Sib LIBBARV OF CONGRESS 01 2 026 1010 t pH8^ ,^^ ■iWSwtA,, y]u>,'''^\ .i\'&t)", \i^ ¥- THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO THE HON. JAMES C. CONKLING. Executive Mansion, Washinglon, Aug. 26, 18G3. Hos'. Jamks C. Coxklixg : Mv Demi Sir: Your lotter, inviting me to attend a mass meeting of Unconditional Union men, to be held at the capital of Illinois on the 3d day of September, has been received. Itwould be very agreeable to me to thus meet my old friends at my own home, but I cannot just now be absent from this city so long as the- visit there would require. The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional devotion to the Union, and I am sure my old political friends will thank rae for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those other rioble men whom no partisan malice or parti- san hope can make false to the nation's life. There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say. You desire peace, and j-ou blame me that we do not have it ; but how can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways : First, to suppress rebellion by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it ? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a second way is to give up the Union. I am against this. Are you for it? If you are, j'ou should say so plaiul}% If-you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some imaginary comprotnise. I do not believe any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All I learn leads to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion is its military— its army. That army domi- nates all the country and all the i)eople within its range. Any offer of terms made b}' any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the present, because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise if one were made with them. To illustrate : suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a com- promise, embracing a restoration of the Union, in what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania ? Meade's array can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and I think can ultimately drive it out of ex- istence ; but no paper compromise to which the controllers of Lee's array are not agreed, can at all affect that army. In an effort at sujh compromise, we should waste time which t!ie enemy would improve to our disadvant- age, and that would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the peo- tile, first liberated from the domination of that aimy, by the successes of our arm}''. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or inti- mation from that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and intimations to the contrary are deceptive and groundless; and I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, according to the bond of service — the United States (,'onsti- tution — and that as such I am responsible to them. But to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. Quite likely there is a dif- ference of opinion between you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could he free, while I suppose you do not; yet I have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is not consistent with even your view, provided you are for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation, to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, except in such way as to save you from greater taxation to save the Union exclusively by other means. You disliked the emancipation proclamation, and perhaps you would have it retrhcted. You say it is un- constitutional. I think differently. I think the Constitution invests its Commander-in- Chief with the law of war in time of war. The most tlfat can be said — if so much — is that slaves are property. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by the law of war property both of enemies and friends may be taken when needed ? And is it not needed whenever taking it helps us, or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, destroy enemies' property when tliey cannot use it, and even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves or hurt the enemv, except a tew things regarded as bar- barous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes .^nd non-com- batants, male and female. But the proclama- tion, as law, either is valid or is not valid. If it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is v^alid, it cannot be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. L^ome of you pro- fess to think its retraction vi"ould operate favor- ably for the Union. Why bettor af/er the retrac- tion than before the issue ? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the proclamation issued ; the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegiance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for ns since the issue of the proc- lamation as before. I know, as fnlly as one can know the opinions of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, Avho have given us our most important suc- cesses, believe the emancipation policy and the use of colored troops constitute the tieavi- est blow yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes couW .\'gU3, not have been achieved when it was, but for the aiii of black soldiers. Amonfj the com- ninnders holding these views arc some who have never had any affinity with what is called Abolitionism, or with Republican party poli- tics, but who hold ihcra purely as military opinions. I submit these opinions as being entitled to some weight against the objections often urged that emancii)ation and arming the blacks are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted as such in good faith. You siiy you will not fight to fr- e negroes. Some of thoni seem willing to light for you. But no matter ; fight you, then, exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamruionon pur- pose to aid you in saving the Union. When- ever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue lighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your .straggle for the Union, to whatever e.xtent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that e.xtent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? T thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white .soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you ? But negroes, like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if we will do nothing for them ? Jfthey stake their lives for us, theymust be prompted by the strongest motive, even the promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept. The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unve.ved to the sea ; thanks to the great Northwest for it. Nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England. Kmpire, Keystone, and Jersey, hew- ing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their part of the history w.as jot- ted down in black and white. The job was a great national one, and let none be banned who bore an honorable part in it. While those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to sav that anything has been more bravely and well done than at Autietam, Murfreesboro', Gettys- burg, and on many fields of lesser note. Nor must Uncle Sam's web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery mtrgins they have been present; not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, and the rapid river, but also up the narrow" mud- dy bayou ; and wherever the ground was a lit- tle damp they have been, and made their tracks. Thanks to all for the great Republic, for the principle it lives by and keeps alive — for man's vast future — thanks to. all. Peace docs not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon, and come to stay, aiid so come as to be worth the keeping in all fu- ture time. It will then have been proved that among free men there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And then there will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue and clenched teeth, and steady eye and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consum'- mation ; while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceitful speech they have strove to binder it. Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently ' apply the msans, never doubting that a just Gpd, in His own good time, will give us the rightful result. Yours, very truly, A. LINCOLN. BY THE PRESIDEiNT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ^ i*rocla.m:a.tion. r, Abkaiiam Lincoln, President of the United States uf America, and comniander-iu-chiet of the array and navy thereof, do hereby proclaim and declare that hereafter, as heretofore, the war will be prosecuted for the object of prac- tically restoring the constitutional relation be- tween the United States and each of the States aud the people thereof, in which States that relation is or may be suspended or disturbed. That it i.f my purpose, upon the ne.xt meet- ing of Congress, to again recommend the adop- tion of a practical measure tendering pecuniary aid to the free accept;uice or rejection of ail slave States, so called, the people whereof may not then be in rebellum against the United States, and which States may then have vol- untarily adopted, or thereafter may voluntarilv adopt, immediate or gradual abolishment of slavery within their respective limits; and liiat the elfort to colonize persons of African descent with their consent u|)on this continent t)r else- where, with the iircviously obtained consent of the governments existing there, will be con- tinued. That on the first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundredand si.xly-three, all persons held as slaves within any State or designated part of a State, the people whereof shall then be in rebellion against the United S'.ates, shall be then, thencefor- ward, and forever free; and the Executive Government of the United States, including the military and naval authority thereof, -will recognize and maintain the freedom of such persous, and will do no act or acts to repress such persons, or any of them, in any efibrts they may make for their actual freedom. That the Executive -will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proehimation, designate the States and partsof States, if any, in which tlie people thereof, respectively, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, shall on that day be, in good faith, represented in the Congress of the United States by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majority of the qualified voters of such State shall have participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervailing testimony, be deemed conclu- sive evidence that such State, and the people thereof, arc not then in rebellion against the United States. That attention is hereby called to an act of Congress entitled " An act to make an addi- tional article of war," approved March 13, 1862, and which act is in the words and figures fol- lowing: '■'■Be it enacledbti the Senate and House of Rep- resentatives of the United States of America in Con- gress assembled, That hereafter the following shall be promulgated as an additional article of war, for the government of the army of the United States, and shall be obeyed and ob- served as such: '• Article. — All officers or persons in the militarv or naval service of the United States are prohibited from employing any of the forces under their respective commands for the purpose of returning lugilives from service or labor who may have escaped fiom any persons to whom such service or labor is claimed to be due; and any officer who shall be found guilty by a court-martial of violating this article shall be dismissed from the service. '• Sec 'i. And be it further enacted, That this act shall take effect from and after its passage." Also to the ninth and tenth sections of an act entitled '• An act to suppress insurrection, to punish treason and rebellion, to seize and confiscate property of rebels, and for other purposes," approved July 17, 1862, and which sections arc in the words and figures following: '•Sec 9. And be it further enacted, That all slaves of persons who shall hereafter be en- gaged iu rebellion again-., the Government of The United Siates, or vvho shall in any way give aid or comfort thereto, escaping from such persons and taking refuge within the lines of the army ; and all slaves captured from such persons or deserted by them, and coming un- der the control of the Government of the Uni- ted States ; and all slaves of such persons found on [or] being within any place occupied by rebel forces and afterwards occupied by the forces of the United States, shall be deem- ed captives of war, and shall be forever free of their servitude, and not again held as slaves. "Sec. 10. And be it further enacted. That no slave escaping into any State, Territory, or the District of Columbia, from any other Stiite, shall be delivered up, or in any way impeded or hindered of his liberty, except for crime, or some offence against the laws, unless the per- son claiming said fugitive shall first make oath that the person to whom the labor or service of such fugitive is alleged to be due is his lawful owner, and has not borne arms against the United States in the present rebellion, nor in any way given aid and oomfort thereto; apd no person engaged in the military or naval service of the United States shall, under any pretence whatever, assume to decide on the validity of the claim of any person to the service or labor of any other person, or surrender up any such person to the claimant, on pain of being dismissed from the service." And I do hereby enjoin upon and order all persons engaged in the military and naval ser- vice of the United States to observe, obey, and enforce, within theirrespective spheres of ser- vice, the acts and sections above recited. And the Executive will in due time recom- mend that all citizens of the United States who shall have'renuiined loyal thereto through- out therebellicn shall (upon the re storation of the constitutional relation between the United States and their respective States and people, if that relation shall have been suspended or disturbed) be compensated for all losses by acts oftheUnitedStates,including the loss of slaves. In witness whereof, 1 have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. Done at the city of Washington, this twenty-second day of September, in the year of our Lord one thousand L^" ^- eight hundred and sixty-two, and uf the Independence of the United States the eightv-seventh. ABRAHAM LL\COLN. By the President: WiLLiA.\i H. Seward, Secretary of State. BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Whereas, on the twenty-second day of Sep- teml)er, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundied and sixty-two, a proclamation was issued by the Presiduut of the United States, containing, among other things, the fol- lowing, to wit : '•That on the first -day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-three, all persons held as slaves ■within any State or designated part of a State the i)eople whereof sliall then be in rebpllion against the United States, shall be thcncefur- waril, and forever, free; and the Executive Government of the United Slates, inchiclin<»- the railiiary and naval aurhority thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom of such per.-ons, and will do no act or ads to repre^^ such persons, or any of them, in any efforts they may make for their actual freedom. •• That the Executive will, on the first day of January aforesaid, by proclamation, desio-nate the States and part? of Stales, if anv, in which the people thereof, respective) ly, shall then be in rebellion against the United States ; and the fact that any State, or the people thereof, sball on that day be in good faith represented in the Congress of the United States, by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a majoritv ot the qualified voters of such States shafl have participated, shall in the absence of stroufr countervailing testimony, bodeemcdconclusivc evidence that such State, and the people thereof are not then in rebellion against the United States." Now, therefore, I, Abrah.vm Lincoln, Pres- ident of the United States, by virtue of the power m me vested as commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, in time of actual armed rebellion agninst the au- thority and Government of the United States, and as a fit and necessary war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this first dav of January in the year of our Lord one thoti- sand eight, hundred and si.xty-three, and in accordance with my purpo.-^e so to do, publiclv proclaimed for the full period of one hundred days iro.m the day first above mentioned, order and designate as the States and parts of States \yherem the peonle thereof, re.-^pectivelv are this d:iy in rebellion against the United bt'ates, the loliowing, to wit: ^ Arkansas. Texas, Louisiana, (except the pan.shes of St. Bernard, Plaquemines, Jeffer- son, St.. John, St. Charle.^, St. James, Ascen- sion, As.-;umpt;on, Tcrre Bonne, Lafourche, St Mary, St. J city of Nc' Florida, G( i lina, and \ counties dc; also the conn ampton, Eliz: 012 and Nurfolk, .....u^umg the cuies' of Norfolk and I oriMuouth,) and which excepted parts are for the present left precisely as if this proc- lamation were not issued. And by virtue of the power and for the pur- pose aforesaid, I do order and declare tlii.t all persons held as slaves within said desionuted States and parts of iStates.are, and liencelo°rward shall be, free ; and that the E.xecutive Govern- ment of the United States, including the mili- tary and naval authorities thereof, will recoo-- nize and maintain the freedom of said person's. And I hereby enjoin upon the people so de- clared to be free to abstain from all violence unless in necessary self-defence: and 1 recom- mend to tbein that, in all cases'when allowed they labor faithfully for reasonable Avages. ' And I further declare and make known that such persons, of suitable condition, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service. And ui)on this act, sincerely believed to be an act of justice, warranted "by the Constitu- tion upon military neces-ity. I Invok-e the con- siderate judgment of mankind, and the gracious iavor of Almighty God. In witness Avhereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be aflB.fed. Done at the city of Washington, this first day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hniidrcd and [l. s.] sixty-three, and of the Independence of I he United States of America the eighty-seventh. ^ ABRAHAM LLNX'OLN. L>y the President: William H. Sewaud, Secretary of Stale. TPIE POLICY OF THE WAR. Exlmdjrom President Lincoln s Message, December I, 1862 The dogmas of ihe quiet past, arc inadequate to liie .-tormy present. 'I he occasion is piled liigU with difficulty, and we must rise with the oecamon. As our case is now. so we must think anew, and act anew. We must disen- thrall our.;elve.s, and thea wo shall save our country. Fellow-citizens, toe cannot escape history. We of this (.'ongress and this administration Avill be remembered in spite of ourselves. No personal s gnifieanco, or insitrnificance can We sail we arc for the Union. The wor.'d will not forget that we say this. Wo know how to save the Union. The world knows v.e do know how to save it. We— even ve here hold the power, and bear the res])onsibility. In giving freedom to ih