\ .'T A 0^ .l:1'» *> v-^^ -0 ^^^^^ '^ • .*'% •: V V I. : ^ ''bv^ :^Bm^\ ^^^n^ oV^^^sa'- ^^v-^' 'bv'' '%<,'' S-* '^** --^P,' v> ** •'; ^^ .^ - '^ 0^ .0^- 0^ ..-.- '^- T-* .o" V *. 0^ o°V. "^o y * ^.j^:.'. ,^''''\. V.i* 'bV 9" V'^^\/ ^o vO^ .-1. ^^> '" V^ r,.* ^0^ 4 O > 0' « •^*o< ^' --^ •■*3^'- *- ** .-ij^lfA'. V.^'^' /^I^'-. ^'. ■ .^'\ .0 o >^ . o • • r .'. lO-n^ •- / . ** W .>l^ *J > .0^^""^- *^.* ./\. '^.^■^ ^«»^ 'bV .0 4 o bV" *< ^^^ ^1 o^ ADDRESS OF :. GEORGE HARVEY AT THE nS™ ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE St. ANDREW'S SOCIETY OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA NOVEMBER 30, 1904 ^ PRINTED FOR THE ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY OF CHARLESTON, SOUTH CAROLINA -, ^^B'' 1' C«»^^ ft. ,*' E -1 fe^e^^- ' i Ill s s 1 1 '"ili. THE OFFICERS OF THE ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY ALEX. W. MARSHALL, PRESIDENT. J. A. GORDON, Sec'Y. F. S. LATHAM, 1ST VICE-PRES. R. B. DOWIE, TREAS. J. B. CHISOLM, 2ND ViCE-PRES. REV. R. WILSON, D.D., CHAPLAIN. 175™ ANNIVERSARY DINNER OF THE ST. ANDREW'S SOCIETY OF CHARLESTON APPROACH OF THE SCOTS MUSIC. "The Campbells are coming." "A' ye 'whom social f>lcasiiyc clianus, Whose hearts tlic tide o' kindness ivarins, Who hold your being on the terms 'Each aid the others,' Come to my hoicl, come to my arms, My friends, my brothers." — Burns. Mnxn BLUE POINTS CELERY GREEN TURTLE SOUP scotch style SALTED ALMONDS OLIVES STEAMED FINNIAN HADDIS butter SAUCE NEW IRISH POTATOES HAGGIS:— "Fmc Anld Scotland, Meg Dod's Style.'' " Fair fa' your honest sonsie face: Weel arc ye ivorthy o' a grace As king's my arm." WEE MacGreegor Scotch Oat Cakes FILET DE BOEUF, bordelaise Carolina rice SALMI OF DUCK jelly asparagus tips young onions g>rntrl| P«url| CAROLINA QUAIL PETITS POIS SCOTCH KALE WITH SHRIMP SALAD ST. ANDREW'S PLUM PUDDING hard and brandy sauce MACAROON ICE-CREAM GATEAUX ASSORTIE BISCUIT NUTS FRUIT raisins ROQUEFORT CRACKERS COFFEE PASSING OF THE SNUFF MULLS BY THE STEWARDS " When they talked of their Raphaels, Correggios and stuff, Hr sJiijfrd his trumpet and only took snuff." — Goldsmith. GIFT MRS. \N00OR0\W \W11.S0W NOV. 25, 1939 Presentation of a Portrait of Ex-President, Mitchell King. Reading of the Annual Charge and Welcome, ByJ. Bacham Chisolm,M. D. 2nd Vice-President. Music: "Within a Mile of Edinboro' Town." ©naata 1. "The Day We Celebrate," with a Scotch Yankee in our Midst. George Harvey. Music: "Scots Wha" ha' with Wallace Bled." 2. "King Edward VII." Rev. W. H. Bowers, D.D., A Loyal Subject. ".4;?' since I'm here I'll no neglect In loyal true affection. To pay the King with due respect My fealty and subjection. This great birthday." — Burns. Music: "God Save the King." 3. "The United States" - - Colonel L. V. Caziarc, U. S. A. Music: The Star-Spangled Banner." 4. "The State OF South Carolina - Governor D. C. Heyward. Music: "Dixie." 5. "City of Charleston" - F. Q. O'Neill, Esq., Mayor Pro Tern, Music "Bonnie Blue Flag." And let us not forget "Auld Lang Syne" _ _ _ By Members and Guests. FINAL ADMONITION "Noo, Sandy, y'r foremaist, ait' mind, there's a turn in the stair, Your airm, Mac, that's a man." — HoGG. GEORGE HARVEY ADDRESS OF GEORGE HARVEY Introduced by Major JOHN C. HEMPHILL, Mr. HARVEY, after a few introductory remarks, spoke as follows : I have not come here to talk about Scotchmen nor about Yankees, nor about any similar indigestible securities that, in the language of the toast to which I respond, may linger in 3^our midst. The glorious past of not only the Scotch but the descendants of the Scotch is vivid with inspiration. The future of such a race whose sturdy qualities have evoked the admira- tion of all mankind, and we trust have won the sympathetic respect of an all-wise Providence, is a topic capable of graphic and prophetic portrayal. To others, however, better equipped with knowledge of history and more distinctively blessed with the gift of omniscience, I leave these pleasing tasks. I have come here in response to your most gracious and wholly unrestricted invitation with the deliberate purpose of talking politics. It is of the present, the sentient, throbbing present, sur- charged with dread of evil and hope of good that I, a Scotch Yankee, wish to speak to you, my cousins by lineage and my brothers by sympathy. I have a right to address a Southern audience. The first of my ancestors to arrive in this country landed in Massachusetts in the seventeenth century. The last of my ancestors born in another country came from Scotland in the nineteenth century. iNIy two grandfathers hewed out their homes in the wilderness of Vermont nearly a hundred years ago. In those days, the least of evils to be apprclicndcd was race sui- cide, and many were the sons and grandsons to whom fell the duty and the honor of sustaining the beliefs and maintaining the traditions of those earnest men. The community was less narrow socially than politically, but there was surely no advantage to any resident in affiliating himself with a small minority. Despite this environment and the drawbacks attend- ant upon it, neither of those two men nor any one of their many iloscendants, to the best of my knowledge and belief, ever voted for a candidate for public office who was not a Democrat. At the outbreak of the Civil War, of my immediate ancestors liv- ing, were two grandfathers, my own father and nine uncles. They were Northern men. Not one of them had ever crossed the Mason and Dixon Line. They regarded any form of slavery with abhoiTence, but not one of those twelve men ever lifted a hand against his white brother in the South. From their meagre store and from necessity, eleven of them furnished the Federal Government with the sums of money fixed for the procurement of substitutes. One uncle, perhaps the best able of the twelve to do so, absolutel}' refused, and chewed the cud of bitter re- flection for nearly two years in the county jail. I make no boast of their action. I claim for them no credit. Whether, at that time, under those circumstances I should have done as they did, I do not know, but the facts are family history and constitute the basis of my assertion that I have an absolute and unqualified right to speak to you men of the South the words of a fraternal heart. Whether or not it be precisely true that the darkest hour is that which immediately precedes the breaking of the dawn, it is a fact established and recognized by history that what seems at first to be an overwhelming and irremediable political disaster often proves in the end to have been not only a triumph but a blessing. Such, in m}' judgment, from the view- point of both our common countr}^ and our specific party, w^ill be the eventuality of our recent national election. The causes which induced the great Republican majority have been vari- ously stated. The cohesive strength of the organization, the attraction of a dashing personality, the apprehension of a dis- turbance of fairly satisfactory conditions, the feeling that work in tlic Philippines and Panama had been well begun and should be continued — each of these elements undoubtedly contributed its share to the general result. But the fundamental, under- lying cause, more potent than all of these combined, was a deep- seated conviction in the minds of thinking: men tliat the Na- 3 tional Democratic party has not in recent years demonstrated a capacity to govern wisely and well. And, having in mind par- ticularly its record for the past twelve years, can we honestly deny the existence of a reasonable justification for that belief? Personally, I do not think the Democratic party has been prop- erly equipped to govern the Nation since the Civil War. It be- came and still continues to be an aggregation of odds and ends, of shreds of theories and patches of practicability. Mr. Cleve- land, b}^ virtue of the universal confidence in his personal in- tegrity and of his unsurpassed adroitness in attracting to him- self all elements of dissatisfaction, from the very rich to the very poor, from the doctrinaire to the unprofessed anarchist, won two notable triumphs, but those were his victories, not his party's, and the ultimate effect was logical and inevitable. The organization became so weakened that it was seized with no great difficulty by a faction, Avhich in turn made for disruption and defeat. This year control passed back to the East, an unexceptionable though uninspiring candidate was named, ap- parent unanimity of effort was put forth in the canvass, and overwhelming defeat ensued. The West and the East have had their opportunities for forty years and have failed. Now what of the South.? Here the Democratic party had its birth, here it produced a line of statesmen such as no nation has ever known. Of the fifteen ad- ministrations ending in 1861, all but two were Democratic, and of these thirteen terms, nine were served by Southern men and six by the founders of the party — Thomas Jefferson, James Madison and James Monroe. While the South, as represented by these great men, was in the saddle, there was no suggestion of unfitness to govern. Adherence to principle, sagacity in statesmanship, conservatism in action, faithful endeavor in the interests of the entire country won and held the confidence of the people to such a degree that, through all the vicissitudes of internecine strife and an unparalleled succession of reverses at the polls, that great party survived, still lives and, please God, shall never die. But while the East and West have alternately and with the precision of the setting sun carried the party down to defeat, what has the South been doing? You have taken whatever has been offered to you and with hardly a wry face. If free silver was tendered, you swallowed that; if the gold standard, you took that: protection or free trade, a radical or a conservative candidate, big navies or little navies, big sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist came to your mill was accepted so long as it bore the part}^ label. You are sometimes called and, I think, unquestionably are, in some respects a masterful and intolerant community, but was such patient bending to the yoke as this ever before exhibited by a free and enlightened people? I am aware of the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps made necessar}^ this abdication of authority even in the councils of the party created by your ancestors, but I ask you if the time is not now at hand to come back into 3'Our own, to claim the opportunity exercised so long and so disastrous^ by oth- ers, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past and to blaze the way for a return to the sturdy principles of the fathers? Is such an achievement possible? Has the time really come for action, positive 3'et conservative, resolute yet wise, that may with reason be hoped to be crowned with success? These are vital, practical questions, to be answered, not by enthusiastic intuition, but by frank, sane consideration. What then are the present circumstances? In what respects do they differ from those of the past? In the first place, j^ou are prosperous. Soon you will be rich. In a bare score of years the output of your mines, factories and fields, has increased more than two billions of dollars or more than trebled, you mine 66,000,000 tons of coal as against six millions in 1880, you have two hundred million dollars invested in cotton-mills instead of twenty millions, you cut and sell five times as much lumber, you support 65,000 miles of excellent railways instead of 20,000 miles of streaks of rust. The pov- erty-stricken South of the past has disappeared. You have taken your place by the side of the opulent East and the hus- tling West — and your progress has been so steady, so well grounded, that it cannot fail to continue and expand. All agree that this splendid material advancement has but just be- gun, and yet you have already won the right to be heard with respect and to speak with the authority of the well-to-do rather than with the meekness of the poor. You had the birth and breeding; you now have the wealth, which in an Anglo-Saxon community has ever been essential to proper recognition and the full exercise of rightful prerogatives. Let us now consider the sentimental change which has been wrought in the attitude of your neighbors towards 3^ourselves. In the course of constant reading of Southern journals and in the exercise of too few opportunities of talk- ing with Southern men, I find frequent resentful references to what is termed sometimes the bigotrj', sometimes the unfairness, of the people who live in the Middle and New England States. Lest we forget, may it not be desirable from time to time to make enlightening contrasts.? It is not so long ago that the bloody shirt was practically the sole issue in a national cam- paign. Even within my own recollection, and I was yet un- born when Robert E. Lee received back from the hands of Gen- eral Grant the sword he had tendered him, tlicre lives tJie mem- ory of fervid and rabid speeches b^^ Republican orators such as now nowhere from Portland, Maine, to Portland, Oregon, would be considered worthy of a man of intelligence ajid sensi- bility. The burden of the cry was invariably the necessity and the righteousness of forcing into the ballot-box the vote of the negro. The sores engendered by that great strife continued to be as poignant there as you know them to have been here. Could in reason an3^thing except time have been expected to heal those wounds, and has not time done it.? Is there not plainly ob- servable, perhaps even more clearly to the thousands of South- ern men who have found their homes in Northern communities, a new and fraternal consideration, a spirit of helpfulness in place of a feeling of vengeful reprisal? Have not facts come to be recognized as necessary to be reckoned with? Have not 6 conditions, misapprehended for years, sunk deep into the minds and the hearts of 3'our fellow citizens in Northern communi- ties ? Near!}' two years ago Elihu Root, then Secretary of War, one of the three foremost statesmen of his party and a partisan of partisans, stood up before his fellow members of the Union I^eague Club in New York, that uncompromising association which was the most conspicuous outgrowth of its kind of that great struggle for supremacy, and solemnly declared that the policy which had been adopted and pursued with vehemence, if not vindictiveness, for so many 3?ears, must be abandoned. " The country," he said, " has to face a failure of the plan which was adopted at the conclusion of the Civil War to lift the blacks from the condition in which they were left when they were freed from slavery, by conferring upon them suffrage. Their right to aspire to office under the Federal Government which was formerly unquestioned is now questioned, and it is probably but a matter of time, not so long a time, when the over- whelming sentiment of the white man will succeed in excluding the black from all the offices in the Southern States." When Mr. Root thus spoke of the overwhelming sentiment of the white man he meant, and every one of his hearers knew that he meant, the white man of the North as well as the white man of the South. Let your memories run back a score of years, or even half a score of years, and tell me if such an utterance from such a source would have been conceivable at that time. Would any man of Mr. Root's position have had the hardihood to venture it, or from a sense of profound conviction having done so, would he not have faced the certain ostracism of his party ? Could he have hoped ever to aspire to an honor within the gift of that determined organization? And yet nearly two years ago what was the effect.? Only the hearty applause of everybody who heard his words, indicating the universal relief felt that at last the true sentiment of the community had found an authoritative voice. The sympathetic consideration of your political brethren in the North you had long possessed, but was not this utterance a very long step toward the full appre- ciation by the entire community of the difficulties involved in the solution of the most trying problem that has ever con- fronted the American people? Moreover, were not those memor- able words borne out in fact in the recent campaign? Was there anywhere a single line written or spoken throughout the entire North and West designed to arouse slumbering prejudice and inflame forgotten passions? If not, is there any possible logical deduction except that a great change has been wrought in the minds of those whom once you considered, and who con- sidered themselves, your enemies? There is in the community in which I live but one disposition toward the South, and that is, not to interfere, but to help. We do not believe that your great problem of reconciling per- fect justice for all with the absolute supremacy, social and po- litical, of the white race is insoluble. We cannot believe that God in his wisdom ever placed before his civilizing, Christian- izing people an obstacle which they should be incapable of re- moving, but equally certain and true is our sincere conviction that the sympathetic cooperation of all, and not the endeavor, however earnest and however kindly, of a portion, is essential to success. That is what we not only offer, but beg you to ac- cept. We have no advice to give, no suggestions to make, further than to ask that you who have immediate personal re- sponsibility shall proceed along the path of enlightenment and sternly repress any tendency, if such thei^e be, to revert to methods which prevailed when dominant races were guilty of debasing rather than uplifting humanity. We believe that the children born within the borders of this great land, whatever their religion or color, should have equal opportunities for the acquirement of education and development of conscience and the refinement of manners and customs which follow in the wake of knowledge. We believe that life and property by whomso- ever rightfully possessed should be protected by the State and that none should ever, under any circumstances, be deprived of either except by due process of law soberly and justly, though 8 rigorously, firmly and promptly administered. We believe that no barrier should ever be placed in the path of any human being who is earnestly striving for industrial and spiritual ad- vantage. We believe that intelligence is easier to deal with than ignorance. England suffers from the tyranny of trade-unionism because her aristocracy has refused education to her laborers. It is not uncommon for students of our industrial progress to predict a like fateful dominance within our own borders. That there have been manifestations of such a tendency no observant per- son can deny. Ours is a conmiercial nation ; it must rise or fall with its industries. Disturbances of any kind, but espe- cially those involving strife between labor and capital, are most to be deplored, but we have a right to feel and arc justified from experience in expecting, that such difficulties will be only tran- sitory, that the mighty force of education now making itself felt most noticeably upon both capital and labor will safe- guard not only the interests of the people, but of the Republic itself. The future of this great country, sprung almost in a day from infancy to manhood and growing by leaps and bounds at a pace never known before in the history of the world, lies in our public schools. So long as they continue to be free and open to all, and so long as good-citizenship requires that the advantages thus afforded be availed of, we may look forward with more than hope, with certainty, of the ultimate triumph of righteous contentment over evil tendencies. In this aspira- tion there is certainly no sectionalism. It is universal and as broad as the country itself. That it animates every right-think- ing man, whether of the North, South, East or West, I would not for a moment permit myself to doubt. We may differ as to methods, but if our common purpose be to ennoble mankind, we need be only considerate, one of another's honest opinions, and it is for that tolerance I plead. I have digressed somewhat from the political proposals which 1 ventured at the beginning, but the digression is more appar- tu\ ilian real for the reason that these purposes, these aspira- 9 tions, arc the fundamental requirements, no less of political success than of personal and public advancement. What then, speaking more practically, is the prospect of the great party founded by Jefferson, grown in the South and still upheld by four millions of loyal citizens in the North and West? We speak of the recent Republican victory as overwhelming, and so it seemed in its first effect, but in magnitude it was by no means without precedent. The Democratic party has suffered greater reverses than this, and promptly recovered when itself became worthy and the country felt its need. Judge Parker will receive at least 133 and probably IttO votes in the electoral college. In 18-iO only 60 votes were cast for the Democratic candidate, in 1864 but 21, in 1868 but 80 and in 1872 only 63. History affords no reason there- fore for believing that the Democratic party is dead or is going to die, but when such an organization, through force of circumstances, becomes as I have depicted this — perhaps without full justification — an aggregation of odds and ends, shreds and patches, the work of rejuvenation must begin at the bottom and the only foundation upon which to build, if the approval of the American people is to be obtained, is a moral force. I maintain that, in the election which has just taken place, and as hose general result has been regarded by many with despair, such a beginning has been made. It is not so much that many States which gave to INIr. Roosevelt a large majority, elected Democratic Governors. Similar instances, although less noticeable, are well within the memory of us all. What is sig- nificant and most significant, in this seemingly paradoxical icsult, is that the cause in each and every case was a popular revolt based upon moral grounds. Mr. Folk w^as elected Gov- ernor of Missouri upon a moral issue. Mr. Douglas's 35,000 majority in jNIassachusetts against 80,000 for the Republican national ticket was due to the fact that he stood for the wel- fare of the many as against that of the few. INIr. Johnson won in Minnesota, overcoming the enormous Republican ma- jority of 125,000, and ]\Ir. Toole won in :Montana, because they 10 stood squarciy for and personally embodied the principles of Thomas Jefferson. Not a whit less significant, although of less practical effect, are the facts that the Republican national can- didate polled in excess of the votes for Republican candidates for Governor, in New York nearly 100,000, in Michigan 110,- 000, in New Jersey 20,000, in Rhode Island 15,000, in West Virginia 16,000 and in Wisconsin 75,000. They were all Re- publican States this year. In each of them, despite the fact that some Avere not successful, the Democratic candidate won a victory, and without exception it was a moral victory, a triumph of right over wrong, an indication of unwavering fidelity of the American people to the dictates of conscience. Herein lies the lesson for the future. Henceforth let every issue be a moral issue. Let us have no further appeals or catering to any specific odds or ends or shreds or patches, and of all things let us not arouse the resentment, just or unju.st, of our countrymen b}^ refusing to recognize the personal integrity of an opponent. The Republican national success has been spoken of as sectional, and some color is given to the assertion by the fact that in my own native State of Vermont Judge Parker did not carry a single town. But it was not a sectional victory, and it was not a plutocratic victory or a success achieved by the Tise of money; it was Theodore Roosevelt's own personal triumph, based upon the belief that he is an honest and ;dile man. I hold no brief for Theodore Roosevelt, the partisan. I am utterly opposed to his apparent, and I doubt not sincere, conviction that those who are most governed are the liest governed. ]\loreover, I recognize and could point out with greater or less lucidity certain disqualifications of which I be- lieve him to be possessed, but despite all of these, to my mind, uncommendable attributes, I do not hesitate to say that I have the utmost respect for Theodore Roosevelt, the man. That he has made many mistakes I know, you know and he knows. That he has given offence unnecessarily and without just cause, we all appreciate because it is an undeniable fact. That he regrets an}' such mistake that he mav have made, laments anv sucli offence he 11 may have given and would rejoice in the exercise of an oppor- tunity to make all amends within his power, consistent with his own sense of duty, I, for one, do not for a moment doubt. Of all men with whom I have ever been in any way intimately acquainted, I have never known one who wanted to do right more than Theodore Roosevelt. If there is any rational basis for this judgment, which at any rate is shared by many, is there not here a call to generous minds for tolerance.'' Is a man never to be forgiven for one, or even two or three errors ? Have we forgotten the distinction made in the Scriptural in- junction between seven and seventy times seven.'' Cannot some mistakes, whether of temperament or judgment, be over- looked.'' ]Must absolute perfection be expected from a vcr>^ human individual.'' Moreover, is it wise to condemn inflexibly one from whom much good may at least be hoped .^ If it be true that benevolent despotism has been established for a time by a vast majority of the people, is it the part of sagacious common sense to eliminate the benevolence and leave only the tyranny .'' " From Theodore Roosevelt," said a prominent South- ern editor, while the bitterness of defeat still rested upon his spirit, " we ask no quarter and expect none." An individual ex- pression is of little consequence and cannot be expected to bear much fruit, but I am free to say that I, for one, should feel only contempt for myself if I failed on this occasion to de- clare an utter lack of sympathy with what seems to me a most narrow, unnecessary and unwise defiance. There do come times when chivalric men can well afford to let bygones go, look hope- fully and forbearingly to the future and act accordingly. In all fairness and kindness and righteousness, is not this one of those times? In any case, the most effective and the only way to remedy whatever, to the Democratic mind, President Roose- vent represents that is wrong, is to upbuild the Democratic party, and this cannot be accomplished if we permit an unfor- giving spirit to dominate the soul of wisdom. My friends, the Republican party is facing the most critical period in its histor\\ Its power is so great and yet so concen- 12 tnitcd that it thrcjiteus itself. President Roosevelt has pledged the accomplishment of iiiaiiv things and will attempt many more. None is too great to daunt tliat resolute spirit, none too minute to enlist his attention. We are about to behold the marvellous spectacle of one mind trying to solve all the complicated prob- lems of nearly a hundred millions of human beings of every race, in every clime, within the short space of four years. It is indeed a strenuous undertaking. It may be crowned with success; it may not. One prediction Ave may venture without hesitation. The experiment will be enormously ex})ensive. Already Secretary Morton de- mands $114,0()0,()()() innnediately for the Navy, and it is onlv a first call at that. ^Merely to carry out the adminis- tration's programme, to enable it to fulfil its ante - election pledges, irrespective of the many additional benevolent thoughts that will come to mind from time to time, hundreds of millions must be had for the Philippines, Panama, irrigation, armies, subsidies, rivers, harbors, pensions — hundreds of millions more than were ever raised before. " If I had a thousand a year," was the plaintive refrain of a once popular song. " If I had a billion a year," will soon be but as a bagatelle to the actual requirements of the venerable Uncle who personifies the Nation. In this age great deeds call for great sums. Where are they to come from? Is a miracle to be wrought or are tlie people to feel in their sensitive pockets, well before another Presidential election, the exactions of a government of regal splendor? And may not democratic simplicitv and economy some day find their preference? Is the tariff to be revised? And if so, upward or downward? We shall see. Are the trusts to be cui'bed effect- ually without restraining industrial progress? We shall sec. In respect to these and the many other features of this splendid j)rogramme, they may hope. But we shall see. One fact is certain ! Whatever may be the result of the in- evitable struggle between an impatient President and reluctant reprcsrntatives of special interests, it behooves the Democratic party to take heed from the fate of the foolish virgins. Now 13 is the time and you of the South are the men to act with promptness and wisdom. You are the mainstay, the hving reahty of Democracy. So many of us in the North come so near being RepubHcans in practice and so many of us in the West come so near being Popuhsts in theory that the leadership rightfully belongs to the only section of the party which has kept the faith without suffering contamination, and under whose direction in the past the people enjoyed their greatest growth, their widest prosperity. The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is off the South. You have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, ^^our railroads, your steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have all that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a greater degree than we have yours. We ask you to take up the ark of the covenant and bear it to victory as of old. We seek now to follow, requiring only that for- bearance which is the first attribute of brotherhood. Do not, we implore, insist that we must manifest no interest in your affairs or you in ours. Your problems are our problems, your hopes our hopes, your fears our fears, and ours are yours. I appeal to you not to put up warning hands and say " Thus far but no farther," but with the whole-hearted, trustful, fra- ternal and generous spirit of chivalric natures, stretch your arms away over the line and bid us welcome. " To alleviate the cares of life; to endear men to one another; and, by mutual as- sistance and advice, to prevent or remed}^ those evils which are incident to our condition " — those are the words of the founders of this, the oldest society of its honored name in the country, uttered nearly two hundred years ago. They are our words, our prayer, to you to-day. We gladly concede your right to lead ; w^e only ask that you bear the banner of Jefferson along the broad path of tolerance and enlightenment, of progress and Christianity, of belief in man and faith in God, out of the dark- ness of despair of the past into the sunlight of hope for the future. SOME PRESS COMMENTS MK. (;i:«)Kc;i: iiakvkv.s addukss KespondiD^ to the toast, " A SLotili Yankee in Our Midst,"' Mr. George Har- vey made au address at the auniuil banquet of the St. Andrew's Society last night, which received the closest attention of his audience, and which will not fail to interest all who may read the report of it, which is printed else- where in the Sens and VouiUr this morning. Mr. Harvey frankly avowed at the outset his purpose to leave to others the task of pronouncing the .ouventioual eulogy suggested by the occasion. He came to Charleston to discuss with his " cousins by lineage " and his " brothers by sympathy - conditions which make the present instinct with life rather than theories, that render the past honorable and glorious. In modesty, rather than candor, Mr. Harvey defined his object to be " the deliberate purpose of talking politics." Had he said " talking patriotism " the phrase would have been more truly descriptive. It is not our purpose at this time to consider in detail the merits or demerits of the suggestions made by Mr. Harvey. We merely desire to commend the frankness, in letter and spirit, of his address, taken as a whttle. The language in which it is couched is charming, the temper which pervades it is entirely admirable, the courage of conviction and purpose which characterize it command attention and respect. Mr. Harvey spoke for modern Americanism to modern Americans. He said in effect that the dead past of our national life should be allowed to bury its own dead. He sees no need to continue the obseyuies indefinitely. He is concerned with what is, not with what might have been. Unpleasant bygones ai-e ever without profit as present issues. He gives the fullest credit to others : he demands the fairest consideration for himself and his own. He looks for no marvels : ho expects no miracle. He is content with integrity i)f purpose and honest and persistent effort. He appeals from prejudices to jirinciples. He asks credit for credit. He has no theories to spin concerning sectional grievances or animosities, real or fancied. He accepts it as axiom- atic that virtue, no less than wisdom, will not die with any man or set of men ; but he maintains that as among ourselves the presumption of innocence is a national duty. To the South he gives the most generous confidence; for the North he de- mands credit for patriotism and intelligence. Mr. Harvey declared that all Americans " arc brothers by sympathy," and that they should go to the solu- tinn of their problems steadfastly convinced of the abiding quality of this proposition. He had a message which he wished to deliver to the people of ("harleston. and he accoiiiplished his task most admirably. His address in- ^ites careful consideration, and it will bear more than casual perusal. It gives welcome assurances on behalf of the thought and life of which he is so admirable a representative. Mr. Harvey is editor of " a journal of ci\ilization ■■ : he is an advocate of the broadest and most intelligent Amer- ican patriotism ; he is a gentleman whom it is a pleasure to know as a friend and honor as a guest. — From the Charleston News and Courier. A CALL TO THE SOUTH That was, indeed, a notable deliverance, made last evening before the St. Andrew's Society of this city by Colonel George Harvey, the distinguished • ditor and publicist, but addressed to a national audience and especially to the pfople of the South. That it will attract wide attention is certain. That It will aid in a rational rehabilitation of the Democratic party and a restora- tion of the South to the political position in the national councils to the bf-neflt of the South and the nation should be certain. rolonel Harvey, an independent Democrat of Democratic antecedents the most pronounced, is well entitled to the right, he claims, to speak to Southern 14 Democrats iu expectation of a sjmpathetic audience. That siiould be as- suied to any man who comes with fair speech from a true heart, and, we believe, is, but the sentimental consideration presented in Colonel Harvey's personality immediately commands the most open-hearted appreciation. But the message that he brings is the thing. It is a call to the South to take again the leadership of the Democratic party and restore that organization t(^ the reality of statesmanship it was before, when the men of the South directed its ways. No doubt we shall see some arise to ask Colonel Harvey's authority to offer the South the leadership of the Democratic party, but that will be mere carping. That his appeal is logical cannot be successfully controverted ; that the idea it involves is very practical and important should readily be appreciated. The Democracy, as he well says, has become " an aggregation of odds and ends, of shreds of theories and patches of practicability," which is another way of expressing the thought that Mr. John Hay, in the course of the recent campaign, put into the phrase remarkably describing the Democracy as " a fortuitous concourse of unrelated prejudices." It is not a real force and, therefore, has not the confidence of the people in its ability to direct the affairs of the government. The South has not part in shaping its destinies because it takes none. Colonel Harvey now calls the South to lead the Democracy back to the ways of the fathers and he holds the time to be ripe for the undertaking. The first thought that must come to sober-minded men in the South in re- sponse to this call is of the immense responsibility thus to be given for the work they may do. There is the same material for employment in statesman- ship in the South to-day that there was in the great days when the South led the Democracy that administered the affairs of the government so admirably. But it is not so employed. It is now being utilized to develop and build up the industrial wealth of the South, which has been so wonderfully increased and enriched. The men in political control and representation in the South to-day are generally of an inferior quality of statesmanship. We can not offer them as the South's leaders in the great work that is proposed to be given into our hands. The first step, therefore, toward taking up the charge that would be committed to the South under the programme outlined by Colonel Harvey should be the setting in order of our own political household. This we can do and this we ought to do ; and this done, the rest may easily be accomplished. But this is the most difficult part of the work. Yet the attractions of public life will be so greatly enhanced under conditions that promise a worthy engagement of political talents that the suggestion is enough to turn the thoughts of men, long aloof from such interest, toward it. There can be no doubt that Colonel Harvey's appeal will be welcomed in the South. There has been lately a very general disposition in this section to- ward an assertion of the rights and interests of our people in the councils of the Democracy, which the votes of the South alone sustain in the electoral college of 1904. There can be little doubt, also, that Colonel Harvey has spoken the persuasions and desires of many men of the North of all parties, Democrats who despair of their own party recovering itself upon the uncer- tain footing offered it in the North and West, and Republicans who fear the evil day of their own party's arrogance, yet fear a refuge to the Democracy as now constituted. One thing of importance and vital concern to the South in the whole question — the relations of the races. I'pon this point Colonel Harvey is un- equivocal. He puts an interpretation upon the speech made by Mr. Elihu Root, before the Union League Club of New York city, two years ago, and holds an appreciation of it which we have several times set forth in references to a remarkable and reassuring utterance of one of the really great men of the Republican partj. The interpretation is that the men of the North are prepared to concede absolutely the righteousness and expediency of the South's policy of upholding the political supremacy of the white man, how- ever the constitutional amendments may be read to the contrary. The great task proposed to the South by Colonel Harvey cannot be fully undertaken in a day, but there must be, as there should be, a beginning of preparation for it. — From the Charleston Evening Post. 15 ADVICE WOUTll TAK1>?outh, where " the Democratic party produced a line of statesmen such as no nation has ever known," to lead the party as it once led it ; " the West and the Kast have had their opportunities for forty years, and have failed." As the speaker urged : " Vou arc prosperous. Soon you will be rich. You have taken your place by the side of the opulent East and the hustling West. You had the birth and" breeding: you now have the wealth which in an Anglo- Saxon community has ever been essential to proper recognition and the full exercise of rightful i)rerogative3." If these are the material grounds for a reassertion of Southern leadership, there are sentimental and moral grounds. " Is there not plainly observable " in the North, asks Colonel Harvey, " a new and fraternal consideration, a >pirit of helpfulness in place of a feeling of vengeful reprisal?" He asks further, " In the recent campaign was there anywhere a single line written or spoken throughout the entire North and West designed to arouse slumbering prejudice and inflame forgotten passions?" So he concludes that if it will not " permit an unforgiving spirit to dominate the soul of wisdom," the field is clear for a re-entrance of the South into its old party leadership — " You aie the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy " — and sums it all up in a sentence : " You have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have all that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a greater degree than we have yours." Although these words are addressed by a Democrat to Democrats, they are tar more than a partisan message. — From the New York Mail and Express. AN APPEAL TO THE SOUTH The Scotch Society of St. Andrew, of Charleston, South Carolina, held its annual banquet last Wednesday night. The chief speaker of the evening was Colonel Harvey, of New York. He began his oration by telling his audience that he knew they would be surprised to hear him say he was going to make ;hi'ni a political speech, rather than deliver an historical oration as has been the custom of the speakers on the occasion of the annual meetings of the society. His speech was political, but not of the kind that his hearers ex- pected even after he had announced of what character it would be. We pub- lish below some extracts from the speech. We regret that space does not permit of its reproduction in full in our columns. Our readers must bear in mind that Colonel Harvey is editor of Harper's Weekly, and a native of the State of Vermont. His subject was the true position of the South in the administration of the affairs of the national government. We know that his words here reproduced will strike a sympathetic chord in the heart of every Southern man who cherishes ambitious sentiments for his section of the country and who has grown tired of the Southern people being hewers of wood and drawers of water for the leaders of the Democratic party In the Northern States. When we say South in this connection we mean the Southern Democracy, which has for forty years bowed in every instance to the will of that portion ■ >f the party located north of Mason and Dixon's line. A remarkable speech indeed was this when it is remembered that it was made by a New-Englander. The situation could not be more accurately sized up — especially his reference to the taint in the Democracy of the members 18 of the party iu the North and iu the West. In the Southern branch of the party t-nly are to be found the true and unoontaminated principles of Democracy. The Southern Democrats have for too long a time submitted to the domination of party friends of the Xorth on the ground that the Southern States have not yet been reconstructed and readmitted into the Union long enough for their leaders to take prominent position in the management of the politics of the nation. The time has come when the Democracy of the South must assert itself and demand just recognition at the hands of the Democracy of the North. The Southern I>emocracy should heed the appeal of this man from Vermont. His words should fire it to a determination to take its proper place in the political ranks of the nation and to assert itself in insisting on the course which it knows to be for the greatest good of the South and of the whole nation. We have been supine too long, caring only for supremacy in our State governments : accepting anything from the Democrats of the North, just so it was labelled " Democracy," just so long as we were allowed to control the affairs of our own States. Mr. Harvey's is a trumpet call to the Democrats of the South to arouse from their past political lethargy. There is a brilliant future before us if we will only make the exertion to work it out. Will we heed this call, or will we continue content to be at the beck and call of the Northern Democracy which we allow to dictate candidates and party platforms, but which does none of the voting, when the electoral colleges meet, but through selfish motives deserts the South and carries her Democracy down to defeat with itV — From the Wilmington, North Carolina, Messenger. SOUTH KRN LEADERSHIP Colonel George Harvey, editor of Haruer's Weekly, in addressing the St. Andrew's Society at Charleston, did not follow the customary procedure of making an historical address, but confined himself to political reflections. Had he combined historical retrospection and political observation he would have undoubtedly added to the value of his admirable address. Colonel Harvey rightly told his Southern audience that the party created by their fathers had been repeatedly mismanaged and led to defeat by the East and West, and it was time for the South to reassume control of the national Democracy and hold it to the true and undeviable principles that vitalized it in the past. But Colonel Ilai-vey might have emphasized that of which he was probably not unmindful — that the South now has as its paramount problem the develop- ment of its industries, and that political leadership such as he presaged is im- possible without that material basis of substantial prosperity that always claims the palm of control. It must not be lost sight of that on account of the paramountcy of cotton as Ihe staple industry of the South that section before the war was practically devoid of manufactures and showed little Inventive talent. Almost everything that the South needed had to be bought in the North, which fattened off of the Southern States. Consequently, since the recuperation of the South from the effects of the war, it has had to face the long problem of securing an industrial status. This it has done with a rapidity unparalleled in the history of the nation. But yet the resources of the South have had but surface scratch- ing. The impetus that is now being experienced by this city, that has always stood in an intermediary trade relation between the South and the North, is of a piece with the industrial impulse being felt by all Southern centres. In the patent fact of destined industrial leadership is to be found the real basis of any claim the South may make to political leadership. Colonel Harvey was not indulging in the " baseless fabric of a vision " when he painted the splendid political possibilities of the Southern States, nor was he indulging in platitude when he complimented the South upon its Amer- icanism. That section is the (iod's country of the future, and keen-visioned seers from the North are united in tendering it a prophetic '• All Hail 1" — From the Baltimore, Maryland. Herald. 19 THE SOUTH CALLED OX TO COM.ALWD In his address before the St. Andrew's Society of Charleston, on Wednesday night. Colonel George Harvey, editor of Hannr's Wccklii, said the reason the Democratic party was beaten so badly in the recent election was that the people haven't confidence in its ability to govern. In the East the Democrat is too near a Republican and in the West too near a Populist. Only in the South is the genuine Democrat found. The East or the West has been in control of the party for tlie past forty years and the South has done the voting, has silently accepted whatever the East or the West said was Demo- cratic doctrine. So long as anything bore the Democratic label the South accepted it. even tliough her statesmen realized the labelled doctrines were not statesmanlike and wouldn't touch the hearts and gain the confidence of the people. The palmy days of the Democratic party, in Colonel Harvey's opinion, the days when "it dominated the country, made and administered the laws, was wlieu its leaders were Southern men. He felt sure that if the South were to take command of the party again it would have the confidence of the people, and would win victories that would compare with any it had won in the past. The people, said Colonel Harvey, are ready for moral issues, and the time is ripe for tliem. " The struggle between an impatient President and reluctant representatives of special interests is inevitable," and the time is here for the men of the South to act with promptness and wisdom. We have been contending all along that the time was coming when the South would dominate the Democratic party and that then the party would be the power it had been in its best days. Colonel Harvey was right in saying that it was nonsense to suppose the party was dead. It has had as great de- feats as it had in November last, and it came to the front again as strong as ever. That will be its record again. — From the Savannah, Georgia, Ncivs. THE SOUTH'S FUTURE As the South stands in the political solitude created by its own veto at the late ele'-tion, there is a deal of discussion concerning its political future — particularly among men who take little or no active part in politics. That last is said in no spirit of derision. The time immediately following a quadrennial registering of the national will is peculiarly the property of the political academist, and the thoughts and theories which he then voices come to play large parts in more strenuous days oftener than the managers of campaigns find time to admit. One is moved to doubt, however, that recent utterances of Dr. Woodrow Wilson and Colonel George Harvey — to take two of the most prominent men who have essayed to deal with Southern prospects — will even echo in the solution. Roth Dr. Wilson and Colonel Harvey appeal to tlie South, as the only section which polled Democratic majorities, to make itself the nucleus of a conservative Democracy. Let it, they urge, take the organization into its own hands, and prepare for battle under its own leaders. Roth of these gentlemen seem to overlook two important facts. First, the South, even including, with the eleven States which seceded, the States of Kentucky and Louisiana, contains less than one-third of the voting strength of the Democratic party. Second, a large portion of that one-third has for the basis of its allegiance to the Democratic party ethnological rather than economic grounds. Of course, it is impossible to estimate accurately the number of Southerners who vote the Democratic ticket because of the race question. Init who are in accord with the politico-economic principles of the Republican party. That it is a very considerable proportion no one familiar with the trend of Southern thought will deny. As we understand the Wilson-Harvey idea, it assumes that there is room and need in the country for a Democratic party of the Cleveland stripe. With the election returns fresh in mind this assumption is a bit gratuitous. Rut, conceding it has other basis than wish-bred thought — conceding that the almost chimerical abstractions, which are the sole distinguishing marks by 20 wbicli we may separate Cleveland Democrats from a certain class of Repub- licans, are stuff for the regeneration of the Democracy — where is the reason for belief that the centre of such regeneration lies in the South? A section that is Democratic because of a local condition rather than be- cause of devotion to any innate principle of Democracy is hardly the recruiting- ground for an advance guard of another reorganization — if that reorganization is to create a positive force in national politics. So far as the future of the South, political or otherwise, is concerned, it lies in the direction of desectionalization. Those within or without its borders who insist upon regarding it as a geographical or political place apart from the rest of the Union, merely contribute their mites toward obstructing an inevitable progress. — From ihe Philadelphia Xorth Ainericaii. ADVICE TO SOUTHERN DEMOCRATS Within the last few days a Virginian and a Vermonter have pointed out that both the East and the West have failed to shape effectively the course of the national Democracy, and that the time has come for Southern Democrats to resume the helm of their party and steer it into the haven of success. We refer to the speeches made by President Woodrow Wilson of Princeton Uni- versity at a dinner of the Society of the Virginians in this town and by Colonel George Harvey, the editor of Harper's Weeklii, at a dinner of the St. Andrew's Society of Charleston. South Carolina. As both men are known to be stanch in the Democratic faith and warm friends of the South, their suggestions will receive throughout that part of the T'nion much and earnest attention. Dr. Woodrow Wilson would have the South, as the only remaining fraction of the Democratic party that can command a majority of the votes in its constituencies, demand a rehabilitation of the party on the only lines that can restore it to dignity and power. To that end he would have Southern Democrats read out of the party as aliens and interlopers the Populists and radical theorists who for eight years have been dominant. To that end he would have Southern Democrats admit to fraternal union only those citizens of the East and the West who wish for reform without loss of stability, and who will join in reaffirming the principles and in reverting to the practices of the historical party. Dr. Wilson reminded his fellow Virginians that the old Democratic partv had stood by the South through good report and ill. and it was now, he said, the duty oif the South to requite that fidelity by recalling the partv to its old counsels and reinfusing in it the spirit of its prime. To Colonel Harvey, speaking at Charleston, it seemed equally patent that at last the opportunity of Southern Democrats had come. The resurrection of tlie Democratic partv must be looked for, he said, from the part of the Union that gave it birth. For forty years tlie South had accepted in national conventions whatever had been offered by the East or by the West. Was there ever wit- nessed, asked Colonel Harvey, such patient bending to the yoke on the part of a free and enlightened people — a people, too, that used to be described as masterful? The recent Republican victory he described as largely Mr. Roosevelt s per- sonal triumph, but partly also as the outcome of a feeling among independent voters and Democratc themselves that the Democratic party has not in recent vears demonstrated a capacity of governing wisely and well. If. however, said Colonel Harvey, the party is to regain the approval of a majoritv of the American people, the work of rejuvenation to be undertaken by Southern Democrats must begin at the bottom, and the only foundation upon which to build is a moral one. It was on a moral issue that Samuel J. Tilden swept the State of New York and subsequently gained a plurality of the popular vote throughout the I'nion. It was on a moral issue that Grover Cleveland carried the Stale of New York in 1884 and thus secured the Presi- dencv. It was on a moral issue that Foik was chosen the other day Governor of Missouri, and if Douglas obtained the Governorship in Massachusetts, which gave a plurality of 80.000 for the Republican national ticket, it was due to the fact that he stood for the welfare of the many as against that of the few. Colonel Harvey closed, as he began, with reminding the men of the South that they constituted the mainstay, the backbone, the living reality of Democ- 21 raty. Man.v N\>rlhein L'ooiiHiats tome so near to being Uepublioans in piai- ;ice, and many Western Demoiiats so near being I'opiilists in theory, that tlie leadership of the party belongs rightfully to the only section of it which has kept the faith without sutiering contamination. Fur that reason he con- tended that Northern and Western Itemocrats should be willing now to follow, should urge, indeed, their Southern brethren to lead. ii> take up the ark of the covenant and bear it to victory as of old. The only condition that Colonel Harvey would impose upon the resumption of leadership by the Southern Democrats is that they would bear the banner of their party along the broad path of tolerance and enlightenment, of progress and Christianity, of belief in man and faith in God. out of the darkness of despair into the sunlight of hope and confidence. By this, we suppose. Colonel Harvey means that the Solid South should escape from its political pro- vincialism and become potent in determining consistently and broadly national policies for the l>emocratic party, instead of voting blindly and stubbornly for jiuy policies, no matter how contradictory, which may seem expedient to Demo- cratic conventions from election to election. It must be borne in mind, however, that the vast majority of Democratic votes are cast at the North and in the Border States outside of the Solid South, as it is strictly deflned. In 11H)U the eleven States of the old Southern Confederacy contributed less than thirty per cent, to the total Democratic poll. Moreover. Southern solidity is due solely to the race question. On strictly national questions the South is only noiuinally Democratic, as so many of our Southern correspondents have pointed out". Before the civil war the Whig party was powerful there, r.nd still the policy of protection finds wide favor in the South. Can. then, the Democratic party be called more homogeneous at the South than at the North? rnquestionably. however, the spirit of the South is hopefully cou- bervative. — From the Sew York isiiii. A CALL TO THE SUl Til Colonel George Harvey, editor of the yortli Awerican Rrricir and of Hm- ix r's ^ycckll;. in the latter of which editorial capacities he has in a short time acquired the reputation of being the most brilliant contemporary critic of political affairs in the country, made a great speech the other evening at the annual banquet of the St. Andrew's Society in Charleston, South Carolina. A New-Yorker of New-Yorkers, a typical representative of the intellectual and successful business men of the metropolis. Colonel Harvey sounded a clarion call to the South to resume in the politics of the nation the initiative which v.as once recognized as her right and privilege. As a Democrat addressing Democrats, a friend counselling friends, he said to his Southern audience : •• But while the East and West have alternately and with the precision of the setting sun carried the party down to defeat, what has the South been doing? You have taken whatever has been offered to you and with hardly a wry face. If free silver was tendered, you swallowed that : if the gold stand- ard, you took that : protection or free trade, a radical or a conservative candi- date, big navies or little navies, big sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist turn to the sturdy principles of the fathers? " This is in admirable spirit. It should receive attentive consideration. There is a well-defined sentiment in the South that this section should stop playing second fiddle in politics by preference. It has been well said since the election that if the I'residential candidate of the Demociacy had been a Southern man, the party would certainly have done as wel! as it did and would perhaps have done better. Regarding our local issues as under permanent local control, we need in the South to take a national hand in national politics, creating a healthful in- dependence of influence in the afi'airs of the country. It is pleasant to know- that we have such warm friends and admirers in the North as Colonel Harvey shows himself to be. If there are very many like him up there, it will not be so difficult for the programme which he outlines to be put into effect. At any rate, we believe that the doctrine of Colonel Haivey is far better for the South than the reported pessimistic plaint of Senator liacon of Georgia, that the course of national politics makes the South despair and feel as if she has been ostracised from the country of which .she technically forms a part. We do not believe that the majoritj of Southerners are cast down : on the contrary, we believe that the majority of them are hopeful and cheerful. — From tin Xorfolk, Virginia, Landrnurh. A CALL TO THE SOUTH Colonel George Harvey, editor of Harper's Weekly, made a noteworthy ad- dress in Charleston, South Carolina, the other day. the occasion being the 175th annual banquet of the St. Andrew's Society of that city. Colonel Harvey did not make the expected historical address, but handed out about as interesting a budget of politics as a Southern audience has listened to for some time. The Post reproduces a striking portion of his speech : •• Henceforth let every issue be a moral issue, and let us have no further appeals or catering to any specific odds or ends or shreds or patches, and of all things let us not arouse the resentment, just or unjust, of our countrymen by refusing to recognize the personal integrity of an opponent. •• The fact is certain ! Whatever may be the result of an inevitable struggle between an impatient President and reluctant representatives of special in- terests, it behooves the Democratic party to take heed from the fate of the foolish virgins. Xow is the time, and you of the South are the men to act with promptness and wisdom. You are the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy. So many of us in the North come so near being Republicans in practice, and so many of us in the West come so near being Populists in theory, that the leadership rightfully belongs to the only section of the party which has kept the faith without suffering contamination, and under whose direction in the past the people enjoyed their greatest growth, their widest prosperity. •• The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is off the South. You have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have all that we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a greater degree than we have yours. We ask you to take up the ark of the covenant and bear it to victory, as of old. We seek now to follow, requiring only that forbearance which is the first attribute of brotherhood." This is all quite complimentary to the Southern Democracy, but is no more than we have claimed for it, even when misguided newspapers were constantly charging us with being a people of small conception of political principles. But as nice and soothing as Colonel Harveys words are. the doubt that neces- sarily troubles one in estimating their importance is whether Colonel Harvey speaks with authority. The Southern Democracy is essentially a party of principles, and in the South these principles are plainly manifest in the State governments. We have the most economical State governments in the Union, lower taxation, and laws which not only rigidly safeguard the interests of the public, but which control as far as the State is permitted to control the relations which exist between the citizen and the corporation. It is not meant to say that our governments are perfect : far from it, but the old ideals are preserved" much better in the South than in other sections of the country. To the miiul of the Soiithein Democrat, protective tariffs present a moral issue and that was expressed in the St. Louis platform when a tariff for protection was denounced as robbery. The trust question to the Southern mind presents a moral issue, for in reality it involves the principle contained in the Eighth Commandment. The ship subsidy bill appears to the Southern Democrat as a moral issue, and to a certain extent the pension question. The South has a keener perception of the immorality of protection, pension frauds, and other forms of privilege for which the Republican party stands, because it has been compelled to bear its share of the burden without getting a fair share of the loot. If everybody was robbed alike, there would be no advantage in the robbery. Honesty would pay Just as well and look better. The Po8t is glad that the South has not been contaminated so generally by the vicious system of privilege, for in all likelihood, had she shared in these advantages! her moral perceptions would not have been so strong. Of course we have not escaped entirely. The trail of the serpent appears here and there, but not to the extent it has afflicted the North. We shall take Colonel Harvey's cp.U to the South under advisement. We have plenty of leadership material and we have positive views as to what consti- tutes Democracy. In the spring of 1908. the time for action, the South will see what it can do to extricate the Northern Democracy from the bog into which it has fallen. — Frovt the Honsion, Tejcas, Post. THE FUTCRE OF THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY Colonel George Harvey, editor of Harper's Weekly, the Xortli Amcricnn Re- rk'ic. Harper's Magazine, and of about a half-dozen other great periodicals, recently spoke at a banquet in Charleston, advising the Democrats of the South to take the lead in the reorganization of the National Democratic party. This advice comes, perhaps, a little late to do the Democrats very much good in the 11»04 election. The Norfolk Dispateh advised the same thing last spring and last summer, nor did its advice do the Democratic party very much good. One of the reasons for this is be.?ause its advice was not taken. There is nothing quite as irritating in this world as an " I told you so." there is nothing forgotten much sooner than advice of which we disapprove ;ind which we do not wish to follow. Of course, there may be other reasons for the Democracy's defeat besides its not following the counsel of the Dispateh. This paper realized that the patient was a pretty sick one, but it did not like the medicine which Mr. Hill and Mr. Belmont wished to pre- scribe, and from the first opposed the programme for the Parkerization of the Democratic party. Perhaps the only signal result of its fight was to prevent the Democratic party of Virginia instructing in open convention for Judge Parker. T'nless ;ho Dispateh had taken the stand that it did. with practically all the lead- ing politicians of the State liot Parkerites. and practically all the leading papers either tacitly consenting to or openly advocating the instruction of the Virginia delegation for Parker, the State would have had a worse record in the reorganization business than was actually achieved for her by that type of leadership which was tired of being out and wanted to win. Colonel Harvey was right outspoken with his Charleston audience. He de- clared that the West and the East had had their control of the party for forty years and had failed. He stated that the South had swallowed every- thing that had been handed out to it. Said he: "If free silver was tendered, vou swallowed that: if the gold standard, you took that: protection or freo trade, a radical or a conservative candidate, big navies or little navies, bi.g sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist came to your mill, was accepted so long as it bore the party label. ■■ Vou are sometimes referred to and. T think, unquestionably are. in some respects, a masterful and intolerant community, but was such a patient bend- ing to the yoke as this ever before exhibited by a free and enlightened peo- ple? I am aware of the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps made 24 necessary tbis abdication of authority even in tbe councils of the party cre- ated by your ancestors, but I aslc you if the time is not now at hand to come Lack into your own, to claim the opportunity exercised so long and so disas- trously by others, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past, and to blaze the way for a return to the sturdy principles of the fathers?" Colonel Harvey pointed the lesson that the only foundation on which to build in the confidence of the American people is by appealing to their moral sensibilities. He pointed out that President Roosevelt had run 'way ahead of his ticket in many of the States which he carried, because his personality appealed to the moral force of the people. In several States which gave him their votes. Democratic Governors had been elected because of their appeal to the moral force of the people. ********** Said he : " Herein lies the lesson for the future : henceforth let every issue be a moral issue, and let us have no further appeal or catering to any "specific odds or ends or shreds or patches. Of all those, let us not arouse tlie resent- ment, just or unjust, of our countrymen by refusing to recognize the personal integrity of an opponent. "You are the living mainstay, the living reality of Democracy. So many of us in the North come so near being Republican in practice, and so manv of us in the West come so near being Populists in theory, that the leadership rightfully belongs to the only section of the party which has kept the faith without suffering contamination, and under whose direction in the past the people enjoyed their greatest growth, their widest prosperity. " The time is fitting. The blight of half a century is off the South. You have your manufactures, your mines, your agriculture, your railroads, your steamships, your schools, your happy homes, your Christian spirit — you have all we have and more, because you have our respect and sympathy to a greater degree than we have yours. " We ask you to take up the ark of the covenant and bear it to victory as of old. We seek now to follow, requiring only more forbearance, which is the first attribute of brotherhood." Fair dealing as between man to man. bending to the practical and to con- ditions as they are — a brave meeting of the great problem of the control by money of the election of public men and the use of money to obtain pub- lic legislation, directly or indirectly, an insistence upon a broad American- ism, an adherence to the radicalism of Jefferson and Jackson, a belief in the saving common sense of the plain people — let the Democracy outline all of these things in its platform and nominate a man of real force and ability and of tried integrity. Thus, and thus only, will the Democratic party be re- stored to power in our country. It may require eight years, it may only re- quire four years, but without sound qualities and principles the party never can win, and it is better that it never should win. The party is a creature of the people, owes its existence to them. Too many of us would let the Democratic party be our master, rather than adopt toward it the proper atti- tude of making it our servant. — From the Xorfolk, Virginia, Dispatch. Colonel George Harvey, of Xew York, and the house of Harper & Brothers, was the guest of the St. Andrews Society, in Charleston. South Carolina, last evening, and deepened the warmth of his welcome by declaring that the next Democratic candidate for the Presidency should come from the South. He appealed to that section as " the mainstay, the living reality of Democracy." to take command. "We .seek now to follow." was Colonel Harvey's confident announcement. He was ardent and eloquent, and wise in advising the South to bear itself generously toward President Roosevelt. The dazed Democracy of all sections will continue to wait on events, and take plenty of time to think about the future. Meanwhile Colonel Harvey's vision of Southern leader- fihip will help brighten the prospect in that section. — From the Springfield, Massachusetts, ReuuhUcan. A .NOUTIIJIUN Al'l'KAL TO TllK SOUTH Colonel George Harvey, the present editor of IlariJcr's Wvckli/. a native of Vermont and a lifelong Democrat, made an address at a recent banquet of the St. Andrew's Society at Charleston. South Carolina, in which he eloquently appealed to the South to take the lead of the Democratic party. He recalled the past record ot the party under Southern leadership before the civil war. " The West and the Kast," he said, " have had their oppor- tunities for forty years and have failed. Now what of the South? Here the Democratic party had its birth, here it produced a line of statesmen such as no nation has ever Itnown. Of the fifteen administrations ending in 1801 all but two were Democratic, and of these thirteen terms nine were served by Southern men and six by the founders of the party — Thomas .left'erson. James .Madison, and .lames Monroe. While the South, as repre- sented by these great men, was in the saddle, there was no suggestion of un- litness to govern. Adherence to principle, sagacity in statesmanship, con- servatism in action, faithful endeavor in the interests of the entire country, won and held the conlidence of the people to such a degree that, through all the vicissitudes of internecine strife and an unparalleled succession of re- verses at the polls, that great party survived, still lives, and, please God, shall never die." He mentions several causes of the recent Democratic Waterloo. " but." he adds, •■ the fundamental underlying cause, more potent than all of these combined, was a deep-seated conviction in the minds of thinking men that the National Democratic party has not in recent years demonstrated a capacity to govern wisely and well. And, having in mind particularly its lecord for the past twelve years, can we honestly deny the existence of a reasonable justification for that belief V" Noting this, the Couricr-JoiiniaJ does not think that Colonel Harvey is wholly logical in his contention that the South alone is in a position to restore the confidence of the country in the Democratic party. That party, he truly declares, has become " an aggregation of odds and ends, of shreds of theories and patches of practicability." But is the South less responsible for this than other parts of the country? It seems to us that Mr. Harvey, witliout intending to do so, answers this question further on in his address, when he says : •* I!ut while the Kast and West have alternately and with the precision of the setting sun carried the party down to defeat, what has the South been doing? You have taken whatever has been offered to you and with hardly a wry face. If free silver was tendered, you swallowed that : if the gold stand- ard, you took that : protection or fi-ee trade, a radical or a conservative candi- date, big navies or little navies, big sticks or mellow flutes, whatever grist came to your mill was accepted so long as it bore the party label. You are sometimes called, and I think, unquestionably are. in some respects a mas- terful and intolerant community, but was such patient bending to the yoke as this ever before exhibited by a free and enlightened people? I am aware «f the local condition which gave rise to and perhaps made necessary this abdication of authority even in the councils of the party created by your ancestors, but I ask you if the time is not now at hand to come hack into your own, to claim the opportunity exercised so long, and so disastrously by others, to reassert the broad statesmanship of the past and to blaze the way for a return to the sturdy principles of the fathers?" No intelligent and candid Southern man will deny that this indictment is largely Justitiable. 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