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 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS 
 
 IN 
 
 AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY 
 
 Vol. !3, No. 7, pp. 235-258. 
 
 April 12, 1922 
 
 FUNCTIONAL FAMILIES OF THE PAT WIN 
 
 BY 
 
 W. C. McKERN 
 
 CONTENTS 
 
 IntroductioiK 
 
 Phonetic system 
 
 Inheritance and descent 
 
 The family . 
 
 The paternal family 
 
 The familj- social group 
 
 The household 
 
 Inheritance 
 
 The village chief ._. 
 
 Succession 
 
 Pohtical power and authority 
 
 Control of tribal economy 
 
 Authority over ceremonies 
 
 Social prestige 
 
 Summary -. 
 
 Functional families 
 
 Classification of functional families 
 
 Ceremonial families 
 
 Trade families 
 
 Shamanistic families 
 
 Official families 
 
 Discussion 
 
 Types of names 
 
 Family adoption 
 
 Non-active members of the functional family 
 
 Charms and medicines 
 
 Monopoly of family functions 
 
 Family functions and professionalism 
 
 Group consciousness 
 
 Exogamy .' 
 
 Independent officials .■ 
 
 The numerical problem 
 
 Conclusions 
 
 Shamanism 
 
 Clans .'. 
 
 Types of functions 
 
 Summary 
 
 PAGE 
 
 2:36 
 2.36 
 237 
 238 
 238 
 238 
 240 
 240 
 242 
 242 
 243 
 244 
 24.5 
 246 
 246 
 246 
 247 
 247 
 247 
 250 
 251 
 252 
 252 
 252 
 253 
 254 
 255 
 255 
 255 
 256 
 256 
 256 
 257 
 257 
 2.58 
 258 
 258 
 
236 
 
 University of California Publications in Am. Arcli. and Ellin. [Vol. 13 
 
 INTRODUCTION 
 
 The Wiiitnn Indians of northern California are a linguistic group 
 formerly occupying most of the western drainage of the Sacramento 
 valley. In native terminology, the name Wintun applies only to the 
 Indians of the northern half of -what etlmologists call Wintun terri- 
 tory. The people of the southern half speak of themselves as Patwin. 
 The whole Wintun area in the larger sense has been divided into four 
 major dialectic provinces: the Northern, Central, .Southeastern, and 
 Southwestern.^ This paper is descriptive only of that portion of the 
 Patwin who occupied a narrow strip of territory bordering the west 
 bank of the Sacramento river, from Princeton in Colusa county soutli- 
 ward to a point somewhat below the city of Colusa. These Indians 
 belonged to the Central and Southeastern Wintun dialectic provinces. 
 
 The material included in this paper was collected during two visits 
 to a Patwin rancheria immediately north of the city of Colusa. These 
 visits were made in 1917 and 1919, under the direction of the Depart- 
 ment of Anthropology of the University of California. 
 
 PHONETIC SYSTEM 
 
 Native names and words used in this discussion are phonetically 
 transcribed according to the following system : 
 
 CONSON.^NTS 
 
 Stops 
 
 Spirants AfTricatives Nasals Trilled Rolled 
 
 Inter- 
 
 Surd Sonant mediate Fortis Surd Surd Fortis Surd Sonant Surd 
 
 Bilabial p b b p' m 
 
 Dental. ■ s 
 
 Linguo-dental. / 
 
 Lingiio-alveolar t d t' . . '^ '^ n r 
 
 Lateral 1 l 1 
 
 Linguo-palatal . , . .... .... ■ ... s 
 
 Mid-palatal k k' 
 
 Back-palatal q 
 
 Glottal ' "orh 
 
 I S. A. Barrett, The Etlino-Geography of the Porno and Xeighboring Indians, 
 present series, vi, 284-289, maps 1 and 2, 1908; and map "Native Tribes, Groups, 
 Dialects, and Families of California in 1770," published by tlie Department of 
 Anthropology, University of California, in 1917, 1920, and 1922. 
 
1922] McKern: Fiinctiriiial Familirx of tlir Pnticin 237 
 
 B is intermediate between p and b. That is to say, it is voiced iliirinf,' 
 occlusion but surd during the remainder of its formatiou. 
 
 ji", t', and k' are stops accompanied by glottal closure. This glottali/ation 
 is not vigorously articulated. 
 
 t is a lingual stop formed by touching the tip of the tongue to the upper 
 incisors. It is not inter-dental. The resulting souml at first seems intermediate 
 between English t and th. 
 
 e represents the sound "tsh," as in English "chair." 
 
 c' is the sound c accompanied by a slightly articulated glottal stop. 
 
 1 is made by arranging the muscles of articulation as if to pronounce Eng- 
 lish " 1, " but employing aspiration instead of voice. 
 
 L is effected by an abrupt lateral release of breath from a complete tongue- 
 closure of the mouth cavity. 
 
 « is produced by lightly touching the tip of the tongue to the palate, at the 
 posterior edge of the alveolar process, ami allowing the breath to escape through 
 a small opening left by the tongue tip. The result is a whistled "s. " 
 
 q is a medium back palatal "k." 
 
 r is a brietiy trilled French " r. " 
 
 A slight aspiration is indicated by an inverted aposthrophe, ' . Full strength 
 aspirations are represented, as in English, by the letter h. 
 
 Glottal stops are represented by the aposthrophe. 
 
 The other consonants shown in the chart are identical to those sounds 
 similarly represented in English. 
 
 \'0WELS 
 
 As in English: 
 
 a father 
 
 6 bet, dog 
 
 e o hey, go 
 
 a but 
 
 I V pin, put 
 
 i u unique, rule 
 
 y and w are used when i and u, respectively, are but semi-voiced, as in 
 English "you" and "will." 
 
 The most frequently used diphthongs are: oi, ai, ui, ei, an, ou, eu. 
 
 The analysis of words or complexes is indicated by <. 
 
 Translations are indicated by :^. 
 
 The accented syllable in a multisj-llabic term is indicated by the acute accent. 
 
 INHERITANCE AND DESCENT 
 
 A clear presentation of the subject of hereditary functional groups 
 among these people, requires a discu.ssion of the native attitude toward 
 inheritance and descent. Consanguinity (in theory, at lea.st) was one 
 of the most important factors in the social structure. The following 
 brief descriptions of the family and the office of village chieftain are 
 by way of concretely illustrating this fact. 
 
238 Uriirersity of Califoriiia Publications in Am. Arch, and Eihn. [Vol. 13 
 
 THE FAMILY 
 
 There were three types of groups, each possessing group con- 
 sciousness, which might (though mistakenly) be termed families. They 
 may be st.yled (1) the paternal family, (2) the family social group, and 
 (3) the household. 
 
 Tlie paternal famUii. Blood relationship was reckoned paternally. 
 While blood affinity in the female line of descent was knowii to exist 
 as a fact in nature, tradition was here the governing factor rather than 
 natural law. Traditionally, then, one's maternal relatives were not 
 regarded as kinsfolk in a consanguinary sense. Nor were they entitled 
 to family privileges. This was true to the degree that a man might 
 marry his cross-cousin, the daughter of his mother's brother, but it 
 was taboo for him to marry the daughter of his father's brother. The 
 family accordingly consisted of the patriarch or head man, his brothers 
 (he being the elder), his sisters, his sons and daughters, his sons' 
 children, liis brothers' sons and daughters, the children of his 
 brothers' sons, and such other paternal descendants as he might have 
 (see fig. 1). 
 
 The female members of a family did not lose their traditional 
 family membershiji at marriage, as illustrated below (pages 241, 250). 
 
 The family social group. In spite of this paternal concept of blood 
 relationship, it was customary for a young man, at marriage, to make 
 his home with bis wife's people. The duration of this matrilocal resi- 
 dence was uncertain, depending largely upon the young husband's 
 ability to acquire the property and wealth necessary to establish an 
 independent household. Until such independence was attained, he 
 was under the authority of the family head man of his wife's people. 
 The family group, as socially directed by the family head man, was 
 therefore quite a different unit from the paternal family. It included 
 all members of the paternal family, with the following exceptions : the 
 head man 's married sisters, and those other female family representa- 
 tives whose husbands had established independent households.; those 
 male family representatives who resided with their wives' people. 
 The latter exclusion was only temporary, and when these men had 
 established their own households, they and their wives and children 
 came to be included in their family social group. In like manner the 
 husbands and wives of these children might, at different times, be 
 included in the group. It might also include the head man's wives, the 
 
1922] 
 
 McEerii: Functional Families of the Patiiin 
 
 239 
 
 husbands of his brothers' daughters, his sons-in-law, and (temporarily) 
 the children of his daughters and of his brothers' daughters (see fig. 1). 
 
 
 K 
 H 
 
 •a 
 
 C7 
 
 o' 
 
 3 
 
 o n 
 
 Q 
 
 (V 
 
 3. 
 
 ? 
 a. 
 
 3 
 
 f 
 
 3 
 3 
 
 y 
 -0 
 
 3. 
 
 U 
 o 
 
 3 
 
 Ch 
 
 ^ 
 
 Oi 
 
 .5 
 
 o 
 
 n 
 
 3 
 
 a 
 
 ? 
 
 3^1 
 
 i 
 
 f 
 
 .' 3 
 
 X 
 
 
 c 
 
 X 
 
 o 
 
 C/) 
 o 
 
 ^-■ 
 
 o 
 
 -1 
 
 o 
 c 
 
 Thus the membership of this group, coming under the authority 
 of the familj- head man, was not constant, but included at one time 
 those excluded at another time. 
 
240 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etiin. [Vol. 13 
 
 Over the family social group the patriarchal head man exercised 
 undisputed family authority, checked only by tril)al tradition and 
 tribal authority (see page 2-4-1). Tliis patriarchal authority was not 
 dependent upon unilocal residence. As a man's sons, when inde- 
 pendently established, lived in separate houses, the houses themselves 
 in all probability were remotely situated in regard to each other. Even 
 where houses were communal, as the permanent winter houses usually 
 were, the several households occupying a given house, each liolding a 
 definite part thereof, were quite independent of each other and almost 
 invariably traced their ancestry from different family stocks. 
 
 The Jwitseliold. Neither the paternal family nor the family social 
 group practiced unilocal residence. That portion of the family social 
 group, then, living together in one house, constituted a third group, 
 the household. It might include a man, his wife, his unmarried sons, his 
 daughters, his sons-in-law, and his daughters' children. The last three 
 household elements mentioned would be included in the household only 
 during a limited time, preceding the establishment by the sons-in-law 
 of independent households (see fig. 1). 
 
 The paternal family, tlien, constituted a group, held together by 
 virtue of traditional ties of blood. The family social group owed its 
 modicum of social unity to group authority vested in the family head 
 man. The household was a social unit due to common residence under 
 the immediate authority of a household head, who might or might not 
 be the family head man. 
 
 No conscious recognition of such a varied groi^ping of the family 
 has been found among the Patvvin, but an accurate use of words makes 
 essential some distinction between groups so different and yet so easily 
 confused in a discussion of the family. The paternal family is the 
 true family from every traditional standpoint. In it alone blood 
 kinship is an essential factor. It will be termed hereafter in this 
 paper the famil.y. Any reference to the other groups will be made in 
 specific terms. The native word for the family is se'rc. 
 
 INHERITANCE 
 
 When property rights are taken into consideration it is readily seen 
 that the family was conscious of ties not reflected at all by the life in 
 households. Property subject to inheritance was of two kinds: (1) 
 personal possessions, (2) family possessions. 
 
 Not all personal property was inheritable. The practice of burying 
 with the dead, or burning after the burial, the larger part of the 
 
1922] McKern: Functional Families nf tlir Patwin 241 
 
 deceased's personal effects wns universal. Only those elements of 
 personal property that were publicly ceded previous to death became 
 the heritage of the deceased's paternal descendants. Such things as, 
 for example, a ceremonial costume, a feather belt, a ceremonial pipe, 
 a quantity of shell beads, a charm .sloiie, or a secret "medicine" 
 formula, might thus be given away. Tlie original owner was said to 
 have "given" the property to the descendant, yet the "gift" never 
 changed hands previous to the donor's death. The recipient was 
 almost invariably the next in paternal line of descent. A woman's 
 property miglit, for example, if so directed by her, pass on to her 
 brother's daughter; a man's property to his son. 
 
 Occasionally a man might discountenance any claim of liis paternal 
 relatives and leave some of his belongings to an outsider. Such a 
 course of action, however, was generally frowned upon and publicly 
 discouraged. It was not the "right thing to do." 
 
 There were many classes of property that never belonged to the 
 individual. In most cases, when not commonly owned by the village, 
 these classes of property belonged to the family. For example, that 
 definite portion of the dwelling house in which the household lived, 
 and the store of necessary household utensils such as food baskets, 
 mats, mortars and pestles, cooking and eating utensils, and the house- 
 hold granary, were the common property of the family, held and used 
 by the household during its existence. With the death of the head man 
 of the household, these possessions reverted to the custody of the next 
 in line of descent whose household might have need of them. The 
 family head man under whose authority that particular household 
 came, decided who was entitled to replace the deceased custodian. He 
 could not elect him at will, but it was liis duty to point out the proper 
 successor. Such effects were not the property of the head man of the 
 household. He merely exercised over them the function of custodian. 
 The privilege of using such effects was inherited by the household as 
 a group. Ownership thereof was claimed by the family of which the 
 household was a part. This class of property was buried, burned, or 
 otherwise destroyed upon the death of the last male representative of 
 tlie owning family, but not otherwise. 
 
 Individual names were looked upon as the property not of the 
 individual but of the family. Each family possessed a stock of names. 
 The individual acquired the name of tliat deceased paternal relative, 
 of like sex, who was of closest relationship. A man's name was that 
 of his nearest deceased male paternal relative; a woman's that of her 
 
242 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 13 
 
 nearest deceased female paternal relative. This name was the bearer's 
 as long as he or she lived. The individual could not, however, sell or 
 in any other way dispose of the name. 
 
 So rigidly was this method of naming observed that a child 's name 
 was predetermined before its birth. It depended upon the time of the 
 death's occurring before the child's birth. One versed in such affairs 
 upon hearing a man's name might readily know to what family, in a 
 given tribe, he belonged. 
 
 At the death of the individual, his name was returned to the 
 family supply of unclaimed names, to be appropriated to the use of 
 his nearest paternal male relative in the unborn generation. 
 
 Certain "medicines," or rituals, peculiarly inducive to super- 
 natural aid in some particular functional capacity, were also consid- 
 ered as famil.y property. Tliis class of property will be considered in 
 detail below, in connection with functional families (see page 246). 
 
 THE VILLAGE CHIEF 
 The high importance of paternal descent in the social organization 
 is again illustrated in the office of the village chief, called se'ktu, the 
 head of the village. Since each village was politically independent of 
 every other village, the village chief held the highest rank recognized 
 by the Patwin. In time of war, two or more villages might unite in 
 action against a common enemy, but each contingent of warriors acted 
 as an independent unit, under the command of its own war-leader. 
 
 Succe.<ision. The position of chief was hereditary and ordinarily 
 passed from father to son. When the deceased chief had no son, or 
 when the son was judged by general concensus of opinion to be incom- 
 petent for the position, the new chief was chosen by the village elders 
 according to his qualifications. 
 
 A qualification greatly to be desired in the new village head man 
 was that of blood relationship to the dead chief. Other qualifications, 
 of smaller import, were ability and popularity. As blood relationship 
 became more distant, ability and popularity gained in importance as 
 deciding factors. For instance, an unable or unpopular grandnephew 
 of the former chief might lose the election to one with a still more 
 distant blood claim to the office but possessing the confidence and 
 esteem of the village. A son of the deceased official, however, if at 
 all competent, in spite of being unpopular in the community, had just 
 claim to the position. 
 
1922] McEern: Functional Families of the Patwin 243 
 
 All other qualifications being equal, blood relationship was the 
 deciding factor. There was a definite order of rating of relationship. 
 Each individual claiming consanguinity to the chief was definitely 
 recognized as being more clo.sely allied to him than certain claimants, 
 and moT-e distantly related than others. This blood rank ran, in a 
 descending scale, as follows : 
 
 1. Elder son. 
 
 2. Younger son. 
 
 3. Elder brother. 
 
 4. Younger brother. 
 
 5. Ehler brother's sons (in order of age). 
 
 6. Younger brother's sons (in order of age). 
 
 7. Father's elder brother. 
 
 8. Father 's younger brother. 
 
 9. Elder son's sons (in order of age). 
 
 10. Younger son's sons (in order of age). 
 
 11. Father's elder brother's sons (in order of age). 
 
 12. Father's younger brother's sons (in order of age). 
 1.3. Brother's son 's sons (in order of age). 
 
 14. Father's brothers' sons' sons (in order of age).= 
 
 Ability and popularity became dominant factors in the choosing 
 of a new chief when the following peculiar situations existed: (1) 
 when there were two ranking candidates of equal paternal blood 
 affinity to the deceased chief; (2) when the deceased chief was the 
 last representative of his line; (3) when a new village unit was 
 organized (see below). The first of these situations was made pos- 
 sible through the practice of polygamy. It was quite possible for two 
 mothers to have children, by the same father, at practically the same 
 time. As a careful reckoning of dates was never kept, there might 
 very logically arise later the cjue.stion as to which was the older. Car- 
 ried into the second or third generation, the answer to this question 
 would tend to become more and more obscure. 
 
 Political power and authoriiij. The chief enjoyed a large ascend- 
 ancy. He exercised the powers of a dictator. He could not be deposed, 
 although at any time he might resign in favor of his son. Those who 
 disobeyed him could not continue to live in the village. "When the dis- 
 loyal element consisted of a group instead of an individual, the group 
 left the village. If of sufficient strength, such a group might establish 
 
 2 It may seem unbelievable that such a definite system of rank could have 
 existed among these people. To my knowledge nothing of this nature has been 
 reported among neighboring stocks. My informant was Tom Odoek, cliief of the 
 rancheria where this information was obtained. My impression of him, cor- 
 roborated by the opinion of others who have worked -n-ith him, is that of an excep- 
 tionally truthful and careful informant. 
 
244 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 13 
 
 itself as an independent community. Even then the chief selected 
 to head the new village was, when possible, a paternal relative of the 
 former chief. 
 
 Although subject to the advice of a council of elders, chosen by 
 himself from among the oldest and most respected of the family head 
 men, the chief had the final word at all councils. The political func- 
 tion of the council was that of bringing to the attention of the chief 
 matters of common tribal importance, discussing with him the problems 
 involved, but leaving him free to act as he saw fit, unhampered by any 
 authority vested in the council. Thus some member of this council 
 might think it advisable to move the village site. He would confer 
 witli other members of the council and with other prominent village 
 personages, such as the head man of the esoteric society. Then if the 
 concensus of opinion seemed favorable toward his project he would 
 speak to the chief concerning it. If the chief considered the matter 
 of sufficient weight, he would call together the council. Meeting at 
 the chief's house they would build a great fire on the hearth-place, 
 close the door and smoke-hole with .skins or mats, and "sweat." While 
 sweating, the question would be brought up and discussed lengthily. 
 In such discussions the chief usually took very little part. Nor did 
 he, as a rule, announce his decision at the conclusion of the meeting. 
 When the chief declared the council at an end, the members would 
 run out of the house and plunge into the river. After a swim, they 
 would return to their respective homes. This council meeting was 
 called ca'puroy^'piri't-u (=they who meet together while sweating: 
 <Cca'po, to take a "sweat bath;" yo"piri, to assemble). 
 
 Control of tribal economy. Tlie most commonly exercised powers 
 of the chief were of an economic character. He was the commissioner 
 of wild crops, acquainted with the local centers of sui)ply, and versed 
 in the proper times for harvesting. Nut, fruit, and seed producing 
 localities belonging to the village were conveniently divided into sub- 
 areas by the chief. These he assigned, during harvest time, to various 
 families. That is to say, each family had its own "picking grounds," 
 reassign.ed each season in accordance with tlie relative sizes of the 
 various families involved. 
 
 All meat products, when of sufficient quantity, wliether fish, tlesh, 
 or fowl, were brought to the chief to be distributed by him among the 
 households most in need thereof. This did not hold true in regard to 
 insignificant amounts. A hunter returning with only two or three 
 squirrels would keep them, to be used by his own household. But if a 
 
1922] McKern: Functional Families of the Patwiii 245 
 
 deer were brought in, or small game in quantity, it was invariably 
 apportioned to family head men, who in turn apportioned it to the 
 family households. 
 
 Tlie division of food-producing areas and meat pi-oduets among the 
 families by the chief could not, ultimately, result in iinfair partiality 
 toward certain families, for a family not sufficiently supplied in this 
 manner could demand food from their more fortunate neighbors. 
 Sloth, whieli might logically result from such a custom, was checked 
 by the chief's autiiority (1) to order any given family to gatlier the 
 product of its allotted area, (2) to organize general village hunting 
 expeditions. 
 
 At the beginning of the fish spawning season, the chief proclaimed 
 a certain day as one to be devoted by the entire community to fishing. 
 Everyone was obliged to fish on that day, nor could any one begin 
 fishing before the appointed time. 
 
 The chief personally organized and directed communal drives of 
 rabbit or deer, the gathering of wood to be used for fuel at dances, and 
 other activities in which the community participated as a whole. When 
 disease, floods, bad luck, or other local disadvantages made it seem 
 advisable to move the village to a new site, the chief directed the moving 
 operations and selected the new location (see above, page 244). 
 
 Authority over ceremonies. The most important and sacred of all 
 the ceremonies was the hesi (Ju'si) dance. None but adult men (past 
 the age of puberty) were allowed to see this dance, and all who took 
 part therein were members of an esoteric society, also called hesi. 
 Membership included every man of any social importance in the 
 village and involved an initiation of which very little is known. Hesi 
 officials were very influential men. This was the only dance at which 
 spectators were charged an admission fee, consisting of a short string 
 of clam shell beads. A further description of the hesi dance is not 
 necessary in this paper. The chief was a special hesi official and as 
 such exercised ceremonial authority. No hesi dance was held without 
 his sanction. At the ceremony of initiating a novice into the society, 
 the chief bestowed a hesi name upon liim and was paid for so doing 
 by the father or other family representative of the applicant. A 
 lion's share of the admission fees went to the chief. All other hesi 
 officials acted under his authority. 
 
 Before the holding of any dance, hesi or other, a sweat-eouncil (see 
 above, page 244) was held in the chief's house, at his invitation. At 
 this council he proclaimed the necessity for holding a dance. There 
 
246 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Elhn. [Vol. 13 
 
 it was decided what ceremony should be held, what days shoidd open 
 and close the procedure, and what guests should be invited. The chief 
 personally welcomed the guests with an address and the presentation of 
 gifts. It was customary for him to make speeches between sets of 
 dances. His house on any ceremonial occasion was used as a place in 
 which to gamble. At his death, the chief was buried in the dance 
 house {hii), which was then burned. 
 
 Social prestige. The chief enjoyed distinct social prestige. His 
 house, located at the approximate center of the village, was the council 
 house where all tribal activities were planned (see above, page 244). 
 The chief, his wives, and his sons and daughters, were freed from the 
 necessity of hunting, fishing, or gathering of other supplies. They 
 were freely supplied with the necessities of life by the other village 
 members. For instance, if the chief needed firewood, he would call 
 some of the young men to him and order them to get it for him. Or, 
 when the time for liarvesting a certain variety of grass seed was come, 
 the chief's daughter, if of age, would call to her a number of the 
 younger women and tell them she needed so many baskets of timothy 
 grass seed, wild oats, or whatever the cereal might be. 
 
 A daughter or sister of a chief, called ma'in, enjoyed special social 
 distinction. Children did not laugh in her presence and adults treated 
 her with respect. This was not true, to any marked degree, of a chief's 
 wife. 
 
 The cliief wore holiday attire every day, his only badge of office. 
 
 Summary. The chief, unlike the chiefs in many neighboring 
 linguistic stocks, or even in neighboring sections of the Wintun stock, 
 owed his chieftainship, regularly, to paternal descent and enjoyed an 
 inordinate eminence in regard to ])olitical, economic, ceremonial, and 
 social prestige and authority. 
 
 FUNCTIONAL FAMILIES 
 
 The important place that paternal descent holds in the social struc- 
 ture of the Patwin being clear, the remainder of this paper will take 
 up the consideration of functional families among this group. The 
 data at hand, while far from complete, definitely disclose certain social 
 and economic institutions not prevalent among other native California 
 stocks. Associated with a patrilineal mode of reckoning kinship, there 
 existed a variety of institutions concerned respectively with some 
 
19-2J McEeni: Funclionai Fumilicx <if tlw Patirin 247 
 
 social or economic function. Not every family was functional in this 
 manner, but those that were not had a lower social prestige. 
 
 Each functional family was the possessor of an esoteric ritual or 
 medicine. This medicine was family property and was the inlieritance 
 of each new generation. Individual members had no exclusive claim 
 thereto. Besides this medicine, each individual member of such a 
 famil.y, if an active member (see below, page 253), owned a charm. 
 Such cliarms descended, like other jiersonal effects, in tlie male line. 
 Charm and medicine were valuable to tlie possessor as the means toward 
 inducing supernormal aid in performing the family function. 
 
 CLASSIFICATION OF FUNCTIONAL FAMILIES 
 For purposes of ease in presentation and comparison, functional 
 families may be divided into four classes: (1) ceremonial families, 
 (2) trade families, (3) shamanistic families, (4) official families. This 
 division is based upon the different types of functions involved. 
 
 Ceremonial families. A ceremonial family possessed certain secret 
 medicines and individual charms that specially qualitied its members 
 to take part in a specific ceremony. The ceremony and the family were 
 known by the same name. For example, one of these families was 
 called si'ka. Each of its members, through a proper use of his charm 
 and the family medicine, was supernormally qualified to dance in a 
 great public ceremony called si'ka. This dance was held once each 
 j'^ear in the regular ceremonial house and was witnessed by every one, 
 but no one not belonging to the si'ha family could pai-ticipate therein. 
 No admission charge was made nor did the family materially benefit 
 from the ceremony in any other way. The family was actively 
 represented in the performing of its function by men only. 
 
 Of like order wei'e the k'a'ima, kv'cit, lo'h' and to'to, each monop- 
 olizing a particular ceremony. An active member of any ceremonial 
 family was ealed ta'oUc. 
 
 In every case it was not the teehnie of the ceremonial activity that 
 constituted the family secret, but rather the medicine. Any one might 
 be able to imitate the dance steps after careful observation, but no 
 one would dare to do so without making the required medicine 
 preparations. 
 
 Trade families. Members of a trade family were specially fitted, 
 through the possession and \ise of inherited charms and medicines, to 
 engage successfully in some particular economic enterprise. For 
 
248 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and FJhn. [Vol. 13 
 
 example, a man belonging to a lapt'ia family was rendered adept at 
 fishing for all kinds of small or medium sized fish by the nse of his 
 charm and family medicine. Individuals did not use this occupational 
 advantage in independent endeavor. Tlie family acted as a unit, fish- 
 ing witli a large "slough net," made of native hemp {Apocynum) 
 string and called la'pi. The net was squarely oblong, resembling the 
 ordinary European seine. It was suspended across a slough by means 
 of a twisted rope of the same fibre as the net called t'd. This rope, 
 tied to trees on opposite banks of the slough, hung very low over the 
 water, allowing most of the net to be submerged. The bottom of the 
 net was weighted down with mud pellets, wrapped in tule. These 
 sinkers, called pu'h, were about the size of a baseball. The fish were 
 driven down stream into the net. One end was then detached and 
 pulled by ropes up stream and across to tlie opposite shore, thus 
 trapping the fish and bringing them to land. 
 
 The fish were not sold or exchanged but distributed among the 
 families in the usual way by the chief. Only men represented the 
 family in this enterprise. 
 
 All trade families and even the trades participated in by them liave 
 long since disappeared. Many of them, according to my informants, 
 have been entirely forgotten. Others are remembered as having 
 existed but names and words associated with them are forgotten. The 
 following incomplete list is therefore all that can be offered by way 
 of specific examples. 
 
 The lapi'ta family, just mentioned. 
 
 The capt'ntu family engaged jointly in salmon {liur) fishing. The 
 method employed in fishing by such a family was in no way different 
 from that of any outsider who might fish for salmon. The only advan- 
 tage lield by the family consisted in its medicine practice. Salmon 
 were fished with the aid of a dam or weir built across the river at some 
 shallow part. This dam, called b.insh'p, was jointly constructed by 
 all the men of the village. It had for its foundation a line of piles 
 driven into the river bottom from shore to shore. Willow brush was 
 woven in and out between these piles, in a wicker-work technic, iintil 
 the structure constituted an insurmountable barrier to the salmon. 
 It was perforated every few yards by a "break" or narrow gateway. 
 When completed, the top of the dam was of sufficient width to allow 
 one, if careful, to walk across. Salmon were caught by means of large 
 basket traps, conical in shape, and made of twined willow rods. These 
 were placed at the gateways and the fisher watched from his position 
 
1922] McEern: Functional Families of the Patu-iit 249 
 
 on tlie dam. When a salmon swam into the trap, ti-ap and fish were 
 removed. The warm sliiggisli waters of the Sacramento river in this 
 locality prevent the salmon from leaping over the dam. The number 
 of traps that could be \ised at any one time was regulated by the chief. 
 There were always some gateways left open. 
 
 The kapi"tu family, working individually, was engaged in the 
 making of arrow points. These arrow points were manufactured from 
 imported obsidian (do'ko), the river valley producing no suitable 
 material for these objects. Larger stone implements, such as knives, 
 were not made by the valley Pat win. Such as they had were obtained 
 through exchange from neighboring hill groups. 
 
 There was a goose-hunting family, the name of which has been 
 foi'gotten. This family jiad the function of trapping geese, using a 
 trap called bi'ttho. This trap consisted of large rectangular pole 
 frames upon which was stretched netting, similar to the fish netting 
 described above. The frames were connected at the corners with ropes 
 of native "hemp." These ropes extended on into an ambuscade where 
 several trappers lay concealed. The netted frames were placed side by 
 side flat upon the ground and baited with shelled acorns, bi'oken into 
 small pieces. When the geese came to feed upon the acorns the nets 
 were turned over upon them by means of the attached ropes. 
 
 The cako'tu family engaged in duck trapping. The trap used 
 consisted of a great net, similar in shape and size to the slough net 
 described above, stretched low across a slough so that the bottom edge 
 barely cleared the water. Into this the frightened ducks were induced 
 to fly. They were then secured by releasing the upper fastenings of 
 the net and allowing it to fall over them. 
 
 There was a family who.se function consisted in making ceremonial 
 drums. These drums, called vobo'k, were hoUowed-out .sycamore logs 
 from six to eight feet in length. They were placed upside down in the 
 dance house and beaten by the dnnumer with his feet. 
 
 Another family had the function of making salt {coki'). The 
 salt was obtained from a salt grass (wd) found growing in dry alka- 
 line regions. A pit was dug and the dried plant, mixed with salmon 
 vertebrae, was piled above it. Fire was applied, and as the mixture 
 burned, the natural tar from the plant and the salt with which it was 
 crusted accumulated in the pit. The result was a hard gray-black 
 material, soluble in hot water and very salty to the taste. It was used 
 sparingly for seasoning food. 
 
250 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Elhn. [Vol. 13 
 
 The tara't making family individually engaged in making cere- 
 monial headdresses called tara't, and feather belts called diya'k. The 
 tara't was a diamond-shaped texture worn high on the forehead by 
 certain distinguished men in the hesi dance. It was fashioned of 
 fine native hemp cord and small red feathers from the scalp of the red- 
 headed woodpecker. The feathers were treated individually and 
 tied into the basic structure of cord so as to present a smooth superior 
 surface of fine red featliers. The whole was fringed with the black tips 
 of the woodpecker 's tail feathers. The diija'k was a belt about a yard 
 long and from four to eight inches wide. It was never worn by any 
 but a hesi dancer and by only the most distinguished of them. It was 
 made in the same technical manner as the tara't but included the 
 weaving of fine feathers of various colors into a color design. The 
 fine feathers used for tliis purpose, called pd, were obtained from the 
 red scalp of the woodpecker, the green neck of the mallard duck, 
 the yellow breast of the robin, the blackbird 's breast, and the orange- 
 spotted back of the oriole. 
 
 There was a family that was individually engaged in making a 
 variety of large coiled baskets, externally decorated with a super- 
 imposed design done in small colored feathers, the pd described above. 
 This basket, called tara'tok, was exclusively used as a ceremonial 
 object to be buried with tlie illustrious dead. 
 
 There was also a "canoe-basket" making famil.y, individually the 
 manufacturers of large coiled baskets oval in shape used for the same 
 purpose as the tara't o'k. 
 
 All of the above trade families were functionally represented by 
 men only with the exception of the tara'tok and the "canoe basket" 
 families, which were functionally represented by women only although 
 the men shared the family names (which have not been determined) 
 and traditional standing. Here as elsewhere the family functional 
 traditions and secret medicines descended in the male line. In other 
 words, a woman did not impart her technical methods and medicine 
 secrets to her daughter but to her brother 's daughter. 
 
 Shamanistic families. Shamans, excluding ceremonial shamans 
 (ya.'i'tn) who did not exercise shamanistic powers except on ceremonial 
 occasions, were called malid'mta. Shamanism was always the func- 
 tion of a shamanistic family. A man, through paternal descent, in- 
 herited certain charms and family secrets connected with the practice 
 of shamanism. This alone however did not make of him a shaman. 
 He nuLst first serve a long apprenticeship under a paternal instructor. 
 
1922] McKern: Functional Familiex of the Potn-in 251 
 
 himself a shaman, who used liis supernatural powers to influence the 
 spirits to commune with the novice and become subject to the hitter's 
 incantations. 
 
 There might be several shamanistic families in a given village, each 
 absolutely independent of the others and possessing its own peculiar 
 ritualistic secrets and medicines. All shamans treated all diseases 
 and practiced "poisoning," but each shamanistic family had its own 
 methods and secret medicines for the treatment of any given disease. 
 All .shamans were men. 
 
 Each shamanistic family held secret meetings. On these occasions 
 its members participated in competitive exhibitions of shamanLstic 
 control of the supernatural. Two shamanistic families, however, never 
 met together for any purpose. 
 
 Official families. Official families were peculiar in that only one 
 representative of a family might at any time exercise the family 
 function. Other non-active members, however, shared the family 
 name and .social prestige. For instance, a man might say he belonged 
 to a ceremonial song leader (gj'/tif) family when as a matter of fact 
 his father's brother was the only ceremonial song leader in the family. 
 The official families are included in this classification because associated 
 with them are found the two fundamental elements that characterize 
 the functional families, namely, paternal descent and inheritance of 
 functional aids in the form of charms and secret medicines. The 
 official by use of these coerced a supernatural power into lending him 
 aid and protection in the exercise of his official duties. The actual 
 functional representatives of all official families were men. 
 
 For example, the hesi dance fire tender, called ('apa''tu, acquired 
 his office through paternal descent. Through inheritance he was the 
 possessor of a charm and a secret medicine formula, proper use of 
 which insured him success in the performing of his fire-tending duties. 
 Other members of his family, though having no part in the family 
 function, were often called capa"\u, and enjo.yed therefrom a certain 
 social distinction. 
 
 Of like order were the sl'ka- dance drummer called ho'lwa'tu; the 
 ceremonial sliaman called ya'i'Xu, whose duty it was to supernaturally 
 protect the life and health of ceremonial dancers ; the ceremonial song 
 leader, qo'liu, whose duty it was to lead the singing at a dance. 
 
 In any given village there might be several qo'ltu, but each of 
 them represented a different family. In that ea.se each singer family 
 had its own medicines unknown to other singer families as they were 
 
 r 
 
252 University of Ciilifoniid rnl/lii'iitioiin in Am. Arch, and Elhn. [Vol. 13 
 
 imkuown to the public at large. A qo'lUi might sing the sougs for 
 any dance or ceremony including those belonging to ceremonial 
 families. As he grew older his stock of sougs became more fully 
 representative of all the ceremonies. 
 
 Official families had no names aside from the functional name of 
 the individual representative. 
 
 The tribal chief was not the representative of a functional official 
 family as defined in this discussion. Though owing his position to 
 paternal descent, he inherited no family charm or medicines, at least 
 not as chief. 
 
 DISCUSSION 
 
 Types of names. Each functional family had a name, though often 
 the family and its individual members were designated by the same 
 name. The names fall into at least two categories, descriptive and 
 non-translatable. The following is a table of functional family names 
 according to type. 
 
 1. Descriptive names. 
 
 caiJe'ntu, salmon fishing family ("who drive fish into a trap"). 
 iape'ta, common fishing family ("fishing with a slough-net"). 
 A'apt''t?/., arrow point making family ("one who makes sharp points"). 
 ta'ota, an active member of a ceremonial family ("one who dances"). 
 capa"tu, hesi dance fire tender ("one who sweats"). 
 ya'i'tu, ceremonial shaman ("one who starts it"). 
 
 2. Non-translatable names. 
 
 The following are ceremonial families and their respective ceremonies: 
 lo'U, k'aima, si'la, i-u'cu, to'to. 
 o. Names of undetermined type. 
 Iio'lica'tu, si'la dance drummer. 
 qo'ltu, ceremonial song leader. (The agentive suffix -tu suggests that 
 
 both the above names belong to the descriptive type.) 
 maliB'mta, shaman. ( The participal suffix -ta makes it probable that 
 the above name is translatable.) 
 
 Family adoption. The claim to blood relationship between mem- 
 bers of a functional family was often tlieoretical. Where the family 
 was connected with no functional tradition it included those of actual 
 blood descent only. The functional family, however, often included 
 additional "kinsmen" whose relationship was assumed, not actual. 
 This assumption resulted from the practice of family adoption. 
 
19^2] iIi-K<rii: Functional Families of the Paitrin 253 
 
 If a shaman, for instance, liad no near paternal relative upon whom 
 to bequeath the charms and secrets of his practice, or if the proper 
 paternal descendant lacked ability or interest, a youth with no con- 
 sanguinary claim to the privilege but credited with mental capabilities 
 and a receptive attitude might be selected by tlie sluuuan to be his 
 successor. For this jirivilege the youth would pay the adopting shaman 
 a standardized sum. He would be given a name from the .supply per- 
 taining to the shaman's family, and would then serve an apprentice- 
 ship under his benefactor's instruction. Thenceforth he would be 
 considered a regular member of that particular shamanistic family, not 
 only as the possessor of the family charms and medicines, but as the 
 undisputed blood descendant of his predecessor and instructor. 
 
 A ceremonial family invariably adopted the ceremonial .shaman, 
 ya'i'Xu, who instructed the dancers and exerted his shamanistic powers 
 to insure their health and supernatural protection from evil forces 
 during a ceremony. The young shaman, serving his apprenticeship, 
 learned tlie secrets of his liereditary family and how to control his 
 familiar spirit. No opportunity to practice this special power atforded 
 itself, however, until he was adopted into some ceremonial family. 
 Then he became familiar with new family secrets and medicines. With 
 the combined aid of his shamanistic charms and medicines and his 
 ceremonial medicines, he coerced his familiar spirit to lend the dancers 
 under his charge skill and protection, or, if they became sick during 
 a ceremony, to bring about their recovery. Thus he became popularly 
 recognized as atSliated through blood descent not only with his own 
 family but also with the family of his adoption. 
 
 Sometimes a ceremonial shaman of high repute was adopted by 
 several ceremonial families. He was considered as one affiliated by 
 ties of consanguinity to all the families concerned. 
 
 Wherever this fiction of common descent existed it was universally 
 accepted by the public. No distinction was recognized between heredi- 
 tary members and adopted members of a functional family. The 
 preposterousness of such an assumption was overruled in the popular 
 conception by weight of tradition. Tims tlie element of adoption in 
 no way weakened the importance of paternal descent as a basic element 
 in .such institutions. Descent might be true or might be fictitious 
 but it was always essential. 
 
 Non-active members of the functional famihi. A member of a 
 functional family did not always observe its functional tradition. 
 This of course was always true of the ojiposite sex where one sex 
 
254 Vniversity of Calif ornin PubHcfitions in Am. Arch, and Etiui. |Vi)l. 13 
 
 dominated the function. It was also true in some eases within the 
 active sex, particularly among the official and shamanistic families. 
 It was true to a less degree of members of ceremonial and trade 
 families. The son of a ceremonial song leader, for example, might 
 refuse to practice the traditional function of his family. This was 
 oftezi due to such factors as lack of talent, lack of interest, family dis- 
 putes, and even bashfulness. Such an individual would continue to 
 hold his family name and to share the family prestige. He would 
 know the family's functional secrets but he would waive the right to 
 possess through inheritance a functional charm. He remained a family 
 member in every sense except that which involved tlie traditional 
 occupation. 
 
 Charms and medicines. In every functional family the active 
 member personally possessed a material charm. Sometimes this charm 
 took the form of a peculiarly shajied ob,jeet of stone or wood. Some- 
 times, as in the case of a shaman's charm, it was actually though not 
 admittedly shaped by human hands. A member of a salmon fishing 
 family (capc'ntu) usually possessed as a charm a stone mortar (the 
 product of a culture preceding or ancestral to that of the historic 
 valley Patwin who used wooden mortars exclusively). This mortar 
 was believed to be the drum of a river spirit called k'JtJ'. The mortar 
 itself was called k'oto'noeobok (<fc'Jp'«o=possessive form of k'^Vo'; 
 coba'k=druni). Before starting out to fish for salmon the owner of 
 this charm rubbed his hands over the stone while repeatedly asking 
 the k'JtJ' to give him good fishing luck. When not so used tiiis charm 
 was kept in concealment. Some charms, on the other hand, were worn 
 suspended about the neck upon functional occasions. 
 
 A shaman's charm, called kMu'r (^thunder), was a small object 
 of polished stone usually roundedly oblong in shape with a small hole 
 drilled through one end by means of which it was strung and worn 
 suspended about the owner's neck. Such a stone was said to be a 
 thunderbolt and was usually found, according to tlie owner, buried 
 in the ground at the foot of a tree that had been struck by lightning. 
 It was said to possess locomotive power and would always return to 
 its rightful owner if stolen or lost. 
 
 While charms appertaining to a family function were always the 
 property of individual family members, family medicines were in- 
 variably the common property of all active family members. A family 
 member therefore personally inherited a charm but shared in a connnon 
 group inheritance of family ritualistic secrets. 
 
192'2\ Mi-Jiiin: Funcliunal F'ainilits of the Pataiii 255 
 
 Monopoly of family functions. The ceremonial, shamauistie, and 
 official families monopolized their respective family functions in that 
 they governed activities that were not participated in by outsiders. 
 For example, no one acted as fire tender at a hesi dance except the 
 active representative of the capa"tu family. Of the trade families, 
 only those specializing in fishing and the trapping of ducks and geese 
 were not monopolistic. Any one might engage in all kinds of fishing 
 or go duck or goose hunting, using the same technical methods 
 employed by the fishing and trapping families if he so desired, regard- 
 less of lineage. But an active member of a functional familj' was 
 specially qualified to succeed in such pursuits because of his ability 
 to summon supernormal aid. No one, however, could make a burial 
 basket or any other manufactured product of a trade family unless 
 a member of the required functional family. 
 
 Family functions and professionalism. The functional family can 
 not be regarded as a professional group since the activity in which 
 it specialized did not assume the place of a sole or even chief occupa- 
 tion. Only at times was the individual member engaged in the tradi- 
 tional family activity. Commonly he was engaged in all the general 
 pursuits of life customarily followed by the other village inhabitants. 
 Even the shamans spent but a relatively small part of their time in 
 shamanistic practice in comparison with the day-to-day routine of 
 general work directed toward supplying tlie necessities of life. 
 
 Group consciousness. Group consciousness existed in every func- 
 tional group. The official families had no elaborate methods of show- 
 ing their group consciousness. There could be no clearly defined sur- 
 face indications of gregariousness in this ease diie to the fact that 
 official families were represented in their functions by one man only. 
 Official gatherings or esoteric ceremonies were thus made impossible. 
 However, the fact that one not an official might claim membership in 
 a certain official family and share that family's social prestige, clearly 
 shows the official families to have been self-conscious. 
 
 Ceremonial, trade, and shamanistic families were clearly group 
 conscious. All ceremonial and shamanistic families held esoteric cere- 
 monies, although the information obtained regarding these ceremonies 
 as yet consists chiefly of a mere affirmative statement. 
 
 That trade families were group conscious is evidenced by group 
 action in some instances, as exemplified by a salmon fishing family 
 exercising its family occupation as a unit, and in all cases by a tradi- 
 
256 i'niversity of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ktlin. |Vol. 13 
 
 tional social status adlieriug to all members of a given trade family 
 whether or not such members were actively controlled by the family 
 tradition. This social status of functional families seems not to have 
 resulted in a pronounced comparative valuation between such families 
 but rather distinguished a member of any functional grouj) from an 
 individual not so affiliated. 
 
 Exogamy. Functional families were exogamous only in the sense 
 that any kinship group was exogamous. Blood relatives, recognized 
 as such, were forbidden by custom to intermarry. There were how- 
 ever no specific rules of exogamy differentiating the functional family 
 from a family with no occupational traditions. 
 
 Independent officials. As has been noted in the case of the chief, 
 not all official characters were affiliated with official fanailies. Other 
 officials not so affiliated were the war leader {hi'iwma'tu), acquiring 
 his office through heroic conduct in battle ; the hesi dance general 
 manager (ci'ma'tu), who obtained his position through a merit system 
 of selection; the head man and chief ceremonial figure (mo'ki) of the 
 hesi society and ceremony, also chosen because of personal merit. 
 
 Tlir numerical problem. The large number of families listed above 
 and the high probability that there were others not recorded here, 
 seems to imply tlie former existence of large village populations. 
 General John Bidwell, one of the first white men to pass through the 
 area described in this paper, is credited with the statement that in 
 1844 there were ten thousand Indians in the near vicinity of the 
 present site of Colusa city. This figure sounds impossibly large in 
 the light of other information at hand. William B. Hyde, one of the 
 fir.st white settlers in Colusa county, says that the average Indian 
 village consisted of from one hundred to four hundred men in addi- 
 tion to their women and children. Will S. Green, another pioneer of 
 Colusa county, places the combined populations of seven "Colusa 
 Indian" villages in 1850 at one thousand individuals. He adds, how- 
 ever, that previous to 1850 diseases introduced by the whites greatly 
 reduced the native population. A careful consideration of all the 
 available information seems to foster the conclusion that a village of 
 one thousand inhabitants was an abnormally large one. A conservative 
 estimate would probably cut this figure in half and fix the average 
 village population at a still lower figure. 
 
 The question then arises: How can so many families be adeiiuately 
 represented in the average sized village? The problem can not be 
 
 BD 14.8^ 
 
1<)22] McEeni: Functional Familiis of the Piitirin 257 
 
 fairly eonsitlcrcd without more complete information. It is desirable 
 to know whetliei' the above list of functional families comprises a 
 nearly complete or a highly imperfect percentage of the number orig- 
 inally existent. If the list as it stands includes a majority of the 
 original functional families, the ])rol)lem is not so difficult as it might 
 at first seem. 
 
 A family might consist of a large number of individuals. Again 
 it might consist of only one individual, the last of the family line of 
 descent, A happy medium between these two extremes probabl.v 
 comes closer to the family as it existed. Very few functional families 
 recjuired a large membership. Official families required only one 
 member. The niunber of individuals in a ceremonial famil.v might be 
 very limited. For instance, but two members of a to'to family par- 
 ticipated in the to'to ceremony. In many cases one member of a trade 
 fanaily could perform the family function. 
 
 ^Moreover most functional families existed singly in any given 
 village. That is, a specific function, such as a family ceremon.v, was 
 represented in a village by only one famil.v. The only two known 
 exceptions to this rule were the cei-emonial song leader (qJ'ltu) fami- 
 lies and the shamanistic {iiialia'mia) families. The number of each of 
 tliese families in a village would logically depend upon the size of the 
 village. 
 
 The practice of family adoption is important in this connection. 
 If this practice was as common as the material at hand seems to indi- 
 cate one man would often represent two or more functional families. 
 This would naturally tend to reduce the number of individuals required 
 to fairly represent, within a village, a full list of these families. 
 
 It should also be noted that the information upon which this paper 
 is based does not apply to one particular village but to a cultural area 
 represented by many villages. It is therefore not necessary to assume 
 that every functional family was I'epresented in every village group. 
 
 CONCLUSIONS 
 
 Shamaiiisiii. The unanimous use of charms and medicines by mem- 
 bers of functional families, involving what might be interpreted as a 
 control and use of sujiernatural agencies, might suggest shamanism. 
 An essential factor in true shamanism, however, is a personally 
 acquired power of s])irit control by the individual. This personal 
 element was not an essential factor undcrlving the functional family. 
 
258 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 13 
 
 The ceremonial shamans and tlie regular shamans represented the only 
 families whose membci-s had direct communication of any kind with 
 the spirit world. Such power as members of other families possessed 
 was never personally acquired but obtained by means of inherited 
 charms and medicines. Therefore the esseiatial traits of the family 
 are not symptomatic of shamanism. 
 
 Clans. Any grouping of individuals claiming common blood 
 descent is ajDt to suggest a totemic or clan system of social organization. 
 There is, however, no trace among these people of totemism. Names, 
 mythology, and cultui'al detail point in quite another direction. As 
 regards non-totemic clans, the absence of patrilocal residence of the 
 group and of any specific rule of exogamy contributes to the negative 
 of the question. The evidence will not support an assumption of clan 
 organization. 
 
 Types of functions. There is no coherence in the tyjie of activity 
 concerned. Official, ceremonial, shamanistic, economic, and artistic 
 pursuits were all repi'esented. 
 
 tSummanj. Tlu're are two elements that stand out predominantly 
 in the functional families. One element is the high importance 
 ascribed to paternal descent, whether real or fictitious. Adoption 
 resulted in actual kinship from the native standpoint. The other 
 element is the general recognition of the superimportance of super- 
 nornml assistance over technical training in all manner of social and 
 economic pursuits. 
 
 The combination of these two elements results in the functional 
 family. The cause for sucli a combination might very logically be due 
 to the recognition of individual charms and ritualistic secrets, possess- 
 ing a potency of value in some desirable activity, as personal property 
 inheritable in the paternal line of descent. Such a property recogni- 
 tion would of necessity create a functional family if none had 
 previously existed. 
 
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