation should be found necessary, it might be 
 exercised not according to the smallness of my charac- 
 ter in America, but in proportion to the importance 
 of the cause for which I suffered. This is, according 
 to my present recollection, the substance of the letter 
 inscribed, — " To the illustrious Continental Congress^ 
 This letter was written with the view that it should be 
 sent to the ministry at London, rather than to Congress, 
 with a design to intimidate the haughty English gov- 
 ernment, and screen my neck from the halter. 
 
 The next day the officer, from whom I obtained 
 license to write, came to see me, and frowned on me 
 on account of the impudence of the letter, as he phrased 
 it, and further added, 'Do you think that we are fools 
 in England, and would send your letter to Congress, 
 with instructions to retaliate on our own people? 1 
 ha\.e sent your letter to Lord IS^orth.' This gave me 
 inward satisfaction, though I carefully concealed it 
 with a pretended resentment, for I found that 1 had 
 come Yankee over him, and that the letter had gone 
 to the identical person I designed it for. Nor do I 
 know to this day, but tiiat it liad the desired eftect, 
 though I have not heard any thing of the letter since. 
 
 •My personal treatment by Lieutenant Hamilton, who 
 commanded tiie castle was very generous. He sent 
 
232 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 me every day a fine breakfast and dinner from his own 
 table, and a bottle of good wine. Another aged gen- 
 tleman, whose name I cannot recollect, sent me a good 
 Slipper. But there was no distinction between me and 
 the privates ; we all lodged on a sort of Dutch bunks, 
 in one common apartment, and were allowed straw. 
 The privates were well supplied with provisions, and 
 with me, took eftectual measures to rid ourselves of lice. 
 
 I could not but feel, inwardly, extremely anxious for 
 my fate. This, 1 however, concealed from the pris- 
 oners, as well as from the enemy, who were perpetually 
 shaking: the halter at me. I nevertheless treated them 
 with scorn and contempt ; and having sent my letter 
 to the ministry, could conceive of nothing more in my 
 power but to keep up my spirits, behave in a daring, 
 soldier-like manner, that 1 might exhibit a good sample 
 of American fortitude. Such a conduct, 1 judged 
 would have a more probable tendency to my preserva- 
 tion than concession and timidity. This therefore, was 
 my deportment ; and I had lastly determined in my 
 mind, that if a cruel death must inevitably be my por- 
 tion, 1 would face it undaunted ; and, though I greatly 
 rejoice that I returned to my country and friends, and 
 to see the power and pride of Great Britain humljled ; 
 yet I am confident I could then have died without the 
 least appearance of dismay. 
 
 I now clearly I'ecollect that my mind was so re- 
 solved, that I would not have trembled or shewn the 
 least fear, as I was sensible that it could not alter my 
 fate, nor do more than reproach my memory, make my 
 last act despicable to my enemies, and eclipse the 
 other actions of mv life. For I reasoned thus, that 
 nothino; was more common than for men to die with 
 their friends around them, weeping and lamenting 
 over them, but not able to help them, which was in re- 
 ality not diflferent in the consequence of it from such a 
 death as I was apprehensive of; and, as death was 
 the natural consequence of animal life to which the 
 laws of nature subject mankind, to be timorous and 
 uneasy as to the event and manner of it, was inconsis- 
 tent with the character of a philosopher and soldier. 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAFflVlTY. ^oS 
 
 The cause I was engaged in, I ever viewed worthy 
 hazarding my lite for, nor was 1, in the most critical 
 moments of trouble, sorry that 1 engaged in it ; and, 
 as to the world of spirits, though 1 knew nothing of 
 the mode or manner of it, 1 expected nevertheless, 
 when 1 should arrive at such a world, that 1 should be 
 as well treated as other gentlemen of my merit. 
 
 Among the great numbers of people, who came to 
 the castle to see the prisoners, some gentlemen told 
 me tiiat they had come fifty miles on purpose to see 
 me, and desired to ask me a numlier of questions, and 
 to make free with me in conversation. 1 gave for an- 
 swer that 1 chose freedom in every sense of the word. 
 Then one of them asked me what my occupation in 
 life had been ? 1 answered him, that in my younger 
 days 1 had studied divinity, but was a conjuror by 
 profession. He replied that I conjured wrong at the 
 tinje I was taken ; and 1 was obliged to own, that I 
 mistook a figure at that time, but that 1 had conjured 
 them out of Ticonderoga. This was a place of great 
 notoriety in England, so that the joke seemed to go in 
 my favor. 
 
 It was a common thing for me to be taken out of 
 close confinement, into a spacious green in the castle, 
 or rather parade, where numbers of gentlemen and 
 ladies were ready to see and hear me. 1 often enter- 
 tained such audiences with harangues on the impracti- 
 cability of Great Britain's conquering the then colo- 
 nies of America. At one of these times 1 asked a 
 gentleman for a bowl of punch, and he ordered his 
 servant to bring it, which he did, and offered it to me, 
 but 1 refused to take it from the hand of his servant ; 
 he then gave it to me with his own hand, refusing to 
 drink with me in consequence of my being a state 
 criminal : However, I took the punch and drank it all 
 duwn at one draught, and handed the gentleman the 
 bowl ; this made the spectators as well as myself merry. 
 
 1 expatiated on American freedom. This gained 
 the resentment of a young beardless gentleman of the 
 company, who gave himself very great aii-s. and re- 
 plied that hft ' knew the Americans very well, and was 
 
234: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-M'JDNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 certain they could not bear the smell of powder.' J 
 replied, that I accepted it as a challenge, and was ready 
 to convince him on the spot, that an American cuuld 
 bear the smell of powder ; at which he answered that 
 he should not put himself on a par with me. 1 tiien 
 delnanded him to treat the character of the Americans 
 with due respect. He answered that 1 was an Iri^h 
 man ; but 1 assured him that I was a full blooded 
 Yankee, and in hne bantered him so much, that he left 
 me in possession of the ground, and the laugh wunt 
 ao-ainst him. Two clergymen came to see me, and, 
 inasmuch as they behaved with civility, I returned 
 them the same. We discoursed on several parts of 
 moral philosophy and Christianity ; and they seemed 
 1<> be surprised that I should be acquainted with such 
 topics, or that I should understand a syllogism, or reg- 
 ular mode of argumentation. 1 am apprehensive my 
 Canadian dress contributed not a little to the surpri&e, 
 and excitement of curiosity: to see a gentleman in 
 England regularly dressed and well behaved would be 
 no sight at all ; but such a rebel as they were pleased 
 to call me, it is probable, was never before seen in 
 England. 
 
 The prisoners were landed at Falmouth a few days 
 before Christmas, and ordered on board of the Solebay 
 frigate, Capt. Symonds, on the eighth day of January, 
 1776, when our hand irons were taken oft'. Tiiis 
 remove was in consequence, as I have been since 
 informed, of a writ of habeas corpus, which had been 
 procured by some gentlemen in England, in order to 
 obtain me my libei-ty. 
 
 The Solebay, with sundry other men-of-war, and 
 about forty transports, rendezvoused at the cove of 
 Cork, in Ireland, to take in provisions and water. 
 
 When we were first brought on board, captain 
 Symonds ordered all the prisoners, and most of the 
 hands on board to go on the deck, and caused to be 
 read in their hearing, a certain code of laws or rules, 
 for the regulation and ordering of their behavior; and 
 then in a sovereign manner, ordered the prisoners, me 
 In particular, oft" the deck, and never to come on it 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLKn's CAPTIVITI. 2o5 
 
 again: for, said he, this is a place for gentlemen to walk. 
 So I went off, an officer following me, who told me he 
 would shew me the place allotted to me, and took 
 me down to the cable tier, saying to me this is your 
 place. 
 
 Prior to thial had taken cold, by which I was in an 
 ill state of health, and did not say much to the officer ; 
 but stayed there that night, consulted my policy, and 
 I found I was in an e\Sl case ; that a captain of a 
 man-of-war was more arbitrary than a king, as he 
 could view his territory with a look of his eye, and a 
 movement of his tins^er commanded obedience. 1 felt 
 myself more desponding than 1 had done at any time 
 before, ; for I coirclnded it to be a government scheme, 
 to do that clandestinely w^hich policy forbid to be done 
 under sanction of any public justice and law. 
 
 However, two days after, 1 shaved and cleansed 
 myself as well as 1 could, and went on deck. The 
 captain spoke to me in a great rage, and said : 'did 
 not order you not to come on deck V 1 answered him, 
 that at the same time he said, 'that it was the place 
 fur gentlemen to walk ; tiiat I was Colonel Allen, but 
 had not been properly introduced to him.' He replied, 
 
 you, sir, be careful not to walk the same 
 
 side of the deck ftiat I do. This gave me encourage- 
 ment, and ever after that I walked in the manner he 
 had directed, except when he, at certain times after- 
 wards, had ordered me off in a passion, and I then 
 would directly afterwards go on again, telling him to 
 command his slaves ; that I was a gentleman and had 
 a rigiit to walk the deck ; yet when he expressly 
 ordered me off, 1 obeyed, not out of obedience to him, 
 but to btrt an example to the ship's crew, who ought to 
 obey hiiri. 
 
 To walk to the windward side of the deck is, ac- 
 cording to custom, the prerogative of the captain of 
 a njan-of-war, though he, sometimes, nay commonly, 
 walks with his lieutenants, when no strangers are by. 
 When a captain from some other man-of-war comes on 
 board, the captains walk to the windward side, and the 
 other gentlemen to the leeward. 
 
236 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 It was but a few nights I lodged in the cable tier, 
 before I gained an acquaintance with the master of 
 arms, his name was Gillegan, an Irishman, who was a 
 generousf and well disposed man, and in a friendly 
 manner made me an otter of living with him in a little 
 - birth, which was allotted him between decks, and en- 
 closed in canvass; his preferment on board was about 
 equal to that of a sergeant in a regiment. I was com- 
 pajatively happy in the acceptance of his clemency, 
 and lived with him in friendship till the frigate an- 
 chored in the harbor of Cape Fear, North Carolina, in 
 America. ^ • 
 
 Nothing of material consequence happened till the 
 fleet rendezvoused at the cove of Co^'k, except a vio- 
 lent storm which brought old hardy sailors to their 
 prayers. It was soon rumored in Cork that I was on 
 board the Solebay, with a number of prisoners from 
 America ; upon which Messrs. Clark & Hays, mei^ 
 chants in company, and a number of other benevo- 
 lently disposed gentlemen, contributed largely to the 
 relief and support of the prisoners, who were thirty- 
 four in number, and in very needy circumstances. A 
 suit of clothes from head to foot, including an overcoat 
 or surtout, and two shirts were bestowed upon each of 
 them. My suit I received in superfine broadcloths, 
 suliicient for two jackets and two pair of breeciies, 
 overplus of a suit throughout, eight fiiie Holland shirts 
 and socks ready made, with a number of pairs of silk 
 and worsted hose, two pair of shoes, two beaver hats, 
 one of which was sent me richly laced with gold, by 
 James Bon well. The Irish gentlemen furthermore 
 made a large gratuity of wines of the best sort, spirits, 
 gin, loaf and brown sugar, tea and chocolate, with a 
 large round of pickled beef, and a number of fat tur- 
 kies, with many other articles, for my sea stores, to(/ 
 tedious to mention here. To the privates they bestowed 
 on each man two pounds of tea, and six pounds ot 
 brown sugar. These articles were received on board 
 at a time when the captain and first lieutenant A^ere 
 gone on shore, by the permission of the second lieu- 
 tenant, a handsome young gentleman, who was then 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITT. 23T 
 
 onder twenty-one years of age ; bis name was Douglass, 
 son of admiral Douglass, as 1 was informed. 
 
 As this munificence was so unexpected and plentiful, 
 I may add needful, iffimpre-sed on my mind the high- 
 est sense of gratitude towards my benefactors ; for 1 
 was not only supi>lied with the necessaries and conven- 
 iences of life, but with the grandeurs and superfluities 
 of it. Mr. Hays, one of the donators before-mentioned, 
 came on board, and behaved in the most obliging man- 
 ner, telling me tliat he hoped my troubles were past ; 
 for that the gentlemen of Cork determined to make my 
 sea stores equal to that of the captain of the 8olel)ay ; 
 he made an offer of live stock and wherewith to sup- 
 port them ; but I knew this would be denied. And to 
 crown all, did send me by another person, fifty guineas, 
 out I could not reconcile receiving the whole to my 
 own feelings, as it might have the appearance of ava- 
 rice ; and therefore received but seven guineas oiily, 
 and am coniident, not only from the exercise of the 
 present well-timed generosity, but from a large ac- 
 quaintance with gentlemen of this nation, :;hat as a 
 people they excel in liberality and bravery. 
 
 Two days after the receipt of the aforesaid donations, 
 captain Symonds came on board full of envy towards 
 the prisoners, and swore by all that is good, that the 
 damned American rebels should not be feasted at this 
 rate, by the damned rebels of Ireland ; he therefore 
 took away all my liquors before-mentioned, except 
 some of the wine which was secreted, and a two gallon 
 jug of old spirits which was reserved for me per favor 
 of lieutenant Douglass. The taking of my liquors was 
 abominable in his sight; he therefore spoke in my 
 behalf, till the captain was angry with him ; and in 
 consequence, j/roceeded and took away all tlie tea and 
 sugar, which had been given to the prisoners, and 
 confiscated it to the use of the ship's crew. Our 
 clothing was not taken away, but the ju-ivates were 
 forced to do duty on board. Soon after this there came 
 a boat to the side of the ship, and captain Symonds 
 asked a gentleman in it, in my hearing, what his busi- 
 ness was? who answered that he was sent to deliver 
 
*238 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 some sea stores to Col. Allen, which if I remember 
 right, he said were sent from Dublin ; but the captain 
 damned him heartily, ordering him away from the 
 ship, and would not suffer him t(#deliver the stores. I 
 was furthermore informed that the gentlemen in Cork, 
 requested of captain Sjmonds, that 1 might be allowed 
 to come into the city, and that they would be responsi- 
 ble I should return to the frigate at a given time, which 
 was denied them. 
 
 We sailed from England on the 8th day of January, 
 and from the cove of Cork on the 12th day of February. 
 Just before we sailed, the prisoners with me were di- 
 vided, and put on board three different ships of war. 
 Tliis gave me some uneasiness, for they were to a man 
 zealous in the cause of liberty, and behaved with a 
 becoming fortitude in the various scenes of theii 
 captivity; but those, who were distributed on board 
 otner ships of war were much better used than those 
 who tarried with me, as appeared afterwards. When 
 the fleet, consisting of about forty-tive sail, including 
 five men of war, sailed from the cove with a fresh 
 breeze, the appearance was beautiful, al)stracted from 
 the unjust and bloody designs they had in view. We 
 had not sailed many daj's, before a miglity storm arose, 
 which lasted near twenty-four hours without intermis- 
 sion. The wind blew with relentless fury, and no man 
 could remain on deck, except he was lashed fast, for 
 the waves rolled over the deck by turns, with a forcible 
 rapidity, and every soul on board was anxious for the 
 preservation of the ship, alias, their lives. In tliis storm 
 the Thunder-bomb man of war sprang a leak, and was 
 afterwards floated to some part to the coast of England, 
 and tlie crew saved. We were then said to be in the 
 Bay of Biscay. After the storm abated, I could plainly 
 di-cern the prisoners were better used for some consid- 
 erable time. 
 
 Nothing of consequence happened after this, till we 
 sailed to the island of Madeira, except a certain fjivor 
 1 had received of captain Symonds, in consequence 
 of an application I made to him for the privilege of 
 his t>ailor to make me a suit of clothes of the cloth 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTU iTY. 239 
 
 bestowed on me in Ireland, which he generously 
 granted. I could then walk the deck with a seeming 
 better grace. AVhen we had reached Madeira, and 
 anchored, sundry gentlemen with the captain went on 
 shore, who I conclude, gave the rumor that 1 was in 
 the frigate ; upon which I soon found that Irish gener- 
 osity was again excited ; for a gentleman of that nation 
 sent his clerk on board, to know of me if I would ac- 
 cept a sea store from him, particularly wine. This mat- 
 ter I made known to the generous lieutenant Douglass, 
 who readily granted me the favor, provided the articles 
 could be brought on board, during the time of his 
 command ; adding that it would be a pleasure to him 
 to serve me, notwithstanding the opposition he met 
 with before. So I directed the gentleman's clerk to 
 inform him that I was greatly in need of so signal a 
 charity, and desired the young gentleman to make the 
 utmost despatch, which he did ; but in the meantime, 
 captain Symonds and his oflicers came on board, and 
 immediately made ready for sailing; the wind at the 
 same time being fair, set sail when the young gentle- 
 man was in fair sight with the aforesaid store. 
 
 The reader will doubtless recollect the seven guineas 
 I received at the cove of Cork. These enabled me to 
 purchase of the purser what I wanted, had not the 
 captain strictly forbidden it, though I made. sundry 
 applications to him for that purpose ; but his answer 
 to me, when I was sick, was, that it was no matter how 
 soon I was dead, and that he was no w^ays anxious to 
 preserve the lives of rebels, but wished them all dead ; 
 and indeed that was the language of most of the ship's 
 crew. I expostulated not only with the captain, but 
 with other gentlemen on board, on the unreasonableness 
 of such usage; inferring that, inasmuch as the gov- 
 ernment in England did not proceed against me as a 
 capital offender, they should not ; for that they were 
 by no means empowered by any authority, either civil 
 or military, to do so; for the English government had 
 acquitted me by sending me back a prisoner of war to 
 America, and that they should treat me as such. I fur- 
 ther drew an inference of impolicy on them, provided 
 
 11 
 
24:0 ETHAIf ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 they should by hard usage destroy my life ; inasmuc / 
 as I might, if living, redeem one of their officers ; but 
 the captain replied, that he needed no directions of 
 mine how to treat a rebel ; that the British would con- 
 quer .the American rebels, hang the Congress, and 
 such as promoted the rebellion, me in particular, and 
 retake their own prisoners ; so that my life was of nc 
 consequence in the scale of their policy. I gave him 
 for answer that if they stayed till they conquered 
 America, before they hanged me, I should die of old 
 age^ and desired that till such an event took place, he 
 would at least allow me to purchase of the purser, for 
 my own money, such articles as I greatly needed ; but 
 he would not permit it, and when I reminded him of 
 the generous and civil usage that their prisoners in 
 captivity in America met with, he said that it was not 
 owing to their goodness, but to their timidity ; for, 
 said he, they expect to be conquered, and therefore 
 dare not misuse our prisoners ; and in fact this was 
 the language of the British officers, till Burgoyne was 
 taken ; happy event! and not only of the otiicers but 
 the whole British army. I appeal to all my brother 
 prisoners, who have been with the British in the south- 
 ern department, for a confirmation of what I have 
 advanced on this subject. The surgeon of the Solebay, 
 whose name was North, was a very humane, obliging 
 man, and took the best care of the prisoners who were 
 sick. 
 
 The third day of May we cast anchor in the harbor 
 of Cape Fear, in North Carolina, as did Sir Peter 
 Parker's ship, of 50 guns, a little back of the bar ; for 
 there was not depth of water for him to come into the 
 harbor. These two men of war, and fourteen sail of 
 transports and others, came after, so that most of the 
 fleet rendezvoused at Cape Fear, for three weeks. The 
 soldiers on board the transports were sickly, in conse- 
 quence of so long a passage; add to this the small- 
 pox carried off many of them. They landed on the 
 main, and formed a camp ; but the riflemen annoyed 
 tliem, and caused them to move to an island in the 
 harbor ; but such cursing of riflemen I never heard. 
 
NAKRATITE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITT. 241 
 
 • 
 
 A detachment of regulars was sent np Brunswick 
 river; as they landed they Mere lired on by those 
 marksmen, and tliey came back next day damning the 
 robels tor their unmanly way of fighting, and swearing 
 they would give no quarter, for they took sight at them, 
 and were behind timber skulKing about. One of the 
 detachments said they lost one man ; but a negro man 
 who was with them, and heard what was said, soon 
 after told me that he helped to bury thirty -one of them ; 
 this did me some good to find my countrymen giving 
 them battle ; for I never heard such swaggering as 
 among Gen. Clinton's little army who commanded at 
 that time ; and I am apt to think there were four thou- 
 sand men, though not two thirds of them fit for duty. 
 I heard numbers of them say, that the trees in America 
 should hang well with fruit that camj^aign for they 
 would give no quarter. This was in the mouths of 
 most who I heard speak on the subject, officer as well 
 as soldier. I wished at that time my countrymen 
 knew, as well as I did, what a murdering and cruel 
 enemy they had to deal with ; but experience has since 
 taught this country what they are to expect at the hands 
 of Britons when in their power. 
 
 The prisoners, who had been sent on board different 
 men of war at the cove of Cork, were collected together, 
 and the whole of them piit on board the Mercury frig- 
 ate, capt. James Montague, except one of the Cana- 
 dians, who died on the passage from Ireland, and Peter 
 Noble, who made his escape from the Sphynx man-of- 
 war in this harbour, and, by extraordinary swimming, 
 got safe home to New-England, and gave intelligence 
 of the usage of his brother prisoners. The Mercury set 
 sail from this port for Halifax, about the 20th of May, 
 and Sir Peter Parker was about to sail with the land 
 forces, under the command of Gen. Clinton, for the 
 reduction of Charleston, the capitol of South-Carolina, 
 and when I heard of his defeat in Halifax, it gave me 
 inexpressible satisfaction. 
 
 1 now found myself under a worse captain tlian 
 Symonds ; for Montague was loaded with prejudices 
 against every body and every thing that was not 
 
24:2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOD NT AIN H?:E0E9. 
 
 t 
 
 stamped with royalty; and being by nature nnder- 
 witted, his wrath was heavier than the others, or at least 
 his mind was in no instance liable to be diverted by 
 good sense, hnmonr or bravery, of which Symonds was 
 by turns susceptible. A Capt. Francis Proctor was 
 added to our number of prisoners when we were first 
 put on board this ship. This gentleman had formerly 
 belonged to the English service. The captain, and in 
 fine, all the gentlemen of the ship were very much 
 incensed against him, and put him in irons without 
 the least provocation, and he was continued in this 
 miserable situation about three months. In this pas- 
 sage the prisoners were infected with the scurvy, some 
 more and some less, but most of them severely.^ The 
 ship's crew was to a great degree troubled with it, and 
 I concluded it was ca'tchii-ig. Several of the crew died 
 with it on their passage. I was weak and feeble in 
 consequence of so long and cruel a captivity, yet had 
 but little of the scurvy. 
 
 The purser was again pxpressly forbid by the cap- 
 tain to let me have any thing out of his store ; upon 
 which I went upon deck, and in the handsomest man- 
 ner requested the favor of purchasing a few necessaries 
 'of the purser, which was denied me ; he further told 
 me, that I should be hanged as soon as I arrived at 
 Halifax. I tried to reason the matter with him, but 
 found him proof against reason ; I also held up his 
 honor to view, and his behavior to me and the prison- 
 ers in general, as being derogatory to it, but found his 
 honor impenetrable. I then endeavored to touch his 
 humanity, but found he had none; for his preposses- 
 sion of bigotry to his. own party, had confirmed him 
 in an opimon, that no humanity was due to unroyal- 
 ists, but seemed to think that heaven and earth were 
 made merely to gratify the King and his creatures; 
 he uttered considerable unintelligil)le and grovelling 
 ideas, a little tinctured with monarchy, but stood well 
 to his text of hanging me. He afterwards forbade his 
 surgeon to administer any help to the sick prisoners. 
 1 w-as every night shut down in the cable tier, with the 
 rest of the prisoners, and we all lived miserably while 
 
NAKKATIVE OF ALLEn's C^FriVIT"X. 243 
 
 under his power. Bnt I received some generosity 
 fiom several of tl)e midsliipnien, who in degree alle- 
 viated my misery ; one of their names was Putrass, 
 the names of the others 1 do not recoJlect ; but they 
 were obh'ged to be private in the bestowment of their 
 favor, which was sometimes good wine bitters, and at 
 others a generous drink of grog. 
 
 Sometime in the first week of June, w^e came to 
 anchor at the Hook off New York, where we remained 
 but three days ; in which time Governor Tryon, Mr. 
 Kemp, the oki attorney general of New York, and 
 several other perfidious and over grown tories and 
 land-jobbers, came on board. Tryon viewed me with 
 a stern countenance, as I was walking on the lee- 
 ward side of tlie deck with the midshipmen; and he 
 and his companions were walking with the captain and 
 lieutenant, on the windward side of the same, but never 
 spoke to me, though it is altogether probable that he 
 thought of the old quarrel between him, the old gov- 
 ernment of New York, and the Green-Mountain Boys. 
 Then they went with the captain into the cabin, and 
 the same afternoon returned on board a vessel, where 
 at that time they took sanctuary from the resentment 
 of tiieir injured country. What passed between the 
 ofiicers of the ship and these visitors I know not ;. but 
 this I know that my treatment from the officers was 
 more severe afterwards. 
 
 We arrived at Halifax not far from the middle of 
 June, where the ship's crew, which was infested with 
 the scurvy, were taken on shore and shallow trenches 
 (!ug, into which they were put, and partly covered 
 with earth. Indeed every proper measure was taken 
 for their relief. The prisoners were not permitted any 
 sort of medicine, but were put on board a sloop. which 
 lay in the harbor, near the town of Halifax, surrounded 
 by several men-of-war and their tenders, and a guard 
 constantly set over them, night and day. The sloop 
 we had wholly to ourselves except the guard who oc- 
 cu]u'ed the forecastle : here we were cruelly pinched 
 with hunger ; it seemed to me that we had not more 
 than one third of the common allowance. We vvero 
 
24:4 ETHAN ALLEN AND G KEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 all seized with violent hunger and faintness ; we divi- 
 ded our scanty allowance as exact as possible. I shared 
 the same fate with the rest, and though tiiey offered 
 me more than an even share, 1 refused to accept it, as 
 it was a time of substantial distress, which in my 
 opinion I ought to partake equally with the rest, and 
 set an example of virtue and fortitude to our little 
 commonwealth. 
 
 I *ent letter after letter to captain Montague, who 
 still had the care of us, and also to Lis lieutenant, 
 whose name I cannot call to mind, but coula obtain no 
 answer, much less a redress of grievances ; and to add 
 to the calamity, nearly a dozen of the prisoners were 
 dangerously ill of the scurvy. I wrote private letters 
 to tfie doctors, to procure, if possible, some remedy for 
 the sick, but in vain. The chief physician came by in 
 a boat, so close that the oars touched the sloop that we 
 were in, and I uttered my complaint in the genteelest 
 manner to him, but he never so much as turned his 
 head, or made me any answer, though I continued 
 speaking till he got out of hearing. Our cause then 
 became deplorable. Still I kept writing to the cap- 
 tain, till he ordered the guards, as they told me, not 
 to Ijring any more letters from me to him. In the 
 mean time an event happened worth relating. One of 
 the men almost dead with the scurvy, lay by the side 
 of the sloop, and a canoe of Indians coming by, he 
 purchased two quarts of strawberries, and ate them at 
 once, and it almost cured him. The money he gave 
 for them, was all the money he had in the world. 
 After that we tried every way to procure more of that 
 fruit, reasoning from analogy that they might have the 
 same effect on others infested with the same disease, 
 but could obtain none. 
 
 Meanwhile the doctor's mate of the Mercury camo 
 privately on board the prison sloop and presented me 
 with a large vial of smart drops, wliich proved to be 
 good for the scurvy, though vegetables and some other 
 ingredients were requisite for a cure; but the drops 
 gave at least a check to the disease. This wacs a well- 
 timed exertion of humanity, but the doctor's n^me hat 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 245 
 
 clipped my mind, and in my opinion, it was the means 
 01 Gaving tlie lives of several men. 
 
 Ttie guard, which was set over us, was by this time 
 touched with feelings of compassion ; and I finally 
 trusted one of them with a letter of complaint to gov- 
 ernor Arbuthnot, of Halifax, which he found means to 
 communicate, and which had the desired effect ; for 
 the governor senit an officer and surgeon on board the 
 prison sloop, to know the truth of the complaint. The 
 ofiicer's name was Russell, who held the rank of lieu- 
 tenant, and treated me in a friendly and polite manner, 
 and was really angry at the cruel and unmanly usage 
 the prisoners met with ; and with the surgeon made a 
 true report of matters to governor Arbuthnot, who, 
 either by his order or influence, took us next day from 
 the prison sloop to Halifax jail, where I first became 
 acquainted with the now Hon. jame& Lovel, one of the 
 members of Congress for the state of Massachusetts. 
 The sick were taken to the hospital, and the Can- 
 adians, who were effective, were employed in the 
 King's works ; and when their countrymen were re- 
 covered from the scurvy and joined them, they all 
 deserted the king's employ, and were not heard of at 
 Halifax, as long as the remainder of the prisoners con- 
 tinued there, which was till near the middle of October. 
 We were on board the prison sloop about six weeks, 
 and were landed at Halifax near the middle of August. 
 Several of our English-American prisoners, who were 
 cured of the scurvy at the hospital, made their escape 
 from thence, and after a long time reached their old 
 habitations. 
 
 I had now but thirteen with me, of those who were 
 taken in Canada, and remained in jail with me at Hal- 
 ifax, who, in addition to those that were imprisoned 
 before, made our number about thirty-foUr, who were 
 all locked up in one common large room, without re- 
 gard to rank, education or any other accomplishment, 
 where we continued from the setting to the rising sun : 
 and, as sundry of them were infected with the jail 
 and other distempers, the furniture of this spacious 
 room consisted principally of excrement tubs. Wo 
 
24:6 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GEE EN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 petitioned for a removal of the sick into the hospitals, 
 but were denied. We rerr.onstrated against the un- 
 generous usage of being confined with the privates, 
 as being contrary to the laws and customs of nations. 
 and particularly ungrateful in them in consequence of 
 the gentleman-like usage which the British imprisonecl 
 officers met with in America ; and thus we wearied 
 ourselves, petitioning and remonstrating, but to no pur- 
 pose at all ; for general Massey, who commanded at 
 Halifax, was as inflexible as the devil himself, a fine 
 preparative this for Mr. Lovel, member of the Con- 
 tinental Congress. 
 
 Lieutenant Russell, whom I have mentioned before, 
 came to visit me in prison, and assured me that he had 
 done his utmost to procure my parole for enlargement ; 
 at which a British captain, who was then town-major, 
 expressed compassion for the gentlemen confined in 
 the filthy place, and assured me that he had used his 
 influence to procure their enlargement ; his name was 
 near like Bamsey. Among the prisoners there w^ere 
 five in number, who had a legal claim to a parole, a 
 Mr. Howl and, master of a continental armed vessel, a 
 Mr. Taylor, his mate, and myself. 
 
 As to the article of provision, we were well served/ 
 much better than in any part of my captivity ; and 
 since it was Mr. Lovel's misfortunes and mine to be 
 prisoners, and in so wretched circumstances, I was 
 happy that we were together as a mutual support to 
 each other, and to the unfortunate prisoners with us. 
 Our first attention was the preservation of ourselves 
 and injured little republic ; the rest of our time we 
 devoted interchangeably to politics and philosophy, as 
 patience was a needful exercise in so evil a situation, 
 but contentment mean and impracticable. 
 
 I had not been in this jail many days, before a 
 worthy and charitable woman, by the name of Mfs. 
 Blacden, supplied me with a good dinner of fresh 
 meats, every day, with garden fruit, and sometimes 
 with a bottle of wine : notwithstanding which I had 
 not been more than three weeks in this place before I 
 lost my appetite to the most delicious food, by the jail 
 
NAKKATIVE OF ALLEJs'fc CAPTIVn I". 247 
 
 distemper, as also did sundry of the prisoners, partic- 
 ularly a sergeant Moore, a man of courage and fidelity 
 I have several times seen him hold the boatswain of 
 the Solebay frigate, vi'hen he attempted to strike him, 
 and laughed him out of conceit of using him as a 
 slave. 
 
 A doctor visited the sick, and did the best, as I sup- 
 pose, he could for them, to no apparent purpose. I 
 grew weaker and weaker, as did the rest. Several of 
 them could not help themselves. At last I reasoned 
 in my own mind, that raw onion would be good. I 
 made use of it, and found immediate relief by it, as 
 did the sick in general, particularly sergeant Moore, 
 whom it recovered almost from the shades ; though I 
 had met with a little revival, still I found the malig- 
 nant hand of Britain had greatly reduced my constitu- 
 tioQ with stroke upon stroke. Esquire Lovel and 
 myself used every ai-gument and entreaty that could 
 be well conceived of in order to obtain gentleman-like 
 usage, to no purpose. I then wrote Gen. Massey as 
 severe a letter as I possibly could with my friend 
 Lovel's assistance. Tlie contents of it was to give the 
 British, as a nation, and him as an individual, their 
 true character. This roused the rascal, for he could 
 not bear to see his and the nation's deformity in that 
 transparent letter, which I sent him ; he therefore put 
 himself in a sreat ras^e about it, and showed the letter 
 to a number of British otiicers, particularly to captam 
 Smith of the Lark fi-igate, who, instead of joining wi^h 
 him in disapprobation, commended the s])irit of it * 
 upon which general Massey said to him do you take the 
 part of a rebel against me? Captain Smith answered 
 tluit he rather spoke his sentiments and, there was a 
 dissention in opinion between them. Some ofhcers 
 took the part of the general, and others of the captain. 
 This I was informed of by a gentleman who had it 
 from captain Smith. 
 
 In a few days after this, the prisoners were ordered 
 to go on board of a man-of-war, which was bound for 
 iNew York ; but two of them were not able to go on 
 board, and wtre left at Halifax ; one died ; and the 
 
 11* 
 
248 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 other recovered. This was about the 12th of October, 
 and soon after we had got on board, the captain sent 
 for me in particular to come on the qnarter deck. I 
 went, not knowing that it was captain Smith, or his 
 ship, at that lime, and expected to meet the same rig- 
 orous usage I had commonly met with, and prepared 
 my mind accordingly ; but when I came on deck, the 
 captain met me with his hand, welcomed me to his 
 ship, invited m^ to dine with him that day, and as- 
 sured me that I should be treated as a gentleman, and 
 that he had given orders, that 1 should be treated with 
 respect by the ship's crew. This was so unexpected 
 and sudden a transition, that it drew tears from my 
 eyes, which all the ill usage I had before met with, 
 was not able to produce, nor could I at first hardly 
 speak, but soon recovered myself and expressed my 
 gratitude for so unexpected a favor ; and let him know 
 that I felt anxiety of mind in reflecting that his sit- 
 uation and mine was such, that it was not probable 
 that it would ever be in my power to return the favor. 
 Captain Smith replied, that he had no reward in view, 
 but only treated me as a gentleman ought to be 
 treated ; he said this is a mutable world, and one gen- 
 tleman never knows but it may be in his power to help 
 another. Soon after I found this to be the same cap- 
 tain Smith who took my part against general Massey ; 
 out he never mentioned any thing of it to me, and I 
 thought it impolite in me to interrogate him, as to any 
 disputes which might have arisen between him and the 
 general on my account, as I was a prisoner, and that it 
 was at his option to make free with me on that subject, 
 if he pleased ; and if he did not, I might take it for 
 granted that it would be unpleasing for me to query 
 about it, though I had a strong propensity to converse 
 with him on that subject. 
 
 I dined with the captain agreeable to his invitation, 
 and oftentimes with the lieutenant, in the gun-room, 
 but in general ate and drank with my friend Lovel 
 and the other gentlemen who were prisoners with me, 
 V'h'^re 1 also sle])t. 
 
 Wo had a little biith enclosed with canvas, between^ 
 
NARKATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 249 
 
 decks, where we enjoyed ourselves very well, in hopes 
 of an exchange ; besides, our friends at Halifax had a 
 little notice of our departure, and supplied us, with 
 spirituous liquor, and many articles of provisions for 
 the cost. Captain Burk, having been taken prisoner, 
 was added to our company, (he had commanded an 
 American armed vessel,) and was generously treated 
 by the captain and all the officers of the ship, as well 
 as myself. We now had in all near thirty prisoners on 
 board, and as we were sailing along the coast, if I re- 
 collect right, off Rhode-Island, captain Burk, with an 
 under officer of the ship, whose name I do not recol- 
 lect, came to our little berth, proposed to kill captain 
 Smith and the principal officers of the frigate and take 
 it ; adding that there were thirty-five thousand pounds 
 sterling in the same. Captain Burk likewise averred 
 that a strong party out of the ship's crew was in the 
 conspiracy, and urged me, and the gentleman that was 
 with me, to use our influence with the private prison- 
 ers, to execute the design, and take the ship with the 
 cash into one of our own ports. 
 
 Upon which I replied, that we had been too well 
 used on board to murder the officers ; that I could by 
 no means reconcile it to my conscience, and that, in 
 fact, it should not be done ; and while I was yet speak- 
 ing, my friend Lovel confirmed what I had said, and 
 farther pmnted out the ungratefulness of such an act ; 
 that it did not fall short of murder, and in fine all the 
 gentlemen in the berth opposed captain Burk and his 
 colleague. But they strenuously urged that the con- 
 spiracy would be found out, and that it would cost 
 them their lives, provided they did not execute their 
 design. I then interposed spiritedly, and put an end 
 to further argument on the subject, and told them that 
 they might depend upon it, upon my honor, that I 
 would faithfully guard captain Smith's life. If they 
 should attempt the assault, I would assist him, for they 
 desired me to remain neuter, and that the same 
 lionor that guarded captain Smith's life, would. alsjd 
 guard theirs ; and it was agreed by those present nBt 
 to reve'U the conspiracy, to the intent that no ihafl 
 
250 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 should be pat to death, in consequence of what had 
 been projected ; ani captain Burk and his colleague 
 went to stifle the matter among their associates. I 
 could not help calling to mind what captain Smith 
 said to me, when I first catoe on board : "This is a 
 mutable world, and one gentleman never knows but 
 that it may be in his power to help another." Captain 
 Smith and his officers still behaved with their usual 
 courtesy, and I never heard any more of the conspiracy. 
 We arrived before New- York, and cast anchor the 
 latter part of October, where we remained several 
 days, and where captain Smith informed me, that he 
 had recommended me to admiral Howe and general 
 Sir Wm. Howe, as a gentleman of honor and veracity, 
 and desired that I might be treated as such. Captain 
 Burk was then ordered on board a prison-ship in the 
 harbor. I took my leave of captain Smith, and with 
 the other prisoners, was sent on board a transport 
 ship, which lay in the harbor, commanded by captain 
 Craige, who took me into the cabin with him and his 
 lieutenant. I fared as they did, and was in every 
 respect well treated, in consequence of directions from 
 captain Smith. In a few weeks after this I had the 
 happiness to part with my friend Lovel, for his sake, 
 whom the enemy afiected to treat as a private ; he was 
 a gentleman of merit, and liberally educated, but had 
 no commission ; thev malicrned him on account of his 
 unshaken attachment to the cause of his country. He 
 was exchanged for a governor Philip Skene of tlie 
 British. I was continued in this ship till the latter part 
 of November, where I contracted an acquaintance with 
 the captain ol:' the British ; his name has slipped my 
 memory. He was what we may call a genteel, hearty 
 fellow. I remember an expression of his over a bottle 
 of wine, to this import: "That there is a greatness 
 of soul for personal friendship to subsist between you 
 and me, as we are upon opposite sides, and may at 
 another day be obliged to face each other in the field." 
 I am confident that he was as faithful as any officer in 
 the British army. At another sitting he offered to bet 
 a dozen of wine, that fort Washington would be in the 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVH^T. M51 
 
 hands of the British in three days. I stood the bet, 
 and would, had 1 known that that would have been the 
 case ; and the third day afterwards we heard a heavy 
 cannonade, and that day the fort was taken sure enough. 
 Some montjis after, when I was on parole, he called upon 
 m^ with his usual humor, and mentioned the bet. I 
 acknowledged I had lost it, but he said he did not mean 
 to take it then, as I was a prisoner ; that he would 
 another day call on me, when their army came to Ben- 
 nington. I replied that he was quite too generous, as 
 I had fairly lost, it; besides, the Green-Mountain-Boys 
 would not suffer them to come to Bennington. This 
 was all in good humor. I should have been glad to 
 have seen him after the defeat at Bennington, but did 
 not. It was customary for a guard to attend the pris- 
 oners, which was often changed. One was composed 
 of tories from Connecticut, in the vicinity of Fairfield 
 and Green Farms. The sergeant's name was Hoit. 
 They were very full of their invectives against the 
 country, swaggered of their loyalty to their king, and 
 exclaimed bitterly against the "cowardl}^ yankees," as 
 they were pleased to term them, but finally contented 
 themselves with saying, that when the country was 
 overcome, they should be well rewarded for their loy- 
 alty out of the estates of the whigs, which would be 
 confiscated. This 1 found to be the general lano^uaofe 
 ot the tories, after I arrived from England on the 
 American coast. I heard sundry of them relate, that 
 the British generals had engaged them an ample reward 
 for their losses, disappointments and expenditures, out 
 of the forfeited rebels' estates. This lanmiage earlv 
 taught me what to do with tories' estates, as far as my 
 influence can go. For it is really a game of hazard 
 between whig and tory. The whigs must inevitably 
 liave lost all, in consequence of the abilities of the 
 tories, and their good friends the British ; and it is 
 no more than right the tories should run the same 
 risk, in consequence of the abilities of the whigs. But 
 of this more will be observed in the sequel of this 
 uarrative. 
 
 S')me of the last days of November, the prisoners 
 
'252 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 were landed at ]^ew-York, and I was admitted to paroU< 
 with the other officers, viz: Proctor, llowianJ, and 
 Taylor. Tlie privates were put into filthy chinches in 
 New-York, with the distressed prisoners that were taken 
 at Fort Washington ; and the second night, sergeant 
 Roger Moore, who was bold and enterprising, found 
 means to make his escape with every of the remaining 
 prisoners that were taken with me, except three, who 
 were soon after exchanged. So that out of thirty-one 
 prisoners, who went with me the round exhibited in 
 these sheets, two only died with the enem^^ and three 
 only were exchanged ; one of wbom died after he came 
 jv'ithin our lines; all the rest, at different times, made 
 their escape from the enemy. 
 
 I now found myself on parole, and restricted to the 
 limits of the city of New-York, where I soon projected 
 means to live in some measure agreeably to my rank, 
 though I was destitute of cash. My constitution was 
 almost worn out by such a long and barbarous captivity. 
 The enemy gave out that I was crazy, and wholly un- 
 manned, but my vitals held sound, nor was I delirious 
 any more than I had been from youth up ; but my 
 extreme circumstances, at certain times, rendered it 
 politic to act in some measure the madman ; and in 
 consequence of a regular diet and exercise, my blood 
 recruited, and my nerves in a great measure recovered 
 their former tone, strength and usefulness, in the course 
 of six months. 
 
 I next invite the reader to a retrosj^ective sight and 
 consideration of the doleful scene of inhumanity ex- 
 ercised by general Sir William Howe, and the army 
 under his command, towards the prisoners taken on 
 Long-Island, on the 27th of August, 1776 ; sundry of 
 whom were, in an inhuman and barbarous manner, 
 murdered after they had surrendered their arms; par- 
 ticularly a general Odel, or Wood hull, of the militia, 
 who was backed to pieces with cutlasses, when alive, 
 by the light horsemen, and a captain Fellows, of the 
 continental army, who was thrust through with a bay- 
 onet, of which wound he died instantly. Sundry others 
 were hanged up by the neck till they were dead ; five 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 253 
 
 on the limb of a white oak tree, and without .any rea 
 son assigned, except that they were fighting in defence 
 of tlie only blessing worth preserving. And indeed 
 those who had the misfortune to fall into tlieir hands 
 at Fort Washington, in the month of November fol 
 lowing, met witli very little better usage, except that 
 the}' were reserved from hnmediate death to famish 
 and die with hunger; in fine, the word rebel, applied 
 to any vanquished persons, without regard to rank, 
 who were in the continental service, on the 'STth of 
 August aforesaid, was thougiit, by the enemy, sufficient 
 to sanctify whatever cruelties they were pleased to 
 inflict, death itself not excepted ; but to pass over 
 particulars which would swell my narrative far beyond 
 mv desiojn. 
 
 Tlie private soldiers, who were brought to New 
 York, were crowded into churches, and environed 
 with slavish liessian guards, a people of a strange 
 language, who wei'e sent to America for no otherdesign 
 but cruelty and desolation ; and at otliers, by merci- 
 less Britons whose mode of communicating ideas being 
 intelligible in this country, served only to tantalize 
 and insult the helpless and perishing; but above all, 
 the hellish delight and triumph of the tories over 
 them, as they were dying by hundreds. This was too 
 much for me to bear as a spectator ; for 1 saw the 
 tories exultinof over the dead bodies of their murdered 
 countrymen. 1 have gone into the churches, and 
 seen sundry of the prisoners in the agonies of death, 
 in consequence of very hunger, and others speechless, 
 and very near death, biting ])ieces of chips; others 
 pleading for God's sake, for scwietliing to eat, and at 
 the same time, shivering with the cold. Hollow 
 groans saluted my ears, and despair seemed to be 
 imprinted on every of their countenances. Tiie filth 
 in these churches, in consequence of the fluxes, was 
 almost beyond description. The floors were covered 
 witii excrements. I have carefully sought to direct 
 my steps so as to avoid it, but could not. They would 
 V»eg for God'8 sake for one copper, or morsel of 
 bread. 1 have seen in one of these churches seven 
 
254r ETHAN ALT.EN AND GREEN -MO CNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 dead, at the same time, lying among the excrements 
 of their bodies. 
 
 It was a common practice with the enemy, to con- 
 vey the dead from these filthy places, in carts, to be 
 slightly buried, and I have seen whole gangs of tories 
 making derision, and exulting over the dead, saying, 
 there goes another load of damned rebels. I havo 
 observed the British soldiers to be full of their black- 
 guard jokes, and vaunting on those occasions, but 
 they appeared to me less malignant than tories. 
 
 The provision, dealt out to the prisoners was by no 
 means sufficient for the support of life. It was defi- 
 cient in quantity, and much more so in quality. The 
 prisoners often presented me with a sample of their 
 bread, which I certify was damaged to that degree, 
 that it was loathsome and unfit to be eaten, and I am 
 bold to aver it, as my opinion, that it had been con- 
 demned, and was of the very worst sort. I have 
 seen and been fed upon damaged bread, in the course 
 of my captivity, and observed the quality of such 
 bread as has been condemned by the enemy, amoiii, 
 which was very little so eflectually spoiled as what 
 was dealt out to these prisoners. Their allowance of 
 meat (as they told me) was quite trifling, and of the 
 basest sort. I never saw any of it, but was informed, 
 that bad as it was, it was swallowed almost as q'uick 
 as they got hold of it. I saw some of them sucking 
 bones after they were speechless ; others, who could 
 yet speak, and had the use of their reason, urged me 
 in tlie strongest and most pathetic manner, to use my 
 interest in their behalf; for 3'OU plainly see, said they, 
 that we are devoted to death and destruction ; and 
 after I had examined more particularly into their truly 
 deplorable condition, and had become more fully 
 apprized of the essential facts, I was persuaded that 
 it was a premeditated and systematical plan of the 
 British council, to destroy the youths of our land, with 
 a view thereby to deter the country, and make it 
 submit to their despotism ; but that I could not do 
 them any material service, and that, by any public 
 attempt Ibr that purpose, I might endanger myseLt* by 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 255 
 
 frequenting places the most nauseous and contagious 
 that could be conceived of. I refrained going into 
 churches, but frequently conversed with sucli of the 
 prisoners as were admitted to come out into the yard, 
 and found that the systematical usage still continued. 
 The guard would often drive me away with their fixed 
 bayonets. A Hessian one day followed me five or six 
 rods, but by making use of my legs, I got rid ot* the 
 lubber. Sometimes I could obtain a little conversa- 
 tion, notwithstanding their severities. 
 
 I was in one of the church yards, and it was 
 rumored among those in the church, and sundry of 
 the prisoners came with their usual complaints to me, 
 and among the rest a large boned, tall young man, as 
 lie told me, from Pennsylvania, who was reduced to a 
 mere skeleton ; he said he was glad to see me before 
 lie died, which he expected to have done last night, 
 but was a little revived ; he furthermore informed 
 me, that he and his brother had been urged to enlist 
 into the British Army, but both had resolved to die 
 first ; that his brother had died last night, in conse- 
 quence of that resolution, and that he expected shortly 
 to follow him; .but I made the other prisoners stand 
 a little off, and told him with a low voice to enlist ; 
 be then asked, whether it was right in the sight of 
 God ! I assured him that it was, and that duty to him- 
 self obliged him to deceive the British by enlisting 
 and deserting the first opportunity; upon w^hich he 
 answered with transport that he would enlist. I 
 charged him not to mention my name as his adviser, 
 lest it should get air, and I should be closely confin-d, 
 in consequence of it. The integrity of these suffering 
 prisoners is hardly credible. Many hundreds. I am 
 confident, submitted to death, rather than to enlist in 
 the British service, which, I am informed, they most 
 generally were pressed to do. I was astonished at 
 the resolution of the two brothers particularly;' it seems 
 that they could not be stimulated to such exertions of 
 heroism from ambition, as they were but obscure sol- 
 *diers ; strong indeed must the internal principle of 
 virtue be, which supported them to brave death, and 
 
256 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 one of them went through the operation, as did many 
 hundred others. I readily grant that instances of 
 public virtue are no excitement to the sordid and 
 vicious, nor, on the other hand, will all the barbarity 
 of Britain and Heshland awaken them to a sense of 
 their duty to the pablic; but these things will have 
 their proper effect on the generous and brave. The 
 officers on parole were most of them zealous, if possi- 
 ble, to afford the miserable soldiery relief, and often 
 consulted with one another on the subject, but to no 
 effect, being destitute of the means of subsistence, 
 which they needed ; nor could the officers project any 
 measure, which they thought would alter their fate, 
 or so much as be a means of getting them out of thoso 
 filthy places to the privilege of fresh air. Some pro- 
 jected that all the officers should go in procession to 
 General Howe, and plead the cause of the perishing 
 soldiers; but this proposal was negatived for the fol- 
 lowing reasons, viz : because that general -Howe must 
 needs be well acquainted, and have a thorough know- 
 ledge of the state and condition of the prisoners in 
 every of tlieir wretched apartments, and that much 
 more particular and exact than any officer on parole 
 could be supposed to have, as the general had a return 
 of the circumstances of the prisoners, by his own 
 officers, every morning, of the number which were 
 alive, as also the number which died every twenty- 
 four hours ; and consequently the bill of mortality, as 
 collected from the daily returns, lay before him with 
 all the material situations and circumstances of the 
 prisoners ; and provided the officers should go in pro- 
 cession to general Howe, according to the projection, 
 it would give him the greatest affront, and that he 
 would either retort upon them, that it was no part of 
 their parole to instruct him in his conduct to prison 
 ers ; that they were mutining against his authority, 
 and by affronting him, had forfeited their parole ; or 
 that, more probably, instead of saying one word to 
 them, would order them all into as wretched coniine- 
 iiient as the soldiers whom they sought to relieve: 
 for, at that time, the Briti^h, from the general to th > 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 257 
 
 private sentinel, were in full confidence, nor did they 
 60 niucli as hesitate, but that they should con([iier the 
 country. Thus the consultation of the otticers was 
 confounded and broken to pieces, in consequence of 
 the dread, which at that time lay on their minds, of 
 offending Gen. Howe ; for they conceived so murder- 
 ous a tyrant would not be too good to desti'oy even 
 the officers, on the least pretence of an affront, as 
 they were equally in his power with the soldiers; 
 and, as Gen. Howe perfectly understood the condi- 
 tion of the private soldiers, it was argued that it was 
 exactly such as he and his council had devised, and 
 as he meant to destroy them, it would be to no pur- 
 pose for them to try to dissuade him from it, as they 
 were helpless and liable to the same fate, on giving 
 the least affront ; indeed anxious apprehensions dis- 
 tuibud them in their then circumstances. 
 
 Mean time mortality raged to such an intolerable 
 degree among the prisoners, that the very school boys 
 in the streets knew the mental design of it in some 
 measure ; at least, they knew that they were starved 
 to death. Some poor women contributed to their 
 necessity, till their children were almost starved, and 
 all persons of common understanding knew that they 
 were devoted to the crudest and worst of deaths. It 
 was also proposed by some. to make a written repre- 
 sentation of the condition of the soldiery, and the 
 officers to sign it, and that it should be couclied in 
 such terms, as though they were apprehensive that 
 the General was imposed upon by his officers, in their 
 daily returns to him of the state and condition of the 
 prisoners ; and that therefore the otticers, moved with 
 compassion, were constrained to communicate to him 
 the facts relative to them, nothing doubting but that 
 thev would meet with a speedy redress; but this pro- 
 posal was most generally negatived also, and for much 
 the same reason offered in tlie other case; for it was 
 conjectui*ed that Gen. Howe's iu'Hii^nation would be 
 moved against such officers as should attemi)t to whip 
 him over his officers' backs ; that he would discern 
 that himself was really struck at, and not the officers 
 
258 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 who made the daily returns ; and therefore self-preser 
 vation deterred the officers from either petitioning or 
 remonstrating to Gen. Howe, either verbally or in 
 writing; as also the consideration that no valuable 
 purpose to the distressed would be obtained. 
 
 I made several rough drafts on the subject, one of 
 which I exhibited to the colonels Magaw, Miles and 
 Atlee, and they said that thf^^ would consider the 
 matter ; soon after I called on tnem, and some of the 
 gentlemen informed me that the3^ had written to the 
 general on the subject, and I concluded that the gen- 
 tlemen thought it best that they should write witliout 
 me, as there was such spirited aversion subsisting 
 between the British and me. 
 
 In the mean time a colonel" ITussecker, of the conti- 
 nental army, as he then reported, was taken prisoner, 
 and brought to I^ew-York, who gave out that tl;e 
 country .was almost universally submitting to the 
 English king's authority, and that there would belittle 
 or no more opposition to Great-Britain. Tiiis at first 
 gave the officers a little shock, but in a few days they 
 recovered themselves ; for this colonel Hussecker, 
 being a German, was feasting with general De Heister, 
 his countryman, and from his conduct they were 
 apprehensive that he was a knave ; at least he was 
 esteemed so by most of the officers ; it was neverthe- 
 less a day of trouble. The enemy blasphemed. Our 
 little army was retreatins^ in JSTew-elersev, and our 
 young men murdered by hundreds in New- York. The 
 army of Britain and Ilesldand prevailed for a little 
 season, as though it was ordered by Heaven to shew, 
 to the latest posterity, what the British would have 
 done if they could, and what the general calamity 
 must have been, in consequence of their conquering 
 the country, and to excite everj^ honest man to stand 
 forth in the defence of liberty, and to establish the 
 independency of the United States of America for- 
 ever. But this scene of adverse fortune did not dis- 
 courage a "Washington. The illustrious American 
 hero remained immoveable. In liberty's cause he took 
 up his sword. Thi«* reflection was his support and 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAPl'IVITY. 259 
 
 consolation in the day of his humiliation, when he 
 retreated before the enemy, thront^h Xevv-Jersey into 
 Pennsylvania. Their triumph only roused his indig- 
 nation ; and the important cause of his country, which 
 lay near liis heart, moved him to cross the Delaware 
 again, and take ample satisfaction on his pursuers. 
 No sooner had he circumvallated his haughty foes, and 
 appeared in terrible array, but the host of lieshland 
 fell. This taught America the intrinsic worth of per- 
 severance, and the generous sons of freedom flew to 
 the standard of their common safeguard and defence ; 
 from which time the arm of American liberty liatL 
 prevailed. 
 
 This surprise and capture of the Hessians enraged 
 the enemy, who were still vastly more numerous than 
 the continental troops. They therefore collected, and 
 marched from Princetown to attack general Washing- 
 ton, who was then at Trenton, having previously left a 
 detachment from their main body at Princeton, for the 
 support of that place. This was a trying time, for our 
 worth}'- general, though in possession of a late most 
 astonishing victory, was by no means able to withstand 
 the collective forces of the enemy ; but his sagacity 
 soon suggested a stratagem to effect that which, by 
 force, to him was at that time impracticable. lie 
 therefore amused the enemy with a number of fires, and 
 in the night made a forced inarch, undiscovered by 
 them, and next morning fell in with their rear-guard 
 at Princetown, and killed and took most of them prison- 
 ers. The main body too late perceived their rear was 
 attacked, hurried back with all speed, but to their mor- 
 tification, found that they were out-generalled and baf- 
 fled by general Washington, who was retired with his 
 little army towards Morristown, and was out of their 
 power. These repeated successes, one on the back of 
 the other, chagrined the enemy prodigiously, and had 
 an amazing operation in the scale of American pol- 
 itics, and undoubtedly was one of the corner stones, on 
 which their fair structure of Independency has been 
 fabricated, for the country at no other time has ever 
 been so much dispirited as just before the morning of 
 
260 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTATN HEROES. 
 
 this glorious success, which in part dispelled tho 
 glooniy clouds of oppression and slavery, which lay 
 pending over America, big with the ruin of this and 
 future generations, and enlightened and spirited her 
 sons to redouble their blow§ on a merciless, and 
 haughty, and I may add perfidious enemy. 
 
 Farthermore, this success had a mighty effect on 
 general Howe and his council, and roused them to a 
 sense of their own weakness, and convinced them that 
 they were neither omniscient nor omnipotent. Their 
 obduracy and death-designing malevolence, in some 
 measure, abated, or was suspended. The prisoners, 
 who were condemned to the most wretched and cru- 
 dest of^ deaths, and who survived to this period, though 
 most of them died before, were in^mediately ordered 
 to be sent within general Washington's lines for an 
 exchange, and, in consequence of it, were taken out of 
 •their lilthy and poisonous places of confinement, and 
 sent from New- York to their friends in haste; several 
 of them fell dead in the streets of ]S"ew-York, as they 
 attempted to walk to the vessels in the harbor, for their 
 intended embarkation. What numbers lived to reach 
 the lines 1 cannot ascertain, but, from concurrent rep- 
 resentations which I have since received from numbers 
 of people who lived in and adjacent to such parts of 
 the country, where they were received from the enemy, 
 I apprehend that most ol' them died in consequence of 
 the vile usage of tlie enemy. Some who were eye 
 witnesses of that scene of mortality, more especially m 
 that part which continued after the exchange took 
 place, are of opinion, that it was partly in consequence 
 of a slow poison ; but this I refer to the doctors who 
 attended them, who are certainly the best judges. 
 
 Upon the best calculation 1 have been able to make 
 from personal knowledge, and the many evidences I 
 have collected in support of the facts, I learn that, of 
 the prisoners taken on Long-Island, Fort Washington, 
 and some few others, at different times and places, 
 about two thousand perished with hunger, cold and 
 sickness, occasioned by the filth of their prisons, at 
 New- York, and a number more on their passage to the 
 
NAKKATITE 01 ALLEn's CAPnYITT. 201 
 
 continental lines. Most ■>f the residue, who reached 
 their friends, having received tlieir death wound, could 
 not be restored by the assistance of physicians and 
 friends ; but like their br^^ther prisoners, fell a sacrifice 
 to the relentless and scievtific barbarity of Britain. I 
 took as much pains as r>?y circumstances would admit 
 of, to inform myself P'^t only of matters of fact, but 
 likewise of the very de-^^'gn and aims of general Plowe 
 and his council. The '-itter of which I predicated on 
 the former, and subnut it to the candid public. 
 
 And lastly, the a/o»'osaid success of the American 
 arms had a happy off-ect on the continental officers, 
 who were on parole ftt Kew-York. A number of us 
 assembled, but not m a public manner, and with full 
 bowls and glasses, drank general Washington's health, 
 and were not unmir^dful of Congress and our worthy 
 friends on the continent, and almost forgot that we 
 were prisoners. 
 
 A few days after this recreation, a British officer of 
 rank and ifxportanre in their arm}^ whose name I shall 
 not mention in tliis narrative, for certain reasons, 
 though I have mentioned it to some of my close friends 
 and contId9.nts, 8ent for me to his lodgings, and told me 
 "That faithfulness, though iri a wrong cause, had nev- 
 ertheless recommended me to general Sir William 
 liowe, TPbo was minded to make me a colonel of a reg- 
 iment of new levies, alias tories, in the British service ; 
 and proposed that I should go with him, and some 
 other officer?, to England, who would embark for that 
 purpose in a few days, and there be introduced to Lord 
 G. Germaine, and probably to the King ; and that 
 previously I should be clothed equal to such an intro- 
 duction, and, instead of paper rags, be paid in hard 
 guineas ; after this, should embark with general Bur- 
 goyne. and assist in the reduction of the country, which 
 infallibly would be conquered, and, when that should 
 be done, I should have a large tract of land, either in 
 the New-Hampshire grants, or in Connecticut, it would 
 make no odds, as the country would be forfeited to the 
 crown." I then replied, "That, if by faithfulness 1 
 had recommended myself to general Howe, I should 
 
262 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREENtMODNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 he loth, by unfaithful r ess, to lose the general's good 
 opinion ; besides, that 1 viewed the offer of land to be 
 similar to that which the devil offered Jesus Christ, 
 *To give him all the kingdoms of the world, if he 
 M'ould fall down and worship him ; when at the same 
 time, the damned soul had not one foot of land upon 
 earth.' " This closed the conversation, and the gentle- 
 man turned from me with an air of dislike, saying, that 
 1 was a bigot ; upon which I retired to my lodgings.* 
 
 • All anecdote of a different character is told of Allen's sojourn in 
 New York. Rivington, the " king's printer," a forcible and venoraous 
 writer, had incurred Allen's enmity by his caustic allusions to him, and 
 the hero of Ticonderoga swore " he would lick Rivington the very first 
 opportunity he had !" How the printer escaped the threatened castiga- 
 tion shall be narrated in his own words : I was sitting, [says Riving- 
 ton,] afier a good dinner, alone, with my bottle of Madeira before me, 
 ■when I heard an unusual noise in the street, and a huzza from the boys. 
 I was in the second story, and, stepping to the window, saw a tall figure 
 in tarnished regimentals, with a lar^je cocked bat and an enormous long 
 sword, followed by a crowd of boys, who occasionally cheered him with 
 huzzas, of which he seemed insensible. He came up to my door and 
 stopped. I could see no more. My heart told me it was Ethan ^Uen. 
 I shut my window and retired behind ray table and my bottle. I was 
 certain the hour of reckoning had come. There was no retreat Mr. 
 Staples, my clerk, came in paler than ever, and, clasping his hands, said, 
 " Master, he has come I " "I know it." " He entered the store and 
 asked ' if James Rivington lived there ? ' I answered, ' Yes, sir.' * Is 
 he at home ?' 'I will go and see, sir,' I said ; and now, master, what 
 is to be done ? There he is in the store, and the boys peeping at him 
 from the street" 1 had made up my mind. I looked at the Madeira — 
 possibly took a glass. " Show him up," said I ; "and if such Madeira 
 can not mollify him, he must be harder than adamant" There was a 
 fearful moment of suspense. I heard him on the staii-s, his long sword 
 clanking at every step. In he stalked. *' I§ your name James Riving- 
 ton ? " " It is, sir, and no man could be more happy than I am to see 
 
 Colonel Ethan Allen." "Sir, I have come " " Not another word, 
 
 my dear colonel, until you have taken a seat and a glass of old Ma- 
 deira." " But, sir, I do n't think it proper " " Not another word, 
 
 colonel. Taste this wine. I have had it in glass for ten years. Old 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN's CVPTIVITY. 263 
 
 ^ear the last of November, T was admitted to pa- 
 role in New-York, with many other American officers, 
 and on the 22d day of January, 1777, was with them 
 directed by the British commissary of prisoners to bo 
 quartered on the westerly part of Long-island, and our 
 parole continued. During my imprisonment there, no 
 occurrence worth observation happened. 1 obtained 
 the means of living as well as 1 desired, which in a 
 great measure repaired my constitution, wliich had 
 been greatly injured by the severities of an inhuman 
 captivity. I now began to feel myself composed, ex- 
 pecting either an exchange, or continuance in good and 
 honorable treatment ; but alas ! my visionary expec- 
 tations soon vanished. The news of the conquest of 
 Ticonderoga by general Burgoyne, and the advance of 
 bis army into the country, made the haughty Britons 
 again feel their importance, and with that, their insa- 
 tiable thirst for cruelty. 
 
 The private prisoners at New- York, and some of the 
 officers on parole, felt the severity of it. Burgoyne 
 was to them a demi-god. To him they paid adoration ; 
 in him the tories placed their confidence, " and forgot 
 the Lord their God," and served Howe, Burgoyne and 
 Knyphausen, " and became vile in their own imagina- 
 tion, and their foolish hearts were darkened," profess- 
 ing to be great politicians, and relying on foreign and 
 merciless invaders, and with them seeking the ruin, 
 bloodshed and destruction of their country ; " became 
 fools," expecting with them to share a dividend in the 
 confiscated estates of their neighbors and countrymen 
 who fought for the whole country, and the religion and 
 liberty thereof "Therefore, God gave them over to 
 strong delusion, to believe a lie, that they all might be 
 damned."' 
 
 wine, you know, unless it is oriijinally sound, never improves by age." 
 He took the glass, swallowed the wine, smacked his lips, and shook his 
 
 Qead approvingly. " Sir, I come " " Not another word until you have 
 
 taken another glass, and then, my dear colonel, we will talk of old 
 •ffairs, and I have some queer events to detail." In shoit, we finished 
 two bottles of Madeira, and parted as good friends as if we had uev«r 
 Dad cause to be otherwise. 
 
 1'^ 
 
26 i ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 The 25th day of August, I was apprehended, and 
 under pretext of artful, mean and pitiful pretences, tliat 
 I had infringed on my parole, taken from a tavern, 
 where there were more than a dozen officers present, 
 and, in the very place where those officers and myself 
 were directed to be quartered, put under a strong 
 guard and taken to New- York, where I expected to 
 make my defence before the commanding officer; but, 
 contrary to my expectations, and without the least 
 solid pretence of justice or trial, was again encircled 
 with a strong guard with fixed bayonets, aud conducted 
 to the provost-gaol in a lonely apartment, next above 
 the dungeon, and was denied all manner of subsistence 
 either by purchase or allowance. The second day I 
 offered a guinea for a meal of victuals, but was denied 
 it, and the third day i offered eight Spanish milled 
 dollars for a like favor, but was denied, and all I could 
 
 get out of the sergeant's mouth, was that by he 
 
 would obey his orders. I now perceived myself to be 
 a<rain in substantial trouble. In this condition I formed 
 an oblique acquaintance with a Capt. Travis, of Vir- 
 ginia, who was in the dungeon below me, through a 
 little hole which was cut with a pen-knife, through the 
 floor of my apartment which communicated with the 
 dungeon ; it was a small crevice, through which I 
 could discern but a very small part of his face at once, 
 when he applied it to the hole ; but from the discovery 
 of him in the situation which we were both then in, I 
 could not have known him, which I found to be true 
 by an after acquaintance. I could nevertheless hold a 
 conversation with him, and soon perceived him to be a 
 gentleman of high spirits, who had a high sense of 
 honor, and felt as big, as though he had been^in a pal- 
 ace, and had treasures of wrath in store against the 
 British. In fine I was charmed with the spirit of the 
 man; he had been near or quite four months in that 
 dungeon, with murderers, thieves, and every species of 
 criminals, and all for the sole crime of unshaken fidelity 
 to his country ; but his spirits were above dejection, 
 and his mind unconquerable. I engaged to do him 
 every service in my power, and in a few weeks after- 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 2G5 
 
 wards, with the united petitions of the officers in the 
 provost, procured liis dismission from the dark mansion 
 of Hends to the apartments of his petitioners. 
 
 And it came to pass on the 3d day, at the going 
 down of the sun, tliat I was presented with a piece of 
 boiled pork, and some biscuit, which the sergeant gave 
 me to understand, was my allowance, and 1 fed sweetly 
 on the same ; but I indulged my appetite by degrees, 
 and in a few days was taken from tlTat apartment, and 
 conducted to the next loft or story, where there were 
 above twenty continental, and some militia othcers, who 
 had been taken, and imprisoned there, besides some 
 private gentlemen, who had been dragged from their 
 own homes to that filthy place by tories. Several of 
 every denomination mentioned, died there, some before, 
 and others after 1 was put there. 
 
 The history of the proceedings relative to the provost 
 only, were 1 particular, would swell a volume larger 
 than this whole narrative. 1 shall therefore onlv notice 
 such of the occurrences which are mostly extraordinary. 
 
 Capt. Vandyke bore, with an uncommon fortitude, 
 near twenty months' confinement in this place, and in 
 the mean time was very serviceable to others who were 
 confined with him. The allegation against him, as the 
 cause of his confinement, was very extraordinary. He 
 was accused of setting fire to the city of New- York, at 
 the time the west part of it was consumed, when it was 
 a known fact, that he had been in the provost a week 
 before the fire broke out ; and in like manner, frivolous 
 were the ostensible accusations against most of those 
 who were there confined ; the case of two militia officers 
 excepted, who were taken in their attempting to escape 
 from their parole ; and probably there may be some 
 other instances which might justify such a confinement. 
 
 Mr. William Miller, a committee man, from West 
 Chester county, and state of New-York, was taken from 
 his bed in the dead of the night by his tory neighboiR, 
 and was starved for three days and nights in an apart- 
 ment of the same gaol ; add to this the denial of fire, 
 and that in a cold season of the year, in which time he 
 walked day and night, to defend himself against tho 
 
206 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEE EN-MOUNTAIN UEKOIB 
 
 frost, and when he complained of such a reprehensible 
 conduct, the word rebel or committee man was deemed 
 hy the enemy a sutiicient atonement for any inhumanity 
 that tiiey could invent or inliict. He was a man of 
 good natural understanding, a close and sincere friend 
 to the liberties of America, and endured fourteen 
 months' cruel imprisonment with that magnanimity of 
 soul, which reflects honor on himself and country. 
 
 Major Levi Wells, and Capt. Ozias Bissel were ap- 
 prehended and taken under guard from their parole 
 on Long-Island, to the provost, on as fallacious pretences 
 as the former, and were there continued till their ex- 
 cliange took place which was near live months. Their 
 fidelity and zealous attachment to their country's cause, 
 which was more than commonly conspicuous was 
 undoubtedly the real cause of their confinement. 
 
 Major Brinton Payne, Capt. Flahaven, and Capt. 
 Randolph, who had at different times distinguished 
 themselves by their bravery, especially at the several 
 actions, in which they were taken, were all the provo- 
 cation they gave, for which they suffered about a year's 
 conhnement, each in the same lilthy gaol. 
 
 A few weeks after my continement, on the like fal- 
 lacious and wicked pretences, was brought to the same 
 place, from his parole on JiOng-Island, Major Otho 
 llolland Williams now a full Col. in the continental 
 army. In his character are united the gentleman, offi- 
 cer, soldier, and friend ; he walked through the prison 
 with an air of great disdain; said he, ''Is this tlie 
 treatment which gentlemen of the continental army 
 are to expect from the rascally British, when in their 
 power? Heavens forbid it!" He was continued there 
 about five months, and then exchanged for a British 
 Major. 
 
 John Fell, Esq. now a member of Congress for the 
 state of JSTew-Jersey, was taken from his own house bv 
 a gang of infamous tories, and by order of a British 
 General, was sent to the provost, where he was con- 
 tinued near one year. The stench of the gaol, which 
 was very loathsome and unhealthy, occasioned a 
 hoarseness of the lungs, which proved fatal to m.anj 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEN'S CAPTIVITY. 2G7 
 
 who were there confined, and reduced tliis gentleman 
 near to the point of death; he was indeed given over 
 by liis friends who were about hiin, and himself con- 
 cluded that he must die. I could not endure the 
 thought tiiat so worthy a friend to America should 
 have his life stolen from him in such a mean, base, and 
 scandalous manner, and that his family and friends 
 should be bereaved of so great and desirable a blessing, 
 as his further care, usefulness and example, might prove 
 to them. 1 therefore wrote a letter to George liubeitson, 
 who commanded in town, and being touched with the 
 most sensible feelings of humanity, which dictated my 
 pen to paint dying distress in such lively colors that it 
 wrought conviction even on the obduracy of a British 
 General, and produced his order to remove the now 
 honorable John Fell, Esq. out of a gaol, to private 
 lodgings in town ; in consequence of which he slowly 
 recovered his health. Tiiere is so extraordinary a cir- 
 cumstance which intervened concerning this letter, that 
 it is worth noticing. 
 
 Previous to sending it, I exhibited the same to the 
 gentleman in whose behalf it was written, for his ap- 
 probation, and he forbid me to send it in the most 
 positive and explicit terms ; his reason was, "That the 
 enemy knew, by every morning's report, the condition 
 of all the prisoners, mine in particular, as, I have been 
 gradually coming to my end for a considerable time, 
 and they very well knew it, and likewise determined 
 it should be accomplished, as they had served many 
 others ; that, to ask a favor, would give the merciless 
 enemy occasi(.)n to triumph over me in my last moments, 
 and therefore I will ask no favors from tliem, but resign 
 myself to my supposed fate." But the letter 1 sent 
 without his knowledge, and I confess I had but little 
 exj^ectations from it, yet could not be easy till I had 
 sent it. It may be worth a remark, that this gentleman 
 was an Englishman born, and from the beginning of 
 the revolution has invariably asserted and maintained 
 the cause of lil)erty. 
 
 The British have made so extensive an improvement 
 of the provost during the present revolution till of late, 
 
2G8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 that a very short definition will be sufficient for the 
 dullest apprehensions. It may be with propriety called 
 the British inquisition, and calculated to support their 
 oppressive measures and designs, by suppi'essing the 
 spirit of liberty ; as also a place to conline the crim- 
 inals, and most infamous wretches of their own army, 
 where , many gentlemen of the American army, and 
 citizens thereof, were promiscuously confined, with 
 every species of criminals; but they divided into dif 
 ferent apartments, and kept at as great a remove as 
 circumstances permitted ; but it was nevertlieless at 
 the option of a villainous sergeant, who had the charge 
 of the provost, to take any gentleman from tlieir room, 
 and put them into the dungeon, which was often the 
 case. At two difterent times 1 was taken down stairs 
 for that purpose, by a tile of soldiers with tixed bay- 
 onets, and the sergeant brandishing his sword at the 
 same time, and having been brought to the door of the 
 dungeon, 1 there flattered the vanity of the sergeant, 
 wliose luime was Keef, by which means I procured the 
 surprizing favor to return to my companions ; but some 
 of the high mettled young gentlemen could not bear 
 his insolence, and determined to keep at a distance, 
 and neither please nor dis})lease the villain, but none 
 could keep clear of his abuse ; however, mild measures 
 were the best; he did not hesitate to call us damned 
 rebels, and use us with the coarsest language. The 
 Capts. Flahaven, Randolph and Mercer, were the ob- 
 jects of his most flagrant and repeated abuses, who 
 were numy times taken to the dungeon, and there 
 continued at his pleasure. Capt. Flahaven took cold 
 in the dungeon, and was in a declining state of health, 
 but an exchange delivered him, and in all probability 
 saved his life. It was very mortifying to bear with the 
 insolence of such a vicious and ill-bred, imperious ras- 
 cal. Remonstrances were preferred to the commander 
 of the town, but no relief could be obtained, for his 
 superiors were undoubtedly well pleased with his 
 abusive conduct to the gentlemen, under the severitioa 
 of his power; and remonstrating against his inferiuil 
 conduct, only served to confirm him in authority ; and 
 
NAKRATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 2*^9 
 
 • 
 
 for this reason I never made any remonBtrances on the 
 subject, but only stroked him, for 1 knew that he was 
 but a cat's paw in the hands of the British officers, and 
 that, if he shouhJ use us well, he would immediately 
 be put out of that trust, and a worse man ap})ointed to 
 succeed him ; but there was no need of making any 
 new ajipointment ; for Cunningham, their provost mar- 
 shall, and Keef, his deputy, were as great rascals as 
 their army could boast of, except one Joshua Loring, 
 an infamous tory, who was com.missary of prisoners ; 
 nor can any of these be supposed to be equally criminal 
 with Gen. Sir William Howe and his associates, who 
 prescribed and directed the murders and cruelties, 
 wljich were by them perpetrated. This Loring is a 
 monster! — Tliere is not his like in human shape. He 
 exhibits a smiling countenance, seems to wear a phiz 
 of humanity, but has been instrumentally capable of the 
 njobt consumate acts of wickedness, which were first 
 projected by an abandoned British council clothed with 
 the authority of a Howe, murdering premeditatedly, in 
 cold blood, near or quite two thousand helpless pris- 
 oners and that in the most clandestine, mean and 
 shameful manner, at !New-York. He is the most mean 
 spirited, cowardly, deceitful, and destructive animal in 
 God's creation below, and legions of infernal devils, 
 with all their tremendous horrors, are impatiently ready 
 to receive Howe and him, with all their detestable 
 accuni[Jices, into the most exquisite agonies of the 
 hottest region of hell fire. 
 
 The 6th day of July, 1777, Gen. St. Clair, and the 
 army under his command, evacuated Ticonderoga, and 
 retreated w^ith the main body through Hubbarton into 
 Castleton, which was but six miles distant, when his 
 rear guard, commanded by Col. Seth Warner, was at- 
 tacked at Hubbarton by a body of the enemy of about 
 two thousand, commanded by General Fraser. War- 
 ner's comuiand consisted of his own and other two 
 regiments, viz. Francis's and Hale's, and some scatter- 
 ing and enfeebled soldiers. His whole number, accord- 
 ing Uj information, was near or quite one thousand ; 
 part of which were Green Mountain Boys, about seven 
 
270 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 hundred of the whole he brons^ht into action. The 
 enemy advanced boldly, and the two bodies formed 
 within about sixty yards of each other. Col. Warner 
 having formed his own regiment, and that of Col. 
 Francis's did not wait for the enemy, but gave tbem a 
 heavy fire from his whole line, and they returnea it 
 with great bravery. It was by this time, dangerous 
 for those of both parties, who were not prepared for 
 the world to come ; but Colonel Hale being apprised 
 of the danger, never brought his regiment to the charge, 
 but left Warner and Francis to stand the blowing of it, 
 and fled, but luckily fell in with an inconsiderable 
 number of the enemy, and to his eternal shame, sur- 
 rendered himself a prisoner. 
 
 The conflict was very bloody. Col. Francis fell in 
 the same, but Col. Warner, and the oflicers under his 
 command, as also the soldiery, behaved with great 
 resolution. The enemy broke, and gave way on the 
 right and left, but formed again, and renewed the at- 
 tack; in the mean time the British granadiers, in the 
 center of the enemy's line maintained the ground, and 
 finally carried it with the point of the bayonet, and 
 Warner retreated with reluctance. Our loss was about 
 thirty men killed, ar?d that of the enemy amounting to 
 three hundred killed, including a Major Grant. The 
 enemy's loss I learnt from the confession of their own 
 officers, when a prisoner with them. I heard them 
 likewise complain, that the Green Mountain Boys took 
 sight. The next movement of the enemy, of any ma- 
 terial consequence, was their investing Bennington, 
 with a design to demolish it, and subject its Mountain- 
 eers, to which they had a great aversion, with one 
 hundred and fifty chosen men, including tories, with 
 the highest expectation of success, and having chosen 
 an eminence of strong ground, fortified it witli slight 
 breast works, and two pieces of cannon ; but the gov- 
 ernment of the young state of Yermont, being previ- 
 ously jealous of such an attempt of the enemy, and in 
 due time had procured a number of brave militia from 
 the government of the state of New-Hampshire, who, 
 together with the militia of the north part of Berkshire 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 271 
 
 county, and state of Massachusetts, and tlio Green 
 Mountain Boys, constituted a body of desperadoes, 
 under the command of the intrepid general Stark, who 
 in number were about equal to the enemy. Colonel 
 Herrick, who commanded the Green Mountain Rangers, 
 and who was second in command, being thoroughly ac- 
 quainted with the ground where the enemy had forti- 
 fied, proposed to attack them in their works upon all 
 parts, at the same time. This plan being adopted by 
 the general and ftis council of war, tlje little militia 
 brigade of undisciplined heroes, with their long brown 
 firelocks, the best security of a free people, without 
 either cannon or bayonets, was, on the 16th day of 
 August, led on to the attack by their bold commanders, 
 in the face of the enemy's dreadful fire, and to the 
 astonishment of the world, and burlesque of discipline, 
 carried every part of their lines in less than one quar- 
 ter of an hour after the attack became general, took 
 their cannon, killed and captivated more than tw^o- 
 thirds of their number, which immortalized general 
 Stark, and made Bennington famous to posterity. 
 
 Among the enemy's slain was found colonel Baum, 
 their commander, a colonel Pfester, who headed an 
 infamous gang of tories, and a large part of his com- 
 mand ; and among the prisoners was major Mei borne, 
 their second in command, a number of British and 
 Hessian officers, surgeons, &c., and more than one 
 hundred of the aforementioned Pfester's command. 
 The [)ri8oners being collected together, were sent to the 
 meeting-house in the town, by a strong guard, and 
 Gen. Stark not imagining any present danger, the mil- 
 itia scattered from him to rest and refresh themselves ; 
 in this situation he was on a sudden attacked by a 
 reinforcement of one thousand and one hundred of the 
 enemy, commanded by a governor Skene, with two 
 fi(;ld pieces. They advanced in regular order, and kept 
 up an incessant fire, especially from their field pieces, 
 and the remaining militia retreating slowly before 
 them, disputed the ground inch by inch. The enemy 
 were heard to halloo to them, saying, step Yankees! 
 In the meantime, Col. Warner, with about one hundred 
 
 12* 
 
272 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 and tliirty men of his regiment, who were not in 
 the first action, arrived and attacked the enemy with 
 great fury, being determined to have ample revenge 
 on account of the quarrel at Hubbardton, which ' 
 brought them to a stand, and soon after general Stark 
 and colonel Ilerrick, brought on more of the scattered 
 militia, and the action became general ; in a few min- 
 utes the enemy were forced from their cannon, gave 
 way on all parts and fled, and the shouts of victory 
 were a second time proclaimed in ftivor ot' the militia. 
 The enemy's loss in killed and prisoners, in these two 
 actions, amounted to more than one thousand and two 
 hundred men, and our loss did not exceed fifty men. 
 This was a bitter stroke to the enemy, but their pride 
 would not permit them to hesitate but that they could 
 vanquish the country, and as a specimen of their arro- 
 gancy, 1 shall insert general Burgoyne's proclamation : 
 
 « By John Burgoyne, Esq., Lieutenant-General of his Majesty's 
 armies in America, Colonel of the Queen's regiment of light 
 dragoons, Governor of Fort William in North-Britain, one of 
 the* Representatives of the Commons of Great Britain, in Par- 
 liament, and commanding an army and fleet employed on an 
 expedition from Canada, &c. &c. &c. - ^ - 
 
 » The forces entrusted to my command are designed to act m 
 concert and upon a common principle, with the numerous armies 
 and fleets which already display in every quarter of America, 
 the power, the justice, and, when properly sought, the mercy ot 
 
 the King. 
 
 "The cause, in which the British arms are thus exerted, 
 applies to the 'most aflecting interests of the humaii heart; and 
 the military servants of the crown, at first called forth for the 
 sole purpose of restoring the rights of the constitution, now 
 combine with love of their country, and duty to their sovereign, 
 the other extensive excitements which spring from a due sense 
 of the general privileges of mankind. To the eyes and ears of 
 the temperate part of the public, and to the breasts of suflering 
 thousands in the provinces, be the melancholy appeal, whether 
 the present unnatural rebellion has not been made a foundation 
 for the completest system of tyranny that ever God, in his dis- 
 pleasure, suft'ered for a time to be exercised over a froward and 
 stubborn generation. 
 
 « Arbitrary imprisonment, confiscation of property, persecution 
 
NAERATIVE OF ALLEN's CAPTIVITY. 273 
 
 and torture, unprecedented in the inquisitions of the Romish 
 Church, are among the palpable enormities that verify the affirm- 
 ative'. These are inflicted by assemblies and committees, who 
 • dare to profess themselves friends to liberty, upon the most quiet 
 subjects, without distinction of age or sex, for the sole ciime, 
 often for tKe sole suspicion, of having adhered in principle to 
 the government under which they were born, and to which, by 
 eveiy tie, divine and human, they owe allegiance. To consum- 
 mate these shocking proceedings, the profanation of religion is 
 added to the most profligate prostitution of common reason; 
 the consciences of men are set at nought; and multitudes are 
 compelled not only to bear arms, but also to swear subjection to 
 an usurpation they abhor. 
 
 " Animated by these consideiations, at the head of troops in 
 the full powers of health, discipline and valor ; determined to 
 strike where necessary, and anxious to spare where possible, I 
 by these presents invite and exhort all persons, in all places 
 where the progress of this army may point; and by the blessing 
 of God I will extend it far to maintain such a conduct as may 
 justify me in protecting their lands, habitations and families. 
 The intention of this address is to hold forth security, not depre- 
 dation to the country. To those whom spirit and principle may 
 induce to partake of the glorious task of redeeming their coun- 
 trymen from dungeons, and re-establishing the blessings of legal 
 government, I ofler encouragement and employment; and upon 
 the fii-st intelligence of their associations, I will find means to 
 assist their undertakings. The domestic, the industrious, the 
 infirm, and even the timid inhabitants I am desirous to protect, 
 provided they remain quietly at their houses; that they do not 
 suffer their cattle to be removed, nor their corn or forage to be 
 secreted or destroyed ; that they do not break up their bridges 
 or roads : nor by any other act, directly or indirectly, endeavour 
 to obstruct the operations of the king's troops, or supply or assist 
 those of the enemy. Every species of provision brought m my 
 camp, will be paid for at an equitable rate, and in solid coin. 
 
 " In consciousness of Christianity, my royal master's clemancy, 
 and the honor of soldiership, I have dwelt upon this invitation, 
 and wished for more persuasive terms to give it impression. And 
 let not people be led to disregard it by considering their distance 
 from the immediate situation of my camp. I have but to give 
 stretch to the Indian forces under my direction, and they amount 
 to thousan<ls, to overtake the hardened enemies of Great Britflin 
 and America: I consider them the same wherever they may 
 luik. 
 
^_ 
 
 ^ 274 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 " If, notwithstanding these endeavours, and sincere inclinations 
 to effect them, the phrensy of hostility sho'ild remain, 1 trust I 
 shall stand acquitted in the eyes of God and man, in denouncing 
 and executing the vengeance of the state against the wilful out- 
 casts. The messengers of justice and of wrath await them in 
 the field; and devastation, famine, ahd every concomitant horror 
 that a reluctant but indispensible prosecution of military duty 
 must occasion, will bear the way to their return. 
 
 J. BURGOYNE. 
 
 " By order of his Excellency the Lieut. General, 
 
 Robert Kingston, Sec. 
 
 " Camp near Ticonderoga, 4th July, 1777." 
 
 Gen. Burgoyne was still the toast, and the severities 
 towards the prisoners were in great measure increased 
 or diminished, in proportion to the expectation of con- 
 quest. His very ostentatious Proclamation was in the 
 hand and mouth of most of the soldiery, especially 
 the tories, and from it, their faith was raised to assur- 
 rance. I wish my countrymen in general could have 
 an idea of the assuming tyranny, and haughty, malev- 
 olent, and insolent behavior of the enemy at that time ; 
 and from thence discern the intolerable calamities 
 which this country have extricated themselves from 
 by their public spirited ness and bravery. The down- 
 fall of Gen. Burgoyne, and surrender of his whole 
 army, dashed the aspiring hopes and expectations of 
 the enemy, and brought low the imperious spirit of an 
 opulent, puissant and haughty nation, and made the 
 tories bite the ground with anguish, exalting the valoj 
 of-the free-born sons of America, and raised their fame 
 and that of their brave commanders to the clouds^ 
 and immortalized Gen. Gates with laurels of eternal 
 duration."* ISTo sooner had the knowledge of this inter- 
 
 * The defeat of Burgoyne gave Ethan *Allen a welcome opportunity to 
 return the ridicule with which the British officers had been accustomed 
 to speak of the continental troops, and he was not the man to shut his 
 teeth against the many biting sarcasms which pressed to his mouth for 
 utterance. Nor was he the man to speak depreciatingly of his own 
 merits ; and on one occasion, while boasting of the success of the revo- 
 lutionary army, he sp'.)ke of himself and his brotliers, arid said there was" 
 
NARRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 275 
 
 efiting and mighty event reached His most Christian 
 Majest}', who in Europe shines with a superior lustre 
 in goodness, policy and arms, but the illustrious 
 potentate, auspiciously influenced by Heaven to pro- 
 mote title reciprocal interest and happiness of the 
 ancient kingdom of France, and the new and rising 
 states of America, passed the great and decisive decree' 
 that the United States of America, should be free and 
 independent. Yaunt no more, Old England ! con- 
 sider you are but an island ! and that your power has 
 been continued longer than the exercise of your hu- 
 manity. Order your broken vanquished battalions 
 to retire from America, the scene of your cruelties. 
 Go home and repent in dust and sackcloth for your 
 aggravated crimes. The cries of bereaved parents, 
 widows and orphans, reach the heavens, and you are 
 abominated by every friend to America. Take your 
 friends the tories with you, and be gone, and drink 
 deep of the cup of humiliation. Make peace with the 
 princes of the house of Bourbon, for you are in no 
 condition to wage war with them. Your veteran sol- 
 diers are fallen in America, and your glory is departed. 
 Be quiet and paj^ your debts, especially for the hire 
 of the Hessians. There is no other way for you to 
 ^et into credit again, but by reformation and plain 
 Honesty, which you have despised ; for your power is 
 by no means sutiicient to support your vanity. I have 
 had opportunity to see a great deal of it, and felt its 
 severe effects, and learned lessons of wisdom and 
 policy, when I wore your heavy irons, and bore your 
 bitter revilings and reproaches. I have something of 
 a smattering of philosophy, and understand human 
 nature in all its stages tolerably well ; am thoroughly 
 acquainted with your national crimes, and assure you 
 that they not only cfy aloud for Heaven's vengeance, 
 but excite mankind to rise up against you. Yirtue, 
 wisdom and policy are in a national sense, alwajs 
 
 never a woman who had seven sons that could equal those of his mother 
 A British officer tartly insisted that Allen ought to except Mary Magda- 
 len, who also waa delivered of flcven dcvili 
 
270 ETHAN AIXEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 connected with power, or in other words, power is their 
 offspring, and such power as is not directed by virtue, 
 wisdom and policy never fails finally to destroy itself 
 as yours lias done. It is so in the nature of things, 
 and unfit that it would be otherwise ; for if it was 
 not so, vanity, injustice, and oppression, might reigu 
 triumphant forever. 1 know you have individuals, wlio 
 still retaiu their virtue, and consequently their honor 
 and humanity. Those I really pity, as they nmst 
 more or. less suffer in the calamity, in which the na- 
 tion is plunged headlong ; but as a nation I hate and 
 despise you. 
 
 My affections are Frenchified. I glory in Louis 
 the sixteenth, the generous and powerful ally of these 
 states ; am fond of a connection with so enterprising, 
 learned, polite, courteous and commercial a nation, and 
 am snre that I express the sentiments and feelings of 
 all the friends to the present revolution. I begin to 
 learn the French tongue, and recommend it to my 
 countrymen, before Hebrew, Greek or Latin, (provided 
 that one of them only are to be attended to) for the 
 trade and commerce of these states in future must in- 
 evitably shift its channel from England to France, 
 Spain and Portugal ; and therefore the statesman, pol- 
 itician and merchant, need be acquainted with their 
 several languages, particularly the French, which ^ is 
 much in vogue in most parts of Europe. Nothing 
 could have served so effectually to illuminate, polish 
 and enrich these states as the present revolution, as 
 well as preserve their lil)erty. Mankind are naturally 
 too national, even to a degree of bigotry, and commer- 
 cial intercourse with foreign nations, has a great and 
 necessary tendency to improve mankind, and erase the 
 superstition of the mind by acquainting them that 
 human nature, policy and instinct, are the same in all 
 nations, and at the same time they are bartering com- 
 modities for the conveniences and happiness of each 
 nation, they may reciprocally exchange such part of 
 their customs and manners as may be beneficial, and 
 learn to extend charity and good' will to the whole 
 world of mankind. I was confined in the provost-gaol 
 
NAKRATIVE OF ALLEn's CAPTIVITY. 277 
 
 at IS'ew-Yor'k, the 26th day of August, and continned 
 there to the 3d day of May, 1778, when I was taken 
 out under guard, and conducted to a sloop in the har- 
 bor of New- York, in which I was guarded to Staien- 
 Ishind, to general CanipbelTs quarters, where I was 
 pei-niitted to eat and drink with the general and sev- 
 eral other of the British lield officers, and treated for 
 two diiys in a polite manner. As I was drinking wine 
 with them one evening, I made an observation on my 
 transition from the provost criminals to the company 
 of gentlemen, adding that I was the same man still, 
 and should give the British credit, by him (speaking 
 to the general) for two days good usage. 
 
 The next day colonel Archibald Campbell, w^ho was 
 exchanged for me, came to this place, conducted by 
 Mr. Boudinot, the then American commissary of pris- 
 oners, and saluted me in a handsome manner, saying 
 that he never was more glad to see a gentleman in his 
 life, and I gave him to understand that I was equally 
 glad to see him, and was apprehensive that it was from 
 the same motive. The gentlemen present laughed at 
 the fanc}^ and conjectured that sweet liberty was the 
 foundation of our gladness : so we tO(»k a glass of 
 wine together, and then I was accompanied by general 
 Campbell, colonel Cam],bell, Mr. Boudinot, and a 
 number of British officers, to the boat which was ready 
 to sail to Elizabethtown-point. Meanwhile I enter- 
 tained them with a rehearsal of the cruelties exercised 
 towards our prisoners ; and assured them that I should 
 use my influence, that their prisoners should be treated, 
 in future, in the same manner, as they should in future 
 treat ours ; that I thought it was right in such extreme 
 cases, that their example should be applied to their 
 own prisoners ; then exchanged the decent ceremonies 
 of conqiliment, and parted. I sailed to the point 
 aforesaid, and, in a transport of joy, landed on liberty 
 ground, and as I advanced into the country, received 
 the acclamations of a grateful peof)le. 
 
 T soon fell into company with colonel Shelden, of the 
 light horse, who in a polite and obliging manner ac- 
 companied me to head quarters, Valley Forge, where I 
 
278 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 was courteously received by Gen. "Washington, with 
 peculiar marks of his approbation and esteem, and 
 was introduced to most of the generals, and many of 
 the principal officers of the army, who treated me 
 with respect, and after having oftered Gen. Washing- 
 ton my further services in behalf of my country, as 
 soon as my health, which was very much impaired, 
 would admit, and obtain his license to return home, 
 I took my leave of his excellency, and set out from 
 Valley Forge with general Gates and his suit foi 
 Fishkill, where we arrived the latter end of May. In 
 this tour the general was pleased to treat me with the 
 famil.arity of ^ companion, and generosity of a lord, 
 and to him I made known some striking circumstances 
 which occurred in the course of my captivity. I then 
 bid farewell to my noble general and the gentlemen of 
 his retinue, and set out for Bennington, the capital of 
 the Green Mountain Boys, where 1 arrived the evening 
 of the last day of May, to their great surprise ; for I 
 was thought to be dead, and now both their joy and 
 mine was complete. Three cannon were fired that 
 evening, and next morning colonel Herrick gave orders 
 and fourteen more w^ere discharged, welcoming me to 
 Bennington, my usual place of abode ; thirteen for the 
 United States, and one for Young Vermont. 
 
 After this ceremony was ended we moved the flow- 
 ing bowl, and rural felicity, sweetened with friendship, 
 glowed in each countenance, and wnth loyal healths to 
 the rising Stat'/s of America, concluded that evening, 
 and, with the same loyal spirit, 1 now conclude my 
 narrative. 
 
CHAPTER lY. 
 
 TEE GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 '" Oh, few and weak their numbers were, 
 
 A handful of brave men ; 
 But to their God ihey gave their prayer, 
 
 And rushed to battle then. 
 They left the plowshare in the mold. 
 Their flocks and herds without a fold. 
 The sickle in the unshorn grain, 
 The corn half-garnered on the plain. 
 And mustered in their simple dress, 
 For wrongs to seek a stern redress — 
 To right those wrongs, come weal, come woe, 
 To perish or o'ercorae their foe." 
 
 M'Lellan. 
 
 In communities established after the manner of the 
 United States, history does not begin with obscure or 
 fabulous legends. The origin of the nation, and the 
 rise and progress of all its institutions, may be dis- 
 tinctly known. The people may obtain accurate and 
 familiar acquaintance with the character of their ear- 
 liest national ancestors, and of every succeeding gen- 
 eration through which the inheritance of the national 
 name and fortune has devolved upon themselves. When 
 this interesting knowledge is blended with the infor- 
 mation that their existence as a peeple originated in 
 the noblest efforts of wisdom, fortitude, and magna 
 nimity, and that every successive acquisition by which 
 their liberty and happiness have been extended and 
 
280 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNT ATN HEROES. 
 
 secured, has arisen from the exercise of the same qiial' 
 ities, and evinced their faithful preservation and unim- 
 paired efficacy, — respect for former times becomes the 
 motive and pledge of virtue ; the whole nation feels 
 itself ennobled by ancestors vs'hose renown will con- 
 tinue till the end of time the honor or reproach of-their 
 successors ; and the love of virtue is so interwoven 
 with patriotism and national glory, as to prevent the 
 one from becoming a selfish principle, and the othei 
 a splendid or mischievous illusion. If an inspired 
 apostle might w^ith complacency proclaim himself a 
 citizen of no mean city, an American may feel grateful 
 exultation in avowing himself the native of no ignoble 
 land, — but of a land that has yielded as great an in 
 crease of glory to God and of happiness to man, as any 
 other portion of the world, since "the first syllable of 
 recorded time," has ever had the honor of producing. 
 A nobler model of human character could hardly be 
 proposed to the inhabitants of New England, Pennsyl- 
 vania, and others of the United States, than that which 
 their own history supplies. It is at once their interest 
 and their glory to preserve with sacred care a model so 
 rich.y fraught with the instructions of wisdom and the 
 incitements of duty. The memory of those whom they 
 claim as their natural or national ancestors, will bless 
 all those who account it blessed ; and the ashes of their 
 fathers will give forth a nobler influence than the bones 
 of the pro]^het of Israel, in reviving piety and invig 
 orating virtue. So. much, at the same time, of human 
 weakness and imperfection is discernible in the con- 
 duct, or is attested by the avowals of these eminent 
 men, and so steady and explicit was their reference to 
 
CTTARACTER OF OUR ANCESTORS. 281 
 
 heavenly aid, of all the j^ood they were capable to 
 perform or attain, that the admiration they so strongly 
 deserve, enforces the scriptural testimony to the riches 
 of divine grace, and the reflected liistef of human 
 virtue. 
 
 The history of man never exhibited an effort of 
 more vigorous and enterprising virtue, than the orig- 
 inal migration of the colonists of this then distant and 
 desolate region ; and the annals of colonization do not 
 supply a single instance of the foundation of a com- 
 monwealth, and its advancement through a period of 
 weakness and danger to strength and security, in which 
 the principal actors have left behind them a reputation 
 at once so illustrious and unsullied, with fewer memo- 
 rials calculated to pervert the moral sense, or awaken 
 the regret ot mankind. The relation of their achieve- 
 ments has a powerful tendency to excite hope, and 
 animate perseverance — to impart courage to the 
 good, and to fortify the virtues of the brave. The 
 Puritans could not, indeed, boast, like the founders of 
 Pennsylvania, that by a resolute profession of non-re- 
 sistance of injuries, and as faithful adherence to that 
 profession, they had so realized the divine protection by 
 an exclusive reliance on it, as to disarm the ferocity of 
 savages, an-d conduct the establishment of their com- 
 monwealth without violence and bloodshed. But if 
 they were involved in numerous wars, it was the sin- 
 gular and honorable characteristic of them all, that 
 they were invariably the offspring of selfdefense 
 against the unprovoked malignity of their adversaries, 
 and that not one of them was undertaken from motives 
 of conquest or plunder. Though they considered these 
 
282 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 wars as necessary and justifiable, they deeply deplored 
 them ; and, more than once, the most distressing doubts 
 were expressed, at the close of their hostilities, if it 
 were lawful for Christians to carry even the rights of 
 self-defense to such fatal extremity. They behaved to 
 the Indian tribes with as much good-faith and justice 
 as they could have shown to a powerful and civilized 
 people,* and were incited by their inferiority to no 
 other acts than a series of. tlie most magnanimous and 
 laudable enjdeavors to instruct their ignorance, and 
 elevate their condition.-)- If they fell short of the col- 
 onists of Pennsylvania in the exhibition of Christian 
 meekness, they unquestionably excelled them in the 
 extent and activity of Christian labor. If the Quakers 
 succeeded in disarming the Indians, the Puritans 
 labored to convert them. 
 
 * Not only were all the lands occupied by the colonists fairly pur- 
 chased from their Indian owners, but in some parts of the country, the 
 lands were subject to quit-rents to the Indians, " which," says Belkna^^, 
 in 1784, " are annually paid to their posterity." From the many deeds 
 and other documents still in existence, especially in the New-England 
 states and New York, it is certain that regular purchases were invaria- 
 bly made of the Indians. The consideration given was usually small ; 
 but there is no reason to suppose that it was not all the lands were worth 
 at the time. A curious example of the opinions prevalent in early 
 times, and the change which has since occurred, is afforded by the man- 
 ner in which their payments were made, a portion of the consideration 
 usually being spirituous liquors. Two townships in the western part of 
 Massachusetts, for instance, were purchased, according to a deed which is 
 still preserved, ior " £460 , three barrels of cider, and thirty quarts of 
 rum." 
 
 t The accounts of the first conversations which the missionaries had 
 with these heathen, abound with curious questions and observations that 
 proceeded from the Indians in relation to the tidings that were brought 
 to their eare. The account which Elliott, the " Apostle of the Indiana," 
 
 4 
 
ORIGIN OF TUE KEPUULIC. 28 o 
 
 The history of the colonization of this continent, 
 clearly indicates the destiny for which it was ultimately 
 designed. This great republic is but the natural de- 
 velopment of the little community that first landed on 
 Plymouth rock. The American Revolution was no 
 sudden outburst of popular fury. It had its origin in 
 the first landing of the pilgrims. Tyranny had become 
 80 strong in the eastern world, that there seemed no 
 possibility that the people would ever succeed in the 
 attainment of their just rights. The fires of freedom 
 were quenched by the blood of the scaffold, or, if a 
 tyrant was overthrown by an indignant people, anarchy 
 in its most appalling form succeeded, from which there 
 was no escape, but submission to the yoke of another 
 oppressor. But Columbus, ignorant of the boon he was 
 
 gave of one interview with the savages, will illustrate this. One Indian 
 asked, Whether Englishmen were ever as ignorant of Jesus Christ ag 
 the Indians ? A second, Whether Jesus Christ could understand prayers 
 in the Indian language ? A third. How there could be an image of 
 God, since it was forbidden in the second commandment ? On another 
 occasion, an old Indian, with tears in bis eyes, asked, Whether it wat 
 not too late for such an old man as he, who was near death, to repent 
 and seek after God ? A second asked, How the English came to diflei 
 so much from the Indian in their knowledge of Jesus Christ, since they 
 had all at first but one father? Sevei-al inquired. How Judas coula 
 deserve blame for facilitating the end which it was the purpose of God 
 to effeci ? One woman asked. Whether she was entitled to consider her- 
 self as having prayed, when she merely joined in her mind with her 
 husband, who prayed by her side ? Another, If her husband's praytr 
 gignijied any thing while he continued to Lent his wife ? !^any of the 
 converts continued to believe that the gods whom they had formerly 
 served, had in reality great power, but were spirits subordinate to the 
 true and only God. One sachem sent for an Indian convert, and de- 
 sired to know how many Gods the English had ? When he heard they 
 had but one, he replied scornfully : " Is that all ? Ih^ve thiriy-aeeenl 
 Do they suppose I .would exchange to many for one ? '* 
 
284 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HKEOKS. 
 
 conferring on mankind, discovered a new world. The 
 seeds of freedom, which were not permitted to germi- 
 nate in the old world, were brought in the Mayflower 
 to the new. Wise and good men, disheartened by their 
 warfare against wrong, fled to it for an asylum. Neg- 
 lected by the government under whose control they 
 nominally remained, they were compelled to govern 
 themselves — to make and administer their own laws. 
 They were a small community — all mutually known, — 
 all mutually loved, — all intelligent, conscientious, and 
 animated by an ardent piety. It was not difficult for 
 them to do justice to each other, and in doing this, 
 they were unconsciously evolving the great principles 
 upon which all just government must be founded. Had 
 they known the importance of the work in which they 
 were engaged, it is doubtful whether they would have 
 done it so well. They gradually grew in strength. 
 Other colonies were at intervals established along the 
 Atlantic coast. All were greatly influenced by the 
 example of New England and Pennsylvania. For a 
 .century they increased in power, their condition being 
 but little known and little cared for in Europe, and 
 their future greatness in no degree anticipated by 
 themselves. In their wars with the Indians and the 
 French colony of Canada, they were thrown almost 
 entirely upon their own resources, for the parent coun- 
 try gave them but a feeble and reluctant support. 
 They were compelled to unite for their common de- 
 fense, and in 1754, delegates from the several colonies 
 met at Albany, and with the illustrious Franklin at 
 their head, devised a "plan of union," which, although 
 it was not adopted then, aided powerfully in ci-eating 
 
CONTINENTAL CONGRESS. 285 
 
 a unity of feeling among the colonies, and prepared 
 them for combined resistance to the tyranny of the 
 British king, and for a lasting confederation. And 
 thus a spirit of freedom had been nurtured on this 
 continent ; republican institutions had become firmly 
 rooted, and when the English government was at last 
 conscious of the importance of the colonies, the day had 
 passed in which it had the power to tyrannize over 
 them. A series of oppressive measures was rapidly 
 prepared by the minions of George III., but they were 
 resisted promptly, perseveringly, and, after a bloody 
 struggle of seven years, 'effectually. 
 
 Tlie war had already commenced, when the congress 
 which ultimately announced the final separation of the 
 colonies from the parent country, assembled at Phila- 
 delphia. The most eminent men of the various colo- 
 nies had met together. The meeting was awfully 
 solemn. The object which ha \ brought them there 
 was of incalculable magnitude The liberties of no 
 less than three millions of peo] e, with that of all their 
 posterity, were staked on the ivisdom and energy of 
 their councils. No wonder, tl m, at the long and deep 
 silence which is said to have followed upon their or- 
 ganization ; at the anxiety w th w4iich the members 
 looked round upon each other; and the reluctance 
 wljich every individual felt to open a business so fear- 
 fully momentous. The embarrassing silence was bro- 
 ken by the eloquent Patrick Henry, in a speech of 
 wonderful power. An ardent ?ove of. liberty per 
 vaded every breast, and this speed produced a unanim- 
 ity as advantageous to the cause they had determined 
 to maintain, as it was appalling to their adversaries. 
 
286 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 The proceedings of this celebrated congress, the '.one 
 and temper of their various resolutions, the style of 
 their addresses, the composition of the several papers 
 that were drawn up by them, were in every particular 
 calculated to excite the admiration of the world. That 
 an assembly of fifty-two men, nearly all educated in the 
 wilds of a new world, unpracticed in the arts of polity 
 and diplomacy, most of them inexperienced in the 
 arduous duties of legislation, coming from distant and 
 distinct governments, differing in religion, manners, 
 customs, and habits, as they did in their views with 
 regard to the nature of their connection with Great 
 Britain ^that such an assembly, so constituted, should 
 display so much wisdom, sagacity, foresight and know- 
 ledge of the world, such skill in argument, such foixie 
 of reasoning, such firmness and soundness of judgment, 
 60 profound an acquaintance with the rights of man, 
 Buch elevation of sentiment, such genuine patriotism, 
 and, above all, such unexampled unity of opinion 
 upon the measures brought before them, was indeed a 
 political phenomenon, to which history has yet fur- 
 nished no parallel. ISTor is it less wonderful, that the 
 whole people of the colonies represented, should have 
 regarded the simple recommendations of this congress 
 with the reverence and obedience due to the strongest 
 ties of law. Even in those colonies where law and au- 
 thority had been set at defiance, the injunctions of the 
 congress were scrupulously obeyed. The whole country 
 was in that awful calm of expectation, which precedes 
 the bursting storm^ They were yet willing to be re- 
 conciled with the British government, but ready to 
 enforce their rights at the risk of life. 
 
CIIAKACTKK OF THE CONGRESS. 287 
 
 "Who can consider, without dficp and affecting sym- 
 |)atl»y, that little body of men, who, in the name ot 
 a young and unskilled people, then set at defiance 
 the power of a mighty empire — not rashly and igno- 
 rantly, but advisedly and calmly, — having weighed 
 their own weakness, as well as their adversaries' 
 strength, — feeling the heavy responsibility that rested 
 on their decision, — calculating the consequences of 
 attempt and failure, and then, with a full conviction 
 of all the mighty odds against them, "having counted 
 the cost of the contest, and finding nothing so dread- 
 ful as voluntary slavery," solemnly " appealing to the 
 supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of their 
 intentions," and pledging to each other their lives, 
 their fortunes, and their sacred honor ; ranging them- 
 selves and their infant nation under the banners of 
 libert}', denouncing their oppressors " enemies in war, 
 in peace, friends." There is not, in the whole page 
 of human history, any thing more truly grand and 
 morally sublime than the conduct of the American 
 congress throughout the^unequaled contest that fol- 
 lowed, upon which hung not the liberties of our peo- 
 ple only, but those of mankind. How admirable was 
 the moderation which marked their earlier deliberation; 
 the calmness with which they met ministerial haugh- 
 tiness; the firmness which they opposed to parliament- 
 ary obstinacy, tempering vigor with prudence, and 
 inflexible principle with forbearance! How majestic 
 their dignity when called upon finally to decide between 
 unconditional submission and resistance by force! 
 With what undaunted courage they made the noble 
 
 choice, and, having made it, with what unshrinking 
 
 13 
 
288 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAm HEEOBS. 
 
 fortitude they met all the vicissitudes of fortune ; the 
 ebb and flow of the tide of war ; the discontent of the 
 factious ; the fears of the timid ; the despondency of 
 the high-minded; — never cast down by repeated 
 misfortunes, nor too much elated by momentary suc- 
 cess. When the houseless people were scattered before 
 their invaders ; when the army, unpaid, unclothed, 
 vainly sought assistance from the commander, and he 
 vainly sought it in the exhausted treasury; when the 
 sword fell from their fainting hands, and the blank ot 
 despair seemed falling on their hearts ; still did those 
 patriots struggle on — still did they find confidence in 
 their just cause, and, with their eyes upon the pole- 
 star of liberty, did they steady the helm of the reeling 
 vessel of the infant state, ride out triumphantly the 
 storm of war and revolution, and gain the glorious 
 haven from which their thoughts had never swerved. 
 
 The annals of every nation can supply us with some 
 brilliant characters, who stand superior to the sordid 
 passions which sway the minds of ordinary men and 
 but too often dictate the feelings of national commu- 
 nities. But rarely, if ever, has there been an entire 
 assembly of men, uniting all the qualities of sages 
 and heroes, — cautious in their deliberations, firm and 
 
 uited in their measures, pure in their motives, and 
 ueyond suspicion in their conduct. To the unbending 
 spirit and perfect rectitude of the continental con- 
 gress was mainly owing the preservation of the Amer- 
 ican people, not only from foreign conquest, but from 
 intestine broils. To their little senate-room, amid all 
 the changes of war, did the eyes of the people ever 
 turn in hope and confidence. Were their little armies 
 
PURITY OF THE CONGRESS. 289 
 
 defeated; were their heroic generals figliting in retreat; 
 were their cities taken ; were their houses in flames ; 
 iWas their commerce destroyed; were their fields 
 devastated ; were their gold and their credit gone ; 
 they still looked to that high-minded assembly, whose 
 counsels, they were satisfied, were ever patriotic and 
 wise, and whose energies were ever employed to relieve 
 the sufferings they could not prevent. It is interest- 
 ing to imagine what must have been the earnest 
 thoughts of this noble body of men throughout that 
 trying contest; what their anxieties; and, finally, what 
 the flood of joy that must have poured on their hearts 
 when the tidings reached them that the last great 
 victory was achieved. The old door-keeper of the 
 congress, when the news suddenly reached him of the 
 'surrender of Cornwallis, dropped instantly dead! The 
 feelings of the veteran, too intense for his feeble age, 
 seem to image well those of the members of that 
 assembly upon which he had been so faithful an 
 attendant. 
 
 In the history of the American Kevolution, the integ- 
 rity of the congress and the confidence of the people 
 in their integrity equally challenge admiration. The 
 first was so pure, that throughout that distracted period, 
 which might so well liave furnished temptation to the 
 selfish or the ambitious,* we do not find one member 
 
 •"Tell the king of England," said one of them, when a heavy 
 bribe was offered him to desert the cause of his country, " I am not worth 
 buying ; but that such as I am, he is not rich enough to do it ! " And 
 ftnother, while a piisoner in England, was threatened with death unless 
 he would persuade his son to abandon the cause of freedom, " My son 
 18 of R^e," said the heroic father of a heroic son, "and has a will of his 
 own. I know him to be a man of honor. H? loves me dearly, and 
 
*2d0 ETHAN ALI.EN AXD GREEN-MO UlTTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 of that magnanimous body even suspected of pecula- 
 tion, or of a desire for personal aggrandizement ; and 
 the latter was so entire, that, during the worst days 
 of that stormy period, the public suffering was never 
 charged to any willful mismanagement on the part of 
 the government — not even when its faith was vio- 
 lated, hy the gradual depreciation and final extinction 
 of a paper currency, which had been issued without 
 funds, and which ceased to circulate, with scarce the 
 shadow of a prospect being held out for its future 
 redemption. The j)eople saw the necessity of the 
 measure, and being well convinced that the good of 
 their country had been promoted, quietl}^ submitted to 
 measures which, under other circumstances, would 
 scarcely have been expiated by the lives and fortunes 
 of their authors. 
 
 That a government framed in all the distraction of 
 revolution — with a powerful enemy in the very heart 
 of the country, the Indians on one side as their allies, 
 and the ocean on the other, possessed by their fleets, — 
 that, at such a time, a government so hastily organ- 
 ized, with armies untrained, unfed, unclothed, and 
 without a treasury to meet the demands that assailed 
 them on every side, should have preserved the public 
 confidence, argues a degree of moderation on the part 
 of congress, and of good sense and devoted feeling 
 on that of the people, which, perhaps, in the history of 
 ancient or modern times was never equaled, and cer- 
 tainly has never been surpassed. 
 
 would lay down tis life to save mine, but I am sure that he would not 
 sacrifice his honor to save my life, and I appla'id him." This prisoner, 
 not long afterward, had the gratification of assisting in negotiating » 
 peace between Great Britain and the free Republic of tlie United State* 
 
PATRIOTISM OF TPIE PEOPLE. 291 
 
 In the history of the dispute which involved the 
 liberty of the colonies, the congress was equally distin- 
 guished for its prudence, and its intrepidity. Like a 
 cautious general, they advanced slowly, but never 
 yielding an inch of the ground they had once assumed. 
 At first called together by the voice of their fellow-cit- 
 izens, without the consent, or rather in very despite 
 of existing authorities, the legality of whose title re- 
 mained unquestioned, they calmly took in review the co- 
 lonial grievances, and petitioned for redress upon those 
 constitutional grounds, acknowledged by the distant 
 monarchy which claimed their allegiance. Withou** 
 assuming the power to enact laws, they passed resolu 
 tions, to the sacred observance of which, until the re 
 dress of their enumerated grievances should be ob- 
 tained, they bound themselves by the ties of honor, 
 and of patriotism. That these simple ties should 
 have proved sufficient to hold together the people of 
 distant provinces, who had heretofore often been di- 
 vided by jealousies and clashing interests, and to give 
 an efiect to the recommendations of private individu- 
 als, as absolute as could have followed upon the fiat of 
 an established despot, afibrds a beautiful evidence of 
 the readiness with which national obedience is yielded, 
 when the hearts of the people are with their rulers. 
 Jhese recommendations were sufficient at once to su- 
 persede the authority of existing law, and to triumph 
 over the strongest passions of humanity. From what-' 
 ever cause it proceeded, it is certain that a disj)osition 
 to do, to suffer, and to accommodate, spread from 
 breast to breast, and from colony to colony, beyond the 
 expectations of human opinions. It seemed as though 
 
£92 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 one mind inspired the whole. The merchants put far 
 beliind them the gains of trade, and cheerfully submit- 
 ted to a total suspension of business, in obedience to 
 the recommendations of men claiming no legislative 
 authority. The cultivators of the soil, with unanimity 
 assented to the determination that the hard-earned pro- 
 duce of their farms should remain unshipped, although, 
 in case of a free exportation, many would have been 
 eager to purchase it from them at advanced prices. 
 The sons and daughters of ease renounced imported 
 conveniences, and voluntarily engaged to eat, drink, 
 and wear only such articles as their country produced. 
 These sacrifices were made, not from the pressure of 
 present distress, but on the generous principle of sym- 
 path}'' with an invaded sister colon}- : and the prudent 
 policy of guarding against a precedent which might, 
 on a future day, operate against their liberties. 
 
 This season of universal distress exhibited a striking 
 proof how practicable it is for mankind to sacrifice 
 ease, pleasure, and interest, when the mind is strongly 
 excited by its passions. In the midst of their suft'er- 
 ings, cheerfulness appeared in the face of the people. 
 They counted every thing cheap in comparison with 
 liberty, and readily gave up whatever tended to en- 
 danger it. A noble strain of generosity and mutual 
 support was generally excited. The animation of the 
 times raised the actors in these scenes above them- 
 'selves, and incited them to deeds of self-denial, whicli 
 the interested prudence of calm reason can scarcely 
 credit. 
 
 But, though empowered by their felJow citizens to 
 think and act for them, at a time, too, when the public 
 
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 293 
 
 feeling was wrought to the highest pitch of enthusi- 
 asm, the delegates in congress never exceeded the ne- 
 cessity' of the occasion. They kept in view the interest 
 and honor of the community, but held their passiona 
 in check. So long as the most distant prospect re- 
 mained to them of obtaining the acknowledgment of 
 their country's rights, they preserved the language and 
 character of British subjects. When all hope of re- 
 conciliation had expired, the Declaration of Independ- 
 ence followed. The wishes of the people had preceded 
 the act of their representatives, and the style of that 
 act yet affixed a new seal of confirmation to their 
 wishes. The simple exposition of moral and political 
 truths with which it opens, elevated still higher the 
 already sublime character of the public sentiment ; 
 the energetic enumeration of the national wrongs, op- 
 posed as in contrast to these great laws of nature, kin- 
 dled anew the national indignation ; the solemn appeal 
 to the Creator, and the sacred pledge of life, fortune 
 and honor, with which it closes, roused all the devotion 
 of human hearts and manly minds — and, assuredly, 
 never was it aroused in a better or nobler cause. It 
 was not the cause of the Americans only ; it was the 
 cause of the very people whose injustice they opposed ; 
 it was the cause of every people on earth. Well might 
 that high-minded patriot and statesman, the Earl of 
 Chatham, exclaim in the British parliament, in the 
 face of the British minister, "I rejoice that America 
 has resisted!" Well might he observe, that "three 
 millions of fellow-creatures, so lost to every sense of 
 virtue as tamely to give up their liberties, would be fit 
 instruments to make slaves of the rest." Had America 
 
294 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 basely submitted to the encroachments of ministerial 
 parliaments, soon would that same parliament have 
 tried encroachments upon the liberties of England ; or 
 had the infant America been overwhelmed by the ar- 
 mies poured upon her shores, with the buried liberties 
 of the people, her victors would have buried ibrever 
 their own national virtue, and honor, and character. 
 Then, indeed, upon England's faded brow would havo 
 been stamped the morale that 
 
 "Nations, like men, wlio others' ri£:hts invade, 
 
 Shall doubly rue the havoc they have made ; 
 
 And. in a brotlier's liberty o'erthrown, 
 
 Shall weep to iiud that they have wrecked their own." 
 
 HostiHties had been continued between the parent 
 country and the colonies for upward of a year before 
 the Declaration of Independence was promulgated. 
 The affixir of Lexington had, of course, been the signal 
 for war, throughout the colonies. The forts, magazines, 
 and arsenals were everywhere seizea. Troops were 
 raised, and money for their support ; and it was not 
 many weeks before an army of thirty thousand men 
 appeared in the environs of Boston, under the com- 
 mand of General Putnam, a veteran of the French war, 
 in whom the people had great confidence. Allen had 
 succeeded in the capture of Ticonderoga and Crown 
 Point. The next act in the grand drama then unfolding 
 was the battle of Bunker Hill. Toward the close of May, 
 1775, reinforcements of British troops had arrived at 
 Boston, with Generals Howe, Burgoyne and Clinton, 
 all of whom were officers of reputation. The provin- 
 cial congress of Massachusetts had, early in that month, 
 renounced General Gage, as governor of the colony, 
 
BATTLE OF BUNKER IIIIJ.. 295 
 
 declared him an enemy of the country, and forbidden 
 obedience to his orders. On the other hand, Gage had 
 issued his proclamation, promising a gracious pardon 
 to all who would lay down their arms and return to 
 the duties of peaceable subjects, excepting only Samuel 
 Adams and John Hancock, whose offenses were de- 
 clared of " too flagitious a nature to admit of any 
 other consideration than that of condign punishment." 
 By the same instrument, Massachusetts was declared to 
 be under martial law. General Gage was also prepar- 
 ing, in other respects, for more energetic action ; but 
 every measure he took, and every moment that })assed, 
 served only to unite and embolden the patriots, and 
 increase the audacity with which they now, by their 
 conduct^s well as by their words, contemned the royal 
 authority. The provincial troops had assembled in 
 force around Boston, and were throwing up defenses, 
 when the battle of Bunker Hill at once and forever 
 severed the tie that bound the colonies to Great Britain. 
 The fighting on this occasion was of such a determined 
 character, as to show the enemy that it was no pastime 
 upon which they had entered. One of the British 
 officers, in writing home to a friend, declared that 
 " the rebels fought more like devils than men." The 
 loss of the British in killed and wounded was upward 
 of a thousand, while that of the provincials fell short 
 of half that'^umber. The great calamity of the day 
 was the fall of the brave and accomplished AYarren, 
 who was shot through the head early in the action. 
 
 The inhabitants of the New-Hampshire Grants, with 
 but few exceptions, partook largely of the feelings which 
 
 'Pervaded the country during the progress of the events 
 
 13* 
 
296 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN nEROKS. 
 
 which led to the Revolution. Having been snccessfully 
 engaged in subduing a forest, and in laying a 
 foundation for the happiness of themselves and fam- 
 ilies, and in defending their homes against the eii' 
 croachments of a neighboring government, they had 
 acquired a high sense of their personal rights, and a 
 fixed determination to maintain them. They had be- 
 come inured to privation and hardship, and were 
 familiar with enterprise and adventure. Although 
 tlieir isolated position had shielded them from the ac- 
 tual effects of the oppressive measures of the Bi-itish 
 ministry, and they were engaged in the protection of 
 their property from determined aggression, they sym- 
 pathized cordially with the sufferings of their brethren 
 along the Atlantic coast, and at once concurred in the 
 earliest measures for securing a redress of their griev- 
 ances. The first bloodshed at Lexington, was the 
 signal for them to act, and under tlieir heroic leaders 
 they achieved the first important conquest of the Revo- 
 lution. The battle of Lexington was a defensive one 
 on the part of the colonies — the taking of Ticonde- 
 roga was a carefully planned, aggressive measure. It 
 was truly the commencement of the war on the part of 
 the colonies. And the military stores there acquired 
 were taken to Boston by the Green-Mountain Boys, 
 many of whom participated in the battle of Bunker 
 Hill. 
 
 The capture of Ticonderoga prepared the way for the 
 invasion of Canada, which closed the first campaign. 
 This measure had been earnestly recommended to 
 congress by Ethan Allen and Seth Warner. The 
 British ministry had sent, as governor of this province, 
 
8IE GUT CAJRLETON. 297 
 
 Sir Guj Carleton, a man of resolute character, vast 
 genius, and a brilliant reputation for military achieve- 
 ments. He was invested with extraordinary powers. 
 It was known that he exerted all his efforts to arouse 
 the Canadians and Indians, and stimulate them to 
 arms against the colonies. Though, at the commence- 
 ment, he had found great repugnance among the former, 
 it was to be feared that, by employing address and au- 
 thority, he might succeed, at length, in drawing them 
 to his standard. The character of the people of Can- 
 ada was not unknown : they were ever French at 
 heart, and were considered fickle. It was known, also, 
 that they cherished a sullen discontent on account of 
 the " Quebec act," which, though favorable to their 
 religion, was unsatisfactory in its provisions regarding 
 their civil rights. It was therefore essential to take 
 advantage of their discontent, before Carleton should 
 win their favor. It was hoped that when the Amer- 
 icans should have penetrated into Canada, the inhab- 
 itants would not hesitate to espouse their cause, excited 
 on the one hand by their hatred to their rulers, and 
 reassured on the other by the moderation which the 
 colonists had generally manifested in matters touching 
 religion. The province of Canada was unsupplied 
 with troops of the regular army, these having been 
 called to Boston. In addition to these considerations, 
 congress had been informed that in the following 
 spring, the government was to make a grand effort iu 
 Canada ; that numerous forces, arms, and munitions 
 would be poured into it, in order to attack the colo- 
 nies by way of Lake Champlain, an operation which, 
 if not seasonably prevented, might lead to Iktal 
 
29S ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 conseqiiecces. The colouists, assailed at the same time 
 in front and rear, could not have expected to resist. 
 
 Lake Champlain was in possession of the Ameri- 
 cans, which opened to them the most eligible route to 
 Canada. A more propitious occasion could never oc- 
 cur. The British troops, shut up in Boston, and occu- 
 pied with their own defense, were not in a condition to 
 carry succors into a part so remote from the position 
 they then occupied. But it was to be feared that 
 longer delays would afford time for the British ministry 
 to make the necessary preparations to overpower the 
 colonies by a single effort, and reduce them to their 
 former dependence. Prudent men, however, could not 
 shut their eyes upon the numerous difficulties it pre- 
 sented. But a resolution having been carried in favor 
 of the expedition, congress was not tardy in taking all 
 the measures proper to secure its success. Three thou- 
 sand soldiers, partly of JSTew England, and partly 
 of ^ew York, were selected for the enterprise. One 
 regiment, under the command of Seth "Warner, who 
 had been elected their colonel, was composed of 
 Green-Mountain Boys. It was determined to in- 
 vade Canada by two routes — one portion of the army 
 being destined to proceed by the way of Lake Cham- 
 plain, against Forts Chambly and St. John, near the 
 mouth of the lake, and then, after reducing Montreal, 
 to march against Quebec : the other branch of the 
 army was to be detached from the environs of Bobton, 
 and, going by the way of the Kennebec river, move 
 directly toward Quebec, with design of reaching that 
 fortress cotemporaneously with the other. Major-gen- 
 eral Schuyler was appointed commander-in-chief of the 
 
GENERAL MONTGOMEKY. 299 
 
 expedition, while Brigadier-general Montgomery* was 
 assigned to the command of the first division of the 
 army, and Colonel Benedict Arnold to the other. 
 
 ^* Richard Montgomery was born in the north of Ireland, December 2d; 
 1736. Little is known of his early life. When quite young, he was 
 placed in Dublin college, where he obtained a good education. At the 
 age of twenty he joined the army. He was sent with the army against 
 Louisbourg, afterward served under Amherst, at Ticonderoga, and was 
 with Wolfe at the siege of Quebec He thus became specially qualified, 
 in the semce of the King of England, to lead the continental troops 
 against that monarch. At the close of the French war, Montgomery was 
 permitted to return to Europe, where he remained until 1772. Toward 
 the close of that year, he resigned the service, sailed for America, and 
 arrived in New York in the following Jannaiy. He purchased a farm 
 in the neighborhood of that city, but soon afterward removed to Dutchess 
 county, where for a long time he devoted himself to the pursuit of agri- 
 culture. While at the former place, he m^nied the eldest daughter of R. 
 R. Livingston, one of the judges of the supreme court of the province, 
 and subsequently member of the continental congress. As the dispute 
 between England and her colonies had now become serious, it was im- 
 possible for an individual circumstanced like Montgomery to remain neu- 
 tral. Accordingly, he took a decided part for the cause of freedom, and 
 in April, 1775, h*» was elected to represent Dutchess county in the dele- 
 gation to the firet New-York provincial convention. The labors of the 
 convention seem to have been rather tedious and unsatisfactory, and 
 finally resulted in little good to the cause to espouse which they had con- 
 vened. Soon after the meeting of this body, Montgomery received a 
 more highly important office than any that had hitherto fallen to his lot, 
 and one, too, of which he had little expectation. In June, the conti- 
 nental congress appointed four major, and eight brigadier generals, 
 namin£j, among the latter, Montgomery. His surprise at the news of this 
 flattering distinction was equaled by his modest though heartfelt ac- 
 knowledgment of it ; and, with the acceptance of that commission, com- 
 menced his brief but glorious career in the cause of freedom. Jn a 
 letter to a friend he says : " The Congress having done me the honor of 
 electing me a brigadier-general in their service, is an event which must 
 put an end for a while, perhaps forever, to the quiet scheme of life I 
 had prescribed for myself; for, though entirely unexpected and uudeaired 
 
300 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 General Montgomerj repaired to Ticonderoga on 
 the 17th of August. He here learned that Sir Guy 
 Carleton, the military governor of Canada, was pre- 
 paring a naval force destined to the defense of Lake 
 Chainplain. As immediate action was now of vital 
 importance, Montgomery determined to take posses- 
 sion of the Isle Aux Noix in the lake, and wrote to 
 General Schuyler, signifying his intention to that effect, 
 and entreating his immediate presence. Without 
 awaiting the arrival of this commander, he selected 
 about one thousand men, and two pieces of cannon, 
 and embarked on the lake, August 26th. The weather 
 was so boisterous that he was not able to reach the 
 island before the 5th of September, on which day he 
 was joined by Major-general Schuyler, who determined 
 upon a nearer approach to the enemy, both with a 
 view of reconnoitering their position, and of enlisting 
 the esteem and confidence of the population. This 
 maneuver was signally successful, the army landing 
 within about a mile and a half of St. John's without 
 encountering opposition. The troops were soon formed 
 and marched toward the fort. In this movement, 
 while fording a creek, they met with a party of In- 
 dians, who fired upon their left, and threw it into dis- 
 order. But Montgomery hastened forward with the 
 
 by me, the will of an oppressed people, compelled to choose between 
 liberty and slavery, must be obeyed." Under these noble and self sac- 
 rificing views and feelings, Montgomery accepted the commission ten- 
 dered to him ; and from that hour to the moment of his death, the whole 
 force of his mind and body was devoted to the honor and interest of hi» 
 adopted country. The gloiy and fate of Wolfe, his former commander, 
 wore present to his thoughts ; and to his young wife his parting words 
 were, " You shall never blush for your Montgomery." 
 
CAPTAIN REMEMBER BAKER. 301 
 
 other troops, and speedily repulsed the assailants with 
 some loss. 
 
 In this enterprise, Captain Remember Baker lost his 
 life. He had been sent forward by Montgomery to 
 reconnoiter the enemy's position. When within a few 
 miles of St. John's, he secreted his boat, with the inten- 
 tion of marching through the woods. lie had scarcely 
 left the boat when a party of Indians took possession 
 of it. He called to them to return it, and on their 
 refusal to do so, attempted to fire at them, but as he 
 drew up his gun, he received a shot through the head. 
 His companions then fled, and made their way back 
 to the army with the sad intelligence. Captain Baker 
 fell at the early age of thirty-five. His life had been 
 one of peculiar usefulness. At the age of eighteen he 
 had served in an expedition against Canada. He be- 
 came a resident of the New-Hampshire Grants in 1764, 
 where he at once became one of the most influential 
 and useful of the leaders of the Green-Mountain Boys. 
 As an officer and soldier he was cool and temperate in 
 council, but resolute and determined in the execution 
 of his plans. As a neighbor he was distinguished for 
 his kindness, and his memory was held dear by many 
 families whose distresses he had generously relieved. 
 
 At Isle Aux Noix Schuyler's increasing ill health ren- 
 dered him unfit for service, and he retired to Ticon- 
 deroga, leaving the command of the expedition with 
 General Montgomery. In his report to congress ne 
 8]>eak8 thus of the latter officer : "I cannot estimate 
 the obligations I lie under to General Montgomery for 
 the many important services he has done and daily 
 does, and in which he has had little assistance from 
 
302 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 me, as I have not enjoyed a moment's health since I 
 left Fort George, and am now so low as not to be able 
 to hold the pen. Should we not be able to do any thing 
 decisively in Canada, I shall judge it best to move from 
 this place, which is a very wet and unhealthy part of 
 the country ; unless I receive your orders to the 
 contrary. " 
 
 Colonel Allen, the hero of Ticonderoga, had a com- 
 mand under Montgomery. Having been dispatched, 
 with Major Brown, into the interior of Canada, he was, 
 on his return, persuaded by the latter to undertake the 
 rash project of attacking Montreal. He divided his 
 detachment, consisting of less than three hundred men. 
 into two parties, intending to assail the city at opposite 
 points. Major Brown was prevented from executing 
 his part of the enterprise. Colonel Allen and his 
 small party, opposed by the whole force of the enemy 
 under Governor Carleton, fought with desperate valor. 
 Many were killed ; the survivors, overpowered by 
 numbers, were compelled to surrender. The governor, 
 viewing Allen, not as the intrepid soldier, but as a fac- 
 tious rebel, loaded him with irons and sent him to 
 England for trial, Carleton .afterward admitted that 
 if Brown had not failed to join Allen, Montreal would 
 have fallen into their hands. 
 
 Montgomery remained at Isle Aux 'Noix only long 
 enough to receive, a reinforcement of men and a few 
 pieces of artillery. He then re-embarked, again landed 
 at St. John's, and commenced operations for its invest- 
 ment. On the 18th of September, he marched with a 
 party of Hve hundred men to the north of the fort, 
 where he met a considerable portion of the garrison 
 
 i 
 
DISSATISFACTION AMONG THE TJROOPS. 303 
 
 returning from the repulse of the party under Ethan 
 Allen. A skirmish ensued, which in a few minutes 
 terminated in the repulse of the enemy, wlio fled in 
 disorder. But for a timidity among the Americans, 
 the whole party might have been captured. In speak- 
 ing of his men, General Montgomery says, "As soon 
 as we saw the enemy, the old story of treachery spread 
 among the men; and the cry was, we are trepanned 
 and drawn under the guns of the fort. The woodsmen 
 were less expert in forming than I had expected, and 
 too many of them hung back. Had we kept more 
 silence, we should have taken a field-piece or two. " 
 
 Montgomery now determined to push the siege of St. 
 John's with all possible vigor. In grder to cut ofi" sup- 
 plies, he established a camp at the junction of the two 
 roads leading to Chambly and Montreal, and defended 
 it with a ditch, and a garrison of three hundred men. 
 But he was surrounded with difficulties. His artil- 
 lery was so light as to make little impression upon the 
 walls, and the artillerists were raw and unskillful. 
 Besides, his ammunition was almost exhausted, and 
 the engineer was as ignorant of duty as were the artil- 
 lerists. To all these was added another difficulty far 
 greater than the rest, — his men, through constant ex- 
 posure to a damp soil and unhealthy climate, and un- 
 used to the rules of war, had become insubordinate, 
 and even mutinous ; and the circumstances in which 
 the commander was placed, effectually prevented him 
 from enforcing discipline. This feeling was openly 
 exhibited in an attempt of the general to remove tho 
 seat of his active operations to the north side of the 
 town; and so palpible were its demonstrations, that he 
 
804 KTHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 was forced to compromise with professional dignity, 
 and submit his opinion to that of a board of otticers 
 Thej refused to accede to bis plan, and it was for a 
 time abandoned. Subsequently, however, their consent 
 was obtained, and a position taken to the north-west 
 of the fort. 
 
 Meanwhile an event took place, as fortunate as it 
 was unexpected, the success of which, decided the tate 
 of the garrison. A gentleman from New York named 
 James Livingston, had resided for a considerable time 
 in Canada, and by a proper course of conduct had 
 won the esteem of a large number of the inhabitants 
 As he was known to be favorable to tbe cause of liberty^ 
 Montgomery determined to employ his popularity in 
 service to himself Accordingly, at the instigation of 
 the o-eneral, he orcjanized a number of the inhabitants 
 into an armed corps, promising the protection of con- 
 gress to all their movements. In company with Major 
 Brown, he speedily made himself master of Fort 
 Chambly, including all the garrison, one hundred and 
 twenty-six barrels of gunpowder, and a large amount 
 of military and other stores. 
 
 Colonel Seth Warner and Lis regiment were with 
 Montgomery at the siege of St. Jchn's, although it is 
 evident that both Warren and the officers of his reg- 
 iment were without commissions, for we find by Mont- 
 gomery's orderly book, that on the 16th of September 
 he issued an order appointing Seth Wa:^nor colonel of 
 a regiment of Green-Mountain Rangers, re'i^iiring that 
 he should be obeyed as such. Probably the provincial 
 cono-ress of New York withheld the commiyaio.'is on 
 the same grounds on which, in the following year, tb^T 
 
COLONEL Warner's regiment. 305 
 
 OTged Ihe continental congress to recall the commissions 
 which they had given to Warner, and the officers of his 
 regiment. But the regiment fought as bravely, and 
 performed as important services, as any other regiment 
 during the campaign, as will appear by the following 
 brief account of it. Montgomery, having obtained a 
 supply of ammunition and military stores, by the cap- 
 ture of Chambly, made his advances npon the fort at 
 St. John's, with increased vigor. The garrison consisted 
 of six or seven hutidred men, who, in hopes of being 
 soon relieved by General Carleton, made a resolute 
 defense. Carleton exerted himself for this purpose, 
 but such was the disaffection of the Canadians to the 
 British cause, that he could not muster more than one 
 thousand men, including the regulars, militia of Mon- 
 treal, Canadians and Indians. With this force he 
 proposed to cross the St. Lawrence, and join Colonel 
 McLean, who had collected a few hundred Scotch em- 
 igrants, and taken post at the mouth of the Richelieu, 
 hoping, with their united forces, to be able to raise the 
 siege of St. John's, and relieve the garrison. In pur- 
 suance of this design, Carleton embarked his troops at 
 Montreal, with the view of crossing the St. Lawrence, 
 and landing at Longueil. Their embarkation was dis- 
 covered by Colonel Warner from the opposite shore, 
 who, with about three hundred Green-Mountain Boys, 
 watched their motions, and prepared for their a})proach. 
 Just before they reached the south shore, Warner 
 opened npon them a well-directed fire of musketry and 
 grape-shot, from a four-pounder, by which unexpected 
 assault, the enemy were thrown into the utmost confu- 
 sion, and retreated with precipitation and disorder. 
 
S06 ETHAN ALLEN AND QEEEN-MOUNTAIJS" HEKOES. 
 
 When the news of Carleton's defeat reached McLeaL., 
 he abandoned his position at the mouth of the Kiche- 
 lieu, and hastened to Quebec. By these events, the 
 garrison at St. John's was left without the hope of relief, 
 and Major Preston, the commander, was consequently 
 obliged to surrender. The garrison laid down their 
 arms on the 3d of November, and became prisoners of 
 war, to the number of five hundred regulars, and more 
 'than one hundred Canadian volunteers. In the tort 
 were found a number of cannon and a large quantity 
 of military stores. Colonel Warner having repulsed 
 General Carleton, and caused McLean to retire to 
 Quebec, the Americans proceeded to erect a battery at 
 the mouth of the Kichelieu, to. command the passage 
 of the St. Lawrence, and blockade General Carleton in 
 Montreal. In this situation of things, Montgomery ar- 
 rived from St. John's, and took possession of Montreal 
 without opposition. General Carleton having abandoned 
 it to its fate, and escaped down the river in the niglit, 
 in a small canoe with muffled oars. A large number 
 of armed vessels, loaded with provisions and military 
 stores, and General Prescott, with one hundred officers 
 and privates, also attempted to pass down the river, 
 but they were all captured at the mouth of the Riche- 
 lieu, without the loss of a man. Warner's regiment 
 having served as volunteers, and the men being too 
 miserably clothed to endure a winter campaign in that 
 severe climate, on the 20th of November Montgomery 
 discharged them, with peculiar marks of respect, and 
 Lis thanks for their meritorious services. 
 
 Wliile Montgomery was engaged in the reduction 
 of Chambly, St. John's, and Montreal, the army 
 
ARNOLD BEFORE QUEBEC. 307 
 
 d stined to meet him before Quebec was passing tbrongb 
 the dreary wilderness lying between the province of 
 Maine and the the St. Lawrence. This extraordinary 
 and most arduous enterprise had been committed to 
 Colonel Arnold, who, with one thousand one hundred 
 men, consisting of New-England infantry, some vol 
 unteers, a company of artillery, and three companies 
 of riflemen, commenced his march on the I3th Sep 
 tember. It is almost impossible to conceive the labor, 
 hardships, and difficulties which this detachment 
 had to encounter in their progress up the rapid stream 
 of the Kennebec, frequently interrupted by falls, where 
 they were obliged to land and carry the boats upon 
 their shoulders, until they surmounted them, through a 
 country wholly ifninhabited, with a scanty supply of 
 provisions, the season cold and rainy, and the men 
 daily dropping down with fatigue, sickness and hunger. 
 Arnold was indefatigable in his endeavors to alleviate 
 the distress of his men, but to procure provisions for 
 them was out of his power. They were at one time 
 reduced to so great an extremity of hunger, that the 
 dogs belonging to the army were killed and eaten, and 
 many of the soldiers devoured their leather cartouch- 
 boxes 1 Arnold and his party at length arrived at 
 Point Levi, opposite the town of Quebec; but in con- 
 sequence of information the British had received, by 
 the treachery of the Indian to whom Arnold intrusted 
 a letter to General Schuyler, the boats which he ex 
 pected to find there to transport his troops across the 
 river had been removed, and the enemy were no longer 
 in a state to be surprised. Arnold, however, was not 
 to be deterred from attempting something against the 
 
308 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 town — he calculated strongly upon the defection of 
 the inhabitants ; and having supplied himself with 
 canoes, he crossed the river in the night, and gained 
 possession of the heights of Abraham. Here, though 
 he had no artillery, and scarcely half the number of 
 men that composed the garrison of the town, he made 
 a bold experiment to try the loyalty of the enemy's 
 troops, by sending a flag to summon them to surren- 
 der. But no message would be admitted, and Arnold 
 found himself compelled to retire to more comfortable 
 quarters, where he awaited the arrival of General 
 Montgomery. 
 
 General Carleton, who, it has already been stated, ar- 
 rived at Quebec, had taken the best measures for its 
 defense, and was prepared to receive him. In a few 
 days, the American general opened a six-gun battery 
 within about seven hundred yards of the walls ; but 
 his artillery was too light to make a breach, and he 
 could do nothing more than to amuse the enemy, and 
 conceal his real purpose. After continuing the siege 
 nearly a month, he resolved on a desperate attempt to 
 carry the place by escalade. To distract the garrison, 
 two feigned attacks were made on the upper town by 
 two divisions of the army under Majors Brown and 
 Livingston, while two real attacks on opposite sides of 
 the lower town were made by two other divisions under 
 Montgomery and Arnold. Early in the morning of 
 the last day in the year, the signal was given, and the 
 several divisions moved to the assault in the midst of 
 a heavy fall of snow, which covered the assailants 
 from the sight of the enemy. Montgomery, at the 
 head of the New- York troops, advanced along the St. 
 
DEATH OF MONTGOMERY. 309 
 
 Lawrence, by Aiince de Mere, under Cape Diaraond. 
 The first barrier to be surmounted on that side was de- 
 fended by a battery, in which were mounted a few 
 pieces of artillery, in front of which were a block-house 
 and picket. The guard at the block-house, after giving 
 a random fire, threw away their arms and fled to the 
 barrier, and for a time the battery itself was deserted. 
 Enormous piles of ice impeded the progress of the 
 Americans, who, pressing forward in a narrow defile, 
 reached at length the block-house and picket. Mont- 
 gomery, who was in front, assisted in cutting down or 
 palling up the pickets, and advanced boldly and rap- 
 idly at the head of about two hundred men, to force 
 the barrier. At this time one or two persons had ven- 
 tured to return to the battery, and, seizing a' slow 
 match, discharged one of the guns. Casual as this fire 
 appeared, it was fatal to General Montgomery and to 
 two valuable young officers near his person, who, to- 
 gether with his orderly sergeant and a private, were 
 killed on the spot. Colonel Campbell, on whom the 
 command devolved, precipitately retired with the re- 
 mainder of the division. Thus fell one of the bravest 
 and most accomplished generals that ever led an army 
 to the field. But he was not more illustrious for his 
 skill and courage as an officer, than he was estimable 
 for his private virtues. All enmity to him, on the part 
 of the British, ceased with his life, and respect for his 
 private character prevailed over all other considera- 
 tions. When the corpse of Montgomery was shown to 
 Carleton, the heart of that noble officer melted. They 
 had served in the same regiment under Wolte, and the 
 most friendly relation existed between them, throughout 
 
3i0 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 tbe whole French war. The Lieutenant-governor 
 of Quebec, Mr. Cramche, ordered him a cotHn, and 
 friends and enemies united in expressions of sorrow, as 
 Lis remains were conducted to their final resting-place. 
 
 At his death. General Montgomery was in the first 
 month of his thirt^Miinth year. He was a man of 
 great military talents, whose measures were taken 
 with judgment and executed with vigor. He shared 
 all the hardships of his troops, and though they had 
 been unused to discipline, and many of them were 
 jealous of their commander, he prevented their com- 
 plaints by timely measures, and inspired them with 
 his own enthusiasm. His industry could not be wea- 
 ried, his vigilance imposed upon, nor his courage intim- 
 idated. Above the pride of opinion, when a measure 
 was adopted by the majority, he gave it his full sup- 
 port, even though contrary to his own judgment. 
 
 Few men have ever fallen in battle so much regret- 
 ted on both sides as General Montgomery. His many 
 amiable qualities had procured him an uncommon 
 share of private aflfection, and his great abilities an 
 equal proportion of public estec i. Being a sincere 
 lover of liberty, he had engaged in the American cause 
 from principle, and quitted the enjoyment of an easy 
 fortune, and the highest domestic felicity, to take an 
 active share in the fatigues and danorers of a war in- 
 fitituted for the defense of the community of which he 
 was an adopted member. His well-known character 
 was almost equally esteemed by the friends and foes 
 of the side which he had espoused. In America he was 
 celebrated as a martyr to the liberties of mankind ; in 
 Great Britain, as a misguided man, sacrificing himself 
 
CHARACTEK OF MONTGOMERY. 311 
 
 to what he supposed to be the rights of his country. 
 His liame was mentioned in parliament with singular 
 respect. Some of the most powerful speakers in that 
 assembly displayed their eloquence in sounding his 
 praise and lamenting his fate. Those in particular 
 who had been his fellow-soldiers in the previous war, 
 expatiated on his many virtues. The minister himself 
 acknowledged his worth, while he reprobated the cause 
 for which he fell. He concluded an involuntary pan- 
 egyric by saying, "Curse on his virtues, they have un- 
 done his country." 
 
 "In this brief story of a short and useful life," says 
 Mr. Armstrong, in his memoir of Montgomery, "we 
 find all the elements which enter into the composition 
 of a great man, and distinguished soldier; 'a happy 
 physical organization, combining strength and activity, 
 and enabling its possessor to encounter laborious days 
 and sleepless nights, hunger and thirst, all changes of 
 weather, and every variation of climate.' To these 
 corporeal advantages was added a mind, cool, discrim- 
 inating, energetic and fearless ; thoroughly acquainted 
 with mankind, not uninstructed in the literature and 
 sciences of the day, and habitually directed by a high 
 and unchangeable moral sense. That a man so consti- 
 tuted should have won 'the golden opinions' of friends 
 and foes, is not extraordinary.* The most eloquent men 
 of the British senate became his panegyrists ; and the 
 
 * As soon as the news of Montgomerj-'s death reached congress, they 
 adopted resolutions of condolence with his famil}' for their bereavement, 
 and directed a monument to be erected to his memory, with an inscription 
 expressive of their veneration for his character, and of their deep sense 
 i.'f Ills " nifniv siii;n.il and irn|)Oi1ant servictw; and to transmit to future 
 
 14 
 
312 ETllAJS AUJiN AND UKKEI<J -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 American congress hastened to testify for him * then 
 grateful remembrance, profound respect, and high 
 venenVion.' " 
 
 On tlie fall of Montgomery, Colonel Campbell, the 
 second in command, ordered a retreat, although, if he 
 had pushed bravely forward, the city would have in- 
 evitably fallen into his hands. In the mean time, 
 
 ages, as an example wortliy of imitation, bis patriotism, conduct, bold- 
 ness of enterprise, insuperable pei-severance, and contempt of «langor and 
 death." A monument of white maiblo, with appropriate emblematic 
 devices, was acconlinjijly erected to his mom(try, in front of St. Paiil'a 
 church in Now York, wiih the following inscription : 
 
 THIS 
 
 monument is erected by onler of Congress 
 
 !2r)th Jiinuary, 1771), 
 
 to transmit to posterity a gnitefiil romem- , 
 
 brance of the {)atri()tic condudt, enttjrjirise niid perseverance 
 
 of Major- gnierul RirnAun Mo.sruoMKRY, 
 
 who, after a series of success amid the most discour- 
 
 airiuf; tlitliculties, Fell in the attack on 
 
 QuKHKC, 3 1st December, 1775, aijed 'M years. 
 
 The widow of Montgomery survivini him more tlian half a century, 
 maintaining tlie digniHed j^K>sition of a wife who carries with her to 
 the tomb a name illustrious and venerated by arj entire nation. Left a 
 widow when still yoiuig, she wore for upward of forty years her nmuriv- 
 ing for her soldier, — (it was thus she always named him) — and threw 
 oft" that attire of gloom only on the eve of the day on which, from the 
 same abode from which she had last beheld him at his parting from her, 
 full of life and hope, she saw passing before her on the Hudson, a 8tean)er 
 "which bore on its deck, overHhndowed by twenty star-spangled banners, 
 the mortal remains of her husband. In 1818, De Witt Clinton, then 
 governor of New York, believed that the moment had arri> jtl to accom- 
 plisli a great act of national gratitude. The British government sympa- 
 thized generously with the noble id'.-a. The remains of the glorious 
 Montgomery, found undisturbed in the tomb where they had been laid 
 forty-two yeare before by the English soldiere, were delivered over by 
 the governor of Canada to the American veterans conj missioned to re- 
 ceive them. Transported with a religious pomp to New York, they 
 ■were «leposited in the cenotaph that had been erecte<i in St. I'aul't 
 church-yard to the warrior's memory. 
 
FIKAL RKPULBTi: AT QUEBEC. 313 
 
 4 bloTicl Arnold, at the head of about three hundred 
 and fifty men, made a de^yterate attack on the oppo- 
 site side. Advancing with the utmost intrepidity 
 througli a narrow patii, exposed to an incessant fire 
 of grape-shot and musketry, as he approached tiie first 
 barrier, he received a musket-ball in the leg, which 
 shattered the bone, and he was carried off to the camp. 
 Captain Morgan,, who commanded a company of Vir- 
 ginia riflemen, ruslied forward to the batteries at their 
 head, and received a discharge of grape-shot, which 
 killed one man only. A few rifles were immediately 
 fired into the embrasures, and the barricade was 
 mounted ; tlie battery was instantly deserted, but the 
 captain of the guard, with the greater part of his men, 
 fell into the hands of the Americans. Morgan formed 
 his men, but from the darkness of the niglit and total 
 ignorance of the situation of the town, it was judged 
 unadvisable to proceed, lie was soon joined by Lieu- 
 tenant-colonel Green and Majors Bigelow and Meigs, 
 with several fragments of companies, amounting col- 
 lectively to about two hundred men. At daylight this 
 gallant party was again formed, and a most bloody 
 and dangerous engagement ensued. Many of the 
 «nemy were killed, but more Americans, who were ex- 
 posed to a destructive fire of musketry from the win- 
 dows of the houses. Some of the most daring mounted 
 the wall, but, seeing, on the other side, two ranks of 
 soldiers, with their muskets on the ground, presenting 
 hedges of bayonets to receive them should they leap 
 forward, they recoiled and descended. Weary with 
 exertion, and Ijenumbed with cold; exposed to a deadly 
 fire from evef j quarter ; their arms rendered useless 
 
314 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MO DNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 by the snow which continued to fall, the soldiers sought 
 refuore in the houses. Perceiving that all further at- 
 tempts would be vain, Morgan gave the signal to re- 
 treat. Some of the men fled, but most were unwilling 
 to encounter another tempest of shot. They refused, 
 however, to yield, until assured of the fate of Mont- 
 gomery; when, losing all hope of success and escape, 
 they surrendered themselves prisoners of war. 
 
 Some of the Americans, on their escape from Que- 
 bec, retreated precipitately to Montreal. Arnold, with 
 ditticulty, detained four hundred, who, breaking up 
 their camp, retired three miles from the city. Here 
 this heroic band, though much inferior in number to the 
 garrison, kept it in continual awe, and, by preventing 
 all communication with the country, reduced it to great 
 distress for the want of provisions. Congress, on re- 
 ceiving information of the disaster of the 31st of De- 
 cember, directed reinforcements to be sent to Canada ; 
 and after the beginning of March, Arnold's party was 
 almost daily augmented by the arrival of small bodies 
 of troops. But its strength did not increase with its 
 numbers. The small-pox still continued its ravages; 
 fatigue, withont hope, depressed the spirits of the 
 soldiers ; the difficulty of obtaining provisions became 
 every day greater; and the harsh measures adopted by 
 Arnold to pr.ocure them, exasperated the inhabitants 
 around him. 
 
 Oh the first of May, General Thomas, who had been 
 appointed to succeed Montgomery, arrived from the 
 camp at Koxbury. On reviewing his army, he found 
 it to consist of less than two tb*'%:sand men, of whom 
 half were not fit for duty. A council of war was held. 
 
COLONEL SETH WAKNEK. 315 
 
 who resolved that it was expedient to take a more de- 
 fensible position higher up the St. Lawrence. To this 
 decision they were led by the knowledge that the ice 
 was leaving the river, and by the expectation that 
 reinforcements from England would immediately come 
 up. The next morning, in fact, while the Americans 
 were engaged in removing the sick, several ships ap- 
 peared in sight, and entered the harbor. A multitude 
 of troops were immediately poured into the city. At 
 one o'clock, Carleton made a sortie at the head of a 
 thousand men. Against these General Thomas, at that 
 moment, could oppose but three hundred. All the 
 stores, and many of the sick, fell into the power of the 
 enemy. The latter were treated, by the governor, 
 with great tenderness ; and when restored to health, 
 were assisted to return to their homes. The Americans 
 retreated to the mouth of the Sorel, where thev were 
 joined by several regiments, and where their worthy 
 commander died of the small-pox, which yet prevailed 
 in the camp. 
 
 After the capture of Montreal, Colonel Seth Warner 
 had returned with his regiment to the Xew-IIampshire 
 Grants; but instead of enjoying a respite from the 
 fatigues and hardships of a campaign during the 
 winter, he was called on to return to Canada. Al- 
 though he was not in commission, and had no troops 
 under his command, yet, General Wooster, who knew 
 him well, did not scruple to write, requesting him to 
 raise a body of men. and march into Canada, in the 
 middle of winter. The letter is dated at Montreal, 
 3ianuary 6th, 1776. After giving a general account of 
 the defeat at Quebec, General Wooster says : " I ha\e 
 
310 ETHAN ATJ.EN AND OKKEN-MODTSTTAIN HEROES. 
 
 sent an express to General Schuyler, to Washington, 
 and to congi-ess, but yon know how very long it will 
 be before we can have relief from them. You, sir, and 
 your valiant Green-Mountain Boys, are in our neigh- 
 borhood ; you all have arms, and 1 am confident ever 
 stand ready to lend a helping hand to your brethren 
 in distress; therefore, let me beg of you to raise as many 
 men as you can, and have them in Canada, with the 
 least possible delay, to remain till we can have relief 
 from the Colonies. You will see that proper officers 
 are appointed under you, and the officers and privat<es 
 will have the same pay as the continental troops. It 
 will be for your men to start as soon as they can be 
 collected. No matter whether they all march together, 
 but let them come on by tens, twenties, thirties, for- 
 ties, or fifties, as fast as they can be prepared to march. 
 It will have a good effect upon the minds of the Cana- 
 dians, to see succor coming in. You will be good 
 enough to send copies of this letter, or such parts of 
 it as you shall judge proper, to the people below you. 
 I can but hope the people will make a push to get 
 into this country, and I am confident I shall see you 
 here, with your men, in a very short time." And Gen- 
 eral Wooster was not disappointed. He did see War- 
 ner in Canada, with his men, in a very -short time. 
 Probably no revolutionary patriot, during the war, 
 performed a service evincing more energy, resolution, 
 and perseverance, or a more noble patriotism, than 
 the raising of a regiment in eleven days, and 
 marching to Quebec in the face of a Canadian winter. 
 Warner had advantages in the performance of thi's 
 service which no other man possessed. The Green- 
 
COLONEL SETH WARNER. 317 
 
 Monntain Boys bad long been armed in tbeir own 
 defense against tbe government of K^ew York, and be 
 had been tbeir cbosen leader. Tbev bad become habit- 
 uated to turn out at bis call, ano How bis lead. And 
 as they bad been successful in every enterprise, they 
 bad tbe most unlimited confidence in bis judgment, 
 bis vigilance, bis prudence and bis unflincbing courage. 
 Besides, they loved him for bis moral and social quali- 
 ties. He sympathized with all classes, which rendered 
 biui affable and familiar with them, and as this did not 
 arise from anv mean or selfish motive, but from the 
 interest which be felt in the welfare of his fellow-men, 
 . he ever maintained a self-respect and a dignified de- 
 portment. Add to this, that tbe Green-Mountain Boys 
 were zealous and active whigs, and it is no longer 
 incredible tbat they turned out with such alacrity at 
 tbe call of Warner, in defense of their country. Tins 
 winter campaign in Canada proved extremely distress- 
 ing. Tbe troops were in want of comfortable clothing, 
 barracks, and provisions. The American army, in 
 tbeir distressed situation, were compelled to make a 
 hasty retreat. Warner took a position exposed to tbe 
 greatest danger, and requiring the utmost care and 
 vigilance. He was always in the rear, picking up tbe 
 wounded and diseased, assisting and encouraging those 
 least able to take care of themselves, and generally 
 kept but a few miles in advance of tbe British, who 
 closely pursued the Americans from post to post. By 
 calmly and steadily pursuing this course, with his 
 baliitual vigilance and care, Warner brought off most 
 of tbe invalids, and with this corps of tbe diseased and 
 infirm, arrived at Ticonderoga a few days after the 
 
318 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 main army had reached that fortress.* Thus termi- 
 nated the expedition against Canada. In its concep- 
 tion it was singularly bold and romantic. In its 
 progress were displayed fortitude and bravery seldom 
 equaled in military annals. Its failure was a painful 
 disappointment to the patriots of the day. It is now 
 consoling to reflect, that successes would probably have 
 proved injurious to the cause of independence. " To 
 protect the province, the military force of the confed- 
 eracy must have been too much extended, and colonies 
 more important have been left defenseless. 
 
 In June, 1776, General Gatesf was appointed to the 
 command of the army at Crown Point. He entered 
 upon the service with great energy. In addition to 
 the labor and expense of putting Ticonderoga into a 
 proper situation for defense, another object of great 
 importance engaged their attention at the same time : 
 it was equally necessary to preserve the command of 
 
 * See Life of Warner, by Hon. Daniel Chipman. 
 
 t Horatio Gates was born in England, in 1728. He early embraced 
 the career of arms, and rose to the rank of major by the force of merit 
 alone. He was an officer under the unfortunate Braddock, in the expe- 
 dition against Fort Du Quesne, in the year 1755, and was, with the 
 illustrious Washington, among the few officers who escaped with life on 
 the memorable occasion. In consequence of a severe wound which he 
 received in the battle, he was for some time debarred from actual service ; 
 and at the conclusion of the peace, he retired to his native country. 
 He soon, however, returned, and purchased an estate in Virginia, on 
 which he resided until the commencement of the revolutionary war, . 
 when he was appointed adjutant-general, by congress, with the rank of 
 brigadier. In July 1775, he accompanied Washington to Mas'sachusetta, 
 where he continued until he received the chief command of the arm, 
 which had just returned from Canada. 
 
NAVAL PREPARATIONS. 319 
 
 Lake Champlain, by the coDstruction of a consideraMe 
 naval force. In the prosecution of this business, the 
 Americans labored with uncommon diligence and per* 
 severance, but under complicated and immense diffi- 
 culties. Their timber was to be cut down in the woods, 
 and dragged by men to the lake ; much of their ar- 
 tillery, their ammunition, stores, and most of their 
 , materials for a naval equipment, were to be brought 
 from great distances, and then must be transported by 
 land-carriage, over roads almost impassable. Carpen- 
 ters and ship-builders were fully employed in the sea- 
 ports, in fitting out privateers. The distance and diffi- 
 culty of the communication rendered the transportation 
 of bulky articles very expensive and tedious ; and sev- 
 eral of the articles which were wanted were not to be 
 procured, and the supply of others was greatly deficient 
 in quantity and quality. But amidst all their difficulties, 
 such was the resolution, industry and perseverance of 
 the men, that by the middle of August, they had 
 equipped a very considerable nav^l force. This arma- 
 ment was manned with three hundred and ninety-five 
 men, and was completely fitted f ^r action. Consider- 
 ing the state of the country at that time, the difficulties 
 and disadvantages under which this naval force had 
 been constructed, it is surprising how so much could 
 have been efiected. 
 
 Such, however, was the importance to the designs 
 oi the English of obtaining an al}6olute control of the 
 lakes, that General Carleton set himself with all dili- 
 gence to the equipment of a fleet. His plan was, ao- 
 cording to the instructions of the ministry, to penetrate 
 by way of the lake to the Hudson river, and thus to 
 
320 ETHAN ATXEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 eft'ect a junction with the army of New York, at Al- 
 bany. By the execution of tliis plan, the provinces of 
 New En<>:lancl would have found themselves separated 
 frum the others by a powerful and victorious army, 
 and the cause of freedom would have been exposed to 
 the most imminent perils. Long deliberated upon in the 
 councils of the British ministers, it was their tavorite 
 scheme. And, in effect, the very nature of the placet, 
 between Canada and New York, appeared to tavor 
 .this enterprise. With the exception of the heights 
 which are found between the upper extremity of Lake 
 George and the left bank of tlie Hudson, and which 
 only occupy a space of sixteen miles, the entire passage 
 from one of tiiese provinces to the other, could easily l)e 
 made by water, first by ascending from the St. Law- 
 rence into the Sorel, and then ti'aversing the Lakes 
 Champlain and George, or Wood creek, to the lands 
 wiiich separate it from the Hudson. The English hav- 
 ing an immense superiority at sea, Canada being en- 
 tirely in their power, and as the principal seat of resist- 
 ance was found in the provinces of New England, 
 while the coasts of New York were peculiarly acces- 
 sible to maritime attacks, it cannot be denied that tliis 
 plan of the campaign presented great advantages. But 
 the difficulty of the enterprise was equal to its impor- 
 tance. It was requisite to construct, or at least to 
 equip a fleet of thirty vessels of different dimensions, 
 and to arm them with artillefy ; the want of materials 
 rendered either of these objects difficult to accomplish. 
 The transportation afterward in certain places by land 
 and drawing up the rapids of Chambly, of thirty 
 large long-boats, a number of flatr-bottomed boats of 
 
BRITISH NAVAL FORCE. 321 
 
 confiiderable burthen, with above four hundred bateaux, 
 was an operation which off'ered not only great obstacles, 
 but even an appearance of impossibility. But the 
 English seamen, from their skill and patience, were 
 not intimidated by it. The soldiers seconded them, 
 and the Canadians, taken from their rustic labors, were 
 compelled to share the toil. The generals urged for- 
 ward this laborious undertaking on account of the 
 lateness of the season. They felt all the importance 
 of the enterprise, and persuaded themselves that if 
 they could reach Albany before winter, their ultimate 
 success would be secured. They labored, therefore, 
 with incredible activity ; but notwithstanding all their 
 efforts, the preparations could not be completed, nor 
 the armament equipped, till the middle of the month 
 of October. The fleet w^ould have made no contempti- 
 ble figure even upon the European seas. The admirars 
 ship carried eighteen twelve pounders, and was followed 
 by two stout schooners, the one mounting fourteen, the 
 otlier, twelve six-pounders, with a large flat-bottomed 
 boat having six twenty-four and six twelve-pounders. 
 Twenty vessels of less size carried each a brass piece of 
 oidnance, from nine to twenty -four pounders, or howit- 
 zers. Several long-boats w^ere equipped in the same man- 
 ner. Besides these, there was a great number of boats 
 and tenders of various sizes, to serve as transports for the 
 troops, baggage, warlike stores, provisions, and arms 
 of every sort. 
 
 The whole fleet was commanded by Captain Pringle, 
 a sea-officer of great experience ; it was manned by a 
 select body uf seamen, animated with an extreme de- 
 sire of victory. The land-troops, encamped in the 
 
322 ETHAN ALLEN AND GUEEN-MOUNTATN UEROES. 
 
 environs, prepared, as soon as the navigation of tlielake 
 bIiouIcI be secured, t-y fall upon the enemy. Three 
 thousand men occupiod Isle Aux ISToix, and as many 
 were stationed at St. John's : the remainder were dis" 
 tributed either in the vessels or in the neighboring 
 garrisons. 
 
 The Americans nnited all their forces to resist such 
 formidable preparations. General Gates was at their 
 head, and Arnold showed himself everywhere, inspir 
 inir tlie soldiers with that ardent courage for which he 
 was himself distinguished. As the event of the cam- 
 paign npon this frontier depended wholly npon naval 
 operations, the Americans had exerted themselves to 
 the utmost of their power to arm and equip a fleet 
 capable of opposing that of the enemy. But, notwith- 
 standing the activity and perseverance of the American 
 o-enerals, their squadron amounted to no' more than fif- 
 teen vessels of different sizes, two brigs, one corvette, one 
 sloop, three galleys, and eight flat-boats. Their largest 
 vessel mounted only twelve six sind four-pounders. But 
 that this armament might not want a chief whose in- 
 trepidity e(iualed tlie danger of the enterprise, the 
 command of it was given to General Arnold. It was 
 expected of him to maintain, upon this new element, 
 the reputation he had acquired on land. The American 
 army, notwithstanding all the obstacles it had encoun- 
 tered, and the ravages of the small-pox, still amounted 
 to eight or nine thousand men. 
 
 All the dispositions being made on both sides, 
 General Carleton, impatient to conquer, ordered all hia 
 naval forces to advance toward Crown Point, intending 
 to attack Arnold there. He hatl already reached tire 
 
Arnold's naval engagement. 323 
 
 middle of the lake without havinrr been able to discover 
 him, and was proceeding without any distrust, wlien 
 all at once tiie English perceived the American squad- 
 ron, which was drawn up with great skill, behind the 
 island of Valcour, and occupied the passage between 
 the island and the western shore of the lake. This 
 unexpected interview caused a violent agitation on 
 both sides. A fierce engagement immediately ensued. 
 But the wind being unfavorable to the English, they 
 could not display their whole line; the Inflexible, and 
 their other vessels of tlie largest class, took no part in 
 the action. The brig Carleton, accompanied by several 
 gun-boats, assailed Arnold's fleet with singular courage 
 and ability. The Americans supported the combat 
 with equal bravery ; it lasted above four hours. The 
 wind continuing to be contrary for the English, Captain 
 Pringle perceived that he could not hope to obtain ad- 
 vantages with a part of his forces against all those of 
 the enemy, and accordingly gave the signal for retreat ; 
 ordering the fleet to be anchored in a line, in presence 
 of the American squadron. 
 
 The Americans had lost in the action their largest 
 brig, which took fire and was consumed, as also a flat- 
 boat which went to the bottom. They considered it 
 extremely dangerous to await a second engagement 
 in the anchorage they occupied, and consequently de- 
 termined to retire under the walls of Crown Point, 
 hoping that the artillery of the fortress would counter- 
 balance the superiority of the enemy's force. Fortune 
 seemed inclined to favor this design of General Arnold ; 
 and already his vessels, having lost sight of those of 
 the English, sailed rapidly toward their new station ; 
 
324 ETITAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 when suddenly the wind became favorable to the 
 enemy, wlio pursued and came up with them before 
 their arrival at Crown Point. The battle was immedi- 
 ately renewed with greater fury than at first ; it con- 
 tinued upward of two hours. Those vessels, in the 
 mean while, which were most ahead, crowded sail, and, 
 passinoj Crown Point, ran for Ticonderoga. Only two 
 galleys and five flat-boats, remained with General 
 Arnold. With these he made a desperate defense ; but 
 his second in command. Brigadier-general Waterburgh, 
 being taken with his vessel, and the others making but 
 a faint resistance, be determined, in order to prevent 
 bis people and shipping from fjilling into the power 
 of the enemy, to run these on shore and set them on 
 fire. Pie executed his intention with great address. 
 He remained on board the vessel he commanded, and 
 kept her colors flying, till she w-as on fire. Though he 
 had been unsuccessful on this occasion, the disparity 
 of strength duly considered, he lost no reputation, but 
 rose, on the contrary, in the estimation of his country- 
 men. He had, in their opinion, acquitted himself with 
 no less ability in this naval encounter, than he had 
 before done on land. The Americans, having destroyed 
 whatever could not be carried off", evacuated Crown 
 Point and withdrew to Ticonderoga. General Carleton 
 occupied the former immediately, and the rest of the 
 army came soon after to join him there. 
 
 Completely masters of Lake Champlain, the English 
 had no other obstacle to surmount besides the fortress 
 of Ticonderoga, in order to penetrate into Lake George. 
 If Carleton, rapidly availing himself of his advantage, 
 had- pushed forward against the Americans thrown into 
 
GENEliAL CARLFrON. 325 
 
 confusion by defeat, perhaps he might have seized this 
 important place. But he was prevented from doing if 
 by a south wind, which prevailed for several days. 
 The Americans made the best use of this time in pre-' 
 paring and increasing their means of defense. They 
 mounted their cannon, constructed new works, and 
 repaired the old, surrounding them with moats and 
 palisades. The garrison was reinforced with extreme 
 expedition ; and conformably to the orders of Wash- 
 ington, the oxen and horses were removed into distant 
 places, that the English might not seize them for pro- 
 vision or draugU. Meanwhile, General Carleton had 
 not neglected to detach scouting parties upon the two 
 banks of the lake ; and, wlien the wind permitted, some 
 light vessels were also sent toward Ticonderoga, to re 
 connoiter the force of the enemy and the state of tho 
 fortress. All the reports agreed that the tbrtifications 
 were formidable, and the garrison full of ardor. He 
 reflected, therefore, that the siege must be long, difficult, 
 and sanguinary, and concluded, accordingly, that the 
 possession of this fortress would not indemnify him for 
 all it might cost. The winter approached ; the want 
 of provisions, the difficulty of direct communication 
 with Canada, and the little hope of success from an 
 expedition in the cold and desert regions which sepa- 
 rate the Hudson river from Lake George, rendered the 
 wintering upon this lake extremely perilous. In con- 
 sequer-^ of these considerations, the English general 
 deemed the reduction of Ticonderoga of little utility 
 in his present circumstances, whereas the command of 
 the lakes secured him a clear passage to return in the 
 Fpring to the attack of this fortress, without exposing 
 
326 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 his troops to the hardsliips of a siege, undertaken in 
 • the midst of the rigors of the winter. After having 
 taken the advice of a council of war, he renounced the 
 project of an attack, and early in November conducted 
 his army back toward Montreal, leaving his advanced 
 posts in Isle Aux Noix. But prior to his retreat, with 
 the singular courtesy and humanity of his character, 
 he sent to their homes the American officers who had 
 fallen into his power, administering generously to all 
 their wants. He exercised the same liberality toward 
 the common soldiers. The greater part were almost 
 naked ; he caused them to be completely clothed, and 
 set them at liberty, after having taken their oath that 
 they would not serve against the armies of the king. 
 General Carleton was blamed for having taken winter- 
 quarters ; this resolution was considered as a mark of 
 weakness, and as highly prejudicial to the success of 
 ulterior operations; since, if he had immediately made 
 himself master of Ticonderoga, his troops, after having 
 passed the winter in its vicinity, would have been able 
 to enter the field early the following spring. It is 
 probable, in efi'ect, that the war would, in that case, 
 have had a very different result from what it actually 
 had. But the conquest of a place so strong by nature 
 and by art as Ticonderoga, depended on the resistance 
 the Americans would have made ; and certainly their 
 number, the valor they had displayed in the naval ac- 
 tions, and the extreme confidence they had in their 
 chiefs, all announced that their defense would have 
 been long and obstinate. Nor should the considerations 
 be omitted of the difficulty of subsistence, and of the 
 communications with Canada. Be this as it may, the 
 
THE GKEEN-MOUNTAIN BOYS. 327 
 
 retreat of the English general, and his inaction during 
 the winter, had the most happy results for the Americans, 
 The services of the regiment of Green-Mountaia 
 Boys, and the aid furnished to the army at Ticonde- 
 roga by the inhabitants of the ^ew-IIampshire Grants, 
 have not been sufficiently commemorated by historians. 
 Warner, with his brave regiment, was at Ticonderoga 
 daring the whole campaign of 1776, and by his ac- 
 tivity and energy, did much toward protecting that 
 important post. The patriotic heroes of the Green 
 Mountains were ever ready at the call of freedom and 
 their country. Few in number, and without recog- 
 nition as a separate province, they were without 
 representatives in the congress, but they had ever been 
 zealous champions of liberty. Six months before the 
 commencement of the Revolution, when the rumor 
 reached Bennington that the British had slain six men 
 in Boston and seized a depot of powder, it was at 
 once resolved that two thousand armed Green-Mountain 
 Boys should march to the aid of the Bostonians when- 
 ever hostilities should commence. And four weeks 
 before the battle of Lexington, they sent assurances to 
 New Hampshire and Massachusetts that they would 
 "always be ready for aid and assistance to those 
 states, if, by the dispensations of Providence, they 
 should be called thereto." But the Massachusetts 
 committee of safety anticipated a long and arduous 
 struggle, and one week after the massacre at Lexing- 
 ton, they thus wrote to the leading men at Benning- 
 ton : "For heaven's sake, pay the closest attention to 
 sowing and planting ; do as much of it as is possible, 
 not for your own families merely. Do not think of 
 
328 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES 
 
 coming down country to fight." That committee little 
 anticipated how soon a small band of Green-Mountain 
 Boys, armed only with muskets, and without a single 
 bayonet among them, would attack the fortress of Ti- 
 conderoga. On the 22d of May, 1775, at a public 
 meeting of the inhabitants of Marlborough, (near old 
 Fort Dummer,) the following pledges were unanimously 
 made : "We will, each of us, at the expense of our 
 lives and fortunes, to the last extremity, unite and 
 oppose the late cruel, unjust and arbitrary acts of the 
 British parliament. We will be contented and subject 
 to the honorable continental congress in all things 
 which they shall resolve for the peace, safety and wel- 
 fare of the American colonies." 
 
 In 1776, while Carleton, with superior forces, was 
 attempting to drive the Americans from Lake Cham- 
 plain, the inhabitants of the New-Uampshire Grants 
 gave the most important assistance to the army at Ti- 
 conderoga. While the troops in that fortress were ex- 
 pecting to be immediately blockaded, they had pro- 
 visions for only sixteen days, and there was no hope 
 of receiving timely surcors from Albany. A call was 
 made upon the committee at Bennington for assist- 
 ance, and within an hour they purchased a thou- 
 sand bushels of wheat, and returned word that they 
 would send on the flour as fast as it could be manufac- 
 tured. The committee, in their reply to General Gates, 
 also said : " It is difficult to transport what we have al- 
 ready on hand; for our mil'tia, even before we received 
 your^etter, asking assistance, left us, almost to a man, 
 n-iarched, and have doubtless joined you before this." 
 And thus the Green-Mountain Boys hurried to tlte 
 
EVACUATION OF BOSTON. r>20 
 
 defense of their country. Scattered through a moun- 
 tainous country, it might have been thoi;ght difficult to 
 collect the scanty population ; but the cry of invasion 
 echoed from hill to hill, from village to village, and, 
 leaving their herds and their fields, and hastily ex- 
 changing a parting blessing with their wives and their 
 mothers, the hardy mountaineers rushed to the battle. 
 
 " From the gray sire, "whose trembling hand 
 
 Could hardly buckle on his brand, 
 
 To the raw boy, whose shaft and bow 
 
 Were yet scarce tenor to the crow. 
 
 Each valley, each sequestered glen, 
 
 Mustered its little horde of men. 
 
 That met. as torrents from the height. 
 
 In highland dale their streams unite ; 
 
 Still gathering, as they pour along:, 
 
 A voice more loud, a tide more strong.'* 
 
 A hasty glance at the transactions in other parts of 
 the country will appropriately close the history of the 
 campaign of 177(>. In March, General Washington 
 executed a plan for driving the British from Boston, 
 by seizing and fortifying Dorchester Heights, and thus 
 getting command of the harbor and Bi-itish shipping. 
 On the 17th, the British forces evacuated the town 
 and sailed for Halifax. In June, General Clinton and 
 Sir Peter Parker made an attack on Fort Moultrie, 
 near Charleston, South Carolina ; but were repulsed 
 with considerable loss. Congress, meanwhile, contin- 
 ued in session, and on the 4th of July, adopted the 
 memorable Declaration of Independence. It was receiv- 
 ed with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm through- 
 out the colonies. The royal authority had been every- 
 where entirely subverted the year before : the Revolu- 
 tion was now in a political sense completed ; but the 
 war for its establishment was yet to be waged. 
 
330 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 Shortlj after {he evacuation of Boston by the Brit 
 ish, General Washington removed to New York, mak- 
 ing that city liis head-quarters. The American forces 
 in and aix)und the city were about seventeen thousand, 
 a part of whom were on Long Island, under command 
 of Sullivan. In June following. General Howe, with 
 the forces from Halifax, arrived near New York, and 
 was shortly after joined by his brother, Admiral Lord 
 Howe, with a reinforcement of troops, a strong naval 
 force, and abundant military stores. The army under 
 Howe now amounted to twenty-four thousand. He 
 attacked and defeated the American army on Long 
 Island. General Washington witnessed the defeat of 
 his best troops w^ith indescribable anguish. With- 
 drawing from New York, he gradually retreated before 
 the British, adopting the policy of wearing ofit the 
 enemy by keeping them in perpetual pursuit. Avoid- 
 ing any general engagement, small parties were in- 
 volved in skirmishes whenever it could be done with 
 decided advantage. Pursued by the enemy, Wash- 
 ington retreated slowly through New Jersey and across 
 the Delaware into Pennsylvania. So hot was the pur- 
 suit, that the rear of the American army was often in 
 sight of the van of the enemy. Washington's forces 
 W'ere reduced to three thousand men, and they were 
 destitute of tents, blankets, and even utensils for cook- 
 ing their provisions. This retreat through New Jersey 
 was the darkest hour of the revolutionary struggle. 
 On the same day that Washington was driven across 
 the Delaware, the British took possession of Khode Isl- 
 and. They already held New York and New Jersey. 
 The army of Washington was continually diminishing 
 
CAPTURE OF THE HESSIANS. 331 
 
 by the discbarge of the militia, whose term of service 
 had expired. A general gloom and despondency himg 
 over the whole country. ' But nothing could shake the 
 constancy of Washington. Feeling the absolute ne- 
 cessity of doing something to rouse the army and the 
 country from the depression that was weighing down 
 all minds, Washington recrossed the Delaware with a 
 detachment of his army, surprised and took prisoners 
 one thousand Hessians, with the loss of but nine men 
 among his own troops. Soon after, evading by night 
 the British, who were encamped at Trenton in tlie con- 
 fident expectation of forcing him into a general en- 
 gagement the next day, he marched upon Princeton, 
 where a part of the British force had been left, routed 
 and put to flight two regiments which he met on his 
 way, and captured nearly tlje whole of another. These 
 brilliant actions turned the tide. The British immedi- 
 ately evacuated Trenton, and retreated to New Bruns- 
 wick ; the inhabitants, eager to revenge the brutalities 
 they had suffered, took courage, and the enemy were 
 driven from every post in New Jersey, except. Amboy 
 and New Brunswick ; and Washington went into se- 
 cure winter quarters at Morristown. 
 
 During the darkest period of this campaign, the 
 American congress showed no sign of dismay. They 
 adopted articles of confederation for a perpetual union 
 of the states ; took measures for raising a new army, 
 with a longer term of enlistment ; and solemnly pro- 
 claimed that they would listen to no terms of peace 
 short of independence. They sent commissioners to 
 France to treat for their acknowledgment of their in- 
 dependence, and for aid in their struggle. The cause 
 
3o2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HER0K8. 
 
 of America wa8 popular at the French court ; counte- 
 nance and assistance was at once, in various ways, 
 secretly given. Many French officers became desirous 
 of enlisting in the struggle, among whom was tho 
 young Marquis de Lafayette, who arrived in season to 
 take part in the Dext ca»nipaign. 
 
 The principal object of the British, in the campaign 
 of 1777, was to open a free communication between 
 Canada and New York. The British ministry were 
 sanguine in their hopes, that, the New-England states, 
 wliich they considered as the soul of the confederacy, 
 might be severed from the neighboring states, and 
 compelled to submission. In prosecution of this design, 
 an army of British and German troops, amounting to 
 upward of seven thousand men, exclusive of artillery, 
 was put under command of Lieutenant-general Bur- 
 goyne,* an enterprising and able officer. The plan of 
 operations consisted of two parts. General Burgoyne 
 with the main body, was to advance by way of Lake 
 Champlain, and force his way to Albany, or, at least, 
 so far as to effect a junction with the royal army from 
 New York ; and Lieutenant-colonel St. Leger, with 
 about two hundred British, a regiment of New-Yoik 
 loyalists, raised and commanded by Sir John Johnson, 
 
 *John Burgoyne was an illegitimate son of Lord Bingley. He en- 
 tered the army at an early age, and his early education, and the influence 
 of his father, placed him in the line of promotion. He first served in Por- 
 tugal and Spain. After his return to England, he became a privy coun- 
 selor, and was elected to parliatnent. He came over to America in 1775, 
 and was at Boston at the battle of Bunker Hill. He was sent to Can- 
 ada the same year, but early in 1776 returned to England, and through 
 the partiality of the king, was appointed to the command of the British 
 iirmy in Canada. 
 
GENERAL BURGOTNE. 333 
 
 *« J a large body of Indians, was to ascend the St, 
 Lawrence to Lake Ontario, and from that quarter to 
 penetrate toward Albany, by the way of the Mohawk 
 river. 
 
 Tlie main army, under General Burgoyne, embarked 
 at St. John's, and proceeded up Lake Champlain 
 without any interruption ; and soon arrived and en- 
 camped at the river Boquet, on the west side of the 
 lake, and a little to the northward of Crown Point, 
 at the place now called Willsborough. Tliere the 
 Indians had also assembled, and General Burgoyne, 
 in conformity to their customs, gave them a war-feast. 
 He made a speech, addressed to their chiefs and war- 
 riors, designed to excite their savage ardor in tlie 
 British cause, and to give a direction to their cruelty 
 and barbarity. lie urged them to impetuosity in bat- 
 tle, but enjoined them not to kill any but those who 
 were opposed to them in arms ; that old men, women, 
 children and prisoners, should be spared from the 
 knife and hatchet, even in the midst of action ; and 
 they should only scalp those who were killed by their 
 fire in fair opposition ; but that, under no pretense 
 •whatever, should they scalp the wounded, or even dy- 
 ing, and much less kill any in that condition. A hand- 
 some compensation was promised, for all prisoners 
 they should bring in ; but if, instead of this, they 
 brought in their scalps, they were to be called to ac- 
 count. The British general could not be so unac- 
 quainted with the established customs and habits of 
 the Indians, as to expect that an elegant speecli would 
 have any considerable eft'ect upon them ; still, it might 
 be useful to the British, as it bore the a}>pearance of 
 
334 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 humanity, and niiijjht tend to abate the reproaches 
 with whicii their conduct was loaded in every part of 
 Europe, for calling forth the savage barbarities at all 
 into the contest. 
 
 The command of the Americans in the northern de- 
 partment, had been assigned to Major-general Schuy- 
 ler."'^ It was foreseen that the contest would be carried 
 on in the northern and western parts of the state of 
 New York ; and it was supposed that he was the only 
 man who would have influence enough to keep the 
 inhabitants, in those parts of the state, united against 
 the enemy. Four days before Burgoyne made his 
 speech to the Indians, Schuyler arrived at Ticonde- 
 roga, but did not find either the garrison or the works 
 in so respectable a condition as he expected. Most of 
 the recruits which had been ordered to the place, had 
 not arrived ; but little had been done to repair or 
 strengthen the fortifications ; and General St. Clair,f 
 who had commanded, had not, and did not dare to 
 
 * Philip Schuyler wiis born at Albany, in 173L Ho served as an offi- 
 cer in tlie French war. W^lien quite young, he became a raeinber of the 
 I^ew-York lej^islature, and was ernint nt for his intelligence and influ- 
 ence. To him and to Governor Cliiton it was chiefly owing that the 
 province made an early and decided resistance to those measures which 
 terminated in the independence of the colonies. In 1775 he was ap- 
 poijited a ni!ij«ir-general, and wiis directed to proceed inmiediately from 
 New York to Ticonderoga, to secure the lakes and to make preparations 
 for entering Canada, Being taken sick, the command devolved on Mont- 
 gomery. On his recovery, he devoted himself zealously to the m^age- 
 mentof the affairs of the northern department 
 
 * Arthur St. Clair was a soldier from his youth. At an early age, while 
 the ijidependent states were yet British colonies, he entered the royal 
 Atnoncan army, and was commissioned as an ensign. He was actively 
 engaged, during t])e Frtnich war, in the aruiy of general Wolfe, aud was 
 
bubgotne's pkoclamation. 235 
 
 call in large numbers of the militia, for fear his pro- 
 visions should fail before the arrival of a supply. 
 Having inspected the works, Schuyler left the command 
 with St. Clair, and returned to Fort Edward, as a 
 more central situation. 
 
 On the 4th of July, Burgoyne issued a proclamation, 
 designed to spread terror among the Americans, and 
 aiffright those who were active in the support of their 
 cause. The number, power, and cruelty of the Indi- 
 ans, was represented as extremely formidable and 
 threatening ; and their eagerness to be let loose on 
 their prey, was described with uncommon energy. 
 The accumulation of British power, which w^as now 
 displayed by land and by sea, was declared to be 
 ready to embrace or to crush every part of America. 
 The rebellion in the colonies, and the conduct of 
 tlieir present rulers, were painted in the most dis- 
 gusting and awful colors ; and their leaders were 
 charged with repeated acts of the most unparalleled 
 
 carrying a pair of colore, in the battle in which that celebrated com- 
 mancJRr was slain, on the Plains of Abraham. Ke was highly esteenuod 
 by the distinguished commanders under whom he served, as a young 
 officer of merit, capable of obtaining a high giade of military reputation. 
 After the peace of '63, he sold out and entered into trade, for which the 
 generosity of his nature utterly disqualified him ; he, of course, soon 
 became disgusted with a profitless pursuit, and having married, after sev- 
 eral vicissitudes of fortime, he located himself in Ligonier valley, west 
 of the Alleghany mountains, and near the old route from Philadel- 
 phia In this situation the American Revolution found him, surrounded 
 by a rising family, in ihe enj(tyment of ease and independence, with the 
 fairest prospects of affluent fortiine, the foundation of which had been 
 already established by his intelligence, industry and enterprise. From 
 this peaceful abode, these sweet domestic enjoyments, and the flatterlBi^ 
 prospects which accompanied them, he was drawn by the claims of ft 
 troubled osuntiv. 
 
 15 
 
S3 6 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOEfi. 
 
 injustice, persecution and tyranny! Encouragement 
 and employment were offered to those who should 
 assist the British king in redeeming the colonies from 
 the oppressions of congress, and restoring them to the 
 blessings of British liberty and government ! Protec- 
 tion and security, but not very explicitly expressed, 
 were held out to the peaceable and industrious, who 
 should remain in their habitations. And all the ca- 
 lamities and horrors of war were denounced to those 
 who should any longer dare to persevere in their hos- 
 tility to the British king and army. Nothing had ever 
 appeared in America, in a style so pompous, tumid 
 and bombastic. Instead of producing the desired 
 effect, and frightening the people into submission, the 
 proclamation was everywhere the subject of derision 
 and ridicule ; and treated as the production of osten- 
 tatious vanity, insolence and folly, not at all calculated 
 to operate on the hopes or the fears of the people of 
 the United States. 
 
 Having finished his speeches and proclamations, the 
 British general employed himself in more formidable 
 operations. After a short stay at Crown Point, Bur- 
 goyne moved on with his army to Ticonderoga. The 
 . state of the American fort and garrison at that place 
 did not promise a very long or vigorous defense. The 
 old French lines had indeed been strengthened with 
 additional works and a block-house. On the east- 
 ern shore of the lake, and opposite to Ticonderoga, 
 the Americans had taken still more pains in fortif)'ing 
 a high circular hill, to which they had given the name 
 of Mount Independence. On the summit of this hill 
 they had erected a star fort, enclosing a large square 
 
ARMY AT TICONDEROGa. 337 
 
 of barracks, well fortified and surrounded with artillery. 
 These two posts were joined by a bridge thrown across 
 the lake. This bridge was supported by twenty-two 
 piers of very large timber, placed at equal distances ; 
 the spaces between these were filled with separate 
 floats, each about fifty feet long, and twelve wide, 
 strongly fastened together with chains and rivets. The 
 north side of the bridge was defended by a boom of 
 very large pieces of timber, fastened together by riv- 
 eted holts and double chains, made of iron an inch and 
 a half square. 
 
 But notwithstanding the apparent strength of Ticon- 
 deroga, it was effectually overlooked and commanded 
 by a neighboring eminence called Sugar Hill, or Mount 
 Defiance. • Tliis mountain, by its height and proximity, 
 had such an entire command both of Ticonderoga 
 and Mount Independence, that an enemy might from 
 thence have counted the numbers, and enfiladed every 
 part of the works, in either of those places. This cir- 
 cumstance was well known to the American officers, 
 and they had a consultation about fortifying the moun- 
 tain ; but it was declined, because their works were 
 already so extensive, that, with the addition of what 
 would be proper on Sugar Hill, they would require ten 
 or twelve thousand men for their defense — a greater 
 number than could be spared for that purpose. In 
 Btead of a full complement of troops to man the 
 extensive lines and defend the numerous works, 
 the whole force which St. Clair had, consisted only 
 of two thousand five hundred continental troops, 
 aided by nine hundred militia, badly equipped, worse 
 armed, and most of them without bayonets. St 
 
S3 8 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 Clair was in hopes that Burgojne's impetuos/ty 
 would have led him to make a sudden assault upon 
 the place, which he expected to repel with success ; 
 but as soon as he was informed of the numbers 
 in his army, and that a regular siege was intended, 
 he was convinced that an efiectual defense could 
 Jiot be made by his troops. 
 
 The royal army advanced with great celerity, but 
 with much caution and order, on both sides of the 
 lake, the naval force keeping its station in the center. 
 On the near approach of the right wing of the British 
 army on the Ticonderoga side, on the 2d of July, the 
 Americans abandoned and set fire to their works, block- 
 houses and saw mills, toward Lake George ; and with 
 out making any opposition, permitted General Phillips 
 to take possession of Mount Hope. This post com- 
 manded the American lines in a great degree, and cut 
 off their communication with Lake George. The Amer- 
 icans, on this occasion, were charged with supineness 
 and want of vigor. Their inactivity arose not from 
 want of courage, but from lack of men enough to make 
 an effectual opposition to the powerful force with 
 which they were surrounded. 
 
 In the mean time the royal army proceeded with 
 such expedition in the construction of their works, the 
 bringing up of artillery, stores, and provisions, and 
 the establishment of posts and communications, that 
 by the fifth, matters were so far advanced as to require 
 but one or two days more to completely invest the 
 posts on both sides of the lake. Sugar Hill had alsc 
 been examined, and the advantages which it presented 
 were so important that it had been resolved to 
 
EVACUATION OF TICONDEROGA. 339 
 
 take possession, and erect a battery there. This 
 work, though attended with extreme labor and difii- 
 culty, had been carried on by General Philli2)s, with 
 much expedition and success. A road had been 
 made through a very rough ground, to tlie top of 
 the mountain ; and the British were at work in con- 
 structing a level for a battery, and transporting theii 
 artillery. As soon as this battery should be ready to 
 play, the American works would have been completely 
 invested on every side. 
 
 In these circumstances a council of war was called 
 by St. Clair. He was convinced that it was absolutely 
 necessary to evacuate the place. The council were in- 
 formed that their whole etfective number was not suffi- 
 cient to man one half uf the works ; that as the whole 
 must be constantly upon duty, it would be impossible 
 for them to support the fatigue for any considerable 
 length of time ; that General Schuyler, who was at 
 Fort Edward, had not sufficient force to relieve the 
 garrison ; and that as the enemy's batteries were 
 nearly ready to open, and the place would be com- 
 pletely invested in twenty-four hours, nothing could 
 save the troops but an immediate evacuation of the 
 posts. The general's representation was admitted to 
 be correct, and it was unanimous!}^ agreed by the coun- 
 cil to abandon the fortress that night. It wils proposed 
 tb'it the baggage of the army, with such artillery, 
 stores and provisions as the necessity of the occasion 
 would admit, should be embarked with a strong: de- 
 tachment, on board two hundred bateaux, and dis- 
 patched under convoy of five armed galleys, up the 
 south river to Skenesborough; and that the main body 
 
340 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 of the army slionld proceed by land^ taking its rout(> 
 on the road to Castleton, which was about thirty miles 
 to the south of Ticonderoga, and join the boats and 
 galleys' at Skenesborough falls. It was thought neces- 
 sary to keep the matter a secret, till the time should 
 arrive when it was to be executed. The English had 
 no suspicion of what was passing, and the march com- 
 menced under the most favorable auspices. But all at 
 once a house which took fire on Mount Independence, 
 roused b}^ its glare of light the attention of the English, 
 who immediately perceived all that had taken place. 
 The Americans finding themselves discovered, marched 
 hastily, and in some disorder, as far as Hubbardton. 
 where they halted to refresh themselves and rally 
 the dispersed. But the English w^ere not idle. Gen- 
 eral Frazer, at the head of a strong detachment of gren- 
 adiers and light troops, commenced an eager pursuit 
 by land, upon the right bank of Wood Creek. Gen- 
 eral Reidesel, behind him, rapidly advanced with his 
 Bruns wickers, either to support the English, or to act 
 separately, as occasion might require. General Bur- 
 goyne determined to pursue the Americans by water. 
 But it was first necessary to destroy the boom and 
 bridge which had been constructed in front of Ticon- 
 deroga. The British seamen and artificers immediately 
 engaged in the operation, and in a short time, those 
 works, which had cost so much labor and so vast an 
 outlay, were cut through and demolished. The pas- 
 sage thus cleared, the ships of Burgoyne immediately 
 proceeded with extreme rapidity in search of the 
 Americans ; all was in movement at once upon land 
 and water. By three in the afternoon, the van 
 
KETREAT OF THE AMERICAITS. 341 
 
 of the British squadron, composed of gun-boats, came 
 up witli and attacked the American galleys, near 
 Skenesborough. In the mean time, three regiments, 
 which had been landed at South Bay, ascended and 
 passed a mountain with great expedition, in order to 
 cut off a retreat to Fort Anne. But the Americans elu- 
 ded this stroke by the rapidity of their flight. The Brit- 
 ish frigates having joined the van, the galleys, already 
 bard pressed by the gun-boats, were completely over- 
 powered. Two of them surrendered; three were blown 
 up. The Americans now despaired ; having set tire 
 to their works, mills, and bateaux, and otherwise de- 
 stroyed what they were unable to burn, they escaped as 
 well as they could, without halting till they reached 
 Fort Anne. Their loss was considerable, for the ba- 
 teaux they burnt were loaded with baggage, provisions 
 and munitions, as necessary to their sustenance as to 
 military operations. The corps which had set out by 
 iand were in no better situation. The vanpfuard, con- 
 ducted by St. Clair, had arrived at Castleton ; the 
 rear, commanded by Colonels Francis and Warner, 
 had rested the night of the sixth, at Hubbardton, six 
 miles below Castleton. 
 
 At Hubbardton, the advanced corps of the British 
 army overtook the rear of the American troops, on 
 the morning of the 7th of July. The American army, 
 all but part of three regiments, were gone forward ; 
 these were part of Hale's, Francis' and Warner's re^-i- 
 nients. The enemy attacked them with superior num- 
 bers, and tne higliest prospect of success. Francis and 
 Warner opposed them with great spirit and vjo-oi- • 
 ^nd no officers or troops could have discovered more 
 
342 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEK05S. 
 
 courage and firmness than thej displayed through the 
 whole action. Laro^e reinforcements of the enemy ar- 
 riving, it became impossible to make any effectual 
 opposition. Francis fell in a most honorable discharge 
 of his duty. Hale surrendered with his regiment. 
 Surrounded on every side by the enemy, but calm and 
 undaunted. Colonel Warner fought his way through 
 all opposition, brought off the troops that refused to 
 capitulate with Hale, checked the enemy in their pur- 
 suit, and contrary to all expectations, arrived safe with 
 his troops at Manchester. To tlie northward of that 
 town the whole country was deserted. The colonel 
 determined to make a stand at that place ; encourao;ed 
 by his example and firmness, a body of the militia 
 soon joined him ; and he was once more in a situation 
 to protect the inhabitants, harass the enemy, and 
 break up their advanced parties. 
 
 The loss of the royal troops in dead and wounded 
 amounted to about one hundred and eighty. General 
 St. Clair, upon intelligence of this discomfiture, and 
 that of the disaster at Skenesborough, which was 
 brought him at the same time by an officer of one of 
 the galleys, appreliending that he should be inter- 
 rupted if he proceeded toward Fort Anne, struck into 
 the woods on the left, uncertain whether he should 
 repair to Massachusetts, or endeavor to reach tlie 
 army at Fort Edward. But being joined two days 
 after, at Manchester, by the remains of the corps 
 of Colonel Warner, and having collected the fugitives, 
 he proceeded to Fort Edward, in order to unite with 
 General Schuyler. 
 
 While these events were passing on the left, the 
 
BATTLE AT FORT ANNE. 343 
 
 English generals resolved to drive the Americans from 
 Fort Anne, situated higher up toward the sources of 
 Wood Creek. Colonel llill was detached for this pur- 
 pose from Skenesborough; and to facilitate his opera- 
 tions, the greatest exertions were made in carrying 
 bateaux over the falls at that place, which enabled 
 him to attack the fort by water. Upon intelligence 
 that the Americans had a numerous garrison there, 
 Brigadier Powell was sent with two regiments to 
 the succor of Colonel Hill. The American Colonel 
 Long, who, with a great part of his corps, had escaped 
 the destruction of the boats at the falls, commanded 
 the garrison of Fort Anne. Having heard that the 
 enemy was approaching, he gallantly sallied out to re- 
 ceive him. The English defended themselves with 
 courage, but the Americans had already nearly sur- 
 rounded them. Colonel Hill, finding himself too hard 
 pressed, endeavored to take a stronger position. This 
 movement was executed with as much order as intre- 
 pidity, amidst the reiterated and furious charge of the 
 Americans. The combat had lasted for more than two 
 hours, and victory was still doubtful, when all at once 
 the Americans heard the horrible yells of the sav- 
 ages, who approached, and being informed at the 
 same instant that the corps of Powell was about to 
 fall upon them, they retired to Fort Anne. Not think- 
 ing themselves in safety even there, they set it on fire, 
 and withdrew to Fort Edward, on the river Hudson. 
 
 General Schuyler was already in this place, and 
 St. Clair arrived there on the tw^el th,with the remains 
 of the garrison of Ticonderoga. It would be difficult 
 t.o de«cribe the harduhips and misery which these troops 
 
544 ETHAN ALT.EN AWO GREEN-MOUN'i'ATN HEROES. 
 
 had siift'ered, from the badness of the weather and the 
 want of covering and provisions, in their circuitous 
 march throu£:ch the woods, from Castleton to Fort Ed- 
 ward. After the arrival of these troops, and of the 
 fugitives, who came in by companies, all the American 
 troops amounted to little over four thousand men, in- 
 cluding the militia. They were in want of all neces- 
 saries, and even of courage, from the effect of their re- 
 cent reverses. The Americans lost, in these different 
 actions, no less than one hundred and twenty-eight 
 pieces of artillery, with a prodigious quantity of war- 
 like stores, baggage and provisions, particularly of 
 flour, which they left in Ticonderoga and Mount In 
 dependence. To increase the calamity, the whole of 
 the neighboring country was struck with terror by this 
 torrent of disasters. 
 
 During the reverses of the American army, and tne 
 triumphant progress of Burgoyne, the consternation of 
 the people in northern New York and on the New- 
 Hampshire Grants, was greatly increased by the nu- 
 merous murders and cruelties of Burgoyne's Indian 
 allies — for the efforts of that general to dissuade them 
 from the perpetration of their cruel enormities were 
 ineffectual. Kestrain them lie could not ; and it was 
 admitted by the British writers of that day, that the 
 friends of the roval cause, as well as its enemies, were 
 equally victims to their indiscriminate rage. It was 
 even ascertained that the British officers were deceived 
 by their treacherous allies into the purchase of the 
 scalps of their own comrades. Among other instances 
 of cruelty, the well-known murder of Miss Jane 
 M'Crea, which happened in the early part of the 
 
JENNY m'crea. 345 
 
 campaign, filled the public mind with horror. Every cir- 
 cumstance of this unnatural and bloody transaction, 
 around which ther6 lingers a melancholy interest to 
 this day, served to heighten alike its interest and its 
 enormity.* Many have been the versions of this bloody 
 tale. General Gates, who had been most unjustly di- 
 rected to supersede General Schuyler in the north eria 
 department, assailed General Burgoyne with great 
 
 • The tragic fate of Miss M'Crea forms a prominent feature in the 
 brilliant tale, entitled, "The Rangers," by the novelist of the Green 
 Mountains, Hon. Daniel P. Thompson. The facta in regai-d to her mur- 
 der, stripped of their romance, are these : — She belonged to a family of 
 tories, and had engaged herself in marriage to a young refugee, named 
 Jones, a lieutenant in the British service, who was advancing with Bur- 
 goyne. When the people fled before the victorious Briton, she remained 
 behind with some friends, in the expectation of meeting her lover. A 
 party of Indians in advance of the army, seeking for plunder, took her 
 a prisoner and retired toward the British camp. When they reached 
 the aimy, Miss M'Crea was not with them, but they bore a scalp which 
 was recognized to be hei"8. Whether they quarreled about the division 
 of the reward they were accustomed to receive for their prisoner, or 
 whether, as they aveired, she was shot by a party of Americans in pur- 
 Buit of them, cannot now be known. Her mutilated corpse was after- 
 ward found under a pine tree near a spring, and the tree a-nd spring 
 were afteiward known by l.er name. It was known in the camp, that 
 Lieutenant Jones was botrjthed to Jenny, and the story got abroad that 
 he had sent the Indians for her ; that they had quarreled with another 
 party, which they met on their return, respecting the reward he had 
 offered, and murdered her to settle the dispute. Receiving high touches 
 of coloring, as it went from one narrator to another, the sad stoiy pro- 
 duced a deep and wide-spread indignation. Jones, chilled with horror 
 and broken in spirit by the event, tendered a resignation of his commis- 
 sion, but it was refused. He purchased the scalp of his Jenny, and with 
 this cherished memento, deserted and retired to Canada. There he 
 lived to be an old man, and died only a few years ago. The death of 
 Jenny was a heavy blow, and he never recovered from it. In youth he 
 was exceedingly gay and gaiTulous ; but after that melancholy event, lui 
 
346 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 violence npon the subject of these outrages — charging 
 him with encouraging the murder of prisoners, and the 
 massacre of women and children, bj paying the In- 
 dians a stipulated price for scalps. Burgoyne indig- 
 nantly denied the charge of encouraging the Indians, 
 although he could not but admit tlie horrible extent of 
 their barbarities among unarmed and inoffensive in- 
 habitants. "I would not," he said in reply to General 
 Gates, "be conscious of the acts you presume to im- 
 pute to me, for the whole continent of America, though 
 the wealth of worlds was in its bowels, and a paradise 
 upon its surface." 
 
 The retreat of the American army from Ticonderoga, 
 on the approach of Burgoyne, while it filled the public 
 mind with dismay, as the surrender of a position on 
 which the safety of the north depended, was regarded 
 with gloomy apprehension, as the prelude to further 
 reverses. The mind of Washington, however, by a 
 happy forecast, perceived a gleam of hope, even in this 
 hour of despondency ; and with a sort of prophetic 
 skill, seems to have foretold, with extraordinary pre- 
 cision, the auspicious change of afiairs which was ii 
 store. In reply to a letter of General Schuyler, of the 
 17th of July, communicating tlie unfavorable state and 
 prospects of the army, he says: "Though our affairs 
 have, for some days past, worn a gloomy aspect, yet I 
 look forward to a happy change. I trust General 
 
 was sad and tacitnm. He never manned, and shunned society as much 
 as business would permit Toward the close of July in every year, 
 when the anniversary of the tragedy approached, he would shut himself 
 in his room, and refuse to speak with any one. His friends avoided any 
 reference to the Rovolutioo in his p-escnce. [See page 428 ] 
 
bukgoyne's army. 347 
 
 Burgoyne's army will meet, sooner or later, an effectual 
 check ; and, as I suggested before, that the success he 
 has had will precipitate his ruin. From your accounts, 
 he appears to be pursuing that line of conduct, which, 
 of all others, is most favorable to us, I mean acting in 
 detachment. This conduct will certainly give room for 
 enterprise on our part, and expose his parties to great 
 hazard. Could we be so happy as to cut one of thepi 
 off, though it should not exceed four, five, or six hund- 
 red men, it would inspire the people and do away much 
 af their present anxiety. In such an event they would 
 lose sight of past misfortune, and, urged at the same 
 time by a regard for their own security, they would fly 
 to arms and afford every aid in their power." 
 
 It must be confessed that it required no ordinary 
 share of fortitude to find topics of consolation in the 
 present state of affairs. The British were advancing 
 with a well-appointed army into the heart of the coun- 
 try, under the conduct, as it was supposed, of the most 
 skillful officers, confident of success, and selected to 
 finish the war. The army consisted in part of German 
 troops, veterans of the Seven Years' War, under the 
 command of a general of experience, conduct, and 
 valor. Nothing could have been more ample than the 
 military supplies, the artillery, munitions, and stores, 
 with whicL the army was provided. A considerable 
 force of Canadians and American loyalists furnished 
 the requisite spies, scouts, and rangers ; and a numer- 
 ous force of savages in their "war-dresses, with their 
 peculiar weapons and native ferocity, increased the 
 terrors of its approach. 
 
 oh the evacuation of Ticonderoga, and the furthei 
 
348 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 advance of such an army, the ISTew-EngLind states, and 
 particularly New Hampshire and Massachusetts, were 
 filled with alarm. It was felt that their frontier was 
 uncovered, and that strenuous and extraordinary efforts 
 for the protection of the country were required. The 
 committee of safety of what was then called the Tsew- 
 ilampshire Grants, (the present state of Vermont,) 
 wrote in the most pressing terms to the New-Hamp- 
 shire committee of safety at Exeter, apprising them, 
 that, if assistance should not be sent to them, they 
 should be forced to abandon the country, and take ref- 
 uge east of the Connecticut river. When these tidings 
 reached Exeter, the assembly had finished their spring 
 session and had gone home. A summons from the 
 committee brought them together again, and in three 
 days they took the most effectual and decisive steps for 
 the defense of the country. Among the patriotic mem- 
 bers of the assembly, w^io signalized themselves on 
 this occasion, none was more conspicuous than John 
 Langdon. The members of that body were greatly 
 inclined to despond ; the public credit w^as exhausted ; 
 and there were no means of supporting troops, if they 
 could be raised. Meantime the defenses of the frontier 
 had fallen, and the enemy, with overwhelming forces, 
 was penetrating into the country. At this gloomy 
 juncture, John Langdon, a merchant of Portsmouth, 
 and speaker of the assembly, thus addressed its mem- 
 bers : — "I have three thousand dollars in hard money ; 
 I will pledge my plate for three thousand more ; I have 
 seventy hogsheads of Tobago rum, which shall be sold 
 for the most it will bring. These are at tl e service of 
 the state. If we succeed in defending our fire-sides 
 
GENERAL STARK. o4y 
 
 and homes, I may be remnnerated ; if we do not, the 
 property will be of no value to me. Our old friend 
 Stark, who so nobly maintained the honor of our state 
 at Bunker Hill, may be safely intrusted with the con- 
 duct of the enterprise, and we will check the progress 
 of Burgoyne." 
 
 This proposal infused life into the measures of the 
 assembly. They formed the whole militia of the state 
 into two brigades. Of the first they gave the command 
 to William Whipple, of the second to Jolm Stark.* 
 
 * The exploits of Stark in the vicinity of Lake Champlain, in the last 
 French war, have already been mentioned in these pfiges. At the close 
 of the peace of 17G3, he had returned to his farm in New Hampshire, 
 where he resided until the opening of the Revolution. When the report 
 of the battle of Lexington reached him, he was engaged ai work in his 
 saw-mill: fired with indignation and a martial spirit, he immediately 
 seized his musket, and with a band of heroes proceeded to Cambridge. 
 The morning after his arrival, he received a colonel's commission, and 
 availing himself of his own popularity and the enthusiasn) of the day, 
 in two hours he enlisted eight hundred men. On the memorable 17th 
 of June, at Breed's hill, Coloriel Stark, at the head of his backwoodsmen 
 of New Hampshire, poured on the enemy that deadly fire from '■a suro 
 aim, which effected such remarkable destruction in their ranks, and com- 
 pelled them twice to retreat. During the whole of this dreadful conflict, 
 Colonel Stark evinced that consummate bravery and intrepid zeal, which 
 •ntitle his name to perpetual remembrance. After the British evacuated 
 Boston, Stark joined our northern army while retreating from Canada, 
 \nd in 1776, he had command of the troops employed in fortifying the 
 hill on the east side of Lake Champlain, opposite Ticonderoga. On the 
 6th of July, the Declaration of Independence was received and proclaimed 
 to the ai my, who hailed it with shouts of applause. The hill upon which 
 the regiment of Stark was stationed, was named Mount Independence 
 in honf>rof the event which had just been proclaimed. Soon after, Stark 
 joined General Washington, and was with him during that dark period 
 when he flrd before a haughty army through New Jei-sey. In the spring 
 of 1777, he returned to New Hampshire on a recruiting expeditioiL 
 
350 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 They ordered one fourth part of Stark's brigade and one 
 fourth of three regiments of Whipple's to march imme- 
 diately under the command of Stark, " to stop the 
 progress of the enemy on our western frontiers." 
 
 Agreeably to his orders, Stark proceeded to Charles- 
 ton ; his men very readily followed ; and as fast as 
 they arrived, he sent them forward to join the troops 
 under Colonel Warner, at Manchester. At that placo 
 he joined Warner with about eight hundred men. 
 Schuyler repeatedly urged Stark to join the troops 
 under his command ; but he declined complying. He 
 was led to this conduct not only by the reasons which 
 have been mentioned, but by a difference of opinion 
 as to the best method of opposing Burgoyne. Schuyler 
 wished to collect all the American troops in the front, 
 to prevent 'Burgoyne from marching on to Albany. 
 Stark was of opinion that the surest way to check 
 Burgoyne was to have a body of men on his rear, 
 ready J:o fall upon him in that quarter, whenever a 
 favorable opportunity should be presented. The New- 
 England militia had not formed a high opinion of 
 
 Having filled his regiment, and -while waiting orders, he learned that 
 several junior officers had been promoted by congress, while he was left 
 out of the list Feeling greatly aggrieved, he resigned his comraissiou 
 and left the army, not, however, to desert his country in the hour of perils 
 for, like General Schuyler, he w^as active for good while dive'-ted of nnl~ 
 itary authority. He was very popular, and the assembly of New Hamp- 
 shire regarded him as a pillar of strength in upholding tlje confidence 
 and courage of the militia of the state. When that body offered him the 
 command of the new recruits, laying aside his private griefs, he once 
 more hastened to the field, stipulating, however, that he should not be 
 obliged to join the main army, but hang upon the wing of the enemy, 
 strike when opportunity should offer, according to his own discretion, 
 and be accountable to no one but the assembly of New Hampshire. 
 
ADVANCE OF BUR 30 YNE. 351 
 
 Schuyler as a general ; and Stark meant to keep him- 
 self in a situation in which he might embrace any 
 favorable opportunity for action, either in conjunction 
 with him, or otherwise ; Stark assured Schuyler that 
 he would yield to any measure necessary to promote 
 the public good, but wished to avoid a course that was 
 not consistent with his own honor ; and if it was 
 thought necessary, he would march to his camp. He 
 wrote particularly, that he would lay aside all private 
 resentment, when it appeared in opposition to the 
 public good. But in the midst of these protestations, 
 he was watching for an opportunity to evince his 
 courage and patriotism, by falling upon some part of 
 Bnirgoyne's army. 
 
 While the American army was thus assuming a more 
 respectable appearance. General Burgoyne was making 
 very slow advances toward Albany. From the 28th 
 of July, to the 15th of August, the British army was 
 continually employed in bringing forward bateaux, 
 provisions, and ammunition from Fort George to the 
 nearest navigable part of Hudson river ; a distance of 
 not more tlian eighteen miles. The labor was excessive; 
 the Europeans were but little acquainted with the 
 methods of performing it to advantage, and the effect 
 was in no degree equivalent to the expense of labor and 
 time. With all the efforts that Burgoyne could make, 
 encumbered with his artillery and baggage, his labors 
 were inadequate to the purpose of supplying the army 
 with provisions for its daily consumption, and the es 
 tablishment of the necessary magazines. And after 
 his utmost exertions for fifteen days, there were not 
 above four days' provisions in store, nor above ten 
 
352 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 bateaux in the Hudson river. More effective measures 
 to replenish his stores seemed necessary. Informed 
 that the Americans had a large quantity of these, and 
 of cattle and horses at Bennington and in the vicinity, 
 he resolved to send a detachment of his army thither 
 to capture them. Both Philips and Keidesel, the most 
 experienced of his generals, were opposed to the meas- 
 ure ; but Burgoyne, actuated by an overweening con- 
 fidence in his strength, and deceived as to the extent 
 of the royalist party in the colonies, dispatched 
 Lieutenant-colonel Baum thither with five hundred 
 Hessians, Canadians and tories, and one hundred 
 Indians. Burgoyne's instructions to the commander 
 of the expedition, dated August 9th, 1777, declared 
 the objects to be to try the affections of the country, 
 to disconcert the councils of the enemy, to m.ount 
 KeidesePs dragoons, to complete Peters' con-s [of ley- 
 alists,] and to obtain large supplies of cattle, horses and 
 carriages. Baum was directed ''to scour the country 
 from Kockingham to Otter creek," to go down Con 
 necticut river as tar as Brattleborough, and to return 
 by the great road to Albany, there to meet General 
 Burgoyne, and to endeavor to make the country believe 
 his corps was the advanced body of the general's army, 
 who was to cross Connecticut river, and proceed to 
 Boston. He ordered " that all ofiicers, civil and mili- 
 tary, acting under the congress, should be made pris- 
 oners." Baum was also instructed " to tax the towns 
 where they halted with such articles as they wanted, 
 and take hostages for the performance, &c. ; to bring 
 . all horses fit to mount the dragoons lo serve as battalion 
 horses for the troops, with as many saddles and bridles 
 
SKIRMISHING. OJ. 
 
 as could be found." Burgoyne stipulated the u umber 
 of horses to be brought at thirteen hundred at least, 
 and more if they could be obtained, and directed them 
 to be "tied in strings of ten each, in order that one 
 man might lead ten horses." 
 
 On the 13th of August, information reached General 
 Stark, that a party of Indians attached to Baum's force 
 had been perceived at Cambridge, about twelve miles 
 north-west from Bennington. He immediately de- 
 tached Lieutenant-colonel Gregg with two hundred 
 men, to stop their march. In the course of the night, 
 he was advised by express, that a large body of the 
 enemy, with a train of artillery, was in the rear of the 
 Indians, in full march for Bennington. He immedi- 
 ately rallied his brigade, with all the mihtia which had 
 collected at Bennington. Orders were at the same 
 time dispatched to the officer in command of Colonel 
 Warner's regiment at Manchester, to march that body 
 of men down to Bennington, and an animated call 
 was made upon all the neighboring militia. These 
 various dispositions were carried promptly into effect. 
 
 On the morning of the 14th, Stark moved forward 
 to the support of Colonel Gregg with the entire force 
 under his command. At the distance of four or five 
 miles, he met the colonel in full retreat, and the enemy 
 within a mile of him. Stark instantly halted, and 
 drew up his men in order of battle. The en-emy, per- 
 ceiving that he had taken a stand, immediately came 
 to a halt on very advantageous ground, and there in- 
 trenched themselves. Unable to draw them from their 
 position, he fell back for a mile, leaving only a small 
 party to skirmish with the enemy. This was done 
 
354 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTATN HEROES. 
 
 with considerable effect. Thirty of their force, wjth 
 two Indian chiefs, were killed or wounded, without 
 any loss on the American side. 
 
 The following day, the loth, was rainy, and nothing 
 was attempted beyond skirmishing with the enemy. 
 This was done* with spirit, and the Indians began to 
 desert the army of Colonel Baum, " because," as they 
 said, "the woods were filled with Yankees." This res- 
 pite enabled the enemy to complete their breastworks, 
 to apprise General Burgoyne of their situation, and to 
 ask for reinforcements. Colonel Breyman, with an 
 additional body of German troops, was immediately 
 detached to the assistance of Baum. 
 
 During the night, Colonel Symonds, with a body o 
 Berkshire militia, arrived. Among tliem was the Kev. 
 Mr. Allen, of Pittsfield, whose bellicose ardor was of 
 the most glowing kind. Before daylight, and while 
 the rain was yet falling, the impatient shepherd, who 
 had many of his flock with him, went to Stark, and 
 said, "General, the people of Berkshire have often 
 been summoned to the field without being allowed to 
 fight, and, if you do not now give them a chance, they 
 have resolved never to come out again." " Well," said 
 Stark, " do you wish to march now, while it is dark 
 and raining?" "No, not just this moment," replied 
 the minister of peace. "Then," said the general, "if 
 the Lord shall once more give us sunshine, and I do 
 not give you fighting enough, I'll never ask you to 
 come out again." Sunshine did indeed come with the 
 morrow, for at the opening of the dawn, the clouds 
 broke away, and soon all nature lay smiling in the 
 sunlight of a clear August morning; and "fighting 
 
THE waklikp: parson. S55 
 
 enough" was also given to the parson and hio men, for 
 it was a day of fierce conflict. Mr. Allen was not the 
 man to shrink from that bloody affray. He had ar- 
 dently espoused the cause of freedom, and when, in 
 anticipation of a battle at Bennington, the neighboring 
 country was roused to arms, he used his influence to 
 increase the band of patriots, and urged his congrega- 
 tion to hasten to the service of their country. But 
 the company which was raised in his parish were, from 
 some cause, retarded in their progress. Hearing of 
 the delay, he proceeded inmiediately to join them, and 
 accompanied them to Bennington. On the morning 
 of the battle, his men would not prepare for the en- 
 gagement until he had prayed to the God of armies 
 " to teach their hands to war and their fingers to fight." 
 When the opposing forces were about advancing 
 toward each other, Mr. Allen, insensible to fear, pro- 
 ceeded so near to the British troops, that he could be 
 distinctly seen and heard, and then called upon the 
 enemy to prevent the eftusion of blood by laying down 
 their arms ! He was answered by a discharge of mus- 
 ketry, and the log upon which he stood was pierced 
 with bullets. Turning calmly to a ftiend who had fol- 
 lowed him under cover of the breastwork formed by 
 the log, he said, "]N^ow give me a gun ! " and he delib- 
 erately fired the first gun from the American ranks on 
 that memorable occasion. 
 
 On the morning of the 16th, Stark made prepara- 
 tions for an attack. The German mercenaries, with 
 their battery, were advantageofisly posted upon a rising 
 ground at a bend in the Walloomscoick (a branch of the 
 Hoosac) on its north bank. The ground fell off to the 
 
356 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 north and west, a circiDnstance of which Stark skillfully 
 took advantage. Peters' corps of tories were in- 
 trenched on the other side of the stream, in lower 
 ground, and nearly in front of the German battery. 
 The little river that meanders through the scene of the 
 action, is fordable in all places. Stark was encamped 
 upon the same side of it as the Germans, but, owing 
 to its serpentine course, it crossed his line of march 
 twice on his way to their position. Their post was 
 carefully reconnoitered at a mile's distance,* and the 
 plan of attack was arranged in the following manner : 
 Colonel Nichols, with two hundred men, was detached 
 to attack the rear of the enemy's left, and Colonel ller- 
 rick, with three hundred men, to fall upon the rear of 
 their right, with orders to form a junctioa before they 
 made the assault. Colonels Hubbard and Stickney 
 were also ordered to advance with two hundred men 
 on their right and one hundred in front, to divert their 
 attention from the real point of attack. The action 
 commenced at three o'clock in the afternoon on the rear 
 of the enemy's left, when Colonel Nichols, with great 
 precision, carried into effect the dispositions of the 
 commander. His example was followed by every other 
 portion of the little army. General Stark himself 
 moved forward slowly in front, till he neard the sound 
 of the guns from Colonel Nichols' party, when he 
 
 * Before the coTnmenceinent of the battle, Stark rode forward with 
 W^arner, to reconnoiter the enemy, and was fired at by a cannon. Stark 
 exclairaed : "Those rascals know I am an officer ; do n't you see they 
 honor me with a big gun as a salule ?" His well known speech to his nien 
 WM characteristic : " Boys, those are your enemies, the red-coats and to- 
 ries I We must conquer them, or to-uight Molly Stark will be a widow I** 
 I 
 
BATTLE OP BENNINGTON. 357 
 
 nished upon the tories, and in a few moments tlie 
 action became general. " It lasted," says Stark, in his 
 official report, " two hours, and was the hottest I ever 
 saw. It was like one continued clap of thunder."* 
 
 •A soldier who was in the battle gave the following interesting 
 account of it to the Rev. Jnnies Davie Butler : " We were marched round 
 and round a circular hill till we were tired. Stark said it was to amuse 
 the Germans. All the while a canrtonade was kept up upon us from their 
 breastwork. It hurt nobody, and it lessened our fear of the great guns. 
 After a while I was sent, with twelve others, to lie in ambush on a knoll 
 a little north, and watch for tories on their way to join Baum. Presently 
 we saw six coming toward us, who, mistaking us for tories, came too 
 near us to escape. We disarmed them and sent them, under a guard of 
 three, to Stark. While I sat on the hillock, I espied one Indian whom 
 I thought I could kill, and more than once cocked my gun, but the 
 orders were not to fire. He was cooking hid dinner, and now and then 
 shot at some of our people. 
 
 " Between two and three o'clock the battle began. The Germans fired 
 by platoons, arnd were soon hidden by smoke. Our men fired each on 
 his own hook, aiming wherever they saw a flash. Few on our side had 
 either bayonets or cartridges. At last I stole away from my post, and 
 ran down to the battle. The first time I fired I put three balls into my 
 gun. Before I had time to fire many rounds, our men rushed over the 
 breastwork, but I and many others chased straggling Hessians in the 
 woods. We pursued till we met Breyman with eight hundred fresh 
 troops and larger cannon, which opened a fire of grape-shot. Some of 
 the grape-shot riddled a Virginia fence near me : one struck a small white 
 oak tree behind which I stood. Though it hit higher than my head, I 
 fled from the tree, thinking it might be aimed at again. We skirmishers 
 ran back till we met a large body of Stark's men, then faced about. I 
 Boon stalled for a brook I saw a few rods behind, for I had drank nothing 
 all day, and should have died with thirst had I not chewed a UiUlet all 
 the time. I had not gone a rod when I was stopped by an oflicer. sword 
 in hand, and ready to cut me down as a runaway. On my com})iaining 
 of thirst, he handed me his canteen, which was full of rum. I drank 
 and forgot my thiist. 
 
 " But the enemy outflanked us, and I said to a cof.ntidc : ' We must run 
 or they will have us.' He said : 'I will have one more fire first' At 
 
358 KTUAN AJ>LEN Ais'D GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 The Indians, alarmed at the prospect of beino^ inclosed 
 between the parties of Nichols and Herrick, tied at 
 the commencement of the action, their main principle 
 of battle array being to contrive or to escape an am- 
 
 that moment a major on a black horse rode along behind us, shouting : 
 'Fight on, boys ; reinforconients cU«e by.' While he was yet speaking, 
 a grape-shot went through his hoi-se's head and knocked out two teeth. 
 It bled a good deal, but tlie major kept bis seat and spurred on to en^ 
 courage others. In five niinntes we saw Warner's men hurrying to help 
 us. They opened right and left of us, and half of them attacked each flank 
 of the enemy, and beat back those who were just closing around us. 
 Stark's men now took heait and stood their ground. My gun -barrel was 
 b}' this time too hot to hold, so I seized the musket of a dead Hessian, 
 in which my bullets went down easier than in my own. Right in front 
 were the cannon, and seeing an officer on horseback waving his sword to 
 the artillerymen, I fired at him twice. His horse fell He cut the traces 
 of an artilleiy horse, mounted him and rode off. I afterward heard 
 that that officer was Major Skene. 
 
 " Soon the Germans ran and we followed. Many of them threw down 
 their guns on the ground, or offered them to us, or kneeled, some in pud- 
 dles of water. One said to me: letr sind ein, hrvder 1 I pushed hin" 
 behind me and rushed on. All those near me did so. The enemy bea\ 
 a parley, minded to give up, but our men did not understand it I came 
 to one wounded man, flat on the ground, crying water or quarter. I 
 snatched his sword out of his scabbard, and, while I ran on and fireti, 
 carried it in my mouth, thinking I might need it The Germans fled by 
 the road and in a wood each side of it Many of their scabbards caught 
 in the brush and held the fugitives till wo seized them. We chased 
 them till dark. Colonel Johnston, of Haverhill, wanted to chase them 
 all night Had we done so, we might have mastered them all, for they 
 stopped within three miles of the battle-field. But Stark, saying he 
 would run no risk of spoiling a good day's work, ordered a halt and 
 return to quarters. 
 
 " I was coming back, when ordered by Stark himself, who knew 
 me, as I had been one of his body-guard in Canada, to help draw off a 
 field-piece. I told him I was worn out His answer was: ' Do n't seem 
 to disobey; take hold, and if you can't hold out, slip away in the dark.' 
 Before w^ had dragged tlie gun far, Warner rode near us. Some one. 
 
BATTLE OF BENNINGTON. 359 
 
 bush or an attack in the rear. Tlie tories were soon 
 driven over the river, and were thus thrown in con- 
 fusion on the Germans, who were forced from their 
 breastw^ork. Baum made a bold and resolute defense. 
 The German dragoons, with the discipline of veterans, 
 preserved their ranks, unbroken, and, after their am- 
 munition was expended, were led to the charge by their 
 colonel with the sword ; but they were overpowered' 
 and obliged to give way, leaving their artillery and 
 baggage on the field. 
 
 They were w^ell inclosed in two breastworks, which, 
 owing to the rain on the loth, they had constructed at 
 leisure. But, notwithstanding this protection, with the 
 advantage of two pieces of cannon, arms and ammu- 
 
 pointing to a dead man by the wayside, said to him : ' Your brother is 
 killed,' 'Is it Jesse?' asked Warner; and when the answer was, yea, 
 he jumped off his horse, stooped and gazed in the dead man's face, and 
 then rode away without saying a word. On ray way back I got the belt 
 of the Hessian, whose sword I had taken in the pursuit. I also found a 
 barber's pack, but was obliged to give up all my findings till the booty 
 was divided. To th.e best of my remembrance, my share was four dol- 
 lars and some odd centa One tory with his left eye shot out, was led 
 by me mounted on a horse who had also lost his left eye. It seems cruel 
 now — it did not then. 
 
 "My company lay down and slept in a cornfield near where wc had 
 fought ; each man having a hill of corn for a pilloto. When I waked 
 next morning I was so beaten out that I could not get up till I had rolled 
 about a good while. After breakfast I went to see them bury the dead. 
 I saw thirteen tories, mostly shot through the head, buried in one hole. 
 Not more than a rod from where I fought, we found Captain McClary 
 dead, and stripped naked. Wc scraped a hole with sticks and just covered 
 him with earth. We saw many of the wounded who had lain out all 
 oigbt Afterward we went to Bennington and saw the prisoners pa- 
 faded. They were drawn up in one long line, the British foremost, then 
 thf Germans, next the Indians, and hindmost the toriea" 
 
 10 
 
3iJ() ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEIs MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 nition in perfect order, and an auxiliary force of lii 
 dians, they were driven from their intrenchments by a 
 band of militia just brought to the field, poorly armed, 
 with few bayonets, without field-pieces, and with little 
 discipline. The superiority of numbers, on the part 
 of the Americans, will, when th^se things are consid- 
 ered, hardly be thought to abate any thing from the 
 praise due to the conduct of the commander, or the 
 spirit and courage of his men. 
 
 The enemy being driven from the field, the militia 
 dispersed to collect the plunder. Scarcely bad they 
 done so, before intelligence was brought, that a large 
 reinforcement from the British army was on the march, 
 and within two miles' distance. This was the corps of 
 Colonel Breyman, already mentioned, which had been 
 dispatched by General Burgoyne, on receiving from 
 Baum intelligence of his position. The rain of the 
 preceding day and the badness of the roads had de- 
 layed his arrival ; a circumstance which exercised an 
 important influence on the fate of the battle. On the 
 approach of Breyman's reinforcements, the flying party 
 of Baum made a rally, and the fortune of the day was 
 for a moment in suspense. Stark made an effort to 
 rail J the militia ; but happily at this juncture Colonel 
 Warner's regiment came up fresh and not yet engaged, 
 and fell with vigor upon the enemy. 
 
 This regiment, since the battle fought at Hubbard- 
 ton, had been stationed at Manchester. It had been 
 reduced, by the loss sustained in that action, to less 
 than two hundred men. Warner, their colonel, as we 
 liave seen, was at Bennington, and was with General 
 iStark on the 14th. The regiment at Manchester was 
 
Warner's regiment. 361 
 
 under the command of Major Samuel Safford. In con- 
 sequence of the absence of a large number of the men 
 on a scouting party, and other causes, it was not pos- 
 sible to put the regiment in motion on the 14th ; on 
 the 15th they marched for Bennington. Owing to the 
 heavy rain of that day, it was near midnight when the 
 troops arrived within a mile of Bennington. Fatigued 
 with the march of the preceding day, their arms and 
 equipments injured' by the rain, and their ammunition 
 scanty, a considerable portion of the ensuing day was 
 exhausted, before the men could prepare themselves 
 for battle. Tlie first assault had been made in the 
 manner described, and the enemy driven from the 
 field, before this regiment came into action. At the 
 most critical moment of the day, when the arrival of 
 Breyman's reinforcement threatened a reverse of its 
 good fortune, Warner's troops appeared in the field. 
 Stark, with what men he had been able to rally, pushed 
 forward to his assistance, and the battle was contested 
 with great obstinacy on both sides till sunset, when the 
 enemy were obliged to give way. General Stark pur- 
 sued their flying forces till dark^ and was obliged to 
 draw off his men, to prevent them from firing upon 
 each other under cover of night. "With one hour 
 more of daylight," as he observes in his official report, 
 " he would have captured the whole body." The fruits 
 of the victory were four pieces of brass cannon, sev- 
 eral hundred stand of arms, eight brass drums, a quan- 
 tity of German broad-swcrds, and about seven hundred 
 prisoners. Two hundred and seven were killed upon 
 the spot ; the number of the wounded was not ascer 
 tained. Colonel Baum was wounded and made a 
 
362 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 prisoner, but shortly after died of his wounds. The 
 loss of the Americans was thirty killed and forty 
 wounded. The general's horse' was killed in the 
 action. 
 
 Too much praise cannot be bestowed on the conduct 
 of those who gained the battle of Bennington, officers 
 and men. It is perhaps the most conspicuous example 
 of the performance by militia of all that is expected 
 of regular, veteran troops. The fortitude and resolu- 
 tion with which the lines at Bunker Hill were main- 
 tained, by recent recruits, against the assault of a 
 powerful army of experienced soldiers, have always 
 been regarded with admiration. But at Bennington, 
 the hardy yeomen of IS^ew Hampshire, Vermont and 
 Massachusetts, many of them fresh from the plough 
 and unused to the camp, " advanced," as General 
 Stark expressed it in his official letter, " through fire 
 and smoke, and mounted breastworks that were well 
 fortified, an4 defended with cannon." 
 
 Fortunately for the success of the battle, Stark was 
 ably seconded by the officers under him ; every pi'e- 
 vious disposition of hts little force was most faithfully 
 executed. He expresses his particular obligation to 
 Colonels Warner and Herrick, "whose superior skill 
 was of great service to him." Indeed, the battle was 
 planned and fought with a degree of military talent 
 and science which would have done no discredit to any 
 service in Europe. A higher degree of discipline might 
 have enabled the general to check the eagerness of his 
 men to possess themselves of the spoils of victory ; but 
 his abilitv, even in that moment of dispersion, and un- 
 der the flush of success, to meet and conquer a hostile 
 
GENERAL STAKK. 3G3 
 
 reinforcement, evinces a judgment and resource not 
 often equaled in partisan warfare. 
 
 In fact, it would be the height of injustice not to 
 recognize, in this battle, the marks of the master mind 
 of the leader, which makes good officers and good sol- 
 diers out of any materials, and infuses its own spirit 
 into all that surround it. This brilliant exploit was tho 
 work of Stark, from its inception to its achievement. 
 His popular name called the militia together. His 
 resolute will obtained him a separate commission, — at 
 the expense, it is true, of a wise political principle, — 
 but on the present occasion, with the happiest effect. 
 His firmness prevented him from being overruled by 
 the influence of General Lincoln, w^hich would have 
 led him, with his troops, across the Hudson. How few 
 are the men who, in such a crisis, would not merely not 
 have sought, but actually have repudiated, a junction 
 with the main army ! How few, w^ho would not only 
 have desired, but actually insisted on taking the respon- 
 Bibility of separate action ! Having chosen the burden 
 of acting alone, he acquitted himself in the discharge 
 of his duty, with the spirit and vigor of a man con- 
 scious of ability proportioned to the crisis. He ad- 
 vanced against the enemy wath promptitude ; sent 
 forward a small force to reconnoiter and measure his 
 strength ; chose his ground deliberately and with skill ; 
 planned and fought the battle with gallantry and suc- 
 cess. 
 
 The consequences of this battle were of great import- 
 ance. It not only cost the army of Burgoyne more 
 than one thousand of his best troops, but it wholly 
 deranged the plan of his campaign, and materially 
 
3G4 EITIAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 contributed to the loss of his army. Bj advancing be- 
 yond Ticonderoga, his communication with the country 
 in his rear was interrupted. He relied on these lateral 
 excursions to keep the population in alarm, and to 
 prevent their flocking to Gates. He also depended on 
 procuring his supplies by such inroads into the coun- 
 try. The catastrophe of Baum's expedition, by which 
 he hoped to furnish himself With an ample store of pro- 
 visions collected at Bennington, disappointed tliat ex- 
 pectation, and compelled him to halt till he could 
 procure them in detail from other quarters, and thug 
 retarded his advance toward Albany for a month, 
 during all which time the militia poured to the stand- 
 ard of General Gates, and placed him in a condition 
 to compel the surrender of the British army.* 
 
 Five days after the battle of Bennington, congress 
 being still ignorant of the transaction, a resolution was 
 introduced to censure Stark for not submitting to the 
 regulations of the continental army, and refusing obe- 
 dience to its commander. Thereupon, a member from 
 Kew Hampshire rose and ej^pressed the belief that the 
 first battle they should hear of at the north would be 
 fought by Stark and the troops under his command, 
 and that he was not afraid to stake his life or his honor 
 on a wager that Stark's men would do as much as any 
 equal number of troops in defense of their country. 
 In a letter home, that gentleman said : "Judge of my 
 feelings when the very next day I had a confirmation 
 of all I had asserted, by an express from Schuyler, 
 detailing the defeat of Baum and Breyman." The 
 resolution of censure was immediately changed to one 
 
 • See Life of Stark by Edward Everett 
 
burgoyne's defeat. 3G5 
 
 of thanks, accompanied with the appoin4;ment of Stark 
 to be a brigadier-general in the army of the United 
 States. 
 
 If Bnrgoyne was astonished when an antagonist ho 
 had never heard of thus nnexpectedly defeated a body 
 of his best troops, what would he have thought had he 
 known that antagonist's history? — for, twenty-five 
 years before. Stark had been a captive in Canada, and 
 was ransomed for an Indian pony worth one hundred 
 dollars! "The repulse on the banks of the Walloom- 
 scoik," says an eloquent Vermonter,* " plucked out the 
 crowning keystone from that well-nigh finished arch, 
 so that the whole structure cracked, crumbled by 
 piecemeal, tottered and fell, a wreck of ruin, never to 
 rise again." The result of the action was in exact ac- 
 cordance with the prophetic wish expressed by Wash- 
 ington in his letter to Schuyler, written only a few 
 days previous. Washington, on hearing the joyful 
 tidings of Stark's victory, said, " one more such stroke, 
 and we shall have no great cause for anxiety as to the 
 future designs of Britain." 
 
 The revolution wrought by this event, in Burgoyne'a 
 feelings, is betrayed by the contrast between his letters 
 just before and just after the expedition. In the former 
 he writes to the leader of the corps sent against Ver- 
 mont : " Mount your dragoons, send me thirteen hund- 
 red horses, seize Bennington, cross the mountains to 
 Rockingham and Brattleborough, try the affections 
 of the country, take hostages, and meet me a fortnight 
 hence in Albany." Four days ofUr the battle he 
 
 * James Davie BiitJer, from whose Address on the Battle of Benning- 
 ton many of *be facts in this nanative are derived. 
 
 16* 
 
366 VTIIAN AJXEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 writes to England : " The Hampshire Grants in partic- 
 ular, a country unpeopled and almost unknown in the 
 last war, now abounds in the most active and rebel- 
 lious race on the continent, and hangs like a gathering 
 storm upon my left."^ Burgoyne was far from over- 
 rating the influence of Stark's success. Within three 
 days thereatler, Schuyler wrote to Stark: *'The signal 
 victory you have gained, and the severe loss the enemy 
 have received, cannot fail of producing the most salu 
 tary result." "Within a week, a liand-bill was issued 
 at Boston, containing an exaggerated account of Stark'a 
 triumph ; the news was there proclaimed by criers, and 
 rung out from all the bells. Clinton wrote: "Since 
 the aftUir at Bennington, not an Indian has been heard 
 of; the scalping has ceased ; indeed, I do not appre- 
 hend any great danger from the future operations of 
 Mr. Burgoyne." Washington, writing to Putnam, was 
 high in hope that l^ew England, following the great 
 stroke struck by Stark, would entirely crush Burgoyne ; 
 and a rumor that Burgoyne was crushed, raised tlie 
 siege of Fort Stanwix, and broke his right wing. All 
 this was within one week after Baum and Breyman 
 
 * An officer in Burgoyne's army, in allusion to the event, in a series 
 of letters written to his friends in England, and after'^ard published, 
 Baid : " The courage and obstinacy with which the Americans fought, 
 were the astonishment of every one, and we now became fully con- 
 vinced, they are not that contemptible enemy we had hitherto in)agined 
 them, incapable of standing a regular engagement, and that they would 
 only fight behind strong and powerful works. If the other provinces 
 enter as heaitily into the cause of rebellicm, I am afraid we shall find it 
 a very difficult task to subdue them ; for. exclusive of all the various 
 modes of furnishing men and supplies, it is in these provinces, in some 
 measure, become a religious cause, in wliioh the people being enthusi- 
 asts, their clergy artfully increase a warlike spirit among thoir flocks" 
 
SPOILS AT BENNINGTON. 367 
 
 were discomfited. In one day more a rumor was 
 rile in New Hampshire that Burgoyne had been taken 
 at Stillwater : 
 
 As the sun, 
 
 Ere he be risen, sotnetimes pajnt« his image 
 
 In the atmosphere, the shadowH of great events 
 
 Precede the events, and in to-d-dy already walks to-morrow." 
 
 The spoils taken by Stark, after his victory at Ben- 
 nington, were equally distributed among his soldiers, 
 and the prize-money given to each soldier was five 
 dollars. Before thus dividing the spoils, Stark selected 
 certain articles to be presented as trophies to the states 
 of Vermont, New Hampshire, and Massachusetts, 
 namely: for each state, one Hessian gun and bayonet, 
 one broad-sword, one brass-barreled drum, and one 
 grenadier's cap. These presents called forth from each 
 of the states, a letter of thanks. The gift to •Massa- 
 chusetts is still suspended in the senate-chamber at 
 Boston. Only a portion of Stark's present to his own 
 state is preserved, while that given to Vermont, to 
 commemorate his victory, has been lost. The cap of 
 Colonel Baum was for many years worn to the legisla- 
 ture by the representative from Pownal, and his sword 
 Btill hangs in the bar-room of .a Bennington tavern. 
 Baum's maps were long used by Stark as curtains in 
 his log cabin. The whole expense of Stark's brigade, 
 in the achievement of a victory which secured the de- 
 struction of Burgoyne's army, was sixty -six thousand 
 dollars; but, owing to the depreciation of continental 
 money, only two thousand dollars were actually paid by 
 congress. 
 
 The four pieces of cannon taken by Stark at Ben- 
 nington were of Dutch manufacture. They were 
 
368 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEPiOElS- 
 
 alternately in the hands of the British and Americana 
 during the battle. Their history is somewhat singular. 
 After the war, the following inscription was placed 
 upon them : " Taken r'rom the Germans at Benning- 
 ton, August 16th, 1777." Thirtj-five years afterward 
 they were in the park of artillery which Hull surren 
 dered with his army to the British at Detroit. The 
 British fired their evening salute with them, and it was 
 determined, and preparations were made, to have their 
 history continued, by engraving upon them the inscrip- 
 tion, "Betaken from the Americans, August 16th, 
 1812." But before this plan was executed, the cannon 
 were again taken from the British at the capture of 
 Fort George, and afterward removed to the arsenal at 
 Washington, where they remained many years un- 
 claimed and forgotten by the Yermonters, to whom 
 they belonged. They were finally discovered by the 
 Hon. Henry Stevens, the indefatigable Yermont an- 
 tiquary, while at Washington in pursuit of docu- 
 ments connected with the early history of his native 
 state, and upon his recommendation were claimed by 
 Yermont, and cheerfully restored by congress. They 
 now grace the principal hall of the Yermont state- 
 house, at Montpelier — a memento of the heroic pa- 
 triotism of the Green-Mountain Boys of '76. 
 
 The German and British prisoners were conducted 
 to Bennington, after the battle, and shut up in the 
 meeting-house. As soon as the necessary arrange- 
 ments could be made, they were removed to a place of 
 greater security in Massachusetts. The tories being 
 held in special abhorrence, were treated with consider- 
 able severity. They were bound two and two, like 
 
A LOKD IN LIMBO. 369 
 
 slaves in a cofflc, and led by persons on horse1)ack. 
 The women of Bennington very cheerfully furnished 
 all their bed-ropes to tie the prisoners with. The people 
 gathered in crowds to see them as they passed. One 
 of the British officers roughly addressed a very old 
 lady, who was looking at them, " So, you old fool, you 
 must come to see the lions." " Lions ! lions!" re])lie^d 
 the old lady, good-humoredly, " I declare, now, I think 
 you look more like lambs." 
 
 The prisoners taken at Bennington were soon after 
 joined by the whole of Burgoyne's army, who had 
 fallen into the hands of Gates. They were taken to 
 Cambridge, near Boston. A British officer, who was 
 among the prisoners, tells the following anecdote of 
 their journey thither. The spiteful manner in which 
 he alludes to the New-England people, may be excused 
 in consideration of his unfortunate position among 
 them. " The lower class of the jS^ew-Englanders," says 
 he, " are impertinently curious and inquisitive ; at a 
 house where Lord Kapier was quartered, with other 
 officers, a number of the inhabitants flocked to see a 
 lord, imagining he must be something more than man; 
 they were continually looking in at the window, and 
 peeping at the room door, saying, ' I wonder which is 
 the lord ! ' At last four women, intimate friends of the 
 landlord, got into the room, when one of them, with a 
 twang, peculiar to the JSTew-Englanders, said : ' I hear 
 you have got a lord among you; pray, now, which may 
 he be?' His lordship, who, by the by, was all 
 over mire, and scarcely dry from the heavy rain that 
 had fallen during the day's march, whispered to 
 an officer named Kemmis, whose turn for wit and 
 
370 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 jocularity was well known to the army. Kemmis accor' 
 dingly got up, and -pointing to his lordship, in a voice 
 and manner as if he was herald.-at-arras, informed them 
 that ' that was the Eight Honorable Francis Lord Na- 
 pier, &c., &c., &c.,' going through all his lordship's 
 titles, with a whole catalogue of additions ; after he 
 had finished, the women looked very attentively at his 
 lordship, and while he and the other officers were 
 laughing at the adroitness of Kemmis, the women got 
 up, and one of them lifting up her hands and eyes to 
 heaven, with great astonishment, exclaimed, ' Well, for 
 my part, if that be a lord, I never desire to see any 
 other lord but the Lord Jehovah,' and instantly left 
 the room." 
 
 The same ofiicer also relates the following affecting 
 circumstance : " A few days since, walking out with 
 some officers, we stopped at a house to purchase vege« 
 tables ; while the other officers were bargaining with 
 the woman of the house, I observed an elderly woman 
 sitting by the fire, who was continually eyeing us, and 
 every now and then shedding a tear. Just as we were 
 leaving, the house she got up, and bursting into tears, 
 said, ' Gentlemen, will you let a poor, distracted wo- 
 man speak a word to you before you go? ' We, as you 
 might naturally imagine, were all astonished, and upon 
 inquiring what she wanted, with the most poignant 
 grief and sobbing, as if her heart was on the point of 
 breaking, asked if any of us knew her son, Colonel 
 Francis, who was killed at the battle of Hubbardton? 
 Several of us informed her, that we had seen him after 
 he was dead. She then inquired about his pocket-book, 
 and if any oi his papers were safe, as some related to 
 
THE SOLDIERS MOTHER. 371 
 
 his estates, and if any of the soldiers had got his watch; 
 if she could but obtain that in remembrance of her 
 dear, dear son, she should be happy. Captain Fergu- 
 son, of our regiment, who was of the party, told her as 
 to the colonel's papers and pocket-book, he was fearful 
 they were either lost or destroyed ; but, pulling a 
 watch from his fob, said, '^ There, good woman, if that 
 can make you happy, take it, and God bless you." 
 AVe were all much surprised, not knowing that he 
 had made a purchas(^ of it from a drum-boy. On see- 
 ing it, it is impossible to describe the joy and grief that 
 • w^s depicted in her countenance ; I never, in all my 
 ' life, beheld such a strength of passion ; she kissed it, 
 looked unutterable gratitude at Captain Ferguson, then 
 kissed it again ; her feelings were inexpressible ; she 
 knew not liow to express or shew them ; she would re- 
 pay his kindness by kindness, but could only sob her 
 thanks ; our feelings were lifted up to an inexpressible 
 height ; we promised to search after the papers, and I 
 beireve, at that moment, could have hazarded life itself 
 to have procured them." 
 
 The severe measures of General Burgoyne had 
 roused the resentment and indignation of the New- 
 England states; the prospect of success after the battle 
 of Bennington, had increased their courage and anima- 
 tion; and the people were everywhere in motion. 
 Finding that reinforcements were, and probably would 
 be constantly arriving, General Lincoln determined to 
 make a diversion in the rear of the enemy. He marched 
 himself with the militia that liad joined him, from 
 Manchester to Pawlet. From thence, on September 
 the thirteenth, he sent off Colonel Brown with five 
 
372 ETHAN ALTJJN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 hundred men to the landing at Lake George, to destroy 
 the British stores, and to release the American prison- 
 ers that had been collected at that place. Colonel 
 Johnson was dispatched with the same number of men 
 to Mount Independence. Johnson was to amuse and 
 alarm the enemy at the north end of Lake George, 
 while Brown was executing the business at the south 
 end. If circumstances and opportunity favored, they 
 were to join their troops, and the one was to attack 
 Ticonderoga, and the other Mount Independence; but 
 they were not to risk the loss of many men in these 
 attempts. The same number of men were also sent on 
 under Colonel Woodbridge, to Skenesborough ; thence 
 to Fort Anne, and so on to Fort Edward. The design 
 was to alarm and divide the British forces and atten- 
 tion, by assaulting all their outposts and stations at 
 the same time. With so much secrecy and address 
 were these operations conducted, that by September 
 the eighteenth. Brown had effectually surprised all the 
 outposts between the landing-place at the north end 
 of Lake George, and the body of the fortress at Ticon- 
 deroga. Mount Defiance, Mount Hope, the " French 
 lines," and a block-house, with two hundi*ed bateaux, an 
 armed sloop, and several gun-boats, were almost in- 
 stantly taken. Four companies of foot, with nearly an 
 equal number of Canadians, and many of the officers 
 and crews of the vessels, amounting in the whole to 
 two hundred and ninety -three, were made prisoners ; 
 and at the same time they set at liberty one hundred 
 Americans, who had been made prisoners, and were 
 confined in some of those works. Encouraged by this 
 success, they summoned General Powel, the British 
 
MOVEMENTS OF BURGOYNE. 373 
 
 commander at Ticonderoo^a, to surrender that fortress ; 
 but after maneuvering four days, they found they were 
 wholly unable to attempt the w^orks either at Ticonde- 
 roga or Mount Independence; abandoning the design, 
 they returned in safety to Lincoln's camp. By this 
 well-conducted enterprise, the Americ-ans had alarmed 
 the enemy on the lakes, captured a considerable num- 
 ber of their men and vessels, recovered the continental 
 standard which they had left when they abandoned 
 Ticonderoga, and returned to their camp with scarcely 
 any loss to themselves. 
 
 Meanwhile, Generrd Burgoyne, having collected 
 about thirty days' provisions, and thrown a bridge of 
 boats over the Hudson, crossecl that river on the 13th 
 and 14th of September, and encamped on the heights 
 and plains of Saratoga. General Gates, who had re- 
 cently taken the chief command of the northern de- 
 partment of the American army, advanced toward the 
 British, and encamped three miles above Stillwater. 
 On the night of the 17th, Burgoyne encamped within 
 four miles of the American army ;. and about noon on 
 the 19th advanced in full force as^ainst it. The nVht 
 wing was commanded by General Burgoyne, and cov- 
 ered by General Fraser and Colonel Breyman with the 
 grenadiers and light infantry, who were posted along 
 some high grounds on the right. The front and flanka 
 were covered by Indians, provincials, and Canadians. 
 The left wing and artillery were commanded by Major- 
 generals Phillips and Eeidesel, who proceeded along 
 the great road. Colonel Morgan, who was detached 
 to observe their motions, and to harass them as they 
 advanced, soon fell in with their pickets in front of 
 
374 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 their riglit wing, attacked tliem sharply, and drove 
 them in. A strong corps was brought up to support 
 them, and, after a severe encounter, Morgan was com- 
 pelled to give way; but a regiment was ordered to as- 
 sist him, and the action became more general. The 
 commanders on both sides supported and reinforced 
 their respective parties; and about four o'clock, Arnold, 
 with nine continental regiments and Morgan's corps, 
 was completely engaged with the whole right wing of 
 the British army. The engagement began at three 
 o'clock in the afternoon, and continued till after sun- 
 set, when the Americans thought proper to retire, and 
 leave the British masters of the field of battle. The 
 loss on each side was nearly equal, six hundred being 
 killed and wounded on the part of the British, and the 
 same number on the side of the Americans. 'No ad- 
 vantages resulted to the British troops frojn this en- 
 counter ; while the conduct of the Americans fuUv 
 convinced every one that they were able to sustain an 
 attack in open plains with the intrepidity, the spirit, 
 and the coolness of veterans. For four hours they 
 maintained a contest hand to hand ; and when they 
 retired, it was not because they were conquered, but 
 because the approach of night made a retreat to their 
 camp absolutely necessary.* Both armies lay some 
 
 * In a history of Bnrp;oyne's campaif^n, writfen by an ofiicer of hia 
 army, the following exainph^s of tlie lu'roisni and devoted patriotism of 
 the Americans are given. A soldier who liad been badly wounded was 
 tixkou prisoner by the Indians, and carritnl before General Fraser, who 
 made inquiries of him in regard to the condition of the American army. 
 "But he would give no answer to any question," says the British officer, 
 "and beiiaved in the most undaunted manner. The general, imagining 
 that by sliowing him attention ho might gain some information from 
 
THE SPIRIT OF '76. 375 
 
 time in sight of each other, each fortifying its camp in 
 the strongest manner possible. Meanwhile, the diffi- 
 culties of the British general were daily increasing; 
 his auxiliary Indians deserted him soon after the battle 
 of Stillwater ; and his army, reduced to little more 
 than live thousand men, was limited to half the usual 
 allowance of provisions ; the stock of forage was also 
 entirely exhausted, and his horses were perisliing in 
 
 him, ordered him some refreshment, and when the surgeon had examined 
 his wound, told him he must immediately undergo an amputation, which 
 being performed, he was requested to keep himself still and quiet, or a 
 lock-jaw would inevitably ensue; to this he replied with great firmness, 
 ' then I shall have the pleasure of dying in a good cause, that of gaining 
 independence to the American colonies.' I mention this circumstance, 
 to show how cheerfully some of them will sacrifice their lives in pursuit 
 of this favorite idol. Such was the man's restless disposition, that he 
 actually died the next morning." 
 
 Another prisoner was interrogated by General Fraser. The soldier 
 would give no other answer than that the American army was com- 
 manded by General Gates. Fraser, exceedingly provoked because he 
 could gain no intelligence, told him if he did not immediately inform 
 him as to the exact situation of the American army, he would hang him 
 up directly; the soldier, with the most undaiintecrnfirmness, re[)lied, 
 " Then you must hang me, for I will not betray my country." Fraser's 
 threat was not executed. 
 
 While the British camp was on the north side of the Fish Creek, a 
 number of the officers' horses were let loose in the meadows to feed. An 
 expert swimmer among the Americans who swarmed upon the bills east 
 of the Hudson, obtained perniission to go across and capture one of tha 
 horses. He swam the river, seized and mounted a fine bay gelding, and 
 in a few moments was recrossing the stream unharmwJ, amid a volley of 
 bullets from a party of British soldiers. Shouts greeted him as he re- 
 turned ; and, when resterl, he asked permission to go for another, tellinjf 
 the captain that lie ought to have a horse to ride as well as a private. 
 Again the adventuroiis 8f)ldier was among the herd, and, unscathed, re- 
 turned with an exceedingly good match for the first, and presented it to 
 bis commander. 
 
376 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 great numbers ; the American army had become so 
 augmented as to render him diffident of makinor good 
 his retreat ; and, to aggravate his distress, no intelli- 
 gence had jet been received of the approach of Gen- 
 eral Clinton, or of any diversion in his favor from 
 New York. In this exigency. General Burgoyne re- 
 solved to examine the possibility of dislodging the 
 Americans from their posts on the left, by which means 
 he would be enabled to retreat to the lakes. For this 
 purpose he drew out fifteen hundred men, whom he 
 headed himself, attended by Generals Phillips, Reide- 
 sel and Eraser. This detachment had scarcely formed, 
 within less than half a mile of the American intrench- 
 ments, when they made a furious attack, which, though 
 bravely resisted, was decidedly to the advantage of the 
 assailants. General Burgoyne now became convinced 
 that it was impossible to conduct any farther offensive 
 operations, and endeavored to make good his retreat 
 to Fort George. Artificers were accordingly dis- 
 patched, under a strong escort, to repair the bridges, 
 and open the roads, but they were compelled to make 
 a precipitate retreat. The situation of his army be- 
 coming every hour more hazardous, he resolved to 
 attempt a retreat by night to Fort Edward ; but 
 even this retrograde movement was rendered imprac- 
 ticable. "VYhile the army was preparing to march, in 
 telligence was received that the Americans had already 
 possessed themselves of the fort, and that they were 
 well provided with artillery. No avenue to escape 
 now appeared. Incessant toil and continual engage- 
 ments had worn down the British army; its provisions 
 were nearly exhausted, and there were no means of 
 
SURRENDER OF BURGOTNE. 377 
 
 procuring a supply; while the American army, which 
 was daily increasing, was already much greater than 
 the British in point of numbers, and almost encircled 
 them. In this extremity, the British general called a 
 council of war; and it was unanimously resolved to 
 enter into a convention with General Gates. Prelimi- 
 naries were soen settled, and the royal army, to the 
 number of five' thousand seven hundred and fifty, sur- 
 rendered prisoners of war. 
 
 The capture of an entire army was justly viewed 
 as an event that must essentially affect the contest be- 
 tween Great Britain and America ; and while it ex- 
 cited the highest joy among the Americans, it could 
 not but have a most auspicious influence on their afiiiirs 
 In the cabinet and in the field. The thanks of congress 
 were voted to General Gates and his army; and a 
 medal of gold, in commemoration of this splendid 
 achievement, was ordered to be struck, to be presented 
 to him by the president, in the name of the United 
 States. 
 
 After the* surrender of Burgoyne, the garrison left 
 by him at Ticonderoga retreated into Canada. They 
 were pursued by fifty Green-Mountain Rangers, who 
 captured forty-nine of their number, together with 
 horses, cattle, and boats in great numbers. Previous 
 to the retreat of the British from Ticonderoga, a Yer- 
 monter, named Kichard Wallace, swam across the lake, 
 through a hostile fleet, for the purpose of learning the 
 strength of the forces there, as an attack was contem- 
 plated by Warner and Herrick. This act of daring was 
 equal to a story of another Green-Mountain hero one 
 Johnson, who, at the battle of Bennington, met a file 
 
o78 ETHAN ALLEN AND GBEEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 of German soldiers in the woods, and, having no other 
 weapon than a club, wrenched the file-leader's sword 
 Jroni his grasp, and compelled the whole party to sur- 
 render themselves prisoners of war. A grandson* of 
 that hero still keeps the Hessian blade thus bravely won. 
 The brave and hardy inhabitants of the Green Moun- 
 tains, who thus nobly stood forth in defense of their 
 country, had other difficulties than those inseparable 
 from the war with the mother country to encounter. 
 Not having been recognized as an independent state, 
 they were deprived of a regular government, under 
 which they could act with system and eifect. They 
 had, at first, no rallying point, and no bond of union, 
 save a common interest to resist the claims of Kew 
 York, as they had subsequently no other tie than that 
 of a common determination to resist the invasion of the 
 British forces. However, the necessity which drove 
 them to resistance, gave the efifect of law to the recom- 
 mendations of their conventions and committees ; while 
 a few bold and daring spirits, as if formed for the oc- 
 casion, gave energy and system to their 'movements. 
 But a better organization was obviously needed, to 
 sustain a protracted conflict. The change produced by 
 the Declaration of Independence in the relations be- 
 tween Great Britain and her colonies, rendered the 
 importance of this course still more imperative. The 
 people had, as we have seen, originally purchased their 
 lands under royal grants from the governor of New 
 Hampshire. But New York claimed the jurisdiction 
 and right of soil, and insisted that the occupants of the 
 lands should repurchase them, and at exorbitant rates. 
 
 * Rev. Cbarlcs Johuson, of Locke, Cayuga couotj, New York ' 
 
INDEPENDENCE OF VERMONT. 379 
 
 Tlie settlers had petitioned the crown for redress, and 
 while the J were encouraged with indications favorable 
 to their rights, the connection between the crown and 
 contending parties was suddenly dissolved. There no 
 longer remained, therefore, any earthly power, recog- 
 nized by the parties as a superior^ possessing the right 
 of settling the controversy. This state of things could 
 not fail to suggest to the settlers the expediency of de- 
 claring themselves independent. Having never sub- 
 mitted to the authority of New York, and finding no 
 safety for their dearest rights in doing so, they consid- 
 ered the time had arrived, as they no longer acknowl- 
 edged allegiance to the British crown, when a regard 
 for their own safety required, and justice sanctioned, 
 their formal assumption of the powers of self-govern- 
 ment. Accordingly, toward the close of the year 1775, 
 a number of individuals repaired to Philadelphia, 
 where the continental congress was then in session, 
 desiring the advice of that body as to the course they 
 should pursue. IN'o formal action was taken by con- 
 gress, although several of its prominent members rec- 
 ommended a separate state organization. A convention 
 of delegates from thirty-five towns accordingly assem- 
 bled at Dorset, July 24th, 1776 ; but for the purpose ot* 
 more thoroughly obtaining the views of the people, 
 adjourned to the 25th of the following September. By 
 the adjouined meeting, it was unanimously resolved 
 "to take suitable measures, as soon as may be, to 
 declare the I^ew-PIampshire Grants a free and separate 
 district." ^ 
 
 In January, 1777, another convention was held at 
 Westminster, which finally adopted the following 
 
380 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 DECLARATION^ OF INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 "In convention of the Representatives from the several coun- 
 ties and towns of the New Hampshire Grants, holden at West- 
 minster, January 15, 1777, by adjournment. 
 
 Whereas, the Honorable the Continental Congress did, on the 
 4th day of July last, declare the United Colonies in America to 
 be free and independent of the crown of Great Britain; which 
 declaration we most cordially acquiesce in. And whereas by the 
 said declaration, the arbitrary acts of the crown are null and void, 
 in ^merica. Consequently, the jurisdiction by said crown granted 
 to New York government over the people of the New Hampshire 
 Grants is totally dissolved. 
 
 We therefore^ the inhabitants, on said tract of land, are at 
 present without law or government, and may be truly said to be 
 in a state of nature; consequently a right remains to the people 
 on said Grants, to form a Government best suited to secure their 
 property well being and happiness. We the delegates from the 
 several counties and towns on said tract of land, bounded as fol- 
 lows: South on the north hne of Massachusetts Bay; East on 
 Connecticut River ; North on Canada line ; West as far as the 
 New Hampshire Grants extend: After several adjournments for 
 the purpose of forming ourselves into a distinct separate State, 
 being assembled at Westminster, do make and publish the fal- 
 lowing Declaration, viz : 
 
 " That we will at all times hereafter, consider ourselves as a 
 free and independent State, capable of regulating our internal 
 police, in all and every respect whatsoever. And that the people 
 of said Grants have the sole and exclusive, and inherent right of 
 ruling and governing themselves, in such manner and form as in 
 their own wisdom shall think proper, not inconsistent to any 
 resolve of the Honorable Continental Congress. 
 
 Furthermore, w^e declare by all the ties which are held sacred 
 among men, that we will fijmly stand by and support one 
 another in this our declaration of a State, and endeavoring as 
 much as in us lies to suppress unlawful routs and disturb- 
 ances \Thatever. Also we will endeavor to secure to every 
 individual his life, peace and property, against all invaders of 
 the same. 
 
 LaMly^ we hereby declare, that we are at all times ready, in 
 conjunction with our brethren in the United States of America, 
 to do our full proportion in maintaining and supporting the just 
 war, against the tyrannical invasions of the ministerial fleets and 
 armies, as well as any other foreign enemies, sent with express 
 
VERMONT CONSTITUTION. 381 
 
 purpose to murrler our fellow brethren, and with i5re and sword 
 to ravage our defenceless country. 
 
 The said State hereafter to be called by the name of New 
 Connecticut." 
 
 At another convention, held in June, 1777, the name 
 of New Connecticut was changed to Yermont. In- 
 formation of this important step was transmitted to 
 congress, with the assurance that the people of Yermont 
 '' were at all times ready, in conjunction with their 
 brethren in the United States, to contribute their full 
 proportion towards maintaining the present just war, 
 against the fleets and armies of Great Britain." They 
 also sent a deputation to Philadelphia to solicit con- 
 gress to recognize their existence as an independent 
 fctate, and admit their delegates to seats in the national 
 legislature. New Hampshire readily consented to the 
 separate independence of Yermont ; Connecticut and 
 Massachusetts gave it their approval; but New York re- 
 monstrated against the measure, and even insisted that 
 congress should recall the commission granted to the 
 noble Warner, who was denounced as an outlaw and 
 insurgent. This remonstrance had its effect upon con- 
 gress, and the application for the recognition of the in- 
 dependence of Yermont, was peremptorily dismissed. 
 
 AVhile this sul)ject was before congress, the people of 
 
 Yermont were engaged in forming a constitution. A 
 
 convention, chosen for this purpose, met at Windsor 
 
 the second of July. The draft of a constitution was 
 
 prepared, and the convention were deliberating upon its 
 
 provisions when the intelligence of the evacuation of 
 
 Ticonderoga was received. " The frontiers," says Ira 
 
 Allen in his History of Yermont, ^'were exposed to the 
 
 inroads of the enemy. The family of the president of 
 
 17 
 
382 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOENTAIN HEROES. 
 
 the couvention, as well as those of many other mem- 
 bers, were exposed to the foe. In this awful crisis, 
 some were for leaving precipitately ; but a severe thun- 
 der-storm came on, and during the rain, thej had time 
 to reflect ; while other members, less alarmed at the 
 news, called the attention of the whole to finish the 
 constitution, which was then reading for the last time. 
 The constitution was read through ; the convention 
 proceeded to appoint a council of safety to conduct 
 the business of the state, and adjourned without day. 
 
 "The members of the council of safety, appointed as 
 aforesaid, agreed to meet and form at Manchester, 
 where they repaired without loss of time. Colonel 
 Thomas Chittenden was elected president, and Mr. Ira 
 Allen (then twenty-seven years old) secretary to said 
 convention. The council of safetj' had no public mo- 
 ney, nor had they any authority to lay taxes, or credit, 
 as a public body, to make or borrow money to answer 
 the necessities of government. The government was 
 in its infancy, and all expenses were supported at pri- 
 vate expense. The council were generally men of small 
 property, yet in this situation, it became necessary to 
 raise men for the defense of the frontiers, with bounties 
 and wages. Ways and means were to be found out ; 
 and the day was spent in debating on the subject. iNTa- 
 than Clark, Esq., not convinced of the practicability of 
 raising a regiment, moved in council, that Mr. Ira Al- 
 len, (the youngest member of the council, who insisted 
 on raising a regiment, while a large majority of the 
 council were for only two companies of sixty men each) 
 might be appointed a committee, to discover ways and 
 means to raise, arrn and support a regiment, and to 
 
IK A Allen's expedient. 383 
 
 make his report at sunrise, on the morrow. The coun- 
 cil acquiesced, and Mr. Allen took the matter into con- 
 sideration, and spent the night alone in concerting 
 plans ; and he reported the ways and means, viz : tliat 
 the council should appoint commissioners of sequestra- 
 tion, with authority to seize the goods and chattels of 
 all persons who had, or should join the common en- 
 emy ; that all movable property so seized should be 
 sold at public vendue, and the proceeds paid to a treas- 
 tirer, to be appointed by the council, for the purpose 
 of paying a bounty often dollars, and one month's pay 
 in advance." 
 
 This is said to have been the first instance of the seiz- 
 ure of the property of the tories for the defense of the 
 country, although the practice was afterward adopted 
 by all the states. This energetic measure enabled the 
 council of safety to bring a regiment of hardy moun- 
 taineers into the field. They appealed to I^ew Hamp- 
 shire for aid. Stark was promptly sent 'to their asi^ist- 
 ance — the battle of Benninoton was fouMit — Bur- 
 goyne's expected supplies were thereby cut off", and the 
 surrender of his army to Gates became inevitable. 
 
 Previous to the adjournment of the convention which 
 framed the state constitution, the first election of offi- 
 cers was directed to be held in December, 1777; but 
 the military movements in that vicinity rendered its 
 post]/onement necessary. In March, 1778, Thomas 
 Chittenden was elected governor, and Ira Allen 
 BO 3: eta ry. 
 
 Thomas Chittenden was born January 6, 1730, at 
 Guilford, Conn. His father being a farmer, in moder- 
 ate circumbtances, the subject of this memoir received 
 
384 ETHAN ALT,EN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 no other education than that afforded by the common 
 school in Guilford. Until the eighteenth year of his 
 age he was employed on his father's farm ; but being 
 of an active and adventurous temperament, he engaged 
 in a mercantile enterprise, and made a voyage to the 
 West Indies. But England being then at war with 
 France, the vessel in which he had embarked was cap- 
 tured by a cruiser of the hitter country, and he was 
 landed on a West-India island, without friends or re- 
 sources. He finally reached home, after undergoing 
 much sujffering and fatigue. At the age of twenty he 
 married Elizabeth Meigs, removed to Salisbury, and 
 by his industry and energy, soon acquired a consider- 
 able fortune. He was then appointed a justice of the 
 j>eace, a colonel of the militia, and represented the 
 town of Salisbury in the Connecticut legislature from 
 1765 to 1772. Having purchased a large tract of land 
 on the Winooski river, he removed to the New-Hamp- 
 shire Grants in the spring of 1774, and in a short pe- 
 riod was surrounded with all the comforts that wealth 
 could bestow. At this time the war of the Kevolution 
 commenced, and Mr. Chittenden, with several other 
 persons, repaired to Philadelphia to learn the views of 
 the members of the continental congress, in regard to 
 the momentous crisis then impending, and to receive 
 advice as to the manner in which the people occupy- 
 ing the New-Hampshire Grants, could, in their pe- 
 culiar position, most effectually serve the cause of 
 freedom. 
 
 Upon the retreat of the American army from Can* 
 ada, in the spring of 1776, the frontier settlements 
 were exposed to the enemy, and Mr. Chittenden found 
 
GOV. CHITTENDEN. 385 
 
 it necessary to abandon liis pleasant home, and re- 
 move his family to Massachusetts. After doing this, 
 he entered with much zeal into the measures adopted 
 to impede the progress of the enemy, and was ap- 
 pointed the first president of the committee of safety 
 at Bennington. Entering with deep interest into the 
 controversy with Xew York respecting the titles of 
 the lands in the New-Hampshire Grants, and being 
 more acquainted with public business than any of the 
 settlers, in consequence of the offices which he had 
 held in his native state, he was universally regarded 
 as the man most suitable to be placed at the head of 
 their operations. Mr. Chittenden perceived that the 
 general struggle for independence, in which the col- 
 onies were now engaged, presented a favorable oppor- 
 tunity for terminating the controversy with New York, 
 by erecting the disputed territory into a new state, 
 and establishing a separate government ; and having 
 adopted this decisive plan of sound policy, he steadily 
 pursued it, till he saw the independence of Vermont 
 acknowledged by the neighboring states and by the 
 general government. 
 
 He was a member of the first convention of dele- 
 gates from the several townships, which met at Dorset, 
 September 25, 1776, for the purpose of taking into 
 consideration the expediency of declaring Yerniont an 
 independent state ; and at the subsequent meeting of 
 the convention at Westminster, January 25, 1777, he 
 was one of the committee who draughted the declara- 
 tion of independence, which was there adopted; and 
 also a member of another committee, which, at that time, 
 petitioned congress, praying that body to acknowledgo 
 
386 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-^IOUNTAIN HERO:?. 
 
 Yermont a free and independent state. lie assisted in 
 forming the' first constitution of Vermont, which was 
 adopted by the convention, July 2d, 1777, and in 1778 
 he was. elected the first governor of Yermont, which 
 ofiicG*Uie held, with the exception of one year, till hia 
 death.* 
 
 Governor Chittenden Dossessed in an eminent deo^ree, 
 precisely those qualifications which fitted him for the 
 sphere in which he was called upon to act. He had not, 
 indeed, enjoyed many of the advantages of education, 
 but his want of education was amply compensated by 
 the possession of a strong and active mind, which, at 
 the time he emigrated to Yermont, was matured by 
 age, practiced in business, and enriched by a careful 
 observance of men and thino^s. His knowledge was 
 practical rather than theoretic. He was regular in hia 
 habits — plain and simple in his manners — averse to 
 ostentation in equipage or dress, and he cared little for 
 the luxuries, the blandishments or the etiquette of 
 refined society. In short, though he was destitute of 
 many of the qualifications now deemed essential in a 
 statesman, he possessed all that were necessary, and 
 none that were superfluous, in the times in which he 
 lived, and was probably far better fitted to be the 
 leader and governor of the independent, dauntless and 
 hardy, but uncultivated settlers of Vermont, tlian would 
 have been a man of more theoretic knowledge, or polite 
 accomplishments. 
 
 Ira Allen, who was chosen the first secretary of 
 etate, had also been the secretary of the committee of 
 
 * History of Verraont, by Rev. Zadock Thompson — a most able and 
 elabo-ate work 
 
IRA ALLEN. 387 
 
 Srtfetj, and as such, performed services of incalculable 
 beneiit to the country. Many of the inhabitants of the 
 Green Mountains sanc^oned the policy of the British 
 crown, in oppositioi? u :^t- ^'nterests of the colonies, and 
 on the approach of Burguynv. 'undreds of them fled 
 to his camp. The whole country was .. :he utmost 
 consternation. Successful resistance to the trmmpnan-^ 
 march of the haughty Briton was scarcely hoped for 
 The committee of safety at Bennington were about to 
 give up in despair. The committee were destitute of 
 means, and yet Allen insisted that tbey should enlist a 
 regiment to aid the army of freedom. But how were 
 the men to be paid ? how armed ? Ira Allen shrunk 
 not from the question. " We must use the means of 
 those who have gone over to the enemy, to defend 
 ourselves against them," said he. The measure was 
 adopted, the regiment was raised, arms and ammunition 
 were procured, and at Bennington, "that cluster of 
 poor cottages," as Burgoyne denominated it, was fought 
 the battle w^hich rendered the ultimate surrender of 
 the British army inevitable. " Let us turn," says a 
 distinguished Vermont author,* in describing the 
 members of the' committee of safety, '^ Let us turn to 
 the youthful secretary of the council, Ira Allen. So 
 much the junior of his colleagues was he, that a 
 spectator might well wonder why he was selected as 
 one of such a sage body. But those who procured his 
 appointment knew full well w^hy they had done so ; 
 and his history thenceforward was destined to prove a 
 continued justification of their opinion. Both in form 
 
 • Daniel P. Thompson, Esq., iu his populai' historical novel, entitled 
 * The Rangers." 
 
388 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MODNTAII^ UEKOES. 
 
 and feature, l:e was one of the handsomest men of hid 
 day ; while a mind, at once versatile, clear and 
 penetrating, with perceptions as quick as light, was 
 stamped on his Grecian brow, or found a livelier 
 expression in his flashing black eyes, and other linea- 
 ments of his intellectual countenance. Such, as he 
 appeared for the first time on the stage of public action, 
 was the afterward noted Ira Allen, whose true history, 
 when written, will show him to have been either 
 secretly or openly the originator or successful prosecutor 
 of more important political measures, affecting the 
 interests and independence of the state, and the issue 
 of the war in the northern department, than any other 
 individual in Vermont ; making him, with the many 
 peculiar traits he possessed, one of the most remarkable 
 men of the times in which he so conspicuously figured." 
 Many difficulties attended the establishment of the new 
 government. Congress had disapproved of the Yer- 
 mont declaration of independence, and 'New York 
 vigorously resisted the movement. The Yermonters, 
 in the expectation of increasing their strength, incau- 
 tiously admitted another occasion of embarrassment to 
 the adjustment of the serious controversy in which they 
 were involved. The original charter under which New 
 Hampshire was settled, was limited to a margin of sixty 
 miles in width along the sea-coast. But the jurisdiction 
 of the colony was afterward extended westward to the 
 Connecticut river, and Governor Wentworth even 
 claimed jurisdiction to Lake Champlain. Sixteen 
 townships, situated on the eas4; side of the Connecticut, 
 but within the limits of the original charter, applied 
 to the Vermont legislature for admission into their new 
 
Allen's return". 389 
 
 Btate. The application was made in March, 17T8. Tho 
 people on the east side of the Green Mountains were 
 ai'dently in favor of the measure, and as it was repre- 
 sented to the legislature that the persons inhabiting the 
 sixteen townships almost unanimously approved of 
 the proposed union, the subject was referred to the 
 people. In June the legislature again met, and as a 
 majority of the towns composing the state of Vermont 
 had declared in favor of the union, the legislature gave 
 its formal consent to the measure. New Hampshire at 
 once protested against the dismemberment of its terri- 
 tory, and appealed to congress for protection. 
 
 In the mean time, Ethan Allen had been exchanged 
 for an officer taken at the capture of Burgoyne, and, 
 after having visited Washington at Yalley Forge, had 
 returned to his beloved Green-Mountain companions, 
 and was welcomed home amid universal rejoicings. 
 Congress, not unmindful of his services, granted him a 
 brevet commission of colonel in the continental army, 
 " in reward of his fortitude, firmness and zeal in the 
 cause of his country, manifested in the course of his 
 long and cruel captivity, as well as on former occa- 
 sions." Allen, on his return to Vermont, was appointed 
 general and commander-in-chief of the militia of the 
 state. The people of Vermont having seen their error 
 in becoming a party to the dismemberment of New 
 IIamj)shire, General Allen was appointed a special 
 agent to visit Philadelphia and counteract the unfavor- 
 able feeling in congress respecting the independence 
 of Vermont, occasioned by its course toward a sister 
 state. The delicate duties of this mission Allen per- 
 formed with consummate tact, and on his return to his 
 
390 ETHAN ALLEN AND OEEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 constituents, urged them to recede from the union with 
 a portion of New Hampshire, expressing the assur- 
 ance that should they do so, congress would recognize 
 their independence. The legislature met at Windsor, 
 in October, and in compliance with Allen's recommend- 
 ation,' receded from the union with the towns east of 
 the Connecticut river. The members from these towns 
 withdrew from the legislature, and were followed by a 
 number of others representing the east side of the 
 Green Mountains, and these afterward occasioned the 
 administration much trouble. 
 
 During the occurrence of these events, Governor 
 Clinton, of jSTew York, issued a proclamation claiming 
 jurisdiction over Vermont, but confirming the title of 
 the settlers to the lands which had been granted by the 
 governor of New Hampshire. Many persons were 
 eager to acquiesce in the jurisdiction of New York 
 upon these conditions. But Allen prepared an answer 
 to the proclamation of Clinton, stating the groundo of 
 the claims of Vermont to the right of self-government, 
 and exhorting the people not to relax for a moment 
 their efforts to attain the end for which they had 
 strue^gled so long and so hard. This address had a 
 powerful effect upon the Vermonters, and doubtless 
 prevented the dissolution of the state government. 
 
 It should be said to the praise of Allen, considering 
 the scenes he had passed through, that on no occasion 
 did he encourage or countenance laxness in govern- 
 ment, or disobedience to the laws and magistrates, re^ 
 cognized as such by the people themselves. "Any one," 
 he remarks, "who is acquainted with mankind and 
 things, must know, that it is impossible to manage tlie 
 
ALLEN FOT! LAW AND 0];nER. w9l 
 
 political matters of this country without the assistance 
 of civil government. A large body of people destitute 
 of it, is like a ship at sea, without a helm or mariner, 
 tossed by the impetuous waves. We could not enjoy 
 domestic peace and security, set aside the consequences 
 of a British war and the New-York strife, without civil 
 regulations. The two last considerations do, in the 
 most striking manner, excite us to strengthen and con- 
 firm the government already set up by the authority 
 of the people, which is the fountain of all temporal 
 power, and from which the subjects of the state of 
 Vermont have already received such signal advan- 
 tages." These sentiments he avowed repeatedly, and 
 even when he was stirring up and leading out the mobs 
 of Bennington, he always declared it was in self-defense, 
 the result of a necessity forced upon them by their en- 
 emies ; and he pever ceased to recommend order, good 
 faith, and submission to the laws, as essential to the 
 prosperity and happiness of the community. ^ 
 
 This desire on the part of Allen to maintain good 
 order in society by adherence to the law, is happily 
 illustrated by an occurrence which took place soon after 
 his return from captivity^"' One David liedding had been 
 accused of supplying the enemy on the lakes with pro- 
 visions, and was charged with several other acts un- 
 friendly to the country. He was at first tried by a jury 
 of six persons and convicted, and was sentenced to be 
 executed on the sixth day of June, 1778. In the mean 
 time, John Burnam, an attorney at law, who had re- 
 cently arrived from Connecticut, with Blackstone's 
 Commentaries in his saddle-bags, appeared before the 
 council of safety and showed them that Redding'a 
 
392 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 conviction had been irregular, inasmuch as no man 
 could be legally convicted of a capital crime, but 
 bj the verdict of twelve jurymen. The council, per- 
 ceiving their error, granted a new trial. But the curi- 
 osity which, not much to the honor of human nature, 
 has ever been manifested on such occasions, was on 
 this, greatly heightened by the fact that no execution 
 had ever taken place in Vermont. To this curiosity 
 was added the strong feeling of indignation which 
 such a crime as that of Kedding was calculated to ex- 
 cite at that period. The intelligojice that a new trial 
 Lad been granted was received at the moment when 
 the excited throng were collecting to witness the 
 execution. With such a multitude and on such an 
 occasion, it was useless to talk of law. They had pro- 
 nounced the culprit guilty, and were not in a mood to 
 reflect upon the motive for setting aside the verdict of 
 the whole community with so little ceremony. The ex- 
 cited populace were preparing to seize the prisoner, 
 regardless of the reprieve which had been granted, and 
 imceremoniously hang him. Upon this, Ethan Allen 
 pressed through the crowd, mounted a stump, and 
 waving his hat, exclaimed in thundering tones, "At- 
 tentifb the whole!" Silence was at once restored, for 
 all were eager to hear what he would sav. lie then 
 proceeded to announce the reasons which had produced 
 the reprieve — advised the multitude to depart peace- 
 ably to their habitations, and return on the day fixed 
 for the execution by the council of safety, adding with 
 a tremendous oath, '^You shall see somebody hung, 
 at all events; for if Reddirgis not then hung, I will be 
 hung myself." The crowd quietly dispersed, and after 
 
ANECDOTES OF ETHAN ALLEN. 393 
 
 havinty been a second time convicted, Redding was 
 finally executed."* 
 
 Levi, one of Ethan Allen's brothers, joined the tories 
 and fled with them to Canada. This greatly incensed 
 Ethan, and he applied to the proper authorities for the 
 confiscation of his brother's property for the benefit of 
 the state.f Levi heard of this, and challenged his 
 brother to fight a duel ! This Ethan refused to do, on 
 the ground that it would "be disgraceful to fight a tory ! " 
 Levi' afterward abandoned the royal cause, and be- 
 came a staunch patriot. 
 
 * Another anecdote, illustrative of Allen's character, may be appropri- 
 ately narrated here, and, like the above, is undoubtedly authentic. Allen 
 was for a short time a resident of Tinmouth, Vt On one occasion while 
 at the house of the village physician, a lady entered to have a tooth ex- 
 tracted; but as often as the physician attempted to apply his insti-ument 
 to the offending tooth, the kdy's courage failed, Allen, who was an un- 
 easy spectator, at length said to the physician, " Here, Doctor, take out 
 one of my teeth." " But your teeth are all soiftid," said the physician, 
 after carefully examining his molars and incisors. " Never mind — do as 
 I direct you," said Allen; and there was suddenly a gap in his array of 
 ivory. " Now take courage, madam, from the example I have given you," 
 eaid Allen to the trembling lady. Pride overcame her fears, and she 
 was soon relieved of her apprehensions of pain, and of her tooth also. 
 
 t The following is a literal copy of Ethan Allen's complaint concern- 
 ing his brother : 
 
 BENNixtTON County, ss. — Arlington, 9th of January, 1779. 
 To the Honorable the Court of Confiscation, comes CoL Ethan Allen, 
 in the name of the freemen of this State, and complaint makes that Levi 
 Allen, late of Salisbury, in Connecticut, is of tory principles, and holds 
 in fee, sundry tracts and parcels of land in this State. The said Levi has 
 been detected in endeavoring to supply the enemy on Long Island, and 
 in attempting to circulate counterfeit continental currency, and is guilty 
 of holding treasonable correspondence with the enemy, under cover of 
 doing favours to me, when a prisoner at New-York, and Long Island ; 
 and in talking, and useing influence in favour of the enemy, associating 
 
394: ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUNTAIN IIESOES. 
 
 After the surrender of Bnrffovne, the southern states 
 became the theater of the important operations of the 
 British, leaving no opportunity for the American troops 
 to distinguish themselves in the north. Warner, with 
 the Green-Mountain Regiment, was in constant service 
 on the Hudson river and elsewhere, as the exigencies of 
 the country required, and always met the expectations 
 of the great Washington. The indefatigable exertions 
 of Warner in the cause of freedom, and the coubtant 
 exposure and fatigue to which he was subjected, 
 undermined his constitution, and he returned to his 
 family at Bennington^ toward the close of the war, a 
 dying man. Disease i.a an aggravated form had struck 
 its fangs into his system. But he bore the distressing 
 maladies of his last days with unbounded fortitude. 
 His agonies were solaced by the reflection that he had 
 discharged his duty to his country, and had successfully 
 struggled to obtain her freedom. He was saddened, 
 however, by the reflection that. his wife and three 
 children would be left in destitute circumstances. The 
 lands which he once owned, had, while he was engaged 
 in active service at the head of his regiment, been 
 
 with inimical pers9ns to this country, and with them monopolizing the 
 necessaries of life, in endeavoring to lessen the credit of the continental 
 cnrrency, and in particular, hath exerted himself in the most falacious 
 manner, to injure the property and character of some of the most zealous 
 friends to the independency of the United States, and of this State like- 
 wise ; all which inimical conduct is aijainst the peace and dignity of the 
 freemen of this State : I therefore pray the Honorable Court to take the 
 matter under their consideration, and make confiscation of the estate of 
 said Levi before mentioned, according to the laws and customs of this 
 State in such case made and provided. 
 
 ETHAN ALLEN. 
 
DEATH OF COLONEL WARNER. o95 
 
 sold for taxes. So much had he been engrossed by his 
 duties as a patriot, that he thought not of saving his 
 own property while the freedom of his beloved country 
 was endangered. He was not permitted to die in his 
 Bcnses. Prior to. his decease, lie was the victim of a 
 raging delirium ; and, in his wild imaginings, fancied 
 himself at the head of his regiment of Rangers, and, 
 on his dying couch, restrained b}^ a constant guard -ot 
 able-bodied men, he would fight his battles over again. 
 The preternatural strength with which he was endowed, 
 decreased, at last, with the progress of his insidious 
 malady; and the skillful botanist, whose prescriptions 
 had prolonged the lives of others, could not restore his 
 own reason or save his own life. The practiced 
 huntsman, the sinews of whose gigantic frame were 
 hardened in the hunting-grounds of Yermont, and who 
 had never feared the face of any man, paled" and 
 trembled before the grim visage of that huntsman 
 whose name is Death. — His earthly doom was finally 
 sealed ! His earthly sands had run out! He obeyed 
 the mandate to join the majority — ahilt ad plures—^ 
 an*d was gathered to his fathers in the prime of life — 
 "ere his eye M^as dim or his natural force abated." 
 The gold was refined and the crucible was broken ! 
 The toil-worn body was laid in the "narrow house 
 appointed for all living," that the soul might escape 
 into life. A short time before his death, he had 
 removed to Roxbury, Conn., and there his ashes, were 
 consigned to the earth, with all the honors of war, in a 
 grave remote from the hills he loved so well, and for 
 whose sake he had yielded up his life in the bloom of 
 manhood. On a white marble memorial stone in 
 
 .*f 
 
396 ETIIAN ALLLN AND GREEW-MODKTAIN HEKUKS. 
 
 Koxbury, over wbicL the moss has been suffered to 
 grow, may now be deciphered with much pains-taking, 
 the following inscription : 
 
 In memory of 
 
 COL. SETH WARNER, ESQ., 
 
 Who departod this life, Det-ember 26, A. D. 1784, 
 
 In the 4:2d year of his jige. , 
 
 Triumphant leader at our armies' head, j 
 
 Whose martial a^lory struck a panic dre.ad, 
 Thy warlike deeds engraven on this stone, 
 Tell future ages what a hero 's done. 
 Full sixteen battles he did Hght, 
 For to procure his country's right 
 • Oh I this brave hero, he did fall 
 
 By death, who ever conquers all. 
 
 When this you see, remember me. 
 
 The proprietors of several townships had given him 
 tracts of land, of considerable value, as a reward for 
 his services in defense of the New-Hampshire Grants; 
 but the greater part, if not all of them, were sold for 
 taxes, and his heirs never received any considerable 
 benefit from them. In 1777, the legislature of Ver- 
 mont generously granted to his heirs 2,000 acres of 
 land, in the north-west part of the county of Essex. It 
 was then supposed that this land would become val- 
 uable by a settlement of that part of the county; bat 
 when tliat section of the state was explored, this tract 
 of land was found to be of little or no value, and it 
 yet remains unsettled.* 
 
 * In 1786, Mrs. Wanier petitioned congress for remuneration for the 
 services of her husband, but the amount of relief afforded her was small. 
 The following are the closing sentences of her memorial : " The cir- 
 cumstances of your disconsolate petitioner as to her interest and circum- 
 stances in life, will appear by certificate of Daniel Shkrman, judge ^ 
 probate, herewith transmitted, by which your honors will see that yofir 
 unhappy petitioner hath nothing to support herself and three children, 
 only her own industry — hav ng two sons and a daughter, two of whieb 
 
 ■f 
 
COLONEL WAENEli's WIDOW. 397 
 
 Although the current of the war swept southward 
 after the capture of Burgoyne, the people of Vermont, 
 while agitated by their political contest with the 
 neighboring states, were frequently harassed by par- 
 ties of Indians in the interest of the British crown, 
 led on by tories even more fiendish than the Indians 
 themselves. Nevertheless, the greater j^ortion of the 
 inhabitants who had fled from their homes on the 
 approach of Burgoyne, returned again after the storm 
 
 are unahle to earn anything by their labor. Your petitioner would fur- 
 ther represent to your honors, that the colonel was so taken up in the 
 defense of the country in the late war, that he wholly neglected his own 
 interest, by means of which he lost ihuch of his estate, as it lay chiefly 
 in lands of the state of Vermont, for want of taking seasonable care 
 thereof, and although your j>etitioner had a hard task in looking after the 
 colonel in his last sickness, as the colonel lay long confined, unable to 
 help himself, and your petitioner bad the unhappiness to see her dear 
 companion, as it were, die by inches, (as a mortification began in his feet 
 and by a slow progress proceeded up to his body, which continued for 
 months before it put an end to his valuable life.) Notwithstanding your 
 petitioner had the chief care of looking after her dear companion, it 
 yielded her some consolation that she had the opportunity of looking 
 after the colonel in his last sickness. Had it been the colonel's fate to 
 have fallen in battle, as many did that were engaged with him, your pe- 
 titioner is informed that she should be entitled to receive some gratuity 
 from your honors. Your petitioner, therefore, can but hope inasmuch as 
 the death of her dear husband was in consequence of the wounds and 
 hardship he received in his country's seiTice in the late war, your honors 
 will be graciously pleased to take her distressed circumstances into your 
 wise consideration and grant her such a bounty as that she may be able 
 to support herself and children, and give thera such education as that 
 Ibej might not be contemptible among the human race. The which 
 your petitioner is the more embolden to ask your honors, as she hath 
 been informed your honors have, in some instances, been liberal to the 
 posterity of those who have distinguished themselves in their country's 
 service in the late war — for which, as in duty bound, your unhajjpy 
 petitioner shall ever pray." 
 
39^ ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 had passed. Those on the frontiers were in constant 
 peril, and' many were the midnight assaults upon their 
 feeble settlements, and many were the occasions upon 
 which their fortitude and heroism were called into 
 action. The memory of most of these has been lost 
 in the lapse of years. Among the most remarkable 
 of these early^settlers, who are yet remembered, wa^t 
 Mrs. Storey, of Salisbury. Her husband had emi- 
 grated to the Grants at an early day, but was killed 
 by the fall of a tree, leaving Mrs. Storey with half a 
 score of children. Thus left a widow, she endured 
 almost every hardship, laboring in the field, chopping 
 down timber and clearing and cultivating the soil. 
 She retreated several times to Pittsford during the 
 Eevolution, on account of the danger apprehended from 
 the enemy, but at length she and a Mr. Stevens pre- 
 pared themselves a safe retreat. This was effected by 
 digging a hole horizontally into the bank, just above 
 the water of Otter creek, barely sufficient to admit one 
 person at a time. This passage led to a spacious 
 lodging-room, the bottom of which was covered with 
 straw, and upon this their beds were laid for the ac- 
 commodation of the families. The entrance was con- 
 cealed by bushes which hunof over it from the bank 
 above. They usually retired to their lodgings in the 
 dusk of evening, and left them before light in the 
 morning, and this was eftected by means of a canoe, 
 60 that no path or footsteps were to be seen leading to 
 their subterraneous abode.* This afforded her perfect 
 security during the continuance of the war. 
 
 *Mr8. Storey and her underground room occupy a prominent place in tho 
 thrilling novel of " The Green-Mountiiin Boys," by D. P. Thonipson, Esq 
 
ATTACK ON ROYALTON. 
 
 399 
 
 The most disastrous incursion of the Indians against 
 the people of Yermont, resulted in the destruction of 
 the town of Royalton. In the beginning of October, 
 1780, '^r^ expedition was planned agains-t Newbury, on 
 Connecticut river, the principal object of which was 
 to capture a Lieutenant Whitcomb, who, the Cana- 
 dians asserted, had mortally wounded and robbed a 
 British General Gordon, during Montgomery's disas- 
 trous campaign several years before. Against this man 
 the British and Indians had conceived a violent aver- 
 ei'on, and planned the present expedition in order to 
 get him in their power. The expedition consisted of 
 two hundred and ten men, nearly all of whom were 
 Indians, under the command of a British officer named 
 Ilorton. In proceeding up Winooski river, they fell 
 in with 'two hunters, who informed them that the peo- 
 ple of Newbury were expecting an attack, and had 
 prepared themselves for it; and they therefore de- 
 cided to direct their course toward Royalton. They 
 found the inhabitants wholly unprepared for an attack, 
 and an easy prey to their rapacity. After destroying 
 twenty houses at Royalton and several in the neigh- 
 boring towns, killing some persons who attempted to 
 escape, and taking many prisoners and much plunder, 
 they commenced a hasty retreat. The news quickly 
 spread, and a party of the resolute inhabitants of neigh- 
 boring towns soon assembled, chose a leader and com- 
 menced pursuit. So great was their dispatch that 
 they soon came up with the trail of the savages, in the 
 niirht, who, having posted their sentries, and partaking 
 excessively of the intoxicating portion of their spoils, 
 bad lain down to rest, not dreaming of an attack. 
 
400 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKKEN-M. L^'TATN HKKOt:& 
 
 Great was their consternation on findinsr that their 
 sentries were fired upon ; but with savage cunning 
 they sent word to their pursuers that if attacked, they 
 would put all the prisoners to death ; and while the 
 subject matter of this threat was debating among their 
 enemies, they picked up their prisoners and camp- 
 equipage, and made a hasty retreat under the covei 
 of tlie darkness. In the morning it was thought use 
 less to pursue them, and the party returned. Most of 
 the prisoners eventually returned from captivity. 
 
 Several authentic anecdotes are related of this 
 expedition, which go to show the Indian character in 
 a less ferocious light than it has generally been held, 
 under similar circumstances. They did not evinco 
 any desire to molest the women or female children. 
 In some of the cases, where the women who had left 
 their burning houses stood motionless and stupefied, 
 not knowing what to do, the Indians brought them 
 their clothes, with the assurance that " Indian would'nt 
 hurt 'em." One woman had firmness enough to re- 
 proach them for their conduct in burning down houses, 
 and taunted them for not daring to cross the river and 
 attack the men at the fort. They bore her gibes with 
 the utmost patience, and only replied that "squaw 
 shoukPnt talk too much." Another woman, named 
 Hannah Handy, whose young son they were carrying 
 ofi*, followed them with another child in her arms, and 
 besought them to return her little boy. They com- 
 plied ; and following up her success, she prevailed 
 upon them to give up ten or fifteen of tlie children 
 of her neighbors. One of the Indians olfered to carrj 
 her on his back across the Btream ; she accepted hia 
 
ANECDOTES OF THE INDIANS. 101 
 
 politeness, and though the water was '.ip to his waist, 
 he conveyed her over in safety, and she returned with 
 her little band of boys, to the surprise and joy of their 
 parents. 
 
 As the Indians usually sought only for plunder, and 
 seldom molested women or children, it was customary 
 for the men, when their settlements were attacked bv a 
 superior force, to flee into the woods till the Indians had 
 performed their work of plunder. ^ At one time a party 
 of them entered the house of Mr. Stone, of Bridgeport, 
 giving him but just time to escape, and after stripping 
 it of every thing of value to them, the principal, San- 
 hoop, put on the finest shirt it afforded, and swaggering 
 away to the hogsty, selected the best hog, and officiated 
 as chief butcher, flourishing his fine bloody sleeves, 
 while his comrades, whooping and dancing, carried it 
 away to their canoes. At another time, a party of In- 
 dians, coming up the bank, were discovered by Mrs. 
 Stone in season to throw some things Qut of a back 
 window into the weeds, put a few in her bosom, and 
 sit down to her carding. The Indians, after taking 
 what they could find elsewhere, came around Mrs. 
 Stone and the children. One of them seeming to sus- 
 pect that she had some valuable articles concealed about 
 her person, attempted to pull them from her bosom; 
 whereupon she struck him on the face with her card so 
 violently that he withdrew his hand, while a tall young 
 savage was flourishing: his tomahawk over her head. 
 Upon this an old Indian cried out, '-''Good squaw^ good 
 sqnaw^^"* and burst into a laugh of deri8i,">n at his. com- 
 panions for being beaten. On another occasion, pre- 
 vious to the evacuation of Ticonderoga by the British, 
 
402 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. 
 
 a party of Americans plundered the bouse of a tory,^ 
 by the name o^' Prindle, who was a neighbor to Mr. 
 Stone. Prindle, not owning the house, set it on tiie, 
 and, retreating on board a British armed vessel on the 
 lake, implicated Mr. Stone in the robbery and burn- 
 ing. He, anticipating mischief, kept in th6 bushes near 
 the bank to observe their movements, where the British 
 discovered him, and let off a volley of grape-8hot,which 
 struck among the trees above him, and also fired upon 
 his house, some of the shot entering the room where the 
 family was. They then sent a boat on shore, took 
 Mr. Stone and carried him a prisoner to Ticonderoga, 
 where he remained three weeks. Mrs. Stone expecting 
 he would be sent to Quebec, went to him in a canoe, a 
 distance of twelve miles, with no other company than 
 her brother, a lad only ten years old, to carry hira 
 clothes, leaving her two children, the oldest but four 
 years old, alone at home. She had to tarry all night 
 before she could gain admittance. On her return g'he 
 found her children safe, the oldest having understood 
 enough of her directions to feed and take care of the 
 younger.* 
 
 In 1777, the town of Brandon was visited by a party 
 of Indians, who killed two men, George and Aaron 
 Robins, made prisoners of most of the other inhabit- 
 ants, and set fire to their dwellings and to a saw-mill 
 which they had erected. Joseph Barker, his wife, and 
 a child eighteen months old, were among the prisoners. 
 Mrs. Barker, not being in a con4ition to traverse the 
 
 * See Thompson's Gazetteer of Vermont — one of the most complete 
 and interesting works of the kind, which should he in the hands of 
 every one proud of the name of Vennonler 
 
\ 
 
 ADNLKSE CLAIMS ON VERMONT. 403 
 
 wilderness, was set at liberty with her child. The next 
 night, with no other shelter than the tr^es of the forest 
 and the canopy of heaven, and with no other com{any 
 than the infant above named, she had anotlier child. 
 She was found the following day and removed with hot 
 children to Pittsford. Mr. Barker was carried to Mid- 
 dlebury, where, feigning to be sick, he succeeded in 
 the night in making his escape, and arrived safely at 
 Pittsford. 
 
 The rival claims of New York and New Hampshire 
 to the territory of Vermont, came near proving fatal 
 to the separate identity of the infant state. A propo- 
 sition was made that they should authorize congress to 
 arbitrate betwv^eu them, in which court the matter 
 would doubtless have been compromised by giving 
 New York the west and New Hampshire the east slope 
 of the Green Mountains. To such a division of Ver- 
 mont, both states were willing to accede. But in this 
 emergency Massachusetts interfered, and brought for- 
 ward a third claim to the territory in dispute, founded 
 on the fact that the original grant to Mason, of the 
 colony of New Hampshire, extended only sixty mi^ea 
 from the ocean, and that all west of Mason's line be- 
 longed to Massachusetts — that its right had not' only 
 been conceded by New Hampshire, but by the crown, 
 because, while the former had distinctly declined to 
 support Fort Dummer on the ground that it was be- 
 yond its jurisdiction, the crown had decided that it 
 belonged to Massachusetts to maintain that important 
 frontier post, which was done at a great expense. This 
 claim was certainly more plausible than either of the 
 others, because Massachusetts had been tlie first actual 
 
404 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEEOES. 
 
 occupant of the territory, and bad defended it against 
 the common enemy. The original charters from the 
 crown were ambiguous and even contradictory, and 
 were quite as favorable to the claims of Massachusetts 
 as to those of either of the other states. That Massa- 
 chusetts really wished to enforce this claim is not sup- 
 posed, for the statesmen from that glorious colony were 
 favorable to the independence of Vermont, and their 
 movement had the effect, which was undoubtedly its 
 object, of saving Vermont from dismemberment by 
 congress. Massachusetts declining to submit its claims 
 to the arbitrament of congress, relieved the young 
 etate from the impending peril. The question was one 
 of great delicacy for congress. Every exertion was 
 required to defend the country against the British arms, 
 and the imminent danger that would occur from arous- 
 ing the enmity of either Kew York or New Hampshire 
 must be its apology for pursuing a vacillating and in- 
 decisive course in regard to the difficult question urged 
 upon it by the conflicting parties. Under the pressure 
 of these circumstances, congress, in 1780, passed a res- 
 olution declaring the course of Vermont to be " subver- 
 sive of the peace and welfare of the United States." 
 Although its representatives had been excluded from 
 any participation in the councils of the nation, the 
 fidelity of Vermont to the cause of freedom and the 
 country was unquestioned, for its heroes had given the 
 most signal and important proofs of this. It is not 
 surprising, however, that when the above-named reso- 
 lution was adopted by congress. Governor Chittenden 
 should have replied, that if Vermont was not included 
 in the United States, it was at liberty to offer or accept 
 
INUKPEI^DENCE OF VEKMONTEKS. 405 
 
 terms foi tlie cessation of hostilities with Great Britaiii. 
 But, he added, the people of Vermont were so strongly 
 attached to liberty that they would again ask to be ad- 
 mitted to the colonial union. Ira Allen and Stephen 
 R. Bradley were deputed as agents to renew^ this pro- 
 position to congress. The consideration of the repre- 
 sentations of these agents was indefinitely postponed, 
 and the question was left undetermined. 
 
 Vermont was fortunate in having statesmen who pos- 
 sessed tlie courage and the ability req-uisite to the de- 
 fense of its just rights. Despite the arms of New York 
 and New Hampshire, and the frowns of congress, they 
 found the means to successfully maintain the independ- 
 ence of the little community for which they acted. They 
 now resorted to a course of policy which placed them 
 in a more powerful attitude, and determined to enforce 
 a compliance with their demands. The towns in New 
 Hampshire, which had once been accepted as a portion 
 of Vermont and afterw^ard excluded by a resolution 
 of the legislature, again solicited to have its juris- 
 diction extended over them. This was done. The 
 government of Vermont then turned westward with 
 a view to a further extension of its limits.* After 
 consultation with the people in that portion of New 
 
 • The following spirited lines, the authorof which is unknown, very hap- 
 pily express the sentiments of tJiH Vermonters during that tiying period : 
 
 Ho — all to tho botders ! Vermonters, come down. 
 With your breeches of deer skin, and jackets of brown ; 
 With yom red woolen caps. aJid your moco^isins, come 
 To the gathering summons of trumpet aud druno I 
 
 Come down with your rifles! — Ut gray wolf and for 
 Howl on in the shade of thoir primitive rocks ; 
 
 1<^ 
 
406 ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOUXTAIN HEROES. 
 
 York, Yerraont boldly claimed that its boundary line 
 extended from the point where the Massachusetts line 
 would touch the Hudson, thence up that river to its 
 
 Let the bear feed securely from pig-pen and stall ; 
 Here 's a two-legged game for jour powder and ball 1 
 
 On our south come the Dutchmen, enveloped in grease ; 
 And, arming for battle, while canting of peace ; 
 On our east, craftv Meshech has gathered his band, 
 To hang up our leaders, and eat out our land. 
 
 Ho — all to the rescue ! For Satan shall work • 
 
 No gain for his legions of Hampshire and York ! 
 They claim our possessions — the pitiful knaves — 
 The tribute we pay, shall be prisons and graves I 
 
 Let Clinton and Ten Broek, with bribes in their hands, 
 Still seek to divide us, and parcel our lands ; — 
 "We 've coats for our traitors, whoever they are ; 
 The wai-p is of feathers ~ the filling of t^r I 
 
 Does the "Old Bay State » threaten ? Does Congress complain 
 Swarms Hampshire in arma on our borders again ? 
 Bark the war-dogs of Britain aloud on the lake ? 
 Let'em come ! — what they can, they are welcome to takft 
 
 What seek they among us ? The pride of our wealth 
 Is comfort, contentment, and labor and health ; 
 And lands which, hs Freemen, we only have trod. 
 Independent of all, save the mercies of God- 
 Yet we owe no allegiance ; we bow to no throne ; 
 Our ruler is law, and the hw is our own ; 
 Our leaders themselves are our own fellow-men. 
 Who can handle the sword, or the sythe. or the pen. 
 
 Our wives are all true, and our daughters are fair. 
 With their blue eyes of smiles, and their light flowing hair 
 All brisk at their wheels till the dark even-fall, 
 Then blithe at the aleigh-rido, tbe husking, and baU ! 
 
A POETIC APPEAL. 407 
 
 source, and from its source due north to the Canada 
 line, comprising all the land east of the Hudson, and 
 tor thirty miles west of Lake Champlain, thus doubling 
 
 We 've sheep on the hill-sides : we've cows on the plain ; 
 And gay-tasseled corn-fields, and rank-growing grain ; 
 There are deer on the mountains ; and wood-pigeons fly 
 From the crack of our muskets, like clouds in the sky. 
 
 And there 's fish in our streamlets and rivers, which take 
 Their course from the hills to our broad-bosomed lake ; 
 Through rock-arched Winooski the salmon leaps free. 
 And the portly shad follows all fresh from the sea. 
 
 Like a sunbeam the pickerel glides through his pool • 
 And the spotted trout sleeps where the water is cool, 
 Or darts from his shelter of rock and of root 
 At the beaver's quick plunge, or the angler's pursuit 
 
 And ours are the mountains, which awfully rise 
 
 TUl they rest their green heads on the blue of the skies; 
 
 And ours are the forests, unwasted, unshorn, 
 
 Save where the wild path of the tempest is torn. 
 
 And though savage and wild be this climate of ours, 
 And brief be our seasoii of fruits and of fiowers, 
 Far dearer the blast round our mountains which raves, 
 Than the sweet summer zephyr, which breathes over slav-s. 
 Hurra for Vermont ! for the land which we till 
 Must have sons to defend her from valley and hill ; 
 Leave the harvest to rot on the field where it gi-ows, . 
 And the reaping of wheat for the reaping of foes. 
 
 Far from Michiscoui's valley, to where 
 P.)080om8uck steals down from his wood-circled lair, 
 From Shocticook river to Lutterlock town,— 
 Ho— all to the rescue I Vermonters, come down I 
 
 Come York or come Hampshire.— come traitors and knaves ; 
 Ii ye rule o'nr our land, ye shall rule o'e; our graves; 
 Our vow i« recorded — our banner unfurled ; 
 In the name of Vermont we defv uU tU wo, Id! 
 
408 ETHAN AI.LEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAIN HEKOES. , 
 
 the former limits of the state, .N'otwithstanding the 
 difficulties which surrounded the j)eople of Yermont, 
 the New-Hampshire towns on its east border, and the 
 New- York towns on its western limits, which were 
 thus summarily annexed, were eager for their union 
 What arguments could have been urged to induce them 
 to join their fortunes with those of Yermont, it is not 
 easy to imagine. The fact gives, at all events, a strik- 
 ing proof of the skill of the trusted leaders of the 
 Green-Mountain Boys. 
 
 The British, ready to avail themselves of every ad- 
 vantage which the Yermont difficulties might yield 
 them, were gradually increasing their force in Canada, 
 and another campaign against the northern frontier 
 was unquestionably determined on. The indications 
 of this were alarming. Knowing the effect that, the 
 apprehension of this would have upon the people, 
 the British generals entertained the hope that they 
 might d.etach Yermont from the United States and 
 make it a British possession.' In the expectation of ac- 
 complishing this. Colonel Beverly Johnson wrote a let- 
 ter to Ethan Allen, dated March 30, 1780. He began 
 his letter by expressing a wish that his proposals might 
 be received with the same good intention with which 
 they were made. He then proceeds: — "I have often 
 been informed that you and most of the inhabitants 
 of Yermont, are opposed to the wild and chimerical 
 scheme of the Americans in attempting to separrate 
 from Great Britain and establish an independent gov- 
 ernment of their own ; and that you would willingly 
 assist in uniting America to Great Britain, and in 
 restorin^'j that happy constitution so wantonly and 
 
BRITISH OVEKTUKES TO ALLEN. 4.09 
 
 Tinad visedlv destroyed. If 1 have been riglitlj informed, 
 and these shonld be your sentiments and inclination, I 
 beg that yon will communicate to me without reserve, 
 whatever proposals you would wish to make to the 
 commander-in-chief; and I herel)y promise that 1 will 
 faithfully lay them before him according to your direc- 
 tions, and flatter myself I can do it with as good eftect 
 as any person whatever. I can make no proposals to 
 you until I know your sentiments ; but think, upon 
 your taking an active part, and embodying the inhab- 
 itants of Vermont under the crown of England, you 
 may obtain a separate government under the king. If 
 you should think proper to send a friend here with 
 proposals to the general, he shall be protected, and 
 allowed to return w^henever he pleases." 
 
 Allen communicated the contents of this letter to 
 Governor Chittenden, and it w^as decided that no 
 answer should be returned. In February, 1781, 
 Johnson again wrote to Allen, renewing his former 
 proposal. Allen communicated these letters to con- 
 gress, with a powerful letter vindicating the policy of 
 Vermont. He closed it with the following striking 
 sentences: "I am confident that congress will not 
 dispute my sincere attachment to the cause of my 
 country, though I do not hesitate to say, I am fully 
 grounded in opinion, that Vermont has an indubitable 
 right to agree on terms of a cessation of hostilities 
 with* Great Britain, provided the United States persist 
 in rejecting her application for a union with them. 
 For Vermont would be, of all people, most miserable, 
 were she obliged to defend the independence of the 
 United claiming States, and they be, at the same time. 
 
41 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 at full liberty to overturn and ruin the independence of 
 Vermont. When congress consider the circumstances 
 of tliis state, they will, I am persuaded, be more sur- 
 prised that I have transmitted them the inclosed letters, 
 than that I have kept tliem in custody so long ; for I 
 am as resolutely determined to defend the independ- 
 ence of Vermont, as congress is that of the United 
 States ; and rather than fail, I will retire with the 
 hardy Green-Mountain Boys into the desolate caverns 
 of the mountains, and wage war with human nature 
 at large." 
 
 Soon after, the British, under the command of Gen- 
 eral Ilaldimand, appeared in great force at the north 
 end of Lake Champlain. Governor Chittenden sent a 
 flag of truce, proposing an exchange of prisoners. 
 General Haldimand returned a favorable rej^ly, and 
 Colonel Ira Allen and Major Joseph Fay were ap- 
 pointed commissioners on the part of Vermont, to 
 negotiate the exchange. During the interview with 
 the British agents, the latter renewed the proposal for 
 Vermont to place itself under the royal authority. 
 Allen and Fay, without committing themselves, lett 
 the impression upon the minds of the British generals 
 that the proposed arrangement might be perfected. 
 This was done because Vermont had no other way ot 
 protecting itself against an army of ten thousand 
 royal troops, which had been poured into Canada. 
 Accordingly, a formal attempt at negotiation 'was 
 made — Allen and Fay being secretly appointed com- 
 missioners by Governor Chittenden, and General 
 Haldimand acting for the British. Their negotiations 
 were continued for a long period, and their existence 
 
VERMONT LEADEK8 Vlxs^DICATED. 411 
 
 has been adduced by historians as evidence of a dis- 
 position on the part of the Vermont leaders to join 
 the enemy. The full history of those events, when 
 properly written, will show that the odium thus cast 
 upon tlie names of these men is grossly unjust ; tiij,t 
 they were not only inspired by the purest devotion to 
 the cause of liberty, but that their policy actually kjept 
 at bay a large hostile army, which otherwise would 
 have been able to march through the northern portion 
 of the union, (Washington being employed at the south.) 
 and to crush the hopes of freedom. The following 
 papers, never before published, which have been 
 politely furnished for these pages by the Hon. Henry 
 Stevens, the distinguished and indefatigable Vermont 
 antiquary, from his very large and rich collection of 
 documents in reference to the early history of Vermont, 
 will not only prove this assertion, but serve to show, 
 when the history of Chittenden, the Aliens, and other 
 Vermont leaders of that day is properly viewed, that 
 chey performed services in behalf of their country, 
 which entitle them to the lasting admiration and 
 gratitude of those who enjoy the blessings of the 
 freedom which their services so greatly aided in 
 establishing. Numbers I. and H. are the conmiis- 
 sions furnished to Allen and Fay; number HI. is 
 General Haldimand's commission to the British agent; 
 and number IV. is the report of interviews with Allen 
 and Fay, as given to General Haldimand by his agent. 
 
 I. 
 
 State of Vermont^ June^ 1781. 
 
 Whereas Col. Ira Allen has been with a Flag to the 
 Province of Quebeck for the Purpose of settling a 
 
il2 ETHAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUNTAXx\ llEKUES. 
 
 ♦ 
 
 Cartel or Exchange o Prisoners and has used his best 
 Policy bj Feigning or Endeavouring to make them 
 believe that the State of Vermont had a Desire to Ne- 
 o:ociate a Treaty of Peace with Brittain — therebv to 
 Prevent their Immediate Invasion or Incursion upon 
 the Frontiers of this State as appears by the Letter Jie 
 sent to General Haldimand Dated May 8th, 1781 In- 
 closing a copy of Col. Beverly Robinson's Letter to 
 Gerj'l Allen and General Allen's Letter to Congress aa 
 also a Letter of Col. Allen sent to Congress and the 
 resolutions of the Assembly of Vermont approbating 
 the same, as also the circular Letter to the several 
 States Delivered to Dundas according to his Verbal 
 Peport made us this Day — we are of the opinion that 
 the critical circumstances this State is in being out of 
 union with the United States and thereby unable to 
 make that Vigorous Defence we could wish for — think 
 it to be a Necessary Political manoeuver to save the 
 Frontiers of this State. 
 
 JoNAS Fay Tho's Chittenden 
 
 Sam'l Sa.fford Moses Robinson 
 
 Sam'l RnumsoN Tim'y Brownson 
 
 Joseph Fay John Fasset. 
 
 11. 
 
 State of Vermont^ 10 July^ 1781. 
 
 Whereas this State is not in union with the Unitec^ 
 States altho' often Requested i%c. 
 
 This the British Power are acquainted with and are 
 endeavouring to take the advantage of these disputes 
 Thereby to court a connection with this State on the 
 Principle of Establishing it a British Province — from 
 various accounts we are w^ell assured that the British 
 have a force in Canada larger than this State can at 
 present raise and support in the field and this State 
 having no assurance of any assistance from any or 
 either of the United States however hard the British 
 forces may crowd on this State from the Province of 
 Quebeck by the advantage of the waters of Lake 
 Cijamplain &c. Altho' several Expresses have been 
 Hent bv the GovV of this State to several of the 
 
THE BKITrSII TKEA.T I"Oii VEIIMONT. 113 
 
 respective Guv'rs of the United States with the mobt ur- 
 creiit requests to kuow whether iiny assistance would bo 
 atibrdecl in such case and no otHcial answer lias been 
 made by either ot* them. 
 
 Wherefore we the subscribers do fully approbate 
 Col. Ira Allen sending a Letter dated Sunderland July 
 10th 1781 and directed to General Ilald inland and 
 another Letter to Captain Justice Sherwood, Purport- 
 ing an Intention of this State's' becoming a Brit sh 
 Province *Szq. This we consider as a Political proceed- 
 iire to prevent the British forces invading this State 
 and being a necessary step to Preserve this State from 
 Kuin wheif we have too much reason to apprehend 
 that this ms been the wishes of some of our assuming 
 neighbours in the mean time to strengthen the State 
 against any Insult until this- State receive better treat- 
 ment from the United States or obtain a seat in 
 Congress. 
 
 Teg's Chittenden J. Fay 
 
 John Fasset Sam'l Kobinson 
 
 - Tim'y Bk(^wnson JoshPH Fay. 
 
 III. 
 
 "Having given you full power in my name to nego- 
 tiate in conjunction with M with the people of 
 
 Yermgnt for the exchange of prisoners by niy Letter 
 of the 29th October. I now instruct you in what you 
 may assure and promise to them as the means of ac- 
 cornmodation, and their return to their allegiance. 
 Sensible of the Injustice which Individuals in the New 
 York Government attempted again-st tliem in soliciting 
 and obtaining Grants of Lands which had in conse- 
 quence of Gran^ from New Hampshire been culti- 
 vated by the labour and industry of the Inhabitants of 
 the Green Mountains, I always regretted the measures 
 which wei-e taken by the Government of New York 
 an! felt compasiion for the unhappy peo])]e who were 
 the objects of them — I have always been of opinion 
 that a people who during the last war were so ready 
 on every occasion to oppose the Enemies of Great Brir- 
 ain and never have been prevailed uj)on to seperate 
 
 18^ 
 
i 
 
 4i-i ETHAN ALLEN AND GEEEN-MOU^■TAIN dEKOKS. 
 
 themselves from a Country with which tliej were inti- 
 mately connected by relio^ion laws and language had 
 their properties been secured to them. It is therefore 
 with great cheerfulness that I authorise you to give 
 these people the most positive assurances that their 
 country will be erected into a seperate province, inde- 
 pendant and unconnected with every Government in 
 America, and will be entitled to every prerogative and 
 Immunity which is promised to other Provinces in your 
 Proclamation of the King's Commissioners. This I 
 hope will be sufficient to remove every jealousy of 
 Great Britain wishing to deprive them of their Liber- 
 ties or of my ever becoming an InstrumenLto oppress 
 them. I sincerely wish to bring back to trieir allegi- 
 ance brave and unhappy people, so that they may en- 
 "oy the Blessings of peace Liberty and an honest 
 ndustry. From the report you made ine, I consider 
 these people as sincere and candid in their proposi- 
 tions. 1 will therefore act towards them with the sin- 
 cerity of a Soldier unpractised in deceits and chicane, 
 and you may assure them that I would be sorry to en- 
 gage them in any enterprise which might prove ^ruin- 
 ous to them. I am sensible that their situation is 
 delicate that the utmost caution is necessary not only 
 with regard to the powerful Eneinies which surround 
 them, but with regard to their own people, whose pre- 
 judices are great and many, and who cannot at lirst 
 view, see the advantaares which will accrue to America 
 in general as well as to themselves in particular from 
 a reconciliation with the mother Country. I am so 
 much convinced of the present infatuation of these peo- 
 ple, and so far removed from expecting that the people 
 with whom you negotiate will betray^ny trust reposed 
 in them that I agree that this negotiation should cease 
 and any step that leads to it be forgotten, provided the 
 Congress shall grant the State of Vermont a Seat in 
 their Assembly, and acknowledge its independency. I 
 tru^t that time, and other methods, will bring about a 
 reconciliation, and a return to their allegiances, and 
 liope, and expect, they will act towards me with the 
 Bame frankness and s'ncerity, and apprise me by yaur 
 
IK A A LLE N 's NEGOTIATION. 41 5 
 
 means of their intentions, prospects and measures, so 
 that 1 mav be more able to assist them. 
 
 ^' In order to entitle the Inhabitants of the State of 
 Vermont to the provisions of Half Pay which His Ma- 
 jesty has been pleased to make to the officers of Pro- 
 vincial Corps who take arms in support of his Govern- 
 ment, 1 propose to raise two Battallions consisting of 
 Ten Companies each to be commanded by Messrs Al- 
 len and Chittenden or any other whom the Governoi' 
 and Council of Vermont shall appoint with the rank 
 and pay of Lieutenant Colonels Commandants of which 
 I shall myself be Colonel, but to which the Lieutenant 
 Colonels Commandants shall, subject to my approba- 
 tion, have the xVppointment of the Officers and if the 
 defence of the state should require it more will here- 
 after be raised on the same footing. 
 
 '^ For the further encouragement of the persons who 
 shall exert themselves in promoting the happy re-union 
 I promise besides the above appointments, that they 
 shall have Gratuities suitable to their merits. 
 
 F. Haldimand. 
 
 QcEUEc, 20th December, 1780." 
 
 IV. 
 
 Substance of what passed in Conference loith Col. Ira 
 Allen, between the 8tk and 26th of May, 1781.* 
 
 " 8th. Colonel Allen says, he is not authorised to 
 treat of a Union, but is verbally instructed by Gov- 
 ernor Chittenden and General Allen to lay their pres- 
 ent situation before General Haldimand, and to inform 
 him that matters are not yet ripe for any permanent 
 proposals, tiiat they with some part of the Council, are 
 anxious to bring about a neutrality, being fully con- 
 vinced that Congress never intended to adnn't them as 
 a State, but they dare not make any agreement with 
 Britain until the populace are better modelled for the 
 purpose ; wish, however, to settle a Cartel for the Ex- 
 change of Prisoners, and thereby keep open a door for 
 
 • Want of room compels tlie omission of a portion of this document ; 
 the most imporJani portion, and th*; spirit of \hf whole arc given. 
 
41 6 KTHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOFNtAJN nKKOES. 
 
 further negociation. ^ ^ 10th. Walked and discoursed 
 fully with Colonel Allen. He is very cautious and in- 
 tricate. I urged him to make some pro})08al8, telling 
 liim it is now in the power of Yermont to become a 
 Glorious Government under Great Britain — to be the 
 Seat of peace and plenty, with every degree of Liberty 
 that a free people can wish to enjoy. That he must 
 see General Haldimand had in his instructions to me, 
 conceded every thing he could in reason ask or expect, 
 lie replied General Haldimand did not allow tliem to 
 choose tlieir own Governor, a privilege they never could 
 relinquish with propriety: that when they were ripe for 
 proposals they could not go farther than Keur^ulity 
 during the War, at the end of whicfi they must as a sep- 
 erate Government be subject to the then ruling power 
 if that power would give them a free Charter in every 
 sense of the word ; but if not, they would return to 
 the Mountains, turn Savages, and fight the Devil, Hell 
 and Human Nature at large. I told him Vermont 
 could not accomplish those extravagant flights : ^ * 
 I did not pretend to know how far these Chimeras 
 might intimidate Congress, but I could assure him 
 General Haldimand had too much experience and good 
 sense to take any further notice of tliem than bv that 
 Contempt they meritted. Colonel Allen now began to 
 reason with more coolness, and made up a long chain 
 of arguments advanced by General Allen to me at 
 Castletown. I told him those arguments had already 
 been exhibited to General Haldimand, and were then 
 satisfactory to him, but I was certain the General would 
 ijow expect some further advances; would therefore 
 advise him, if he could not make any propositions in 
 behalf^of Vermont to give his Excellency some reasons 
 why he did not. The conversation again became warm 
 and spirited. 
 
 "11th. Colonel Allen observed he did not think the 
 parliament had ])assed any Act in favor of Vermont. 1 
 answered I did not think the Parliament of Great Britain 
 has yet considered Vennont of consequence enough 
 to engross the attention of that Assembly. He replied 
 
INTERVIEW WITH ENGLISH AGENT. 417 
 
 in his opinion Yermont must be considered of conse- 
 quence enou<)^li to enofross the attention of Parliament 
 before any permanent Union can take place between 
 Great Britain and that penple. 12th. This day had a 
 \i)U^ and very friendly conference with Colonel Allen. 
 He seems anxious to convince me that a respectable 
 number of the leading-Men of Yermont are endeavour- 
 ing to bring about a Union by way of Neutrality. 
 He appears less reserved, and again repeated the Ar- 
 guments advanced by General Allen res])ecting the 
 impossibility of an Union with Great Britain until 
 Yermont had fortiiied herself against the neighbour- 
 ing States by a iirm internal Union and observed they 
 must tirmly unite the extra Territories lately taken in 
 and form the population into a proper system for such 
 a revolution. * -^^ * Allen thinks when the Western 
 Union is complete they can raise Ten Thousand fighting 
 Men. He says this great and sudden revolution has 
 been, brought al)out upon the principles of an Union 
 with Great Britain, or at least of Yermont being a neu 
 tral power during the War. Allen does not aggree 
 with Mr. Johnson'that the Majority wish to compromise 
 with Britain, but says their prejudices are yet so great 
 that it would not be safe to propose it but to a few of 
 the population and they have not yet dared to mention 
 it to half of the ruling Men. 
 
 13th. Colonel Allen still appears desirous to con- 
 vince me that the principal Men in Yermont are striv- 
 ing to prepare the people for a change in favour of 
 Government. He wishes me to represent every thing 
 in the most favourable manner to the General and 
 hopes he will not be impatient. He says it is as requi- 
 site the people should be prepossessed against the pro- 
 ceedings of Congress before they are invited to a 
 Union with Britain as it is for a Christian New light 
 to be perfectly willing to be before he can be- 
 come a true Convert. This Evening Mr. Allen ob- 
 served the bustles among the powers of Europe 
 
 W)uld, within six Months change the face of American 
 Affairs but did not know nor care, whether for the 
 better or worse. I replied he must have a predom- 
 
418 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 inant wish as J^eiitrality was, in principle, in mv opin- 
 ion inadmissable. He said he should not deny b'lt 
 principle inclined him and Yermont in general fur the 
 success of America but interest and self-preservation 
 if Congress continued to oppress them, more strongly 
 inclined them to wish for the success of Great Britain, 
 and fight like Devils against their oppressors, be they 
 
 who they might. 
 
 ********* 
 
 "15th. Colonel Allen seems exceedingly anxious to 
 return and ot^en says his presence will be very neces- 
 sary at the next Assembly, as they will not know how 
 to proceed until they hear what he has to report froni 
 General Haldimand. 
 
 "18th. I endeavoured to persuade Colonel Allen to 
 make some overtures to General Haldimand but he 
 still says he is not authorised and cannot do any thing 
 of the kind. He thinks the General will be convinced 
 "^y the reason he has given in writing that the leaders 
 in Vermont are doing all that is possible to effect an 
 Union or Neutrality, and that General Allen was 
 obliged for his own safety, to send Colonel Kobinson'a 
 Letters to Congress, as it was previously known in 
 public that such Letters had been sent to liim.* * * 
 
 "23rd. Colonel Allen expatiates on the dangers and 
 difficulties attendino^ the bringing about a Re-union as 
 a number of the Council, and the major part of the 
 Legislature have not as yet the least idea of anything 
 fartiier than neutrality, and many of them are ignorant 
 of that. He expresses fears that it will not be accom- 
 plished though he sincerely wishes it may. He still 
 thinks the principles on which America first took arms 
 were just, but he sees, with regret, that Congress has 
 -earned to play the Tyrant, and is convinced that it is 
 for the interest and safety of Vermont to accept of 
 General Haldimand's terms. I told him he talked well, 
 but I wished he had said as much when he first arrived, 
 for however convinced I may be of his candour the 
 change gave some room for suspicion that he now acts 
 from design. He replied that General Haldimand's 
 candour demands the same from him, and that he has 
 
INTERVIEW WITH ENGLISH AGENT. . 410 
 
 not altered his sentiments, but only throws them out 
 more freely than he at lirst intended till he had faither 
 instructions from his Employers, but the candid open 
 manner in which the General had written forbid his 
 acting with any disguise. 
 
 " 24th. Colonel Allen much the same in conversa- 
 tion as yesterday, but observes that he knows the Gen- 
 eral will very soon hear what reports he makes, and 
 how he conducts himself after he gets home, he wishes 
 me clearly to inform the General with the method he 
 must take to comply with his demand of undeceiving 
 the other States respecting the Truce, &c. He says he 
 must, as far as he dares possess the minds of the peo- 
 ple with the idea of a re-union. He shall therefore tell 
 their own Othcers Commanding at Castletown that he 
 cannot tell what may take place, but tftey must keep 
 themselves in readiness for all events. But to the other 
 States he shall positively declare that no Truce nor 
 probability of one subsists between General Haldi- 
 mand and Yermont, and this he should have done for 
 their own safety. But in com])liance with the Gen- 
 eral 's desire he shall be very particular in this declara- 
 tion. 
 
 '25th. I communicated C't. Matthews' letter to Col- 
 onel Allen respecting News. He says the Kews gives 
 him no further anxiety than to excite in him a desire 
 to know how this war will terminate for under the pre- 
 sent uncertainty of Vermont, he does not know whether 
 this Kews is favorable or otherwise. But he well 
 knows that he and his Family have large Fortunes 
 wliich they do not intend to lose, if there is a possibility 
 of saving them. At all risks he iS determined that 
 Congress shall not have the parcelling of his Lands to 
 their avaricious Minions. 1 then shewed him C't. Mat- 
 thews' Letter of the General's sentiments. He a])pea]ed 
 very much pleased with it, and engaged his honor that 
 the General should hear from their Assembly by the 
 20th of next July and as much sooner as possible, but 
 did not think he'^shouhl be al)le to send any certain ac- 
 count of the result until that time, as they are not to 
 assemble till about the middle of June and must sit 
 
420 F.TH.\N ALLEN AND GREEN-MOTJNTAIN 1IEK01:.S. 
 
 gometime before the Business could be fairly opened to 
 the wliole House, after which it would necessarily oc- 
 casion long and warm Dcl)ates let it turn out as it might 
 in the end. Mr. Allen and myself have- agreed on a 
 signal for his Messenger, which we put in writing and 
 both signed. Should General Ilaldimand iind it abso- 
 lutely necessary to send a private Express to Vermont, 
 Colonel Allen desires it may be by a man of trust who 
 may be directed to make himself known, either to 
 Governor Ciiittenden Colonel Allen or General Allen 
 or one of tlie following Gentlemen Colonel Brownson 
 Dr. Fay Judge Faut or C't. Lyon. The Contents of the 
 message should be a secret to the Messenger written on 
 a small piece of paper, which he should be directed to 
 swallow, or otherwise destroy if in danger of being 
 taken by a scotit from New York and he should be very 
 careful to shun the Vermont Scouts. On these condi- 
 tions Col. Allen engaged that the Messenger shall be 
 itnmediately sent back. Colonel Allen after express- 
 ing much satisfaction with the polite treatment he had 
 received embarked about 12 o'clock. 
 
 These neg-otiations were maintained until the close 
 
 of the war; Ira Allen,* the principal agent in the 
 
 affair, always finding a plausible reason for postponing 
 
 final and decisive action. But while he, and a few 
 
 others, were thus successful in preventing any hostile 
 
 movement against the northern frontier of the United 
 
 • Ira Allen was born in 1752. He went to Vermont at a very early 
 age. After the establishment of the government, he was the first secre- 
 tary of state. Subsequently he was treasurer, member of the council and 
 surveyor-general. He rose to the rank of major-general of militia, and 
 in 1705 went to Europe to purchase arms for the supply of his state. 
 Returning with several thousand muskets, and some cannon, he was cap- 
 tured by an En£;li.sh vessel and carried to England, where he was accused 
 of supplying the Irish, then in open rebellion, with arms. A litigation 
 of eitfht years, in the court of admiralty, was the consequence; but a 
 final decision was made in his favor. He died at Philadelphia, January 
 7, 1814. aged 62 years. 
 
IKA ALLEN. 421 
 
 States, the people at large were in entire ignorance 
 concerning the negotiations which were carried on, al- 
 though agents were, during the whole progress of the 
 aftkir, pabhing and repassing the borders. 
 
 Vermont, after completing its eastern and western 
 armies, sent delegates to congress to again undertake 
 to have the state admitted into the union. Jn 1781 
 congress appointed a committee to confer with tliem, 
 but adopted a resolution, declaring that the negotia- 
 tion of the independence of Termont could not take 
 place, unless the state should recede to its former limits, 
 and relinquish its claim to the territory which it had 
 acquired from New Hampshire on the east, and New 
 York on the west. Vermont at first refused to do so, 
 but at this juncture. General Washington opened a 
 correspondence with Governor Chittenden on the sub- 
 . ject, and the candor, good sense, and conciliatory style 
 of the Father of his Country, effected what congress 
 could not have done, and Vermont finally consented to 
 comply with the requirement in regard to its bounda- 
 ries. But after this had been done, congress found 
 occasion to defer its final action in regard totheadmis- 
 eion of Vermont into the union. 
 
 Notwithstanding the unsettled and embarrassing 
 state of her relations to congress and the neighboring 
 states, the internal tranquillity of Vermont had been, 
 for some time, but little disturbed. Her political insti- 
 tutions had been gradually maturing, and the organi- 
 zation of her government had assumed a regularity and 
 efficiency which commanded the obedience and respect 
 of the great body of the citizens. New York had not 
 reiinpuishod her claim to iurit-di('ri(»n over the territorv, 
 
4'22 KTIJAN ALLEN AND GKEEN-MOUiNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 but she bad not, of late, made any serious effort 
 to exercise it ; and bad contented berself with opposing 
 the admission of Vermont into the union, and by en- 
 deavoring, in the manner we have just related, to bring 
 over the people to her own interest. But while a vast 
 majority of the people of Vermont yielded a willing 
 obedience to her authority, and were ready to make 
 almost any sacrifice to sustain her independence and 
 o-overnment, there were some amonor her citizens whose 
 submission was reluctknt, and who were ready to 
 embrace any favorable opportunity to renounce their 
 allegiance and support the claims of New York. 
 
 Tins opposition was principally confined to the town 
 of Guilford — at that period the most populous village 
 in the state. Tlie two parties in this town, (the friends 
 of Vermont and those of New York,) had each an 
 organization of their town ; and, in some cases, there • 
 were two sets of town-officers. Between these, skirm- 
 ishes often occurred, which not unfrequently ended in 
 bloodshed. The enmity of these parties was carried to 
 an alarming extent during the years 1783 and 1784. 
 Social order was entirely at an end ; and even physi- 
 cians were not allowed to pursue their avocations, with- 
 out procuring a pass from the several committees. In 
 this unpleasant state of affairs. General Ethan Allen 
 w^as directed to call out the militia, for the purpose of 
 enforcing the laws, and of suppressing the symptoms 
 of civil war exhibited among the people of Windham 
 county. In accordance with these directions, ho 
 marched from Bennington with a force of about one 
 hundred Green-Mountain Boys ; and, upon his arrival at 
 Guilford, he issued the following unique proclamation ' 
 
ETHAN AI.LEN AN AUTHOR. 423 
 
 "1, Etlian Allen, declare, that unless the people of 
 Guiltbrd i)eaceably submit to the authority of Ver- 
 mont, 1 will make the town as desolate as were the 
 cities of Sodom and Gomorrah ! " After some resist- 
 ance, from the adherents of Kew York, Allen was 
 enabled to enforce their subjection to the laws of 
 Vermont. 
 
 Affairs continued in this condition until 1789, when 
 liberal councils prevailed in New York, and the legis- 
 lature consented to the independence of Vermont 
 There was no further obstacle to the admission of Ver- 
 mont into the union, and on the 4:th of March, 1791, 
 the auspicious end to all the difficulties which had 
 attended the organization of the new state, was 
 formally announced. 
 
 Previous to the admission of Vermont into the un- 
 ion, Ethan Allen w^as actively engaged in the main- 
 tenance of the rights of the people he loved so well, 
 and of the state which his exertions had been so 
 greatly instrumental in founding. After that event, he 
 retired to private life, and in the intervals of relaxa- 
 tion from business, wrote a work entitled, "Reason the 
 only Oracle of Man," the aim of which, we regret to 
 say, was to controvert the truths of revealed religion. 
 He gave great attention to its composition, and was 
 very proud of it. lie had been for many years in 
 the habit of making memoranda of his thouijhts on 
 the 8ur)ject, and evidently believed his work would 
 subvert, Christianity. Its style was the same which 
 characterized his political pamphlets — bold, artful, 
 egotistical and unpolished, but evincing remarkably 
 strong mental powers. Only one edition was ever 
 
424: ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN -MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 published, and the greater portion of that was destroyed 
 by the burning of the ofhce in which it was printed. 
 It is now rarely to be met with, and the existence 
 of the work upon which Ethan Allen confidently 
 relied for enduring fame, is scarcely known to one 
 in a thousand of those who remember with patriotic 
 pride, the sturdy Hero of Ticonderoga. 
 
 A very afi'ecting story has long been current in con- 
 nection with Ethan Allen's peculiar views concerning 
 religion. It is that one of his daughters who had been 
 instructed in the principles of Christianity by a pious 
 mother, when about to die, expressed a desire to see 
 her father. When he appeared at her bedside, she 
 said to him, "I am about to die — shall I go to my 
 grave with the principles you have taught me, or shall 
 I believe what my mother has taught me?" His re- 
 ply, it is said, was, "Believe what your mother has 
 taught you!" The anecdote, although often quoted, 
 as a striking illustration of the inefficiency of infidelity 
 on the death-bed, and the consolation that is afi'orded 
 by a strong religious faith at such a time, has not, it is 
 asserted by Allen's family, any foundation in truth. 
 
 Notwithstanding his views on religion, Allen was a 
 thoroughly honest man, and detested any thing like 
 falsehood or meanness. On one occasion, an individ- 
 ual to whom he was indebted had commenced a suit 
 against him. Allen being unable to pay the debt, 
 employed a lawyer to have the execution of legal 
 process against him postponed for a short period. As 
 an easy measure to effect this, and throw the case over 
 to the next session of the court, the lawyer denied the 
 genuineness of the signature ; Allen, who was present 
 
Allen's second couiiTsmp. 425 
 
 propped angrily forward, and exclaimed to his aston 
 ijjiied counsel, "Sir, I did not ennploj you to confie 
 here and lie ; lavish you to tell the truth. The note 
 is a good one — the signature is mine ; all I want is 
 for the court to grant me sutKcient time to make the 
 payment!" It is almost needless to add that the 
 
 plaintiff acceded to his wish. ■ 
 
 General Allen, who had at various times resided at 
 Bennington, Arlington and Tinmouth, at last took up 
 his residence on the Winooski. His first wife had 
 never removed from Connecticut, but died there dur- 
 ing the war. His courtship of his second wife was 
 characteristic. During a session of the court at West- 
 minster, Allen appeared with a magnificent pair of 
 horses and a black driver. Chief Justice liobinson 
 and Stephen R. Bradley, an eminent lawyer, were 
 there, and as their breakfast was on the table, they 
 asked Allen to join them. He replied that he had 
 breakfasted, and while they were at the table, he w^ould 
 go in and see Mrs. Buchanan, a handsome widow who 
 was at the house. He entered the sitting-room, and at 
 once said to Mrs. Buchanan, " Well, Fanny, if we are 
 to be married, let us be about it." ''Very well," she 
 promptly replied, "give me time to fix up." In a few 
 minutes she was ready, and Judge Robinson was at 
 once called upon by them to perform the customary cer- 
 emony. Said Allen, " Judge, Mrs. Buchanan and J 
 have concluded to be married ; I don't care much about 
 the ceremony, and as near as I can find out, Fanny 
 cares as little for it as I do ; but as a decent resj^ect for 
 the customs of society require it of us, we are willing 
 to have the ceremony performed." The gentlemen 
 
420 ETHAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUNTAIN HEROES. 
 
 present were much surprised, and Judge Robinson ro 
 plied, "General Allen, this is an important matter; 
 have you thought seriously of it ? " " Yes, yes," ex- 
 claimed Allen, looking at Mrs. Buchanan, " but it 
 don't require much thought.'" Judge Robinson then 
 rose from his seat and said, "Join vour hands toorether. 
 Ethan Allen, you take this woman to be your lawful 
 and wedded wife : you promise to love and protect her 
 
 according to the law of God and " "Stop, 
 
 stop. Judge. The law of God," said Allen, looking 
 forth upon the fields, "all nature is full of it. Yes, go 
 on. *My team is at the door." As soon as the cere- 
 mony was ended. General Allen and his bride entered 
 his carriage and drove oft'.* 
 
 Allen conversed much on the subject of religion, and 
 expressed his skeptical views on all convenient occa- 
 sions. At one time, while he was in Westminster, 
 Judge Sessions and Stephen R. Bradley, who were 
 zealous Christians, were discussing the affairs of the 
 church. Allen, who entered the room at the time, 
 interrupted them by an argument against the divine 
 origin of the Bible. Judge Sessions, not liking to hear 
 his reasons, said, " Mr. Bradley, I think we had better 
 retire, and not hear this man talk." Allen exclaimed, 
 "Deacon Sessions, you belong to the church militant — 
 I belong to the church military ; and w^ithout that," he 
 continued with an oath, "you can never belong to the 
 church triumphant ! " 
 
 General Allen's kindness of heart was proverbial » 
 
 • Tbis anecdote is given on the authoiity of Hon. William C. Bradley 
 (son of Stephen R. Bradley,) formerly a member of congress from 
 Vermont, who was present with his fatlier on the occasion. 
 
ALLEN 8 KINDNESS AND lATRIOTISM. 427 
 
 And he was always ready to afford relief to the suffer- 
 ing. At one time, two little girls, daughters of one of 
 the pioneers of Vermont, wandered into the woods 
 The distressed parents, with a few neighbors, com- 
 menced a search, which was continued through the 
 night without success. The next day a large number 
 of persons from' the neighboring towns joined them, 
 and the search was continued till the afternoon of the 
 third day, when it was relinquished, and the people 
 who had been out were about to return to their homes 
 Among them, however, was one who thought the search 
 should not be abandoned ; and this was Ethan Allen. 
 He mounted a stump, and soon all eyes were fixed upon 
 him. In his laconic manner, he pointed to the father 
 and mother of the lost children — now petrified with 
 grief and despair — bade each individual present, and 
 especially those who were parents, make the case of 
 these parents his own, and then say whether they could 
 go contentedly to their homes without one further effort 
 to save those dear little ones, who were, probably, now 
 alive, but perishing with hunger, and spending their 
 last strength in crying to father and mother to give 
 them something to eat. As he spoke, his giant frame 
 was agitated — the tears rolled down his cheeks, and 
 in the assembly of several hundred men, but few eyes 
 were dry. "Til go! I'll go!" — was at length heard 
 from every part of the crowd. They betook themselves 
 to the woods, and before night the lost children were 
 restored in safety to the arms of the distracted parents. 
 In all the trying scenes of Allen's life — in all the 
 vicissitudes of a protracted and cruel captivity — be 
 was never foi-getful of the rights of his fellow-men, or 
 
428 ETilAN ALLEN AND GREEN-MOUJ^ITAIN irF:ROEg. 
 
 of the cause of his country's liberty. He nobly spurned, 
 as unworthy of the principles which governed him, the 
 honors which were offered him to join the royal stand- 
 ard. He stood firmly by his country, even while it 
 frowned upon the course of his adopted state — and his 
 memory will ever be cherished by a free and grateful 
 people. He died at Burlington, Yt., Feb. 12th, 1780 
 of apoplexy, while yet in the full vigor and maturity of 
 manhood, and his remains rest in a beautiful valley 
 near the Winooskie, where his grave is surrounded by 
 those of many of his kindred. A plain marble tablet 
 marks the spot, upon which is the following inscription : 
 
 The 
 
 Coiporeal Part 
 
 of 
 
 Gen. Ethan Allen, 
 
 rests beneath this stone 
 
 he died 
 
 the 12th day of February, 1789, 
 
 a^ed 50 years. 
 
 His spirit tried the mercies of his God, 
 
 In whom he believed and strongly trusted. 
 
 (]S"oTE Referred to on Page 346.) 
 
 When Sparks was writing his biographies, he visited the spot, 
 nnd found in the vicinity an old soldier, who was an eye-witness to 
 the tragedy, and says: "Miss M'Crea was shot, tomahawked, and 
 scalped by an Indian." Gen. Morgan Lewis, who was at the investi- 
 gation of the affair, had, at the time, and who was also consulted by 
 Mr. Sparks, fully confirmed the old soldier's story. The best evi- 
 ilince, theref«)re, is in favor of the old version of this tragic event. 
 
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