HOLUNGER 
 pH 8.5 
 
 MILL RUN F3-1543 
 
E 423 
 .0742 
 Copy 1 
 
 T 
 
 THE COMPROMISE BILL. 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 ME. DOWNS, OF LOUISIANA, 
 
 IN SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES, MAY ■>:>, 1H50. ^ ^ 
 
 The Senate having under consiilcrntion the oiiler 
 of the day, to wit: the bill to admit California >is a 
 State into the Union, to esiablisli Territorial Gov- 
 ernments for Utah and New Mexico, and making 
 proposals to Texas for the establishment of her 
 western and northern boundaries — 
 
 Mr. DOWNS said: 
 
 I regret the course which the debate on this bill 
 has taken from the time of the introduction on the 
 report of the Committee of Thirteen. I have an- 
 ticipated, from the tirst, that there would be an 
 animated debate upon the subject which is now 
 before the Senate; but I did not anticipate that it 
 would come up in the manner and shape in which 
 it has. 1 should have much preferred that the 
 Wilmot proviso, which we all know is to be of- 
 fered, should have been moved, and that the dis- 
 cussion should have taken place upon the direct 
 issue offered by that measure. 1 should have 
 greatly preferred that the main contest should 
 have taken place in that way, to its coming up 
 upon issues in relation to which there seems to be 
 so much difference of opinion among southern 
 Senators themselves. 
 
 However, sir, since these matters have come up, 
 it is proper that I should state the views which I 
 entertain, and the motives which have actuated me 
 in the course I hitherto pursued in relation to 
 them. 
 
 Mr. President, when the question which is in- 
 volved in this bill arose, some two or three years 
 ago, it was new. Nothing of the kind had then 
 occurred in the history of the Government of the 
 United States. In all previous cases of acquisi- 
 tion of territories, there was never any doubt as to 
 the question of slavery. It was known and re- 
 cognized that slavery did exist in them. We have 
 now made an acquisition of territory from Mexico, 
 in relation to which there is a doubt and a differ- 
 ence of opinion between the different portions of 
 the United States. The people of the South con- 
 tend that, under the Constitution of the United 
 States, they have the right to go to these new ter- 
 ritories with their slaves, and they complain that 
 the effect of the agitation which is kept un on the 
 subject, while the question is unsettled. Is to ex- 
 clude them from the enjoyment of that right. 
 
 The sagest, most experienced, and wisest men 
 of this country have devoted much attention to 
 this subject. The wisest and best men of the 
 South have devoted as much attention to it as to 
 any other question which has ever arisen in the 
 •ourse of our history, and, so far as I know, they 
 have never arrived at any solution better than that 
 •f leaving the territories in the condition, as re- 
 
 spects the question of tlie existence of slavery, in 
 which they actually are — thai question to be de- 
 ' cided by the tribunals of the country when it 
 I comes regularly before them. We have professed 
 ' our willingness to abide by such decision, wheth- 
 ; er against us or in our favor. We have in-^isted 
 only that there should be no legislation affirming 
 the laws of Mexico or prohibiting us from enter*- 
 ing those territories with our slaves, leaving us to 
 •ur rights— such as they may be under the Con- 
 stitution of the United States or the laws of Mex- 
 ico, as modified by it. 
 
 Now, Mr. President, for the two or three years 
 past, during which the agitation of this subject 
 has continued, I have not known of a single 
 j southern man who has ever insisted ufion or asked 
 for any positive legislation in favor of slavery 
 I in the territories or for any other plan than this. 
 j It is true there have been some modifications pro- 
 j posed. Some have been and some are desirous 
 that the Missouri compromise should be applied 
 to these territories, with an implied permission 
 that slavery should go into a portion of the terri- 
 tory; for the Missouri compromise, in its literal 
 terms, does not establish slavery or recognize its 
 existence in any portion of territory, having been 
 applied to a territory differently situated; but 
 generally the principle of non-intervention has 
 been adopted and promulgated by the South, and 
 is that in which we have almost unanimously 
 concurred as the just and most appropria'e claim 
 of the South, 
 
 This, Mr. President, was the f^inciple with 
 which we began in 1848, in the celebrated com- 
 promise bill of that time. That was the only po- 
 sition upon which we could stand to make any 
 available opposition to the pretentions of the North. 
 Tl\e South were willing to take it. It was not 
 that they were entirely sati.-fied with it, or that 
 they ought not to ask anything more; but, Mr. 
 President, it cannot be denied that when that com- 
 promise was defeated by the aid of some southern 
 votes, not here, but elsewhere, there were loud 
 and long complaints by the constituents of those 
 members who had been instrumental in defeating 
 it. I believe that that compromise was entirely 
 satisfactory to the southern people. It placed us 
 in a position to obtain security for such rights as 
 we actually possess, and which we have not ob- 
 tained since. What has been the consequence to 
 us of the rejection of that compromise? What is 
 our conditio'n now with respect to the State of Cal- 
 ifornia? We have lost all foothcld there; and we 
 have lost it in consequence of the fact thbt i.haf 
 compromise was defeated. 
 
1 ci 3 ^ u^ >rn/' ' ) ') -1 H T 
 
 
 Now, Mr. President, what reason have we lo i Now, Mr. President, is there any reason to be- 
 believe ihftt we shall ^ain anything in the Sbnth | IJeve that the suliject is less important now than it 
 by defeating this compromise? We have lost by ' was then? Is there any more reason to believe 
 just such a" course heretofore; and we shall lose i that slavery will be favorably regarded in those 
 by it now, if we persist in it. Our principle is •; territories now than then? Do you not hear con- 
 as true now as It was then. Time chunges not ;' tinually from New Mexico that the inhabitanta 
 truth We are m a .mwiority. We have tit no 'j ihp re are as much oppcfeqfd to sluvejry as they havcjj 
 lime hud so favorable.a compromi*; offered'us as ij sliovtrn themselves to l/e , an California ? Have you: 
 this. • If we reject it, it will be utterly imp.wsible i' not seen', within the last few days, an eloquent ap- 
 thal we shoud iver get so far again towards a fair peal from the Delegate from that Territory to hia 
 and reasonable compromise on this siiliject The 'i constituents, advimng and urging upon them the 
 compromise is undoubtedly less thin, in my opm- |j formation of a State constitution, and that thev 
 ion, would be entirely just to the South; but a ' should present themselves here, forthwith, for ad- 
 compromise IS, in its very nature, a mutual ces- I; miss-ion into the Union, after the example of Cali- 
 Bion of supposed rights in part, in order to secure il fornia? And can you have a doubt, if they do 
 the remainder. I supposed that every southern , organize themselves into a State, that they will 
 member of this House would accept eo reason- ji exclude slavery by their own action.' 
 able a compromise as this, not as the whole of |j Mr. President, there is still another part of that , 
 what they would desire, but as the best which«(i section which makes this matter still more import- - 
 they could hope to obtain as acomp'omise; and I \\ ant, There is a provision, as there is in all terri- 
 cannot believe now that southern men here can j toriul bill.", that all laws passed by the territorial 
 exert their 'iiifluence for the defeat of these meas- ji legislature shall be sent to Congress, and if disap- ,■ 
 ures brou''ht forward under such circumstances, .j proved are null. Now, sir, does any one here 
 and go home to their constituents without reqeiv- [j suppose that the Congress of the United States, 
 in" severer rebuke than fell upon tliose w:ho weie ,; in its present disposition on this subject, oi in any ,! 
 instrumenlftl in defeating the compromise of 18-18. }; disposition in w Inch il js ever likely to be, would - 
 For myself, 1 have not placed mpdf, and do nnt ,; ever disapprove of ajiy law which might be passed : 
 intend to place myself, in a' conililLou to meet with Jj by a Lerrii'>ridl government prohibiting slavery? r 
 tlial rebuke. < ' Never, sir; you must begin at the foMntlationi-' 
 
 Mr. President, sonie metxibers of the Senate, |, That is the only way you can over fix it. 1 can- / 
 antl my honoiablg colleague. [iVlr. Soui-e] ttiiu)iig |_ not see why, ihe.n„ there should arise any objec- [ 
 them' seejn to be extremely surprised with thaL|,'tion to tlii.s prpvisLon. On the contrary, so far-'/ 
 provision of the bill now und(,r consideration, .',. from amouuiing to the Wilmot proviso, as haa- v 
 which prohibits the uctioii of the territorial ItKi.'sIa- jj been stated, 1 Uiink iliat the omission of it would : 
 tur<*8 upon this sul'ject of slavery. My lic>"uralile ;i be.s.ure lo Mmount tothe VViln>ot piovi.^o. • -i 
 
 colleajiue was not here at that lime, (1.S:1B».) or he j, As to the first amendmejH offf red by my iViendf , 
 waultfnot have expressed so much surprise at a .| the Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. Davis,} I waa 
 provision which is precisely lliesameus tlia: which || not p.u ticulajrJy informed of it; still 1 would have 
 w«La contaiobd in tht' Claytim comprnniiae bill, and ,| voted for it, and I shall vote still more cheerfully 
 
 wa^ approved by every. member from the Sou' b. 
 This i.s precisely the Kame provision, even in its, 
 literal terms. It was thought iten a lupst import- [ 
 antli>rovWiori for tl e safely of the South. It was 
 thought then, as now, that the public opinion of 
 
 for the amendment of the Senator frooi Maryland, 
 [Mr. Pratt,] which has been accepted as a substi- 
 tute for It; but to dispense with the provi.sion alto- 
 gether I never can consent; and 1 did not suppose 
 that there was a single man from the South who 
 
 those Territories was tvgaintt the instiiution ofhwou'd not regard some such provision as indis- 
 slavery. ^V^e have certainly abundant reason lo |j pensaule, or wiio would vote for the bill without 
 believe now that it is .so emce the transaciions ji sniueihing of ihc kind. It is immaterial what 
 wliich have bc-iiried in California, and aj'jg^ *-^^l ,^ tViriii of words the amendmeni is in. The great 
 we know of what is likely to f^cpur in New Mex- j poiot i.s, ihat the legislature oi the territory shall 
 ico. -;.i |; not have the power. i 
 
 Mr. HUNTER, (interposing.) My friend from i: Uut, Mr. Pj esidbnl, in answer to tny honorable 
 Louisiana IS mi^iiikt.n in a materid fact. It is ,; colletti,'ue, in his argument of yesterday, based on 
 true-siri^^ial (he bill us orj^^iiullly introduceij liad j/ the. bill aa-it i.s, Iconsider that hia arjrunienl that, 
 these J^tii'ical words It h equally true that they j- slavery iiaust have in its favor, in order to exist, 
 weresiricken ouion amendnieiit. Instead of iheiu ;, not only a constitutional provision, bul other more 
 
 ;re8l , . 
 
 the W)rdt} vi,ere." nrohibii pr esiabbsh slavery. ' |i immediato guards, is not n sound one, to the ex- 
 
 IVir. Pp>yN$, . J h'-|vea printed bill, which 1 j| tent to wliicli he carries il. 1 do not think that 
 ■upposW was iiie cofiectod bill. It is, however, ;, sunh. guards aro essentially necessary. Heapeaks 
 
 J^fy immMterial whether the lao^un'^e was |j of police regulations. My honorable friend stares 
 I'ded^or not. The iJe* ii fitill materially the || thut it is necessary lo havcson\e police legulationa 
 same". It aniounis, i. deed, lo precisely tin; smne jj in regard to rights in iilave property. Now, 
 thir^ ' Tt^^e idrsi was there, and the idea is here, j \ ask the Senator if il is the cuatom in all species 
 1 dfj^ol care i\i till h'jw it is expreissed. I do tioi j of properly to have special laws to regulate the 
 care whaJ iorqi of wor(J,s wa." triadc ii«; of to con- h righta of property, <ind lo guard against injuries 
 ^ey jl. ^"he principle v^'aa, iliat the territorial ij in respect to that property ? Slavery is a species 
 govynmcni should not prohil>il«la»efy in the Ter- J of profierly. In some ca.seg ihure aro Sjiceial laws 
 ritorit-p. "yhal wiiM the whole (*f il. . Uut, wlicii , applioblo to it, and in other ca.^es there are not. 
 we warilitd to oina'ii the admission of th.n princi- j Bitt iheru are laws iji New Mexico applicabld to 
 pie, Jfwas very nnturnl that it should (iccur lo our ,j-all oihcr species of properly, which would apply 
 oorihJrn frl«^nd^ that they abi>uld n.^^o^ t^p,9l^tj- 1 ^ll^o to this ai^ciea. Il iiasboen stated repeatedly, 
 band, have the power lo eautlfji^p|(|i, J^ . „.,, .,..,„,,, |1 thjdt,, after iho jatroductittii of «hivery, thcce wafl 
 
no special hw of any kind authorizing or prohibit- R the >eport c>f the committee. Now, I tHinH -P* 
 ing it. I ask, where were the statute reKnlations [j 8j)eeche8 mode upon the subject and the report or 
 authorizing slavery in Virginia, when the first im- \i the commiiiee huvf, noihinij to do wiih the inter- 
 portations were made there ? I doubt very much '{ prriaii'in of this l>ill. Why, my ciillensrue says 
 whether there were any such statutes or special j] tiiia l.ill must Ijc interpreted accordiMK to thespeech 
 provisions in Louisiana and Florida, when slaves |, of the Senator from KeJiiucky the other day, 
 were first introduced into them as Spanish colonies.* 1' proving the existenr^of tiie Mexican laws in these 
 No doubt, for years after it was introduced, there \> tcrrit-uies. I should like to know why it is to be 
 was no such provi.sion, because fiiaves wore under- i interpreted according to the Senal.or'n speech, aiiy 
 stood to be property. And the very i<lea of the |i more than according to theopinion of my colleague 
 existence of slavery carries certain rights with it. ' upon the same fiueslion. For my part, I consider 
 We do not provide certain laws against depreda- jj the able argument of my colleajjue on this point 
 tions in regard to oxen, sheep, hog.s, and other H infinitely superior to that of the honoiable Senator 
 kinds of cattle; and yet they are a species ofifrom Fveniueky. I believe that it would be so oon- 
 property. Therefore, where is the necessity forf sidered in any court of justice, and that the scale 
 making special provisions as beina: ab.solutely ns- Ij would be turned in Our favor. At any ralq', J,he 
 cessary for this specie.sof property? I do not see, ! one has as much to do with the mterpieialion lof 
 then, why any such amendment should be made i! this law as the other. But the truth is, as »t often 
 to that language. It is not just what 1 like, but I ' happens, men vote for the same thing for difle^^nt 
 adopted it beciiuse it had been settled upon in a ■! reasons— reasons which arc satisturtory to -thpir 
 former bill; and therefore I considered that no ; own minds, but which have nothing to do, with 
 reasonable objection could be made to it. It, was 'l the bill itself. A report is made here; it re not 
 what was agieed upon before, and what 1 sup- |l acted on by the Senate; it does not have the^p- 
 posed there was little disposition to disturb again. >[ probation of the Senate; you are told by the bpri- 
 
 Mv. President, 1 think it is premature (o enter '' oiable chairman of the committee that almtDSt'all 
 into the discussion of the merits of this bill on a ; the provisions in that report had.not the unanimtfus 
 preliminary <]uestion, and I am sorry to see that :l concurrence df the committee; that many thiiigs 
 it has been done. But inasmuch as it has been ■! were concurred in for different reasons; and that it 
 . commenced— inasmuch as the welfare of thecoun- I' was a mere statement of reasons by the rriajOt-rty 
 try, in my o()inion, requires the bill, amended, as !■ of the committee who concurred m the several 
 I hope it will be, should pass— inasmuch as 1 do i points reported upon. It i.s^ not acted on by the 
 not wish to have it killed prematurely, before it is " Seiare, and it has no material bearing upon the 
 perfected, by calling it hard names, and as hard [ question. But if this were not the case— if this 
 names have been applied to it upon some grounds |j report were mattjrial- if the law were to be Con - 
 which 1 think are without foundation, I choose, at tt strued acc.rding to this report, I would be wrMmg 
 this early stage of tlie proceedings, to reply to j! to base it upon that, arid to say that there is Ruffi- 
 some of the arguments made against it. "j cient reason in that report to satif^fy the Soaih of 
 
 One of ihearguments matle by my colleague and I the existence of slavery there. A mistake has 
 others was, that although there is nothing in the ] gone abroad as to this report. We are constantly 
 bill which amounts to the Wilmot provi.so, or a i told that the report places the exclusion of the Wil- 
 recognition of the principle contained in the sec- ' mot proviso on the grounds which are objectioh- 
 ond resolution of the Senator from Kentucky, yet i able to the South, and that is a reason why «re 
 the bill itself is of such a nature that this inference j should not vote for this provision of the law. 
 might be drawn, especially when taken in con- ,i That is a mistake. The reason given ori thissu^- 
 nection with the speeches made on the subject, and ' ject is very brief. It isclcar, and it contains every- 
 ■ i "thing that the South has ever contended for. GtVs 
 
 *ThUopmion is corrohorafd by the artfum^nt of Senator ij us what this report contains upon this Particular 
 . Mason, oC Virginia, on tlie Oregon bill, in 1&48. He said: |( subject, and wc will ask no more. It taKtb ex- 
 
 "Tlie first negro slave that was lanrted on our shores, 'j actly the position tH« Democratic party have don- 
 brougtit his coiuiiiion Willi tiun from lilt; i.ind of his hirtJi. j tended for which was mnintaincd by thehonorirtne 
 
 "•jTh." comlilion ofslavRry is fixed in the country whence : a , f Michitran. [Mr. C^ss,! and whlch 
 
 "the subject comes. It required no spenal law to cre.Ue l| »enatoi rrom '^V n ' ^ .V ,.„1 ivnnH Ti-VilHh 
 U here, ^ seems to have fc«<>» ^upp*!c,t. The llrsr slaves in.- ;' was advocated by the South, and beyond wh th 
 
 ported inia Virginia, were lamtvd froin- a Dutch ship, 
 1620, and were purchased by the planters. The cnaimon , 
 law was then the law of thu colony. By that law their con- 
 dition as property was recognized ; and under its ppi vading 
 principle, that the iesne fiiltows the condition of the mother, 
 (partiui seqidlwr lejiireOT,) their descendants, a.s well as Hie 
 descendants of every subseriuent imp >rtation, have rc- 
 maini'.d in bondiure: "There never was any statute in Vir- 
 i^nia ereaiing slavnr)-, rtor was there any need of one to es- 
 iabli.-h thill insniutioTi." • . ; 
 
 III reply to Mr. NjLEs'singumentf ihul "when a slave is 
 tahen tn a Siate whrre there is no such relation, he hi conies 
 ft€i»," Mr. Mason s.iid: 
 
 "Sir, I Ihiiik I have e*t.-»l»Jish(d, as a IfTral iKisilion, the 
 ,yery opiMiMte. When the condition of the subject is that oi' 
 bondage — whetliet it be teiiipurarv or p»rpeni.il — it is re< 03- 
 liized bv laA- and rnf.ireed, a* a legal n:;lil ; and if it lie the 
 ease of a slave, sufh Mnv>- In-rnniis free u hen \'ik<-i\ to a 
 country or State, only where such sfrrviiude is fnrbiddi n or 
 prohibited by express IochI law. ll follows, llien, that wliile 
 Hn special, buy is retpiired to create this sprcies nC liuiid ;;i'. 
 it does reijuire positive or special lawtodiNtioy it ; and such 
 Jasrs have be*>i» |ml>sea hi all States where slavery has been 
 abolished." 
 
 We neTcv wish to go. i wish to call the attenllon 
 of the Senate to this part of the report- It is V^W 
 brief, and I believe a great deal of uniiecc^SH?y 
 speaking has been made about it; because it i^hot 
 suificiently separated from the sr^ntiments 6f t^e 
 honorable chairman,- contained in hit^specch;' J_ 
 
 '■The bill fir e-labli-hii.i lliv tun t.Trit.irie.... it willbe 
 oli-erved, omits the'VViliiiet pnivl-ii On the miC hiind', sttid, 
 on the other, maUfS im provision (i.r Ihi introdiietfO^oi 
 slavery into any |.a»l ••! i!i- n-w i-,rMon.-. TImi, pmpwu 
 hasbreii ihefnnirul-.-i - ' .);-■! i-'mhi and agiUtion.,Jf 
 It wnrnad'ipt.d aiHl ,11 : . .. niiory, it would ccase 
 
 to have niiv ohliiilmv i - .- r, a~ >iicM territ(«-y Were 
 
 adiniltcil as a .-^tiili- mt" ili. I uion. Tlieri' •wni' oeVernny 
 0,111-i'in IVir it. to acequiplisb Ilie pro!e.s.sed,ot«ect, .with 
 wl.'ieh it wasorismally offered. This ha.-; hien c%rlv 
 dciiionstrRted liy the cm rent «'it'- events. Cwitomm, t*f Bll 
 the recent icrrilorial aeqnwinon^^frora Mexico, vv.i^i timi'ita 
 which, it any wliert! wilhin llien)j lUejntro .uettuii ol>la.wiry 
 was most hkelv to lalie plrwe : »nd\he c.insljiuiii.n of Cali- 
 fornia, liv the iinariinioiis voir of her coiivcniion. has ei- 
 pressly interdicted it. There is the highest degree of prob- 
 
-TA n'v r 
 
 ability that Utah and New Mexico will, when th.y i-oino to 
 be admitted as States, follow th«: example. 'I'ln' pr-n i-n i>, 
 as to all these n-eion:: in coinninn, a im ir abtT.u iini W In 
 should it beany longer insistt'd on r Tuliill) ili -umiv . .- ii 
 i<, of any praotieal import, il ha<, ncvi rtln l<'--^, li ul t!ii- I'-r 
 niciniis ttPct to excite Berimi*, if nut ;ilarmiMU. ronse- 
 ciueiK-es. It is hieti lime that tli.' wnunils ivlncli it has 
 intliot.'rt shmild lie lioalt-d tipanil > Ifi-eil ; .iiiillliat, to avoid, 
 in all futiir.' tini'- llie a^Mtatioiis wliirli inn^l I'C pioduerd liy 
 the eon flic I o! opii.lon mi ilir slavery i|Uistiiin, existing, as 
 this insiinitioh d). s. ill sihim' oI ilic Siali-.-. and prohibited, 
 as it is. III oili. r-. tlie trii'- priiiiipir uliicli miglit to regulate 
 the aetion of t'oiicreiis in (uriiiiiia I'-rrltorial eovtrninenL-: 
 for each iie wly-aetpiired doniaiii, i*, to refrarn Iroin all Icsis- 
 Jation on the sulij< «.t in the territory aiipiired, so loim as it 
 retains tho territorial foim of •^[(•v.Tiiiiii'iit— leavin;; il to the 
 people of suoli ti'iiiior.\, wlien' ilny Iimvi- allaiiied lo a con- 
 dition which ciililles thriii I" aHiiii>-iiiii as a Slate, tn de- 
 cide for iheiiisflv.-s ilu- iiUHstKni nf tin; allciwance or prohibi- 
 tion of doniesiic >lavi rv. The coiiiinillec believe that tliey 
 express the anxious d.-siie of an immense majority of the 
 people of the Tnited States when they declare, that it is 
 high time that e'lod feelings, liarmnny, and fraternal senti- 
 ment!', should be a«ain revived ; and that the Governinent 
 should be able once more to proceed in its great operations 
 » pminntc the happiness and prosperity of the country, un- 
 disturbed liy tliis distracting cause." 
 
 Now, if southern men ever objectetl to this, I 
 should like to know what their objections are. It 
 is the very doctrine of my honorable friend from 
 Michigan, [Mr. Cass] — the very doctrine for which 
 all of U.S fought during; the last campaign. It is 
 the very doctrine which we presented in all our 
 discussions on the Clayton bill. It is all we have 
 ever asked; and yet we are told that this report 
 itself, even if it is not the thing itself, amounts to 
 the second resolution of tiie honorable Senator 
 from Kentucky. Why, sir, there are provisions 
 in this bill of which I do not approve, and I hope 
 they will be amended; but, as I remarked a little 
 while ago, I hope it will not be killed by calling 
 it hard names — by comparing it with other things 
 to which it has no resemblance. Take up its pro- 
 visions, and analyze them. Look at them as 
 they have been considered here. Examine them 
 by all the tests of reason and logic; and if you 
 find them obnoxious, reject them; but do not 
 kill them by crying out "mad dog." Do not 
 compare them with things to which they have no 
 resemblance; but take them upon their own merits. 
 Especially is such a course out of place here, when 
 the Senator from Kentucky has avowed that the 
 bill contains not his provision — contains nothing 
 which purports to be his second resolution. He 
 has given it up, as I understand, and has yielded 
 the point upon the views contained in the bill, and 
 the principle adopted in the report. Th.s report 
 in that respect has received the full approbation of 
 every southern man upon the committee, and the 
 phraseology of it was draughted by an able south- 
 ern man. It is a great mistake, then, to suppose i 
 that there is anything in the report that is injuri- 
 ous or objectionable to the South on this [>oint. ' 
 If that report had taken the ground that the Wil- 
 mot proviso was constitutional, or any other nr- 
 gument of the kind, sucn objections might be 
 raised; or if the concluding part of the Kenience 
 had not been incorporated, where it is exjiressly 
 said, in so many words, that no interference shall 
 take plucf; until the State comca to be admitted 
 into tne Union. 
 
 Mr. President, the riuestion is frequently asked, 
 what docs the South gain by this compromise r I - 
 think, sir, they gain a great deal. It would not be ' 
 a compromise if we were to gel everything we 
 nsk for. We ought not tr» ex|pect that. I wish 
 
 1 very much to have that portion of the bill amend- 
 ed, and I hope it will be amended, which gives to 
 Citlifornia the whole of the boundary which ia 
 einbraofd in her constitution. I think there is no 
 rea.'^on for it as it is. I think all the reasons which 
 apply in favor of her admission as a State do not 
 require that we should extend her limits so far. 
 I shall not enter into the discussion now of this 
 point; at a future stage of these proceedings 1 may 
 deem it my duty to do so. But take the bill as it 
 now stands, and I can still see a great deal favor- 
 able to the South. What have we been contend- 
 ing for in this controversy .' Against the |)roliibi- 
 tion of the Wilmdt proviso. Is this in the bill.' 
 We are told that a provision against slavery has 
 already been applied to California, and that, if we 
 sanction and admit that, we give up our principle. 
 It is true that such a provision has been applied, 
 but not in the way we have been fighting against 
 — not by the Congress of the United States. We 
 have never taken the ground that a State cannot 
 form its own constitution. 1 think that the South 
 has been unfairly dealt with in this maiter. I 
 think it is an Executive proviso which has been 
 applied there — a proviso in consequence of the 
 non-action of Congress — but still it is not, I con- 
 tend, a violation of any principle upon which we 
 ever stood. 
 
 But, sir, look at the balance of this territory. 
 I California, though it embraces a very large and 
 ,{ valuable portion of this territory acquired from 
 1 Mexico, is not all of it by any means. It is no 
 ij more, perhaps, than one-fourth or one-third of the 
 j whole. It is true, it is said that it is the most 
 'i valuable part. It may be so. It is not certain 
 .' that it is so. There are some reasons to be- 
 ; lieve it, but there may be great mistakes upon 
 this subject. There is one matter which has been 
 1 referred to by the Senator from Virginia, con- 
 I tained in the report of Mr. King,*which has also 
 been referred to by my friend from Mississippi, 
 i [Mr. Davis,] as going to show that it is a mis- 
 take to infer this territory of Utah is sterile and 
 ' of no value. We are told that on the Colorado 
 ■ there are indications of fertility — that on the Gila 
 , there resides a tribe of Indians, living in a state 
 of comfort and partial civilization, superior to any 
 savages on the continent, and that they have an 
 • ample country to sustain them. This much we 
 are told, Mr. President, in regard to that valley, of 
 which we know scarcely anything, which is wa- 
 tered by the Colorado. There may be valuable 
 lands there, though we know but little about them. 
 As for New Mexico, we are wanting in informa- 
 I tion there, also. The settleis there have been en- 
 " croached upon by the Indians. Many mines have 
 been abandoned in consequence; but there are 
 some facts which lead us to believe that it may be 
 more valuable than we have supposed. If that 
 country is so sterile and barren as it is represented 
 to be, and there are no valuable precious metals in 
 it, how did it happen that some two hundred years 
 ' ago, situated as it is in the very centre of this great 
 continent, it was colonized in advance of Califor- 
 nia, which i.i on the sea-coast, and which ought to 
 have attracted attention so much sooner.' 1 con- 
 sider that effects of that kind are not produced 
 i without causes. There must be found some cause 
 for the earlier settlement of this country. 
 
 Again, sir, if this is a sterile country, why is it 
 that the [iriiifiple trade with Mexico has for years 
 
traveled over deserts and amon, Indian tnbes |] - -.^.S^e^irZ^c^ir ^S^S^ o'ZT^- 
 from Missouri, to this part oftheMexican territory? j^„„^„ escaping lo be iimde, and a iran-cripi of ihit.duly 
 Perhaps the most valuable trade (hi'y haveever had •* [uiilientlcaiftl hy the sign.iiurn of the cleik and s.-al of the 
 
 there was the gold and silver which these caravans 
 brought from Mexico, from this barren country. 
 True, many of the mines arc not now known 
 to be worked — are not now occupied. Their re- 
 sources are very little now; but it may turn out, 
 and 1 believe in all probability it will turn out, 
 when American settlers have driven back tliusc In- 
 dian tribes to their fastnesses, and open these 
 mines, ihat they will be found to be of great value. 
 But whether they are, or not, we have got a prin- 
 ciple applied to the Territories, which are three 
 times as large as California — a [irinciple for which 
 we have always contended, and, whatever other 
 men may think, one which I consider of great im- 
 portance. 
 
 Mr. President, there is another principle of the 
 compromise which has been assailed. It is that 
 with regard to the fugitive slave bill. Very much 
 
 _ ., 111! lull and cronchirtlvi! <!vid<iirc of 
 
 ' till- fill of c^capi-, and lli.U lalmr and mtvicc arf dm.' hythc 
 
 .' p,.r.. I, dorr iiii\ jiiili;'',(oiiiii,i^-ioMcr,ur ollii-r aulhorized 
 
 , iiirn'cr 1)1 till rmliil Wt:ilr-^,lM Inn- wliuiii In- may In- tir'puglil 
 I wliLii (iiiiiid. ('(Min Ihis f.rlilicali , and otiipr i.-viilei.Le, if 
 i ni-cesHary, Hulistanualing it, ihu person so escaping mint tx; 
 1; dehvereil up." 
 
 I The southern man may lake it, if he chooses; 
 I if not, he can go as he does now. I conceive thai 
 ji the construction of my honorable colleague is 
 I altogether erroneous. 
 
 1 Well, again, sir, as to the provision for a trial 
 I by jury. "Caii there be any reasonable objection 
 l| to tiiat? None at all. Is there a southern Slate 
 I in the Union which docs not authorize a trial by 
 I jury to slaves asserting their freedom.* This fre- 
 jquently occurs in my Stale, and is tried as any 
 : other issue. I consider it as amounting to nothing 
 \ at all. We say, and say truly, that none but 
 honest men endeavor to recapture their slaves; 
 
 the South, and that the provisions of the bill were 
 calculated to satisfy the North and not the South. 
 Now, 1 never so uiideislood it. If my honorable 
 colleague has any doubts upon the subject, I pre- 
 sume, if he will make a motion, when the bill 
 comes up, to strike out the section, I venture to 
 say that he will find many northern men — there is 
 not one northern man who will not go most cheer- 
 fully for striking it out. Now, what is this sec- 
 tion .> Why, we are told that instead of lessenina; 
 the difficulties of recapturing fugitive slaves, it 
 will increase them. It will not bear that con- 
 struction. But if it does, like every other pro- 
 vision of the bill, it can be amended. But, as it 
 now stands, it is not -subject to the objections 
 which are presented. What is it.' It provides, 
 that, in order to obviate the difficulties in making 
 proof in the State to which the slave may escape, 
 before the owner goes, he mny go before some 
 court, and take a copy of the record, which shall 
 be considered evidence of his right to this property 
 in him, and, upon presenting such other testimony 
 as may be necessary, he shall have a right to take 
 !iis slave home with him. 
 
 There is probably a diflference of opinion as to 
 the true construction of this clau.se. Perhaps the 
 honorable chairman of the committee gives a dif- 
 ferent construction from what I would give. My 
 construction is only that it is a cumulative remedy 
 to aid us in the use of our rights — that it affords 
 us additional evidence, and takes nothing away 
 that we now have. 
 
 Mr. CLAY. Will the honorable Senator allow 
 me to say that I concur entirely with him in the 
 construction he has put upon it" 
 
 to my surprise, my honorable colleague, in dis- ; honest men enueavor lo ^eca,nur. m... . ^..= , 
 cussing this pan of the subject, seemed to think and if it is so, I ask ^'hat f jeclmns an lu.nest 
 that th"e committee had taken that subject up as if man can have to give a bond for '/ '"a' ^ .^ '^y ' 
 injustice had been done to the North and not to there are stronger objections o >'f '^w^ «//'07'.^ 
 .J ~ . - ? ... of the slave States, which protect the slave in his 
 
 effort to regain his freedom, by taking him out of 
 the power of his master, who is compelled to give 
 bond or other guarantee lo secure him in his pur- 
 suit. We of the South have complaints enough 
 : to make, that are well founded; and I hope that 
 1 we will never make any other. It only weakens 
 I the force of these we have. Let it be known that 
 i we are a liberal people, without prejudice, and we 
 look at things as they really are. If we do other- 
 ] wise, our northern friends will say nothing rea- 
 sonable will satisfy u.s. But, Mr. President, that 
 provision about fugitive slaves, and about the 
 District of Columbia, is no part of this bill, and 
 'does not properly come up here for discussion. 
 But I allude to it now merely to prove that the 
 objections that are raised are without foundation. 
 
 But suppose that I am wrong in all these ques- 
 tions—that this bill is objectionable. I admit that it 
 is objectionable in some of its features— that it is not 
 as good as we could wish. I admit that, loo. But 
 before southern men can reject this, they ought to 
 see what better they can do. Why, my honor- 
 able friend the other day said, that if we adopt ihis 
 section it admits the idea that Congress has a right 
 to interfere with slavery in the territories; which 
 I do not think, because the action of Congress on 
 this subject, and the action of territorial legisla- 
 tures authorized by Congress, may be very differ- 
 ent. As I understand, it has been laid down that, 
 in ordinary cases, Congress has no right to legislate 
 for the territories. She, however, may regulate a 
 power in the initiative State which she could not 
 exercise directly herself. 
 , But my honorable colleague tells us that if we 
 
 It may be neces- J ^^^■^ provision as it is, the next day perhape 
 
 .h«r wp .hr,n<rhr f P^^ ^jj^^j proviso will be imposed on these ter- 
 
 sary — and it will be recollected that we thought 
 
 there was a possibility of iUs being necessary— to N r'tories I would like to know whether there is 
 
 make some little modification in putting the amend- h^^ ^^J^^g^ ^j^i^^ ^^^^^ i^ ^^^ch more likely to 
 
 ments together with the bill. He is right. 
 
 Mr. DOWNS. Here is the provision. It will 
 be seen that it provides for additional remedies, 
 and takes away none: 
 
 •' When any person hpjd to Jahoi or servict- in any State 
 or Territory, or in the District of Columbia, under the laws 
 thereof, shall escape to another State, the party to whom 
 
 such service is due may, by himself i 
 
 happen, if we reject it. If we will take nothing 
 but the whole loaf now, I would ask with what 
 countenance we can hereafter, when we find we 
 cannot get it, ask of the North any assistance in 
 getting a fair and reasonable compromise? Why, 
 if we do not adopt this compromise, the Wilmot 
 ?e%?a:cm,Tpiy i' proviso will then be passed. Or, if that >s not the 
 
.case — if this sirange and unaccountable doctrine 
 of the Administration to leave the territories to 
 shift for themftelvea— this doctrine which was 
 conimenled upon so ably by the Senator from 
 Kentucky on ye^t^rday— itth'is should be adopted, 
 what can we expect from it? Do we not antici- 
 pate already— are we not looking every day for a 
 constiiuiion to come from New" Mexico, already 
 cut and dried, prohibiting slavery? Do you not 
 know that the Administration will use all their 
 power to bring this about? Did you not see the 
 appeal of the Delegate from that Territory, which 
 was laid upon your table, to that eOect ? I would 
 ask the genileman— I would ask all who oppose 
 this bill— whether that state of things is preferable 
 10 the one that would exist if this bill pass? 
 
 1 think, then, Mr. President, there is something 
 jn ihis bill; I think there is a great deal in it. 1 
 think, with some modifications which I hope to 
 see made, that it is a fair and honorable compro- 
 mise — one jn which the South give up no princi- 
 ple—one in which they sacrifice nothing which 
 Ihey have contended for heretofore. True, sir, 
 they have been unfortunate in that part of it in re- 
 lation to California; but that is not the larger part 
 of the territory; and if that were larger, they have 
 the proud eaiisftction of knowing they have 
 yielded no principle. Well, Mr. President, ought 
 we not to make some sacrifice to settle this ques- 
 tion ? Is this constant warfare of the North 
 against the South, and the South against the 
 North, a desirable state of things ? Is it to be 
 persisted in, and favored for a day, when it can be 
 stopped r Does it not lead to dangers on every 
 aide.' Or is it not the interest of every man 
 to stop n as soon as possible? I shall not be ac- 
 cused, Mr. President, of not standing up for and 
 defending the rights of the South as warmly as 
 any one. I have done it heretofoi-e; I shall do it 
 again. I have as many motives for doino- so as 
 most other men. But 1 would like to know what 
 ground I stand upon. If the Wilmot proviso is 
 adopted, I know that we have a principle to stand 
 upon. I know that we have an issue. I was 
 struck, sir, the other day, with a very remarkable 
 sentence m one of the able letters addressed to 
 the honorable Senator from Mississippi, [Mr. 
 FooTE,J upon this subject by a distinguished 
 South Carolinian. Hesaysthat, in reviewing 
 this C|ue8iion, lor his own part— and I suppose 
 that is the feeling of a good many of that honored 
 Slate of South Carolina — he would prefer an issue, 
 if he could get a good one; hut that this compro- 
 mise would give no such issue. I should like to 
 have a good issue, too, if we must have a contest. 
 ■We could fight better, with more credit and satis- 
 faction to ourselves, with a good issue thon if we 
 have none, or a bad one. He, therefore, con- 
 cludes, wisely, I think, that the South had bet- 
 ter take the compifomise than resist on such an 
 wfli/e. I hope, sir, if this question is settled, that 
 we may have no need of an issue hereafter- at 
 Ur.vn tor many years to come. As yon were told 
 yesterday by the honorable Senator from Ken- 
 tacky, [Mr. CiAV,] with regard to the Mi.^souri 
 <Mtn]ninmnc, we shatl have many years at least of 
 qiii'-t. We oiay have troubles hereafter- perhaps 
 we "hall-, but 1 trust it will never be necessary for 
 the South to stand up in resistance against this 
 QoTernment. Wo shall have a better issue than 
 we would huv.' now by ihr adoption of thiff com- 
 
 promise. 1 do not think the South requires that 
 we should be captious, and catching at every little 
 apparent slight inequality thatcan be imposed upon 
 us. Weak men, sir, not conscious of their own 
 strength and their own powers — men who*e dig- 
 nity and whose position are not established and 
 firmly fixed — may be particular aboutoflfences, and 
 aggressions, and punctilios. Small nations, sir, 
 should^ stick to principle, and weak powers should 
 be careful of the slightest encroachment and insin- 
 uation against them, because they may be the 
 commencement of encroachments more dangerous 
 and serious. Great nations may with propriety 
 adopt a difl'erent policy; they can afford to over- 
 look unimportjint slights and injuries of this kind. 
 If, sir,theSouth wasfeebleand weak; if she was in 
 dangerof beingtrampled upon now,ifshe was even 
 as weak as the colonies in the revolutionary war. 
 with two or three millions of population, then I 
 might be more anxious to guard her against any 
 apparent slight. But this isnot the case. When 
 I know that she consists of seven or eight millione 
 of population, whose exports amount to a large 
 portion of the exports of this Union; that she has 
 annually, from her resources, some sixty or sev- 
 enty millions of surplus produce — when I recollect 
 that my own little Stale, in the late war, with a 
 population of some 300,000, (halfof them slaves,) 
 sent 6,000 troops to the field in two weeks, and in 
 a foreign country, and equipped them, and paid 
 for itin cash, without borrowing a single dollar; 
 and ahhough this money was afterwards, at her 
 leisure, refunded by the United States, yet if it had 
 not been, she could have borne it and much 
 more — when 1 recollect this, and other instances 
 of prowess evinced by tire South, I cannot think 
 her so feeble as to make it necessary to take 
 oflence at any imaginary wrong or appareni 
 slight. 
 
 I will not submit to encroachment upon the 
 South. But, when we are strong, I will not be 
 caption.^ and touchy, and avoiding and flying fronr; 
 what never may occur; because 1 know, if the day 
 of danger must come, we have the power to meet 
 it. But, Mr. President, if I took a different view 
 of this subject, I should still feel myself cotn- 
 pelled to vote for this compromise for another 
 reason, which 1 will now_ state. 
 
 Whatever opinions we may entertain here^sir, 
 our opinions are of little avail, without the sup- 
 port of our constituents. I am not one of those, 
 and no one will accuse me of avoiding responsibil- 
 ity. I am ready to take it upon all occasions., 1 
 have taken it upon some occasions on this very 
 question; I shall take it again whenever it is neces- 
 sary. I would take it now, if I thought the inter- 
 ests of the South would lie promoted, even agai^S' 
 their wishes — if i thought it unsafe for the South 
 to adopt it. But, sir, the South must govern thetn- 
 aelves — not the Senate or the Congress of the Uni- 
 ted Stales govern them. They have decided this 
 3i»et.sion, and I would acquiesce unequivocally arid 
 ecidedly in their decision. I do not setup myself, 
 ami I do not think the Congress of the United 
 Slates ought, to diutafe to the people. That is a 
 great mistake, to undervulue the intelligence and 
 wisdom of our constituents. They understah^ 
 ihetr own interests a great deal better than many 
 public men suppose. 1, for one, i\m disposed tO 
 follow, not to lead them. When they have adopt- 
 ed an opinion, 1 do not think it right for me t© 
 
atand up here and oppose it. I come here not to ! thai point will quiet the question for a long time to come 
 
 advance their interests beyond what they demand. I Kentucky .annotoi.jeci to abolishing .he slave trade in the 
 
 They arc at home, in comparative (luict, and can 
 
 better judge of this matter than we can. All men 
 
 Icnow, who have niurii experience of legislutive 
 
 matters, that a very dilferent stnte of fcehni; ami 
 
 opinion may exist at the seat of Government and 
 
 "it home. The very collision here at the Cupitol 
 
 produces excitement. We imagine wrongs which 
 
 do not exist, and get into excitement that will not 
 
 oe felt the moment we arc rteparated. Our people 
 
 at home are less passionate. They judge more \\ mehiic Inniiutiona when tiic> 
 
 impaitially. They see the whole question before 
 
 them. Why, sir, we are so much worried here 
 
 in the business, that even things transpire here un 
 
 Di'-trlct (if Coliiniliia, when fhe has long Hinco nbulihhrd it 
 In liiT own IxirdcrH. Indeed, this ought to have b"t-n a 
 sdnlhirn inraHuri', in order to ni;ike the liiw< rehiiettinijMla- 
 very ill Ihn Diiilriei contoriu to the common pnlicy ol ike 
 i«l,ivr .Otitis of the Hiiine tiilKudi'. VVIial liiut been found 
 Eiiiid iiolicy for the slave StateH geneially In equally good for 
 the niiliirt of Columbia, one would sup(ii>Be. 
 
 " VVft cannot now abandon the position of the Democratic 
 parly in IMH. It i» ac good now dh it wan then. It wai« a 
 matter of principle then— it ix so kiIII. We believe it bc- 
 ineH to the people of a terrilnry to deiermine ihiir own do- 
 Hijite RoviTn- 
 inenlH ; and we do not biilieve in (lie ri^ilit or the i-^pediency 
 of CongreHB undertaking to Hhupu tliene iiii<iitution8 by tin- 
 ticipatioii.^ 
 
 " W« believe that four-flfthd of the people of thfl United 
 States will he Balisfied wiili (he arrnngemenr. Why the 
 Houtli should object we cannot see. IIi;r apprelienKioiiH are 
 from llie power of a doniiiiaiit Heclional ni.ijoriiy. Now, 
 wlun ihe jiiriKdiotion over the subjeel is flirmally abmcated 
 by O'ligren.-'. it strikes at the root of the cvil. Slick to ihe 
 pniii'ipli' and we have notliina to ftar. 
 
 " This is the principle we have alwayt; maintained, and 
 we see no eood riashn to eliimBe. We cannot Hfe h<>wnny 
 ■ Caw at the laiil pireKidrn- 
 support from ttn-aH bilbi.'U 
 They are frmiii'd iipom iIm' very l'risi> advocated thijoughomjir 
 the canvass bv the whole Dcniccralic parly. ,^ 
 
 We are confiitenl ilif se billM will pass in ihi- end. They 
 ostroncly to the good sense of all' 
 11 ih> re i.-» any doiiOt, let the ni.i.'v<FB';i 
 II all stctioii.s (if the courilr>. We ^re confi..,' 
 , I lliat an ovcrv.hr Inline luajorilv uill suslaiii the c<m»; 
 
 in my State ui favor of tlii.s conipromt!<e>— that is li niittrr's report. It is mit_j^tic nieri;j:rjj<^oi tMrib M.jaiJtuJ-1 
 a stroiig reason jsthy-il sho«ld--sirpwpr4fF^^he-M •T+^m'h'>.^i»-r-fltf-r^ ;inm 
 
 natureoftt was pretty well ktiown bdbre the Cbm- --«r;f^-^^^^^ 
 
 nfiittee acted ; it is generally known now, and we ,! pr,„„js,p. n is a national endorsement of the soundness of 
 have a response about which there is no doubt. ij the poilcv of ihe Democratic party, propo.sed at the start 
 Well, sir, in tny'own State, I have looked at | and advoc.-ned up to this time with uncommon unanimity." 
 every paper, and have not seen a single one to op- I Mr. President, 1 have but a word more to say. 
 pose it. 1 have seen a good many respectable in- ;[ I have given some of the rea.'^ons already why I 
 dividuals of that State; 1 have received many jj thought this measure, ariiended, as I hope it will 
 letters; and neither in person nor letter have 
 
 •Jerour own eyes, that wc have less knowledge of 
 :han those at home, or wc would have, if wc were 
 chere. Now, sir, [ have infinitely less knowlcilgc 
 of the public affairs at Washington than I could 
 nave at home. I there consulted the papers, saw- 
 all that was worth reading in the speeches of Con- 
 gress, saw all these matters, and formed a deliber- 
 ate opinion; but now lam so much pressed for ll Deinf)crai who sustained Oen 
 cirrie, have so much business to attend to, and so {| •'"' '^'''<=''*"' '"" wniihoid i 
 much excitement am 1 kept in, thatl cannotde<Mde.|| 
 calmly and form such a correct opinion as I could j( 
 when , I was at horoc Sir, whatever opinion i ,j commend iiniii-civ 
 nnight entertain upon this subj<?ct, satisfied as lam )j [','J,'^l,'^V,','t '(>'!, m'ri'i' 
 ihat.lhere t.-- an unequivocal expression of opinion 
 
 known a single individual. Whig or Democrat, 
 ;hat says Louisiana will not accept this proposi- 
 :ion. 
 
 To show that I am not mistaken upon this sub- 
 ject, 1 will ask the Secretary to read two extracts- 
 one taken from a leading Democratic paper in the 
 
 be, shniild not be hastily rejected by members 
 from the South. 1 will now most earnestly appeal 
 to my Democratic friends from the South on the 
 subject. One great difficulty which we have 
 always had to contend asainst, upon this question, 
 has been division. If we haJ always stood united 
 to a man in the South — both parties, Whigs and 
 
 The Secretary read the extracts, as follows 
 
 From the N O. Courier. — " If, then, this vexed question 
 ■je amicably settled, and peace and harmony restored to the 
 oouiitrVj no thanks will be due to General Taylor and the 
 galaxy of talents in his Cabinet. The principles of the com- 
 promise proposed by the committee are precisely those set 
 forth by Getieral Cass in speeches and letters before the last 
 presidential election; they are precisely identical — non-in- 
 terference in any case with the wishes of the people of a 
 territory respecting the toleration or prohibition of slavery. 
 Congress have nothing to do with the business ; let the peo- 
 ple frame the constitution to suit themselves ; let (hem have 
 slavery or not .is pleases them best. 
 
 " This is the plan of Cuss and common sense, but not of 
 General Taylor." 
 
 From ihe Louiiville Democrat.— " The Rt:eoRT of the 
 COMMITTKE of THIRTEEN —The bills repurted by this com 
 mittec are just about what we expected, and we he!it-ve 
 they are the best that can pas* Congress, either now or 
 hereaaer. They are not what will suit either North or 
 South, but what four-flftha of both sections of the Union will 
 
 State of Louisiana, (the Louisiana Courier,) and ,j Democrats— if general politics had never been in- 
 
 rhe other from a Democratic paper in Kentucky. | troduced on this subject, there never would have 
 
 ~" ~ " ■ " "■ been this difficulty in Eetiiing this vexed, danger- 
 
 I ous, and sectional que.-^tion of slavery. But for 
 1 the mixing ofgfneral politics on this question, the 
 
 compromise of 1848 would have passed. 
 I It is only on particular conjunctures that this 
 question can be settled satisfactorily to the South. 
 [ I believe that v/e are now in one of these conjunc- 
 j tures. We of the South have had great difficultiea 
 to contend with on this matter. We are in a mi- 
 nority. It is only uiuler particular circumstances 
 we can succeed in securing our rights. The times 
 [ are now propitious. The Administration, which 
 opposes us, and which if strong could defeat us, is 
 now weak and wavering. The Whigs of the 
 
 I South are with us. We have some powerful sup- 
 j port which we have no right to expect under other 
 
 II circumstances. Our Democratic fiiends from the 
 North and West are with us now. All we need, 
 then, is the perfect union of the Democrats of the 
 South that have never separated before. Shall we 
 not have it, then.' Who shall prevent? Who 
 shall take tliai awful responsibility.' Who shall 
 defeat our last chance of success.' I shall most as- 
 suredly not, for one. 
 
 acquiesce in. I 
 
 " It is the interest of the southern Slates to take this coin- | 
 promise, rather than protract the discussion, in hopes of I 
 •nything better. Tlie South can support the bills reported 
 by the commitlee without any sacrifice of principle, and one 
 great point for the peace and 'security of the Union will he 
 gained. It will he settled that the power of (.^ingress is not | 
 to be employed on the subjr.c of slavery anywhere, except, 
 oerhaps, in the District of Columbia; and the provision.i oii ! 
 
8 
 
 Yes, sir, I repeat it — for I wish to impress it on 
 my Democratic friends from the South — we have 
 our Whig friends from the South perfectly united 
 with us on this subject. We have strong support 
 from quarters from which we have no right to ex- 
 pect such support in ordinary times, and Ihey have 
 declared that, if we fail in this, they can go with 
 us no longer. Then, sir, once dissolve the charm 
 of this compromise, once discard this measure, 
 once dissolve the lies whiih now exist between 
 men of all parties and of all creeds, and you lose 
 the best chance the South will perhaps ever have 
 of settling this question fairly and honorably, 
 and without blood, i believe now that a conjunc- 
 ture of circumstances exists which will never exist 
 again. And mark what I tell you: Let this oppor- 
 tunity pass, and the South are left in the minority — 
 a hopeless, a helpless, an unavailing minority. We 
 have now a chance which will never occur again. 
 Let us not, then, pause; let u.s not hesitate; let 
 us talk together like brethren and friends. If there 
 is anything in these bills which we do not like, 
 let us endeavor to amend them; let us perfect them 
 as far as we may be able; let us do the best we 
 can, in a spirit of mutual kindness, concession, 
 and compromise. But let us not set ourselves up 
 to control the opinions and feelings of others; let 
 us not attempt to dictate measures to the majority, 
 being as we are, in a minority. I hope, then, that 
 our southern Democratic friends especially, will, 
 
 (all of them, pause long before voting against this 
 measure. 1 know that they are anxious to have 
 some amendments, which I hope will be made: 
 but 1 ask them, I earnestly entreat them, to ]iause 
 before they commit themselves irrevocably. I do 
 not think, indeed that it is the province of wise 
 statesmen to plunge in the dark. 1 do not ask 
 this. I am a southern man in all things. Anx- 
 , ious as I am to go for this measure — desirous as I 
 unquestionably am to give the South all her just 
 rights — yet, if a better plan can be presented, 1 
 will vote for it. But I do not intend to leap in 
 ! the dark, or to be responsible for the course of 
 events which time may develop, but which 1 can- 
 not see, and from which lean hope no good. I 
 hope, then, sir, th:ii these dift'ercnces of opinion, 
 which I do not understand to be very material, 
 I will not be carried to extremes, but that there may 
 be a general feeling of concord and harmony among 
 all those who have the interests of the South at 
 heart. There are other reasons, of a most import- 
 j ant kind, which 1 might urge, but I will not 
 dwell upon them now. I may have occasion to 
 i advert to them as this measure progresses. But 
 ! I do again express my earnest hope that our 
 southern friends will not differ on matters of mi- 
 i nor importance, but that they will concentrate all 
 j their energies to effect a settlement of those agi- 
 . tating questions in which the interests of every 
 ! section of the Union are so deeply involved. 
 
 Primed at ibe Conare^BiKiial Globe Office. 
 
 LIBRftRY OF 
 
 CONGRESS 
 
 I 
 
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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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