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GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 OR 
 
 L 
 
 THE RISE OF THE SOUTH; 
 
 SOUTHERN NATIONAL AIR, ^ 
 
 THE SON^ OF THE CUBA INVADERS, 
 
 A PROSE ESSAY ON GOVERN^E^T. 
 
 A POEM 
 
 *l 
 
 CUYLER W.' YOUNQ. 
 
 ..SAVANNAH: 
 PRINTElDFOR THE AUTHOR. 
 
GREATNESS REVIEWED 
 
 OR 
 
 THE RISE OF THE SOUTH: 
 
 SOUTHERN NATIONAL AIR, 
 
 THE SONG OF THE CUBA INVADERS. 
 
 A POEM. 
 
 BY CUYLER W?' YOUNG. 
 
 wty 
 
 r 
 
 SAVANNAH: 
 PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR. 
 
 1851. 
 
-p9 3^ 
 
 44- 
 
PROLOGUE 
 
 What constitutes the greatness of a State? 
 
 Not peace alone, if it dishonored be, 
 
 By tame submission to inglorious fate, 
 
 And harrowing fears in wishing to be free» 
 
 Not puff-cheeked wealth, of ease and luxury proud ; 
 
 Not fruitful fields, in smiling haiTests dressed, 
 
 Nor lengthy rail-roads, rolling thoughtless crowds 
 
 From busy marts, to regions sore oppressed. 
 
 Not factious jades, who after spoils have ran, 
 
 And who by mobs are deified as Gods, 
 
 When fifty thousand would not make one man, 
 
 To charm our eyes by his most sapient nods« 
 
 Not pusillanimous, time-honor'd boors. 
 
 Who, at the sound of danger, quickly rise, 
 
 And run in haste to 'scape through the back doors, 
 
 And patch their courage then by looking wise * 
 
 Not mousing, oily, slipp'ry demagogues, 
 
 Making their bargains o'er a glass of brandy;! 
 
 Or bellowing, croaking, like a pond of frogs, 
 
 About mileage, banks, and Uncle Sam's pay.t 
 
 No? men, upright, honorable, and brave, 
 
 W^hose noble souls are by true glory stirred, 
 
 And who 'mid dangers rush, their land to save, 
 
 And who by all their country's foes are feared. 
 
 * They run out, at the back door when they hear the British Lion roar, or 
 when John Bull enters- our Congress. -- 
 
 t Talking of the offices and mileage, while John Bull is murdering our 
 citizens. 
 
 t While England is sending troops to defend McCleod. 
 
IV. PROLOGUE, 
 
 No; Patriotism, causing hearts to beat 
 With true devotion, for their country's weal; 
 IVoble justice, with visage stern and sweet, 
 And lion-courage, charging against steel. 
 
 Georgia ! 
 IVior peace or plenty wilt thou long possess^ 
 Nor pride of luxur}^ or freedom's boon ; 
 Nor freeborn babes, nor beauty's smile to bless. 
 If thy good people do not rally soon.* 
 War always has been and will always be : 
 The blood of millions reddens Em*ope's soil — 
 Despots to govern, people to be free, 
 Are struggling bravely in the dread turmoil- 
 By blackest clouds our skies are overcast; 
 At home divided, and abroad contemned, 
 We're trembling, shiv'ring, crouching 'mid the blast. 
 Of evil storms that o'er our peace impend. 
 " Prepare ! " seems whispered by the mourning winds — 
 "Danger! " by thunder's voice is sounded back — 
 " Huzzah ! " shouts Faction — Fanaticism finds 
 A worshipper in every party hack. 
 Ye freemen of this hapless State, awake ! 
 Arise ! " prepare ! " — and make a noble stand. 
 For safety and your dear children's sake — 
 For honor, virtue, and for your native land !t 
 
 * I don't mean to rally to the polls to vote for a Congressman. 
 
 j Such dangers as these : Suppose England should claim Savannah, the 
 Government would give it up to John Bull; suppose she claim all Georgia 
 South of 34° of latitude, Webster, Everett and Fillmore would give it up; 
 suppose England order the City Council to repeal its laws — suppose the 
 negroes should rise and revolt — in all these cases, Georgia, having no army 
 and navy, could not defend herself, and the General Government would not 
 defend her, because it has failed repeatedly to defend her against English 
 aggression. The virtue of the Republic is lost and gone. The ways of 
 reformation are threefold: 1st, Change the Constitution; 2d, Reform Con- 
 gress and the Press; 3d, Dissolve the Union, and thereby dissolve the cause 
 of Vice. The first is difficult, the second is impossible, and the third requires 
 the union and courage of a single State, 
 
A WORD ON CHARITY. 
 
 ^* Charity," saitli the apostle Paul, " sufFereth long; " so have 
 the people suffered long. " Charity envieth not," neither do I 
 envy — God forbid it! "It rejoiceth in the truth;" so do I 
 rejoice in it. To prove that I am charitable, all men are quite 
 welcome to employ toward me, my Poem, and my Criticism, 
 what epithets soever they may wish to use. I have examined the 
 merits of " Greatness," but I have not judged any man. At 
 last, Truth is the most infallible judge of all human words and 
 actions. Paul saith: "Ye are bought with a price; be not the 
 seiTants of men." "What say I then! Is that which is 
 offered in sacrifice to idols any thing?" Yes, O wise Paul! 
 that which is offered in sacrifice to idols by the followers of the 
 Arch Fiend of Party in this Country, is Truth, Justice, Virtue. 
 and Valor. These are laid upon the altar of the Arch Fiend ; 
 and I say, in the language of Paul, "that the things which the 
 political Gentiles sacrifice, they sacrifice to devils and not to 
 God." Public men have sacrificed Virtue to Vanity, and to 
 their party ambition, instead of promoting the honor and glory 
 of the Country; and by having made vanity and party ambi- 
 tion their idols, they have made themselves to be the idols of 
 factious mobs. They have preferred idolatry to national honor. 
 To have done their duty without noise or ostentation, they would 
 have lost their customary meed of deijication, yet posterity 
 might remember them with respect and with gratitude; but, 
 without looking an inch beyond the ends of their noses, and 
 without caring a straw for posterity, or its opinion, they have 
 drifted carelessly down the current of corruption. That v.c 
 are all great sinners, personally, is admitted. I have written of 
 no man personally — I have written of their political and moral 
 
VI. A WORD ON CHARITV. 
 
 malpractices. This was my privilege, for Solomon saith: "If 
 a ruler hearken to lies, all of his sei-vants are wicked ; " and, 
 therefore, I will conclude in the language of Ezekiel, by- 
 saying to those rulers and their followers, "Repent, and turn 
 yourselves from your idols ; and turn away your faces from al! 
 your abominations." — Hez, c. xiv; verse 6, 
 
GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Ye Pagan Gods ! if ye still living be, 
 
 Or o'er the earth or o'er the raging sea, 
 
 Descend upon this Union, and with shame 
 
 Disown your titles and abjure your fame. 
 
 This Union's deities with wonder see, 
 
 And bend the oily pivots of the knee. 
 
 Thus, when the Godlike Webster opes his mouth, * 
 
 To blow his wisdom on the North and South, 
 
 Trembling for fear aud rev'rence ye shall stand, 
 
 And see a human God of Yankee land. 
 
 *At the North, I have frequently heard him called "the god-like Webster."' 
 But if I repeat this offensive sobriquet, with a view of preventing its future 
 abuse, I shall not be censured by christians or gentlemen. The following 
 verse of poetry, written in defence of Webster, by " Fi Ho," I extract 
 from the Commercial Advertiser of 1846 : 
 
 "Not even he, whose * god-like ' fame 
 Is stamped upon our history's page, 
 Could save his great and noble name 
 From foul defiler's hate and rage; 
 But when his manly soul was stirr'd 
 To crush the Jacks that round him biayed. 
 Derision pointed to the herd. 
 And cast them in oblivion's shade." 
 With this factious servility, compare Churchhill Independence. Churchhill 
 was an English poet. 
 
 "And are there bards who on creations file. 
 
 Stand rank'd as men, who breathe in this fair isle 
 
 The air of freedom, with so little gall. 
 
 So low a spirit, prostrate thus to fall 
 
 Before these idols, and without a groan 
 
 Bear wrongs might call forth murmurs from a stone? " 
 
8 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 But ere ye come, by Hercules, I charge thee 
 To fi'ee the spirits of Themiopyle, 
 That they who formed that gallant Spartan band, 
 May gaze upon the new Gods of Northland. 
 
 When A. McCleod burnt the Caroline, 
 
 And play'd fell havoc with on yon frontier line — 
 
 For which high crimes at Lockport he was tried, 
 
 And at the bar of justice almost fried ; 
 
 Then John Bull's agent, H. S. Fox, bawled out, * 
 
 Turn loose this British subject, or I'U route 
 
 With British soldiers every Yankee file 
 
 Who guards McCleod in his durance vile. 
 
 That sapient Dan, witli mock discretion, then 
 Despatched to Lockport J. J. Crittenden, 
 Who, with instructions from that Marshfield sage, 
 Dismissed the culprit from the felon's stage, t 
 O, glorious Fame ! with laurels crown the brow 
 Of this great Daniel, come to judgment now; 
 
 *The precise language u?ed by Mr. Fox, is as follows: "And the under- 
 signed is now instructed a^ain to demand of the Government of the 
 United States, formall}', and in the name of the British Government, the 
 immediate release of Mr. Alexander McCleod." See his letter of March 
 12, 1831. In the papers of that year may be found the intelligence that the 
 squadron engaged on the coast of Syria was ordered to America, to support 
 the remonstrance of the British Minister, Mr. Fox, "against (what the 
 English said) the judicial murder of Mi'. McCleod." Three battalions had 
 also been put under orders for Halifax. Refer to the London Times of 1841, 
 and other papers. 
 
 t Mr. McCleod was acquitted by the connivance of Daniel Webster. All 
 have admitted that he did commit a high criine. The proofs are, the admis- 
 sion of Mr. Fox and the British Government, (see Peel's and Daniel O'Con- 
 nell's speeches in Parliament,) and the published evidence. I charge, that 
 Webster despatched Crittenden to Lockport — that is, he wrote C. "instruc- 
 tions" to defend Mr. McCleoil. Whence, it is to be presumed that Webster 
 procured his accquittal. And I charge, that McCleod, although guilty of these 
 liigh crimes, has never been punished for ihem. Such an act might well be 
 supposed to dastardize a whole people. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. » 
 
 Let him outlive the Pagan Gods of Greece, 
 For giving to his glorious Union Peace ! * 
 
 When afterwards he trod the British Isles, 
 And was rewarded with fond woman's smiles ; 
 When he was pleased stump-speeches there to peddle, 
 Desei*ved he not for them a leather medal? 
 He was well paid by the Boston pollers 
 With the sum of fifty thousand dollars. 
 
 If Hermodorus, that Ephesian rake. 
 
 Who helped the Romans their sage laws to make, 
 
 Was honored with a statue for his manes. 
 
 Why not raise one to Webster for his pains? 
 
 And though that Daniel knows not English grammar,! 
 
 * " Because, even because ihey have seduced my people, saying Peace, and 
 there was no Peace; and one built up a wall, and lo, others daubed it with 
 untempered mortar." — Ezekiel, chap. 13, verse 10. Yes; the wall which 
 Washington built up has been daubed by Messrs. Webster, Clay, and others, 
 who, while deceiving the people by the cry of peace, peace, will not let the 
 people have any peace. During twenty years, they have shouted for banks 
 and tariffs, crying "shake off your dew drops, and pick up your flints; " and 
 having infused into the masses, by their speeches on commonplace topics, the 
 Spirit of Faction, that spirit now seizes hold on sectional questions. But, after 
 provoking the people to this phrenzy, they assume the garb of patriots and 
 shout aloud in the high places hush ! hush ! in order to stop that self-same 
 spiiit which Clay and Webster originally stirred up. 
 
 t Many persons whose minds are too much clouded with human deification 
 to imagine that Daniel Webster may be a fallible man, will be astonished by 
 this announcement. Though the author claims a very small share of astute- 
 ness, he will venture, at the hazard of being pronounced the greatest knave 
 and fool that ever lived, to point out a few g-rammatical blunders and rhetorical 
 fooleries. And this I do that the rising generation of Georgia may be able to 
 think for themselves about the merits of these modern Gods. From a speech 
 delivered by him at Albany, N. Y., where he was introduced to the crowd by 
 a Mr. James, I extract the following: " This was the state of things, to remedy 
 which entered into the conception and purpose of the wise men of those days 
 and they intended to accomplish that purpose." Again: "That was the 
 judgment of Mr. Polk's Carolinian friends on the subject of a judicious tariff; 
 and I am 'hugely ' of the opinion that it is his judgment also." 
 
10 GREATNESS REVIEWED, ' 
 
 He can upon protective tariff's hammer, 
 And at a dinner to Miss Vespucci say, 
 
 From his speech ''on the purpose of the Monument on Bunker Hill," I make 
 the following' extract: 
 
 " We know that if we could cause this structure to ascend, not only till it 
 reached the skies but till it pierced them, its broad surface could still contain 
 but part of that, which in an age of knowledge hath already been spread over 
 the earth, and w^hich history charges herself with making known to all future 
 times. If there is any meaning in the above passage, I would be glad to have 
 it pointed out. Does he mean that the higher the structure arises the more it 
 contains ? What is intended by the phrase, "but part of that," which history 
 charges herself with making known to all future times ? All that I can under" 
 stand of this rhetoric is. that if the structure should pierce to an infinite distance 
 above the skies, it might contain " a part " of that which history transmits to 
 posterity ; but what that " part " is, he has left us to conjecture ; for history 
 charges herself with making known to all future times, not only virtue and glory 
 but vice and shame. In one word the sentence is unintelligible. And so is the 
 sentence immediately following the above : " We know that no inscriptions on 
 entablatures less broad than the earth itself, can carry information of the events 
 we commemmorate where it has not already gone; and that no structure which 
 shall not outlive the duration of letters and knowledge among men can pro- 
 long' the memorial." The above sentence is very obscure. Again, in the 
 same oration, he says: " Human beings are composed, not of reason only but 
 of imagination also, and sentiment." If poor, fallible mortality may be 
 allowed to correct the above passage, I would suggest that it would be better 
 thus : " Human beings are composed not of reason alone, but of imagination 
 and sentiment." Again in the same speech : We wish that desponding patri- 
 otism may turn its eye hither, &c." Here, though patriotism is personified, 
 the neuter pronoun its is used. Strange he should prefix "she" to history, 
 and its to a desponding virtue. Lovell's U. S. Speaker, p. 56. In his reply 
 to Hayne, he says : " Was it not much better and 'kindlier' both to sleep 
 upon them myself, and to allow others also the pleasure of sleeping upon 
 them." The woid "kindlier," in the above sentence, is not considered 
 titling to be used. It is not to be found in Todd's, Johnson's, or Walker's 
 dictionary, nor is it ever used by good writers and speakers. The words 
 " more kindly " would have been proper. " It is quite possible that, in this 
 respect, I possess some advantage ove?- the honorable member, attributable 
 doubtless to a cooler temperament on my part." This sentence is both com- 
 monplace and obscure. " Sir, I answered the gentleman's speech, because I 
 happened to hear it, and because, also, I chose to give an answer to that 
 speech, ' which,' if unanswered, I thought most likely to produce injurious 
 impressions," ib. In the above sentence, the word " which'' has no verb to be 
 in the nominative case to, and "to produce" being a verb in the infinitive 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 11 
 
 " Can you, dear maclam, parlez-vous francais'? " 
 And when that foreign damsel answered yea, 
 He ceased in French his compHments to pay. 
 
 mood, which can have no nominative, therefore the sentence, is ungrammatical. 
 " ' Him,^ " whose honored name the gentleman himself bears, does he suppose 
 me less capable of gratitude for his patriotism," &c. Lovell's Speaker, 9d. 
 The word " him," in the above sentence, stands alone and is not governed by 
 any other word. " Unkind feeling, if it exist, alienation and distrust, are the 
 growth, unnatural to such evils, of false principles since sown." The above 
 sentence is destitute of sense or grammar. What word governs " feelings ?" 
 "And, sir, where American liberty raised Us first voice, and where its youth 
 was nurtured and sustained, there it still lives, in the strength o£iis manhood, 
 and full of zi!s original spirit." Throughout the above sentence '' its^' is ap- 
 plied to the masculine gendei*. " That name was of power to rally a nation 
 in the hour of thick-thronging disasters and calamities; that name shone amid 
 the storm of war, a beacon light to cheer and guide the country's fiiends ; it 
 flamed too like a meteor to repel her foes." Lovell's Speaker, 77 . "Like a 
 meteor to repel her foes," is a strong comparison. The glory of a name may 
 shine, but how a name can " flame like a meteor to repel her foes," is what I 
 have yet to learn. From " Lovell's Speaker" I extract the following, headed 
 "Not strength enough in the bow." "When the debate, sir, v/as to be 
 resumed, on Thursday morning, it so happened that it would have been conve- 
 nient for me to be elsewhere." Quere ? Did he go elsewhere or not, for the 
 above is all the explanation given. 
 
 Thus these speeches abounding in bad grammar, and in worse principles, 
 are covered with beautiful, costly binding, and used in every Southern school- 
 house ; and I regret to say, that the influence of faction has been such on the 
 human mind, in persuading it th§it what is "' notorious," or what is beauti- 
 fully bound in a school-book must be right and proper, that there has never 
 been a single individual, as far as I can learn, who has atternpted to criticise 
 the demerits of these speeches and school books. Nay, the impi-ession is that 
 these speeches are great efforts of eloquence ; and there are many person? 
 who would think it profanity to doubt their perfectibility by a single word of 
 criticism or dispraise. When I was a boy I learned these speeches by heart, 
 and thought their author was the greatest of living orators. In no school- 
 house in Europe would such ungran::matical, affected, clumsy speeches find 
 admittance. Statesmen there in general, can speak and write most of the 
 languages of Europe, besides possessing a thorough knowledge of the history 
 of the world. But here is a gentleman who, without a knowledge of his 
 mother tongue, and whose historical researches have never gone beyond the 
 landing of the Pilgrims, has controlled as it were with despotic power the 
 diplomacy and the public sentiment of this country for nearly forty years. 
 And the most of his speeches, delivered in that interval, pertain to every 
 
12 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 The greatest, wisest, noblest, and the best 
 Of human Gods, is Harry of the West; 
 Who for his diplomatic skill at Ghent, 
 Excels the wise men in the testament; 
 Who, as a leader of a factious mob, 
 Has kept this Union always in agog. 
 And who, by faction is believed more fit 
 To be immortal than Henry and Pitt.* 
 
 Next comes the human God of war and gold. 
 With his huge belly, and his face so bold — 
 
 subject, except the subject of government. They are in general homilies on 
 banks, tariffs, internal improvements and Bunker Hill Monument. About the 
 great questions of War and Peace, of Virtue, Education, &c. he has spoken 
 little; and what has been said or done by him on these subjects has either 
 recommended, or furnished an example of national pusillanimity. He may 
 not, personally, have more or greater faults than other men ; and he is a good 
 lawyer. But to consider him a great man, capable of directing the morals of 
 a numerous people, would be to indulge in the wildest hallucinations ; and 
 by indulging it, to do irreparable injury to our posterity. His discourse " on 
 the character of true eloquence" which may be found in any school-book, or 
 school-house, is but a lame apology for his owrn ignorance. 
 
 *The writer himself has been one of Mr. Clay's warmest political friends— 
 the President of a Clay Club ; and he urged his nomination for the Presidency 
 with all his zeal, both in Georgia and Philadelphia. He still cherishes a warm 
 personal regard for that gentleman. But the time is come when patriotism 
 requires that I should speak of him as he is, without malice and without ex. 
 tenuation. Then it is my humble opinion that his personal character is excel- 
 lent, and I believe'that he has been prompted by good intentions and affections ; 
 but I think that he has politically, unintentionally inflicted many and serious 
 evils on this country, by his pertinacious agitation of the Spirit of Party. I 
 believe, also, that he has been treated with great ingratitude by Factions. 
 Nevertheless, I am not prepared to acquiesce, at my time of life, in the over- 
 rated estimate which parties are disposed to make of his greatness. Mr. Clay 
 is a clever speaker — is certainly Webster's superior, since he commits no 
 grammatical blunders, (however deficient his speeches may otherwise be;) 
 but neither Mr. Clay nor Mr. Webster can be said to be great men. For 
 wherein does their greatness consist? What have they done? They have 
 been Factionists; and accordingly history will say " Mr. Clay or Mr. Webster 
 was Secretary of State, or introduced a bill," but it will not say " this extra- 
 ordinary man." 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 13 
 
 Who many a foe has sent to his long home, 
 And cried aloud, " Let the assassin come ! " 
 He peeps when he harangues through an eye-glass, 
 To quicken the vision of a clever ***; 
 And in the days of his long pilgrimage, 
 Gold he has cried for. Gold has been his rage. 
 Let his tall statue stand among the crags. 
 Marked on its back, "A foe to Paper Rags!" 
 
 Lo, on the Senate pours New Hampshire's hail, 
 And 'midst the storm the southrons turn quite pale ! 
 So strong he swells, so boist'rous is his tone. 
 That you might fear he'd break some vein or bone ; 
 And when the state's old ship faUs fast to leeward. 
 This valiant Falstaff leaves the helm to Seward, 
 Who pops his head up when he begins to talk 
 Like some good hen when watching for a hawk; 
 Or like the buzzard, when he an eagle views, 
 He flies on faster and still faster *****. 
 
 Ye worshippers of man I defend your turf 
 Against the slanders of each foreign serf — 
 Venerate the deities of Northland ; 
 Repel each insult from each foreign band. 
 As anciently, before the Delphic shrine. 
 Knelt great Pausanias, that he might divine 
 The fate of Greece in Platea's great fight, 
 And charge the foe with more heroic might ; 
 So, Yankees, we must humbly bow our heads 
 To these new Gods of the Democrats and Feds — 
 With meek orisons, beg to know the fate 
 Of Banks and Tarifl*s, and of our ship of state. 
 
 When Robert Peel declared he was for war — * 
 
 *Lord John Russell commented strongly on President Polk's message. 
 Our title," said the President, " to the whole country of Oregon is clear and 
 
14 GJlBAT^esS REVIEWED, 
 
 And up from Parliament went a huzza — 
 Should he not get to Oregon his rig'ht, 
 Voices for fifty-four forty or fight, 
 Were dumb as an oyster, in the Senate hall — 
 We'll take what we can get, declared they all. * 
 
 unquestionable, and already are our people preparing to perfect that title by 
 occupying it with theit wives and children." Loi'd John Russell called this 
 "a blustering announcement," and having given a history of the negotiations, 
 left the matter in the hands of the government. Sir Robert Peel in the course 
 of his remarks, said : " We trust atill to arrive at an amicable adjustment; we 
 desire to effect an amicable adjustment of out claim ; but, having exhausted 
 every effort to effect that settlement, if our rights shall be invaded, we are re- 
 solved — and we are prepared to maintain them. (Loud and continued cheers 
 from both sides of the House.) See Parliamentary Debates, 4th April. 
 
 *When the Senate read the high tone of the British government, and saw 
 that war would likely ensue by insisting on 54° 40', they agreed to accept the 
 line of 49°. This fact was announced in the House of Commons by Sir Robert 
 Peel, as follows: ''Sir, the President of the United States, whatever migh^ 
 have been the expressions heretofore used by him, and however strongly he 
 might have been personally committed to the adoption of a different course, 
 has wisely and patriotically determined at once to refer our proposals to the 
 Senate — that authority of the United States whose consent is requisite for the 
 termination of any negotiations of this kind; and the Senate again acting, in 
 the same spirit, has, I have the heartfelt satisfaction to state, at once advis.ed 
 ihe tex-ms ice offered them." (Loud Cheers.) 
 
 Ye once great Senate of these States, for shame, 
 Blush at these blotches upon your fair name I 
 
 Would Great Britain in the days of Madison or Jackson have dared to dic- 
 tate to this Union ? No ! And who and what have made this Union inferior to 
 a nation which our ancestors twice vanquished both on land and sea ? I an. 
 swei-. Clay, Webster, Choate, and other American Englishmen. Such men 
 have truckled to Great Britain in order to ally that country with the North 
 against Southern slavery ; and in order to dastardize the South by a long peace, 
 and causing her, during that peace, to neglect her own defences against those 
 secret and combined foes. Whilst the South, instead of looking to her own 
 valor, and to the strong and disciplined arms of her people, are vainly looking 
 to England, to France, to the North, and to all other enemies: while to rec- 
 ommend them to look at their own defence is deemed treasonable. There 
 is Abbot Lawrence, and Daniel Webster, and Choate, and Edward Everet ; 
 a clique of the best friends that England has, and the worst enemies to the 
 South that the sun ever shone upon. These men have doubtless entered into 
 secret intrigues with England to enslave the South. Have they not directed 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. IS 
 
 To prove to John BiiU that these lads could fight 
 As bravely then as any others might. 
 They all declared pt'O bono jmblico 
 A war against chivahic Mexico.* 
 
 the arms of England against South Carolina, and compelled that State to 
 repeal a local law ? Have they not induced England to offer to the South her 
 West India Islands, for your negroes to be sent to ? Do not all the English 
 papers war against your slaveiy? In this connection^ however, justice re. 
 .quires that I should state that there were jnany good patriots who both spoke 
 and voted against that infamous transaction. But no party d. serves credit for 
 those votes. Break up the fetters of party ; for to belong to a party — that is 
 to Whig or Democratic parties— is an admission that these abuses ought to 
 continue, and that every S<?uthern freeman is bound to go to the polls to vote 
 for some domagog'ue, because a clique of office-seekers and a newspaper may 
 €all him a patriot. What good can be wrought by sending a member to Con- 
 gress? He is in a minority, and you but dastardize the people for the sake 
 of gratifying the vanity of a few men ! While Choate, in the Oregon debate, 
 cried out war, feloody, dreadful war with England — "Mr. Hannegan showed 
 that the Senator from Massachusetts adniiitted the right of this government to 
 the territory, yet fears that the simple act of asserting that right will bring 
 down upon us the power of England. Strange inconsistency of assertion! 
 If a British peer liad been admitted into that chamber, and employed such 
 language, he should not have been sui'prised. If they yielded to the demands 
 of England, the object could only be to purchais^ a peace. He asked what 
 was the worth of a purchased peace? He appealed to history, and called on 
 that Senator to show that a peace thus obtained ever profited a nation. Any 
 cation that acquired peace by such means was on the rapid road to destruc- 
 tion ; for, after it, nothing remained but to wear an easy yoke. He viewed 
 this question as one which involved national honor or national shame. See 
 Hannegan's reply to Choa.te, and the votes on the queatioa. 
 
 *Had this war arisen in the heat of national passion, and been begun and 
 prosecuted without regard to foreign powers, it would have been as just as all 
 other wars. But this government did not annex Texas till it had first received 
 assurances from both France and England that those nations would not inter- 
 rupt us, or " take a hostile attitude in reference to annexation." And I believe 
 that war would never have been declared against Mexico, if England or France 
 had objected^ From an official letter from the Department of State to Mr. 
 Howard, dated Washington, Sept. 1£), 1844, I extracts "I enclose a copy of 
 a despatch to our minister at Paris, which you may show to President Hous- 
 ton and the Secretary of State. It will doubtless be s9.tisfactory to them to 
 learn that France is not disposed, in any event, to take a hostile attitude in 
 S^f-Bveme .to anoexalion, A despatch of a subsequent d9,te to tfce o»e to which 
 
16 
 
 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Then ev'iy corp'ral's guard produced a hero 
 Greater than Prmce Eugene or King Hiero: 
 Captains, Majors, and Colonels of that band. 
 Greater heroes were than were in Sparta's land. 
 And Generals greater were than Tamerlane, * 
 Who marched from China to the Ukrane,t 
 And who, when Alexander wept because 
 There was no world on which to lay his paws, 
 Plunged in the desert and conquered Hindostan, 
 And hastened back and Europe overran, 
 And placed Bajazet in an iron cage, 
 And kept him there until he ceased to rage. 
 Sound Fame's timbrel, and let all nations know 
 That Yankee rulers greatest are below: 
 For when the British, on Brazila's coast. 
 Handcuff* 'd George Atwood, and tried him to roast 
 'Midst the hot fires of a torrid sun, 
 
 the enclosed is an answer, gives a conversation between M. Guizot and our 
 Minister, equally as satisfactory as that with the king." See Packingham's 
 proceedings. See files of English and American papers, and Debates in Par- 
 liament. Thus it is come to pass that "we will take what we can get" from 
 England, or make war on the weak if she will grant her permission. O mighty 
 Union, and mighty Men I 
 
 *I have no wish to detract from the reputation of our officei's and soldiers in 
 the Mexican war. On the contrary, I feel bound to say that no soldiers in 
 Sparta were better or braver than the South Carolinians, Mississippians, Ken- 
 tuckians, &c. But it happens, that whilst these brave men did the hardest 
 fighting, the Generals are taking all the credit to themselves, and are making 
 profit on their reputations, to the manifest injury of this country. Look at the 
 men and measures which brought out Gen. Taylor for the Presidency. See 
 the proceedings of a dinner to Clayton, in Delaware, where he nominates 
 Gen. Scott in precisely the style that he brought out Gen. Taylor. Well, you 
 elect Gen. Scott ; and Clayton, under the usual rules of " log-rolling," must 
 be Secretary of State. He goes into office — crouches to England — sends her 
 against South Carolina, makes an ass of himself, while the crowd shouS 
 "hurrah for Clayton! hurrah for Scott. 
 
 tNot from China — from Samarcand. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 17 
 
 Made him half crazy and brought on the death * 
 Of niece and nephew, and wife Elizabeth ; 
 The slippery Clayton was too busy then 
 In pondering the rights of greater men, 
 To give attention to the obscure squalls 
 Of any persons out of Congress halls. 
 In vain the Consul at Maguayez wrote 
 That he was treated worse than a cut-throat ; 
 In vain petitions flowed from ev'ry where, 
 For justice on John Bull, the Corsaii*. 
 Our wise diplomatists, immortal he^ 
 For holding up tlieir princely dignity; 
 For their preferring the honors of free-soil, 
 And for causing the party pot to boil, 
 To rectifying each squealing, dying wight, 
 Who goes abroad and gets in a sad plight. 
 
 *George W. Atwood was a respectable merchant of New York, who re- 
 moved to London to cany on there the commercial business in connection 
 with friends in this country. In July, 1849, he embarked for California with 
 his wife, niece, and nephew, and with a quantity of merchandize, on an 
 English vessel, the cutter Louisa. Entering the Bay of San Catharina, on 
 the eastern coast of South America, the Captain and twenty-four English pas- 
 sengers, owing to some misunderstanding, or to national prejudice, seized 
 Atwood, bound him in irons, and cast him upon the main hatch of the cutter 
 exposed to the inclemency of a rainy night. In this situation he was at inter- 
 vals cursed by the drunken captain, who, with a cocked pistol in his hand, de - 
 nounced the unfortunate man as "a damned bloody thief of a yankee scoun- 
 drel!" Mr. Hudson, British minister at Rio, despatched a Lieutenant Tom- 
 linson to St. Catharines, and had the Louisa and crew carried into Eio. In 
 that city this man was robbed, yes robbed, of all that he possessed by English 
 arbitrators. He appealed in vain to Mr. Tod, the American minister for jus- 
 tice. That minister (the same who had disgraced the Union by apologising to 
 the Brazillian government for the rash conduct of Henry A. Wise) declined to 
 interfere officially in Atwood's behalf. Meanwhile the yellow fever broke out 
 in Rio, and swept from the earth first Mrs. Atwood, then Miss Mary Atwood, 
 and lastly Robert Atwood ; the wife, niere and nephew to George W. Atwood. 
 The unhappy survivor, robbed of all that he prized most dearly in this life, be, 
 wailed his miserable lot. Failing to obtain any justice at Rio de Janeiro, 
 while in Washington in the Spring of 1850, being unable to see Clavton on the 
 
 2* 
 
18 
 
 GREATNESS REVIEWEl?, 
 
 Bull's blackamore was placed in Charleston jaiJ, 
 
 And lodged therein a while ere he set sail. 
 
 When he got home, he went and told the queen. 
 
 That in the jail at Charleston he had been. 
 
 Her Majesty gave heed to CufFee's tale, 
 
 And sneezed and snorted till she turned quite pale. 
 
 And rang the bell and for her Council sent, 
 
 " To tell the wrongs which CufFee underwent.'* 
 
 By the first ocean mail to Wasliingtonj^^ 
 
 Orders were sent to John M. Clayton, 
 
 That horrid law 'gainst CufFee to repeal, 
 
 Or he the vengeance of her guns would feeL 
 
 Unopened or unread the letters were, 
 
 From groaning citizens in Rio or in Ver ^ 
 
 For that said Clayton hm-ried to apprize 
 
 Her Majesty Britannic, that the wise 
 
 Men of this Union had left the little State 
 
 Of Carolina exposed to CufFee's hate ; 
 
 And that CufFee and the Queen both must appeal 
 
 To Carolina for that law's repeal. * 
 
 Hail this Union! sound the trump of Fame! 
 Behold thy glory and old England's shame ! 
 Thy Websters, Claytons, Bentons, Hales and all, 
 While bellowing loudly in Congress haU, 
 On banks, and tweedle-dum and tweedle-dee. 
 Can well maintain their princely dignity, 
 By scorning to espouse the obscure cases 
 
 subject, I called Ewing's attention to the case, and he promised to attend to it, 
 But no justice has been as yet got by Atwood as far as I can learn. I will 
 swear to the above facts, and for their further correctness, refer to Governor 
 Edward Kent of Maine. 
 
 *The reference of this affair by Clayton to South Carolina, instead of simply 
 saying that the law could not be repealed, is in thorough keeping with the 
 timid shuffling of a party hack, whose mind is enfeebled by a long probation 
 in Faction's littleness. Arguments, words, and equivocation, by such men are. 
 substituted for true virtue and. courage. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 Of our poor people, robb'd by foreign races, 
 Or iron-bound and beat in barb'rous style. 
 Or murdered foul and placed in durance vile^ 
 While meanly will old England stoop to gibber, 
 And threaten us to justify a " Nigger." 
 
 When all of India English pirates took, 
 From Adam's Peak to Bengal's northern nook ; 
 Where she in all her pride of might controls, 
 A hundred and thirty millions human souls ; 
 She deemed the measure of her glory full. 
 And felt a thrill in being called John Bull. 
 Warren Hastings, India's Governor then, 
 Was charged with the deep guilt of wronging men ; 
 The immortal Burke fully proved the crimes. 
 And made the greatest speech in modern times. 
 So potent was his eloquence, it seems. 
 That when he closed, the sounds of female screams 
 And manly sobbings, well nigh rent each wall 
 Of old and glorious Parliament hall. 
 Almost as good a speech he made that day, 
 As the smallest effort of ^^ great ^^ Henry Clay: 
 Almost as good a speech, I ween, he made. 
 As the "god-like" Dan e'er on paper laid, 
 When Tariffs high he made its firm basis, 
 And aped severely old King Amasis ; 
 Oi' when standing firmly upon his knees. 
 He tries to speak like old Polycrates — 
 Like him Dan thinks, but truly like the ***, 
 When he is playing with a piece of tape. 
 But when the culprit Hastings stood erect. 
 And gazed around so bold and circumspect. 
 The thought upon each face produced a glow— 
 For England's glory shouted high and low. 
 And Hastings, the spoiler, with a gentle bow, 
 Left that vast concourse with a lofty brow. 
 
 19 
 
20 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Thus treats Britain her glorious pirates. 
 How do we, treat our pirates in these States? 
 When these were heard to be on Cuba's land, 
 Ev'ry soul was roused of this Union band. 
 
 SONG. 
 
 Frightened and angry, and out of their wits, 
 They rent their apparel and counted their bits — 
 " Good gracious ! " one cried, " what danger there's o'er us, 
 With ten thousand cannon Great Britain will bore us." 
 A second cried out, " Good heavens ! old Spain 
 Will with us in peace no longer remain." 
 "War," cried a third, "will defeat al] our schemes, 
 And leave us poor de'ils to live on our dreams." 
 "More slavery is coming," shouted a fourth, 
 "And against this fresh sin I'll now take my oath." 
 All at once shouted out, " haste, run, fly, despatch 
 Our w^ar ships to John Bull's Potatoe Patch ; * 
 And stop, catch, capture those vile freebooters. 
 Who are dabbling about like so many ' cooters.' 
 The people will not for this act deem us cowards. 
 But think in our veins runs the blood of the Howards : 
 They'll say that we once gained the victory- 
 Over John Bull, and our nation set free" — 
 Forgetting most strangely, that we did not. 
 At that time, live or fight a single jot ; 
 And that of those who fought "in the last war," 
 The few who linger are in death's car. 
 Colonels and Generals, and sprigs of the bar; 
 Seward and Hale, and the " tall God of War ; " 
 Fillmore, the noble, and Giddings, the strong ; 
 All hurried to stop that terrible wrong. 
 
 * John Bull's potatoe patch is what the common people in England call ths 
 Ocean. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 Fast ran to Sir Biilvvcr the "god-like" Dan, 
 To prove that for Britain he was the man, 
 And to tease the old Lion and tickle his hair, 
 And keep him from hoinidin<^ out of his lair. 
 To the Spanish Minister another went, 
 And told that worthy that ships had been sent 
 To Mexico's Gulf to take the pirates. 
 And hang them all in the United States — 
 And Hale, and Giddings, and Seward all swore, 
 That if not taken, peace was no more. 
 
 The pirates ! — to this glorious Union thanks ! — 
 
 Were captured soon and brought back to our ranks, 
 
 Save some on whom the Cubans threw their noose, 
 
 And placed for safety in their Calaboose. 
 
 To magnify the glory of this deed — 
 
 To gain the smiles of Spain and England's meed — 
 
 A soldier and an honest man was draoor'tl 
 
 From his sweet home, and by the law was hagg'd — - 
 
 Torn from his gubernatorial chair, 
 
 And tried at Orleans as a vile corsair. 
 
 Mars, Venus, Neptune, and old John of Gaunt, 
 And other Pagan Gods and men, avaunt ! 
 Make way for the statues of the modern Gods, 
 And let them hang as thick as pepper pods ! 
 Make way for Clayton, Giddings, and Fillmore^ 
 And every other modern ape and boor. 
 Did Duty's sense these women onward spur, 
 To fix upon historic page this blurr? 
 Aye, aye, if such affrighted maids can feel. 
 Duty's impulse for the public weal. 
 May-be they were drove on in their career 
 By that soft passion which the world calhfcar: — - 
 Mayhap Free-soilers all most truly hate, 
 That Cuba's isle should be a Southern State, 
 
22 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Were they more bound by duty to have slain 
 
 These horrid pirates, than England or Spain] 
 
 Had they been English or Russian pirates. 
 
 They would have been untouched by these magnates. 
 
 But each pirate was an American, 
 
 And dared to show the courage of a man. 
 
 And had these Gods not caught that daring host, 
 
 The honor of the deed they would have lost.* 
 
 Then Honor, Fame and Glory be their meed. 
 
 For their performance of that valiant deed ; 
 
 Let their statues, like tags of whitest moss. 
 
 Be hung from the oak at Charring-Cross, 
 
 Or tied by apron strings to trees at Madrid, 
 
 To show the Spaniels what these ladies did. t 
 
 Though Britain robb'd our ship near Sisal's bar,| 
 And spurns our rights in distant Nicaragua ; 
 What though she crows and brays on Brazil's coast, 
 And in the torrid rays our people roast ; 
 
 * The Cabinet and their advisers actually vied with each other to gain the 
 approbation of Spain and England. Now, whilst I am the last to justify pi- 
 racy, 1 am bound to consider the Cabinet as pusillanimous simpletons. If 
 they were pirates, why not let them alone to be treated as pirates, by England 
 and Spain ? 
 
 f What was the law of " neutrality''^ when organized bands of American 
 citizens rushed to the aid of the Texans against Mexico, before the union of 
 Texas with this country? The President of Mexico addressed to this govern- 
 ment a letter, demanding that these bands of armed men from the United 
 States, should be prevented from aiding the Texans. Our Executive depart, 
 ment replied, that it was not in the power of this government to stop these 
 hostile associations, and that our people might go whithersoever they pleased. 
 Not thus they spake when the Cuban invaders banded together. — ! this was 
 a violation of *' neutrality." Why did the Cabinet refuse to interfere in one 
 case, and take the most active steps in the other? Because in the case of 
 Mexico, there was no danger; but in the case of Cuba, our Cabinet feared 
 England and Spain; and in the case of Cuba they were expressly ordered by 
 these foreign powers to stop the invasion. 
 
 X In the Fall of 1849, 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 23 
 
 What though her Lion guards old Castle Moro, 
 
 And scares these crows and puts them all in sorrow ; * 
 
 What though the criminal McCleod goes 
 
 Free, and laughs in derision at his foes ; 
 
 What though the British may delight each giggler, 
 
 When they have 'pealed the law against that "nigger;" 
 
 Yet, that these patriots might fight first rate, 
 
 I'll briefly now proceed to demonstrate : 
 
 Did they not, in a manner truly funny. 
 
 Compel Great Hayti! to pay a sum of money? 
 
 Did they not threaten strongly to bombard 
 
 Great Portugal! that hadn't a corp'ral's guard. 
 
 Much less an army or a naval show. 
 
 To raise the thunder above Oporto 1 
 
 A.je, nobler deeds than this are in the list — 
 
 Each knock'd the other down with his clench'd fist: 
 
 By Borland, Foote w^as fell'd upon the sand, 
 
 And Foote brought Benton to a deadly stand. 
 
 If knights like these can love such serious fun, 
 
 Might they not eas'ly vanquish Wellington? 
 
 Or run from battle-field Napoleon? 
 
 Or in their valorous desperation, make 
 
 The British Lion in his jungle quake? 
 
 * During several centuries past, Great Britain has had an itching palm for 
 Cuba. On the 30th July, 1763, an armament under Lord Albemarle, stormed 
 the Moro Castle, put 400 Spainards to the sword, and turned the guns of the 
 Castle on the city, which soon surrendered. I would recommend to the pi- 
 rates to read in history the account of how the Castle was taken. That is the 
 best way to take Cuba. England at the Treaty of Paris, foolishly resigned 
 Cuba to Spain in exchange for other possessions. But this caused great dis- 
 content in England ; and Russell the historian remarks that "no human con- 
 sideration should have induced the English to give up Cuba." " We ought 
 not to have left the French or Spanish in possession of a single island in the 
 West Indies." 2 Russell's History Modern Europe, 578. I may therefore 
 truly say that England guards " Old Castle Moro," 
 
24 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Like that bridegroom's minister, old Phranza, 
 Who had more wisdom than Sancho Panza ; 
 And who went to Treb'zond for Constantine * 
 And got for him a Georgian valentine, t 
 Why did not Dan, with words of cream and jelly 
 Visit England and marry Abby Kelly 
 To some great lord, the friend of abolition. 
 And by that act improve his State's condition, 
 And old England in her high station cause. 
 To have some mercy on our men and laws? 
 For " mercy is a quality" saith Shakspear 
 " That is not strained " by either hope or fear ; 
 "It droppeth as the gentle rain from heaven 
 Upon the earth beneath " that God hath given. 
 " It is twice bless'd ; it blesseth him that gives 
 And him that takes," and lets all live. 
 'Twill prompt Britania not to crush the weak 
 When'er these 'gods' its crystal drops shall seek. 
 They've shown their greatness in another case 
 Which gives their union a most war-like face. 
 And therefore when our consul with a smack 
 Settled his cowhide on an English back, 
 And whipt him bravely without gun or knife 
 For a base insult on our consul's wife. 
 Whose society John Bull coarsely swore 
 Was for his wife not fit on any floor ; 
 Then did these ' gods ' with rancor rip and blow 
 And call poor Potter from Valparaiso, 
 For doing his duty in this case fully 
 And well-cowhiding an English bully. 
 
 " O, where since eighteen hundred and fifteen 
 Bewails the Southron, ' has our glory been?' " 
 
 " Constantine Faleologus. 
 t A wife. 
 
OR, THE RISE OP THE SOUTH. 25 
 
 He rents his clothes and tears his tangled liair, 
 And bounds hke a Hon from his sleeping lair : 
 His body burns this blackest shame to view 
 And he's prepared for a Bartholamew. 
 " Great God ! is this this Union's history 1 
 Is this our [once) Union's boasted glory? 
 Shall it to my posterity be told 
 That we were ruled by men o^ fear and gold ? 
 Forbid it heaven — forbid it common sense ! 
 That longer governed, we shall be by pence ; 
 Or like a flock of timid sheep be driven 
 From every noble impulse under heaven ! 
 That our State shall in the Treasury place 
 Billions of gold, to pay for this disgrace ! 
 Webster, Clay and Hale to call men wise. 
 When thus they strive my sons to dastardize ! 
 The ' martial spirit ' of my sons to quench 
 And make each one as timid as a wench !* 
 To ope his eyes and stare in great dismay 
 When Clay and Webster in the Senate bray 1 
 Or call some Southern swell, a monster gun 
 For lect'ring his neighbors in the way to run? 
 To think him equal with a man of soul 
 Because forsooth he's drawn his party toll — 
 And mixed in Congress his noisy slob'ring 
 With those old turkies who're always gobbling t 
 While honor's blood courses through these veins, 
 My sons shall never wear these slavish chains I 
 Free rather let them ever be and brave 
 Than muster round the polls and vote a slave ! " t 
 
 * History considers it to be the duty of great statesmen to encourage and 
 keep alive "the martial spirit" — of coui-^e the smaller fry statesmen can't 
 comprehend such a principle. As to the decline and the subsequent revival 
 of the martial spirit in England see " Modem Europe," ii, p. 481. 
 
 f To be dragged to the polls by committees and nevirspapers to vote for a 
 Congressman who can do nothing to reform these evils, is to vote for their 
 continuance. 
 
 3 
 
%6t GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 The mobs loud shout, is not the voice of fame. 
 
 Nor can it immortahze a human name : — 
 
 History brin^^s the names from long past ages 
 
 Of warriors, statesmen, goodmen, sages; 
 
 Or of the greatest fool, as we may term it, 
 
 Like old Xerxes, or Peter the Hermit : 
 
 But such immortal fools have done more good 
 
 Than our ' gods ' ever understood. 
 
 Great virtues and great vices always live, 
 
 And to each age a gloom or lustre give. 
 
 Moses, Aristotle, Alexander, 
 
 Creon, Solon, Lycurgus, Lysander, 
 
 Pitt, Peel, Calhoun, Adams and Washington, 
 
 Lamartine, Mii°abean and Wellington — 
 
 And Jefferson and many other men 
 
 Of that class, who've caused great things to happen, 
 
 Or men who have left gi'eat books like Bacon, 
 
 Locke, Plato, Gibbon, Brougham and Lacon ; 
 
 The light of whose wisdom shines on the v/oiid 
 
 Wherever liberty's banner 's unfurl'd — 
 
 Great men like these go down from age to age 
 
 And live always on the historic page. 
 
 But contemptible persons (or actions) 
 
 Who fool, and hag, and worry the factions ; 
 
 W^ho are freely led on by their noses 
 
 Like Guelphs, and Ghibbeline's and the Roses, 
 
 Perish fore'er in oblivion's vale, 
 
 And subsequent ages know not the tale. 
 
 These Jacks, Jack FalstafFs, Clays, Websters and ali, 
 
 Will all in the ditch of obscurity fall, 
 
 Unless valor, or virtue, or w^isdom shall move them 
 
 To prompt old history hereafter to love them. 
 
 Manworship, faction and fanaticism, 
 Superstition and ev'ry evil schism ; 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 
 
 Kational cowardice and the faith of man 
 In the powers that be, when they have ran 
 The race of vice and folij, till at last 
 Each crime is lost 'mid the shadowy past — 
 These things have long enslaved om- hapless race. 
 And oft have swept them from every place — 
 These have oft blinded them to the ways and means 
 Of their self-preservation, when the screams 
 Of liberty could not be heard by one 
 O multitudes, who after fools have run. 
 
 What are the main designs of Government'? 
 
 To guard mankind, and make mankind content. 
 
 Patriotism^ which makes each heart to move 
 
 With strong emotions of the purest love 
 
 For kin and country ;— disciplined valor, 
 
 Whose stern, unyielding face, shows no pallor ; 
 
 And justice, between rulers and the ruled — 
 
 Justice, that can't by evil men be fool'd. 
 
 Where dwell these virtues, there wisdom also dwells, 
 
 W^hether in cities, or in rural dells : 
 
 And where these dwell, calm is the social sea. 
 
 Each husbandman walks gladly o'er the lea 
 
 And gladly views his harvest, which he hopes 
 
 Will be abundant. To him the future opes 
 
 A thousand social joys — his babes, his wife. 
 
 His countrymen — none fear expected strife : 
 
 For ev'ry yeoman is a soldier drilled, 
 
 Unawed if blood on war-ground must be si^ill'd. 
 
 Mechanic and merchant, rich and poor, 
 
 All ai'e soldiers, fearless of death's wide door. 
 
 If honor, duty, country, call to arms, 
 
 Merchants, yeomen, all, leave stores and farms. 
 
 Their rights all know, and them will dare maintain, 
 
 If human blood must redden ev'ry plain. 
 
 For in that nation equal are the means 
 
 27 
 
28 GREATNESS REVIEWED^ 
 
 To all freemen of viewing virtue's scenes 
 
 And knowing vii*tue's principle. All 
 
 Well knowing virtue will obey her call, 
 
 And do their duty, not by habit led, 
 
 But by the cool perceptions of the head. 
 
 That government is potent to do right — 
 
 To punish and reward — to make men fight, 
 
 But powerless to do wrong, or tyrannize 
 
 By faction o'er the State — or dastardize 
 
 The people. For bad riders will repent 
 
 Where their crimes all know, and know the punishment r 
 
 Or there's no repentance, since all fear to sin 
 
 And men the ways of virtue follow in. 
 
 If Nero or Caligula to day 
 
 W ere President of France, would they dare play 
 
 The game they played in Rome ? Afraid they'd be 
 
 Of the vengence of a people, strong and free» 
 
 Would Clay and Webster a century hence 
 
 Presume to govern us by pounds and pence? 
 
 Woidd they dare tread down a rightfid power 
 
 And speak in Congress o'er a half an hour,* 
 
 * Since the beginning of the world, no legislative assembly except Congress ': 
 has dared to sit eight months in time of peace, and excite the popular zeal and 
 phrenzy, by long and violent speeches on questions of internal police and econ- 
 omy. In this Union the States have retained many governmental powers for 
 the management of their legislatures ; yet Congress (save the mark !) sits 
 eight months to discuss abolition and pecuniary matters. There were no wars,^ 
 famine or other great events, nevertheless these knaves will stick, like leeches, 
 to the Capitol for the sake of mileage and speech-making. In the meanwhile, 
 the mails are filled with their venal and inflammatory harangues ; these are 
 read by the people who afterwards begin to clamor about the nonsense that is 
 taking place at Washington. It was thus that one of Cromwell's Parliament 
 became comtemptible and odious to the Rnglish people, and he found it ne- 
 cessary to dissolve it. He entered the House and said " Get you gone, and 
 give place to honester men — you are no longer a Parliament." After having 
 one fellow thrown out of the window, the rest all left, and Cromwell locked; 
 the door and put the key in his pocket. He summoned another parliament, 
 which turned out as useless as the first. He sent one of his officers to dissolve 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 29 
 
 On war and peace and on our State's glory 
 
 And on treaties and deeds of history. 
 
 About Freesoil they'd dare not say a word, 
 
 And would not be on banks and mileage heard ;* 
 
 Banks, tariffs, improvement, and all the list t 
 
 Of common place topics, of which consist 
 
 Their speeches, blown through the vale of years, 
 
 Would drive away the crowds or cause the sneers 
 
 Of such as might remain to hear the croak 
 
 Of ancient frogs, who've made these subjects smoke.l 
 
 He's no patriot, but a demagogue 
 
 Who keeps his country always in a fog, 
 
 About internal questions of police, 
 
 Or as to who shall share the largest fleece. 
 
 The wheels of an upright government, 
 Are always to the goal of virtue lent ; 
 
 it, who entering the house asked what were they doing there. " We are seeking 
 the Lord," said one fellow. " Then, you can go elsewhere," said the officer, 
 *' to seek him ; for to my certain knowledge he has not been here these miany 
 days." Our Congress is about like Barebones' Parliament. Notwithstanding 
 the English Parliament makes all local and general laws, it does not sit as 
 long as this Congress.. 
 
 * The writer is by no means opposed to good banks ; he is only opposed to 
 the thunder. 
 
 + What gentlemen ! is it to be said that because there is a party desirous of 
 peace, the force of the country is lost ? Is such language to be tolerated? — 
 Really, gentlemen, one would suppose from this that questions of war and 
 peace had never been discussed in legislative assemblies, and divided the 
 opinion of statesmen ; yet we know that the reverse has been the case in all 
 great nations. There is nothing more proper than to advise war when it is 
 necessary, useful and honorable.— ^M. Guizot, 
 
 t In 1848, these Congressional Documents had fallen into such contempt, 
 that the Inferior Court of Lee County, in Georgia, passed an order " That 
 the sheriff of this county do take the aforesaid papers, and in a fire to be 
 made for that purpose on the public square, that he burn and consume 
 the same utterly and entirely ; and that copies of this order be sent to Amos 
 Kendal, Ex-Postmaster General." If all the speeches on these small subjects 
 were made a bonfire of, they would cast a much brighter light over the Union 
 ^han they cast over it by being read. 
 
 3* 
 
3() GfREATNESS REVIEWEI>,> 
 
 And tliey roll onward, noiselessly and sure 
 To destiny and virtue's fountains pure. 
 No " foul discussion " wakes each Senate grave 
 Nor discord stirs the multitude's gi'cat wave ; 
 But virtues ways are ways of pleasantness 
 And all her paths are paths of happiness. 
 But if assailed that nation's Honor be 
 By foreign serfdoms, o'er the land or sea, 
 Or if the weak are press'd down by the strongs 
 Or if the poor experience dearth or wrong, 
 Then burning words of eloquence conspire, 
 To light each ruler,'s saul with freedom's fire. 
 Then to each poor man is his TuUy dear. 
 And every eye holds virtue's chrystal tear ; 
 Then like the tiger bounding from his den 
 From ev'ry town and hamlet gather men, 
 Whose visages both love and valor blend 
 And show that they their country wiU defend.* 
 High waves each banner, loudly beats each drun 
 And fame and glory join the martial hum. 
 The bayonets above each mailial corps 
 Whilst it is marching over plain or moor 
 Rise and fall with so much regidarity, 
 That one might deem the scene a rarity : 
 And all the horses are so matched in gait, 
 That they all seem to tramp at the same rate ; 
 And when the order for the charge is given 
 The mighty din of battle flies to heaven. 
 
 * " Freedom with viitue takes her seat j 
 Ker proper place, her only scene 
 Is in the golden mean." — Cowley. 
 '* Who shall awake the Sparian's fife, 
 And call in solemn sounds to life 
 The youths whose locks divinely spreading, 
 Like vernal hyacinths, in sullen hue, 
 At once the breath of Fear and Virtue shedding, 
 Applauding Freedom lov'd of old to \\qy(''— Collin &. 
 
on, niE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 31 
 
 Line faces line, and foemen, foemen meet 
 And combat hand to hand, and feet to feet ; 
 And Hke the famous battles in Poland 
 The bayonets din above each warring band 
 Stills and drown's the artillery's loud roar, 
 So strongly clash the bayonets that field o'er. 
 Or like Thermopylae's immortal band 
 When every weapon falls from ev'ry hand 
 Rather than freedom looses or glory's wreath. 
 Each soldier fights on with his hands and teetlu* 
 
 But when the olive branch wares o'er the free^ 
 
 Then all is stillness and humility. 
 
 Each soldier brave who fell not on the field 
 
 Pours out to family, joys long concealed ; 
 
 And on monuments the names of those who died 
 
 Are by sum^dng patriot's inscribed. 
 
 Discipline is not stopp'd ; the reg'lar drill 
 
 Takes place, of the citizens on plain and hili> 
 
 And thus they keep alive the martial spirit, 
 
 That their posterity may it inherit. 
 
 And that they may not ever be tame slaves 
 
 Of ign'rance or faction, of fools or knaves^ 
 
 Or of the foreign despotisms that wait 
 
 But for occasion to destroy their State. 
 
 Then neighborhoods in peace and quiet move 
 
 And talk and sing of charity and love ; 
 
 Or how their children shall be rais'd to know 
 
 The ways of virtue in this world below, t 
 
 * Having repassed their intrenchments, they posted themselves, all except 
 the Thebans, in a compact body upon a hill which is at the entrance of the 
 straits, and where a lion of stone has been erected in honor of Leonidaa. In 
 this situation, they who had swords left used them against the cnerry, the 
 rest exerted themselves with their hands and teeth. — Herodotus' Polymnia. 
 
 Sparta contained only 30,000 inhabitants.; Athens 21,000; and the State 
 of Georgia 1,000,000. 
 
 t " They shall dwell safely, and none shall make them ^irnid^.—Ezekiel c 
 
32 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Good school-houses in eveiy precinct stand 
 
 And ev'ry child goes there that's in the land ; 
 
 Anxious and willing parents are to send 
 
 Their children to these schools — if they object 
 
 The laws mild penalty they may expect? * 
 
 Grave Senators and Representatives, 
 
 Find war and education their incentives 
 
 To short speeches, beforehand conn'd and writ 
 
 And abounding in eloquence and wit, f 
 
 There being no war, famine or great event 
 
 For them to talk of for the State's content, 
 
 They stay in session only a few weeks, 
 
 And go back home and kiss their fam'ly's cheeks, 
 
 School-houses, poor-houses, prisons are clean, 
 
 And that dear land presents a lovely scene. 
 
 Equal education, makes equal laws. 
 
 And equal virtue, equal love ;■— because 
 
 Where the same means of wisdom all possess, 
 
 All labor each other in their lives to bless. 
 
 34, V. 28. Powerful nations are eagles watching for weaker prey. Preserve 
 military discipline, 
 
 * In Prussia the compulsory system is carried out, and all children are 
 obliged to attend the public schools. It has proven itself a better plan than 
 the voluntary systems in Scotland and New England. In 1834, (and since 
 that year,) efforts were made in England to introduce the compulsory system. 
 Edinburgh review says it will have to be adopted. — Vol. LViii. Faction has 
 murdered'education in the South. In 1849, there were 30,000 poor persons iti 
 Virginia, above 25 years old, who could not read or write. That State has 
 never produced an author except Jefterson. On this subject see 1 Black- 
 stone^s Com. 4-51; Chitty^s Medical Jurisp^-udence 364; see '^ England in 
 1835," by Von Baumer. 
 
 t When the Prince de Joinville presented the body of Napoleon, he said 
 " Sire, I present the body of the Emperor Napoleon." The King replied " I 
 receive it in the name of France." How long would Messrs. Benton or Web- 
 ster have spoken on such an important occasion ? We may presume, at least, 
 twelve hours, Cajsar's letter was Veni vidi vid — our great men's letters fill 
 up a whole newspaper. When Mr. Buchanan, while Secretry of State, wrote 
 four columns to the British Minister to prove our title to Oregon, the Minister 
 treated it with contempt in his letter of reply. 
 
OR, THE niSE OF THE SOUTH, 33 
 
 I mean a possible equality * 
 
 In which condition mankind arc most free. 
 
 Yet learning- is not wisdom, and the arts 
 
 Which bless a country, and adorn its marts 
 
 Are feeble guards of innocence and truth. 
 
 Or of the tenets of our virtuous youth. 
 
 With arts and science and Homeric verse 
 
 Greece was reduced to slavery, or worse ; 
 
 And Rome, whose strong arm broke the pow'r of Greece^ 
 
 By her vile cowardice lost all her peace, t 
 
 Superstition the child of fear misled 
 
 The trusting masses, who like a horse well-fed 
 
 That thinks he sees a de'il in ev'ry shade 
 
 Went on thoughtless till their graves were made. 
 
 Where superstition is, man worships man, | 
 
 * When 1 say complete equality, I dont mean, because I know it is im-* 
 possible to have a literal equality in every particular. Here, as in matters of 
 more sacred import, it may be that ' the letter killeth, but the spii'it giveth 
 life.' I speak of the spirit and not of the letter, in which our legislation 
 should be conducted." — Robert Peel 
 
 Equality is the equal means of knowing and loving virtue, and the equal 
 power of doing good. "Good laws," says an eminent historian, •' are essen- 
 tial to good government; arts and sciences to the prosperity of a nation; and 
 learning and politeness to the perfection of the human character." These 
 are indispensible advantages; but, quid legis since moribus vanice 'proficient ? 
 Without good morals, without an intelligent love of Virtue, without wisdom 
 unclouded by faction, fanaticism, mannorship, and avarice, and, above all. 
 without national valor and national justice, 
 
 " Low brow'd baseness will bear perfume to pride," 
 And lofty steeples will look down on slaves, 
 t " No, Freedom, no, I will not tell 
 How Rome, before thy weeping face, 
 With heaviest sound, a giant statue, fell. — Collins. 
 X I have been informed that a prominent member of a certain Cabinet is s 
 firm believer in foriune-telling. That, on consulting a fortune teller, he was 
 told to sleep with a certain white horse's hair under his pillow, and his dreams 
 would come to pass. He did so, and dreamed he was an animal with long 
 ears ; that he was grazing on the grass, and was in that situation so roughly 
 curried by a gentleman with a silver curry-comb, that he brayed loudly, and 
 
34 GREATNESS REVIEWEDV 
 
 And Grecians worshipp'd men as well as Pan^' 
 Until their race of glorj was through ran. 
 And where superstition is, her daughter, /e«r 
 Prompts man to move and act in evhy sphere, 
 Not from honor or from virtuous love, 
 But from the vilest feelings that can move. 
 But where republic's walk in virtue's ways 
 The vice of jiartj spirit has small sway. * 
 And superetition places not her chains 
 On man's right reason in those good domains. 
 Brief is discussion, and the justest laws 
 Without a hiss are passed, without applause ; 
 And courts of justice, judges wise and just 
 Rightly decide, and rightly do their trust. 
 
 woke up. On the 2Gth of January, 1851, several persons assembled at the 
 house of a Mv. Gai'dner, on Ann Slreet, Fall River, to witness the "tippings" 
 of a table. One Baylies Staples rushed amidst the crowd, and while break- 
 ing a table, fell dead. See Rochester Rappings, the Freaks of Millerism, 
 Mormoiiism. I have heard of a simple Yankee who prayed to Webster mor- 
 ning and evening to give peace and prosperity to the country. I have seen a 
 graduate (Noithern) of Brown University, who believed ia the Rochester 
 Rappings. 
 
 * Throughout the whole of history we may trace the connection between 
 superstition and faction. As fear is the mother of superstition, so ignorance, 
 hope and hatred are the parents of faction. Tha one runs to Joe Miller to 
 escape from the devil, the other deifies Clay, Webster, and others, through 
 the darkness of the understandiug. The spirit of both is a species of insanity 
 which blinds man to the truth. An enthusiast or partisan would burn at the 
 stake like a Hussite, and yet he is a coward ; he knows no moral or military 
 discipline ; his leaders are his gods, and anarchy his element. *' It opens 
 the door," says Washington in his farewell address, " to foreign influence and 
 corruption, which finds access to the Government through the channels of 
 party passion. Thus the policy and will of one country are subjected to the 
 policy and will of another." " A party man," says the Reverend Mr. Beecher, 
 "will oppose fraud by craft; lie by lie; slander by slnndev."— Beecher s 
 Led. to Young Men. Read the history of the Guelps and Gibbelines, of the 
 Roses, and the Whigs and Torys in England,— See Chesterfield on Party* 
 Spirit. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 35 
 
 No party tool, attempts by speeches loud 
 
 To stir contentious clamor in the crowd ; 
 
 And if o'er it, he tries his zeal to blow 
 
 He's spiu-ned and jeered as a Monte Christo. 
 
 For the outpouring of the human soul 
 
 In floods of zeal, that man cannot control; — 
 
 Unless it flow out in a noble cause, 
 
 Or in obedience to nature's laws^ 
 
 Is basest slavery and insanity 
 
 And a foul outrage on humanity. 
 
 And e'en if zeal be earned to extremes, 
 
 For virtue it becomes a vice, and creams 
 
 And mantles on the public countenance 
 
 Like dust that gathers o'er a nest of ants. 
 
 Such are the virtues of a glorious state, 
 
 And such the vices which her people hate. 
 
 What is the truth about our State's condition ? 
 
 To glory does she run ? or to perdition ! 
 
 What has been done in six and twenty years 
 
 To guard our lives and dissipate our fears 1 
 
 What has been said or done in that long time 
 
 To rouse the valor of this western clime 1 
 
 Where are the virtue's of the olden time ! 
 
 Where are our Tullys, Franklins, Heniys, Pitts, 
 
 x\nd men not governed by fippenny bits'? 
 
 Vv'here are our Solomons and Lamartines 
 
 Whose mighty wisdom frightens kings and queens ? 
 
 Where are our statesmen, who like Wilham Pitt, 
 
 Have uttered eloquence and charming wit 
 
 To persuade mankind virtue to adore 
 
 Or soothe the feelings of the humble poor ! * 
 
 * During Mr. Pitt's administration, he scorned all party distinctions ; and 
 the very names of Whig and Tory were lost in the blaze of his popularity. — 
 Reposing on the affections of his country, the strength and the resources o^ 
 vvhich he better understood than any other man, he employed men of all 
 parties, and found all alike faithful. This great man would soon have done 
 sway all local and party distinctions,, had he not so suddenly resigned. — Mod, 
 
36 GREATNESS REVIEWED, 
 
 Or who like Pitt, jealous of foreign power 
 Closely observe their secret plots each hour, 
 
 Europe, 575. On one occasion before the Privy Council, he arose quickly 
 and with sparkling eyes and animated features, he said "This is the time for 
 humbling the whole house of Bourbon." Compare his extraordinary sagacity 
 and courage with the dullness and timidity of Clayton and Webster. And 
 let the reader peruse the following remarks of the great Robert Peel, and 
 compare their classic purity and manly sentiments to the stale and soulless 
 verbiage of some of our modern " gods." 
 
 '' I shall," said this truly great man, in his farewell address, " I shall leave 
 a name, I fear, severely censured by many honorable gentlemen, who, on 
 public principle, deeply regret the severance of party ties — who deeply regret 
 that severence not from any interested or personal motives, but because they 
 believe that fidelity to party engagements — the existence and maintenance of 
 a great party — to constitute a powerful instrument of government. I shall 
 surrender power severely censured again, by many honorable gentlemen who, 
 from no interested motives, have adhered to the principle of protection as im- 
 portant to the interests and welfare of the country ; I shall leave a name 
 execrated by every monopolist [loud cheering] who from less honorable 
 motives maintains protection for his own individual benefit; [continuous cheer- 
 ing;] but it may be that I shall leave a name sometimes remembered with ex- 
 pressions of good will in those places which are the abode of men whose lot 
 it is to labor and to earn their bread by the sweat of their brow — a name remem- 
 bered with expressions of good will, v;hen they shall recreate their exhausted 
 strength with abundant and untaxed food, the sweeter because it is no longer 
 leavened by a sense of injustice." The very portrait and soul of the man 
 shines through the above passage. Again, " Sir, I trust also that the stability 
 of our Indian empire has not been weakened by the policy we have pursued, 
 [cheers,] and that the glory and lionor of the British arms, both by sea and 
 ^and, in every part of the world, have been maintained, not through our exer. 
 tions, but through the devoted gallantry of the soldiers and sailors of this 
 country." — Peel. Again, " Sir, although there have been considerable reduc- 
 tions made in the public burdens, yet I have the satisfaction of stating to the 
 House that the national defences of the country have been impi-oved both by 
 sea and land, and that the army and navy are in a most efficient state." — Ibid. 
 Thus speaks a great statesman. Says Webster, (Speech at Albany,) "A 
 party speaks through its leaders. What folly it is to say that this is not my 
 opinion," &c. " Such is the judgment of Mr. Polk's Carolina friends on the 
 subject of a judicious tariff, and I am * hugely'' of the opinion that it is his 
 judgment also." Hear Mr. Clay, "Whigs ! shake off the dew-drops which 
 glitter on your garments," &c. Again, " Slavery may be terminated in differ- 
 ent modes. It may by law, it may by the sword." &c. Compare the men ! 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 37 
 
 And when the justest cause of war is seen, 
 
 Sound the loud tocsin, honor to redeem ! 
 
 What Union nian has glorified our name, 
 
 By lighting in the Senate valor's flame? 
 
 Have we not pressed and warred against the weak 
 
 Not for true glory, or revenge to wreak 
 
 But for gold? and whilst thus the weak we slew 
 
 Did not the strong om- citizens pursue? * 
 
 Though nat'ral was that war and might be just. 
 
 Wars of honor should have been fought first. 
 
 For when old Rome her Punic wars began, 
 
 Then the knell soimded for the fall of man. 
 
 And that once great nation bow'd her head in shame. 
 
 Before the gloiy of Alaric's name. 
 
 And bought with gold a short lived liberty, 
 
 By begging a barbarian's charity ! 
 
 Where's our Navy, bought with Southern Cotton — 
 
 'Twill not be ours, whether sound or rotten : 
 
 While in the Union 't will fight the weak for money, 
 
 But n'er will fight for us, for love or honey : 
 
 If we for honor say a single word 
 
 They'll say like Falstafi", honoris but a word.f 
 
 '* For a full account of the tyranny of England over us, and her total disre- 
 gard of our rights, see the history of the Northeastern Boundary, of the case 
 of the Creole, a brig seized by a gang of slaves and carried into New Provi- 
 dence. See Also the case of the Amistead. For some account of the atroci- 
 ties, see Savannah Republican, of December 16r.h, 1841. That paper of that 
 date remarked concerning these cases, that "It is a disgrace to any govern- 
 ment to declare principles of morality and justice, which it has the power, bu^ 
 not liberality and pride to sustain." A sentiment worthy of the editor of that 
 paper. 
 
 t 'Tis admitted by all that this Union may he dissolved at some day, evidence 
 exists of hostile feelings between the North and the South; all know that the 
 North in case of disunion, will hold fast to the Navy, bought with the duties 
 paid on merchandize exchanged for our cotton. And would it be credited 
 in Turkey, Germany, or France, that the South, thus exposed to a foe who 
 insists on union for self-interest, cares not for the future, and fears no danger 
 
 4 
 
38 GREATNESS REVIEWEI>j 
 
 We know that Calhoun eighteen years ago 
 
 Foretold these evils which we should all know. * 
 
 Did not he then these factious tribes expose 
 
 And plainly prove to us they were our foes? 
 
 Have we forgot how Jackson named Van Buren 
 
 To succeed him, and bring this land to ruini t 
 
 Say Southrons, was not this deification 
 
 That one brave man should thus mislead this nation? 
 
 If this did hap' who will lift up his hand 
 
 And say, '•''mamDorship'''' has not stained this land! 
 
 If this did hap' may we not safely say, 
 
 That many a man thus worships Henry Clay X 
 
 -• 
 
 because the danger does not burn their skins ? or because the evil has not 
 actually come to pass 1 
 
 * We may learn from Mr. Calhoun's speeches that these corruptions in our 
 Government commenced under Gen. Jackson, "Other administrations," said 
 he in a speech then delivered ** may exceed this in talents, patriotism and 
 honesty ; but certainly in audacity, in effrontery, it stands without a parallel. 
 Register of Debates, vol. x, p. 213. There is no mock modesty in the above 
 passage, but it strikes at the root of the evil. Again " The actors in our 
 case are of a different character — artful, cunning, and corrupt politicians, and 
 not fearless warriors. They have entered the Treasury not sword in hand, as 
 public plunderers, but with the false keys of sophistry, as pilferers, under the 
 silence of midnight.'' — Ibid. Again, " I believe that such is the hold which 
 corruption has in this Government, that any man who shall undertake to reform 
 it will not be sustained." — Ibid. Aye, he lived to see these corruptions das- 
 tardize and " dollar-ize" the Union, and to destroy the affections and valor 
 which formerly preserved it. Will any venal politician taunt good men by 
 charging South Carolina with " deifying^' Calhoun ? I answer that it is not 
 the man that's "deified,'' but it is his incorruptible patriotism. Pickens also 
 denounced Gen. Jackson's administration "as the vilest and the most lawless 
 crew that were ever raised up under the dispensations of Providence to 
 scourge a degenerate and ungrateful people." " Sycophancy and servility 
 have taken the place of all the heroic and manly virtues. The rooks as well 
 as the obscene birds have placed themselves in the high places of the land, 
 and we sit daily surrounded with their filth and putrified corruption.— i^eg^xV 
 ter of. Debates, vol. xii, p. 241. When did Clay, Webster, Lawrence, Everet, 
 Benton, &c., ever declaim against these party vices ? Never. 
 
 t Van Buren was overthrown for recommending the Standing Militia Bill — 
 the only useful measure he ever devised or recommended. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 39 
 
 And would he not like New York's fair misses 
 O'erwhelm his face with a thousand kisses?* 
 Slaves ! who like Helots could thus deify 
 A mortal man, when God is in the sky ! 
 Slaves ! who could thus rob by party spirit 
 Your children of that boon they should inherit, 
 'Tis man that's worshipped net this Union's fame 
 Or gloiy past, or Washington'^s great name! 
 'Tis not the mem'ry of the famous past 
 That to the Union makes some hold so fast. 
 But 'tis some " god-like " Dan, or " Heniy Clay," 
 Or god-like pettifogger on his way — > 
 Or on the highway where the roads do cross 
 And where the grog-man books his gain and loss : — 
 There meet the host to hear that smaller god 
 And watch the wisdom of his pregnant nod. 
 
 O freedom of the Press! that vaunted phrase 
 
 Of factious demagogues in modern days ! 
 
 *' Heavens! exclaims the stranger that comes here 
 
 From foreign climes and reads their words severe — 
 
 The American Press prints what it pleases 
 
 And don't care who it tickles-— who it teases; 
 
 All editors may write what they desire, 
 
 And freeze the world, or set the world on fire ! ^ 
 
 O ! that for Freedom's sake this were the truth, 
 
 And then some virtue would remain, forsooth! 
 
 But then, alas ! and men this tiiith has shocked — 
 
 The minds and mouths of editors are locked 
 
 As fast as a jail-door by some party boor. 
 
 Who has, perhaps, a «eat on Congress floor, 
 
 * When Henry Clay was nominated by W&tkins Leigh at the Baltimore 
 Oonvention, the papers of that time inform «s that ** a hundred thousand voices 
 sounded almtsst a tho-csand times Amen — Amen accompanied by such cheers 
 and clapping of hands as the world never heard before," Not many years 
 ago, at a certain town in Georgia, a politician was pulled to the hustings in his 
 coach by a team of men. 
 
40 
 
 GREATNESS REVIEWED^ 
 
 And comprehends the rudmients of grammar. 
 And speaks of mileage in a yelling manner.* 
 O'er the land the paper circulates 
 And gulls the people of the Union States. 
 And this is what they call good government, 
 Whilst Dan or the gazette is what is meant ; 
 Or may be editors have got some letters 
 From men in Congress, whom they deem their betters; 
 Or many bushels of public documents 
 Float o'er the land to banish common sense. 
 And thus the mass is duped by knavery, 
 Or by some boor oppo'sed to slavery. 
 Or by some fool whose name is in the papers. 
 Praised and flattered for his party capers. 
 The people, God bless them ! will soon be able 
 To comprehend these fictions which disable 
 The largest numbers in their sovereign might. 
 To vaunt their power and proclaim their right. 
 And when the scales of party superstition 
 Fall from man's eyes, he'll see his true condition.; 
 And none will longer love to deify 
 A human " god" instead of God on high. 
 Then female kisses will be placed upon 
 The faces of such men as Washington — 
 Not given freely to some party hack. 
 Whose pride is heated by each gentle smack, 
 And who, henceforth, will on the tariff speak 
 With loud grandiloquence from week to week, 
 Filhng the land with paper, as he bawls. 
 To serve each loafer's most imperious calls. 
 Then education will lift up her head 
 And humanize our sons, when we are dead ; 
 And sterling courage and morality 
 Will give our statesmen immortality. 
 Then literature will kiss, with her sweet mouthy 
 The sons and daughters of the sunny South 1 
 * Exceptions of course. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 41 
 
 Southron awake ! O ! for some poet's art 
 
 To rouse the feehngs of each manly heart ! 
 
 O ! break the gordian knot that spoils your fame, 
 
 And makes yoiu* honored sons look down in shame ! 
 
 That evil spell, that locks our chains, dissolve, 
 
 And by Jehovah ! let us all resolve 
 
 That virtue, valor, honor we will save 
 
 Or sleep with honor in the patriot's grave! 
 
 Or will ye be the slaves of men whoVe sinnVl 
 By worshipping the songstress Jenny Lind? 
 O Venus ! in the nineteenth century, 
 In New-Orleans, a Yankee preacher's knee 
 Was bent in prayer for safety of Miss Lind 
 From raging billows and the stormy wind. 
 He was quite right to pray for her salvation, 
 And for her safe return back to this nation ; 
 But when that prayer was published in a paper 
 That seemed much like an idol'trous caper ; 
 And there must have been in his dim eye a moat 
 Thu5 soon to deify a petticoat.* 
 And when this vestal virgin goes on to charm 'em, 
 A crowd of asses will shout out Barnum ! 
 Barnuni! Barnum! Barnum! come out, Bamum! 
 And let us see your nose and lengthy arm ! 
 Hurrah for Barnum ! hurrah for Jenny ! 
 Shouts a crowd whose soul is worth a penny;! 
 A crowd who'll bellow at these pretty tunes, 
 And care for nothing else but picayunes ; 
 
 * I allude to the Reverend Mr. H***"", a Northern divine, who is paid 
 $6,000 a year for his preaching. The reader can refer to his published letter. 
 
 t Is such a crowd moved by sincere love for this Union ? Let the Reverend 
 Mr. Beecher, himself a Yankee, answer : " We can pay Elssler hundreds of 
 thousands. We can pay vagabond fiddlers, strumpet dancers, and boxing men ! 
 -s-but to pay honest debts^ indeed, indeed we have honorable scruples of con- 
 science about that." 
 
 4* 
 
42 GREATNESS REVIEWEDj 
 
 O, save each state and each honorable court 
 
 From anything' a Yankee ever wrote !* 
 
 And who, for gold are for this glorious Union. 
 
 But who for love will hold no " communion''' 
 
 '•With slave breeders, who have no common school? 
 
 Or literature to civilize their fools." 
 
 "Shakspear 's immoral — Bryant is the man,. 
 
 And Willis is soft and sweet as a fan ; 
 
 And Beecher is sweeter, and Smith is devout. 
 
 And Williams is a quaker out and out, 
 
 And sweetly describes the right of submission 
 
 By every man in every condition." 
 
 Some little girl by some Onderdonk's side,t 
 
 With Bible in hand o'er the waters wide. 
 
 From drowning- is saved by that bishop serene,. 
 
 And this is of some great poet ! the theme. 
 
 Some novelist shows how a worthy quaker 
 
 Is saved from the knife of an Indian Fakir, 
 
 Not by com-ao'e at all or fio-htino^ his foe, 
 
 But by kissing the nail of his great toe. 
 
 "The Bible explained"— " New Pslams for the Flock,*' 
 
 Or old worn out yarns of Plymouth rock ; 
 
 * Reverend Mr. Beecher says : " The Ten Plagues have visited our litera- 
 ture ; water is turned to blood; frogs and lice creep and hop over our most 
 familiar things — the couch, the cradle and the bread-trough; locust, murrain 
 and fire are smiting every green thing. — Beecher'' s Led. to Young Men, p. 
 21-2. If this is your Northern literature, Mr. Beecher, the Lord deliver us 
 from it. 
 
 t From LovclVs U. S. Speaker, page 214, I extract the following : 
 "TO A CVllLY)— Yankee. 
 Things of high inport sound I in thine ears, 
 Dear child, though now thou mayst not feel their power, 
 
 But hoard them up, and in thy coming years 
 Forget them not, and when tempests lower, 
 A talisman unto thee they shall be. 
 
 To give thy weak arm strength — to make thy dim eye see." 
 Such is the production of one of their most eminent poets. It is thrust into a 
 book, and without comment the book is allowed to be used in our schools. 
 
OR, THE RISE OF THE SOUTH. 43 
 
 The life of John Smith with the author's portrait. 
 Or the tears and the sighings of poor Uttle Kate, 
 Who loved a parson and knelt down with him, 
 For the formveness of their mutual sin.* 
 
 o 
 
 Such is the boasted Northern literature^ 
 
 And such the litter that can well inure 
 
 A herd of pedlars, quacks, and factious jades, 
 
 To dastardize the men and spoil the maids.t 
 
 Then the itin'rant Yankee pedler comes 
 
 And whines his nasal speech about your homes, 
 
 And humbly begs you, as a little toady, 
 
 To subscribe for the book of Louis A Godey. 
 
 You take the book — -your daughter reads the stories. 
 
 And feels delighted with its Yankee glories ; 
 
 And when you're least suspecting any medler, 
 
 You find your daughter stolen by a pedler. 
 
 ••Breathes there a man of you with soul so dead, 
 
 Who ever to himself alone hath said" — 
 
 Let six and twenty by-gone years return. 
 
 And with their glories let my bosom burn? 
 
 Let me see kitchen cabinets, and cliques 
 
 Of party toadies and notorious sneaks? 
 
 Let the vile slanders of a party press 
 
 Call Tyler traitor and some Polk distress? | 
 
 * Mr. Beecher says '• We shudder and pray fur the shrieking victim of 
 the inquisition ; but who would spare the hoary inquisitor, before whose 
 shrivelle 1 form the piteous maid implores relief in vain V'-— Beecher, p. 150. 
 
 t Many pretty girls are spoiled by reading such trash as the Yankee's pub- 
 lish. 
 
 + I extract from old papers, the following- slanders to show the spirit of these 
 corruptions : Old Zt^ke Polk, James K.'s grand-father. Mr. Venable admits 
 the Toryism of Ezekiel Polk. "I admit the Toryism of Ezekiel Polk, John 
 Tyler, and Benedict Arnold." " The Arch-Traitor." Hard money for the 
 office-holder, and direct taxation for the people." This headed the columns 
 of the Nationallntelligencer . " The Northern Man with Southern Principles — 
 a pamphlet of forty pages, prepared by the Republican Committee of 76 ; 
 
44 iSREATNESS REVIEWED. 
 
 Let cider-barrels, Polk-stalks, and coon-skins 
 Place in the land the devil and his sins ! 
 That Southerners shall bear the foul disgrace 
 Of " Yankee cowards" in each foreign place 
 Because some knaves are self-styled men of peace, 
 And fly from Britain like a flock of geese ! 
 Wish ye to see these knaves by bargain make 
 Some General President, who'll let 'em take 
 What'er they please] — who'll let them nominate 
 Foreign consuls to represent your state ? * 
 Some foreigner who tramples on yom* flag 
 And whistles as he calls it a vile rag ?t 
 Or let them send as Charge a drunken neaf 
 Who'll call the hostess of his house a thief ?| 
 
 South-Carolina! 
 " On Georgia's shore and thy devoted coasts 
 When ev'ery strait is filled with naval hosts, 
 When hostile bands inspired with frantic hope» 
 In Charleston, give wide-wasting fuiy scope, 
 Then shall the youthful son of Federal pride 
 The vengeance of celestial wrath abidcj 
 Fierce though he be and confident of power. 
 For arms with arms shall clash and blood shall shower 
 O'er all the sea, while peace and liberty 
 From Jove and victory descend on thee," 
 
 contents ; Slavery ; Negro Testimonv ; The Missouri Question ; Abolitionism ; 
 White Slavery ; The Tariff; Federalism; the Militia Bill ; National Bank, 
 and Sub-Treasury." Glorious Union ! Away with these foul slanders and 
 factious rascalities. Then comes Crockett's Life of Van Buren, and Clay's 
 and Webster's everlasting speeches, and thousands of bushels of public doc- 
 uments. 
 
 * It has been the practice of the Cabinet at Waslilngton, for many years, to 
 secure foreign votes by appointing foreigners to consulates. Infamous scoun- 
 drels are often preferred to American citizens. Clay's and Cass' sons were 
 appointed to get their father's support; and King was sent to California to 
 secure the Northern vote. 
 
 t An Englishman was appointed at Bahia, who trampled on our flag — proof. 
 Captain William Norville, of Baltimore. 
 
 X Charge deAffiiires to one of the South American States. For the hono? 
 of the South I will not disclose his name, as he is a Southern man. 
 
A NATIONAL AIR FOR THE SOUTH. 
 
 O. we will sing of native clime, 
 
 Of our own Southern homes, 
 Where bravely in the olden time, 
 
 Our fathers laid their bones, 
 O, 'tis the land our fathers v»^on 
 
 By war and victory ; 
 When lived and fought great Washington 
 
 Among the brave and free. 
 
 Altho' we armies have not 
 
 Nor navies on the sea ; 
 Yet each of us good lads has got 
 
 A heart that's bold and free ; 
 And as we have fair maids to cheer 
 
 AVe'll mount the bounding steed, 
 And hurl with strength the glitt'ring spear, 
 
 And will no danger heed. 
 
 And with yoii giant live-oak, 
 
 That groweth near the strand, 
 We'll build us many a staunch bark 
 
 To guard our native land. 
 O, do you see yon lofty trees 
 
 The Cypress, Oak, and Pine? 
 That waive their foliage o'er the leas, 
 
 And shade the sweet woodbine? 
 
A NATIONAL AIR FOR THE SOUTH. 47 
 
 Full many a year they've cast their shades 
 
 O'er the pahiietto grove ; 
 And yet they stand above the glades — 
 
 Memorials of our love. 
 O, may the glory of our land 
 
 Endure as long as they ; 
 And cheer each future warring band 
 
 That goes in the forray. 
 
 Repeat: O may the glory of our land, &c. 
 
SONG OF THE CUBA INVADERS. 
 
 Come all ye brave lads, and let us once more 
 
 Our bright standards plant on Cuba's bold shore ; — 
 
 'Tis the fairest island that's under the sky, 
 
 And for it we'll fight and conquer or die. * 
 
 We'll care not for Webster, or Hale, or Fillmore, 
 When we shall have landed on that lovely shore ; 
 At the roll of the drum and the sound of the fife, 
 For conquest and glory we'll charge in the strife. 
 
 Old England once conquered that island, they say, 
 And sorry she was that she gave it away ; 
 'Tis the key of the Gulf, and guards its broad mouth, 
 And she wants it to injure the rights of the South. 
 
 But with our brave lads from the mountain and plain, 
 From Marion's fields, and the great Southern main, 
 And with lasses to cheer us and sweeten our mouth. 
 We'll strike for true glory and the rights of the South. 
 
 Ye chivalric sons of the mountain and valley, 
 Round Cuba's bright banner will ye not rally? 
 O, we'll rally, we'll rally in liberty's name — 
 We'll rally for Cuba, for glory and fame. 
 
 "" I am by no means in favor, at present, of the acquisition of Cuba ; thoug-h 
 I do not object to the singing of a song by her piratical bands. 
 
A P P E N D I ; 
 
 6 
 TO THE SOUTHERN MARATIME STATES 
 
 THE EVIL AND THE REMEDY. 
 
 A gieam of truth seems to shine through the darkness of the 
 past twenty-seven years of our history. Out of the manifo]( 
 errors and dangers which involve us, let us endeavor to discove. 
 some general principle which shall dispel from our minds th 
 gloom of present doubts and fears, and excite hopes of futur 
 safety and happiness. Wherefore are Southerners and Geoi 
 gians ignorant of their native land? Why does one party pre 
 olaim the Union as their fatherland, and deny their own State 
 •and why does the opposing party proclaim their State and den 
 the Union? Are all ignorant of the ties of natural allegiance 
 The native country of Frenchmen and Englishmen is in th 
 hearts of all Frenchmen and Englishmen ; but our native Ian 
 appears to be neither in our heads or hearts. Indeed, there ai 
 many of us who know not what it is, nor where it is ; but oi 
 understandings are as dark as midnight — our hearts are void ( 
 natal love, and we are as pusilanimous as lambs. We want 
 country to love and a country to defend. We want a countr 
 that shall be the pride, the hope, and the glory of our posteritj 
 Strange ignorance and strange want ! yet it is true that the con 
 munity feel at heart an aching void. We are not satisfied.— 
 The instincts of our nature warn us of errors and dangers. A, 
 5 
 
50 APPENDIX. 
 
 has not gone right in the country. Why are both Greorgia and 
 the Union hated instead of loved ? The answer to this ques- 
 tion is a general principle that may guide us to future safety— 
 the answer is because that this federal Union has destroyed the 
 vu*tue of patriotism, the only true foundation of democratical 
 sovereignty. 
 
 All experience hath shown that a Federal Union of sovereign 
 States, under a general government exercising sovereign powers, 
 is destructive of human happiness. Since the beginning of the 
 world, no more than three regular forms of civil government 
 have successfully prevailed among men, viz : first a Democracy, 
 when the sovereign power is lodged in all the citizens of a com- 
 munity ; the second an Aristocracy, when it is lodged in a 
 council of select members; the last a Monarchy, when it is 
 entrusted in the hands of a single person. These are the only 
 forms of government calculated to protect nations ; and Tacitus 
 treats the notion of a mixed government, formed out of them 
 all, and partaking of the advantages of each, as a visionary 
 whim, and one that, if effected, could never be lasting or secure. 
 And Gibbon, Hume, Locke, Montesquieu, and other eminent 
 men, have demonstrated the impossibility of governing a large 
 region under a Democracy. They have shown the tendency of 
 that form of government in a large State is to degenerate into 
 despotism. Yet it should be confessed that it would be much 
 easier to extend a Democratical government over a large scope 
 of countiy by erecting one consolidated State than it would be 
 to extend over several States the government of a Federal Union. 
 And here I will remark an error which a great many well-mean- 
 ing men have imbibed, namely, that of supposing that the go- 
 vernment established by our constitution is a Democracy. It is 
 not a Democracy, because the laws are not enacted by all our 
 citizens in primary assemblies ; but it is a government in which 
 sovereignty has been delegated by nations or States to a general 
 and select council. I say delegated, but it was only an attempt 
 at delegation, inasmuch as sovereignty cannot be delegated or 
 alienated by a State. This system resembles more an Aristoc- 
 
APPENDIX. 51 
 
 !facy tlian a Monarchy or a Democracy. The only changes, 
 indeed, which our ancestors effected by the American revohition 
 were the substitution of a president for a king, the abohtion of 
 the fictions of kingly prerogatives, the disjunction of church 
 and state, and the right of the people to be taxed by their im- 
 mediate representatives. They adopted, and they bequeathed 
 us the English laws* 
 
 Nevertheless, this system, thus partaking of Aristocracy and 
 of Monarchy, has been erroneously styled the great experiment 
 of self-government ; and the impression pretty generally obtains 
 that it is a Democracy, and the only Democracy that has ever 
 existed over men ; whereas, the Democracies of Greece and 
 Rome, of Venice, San Marino, Switzerland, and many others, 
 ihad prevailedlong centuries before our constitution was conceived. 
 Our government is of that mixed kind formed out of the three 
 systems — -it is precisely that form of government which Tacitus, 
 Oibbon, and the most distinguished historians and philosophers 
 have pronounced to be visionary and impracticable. It is a 
 federal union of sovereign States. It is an experiment to divide 
 sovereignty between equal governments. It is an attempt to 
 divide patriotism or the local affections of the human heart. It 
 is an attempt to divide the ties of natural allegiance. In short, 
 it isan attempt to change human nature and to effect impossibili- 
 ties; whereas, sovereignty, natural allegiance, and patriotism 
 {which last consists of love, justice and courage) are respectively 
 indivisible and unalienable. Sovereignty or the right of making 
 laws is the unalienable right of a nation or state, in the same 
 manner as natural liberty is the unalienable right of individuals. 
 I will not discuss the question whether a nation might rightfully 
 cede away its sovereignty, destroy its nationality, and become 
 subject to the government of another nation. Sovereignty, being 
 the consent and wishes of every individual, delegated to a few 
 agents, is inalienable because the agent cannot alien or transfer 
 the natural liberties of the people. A state is a nation, and a 
 nation must make war and peace, and collect the revenues ; and 
 to deem that regipn of country a state which is destitute of rev- 
 
0'4 APPENr)I3t. 
 
 enues, and of armies to defend its rights against invasion, is the 
 extreme of stupidity. 
 
 Among the errors of this age and nation, the most remarkable 
 is that of a Federal Union of States. The notion of a Con- 
 gress of Nations to collect and disburse the revenues of the 
 world ; the impression that large territories, instead of pubhc 
 virtue, constitute national greatness and safety ; and that a com- 
 mon government might embrace the whole of North and South 
 America, are, to say the least of them mere fallacies and hallu- 
 cinations. We might with equal reason attempt to bring France, 
 England and Russia under a Federal Union, and permit Nova 
 Zembla to collect and disburse their revenues, and to make 
 wars and peace for them. We might maintain a Congress of 
 Nations just as easily, as we might maintain this Federal Union 
 of Sovereign States, with a central despotism to misapply the 
 revenues and oppress the people ; and as it would be unnatural' 
 and impossible for Nova Zembla to manage the revenues and 
 wars of all Europe, so it will be impossible for this Federal' 
 government to manage the wars and revenues of thirty or forty 
 American Nations or States. Sinc€ the Christian era, the lim- 
 its of nations have deminished instead of increasing. Nature 
 divided the Roman Empire. The subject tribes of Spain, Gauh 
 Britain, and those of Asia and Africa receded wit}nn those 
 natural boundaries which nature '^s God had carved out for each^ 
 state. The Spanish dominions in America first revolted andi 
 afterwards divided. Look at the Federal Union of German 
 States — has it not suffered tlie miseries of anarchy, confusion' 
 and war? '-Those communities of citizens," says the histori- 
 an " so proud of their independence, those \igilent and un- 
 daunted defenders of municipal rights ; those members of the 
 empire who were zealously engaged in efforts to ennoble their 
 condition, are lost amidst the crowd of warhke princes." 
 
 The three forms of government before-mentioned are all pre- 
 sumed to be administered for the same tAVO-fold purposes ; first, 
 of affording protection to the whole nation or state against 
 foreign enen^ies ; and secpnd, protection for the natural liber- 
 
APPENDIX. 
 
 53 
 
 tics of life, limb, property and security, through the agencies of 
 good laws and courts of judicature. The duties of all civil ^ 
 governments are therefore, first, to afford adequate protection 
 against foreign enemies ; second to enact good laws for the pro. 
 tection of private and natural rights ; and third, to abstain from 
 exceeding these purposes ; that is, the agent is bound to pursue 
 the strict letter of his authority, and not to exceed it. The duty 
 of the people is that of allegiance to the Supreme Government. 
 The unalienable rights of the people are, fn-st, the right of go- 
 vermental protection against foreign enemies ; and second, the 
 right of protection of their natui-al liberties by good laws and 
 courts of judicature. 
 
 When our ancestors declared, therefore, that they ordained 
 the Constitution *'in order to form a more perfect union, ensure 
 domestic tranquility, provide for the common defence, promote 
 the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty," they 
 intended nothing more than that "the General Government" 
 should protect the Union against foreign invasion or domestic 
 insurrection, and protect by good laws the natural liberties of 
 the people. And as they erroneously attempted to divide sove- 
 reignty, a new duty arose, namely, that of complying with the 
 strict letter of govermental authority. And if any government 
 fail to fulfil these purposes, or if it invade popular rights, it be- 
 comes destructive of hmnan felicity, and ought to be changed. 
 In such a ease, its total abolition might be the sole method of 
 Reformation. 
 
 Now, the foundations of our government were unhappily laid 
 in error. Our ancestors and the immortal Washington, in be- 
 lieving and hoping that the duties of protection and allegiance 
 might be performed, and that popular rights might be protected 
 under a federal union of sovereign States, trusted with too 
 much faith in the self-denial of mankind. Washington has 
 said in his Farewell Address, that " there is not a doubt that a 
 common government might embrace so large a sphere." "Let 
 experience solve it," is his language. Historical experience 
 was against it, and, to extend it over many sovereign States, it 
 
54 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 was necessary first to change the nature of man. For bj 
 nature his passions cling to those State boundaries which long 
 years previously had been designated by the first pilgrims who 
 landed on this continent. Attached to those ancient boundaries, 
 it was afterwards, not without a struggle, that the people of the 
 thirteen States could be induced to violate their duty by surren- 
 dering the powers of war, peace and the revenue to " a General 
 Government." Nothing but a sense of their extreme weakness 
 and the urgent persuasions of Washington could induce them 
 to give up theii* revenues to Congress. 
 
 Confiding in the virtues of posterity, Washington thought 
 that a federal union of States might fulfil the purposes and 
 duties of civil government ; and accordingly he has advised his 
 people to cultivate religion, morahty, and patriotism, and to 
 abstain from the indulgence of sectional prejudice and party 
 spirit. Upon a presumption of human perfection, he erected a 
 union of virtuous men, and implored his countrymen to consider 
 a union of virtue as the palladium of their future safety and 
 happiness. He seems to have entertained the belief and the 
 hope that public virtue would in time conquer the antagonism 
 of sections and parties. The great principle that sovereignty 
 is indivisible, appears •not to have been understood at 
 that time. Such was his magnanimity, that he could not 
 believe that local passions might make rulers unwise, pusil- 
 lanimous or parasitical. He could not possibly foresee that 
 sectionalism would, in time, wholly destroy patriotism and 
 weaken the sentiment of atta^chrnent both to the States and to 
 the Union. He has, therefore, left us unadvised concerning 
 what plan of reformation ought to be executed in case the 
 Union be destroyed by the attempt to divide sovereignty, by 
 the antagonism of sections, or by the evil ways of evil men. 
 
 The presumption of human self-denial was erroneous, and 
 the ancient principle still remains in full force, that a federal 
 union of States with-a central government to control the reve- 
 nues, is unnatural and impracticable. Human nature has not 
 changed. Man is the same being always and everywhere. He 
 
APPENDIX. 55 
 
 is by nature vengeful and rapaciows^ and language, interest and 
 sectional jyrejudicc will continue to form the boundaries af 
 nations. The antagonism of sections and interests^ and the 
 attempt to partition sovereignty between two separate goverji- 
 ments have tended, in a great degree, to extinguish the senti- 
 ment of patriotism — and when this virtue is destroyed, the vices 
 of local and factious hatred, cowardice and injustice, take its 
 piaccy and the capacity for self-government is destroyed. Na- 
 tionality is destroyed. That odious ignorance is spread abroad 
 which has enslaved or assassinated mankind in all ages and 
 nations — the ignorance of the means of their self-preservation, 
 the ignorance of reformation. Such is our present condition. 
 There is so little patriotism — otherwise love, courage, and justice, 
 that it has come to be a disputed point what and where is one's 
 native country. Surely, where men don't know their country, 
 they are scarcely adequate to the duty of defending that which 
 others may tell them is their native country. If that native 
 country can find no abiding-place in the hearts of citizens, it is 
 little to be expected that it can find an abode in their clouded 
 understandings. In such a condition, no mind recognizes truth, 
 no heart thrills with patriotic devotion, no insult or injury can 
 rouse the feelings of resentment, and no disciplined arm, nerved 
 by patriotism, is lifted to strike down oppression. But the 
 slavery of party has disseminated controversial ignorance, and 
 dastardized the people. There is no true devoted love and valor, 
 neither for this country nor for that ; neither for Georgia nor 
 for the Union. The decline of manners and literature must 
 arouse the serious apprehensions of every patriot. Manworship 
 or the deification of party leaders has darkened the human 
 understanding, and disqualified the masses for the duties of self- 
 government. The public press has become an irresistible 
 engine of controversial ignorance, cowardice and falsehood.— 
 It is destitute of all moral courage whatever, and dares not 
 gainsay the dictation of a Congressman or a petty, dastardly 
 clique of party toad-eaters, who would sell their country for the 
 small gains of office. If it ventures to oppose the immorality- 
 
56 APPENDIX. 
 
 of national parties it is proscribed. It falls a victim to the ha- 
 tred of party cliques ; subscribers stop their papers ; merchants 
 cease advertising, and the arch fiend of evil consigns it to the 
 oblivion of hell. Or if it pretends to be an independent jour- 
 nal, its editor becomes a sort of cameleon, and by flattering both 
 parties, becomes an unprincipled minion. National parties have 
 corrupted public virtue, and defeated the ends of civil govern- 
 ment. Agents of government have exceeded the purpose and 
 limit of political authority. By means of excessive federal 
 legislation on property and money, a federal despotism has been 
 set up; legislators have descended to be the propagators of 
 ignorance and vice; rich and poor have alike been demoralized, 
 and robbed of education and virtue ; the army and navy have 
 been neglected, and by long sessions of a Rump Congress, the 
 natural liberties of mankind have been invaded. The martial 
 spirit has declined, and whatever is glorious in the human char- 
 acter has given place to whatever is contemptible and base. — 
 Cowardice is extolled under the name of discretion. Supersti- 
 tion and her mother ftar, have clouded the human mind, and 
 poisoned the fountains of virtue in the human heart. Honor, 
 courage and justice have been banished by demagogueism. — 
 And what is passing strange, is that the idea of reformation 
 never once occurs to anybody. In England there is what is called 
 the Reform of Parliament — in this country, a proposition by a 
 candidate for Congress to reform that body, would blast his 
 temporal hopes. To these national parties men look for reform : 
 as well might they look to the devil himself to become an angel 
 of hght. The leopard cannot change his spots. Reform out of 
 Congress, or reform in and by Congress, is the question. Both 
 appear at present to be impossible. Does the North reproach 
 the South that the latter is enfeebled and disgraced by Negro 
 slavery ? The South replies, Our Negroes are not slaves, but 
 happy bondsmen only ; but ye are slaves — slaves of Daniel 
 AVebster, Fanny EUsler, Jenny Lind — ^ye are slaves of avarice 
 and superstition. Does the South reproach the North 1 The 
 South claiming to have state rights and separate nationalities, 
 
APPENDIX. 57 
 
 and witli a Governor "Who shall" in the language of a mock 
 constitution, " be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of 
 said State" have neither revenues, nor armies, nor navies to 
 enforce or defend those rights when invaded ; vrho, manacled by 
 party chains, continue to drag on an existence of perpetual 
 doubt and fears, ignorant of native land, and of the virtuous 
 emotions which the bare mention of its name ought to inspire ^ 
 and who have neither wisdom or moral courage to execute any 
 rational plan of reform for your self-preservation. Where pa- 
 triotism ought to dwell, there is a vacuum in the pt.iblic heart. — ■ 
 The people of the State are divided among themselves into two 
 factions. One of these affects to love the Union, and denounces- 
 the other as traitors for contemning it ; the other swears by its- 
 God that it loves the Union of Washington as sincerely as it 
 despises the present Union or combination of knaves. In this 
 way both the Union and the State have become odious, and the 
 people are disqualified to govern. Thus circumstanced, with- 
 out a country to love, and without men to defend it, we are ex-- 
 posed to most imminent dangers. There is' no safety neither 
 for ourselves nor our posterity under such a government. 
 
 Such was the slavery of the Romans under the empire. On 
 account of this mental slavery, Israel divided and fell. Thus felt 
 the ancient kingdoms of Egypt and Assyria, and relapsed into 
 the toipor of barbaric slavery. Mahomet ii. could never have 
 overthrown the great city of Constantinople, had not this species 
 of slavery extinguished the martial spirit of the Greeks and 
 caused them to prefer senseless arguments to the lance and cati- 
 jmit. In order to harmonize seciionalism, and to make homo- 
 genous States and men, who were by natural bomidaries and 
 various interests, different and dissimilar, this Federal Union 
 has by party spirit well-nigh destroyed the knowledge of the' 
 means of human self-preservation, and has disseminated the 
 most odious ignorance. For as knowledge is the clear perception 
 of virtue, so ignorance is the blindness of the understanding to 
 virtue. Ignorance is doubt, superstition, mental slavery and an- 
 archy. Faith takes the place of reason, the connection between 
 
58 APPENDIX. 
 
 the physical and moral world is lost sight of, and in trying to 
 account for our political origin and destiny, we are ready to be* 
 lieve rather than investigate. We seem to forget that a be- 
 nignant Providence hath so ordered it, that virtue alone is perma- 
 nent, and that vice and its train of miseries must of necessity 
 terminate. Morality, the foundation of all governments, is un- 
 known and unmentioned. Our ignorance of the pui-poses and 
 ends of all governments inclines us to trust in every rumor, to 
 believe every demagogue, and to shape our conduct, not by well- 
 understood general principles, but by news-papers, public 
 documents, and by factious demagogues. Yet, in the midst of 
 our national littleness, our vanity prompts us to boast of national 
 greatness. We have degenerated from the virtues and the valor 
 of our ancestors. We boast of great men, they are contemptible 
 and unknown beyond the limits of the Union ; or if known, 
 their names are merely mentioned without exciting admiration 
 or reverence. We imagine that all Europe is transported with 
 admiration by our governmental proceedings — we are ridiculed 
 by all civilized nations. They laugh at us, because they see in 
 the proceedings of Congress what is calculated to excite laughter. 
 Let us not suppose that Frenchmen and Englishmen are so in- 
 human as to laugh at true glory, greatness and wisdom. These 
 quahties will excite admiration in all quarters of the globe ; 
 but eight months session of Congress, the eloquence of Hale, 
 Webster and others, is not calculated to surprise men who have 
 heard Lamartine, Ledru Rollin, Robert Peel and Brougham. — 
 The Federal Union and sectionalism have extinguished the 
 virtues of a Democracy, the fires of eloquence, and the spirit 
 of greatness. They have destroyed nationality. 
 
 Thus, in attempting to carry out a form of government un- 
 known to the ancients, and which had proven a signal failure in 
 Germany — and thus, by attempting permanently to alienate and 
 partition the sovereignty of States, it hath fallen to our painful 
 lot to witness the downfall of the Union of Washington, and 
 the erection upon its ruins of a combination of the most vicious 
 men and damnable vices that have ever stained the character of 
 
A<»l»ENDlX. 59 
 
 fiumanity. The whole machine in its present form is a conspi- 
 racy against piibhc virtue. It is hostile to a democracy. I 
 make these assertions in the fullest confidence that time wiD 
 establish the truth of them; A foreign war might put off the 
 revolution a few years, but this great change in our system must 
 and will soon happen. The system has not only wholly failed 
 to fulfil the pvu-pose of its establishment, but it has made aggres- 
 sions upon the unalienable rights of independent States. 
 
 I. it has failed to protect the whole Union against foreign 
 foes, whereby each State might be said to have been less safe 
 in it than out of it. This will fully appear by reading the debates 
 on Jay's Treaty, and by reading the diplomatic correspondence 
 since the year 1825. The history of the Oregon question, of 
 the North-eastern Boundary, of the Annexation of Texas, 
 and of the Creole and Armstead cases, is the history of the dis- 
 grace of every State, because every State is supposed to form 
 part of the Union* If this be true, it will follow that the Union 
 has been less potent since 1824 to defend all the confederated 
 States, than each State would have been if an independent re- 
 public ; because (particularly the maratime Southern States,) 
 had each State collected its revenues, its military defences would 
 have been stronger than at present. Had Georgia collected 
 her own duties on merchandize during twenty-seven years past, 
 she might have built a fort on every island and river on her 
 coast, and her Governor might have been in fact, not merely in 
 name, " commander-in-chief of the army and navy of said 
 Statey By attempting permanently to alienate her sovereign 
 powers to a Federal Government, she has suffered herself to be 
 filched of her revenues by the Federal Government. Millions 
 of her money have been paid away to it. This money has 
 built up a Northern navy. That navy will naturally at some 
 day be brought against Georgia if she dare to carry out the ab- 
 solute right of collecting her own revenues. Certainly, the 
 collection of its own revenue is the absolute right of every State, 
 of France as well as Georgia. It was nothing but the sense of 
 imminent danger, and the strong persuasions of Washington, 
 
60 APPENDIX. 
 
 that induced the delegates of the thirteen original nations or state 
 to lend these revenues to a general government. Now,if dange 
 exist of foreign or domestic wars, the history of that governmen 
 proves that it is incompetent to manage these revenues for th( 
 safety of the States. True, it did manage them in the last wa 
 with England, but it is notorious that there was a powerful part] 
 opposed to that war, and that the liberties of the States wer( 
 imperiled by the dillatory proceedings of Congress. Besides 
 that war was waged to defend Northern Commerce. Georgij 
 pays her revenues to the General Government to strengthen th( 
 defences and to erect improvements at the North ; and such i; 
 the nature of cupidity, that the North, mistaking or affectinj 
 to mistake that these revenues were designed to defend ever 
 State, now clutchthem with avaricious eagerness, and threate; 
 that if Georgia or South Carolina shall lay claim to them, the 
 may expect to be bombarded by those ships which our monie 
 constructed to defend us against foreign enemies. With on 
 revenues, venal Congressmen sitting in session seven month; 
 are paid to discuss abolition, tariffs, banks and other subjec' 
 unconnected with civilized governments. In return for millioi 
 of money paid to the Northern Government, Georgia has r« 
 ceived a small fort and a custom house at Savannah, and fort 
 thousand dollars to remove obstructions from the Savanna 
 river. This is the insignificant sum received in return fc 
 millions. Never, in a single instance, has Georgia received an 
 militanj protection from the Federal Union. 
 
 II. As to the second great principle of government, the pr< 
 tection of natural rights by good laws, and by pursuing ti 
 strict letter of its authority, it is to be observed, that this du' 
 was reserved to tlie States, but its performance has been defeats 
 by reason of official federal agents exceeding the purpose ( 
 their authority. 
 
 III. The Union has not only failed to protect all the State, 
 but it has made direct aggressions upon particular States. Thi. 
 in the first place, it has done by expensive legislation on bank, 
 tariffs, improvements, the abolition of slavery, and by partial c 
 
A?>PENDIX. 61 
 
 unnecessary appropriations. Look over Georgia and behold 
 the rich fruits of all this legislation — nothing can be seen — no 
 school-houses, or poor-houses, or fortifications. Where, when 
 and how has the Government benefitted Georgia'? The Po;:it 
 Office is all that we have. Where is the man, office holder ex- 
 cepted, who can draw from his purse a dollar that he has been, 
 assisted to make by the legislation of Congress? Then, the 
 truth is. Congress is of no use to this State. Is it not an ex- 
 pense? Has it not been an expense for more than twenty-seven 
 years ? Has she not paid millions to weaken hermilitary strengtli, 
 to endanger her liberty, and to fill the land with immorality? — 
 She has paid far more than all this ; she has paid the Govern- 
 ment to threaten her with war and bloodshed. In her early 
 struggles against the savage tribes of Creek Indians, the Federal 
 Government instead of protecting her against these savages, or- 
 dered Gen. Gains to protect the savages. An infamous treat}' 
 was made, appropriating over three hundred thousand dollars tt* 
 these Indians. Against this treaty, the Georgia delegation in 
 Congress unanimously protested. The next aggression was the. 
 Proclamation and Force Bill of Gen. Jackson. Following: this 
 came the Abolition epoch, and the inhibition to Southern people 
 to carry their servants to California. Along with this last act, 
 was the blow aimed at the morality of Texas, by an immens(; 
 bribe to that State. It has likewise directed the arms of Great 
 Britain to repeal a local law of South Carolina, respecting 
 negro mariners. Its officers at Fort Moultrie have even refused 
 to let the people of South Carolina worthily celebrate the victo- 
 ries of their ancestors on one of their own battle jrrounds. 
 
 Bastardized by a long and familiar acquaintance with these 
 evils and by party slavery, the press amuses itself by unravelling 
 points which, whether admitted or denied, amount to nothing ; 
 the conventions of the people threaten (though with less feeling 
 now than in the times of Nullification) that if any more en- 
 croachments or wrongs be committed upon the unalienable 
 right of State sovereignty, that they will resist even at the haz- 
 ard of disunion ; though to appease the wrath of the Federal 
 
 6 
 
62 APPENDI^r. 
 
 Government, they appeal to the people of Boston to remember' 
 the glories of Faneiiil Hall. Destitute of disciplined valor, or 
 of an " army and navy" for their Governor to be " commander- 
 in-chief" of, they study to employ the smoothest, mildest lan- 
 guage in advocating the right of secession, as it is called. If 
 some Anglo Northerner residing amongst us, or some native 
 union man assume a stern countenance, and ask " Sir, are you 
 for disunion]" the fellow's heart sinks within him, and amidst 
 his doubts as to the consequences of his answer,, he ejaculates 
 " No !" The struggle being over, he breathes more freely, con- 
 gratulates himself at his narrow escape, and vows to be a union 
 man ever afterwards. Fear w ith many, well-meaning ignorance 
 with others, and the want of an " army and navy," and of valor 
 withal, have placed many of our good people in a sad state of 
 apathy. Meanwhile, Wall-street capitalists^ Northern news- 
 papers, and office seekers, are not idle- The minions of the 
 federal despotism, conscious of this state of things, and that we 
 have no disciplined army, commanded by a Governor, reproach 
 us " that we are an imbecile set of slave-breeders, sunk in ef- 
 feminacy and sensuality, and without courage or military power 
 to execute our threat of disunion." " Your threats," say they, 
 •' are o-asconade — you are destitute of valor — have we not your 
 revenues ? We are the Federal Government — w-e dare and 
 defy you." 
 
 The Union has failed. The people must and will build upor^ 
 a new foundation, and adopt new guards for their future secu- 
 rity. The event may be postponed by a foreign war, but it is 
 inevitable. The maratime States cannot exist in such a union. 
 The struggle betw^een consolidated monarchy and State inde- 
 pendency must soon be decided. 
 
 The natural condition of each of the Southern States is that 
 of a separate and independent republic, exercising full sove- 
 reignty, but united with other States by friendly alliances.— 
 Tli^e god Terminus travels up the Savannah River, crosses the 
 country to its Northwestern boundary, passes down the Chatta- 
 hoochie River, and thence back to the mouth of the Savannah. 
 
APPEiVDiX. 
 
 m 
 
 Viasting a jealous eye on the adjoining States. Tliis boundary 
 iias been marked by the natural fears and local prejudices of the 
 people inhabiting within our borders. What causes this nation- 
 ahty? I answer— Almight?/ God. He has written national 
 prejudices and fears in the human heart. These feehngs 
 were first transplanted here by Oglethorpe, and by those of our 
 ancestors who laid out the heundaries of Georgia. Among the 
 nations of antiquity, these boundaries were esteemed sacred. — 
 They were consecrated to the gods by the ceremony of plough- 
 ing a furrow around the spots intended for cities. Our English 
 ancestors were the authors of State boundaries and State riglits, 
 and I cannot consider him a patriot, who woidd erase these 
 boundaries from the htiman heart. Within them Georgians were 
 born, here they sucked their mother's railkj and were nurtured 
 by parental afi'ection ; here the soil produces the gi'ain and 
 meat that sustain their lives ; here are the pledges of affection, 
 and of pleasurable memory. A nation, a state, Georgia is the 
 fountain of honor,' of office, of justice — protects the lives, the 
 liberties, and the property of the people. She punishes and 
 .^he rewards. She cannot be punished agreeably to the laws of 
 nature. Thus natural patriotism guards these boundaries. The 
 instincts of nature will prompt the cock to defend his own 
 Kjnnghill, and will even rouse the courage of wild beasts to de- 
 fend their dens. The boundaries of Maine and California, under 
 such a corrupt government are toe remote to arouse these feelings. 
 Patriotism is the parent of sovereignty, and the parent of natu- 
 ral allegiance. Hence the word alien, alienagena^ is derived 
 from the Latin word aliegenus, and signifies one born in a strange 
 <:ountiy, under the obedience of a strange Prince, or out of the 
 legiance of the State. This natural allegiance is due from every 
 natural born citizen to his governmenL But what is his govern- 
 ment, or his native country, whose boundaries are written in his 
 Jieartt J.s it the General Government 1 If it be, State bounda- 
 ries ought to be destroyed, since it is a source of misery to call 
 that a State whieia is only a province. Is it the Government 
 of Georgia ? If it be so, Georgia has the unalienable right to 
 
64 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 rolled her own revenues, and if they are collected hy anr 
 other power or authority, that power violates the unalienable 
 rights of the citizens of Georgia. Is your allegiance divided 
 between two goveniments? Do you love both with equal ardor? 
 No — it is impossible ! You cannot sen e both God and Mammon 
 You cannot love both. The errors of a Federal despotism, aud- 
 its vile factions have made you ignorant of native land. The 
 I'nion is hated — Georgia is hated — the North is hatedy and the 
 Soutli is hated. Parties have erased native country from your 
 Jiearts, and filled th^m with intense hatred. 
 
 vSovereignty, or the power of making laws, is indivsible and 
 nnalicnahU. The power of making war and peace, of collect' 
 ing the revenues and of administering justice is indivisible — a 
 ynitf/. That government to which we are bound by the strong- 
 est ties of gratitude, should collect the revenues and make wars, 
 Alleoriance, or the duty of obedience to the State, being a debt 
 of m-atitude, is unalienable. As a Frenchman cannot love both 
 England and France, and perform allegiance to both ; so neither 
 can Georgians alienate or transfer their allegiance to the Generali 
 Government ; that is, they cannot perform the duties of allegi- 
 anee to both, such a divided allegiance being contrary to the 
 laws of nature. xUlegianc« is naturally due to the State of 
 Georgia. The people of a State are bound by the laws of na- 
 inre to defend it against aB enemies whatsoever. If this be true,. 
 it is a species of State insanity to refuse to demand those reve- 
 liues, which it is our unalienable right to. collect a^nd manage, 
 juid without which v/e have nat power to defend ourselves. In 
 the early periods of nations, under the feudal system, the tenant 
 .iwore to bear faith to his sovereign lord in opposition to all men,, 
 without any saving or exception ; contra omncs Iwmines fideli- 
 iatum fecit y 
 
 It follows, that if allegiance and the sovereignty of a State be 
 indivisible and unalienable, our ancestors committed an error 
 n\ attempting to alienate these obligations and powers through 
 the Federal Constitution. Our natural allegiance being due to. 
 Georgia, we the people of Georgia have the natural and ua- 
 
APPENDIX. 65 
 
 alienable right to the protection of tlie armies and navies of 
 Georgia. The people of Georgia have, therefore, the natural 
 and unalienable right to collect all revenues and taxes within 
 her boundaries ; since without these revenues and taxes, they 
 have not power to do their duty of natural allegiance, and tlieir 
 right of protection is exposed to the invasion of foreign ■ 
 enemies. The right of the people to be taxed, or to have duties 
 imposed by their immediate representatives, has been acknowl- 
 edged and carried out since the reign of William the Conqueror. 
 The denial of this right by King Charles brought bis head to 
 the block. It is also the unalienable right of the people to have 
 their revenues disbursed by their immediate rcpreseiitatives in 
 their State legislatures. RepreBentatives in CoDgress are not 
 l??z?Kec?iaife representatives of the people of Georgia, since a ma-" 
 jority in Congress, and not Georgia's representatives, govern." — 
 Our representatives, and not the majority in Congress, have the 
 right to manage our revenues. But it was not the intention of 
 our ancestors that these revenues should be permanently aliena- 
 ted to Congress, because we cannot suppose they intended a 
 thing so unnatural and impossible. They intended that the 
 loan or alienation should be temporary. They found themselves 
 compelled to promise or reserve to the States the right of with- 
 drawing these revenues from the government — without this 
 promise and reseiTati-on, it is a notorious part of history that 
 the original States never would have consented to lend them to 
 the Government. Even the surrender upon this favorable con- 
 dition did well-nigh cause a revolution in 1787, " The .people," 
 says the historian Botta, " considered this revenue dangerous to 
 liberty. They contended the particular States alone, not the 
 Congress, should have the authority to impose taxes or duties. 
 One State refused absolutely to sui-render her revenues to Con- 
 gress." Suppose our ancestors could have foreseen that Cono-ress 
 would usurp power and become so insolent as to insist upon re- 
 taining these revenues as a matter of right- — and suppose thev 
 couid have foreseen that the States would eventually be so ia- 
 
 6* 
 
6Q 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 timidated as not to demand them ; does any one imagine thej 
 would have consented to grant the revenues to Congress — No \ 
 
 The General Government has proved itself to be totally dis- 
 qualitied to manage these revenues.. Granted for the protec- 
 tion of the States, they have been applied to endanger the safety 
 and happiness of the States:. Granted to repel foreign foes^ 
 they have been used to place us at the mercy of foreign foes. — • 
 Formed for the safety and happiness of oui'selves and our pos- 
 terity, the Government has become the enemy of ourselves and 
 our posterity.. 
 
 Lastly — the Plan of Reformation. — The agreement of all 
 the States to recall these revenues, appears to be impossible. — 
 Therefore, a convention of all the States, it is to be feared. 
 would be unnecessary. If they would all agree in such a con- 
 vention to reclaim these revenues, or, at least, to surrender them 
 to such of the States as might demand them, such a convention 
 jnight be highly useful. Such a convention, after returning the 
 revenue power to the Sj^ates, might form a Union of Honor, all 
 the States pledging themselves to grant money and men to aid 
 the others in time of war. Should any State refuse to fulfil its 
 pledges, that refusal would be the unalienable^ right of such 
 State, because a State is omnipotent and can do everything.-— 
 The separate legislatures could raise armies just as expcditiously 
 as Congress, if we review our history this will appear. Let a 
 board of commissioners be appointed to regulate alliances and 
 business inter-communication. Of course, these commissioners 
 sliould have no sovereign powers, because these powers by 
 nature belong to the States in their several capacities, and can 
 not be delegated by a State. Every citizen, in. a State gives his 
 consent to laws and constitution — this is sovereignty. The mem- 
 bers of the legislature being agents only of the people, cannot 
 delegate an unalienable sovereignty delegated to them. Who is 
 such an unreclaimable fool as to believe for a moment that Wm. 
 Few and Abraham Baldv/in could possibly have delegated to 
 the Federal Government the unalienable rights of the people of 
 Georo-ia? But, \my'm^ attempted to delegate the revenues of 
 
APPENDIX. 67 
 
 the State and the war power to Congress, can any one be so 
 extremely credulous and unthinking as to believe that the un- 
 natural attempt of these two men should now be binding and 
 obligatory upon one million of citizens? Each State might 
 defray the expenses of this- board by a small direct tax. Of 
 course, these commissioners would have no power whatever — 
 they would only be allowed to communicate the written instruc> 
 tions of their respective legislatures. These commissioners would 
 stand in the place of the present expensive, burdensome, and 
 ignorant Congress. They would have no power whatever to 
 debate abolition, banks, tariffs, improvement or how the revenues 
 should be applied; because were they allowed these powers, 
 they would at once imagine themselves the rulers of the Union, 
 and render themselves as odious and tyraniiical as the present 
 Congi'ess. The State legislatures should rule the country — not 
 commissioners or Congressmen ; but these commissioners might 
 communicate the written instructions of the States. In this 
 way, we should have a Union of independent Democracies, 
 bound to each other by honor, safety, and interest. This is the 
 plan, if it might be effected. 
 
 If on the contrary, there be no possibility of effecting this 
 desirable revolution peaceably, or by a convention of all the 
 States, pursuant to the invitation of any one State, then any 
 State may demand from the General Government its unalienable 
 rights. Let that State desiring to exercise complete sovereignty 
 appoint a commissioner, not a member of Congress, to demand 
 in writing from the Secretary of State of the United States,, 
 the surrender of the sovereignty of that State demanding it. — 
 The Secretary would lay the matter before the President, and 
 the President would communicate the demand and its nature to 
 Congress, and Congress Avould either grant it or refuse it. If 
 Congress should refuse to accede to the State's demand for it> 
 sovereignty, the State would, of course, make an open and pub- 
 lic declaration of its rights — indivisible and iinalienable rights, 
 and appeal to God and the civilized Vi^orld to bear witness 
 that those rights of war and revei#ie are unalienable indivisible : 
 
68 APPENDIX. 
 
 that the General Government, formed for our safety and happi- 
 ness, has involved us in danger and misery ; and that our State 
 deems it due to itself and to posterity to build upon a new founda- 
 tion of government, and to provide new guaranties for our future 
 security. 
 
 Each State has sufficient wealth and population to form a 
 Democracy or Republic. It is a historical principle that the 
 smaller the State, if a Democracy, the more favorable to liberty. 
 An extremely large State mider a Democracy is a Despotism, 
 according to the best writers on this subject. A divided alle- 
 giance cannot be extended over the United States — one con- 
 solidated government like the present form cannot govern State 
 boundaries, sectional antagonism, and party spirit. Ancient 
 Sparta contained only 39, 000 inhabitants, and Athens only 
 21, 000. Yet they routed the hosts of Persia. Look at Venice? 
 San Marino and Switzerland. The principle is, there must be 
 hioh-minded, partiotic men, otherwise one hundred millions 
 mioht be as easily conquered as the hundred millions of Hin- 
 doos with their Elephants were conquered by the English. 
 
 Self-preservation requires that Georgia should resume her re- 
 venues and power of war and peace. However, if she believe 
 that slavery is the best condition for a State or nation, let her 
 tamely submit. To Soutli Carolina every patriot looks with 
 hope. 
 
 Your Obt. Servant, 
 
 THE AUTHOR, 
 
POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 Are the people of the South capable of freedom or self- 
 government] 
 
 Patriots Avill be better qnahfied to decide this question after 
 pondering the following disclosures : In a certain part of Geor- 
 gia, on the 4th of July, 1851, a large and respectable portion of 
 
 the citizens of county convened at , and declared 
 
 the Rights of State as follows: 
 
 1. Sovereignty, or the power of making lav/s, is the aggre 
 gate will and consent of the people of a State, delegated to 
 their immediate representatives through a constitution. It is 
 unalienable and indivisible. 
 
 2. Our gratitude and natural, exclusive allegiance are due to 
 the State of Georgia, and no other State or nation ; and to re- 
 quire us to transfer our allegiance to any other authority, is 
 repugnant to the laws of nature as written in our hearts by the 
 pen of God. 
 
 3. We declare our unalienable and indivisidle right to the 
 protection of the army and navy of Georgia — of which "army 
 and navy," our Governor is declared to be the commander-in- 
 chief by our State constitution. 
 
 4. We declare the unalienable right of Georgia to collect all 
 revenues, taxes, or duties arising within her legiance and juris- 
 diction. These revenues are necessary to enable us to do and 
 perform our allegiance to the State of Georgia. They are also 
 necessary to enable the State to fuljfil our right of State protec-^ 
 tion — an unalienable right. 
 
 5. We declare it is the unalienable right of the people of 
 Georgia to be taxed, and to collect ail revenues by her immediate 
 representatives in her legislature. We disown and repudiate 
 Congressional representatives, because they cannot be our im^ 
 mediate representatives ; and if they could be, our wishes and 
 
70 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 instructions are continually defeated by a dominant majority in 
 Congress. 
 
 Danger, apprehended from England and France-, prompted 
 the signers of the Federal Constitution to attempt to alienate 
 the above mentioned unalienable State rights ; and on account 
 of the danger our ancestors were persuaded to forego a general 
 rebellion against the attempted alienation of the natural, unalien* 
 able rights of their respective States, They were persuaded by 
 the advocates of the constitution that the attempted transfer 
 vras only intended to be temporary, subject to be demanded 
 back by each State attempting to alicjiatc. 
 
 Formed for our own safety and happiness, the Federal Go" 
 vernment has become our enemy, and Georgia has neither 
 armies, navies or revenues to protect her people against Federal 
 or foreign foes. The Government now denies all pretences of 
 State rights, and declares that State rights are not only trans- 
 ferable, but that after being transfered or attempted to be alien- 
 ated. States have lost all rights, and it is treasonable to assert 
 or demand State rights; It has threatened to visit war and 
 bloodshed on any State that shall attempt secession, or the dec- 
 laration of her unalienable rights— rights which in an hour of 
 danger were attempted to be alienated from the States contrary 
 to the natural desires of the people of the States. It imperils 
 our very existence, and has stabbed the public heart by its 
 poisoned dagger of doubt, ignorance and fear, and spilled the 
 blood of patriotism. The States have lost all power of reformation 
 on Congress. It has erected itself into a great, consolidated 
 monarchy, nded by the arch fiend of party. No State, no set of 
 men has any power or check on Congress; but secure in its 
 iniquities, powerless to defend the nation, but all powerful to 
 crush it, the arch fiend that rules it, bids defiance to the spirit 
 of virtue, and yet with all the cunning of the original serpent 
 til at seduced our mother Eve, it seduces the people with the 
 bribes of office, and persuades them to look to it for reformation. 
 We spurn the slavery of fear and ignorance, that can submit 
 to these oppressions ; therefore 
 
POSTSCRIPT. 71 
 
 ^e it Resolved, That we hereby demand of the Federal 
 Government, the fiill acknowledgement and retrocession of 
 the unalienable rights of Georgia, in order to enable the 
 State to protect lis against foreign enemies. 
 
 Resolved, That a copy of this preamble and resolutions be 
 forwarded to his Excellency Millard Fillmore, with the request 
 that he lay the subject before Congress at its next session. 
 
 Resolved, That we desire the decision of Congress on these 
 rights. 
 
 Resolved, That these proceedings be published in and 
 
 The foregoing preamble and resolutions were passed in full 
 county meeting of citizens, and were forwarded for publication. 
 The papers, notwithstanding the number and respectability- of 
 the meeting, refused to publish its proceedings. One urged that 
 the declaration was erroneous ; another that it might injure 
 parties, and a third gave no reason at all. Some gentlemen then 
 resolved themselves into a committee, and wrote to the said 
 editors that their object was to stifle truth, and by a coiu'se of 
 tweedledum party hackery, to make the people as great dastards 
 as themselves. They also added, that they apprehended no dif- 
 ficulty or danger whatever from men who were so grossly ignor- 
 ant as to make State riglits a mere matter of controversy, and 
 so dastardly as to fear to publish what God and nature instruct- 
 ed every dunghill cock or wild beast were their unalienable 
 rights. As a matter of course, the aftront was not resented — 
 and no traitor to his State is capable of maintaining his per- 
 sonal honor. Meanwhile Daniel Webster, well paid by Boston 
 and New- York, delivers a sermon at the capitol on the glories 
 of the Union, and tried to prove that the Union made all the 
 telegraphs and rail roads. This speech is published in every 
 paper and lauded to the skies. Eveiymail comes flooded with 
 International magazines, Sartian's, Godey's and pictorial papers; 
 but if a book is published by a Georgian, prejudice is at once 
 excited against it, and it is proscribed. The cry of " humbug" 
 is raised against it, and Yankee teachers will soundly thrash 
 
72 
 
 POSTSCRIPT. 
 
 their scholars for bringing it to school. The post-office (the 
 only thing the government has given us,) is used and abused 
 to promote the circulation of the wretched publications of the 
 North. Our booksellers laud these magazines and papers in 
 oar newspapers ; but in my humble efix)rts to revive the morals 
 and liberties of my native State, I have encountered almost 
 insuperable difficulties. Others of a nobler disposition have 
 appeared more charitable. And if I thought it had less merit 
 than Northern literature, I would consign it to the flames ; but 
 believing that the poem possesses at least equal merit with 
 Northern literature, I consign its sentiments to my country, 
 and to posterity. 
 
 In conclusion, I am asked if I hate Yankees 1 God forbid ! 
 I have eat at their tables, and rejoiced by their fire-sides. I 
 give them my hand of fellowship and fraternity, and I say to 
 them, come brothers amongst us — abide with us — and be as 
 one of us; but shall I therefore, basely yield up the unalienable 
 rights of my native State? May I perish first. 1 say also to 
 the noble sons of Erin, come, brothers, and find an asylum in 
 Georgia ! O give me the hand of an Irishman ! In his hum- 
 ble cottage you will find an honest welcome and hospitality. — 
 To the German, Scott, Englishman, Frenchman, and Pole, I 
 would say, enter within the sacred boundaries of Georgia, and 
 find a home and liberty. Here, if Georgia is true to herself, 
 you will hereafter find^ro^ccfiow. And I invoke the blessings 
 of God on all the people of the United States ; and may He 
 save and bless Georgia !* 
 
 * " Greatness Reviewed, or the Rise of South" was generally announced 
 to the public before its appearance from the press. The maledictions which 
 it called forth from certain quarters and from certain persons, might seem to 
 prove that those persons don't desire the rise of the South. Happily for pos- 
 terity, the people of Georgia do not hate the South ; and it is with pleasure 
 that I announce the unbounded success of my humble labors. They have 
 succeeded in spite of booksellers, editors, Louis A. God^y, Sartain, party 
 
 pusillanity, and Congressional documents. 
 
 ^ ' C. W. Y. 
 
v52^!^? 
 
 PROSPECTUS 
 
 OP THE 
 
 SOUTHERI lATIOML REYIEW. 
 
 The Keview will contain about Seventy-five pag'es, and will bo published in 
 Savannah or Charleston, as the friends of the enterprise may determine. It 
 will be published Monthly, at $5 per annum, payable on the delivery of the 
 first number — which will be issued on the first of December next. In the 
 meanwliile, the most active eftbrts will be made to obtain a large subscription 
 list, and also to secure the literary services of the best writers in the South. — 
 Its design will be the mairftenance of Southern Nationality, and the necessity 
 of State Armies and Navys, whether there be disunion or not — to defend each 
 Southern State against European or American enemies, in case the General 
 Government should neglect or refuse to defend the lives and liberties of 
 Southern people. This measure will be in full accordance with both the 
 Genei'al and the State Constitutions, as the Governor is " commander-in-chief 
 of the army and navy of each State." It will defend religion and morality 
 against the vices of parties, and to that purpose it will maintain the true des 
 tiny of the South. Virtue, valor, and disci])line as opposed to cunning, treach- 
 ery and penny-serving. It will promote the purpose of general' education. 
 It will maintain ihe standard of a pure Southern Mste, founded upon Euro- 
 pean literature, and the Greek and Roman classics. It will endeavor to clear 
 our garden of literature of those noxious caterpillars of Northern magazines, 
 which have well-nigh eat up our literary herbage and plants, and which, while 
 they aiopt ''an imitative mock-modesty" for taste, poison the fountains of 
 religion and morality, of all true hoftor and manlmessof soul, of patriotism. — 
 It will be th§ pride and the pleasure, the ambition and the labor of the editor 
 and his friends to make this Review superior to any Northern publication for 
 politeness anu dignity, for literature and refined taste, for knowledge, morality 
 and independence, To enable the editor to carry out this enterprise, those 
 wishing to%ibscribewill please address him, immediately, postpaid, Halcyon- 
 dale, Scriven County, Georgip,. 
 
 CUYLER W. YOUNG. 
 
 N. B. — Agents wanted to canvass the Southern States. 
 
 *^* Editors of papers generally requested to copy this prospectus. 
 
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