sPE34S Book . --^Kj PRESENTED m a IMai. THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST H Dissertation •RESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF BRYN MAWR COLLEGE IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY MAKY CAROLINE SPALDING BRYN MAWR, PENNSYLVANIA MAY, 1914 ^ THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS ^i^ OF CHRIST /^^^ H Dissertation FRESENTED TO THE FACULTY OF BRYN MAWR COLLEGE IN PARTIAL FULFHiMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY BY MARY CAROLINE SPALDING BRYN MAWR, PENNSYLVANIA MAY, 1914 .6^ A Oj Copyright, 191 J, by Bryn Mawr College J. H. FCRST COMPANY^ PRINTERS, BALTIMORE. PEEFACE The following study of the several texts of the Charter of Christ, substantially in its present form, was submitted to the Faculty of Bryn Mawr College in May, 1912, in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy. With the exception of the Kent Charter, which is reprinted from the text published by W. T>. Macray in Notes and Queries (9th Series, Vol. viii^ p. 240), and of the Fairfax text of the Short Charter, which was printed by B. Fehr in Herrig^s Archiv (cvi. 69-70), none of the texts presented in the following pages has hitherto been printed. For the text of the Long Charter in Cotton ms. Calig. A. ii, as also for the texts of the Short Charter in Mss. Sloane 3292, Stowe 620 and Harl. 116, I have availed myself of transcripts which Professor Carleton Brown kindly placed at my disposal. In the case of the Short Charter in St. John's College Cambridge ms. B. 15, and Carta Libera, in MS. E. 24 of the same library, as well as the extract from Carta Celestis Hereditatis (Appendix II), I have used transcripts made for me by Alfred Eogers, Esq., of the Cam- bridge University Library. For the fragmentary text in the manuscript at Magdalen College, Oxford, I am indebted to the courtesy of the Librarian, Kev. H. A. Wilson, who put himself to much trouble to transcribe this text and sent me also a full description of the manuscript. For all the other texts which are printed herewith I have depended directly on rotographs of the original manuscripts. I am glad to have this opportunity of acknowledging my great indebtedness to Professor Carleton Brown of Bryn Mawr College, who first suggested the subject of this investi- gation, and directed my attention to the larger part of the manuscript material. To him I am under obligations also for helpful criticism in revising the dissertation preparatory to its publication, and for reading the proof sheets. iU IV PREFACE The classification of the numerous texts of the Charter of Christ and the study of the sources of the material were undertaken under the direction of Dr. Samuel Moore, in 1911-12 of Bryn Mawr College, now of the University of Wisconsin. To his assistance and encouragement throughout the preparation of the dissertation, I am greatly indebted. He has also courteously read the proof sheets as it was passing through the press. In conclusion I desire to express my appreciation of the kindness shown by the Kev. Father Amadee Viger, O. S. A., Master of ITovices, and Doctor Tourscher, O. S. A., Librar- ian of the Monastery Library at Villanova, Pennsylvania, in placing the books of the Library at my disposal and in obtaining special references for me ; I also wish to thank the Librarians of Harvard University, the Seminary of St. Charles Borromeo, Overbrook, Pennsylvania, for permission to use these libraries, and especially Miss Mary L. Jones, Librarian of the Bryn Mawr College Library, for repeated kindnesses. M. C. S. TABLE OF CONTENTS PXQE Preface -- - - -- - - iii Introductory - - - - - - vii Chapter I. Classification of Material : §1. Extant Charters of Christ - - xiii § 2. The Charter of Pardon - - xvii § 3. Manuscripts of the Short Charter xix § 4. Manuscripts of the Long Charter xxix A-Text - - - - xxix B-Text - - - - xxxiii C-Text - - - - XXXV Chapter II. History and Sources : § 1. The Charter as a Literary Type xxxvi § 2. The Antiquity of the Charter of Christ - - - - xxxix § 3. The Origin of the Charter of Christ - - - - il § 4. The Metaphor of the Crucified Body as the Charter - - xlii § 5. A Comparison of the Deed of Gift in the Five Charters - li § 6. The Additional Material in Carta Domini and the Long Charter Ixi Chapter III. The Inter-relations of Manu- scripts OF THE Short Charter - Ixiii Chapter IV. The Mutual Relations of Ver- sions A, B, AND C OF the Long Charter ----- Ixvii VI CONTENTS PAGE Chapter V. The Veracity and Inter-rela- tions OF Manuscripts op the Long Charter - - - - xciii § 1. A-Text - - - xciii §2. B-Text - - - cix § 3. The Relation of the Parent Manuscript of the B-Text to the A-Text - - cxx § 4. The Relation of the C-Text to the B-Text - - cxxiii Texts of the Short Charter - - - 1 Texts of the Long Charter : A-Text - - 18 B-Text ------- 46 Appendix I. Observations on the Language OF the Long Charter and the Short Charter: The Long Charter: A-Text - - - 83 B-Text - - - 88 C-Text - - - 91 The Short Charter - 92 Appendix II. Additional Texts : I. Carta Domini Nostri Lesu Christi - - - - 95 II. Carta Libera - - 96 III. Kent Charter - - - 97 IV. Carta Celestis Hereditatis 98 Glossary of Special Words - - - 103 IJSTTKODUCTOKY The Charter of Christ belongs to a class of mediseval alle- gorical compositions, constituting a literary type, in which the theme is developed under the figure of a legal charter or grant. In the Charter of Christ, the allegory is ex- plicit; essentially, this document purports to be a grant of Heaven's bliss, made to mankind by the Saviour, upon con- dition that man give, in return, his love to God and to his neighbor ^ (an implied reference to the two great command- ments of the Law). The structure of this Charter is based, in general, upon that of its legal prototype ; in some versions even the formulce that mark the several divisions of the me- diaeval legal charter occur either in Latin or in English trans- lation. Like the legal charter, moreover, one of the texts of the Charter of Christ is written in Latin prose ; most of them, however, are in English verse. Instead of the term '^ Charter," ordinarily employed for the grant by Christ to mankind, one finds in three manu- scripts ^ the title Testamentum Christi. For this designa- tion, more than one explanation may be suggested. In the first place, the Charter of Christ may have come to be thought of as a dying bequest through its definite connection with the death on the Cross. Again, the term testamentum was not restricted in the Middle Ages to instruments for the disposal of property after death, but was often employed, as DuCange notes,^ of any kind of charter or deed of gift.* * There are also other minor requirements. 'MSS. Ash. 61, Vernon, Harl. 2382. *Glossarium Med. et infim. Lat, vi. (Paris 1846) s. v. testamentum. * In the 15th cent, the word testament had also another meaning. The New English Dictionary {s. v. testament) records the erroneous acceptation, testimony, witness, and cites Sir G. Haye, Law Arm» vii Till PREFACB But although testamentum in this more general sense may have been perfectly understood in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, it is an unfortunate term to-day to designate the Charter of Christ, since it tends to confuse it with the Last Will and Testament, which constitutes a wholly distinct literary type.^ To this latter class belong a host of Testa- ments, both religious and secular, among them, for example, the Testament of Christ in Deguileville's Pelerinage de la Tie Humaine.^ ( 1456 ) : " The pape convertit .... by hia testament." Whether or not this meaning was common in the Middle Ages, or existed earlier than the 15th cent, there does not appear to be sufficient evidence to determine. It is possible that compositions such as the Testament of Love may have derived their title from such an application. As to this cf . Skeat : " Professor Morley well says that ' the writer of this piece [the Testament of Love] uses the word Testament in the old Scriptural sense of a witnessing, and means by Love the Divine Love " {Chaucerian and Other Pieces, in Complete Works of Geoffrey Chaucer vn — supplementary vol. Oxford 1897 — p. xxviii). I cannot, however, discover any evidence of an old Scriptural sense of witnessing for the word testament, nor any instance of such a meaning being applied to it in England earlier than the 15th cent. In France, the " Testa- ment " of Jean de Meung furnishes evidence that the title was applied at least as early as the beginning of the 14th cent, to compositions having no Will element. "This seems to be also the opinion of Horstmann (Herrig's Archiv Lxxix. 424, footnote) and of Cook {Cynewulfs Christ, 1900, p. 208); both suggest that charter is a better title than testament for the ver- sions of the Charter of Chiist found in MSS. Vernon and Harl. 2382. * Another well known form is the Testament of the Christian, fifteenth century [Rel. Antiq. i, 260), in which the Christian leaves his body to the earth, his sins to the fiend, his goods to the world, and his soul to God. One similar to this is recorded in E. Hoskins's Horce Beatce Marice Virginis, or Sarum and York Primers (London 1901) 370. For other testaments, religious and secular, see H. R. Lang, Cancioneiro Oallego-Castelhano (New York 1902) 174 ff. (for which reference I am indebted to the kindness of Dr. Lang), and a monograph by Dr. E. C. Perrow, 7'he Last Will and Testament as a Form of Literature, which is soon to appear in the Wisconsin Academy Series. Dr. Perrow haa kindly permitted me to see the proof-sheets of this article. Cf. also H. Thien, Ueher die Eng. Marienklagen (Kiel 1906) 82. The apocryphal work, Testamentum Domini Nostri Jesu Chriati, I]S"TRODUCTORY IX The ambiguity arising from a loose application of the title is well illustrated in Professor George C. Taylor's article, The Relation of the English Corpus Christi Play to the Middle English Religious LyricJ Under the general term testament, he includes, without distinction,® poems in which Christ is represented in the first person, a) as making His will, b) as granting a charter to man, c) as lamenting man's ingratitude and reproaching him for it; hence, when later he proceeds to discuss the influence of Christ's Testa- ment upon the Middle English Drama, it is uncertain to which type of composition he is referring : '' In the English passion play there is no more evidence that the planctus [Mariae'] was the germ or starting point of the passion plays than there is for the Christ's Testament, ... So far as I have been able to discover, it seems by no means certain assigned by Mgr. Rahmani to the end of the second century, and by J. Cooper and A. J. McLean to about 350 a. d., is of a different type, being an apocryphal compilation of canons and ordinances for Church government. In the Syriac MS. it also bears the title, First and Second Books of 8t. Clement. It is doubtless called Testament of Christ, be- cause it embodies such ecclesiastical regulations as Christ was supposed to have instructed the Apostles to enjoin upon the Church. I add here a note concerning a testament, apparently not extant, entitled, Lihrum de Testame^ito Christi in Cruce. It is ascribed by Fabricius — Bihl. Lat. Med. et Infimce Aetatis (Florence 1858) i. 18 — to "Aegidius Aurifaher Vossio, aliis Fahri, Carmelitanus," who (ac- cording to Fabricius) died in 1506. Of the authorities cited by Fabri- cius, only Alegrius — Paradisus Carmel. Decoris (Lugd. 1639) 380 — mentions De Testamento Christi in Cruce as the work of Aegidius — " de Aegidio Fabri [Aurifaher] "; but neither of the authorities of Alegrius appears to mention this Testamentum. I have no other knowledge of the work. It does not appear to be in the British Museum. Whether it is actually a testament, or whether it is a charter miscalled testa- ment, cannot be decided from the above data concerning it. ' Mod. Phil. v. 1 ff. This monograph now forms part of Prof. Tay- lor's dissertation. ' Prof. Taylor says ( op. cit. p. 8 ) : " Almost as widespread as the Christmas Carol, and far more uniform in its type, is the Testament of Christ, termed variously, the Lament of the Redeemer, Christ's Charter, and Christ's Complaint." X THE MIDDLE EN'GLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST that the plandus was dramatized any earlier than the Testa- ment of Christ, ^^ ^ Since, however, there appears to be no example either of the Last Will and Testament or of Christ's Charter in the Middle English drama, ^^ the type that Pro- fessor Taylor here has in mind is undoubtedly the Lament, or Complaint, of Christ, a motive repeatedly utilized in the Passion and Judgment plays. ^^ The essence of this form is the Saviour's reproach, " Man, this have I done for thee ; what hast thou done for Me ? '' ^^ j^ makes no bequests and "Op. cit. p. 9. "In the Digby Burial of Christ, however, there is an interesting reference to Christ's Body as a parchment book, written in bloody letters: Mawdleyn — 271 'Cum hithere, loseph, beholde & looke, How many bludy letters ben wreten in \>ia buke, Small margente her is.' loseph — 274 ' Ye, this parchement is stritchit owt of syse.' "See, for example, York Plays (ed. L. T. Smith) Crucifixio ChrisH vv. 253-58; Towneley Plays {E. E. T. 8.) Crueificcion, stanza 38; Dighy Plays {E, E. T. 8.) Burial of Christ vv. 277-282, Joseph's speech, " all the pe.pill that passis hereby," etc. For a list of Complaints of Christ see Taylor, The Relation of the Middle English Corpus Christi Play to the Middle English Religious Lyric {Mod. Phil. V. 8, footnote). See also Cook, Christ 208 ff. (ed. 190Q). To these I add the following: Complaints of Christ in Bonner Beitr. xiv. 128, 208, 210; Rich. Rolle i. 118-119 (in the 2nd arrow) ; Leg. Aurea (Nu- remberg 1488) fol. Lxviii (2nd. col) — LXVIII^.; Firmiani Lactantii Opera, ed. Migne, Tom. ii. cols. 283-286, a poem of doubtful authorship on the Passion; and the following in Mss. for which I am indebted to Professor Brown, who has kindly permitted me to copy the refer- ences from his MS. transcripts: — Caius Coll. 174, p. 481; Camb. Univ. F^. 5. 48, fol. 43 b; Bod. Tanner 110, fol. 238 a (also in Caius Coll. Camb. 84, p. 180). "Cook {Mod. Lang. Notes vii. 134-137, and Christ p. 208) suggests Lamentations i. 12: o vos omnes qui transitis per viam, attendite et videte si est dolor sicut dolor meus, as a possible source forj Ithe Complaints of Christ, and adds that in the Sarum use this verse is employed as follows: — 1) as Antiphon for Lauds in Saturday of the INTRODUCTORY XI grants no deed, and is thus distinct both from the Testament (properly so called) and from the Charter. Accordingly, I have found it advisable, for the sake of avoiding ambiguity, to employ the title Charter and not Testament for those compositions which have the actual Paschal vigil; 2) as Respond to the ninth lesson of the 3rd Nocturn of the same day; 3) as part of the first lesson for the 1st Nocturn of Good Friday. It appears to me that Cook is certainly right. See also York Breviary i. {Surtees Soc. lxxi. 1880) Feria Sexta in Parasceue domini, Lectio viii. col. 393, where the same verse is used. Out of this verse, there seem to have developed a number of forms. One of the commonest has for theme the words, In cruce sum pro te; qui peccas, desine pro me! to which are often prefixed a few lines such as the following: Aspice mor talis, fuit umquam passio talis? Peccatum speme, pro quo mea vulnera ceme Aspice qui transis, quia tu mihi causa doloris, etc. According to John Weever these and similar verses were often in- scribed under crucifixes or pictures of Christ in old Abbey Churches; see Weever's Ancient Funeral Monuments (1631) 117-118, and 488; see also Rich. Rolle i. 434; MS. Trin, Coll. Camb. 323, no. 8; MS. Emman. Coll. Camb. 106 (14th cent.) art. lOd, fol. 36: Tu qui esgardes ma figure \ Jeo su deu tu ma facture ( address of Christ on the Cross ) . It occurs also in countless other places. Another development of the same theme takes the form, Homo uide quid pro te patior, an English version of which appears in MS. Trin. Coll. Camb. 1157, fol. 69: "O man unkynde, haue thow yn mynde my passion smert," etc. See also MS. Phillips 8336, Art. 18: Vous ke me veez en la croiz morir E pur Vamour de vous si dure mort suffrir. Miss F. A, Foster of Bryn Mawr College called my attention to this poem, recorded in an account of the manuscript by Paul Meyer, Romania xiii. 518. Again, a third type is found in Christ's reproach to His people, York Breviary i. Dominica quarta Quadragesime, Lectio ix, col. 334; Popule meus, quid feci aut quid molestus fui tihif Richard Rolle {Med. de Passione Domini, Horstmann, R. R. i. 88) enlarges upon this theme, which nas given rise to a number of Complaints, as for instance that (mentioned by Taylor) in Das Alsf elder Passionsspiel in Das Drama dea Mittelalters iii. (Dent. Nat. Litt. xiv. Stuttgart) 764-65, and also another in the Frankfurter Passionsspiel of 1493, Das Drama des Mittel- alters ii. 505-06: liehes folgk, sage mir an: was han ich dir zu leide getan, etc. Xll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Charter form, or in which the Deed is the organizing element of the piece, as in the Long Charter ,^^ "Dr. Perrow (op. cit.) thinks that the use of the title testament for the Long Charter, Version A (my own designation for the text contained in MSB. Vernon etc, see pp. xiv ff.) might be justified on the ground that this Charter contains: a) the autobiographical element, which he has shown to be a frequent feature of the legal testament and its imitations; b) the same subject matter as the New Testament (of the Bible), which he believes was regarded as Christ's Last Will; c) the Last Will of Jesus. On the other hand, it may be replied, first that neither auto- biography nor the subject matter of the New Testament is peculiar to the type kno-vvn as the Last Will and Testament, since these features oft^n appear in various other types cf composition, such as the Com- plaint and the Passion poems; and secondly, that the Will of Christ occupies but eight lines out of 234 in the shortest version of the Long Charter, the organizing element being the Deed itself, which forms the centre of unity in the poem. It seems to me, therefore, that testament as a title for this version of the Charter, as well as for those consisting merely of the Deed, is misleading. I CLASSIFICATION OF MATEEIAL § 1. Extant Charters of Christ There are five distinct compositions extant which belong to the literary type known as the " Charter of Christ." These are: I. A Latin prose charter, of about twenty-one lines, en- titled Carta Domini Nostri lesu Christie in a vejliim manu- script of the fifteenth century, Brit. Mus. Add. 21253, which belonged in 1633 to John Edwards of Stansti, and is chiefly made up of Latin homilies for Sundays throughout the year.^ The Charter (f. 186'-186^) manifestly forms part of a homi- letical discourse. The document itself is followed by the application, presented in the form of a curious analogy: as in civil law, a son may not receive the inheritance of a father who has been slain by an enemy, unless he pursue and avenge his father's death upon the slayer ; so man, a sinner, may not receive the heavenly inheritance granted by Christ's Charter, unless he pursue and destroy sin, the slayer of our Father Christ. This text, which, so far as I am aware, has never before been printed, will be found in Appendix II. II. A Latin poem, of from thirty-six to thirty-eight lines, entitled, in ms. St. John's Coll. Camb. E. 24, Carta Libera d. n. Ihesu Christi, and in ms. D. 8 of the same college, Carta Redempcionis humane. Ms. E. 24 is a vellum man- uscript of the fourteenth century, with twenty-six lines to ^ See Cat. of Add. to the mss. m the Brit. Mus. in the Years 1854- 1860 (London 1875) 347-8. Where place of publication ia omitted below, London is to be understood, and titles to catalogues are occasion- ally otherwise simplified. xiii XIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST the page; the Carta Libera begins at fol. 22. Ms. D. 8, also vellum, is a fifteenth century manuscript with thirty- two to forty-tAvo lines to a page, and the Charter is found at fol. 174". In Appendix II of the present study the text of E. 24 is printed with the variant readings of D. 8. The important relation which the Carta Libera bears to the Short Charter (iv below) will be discussed in Chapter II. III. Carta Dei, in Middle English verse, consisting of forty two lines in couplets, printed by W. D, Macray in Notes and Queries (Ser. VIII. Vol. viii. 240), from Bod. ms. Kent Charter 233. The date of this manuscript is 1395, though the transcript of the poem which, according to Macray, is written on the back of the Charter, is probably later. I have no means of knowing the date of its writing. It is reprinted in Appendix II. IV. A Middle English poem of thirty-two lines, in coup- lets, which I shall call for convenience the Short Charter, It occurs, under various titles, in thirteen manuscripts which will be described- in detail in Section 3. The only version of the Short Charter hitherto printed, so far as I am aware, is that in Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 5465 (" Fairfax ms."), which is one of the latest and worst texts (B. Fehr, in Herrig's Archiv cvi. 69-70). The earliest of the extant manuscripts is probably Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 37049, which was written in the first half of the fifteenth century. It is clear, however, from other evidence, that this form of the Charter originated in the fourteenth century.^ For the texts of the Short Charter, see pp. 4 ff. V. A Middle English poem, also in couplets, which ap- pears under various titles in the different manuscripts, but in the present study will be designated the Long Charter, Three distinct versions of this poem occur: ' See p. XX. CLASSIFICATlOIsT OF MATERIAL XV 1) Version A, normally two hundred and thirty-four lines, is represented by seven manuscripts, of which two (ms. Rawl. poet. 175 and ms. Vernon) belong to the fourteenth century, and the others to the fifteenth century. This text has already been printed from the Vernon manuscript by Horstmann ^ and Dr. Furnivall.^ Version A is the shortest and simplest of the three. Christ addresses man di- rectly, and after briefly reproaching him for his ingratitude, in the manner of the Complaint of God,^ He tells him of the heavenly inheritance that He has bestowed upon him. This gift was made, the Lord explains, by His birth into the world; it was confl^rmed in the Passion, and the Deed of it was written upon the parchment of His Body. He concludes by telling man of the Indenture left him as surety for the gift, and admonishes him to pay his rent and keep from sin. If man will faithfully do these things, he may claim his in- heritance when he will. The allegory upon which the poem is based consists in representing Christ's Body as the Char- ter — the actual crucified Body being the original document, and the Sacramental Body being the Indenture, the copy delivered to man. 2) Veision B, containing four hundred and eighteen lines in its most reliable form, occurs in six manuscripts of the fifteenth century. It includes nearly all of the text of A, and two hundred lines in addition, some of which consist of digressions, and some of explanatory and transi- tional passages. There are also important difierences be- tween the texts of A and B in the lines which are common to both; these will be considered in Chapter IV. The text of MS. Harl. 2382 has been printed in comparison with the " Nachtrdge zu den Legenden, published in Herrig's Archiv lxxix. 424-32. * Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. Part ii. {E. E. T, 8. Orig. Ser. 117) 637-57. '^Political, Religious, and Love Poems {E. E. T. & Orig. Ser. 15. A) 191 flf. The thema is, of course, exceedingly common. XVI THE MIDDLE E^vGLlSH ClIAHTERS OF CHRIST Vernon text of A, by Horstmann and Furnivall, as cited above. 3) Version C, preserved, so far as I am aware, in but one manuscript, Eojal 17, C xvii.^ of the first half of the fifteenth century, is much longer than B, containing six hundred and eighteen lines. It includes all but fifty-seven lines of B, and has in addition two hundred and fifty-seven lines which are not found in either B or A. These consist chiefly of digressions and enlargements. Of the fifty-seven lines of the B-text which are here lacking, twenty-nine ap- pear to have been accidentally dropped by some scribe (see below, pp. Ixxxviiff.). Differences in the readings of lines common to C and B w^ill be discussed in Chapter IV. Ver- sion C has also been printed by Dr. Furnivall in comparison with the Vernon text. A text of the Charter of Christ which may perhaps be merely another manuscript of the Short Charter, is described by Dr. Furnivall in the Athenaeum for E'ovember 11, 1876 (p. 623), as follows: " An Early English Poem in the form of a legal deed or Grant by Christ to mankind of his love and life, reserving the rent of men's faith and obedience ;. the deed being sealed with Christ's seal on the Cross, etc., all in regular legal form." According to Dr. Furnivall, the poem occurs at the end of a Latin sermon in a manuscript possessed by the Bed- ford Library at that time, and of a date later than the thir- teenth (?) century. I learn further that on June 17, 1904, this manuscript was sold at Sotheby's (Lot. 457), for £9, to Bernard Quaritch. This is the only information I have been able to obtain regarding this text. Though the grant described above (Christ's love and life) does not cor- respond with that in the Short Charter (Heaven's bliss), the Reservation clause appears to be the same, and the form of the Deed, the seal, etc., suggests the Short Charter, CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XVll § 2. The Charter of Pardon A type of Charter distinct from the deed of gift with which the present study is concerned, yet in some respects related to it, is Christ's Charter of Pardon. Like the deed of gift, this purports to be a document drawn up by the Lord in behalf of man. The only example of this type which I have seen is a poem of fourteen seven-line stanzas, entitled the Charter of Pardon or the Charter of Mercy, found in the thirty-fourth chapter of the Pylgrimage of the Sowle (ed. Caxton, 1483), an English translation of J. Gallope's French prose version of the Pelerinage de VAme of Guillaume de Deguileville. According to Dibdin's record,^ this transla- tion was made in 1413. The Charter, along Vv^ith other poems occurring in the Pylgrimage, has been assigned by Dr. Furnivall to Hoccleve. For the text and Dr. FurnivalFs remarks concerning it, see the Early English Text Society Extra Series lxxii. pp. xxviii. if. and xx. if. This poem contains the initial formula of the Royal Par- don in English translation, — '^ Jhesu Kyng to Mychael and all thyn assessours etc. . . . my gretyng." After thus be- ginning, Christ declares that at the instigation of Miserycord and the Blessed Virgin, His Mother, He will receive into His peace all those who cry " Jesu Mercy " before their death and defy their earthly lusts. '^ He further grants them full release from hell pain, and forbids Michael to proceed against them. All, however, who remain in sin without purpose of amending, trusting only to this Charter for salva- tion, and all who are obstinate and desperate, are excepted ^See Tijp. Antiq. i. (1810) 152 1. '' For a legal writ of Perdonavimus, see H. Hall, A Formula Book of Eng. 0-fficial Hist. Documents Pt. I. (Camb. 1908) 84. This writ, dated in the 3rd year of Edward I., contains the clause: ad instanciam Jcarissime matris nostre, Alianore Regine Anglie, perdonavimus, etc., an interesting parallel to Christ's declaration that His Mother and Myserv- cord interceded with Him on behalf of sinners. XVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST from the benefits of the Pardon. The final formulae — In cuius rei testimonium and Teste Bege (or me ipso) apudj etc. — are lacking. The two documents described below are inaccessible to me. From the accounts given of them, they appear to be Pardons similar to that which Furnivall attributes to Hoccleve: I. " A General Free Pardon or Charter of Hevjn's Blys, compiled in our old Englyssh Tong in 1400." Dibdin,^ from whom I obtained the reference, says it was issued by Lant's ^ press, though he assigns no date for its appearance. II. The General Pardon^ described in 1853 by Charles C. Babington,^^ of St. John's College, Cambridge, as follows: " An imperfect copy of a small tract (measuring five and a half inches by three and a half inches) has recently come into my hands, of which I much desire the wanting parts. It is entitled : ' The General Pardon, geuen longe agone, and sythe newly confyrmed, by our Almightie Father, with many large Priuileges, Grauntes, and BuUes graunted for euer, as is to be seen hereafter : Drawne out of Frenche into English. By Wyllyam Hayward.^^ Imprinted at London, by Wyllyam How, for Wyllyam Pickeringe.' " " There is no date," says Mr. Babington, '^ but it is believed to have been printed in or about 1571. It is in black letter, and is an imitation of the Koman Catholic pardons. It consists of twelve leaves. ^ Typ. Antiq. in. (London 1816) 582, footnote. Herbert, according to Dibdin, refers to White's Cat. of 1789 for this work. ^I do not know Lant's date. He is spoken of in 1541, and "became a member of the Company in 1556." See Dibdin in. 579. ^^ Notes and Queries 1st Series vii. 15. Mr. Babington's note is dated Jan. 1, 1853. "This Wyllyam Hayward is doubtless the same as the author of the " Bellum Grammaticale. A discourse . . . betwene . . . the noune and the verhe . . . Turned into English by W. H ( ayward ) ." H. Bynne- man. (London 1569). See the Catalogue of Books in the Brit. Mus. under Andreas Guarna. CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XIX In my copy, the last seven of these are torn through their middle vertically." Mr. Babington searched for this tract without success in the British Museum, Bodleian, Cam- bridge University, Lambeth, and in several of the college libraries. Possibly it is a copy of N'o. I. above. The phrase '^compiled in our old Englyssh Tong," in the description of No. I., suggests that its source may have been in a foreign language; and The General Pardon is definitely stated to be a translation from the Trench. It is to be noted that in N"o. I., if we may judge from the title, the pardon and the deed of gift seem to be combined. We find the combination also in one text of the Short Charter — ms. Ash. 189 — where seven lines referring to a pardon are annexed to the Deed.^^ 'Bo, II., though said to be drawn up in imitation of the Roman Catholic Pardons, contains " many large priuileges, Grauntes,'' etc. ; these " Grauntes " may have included a grant of Heaven within the Pardon. Having but one text of the Pardon type acces- sible, it is not possible to determine the relation that it bears to the Charter of Christ, It seems probable, however, from such evidence as we have, that the Pardon was merely a later outgrowth of the Charter. § 3. Manuscripts of the Short Charter A, Brit. Mus. ms. Sloane 3292, Art. 3, fol. 2.^3 The title of the poem is Magna Carta de Lihertatihus Mundi, The date of the manuscript is given as the sixteenth century by the cataloguer.^* It contains but three other articles: — " See p. 15. *'For my transcript of this Charter, I am indebted to Professor Brown, and for examination of the seal and legend to Dr. Helen E. Sandison. ^* Index to the Sloane mss. in the Brit. Mus. (1904) 430. Here the Charter is incorrectly cited as Latin poetry instead of English. Cf. also Ayscough's Cat., issued in 1782. XX THE MIDDLE EJSTGLISH CHAETEES OF CHEIST (1) Medical Eeceipts (or Prescriptions), anonymous; (2) Paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer; and (4) Eeceipts for dye- ing silk, making colours and inks. In regard to the date of the Charter, this manuscript furnishes some interesting information. Written in the two spaces at each side of a large roundish seal, drawn at the base of the Charter as though appended to it, and inscribed with a wounded heart marked with five drops of blood, is the following note : " Mr. Lambert a Justice of Peace in Kent ^^ found this on a graue- stone in an Abby in Kent bearing date A° Dni 1400 a copie whereof was geuen to Mr. Humfry Windham of Winsecombe in the county of Somerset. Uppon the other si[de o]f the scale there was should be a P [e] 1 [ican] [picki] ng her bloo[d] for. ..." If this statement is true — and I can see no reason to doubt it — the Charter belongs to the fourteenth century. The words " Uppon the other si[de o]f the scale," etc., I am inclined to interpret as meaning that a pelican (for the reading pelican cf. account of ms. Stowe 620 below) was actually carved upon the stone beside the seal ; ^^ but that the person who copied from the stone did not care to reproduce the picture upon his own Charter. The letters B & B [or Z>] are written in pencil above the strap of the seal. The couplets of the Charter are arranged in groups, each containing one or two Latin rubrics. The scribe of this text, "This is evidently William Lambarde, author of the Perambulations of Kent. There is, however, no reference in the Perambulations to this Charter or the stone upon which it was found. "Though so late in date, the following may have interest, as being perhaps a survival of an ancient custom: on a stone, a flat tomb- stone, in the Church Yard of Leigh, between Worcester and Malvern, is the " pelican in her piety " on the top of the Cross which is sculp- tured in the stone. The stone bears the label " For as often as ye eat this bread and drink this cup, ye do show the Lord's death till He come." The earliest date on the stone is 1797. This is an abstract of a note, signed by Cuthbert Bede, which occurs in Notes and Queries 5th Ser. ix. 261, dated Apr. 6th, 1878. CLASSIFICATION OF MATEEIAL XXI whether " Mr. Lambert " or another, has inverted the order of the two last groups, that introduced by Hijs Testihus com- ing at the end instead of the group containing the date. B. Brit. Mus. ms. Stowe 620, fol. 11^ Title, Magna Carta de lihertatibus mundi. The manuscript is a folio of paper, with thirty-eight leaves, of the late sixteenth century. It contains " Kentish pedigrees, evidences, heraldic and ge- nealogical notes taken in Churches and private houses, etc., collected in or about the years 1592-1594," together with other items chiefly relating to legal affairs. Among early documents copied in Stowe 620 are: (1) "Memoranda of the committal of [John] Foxley, Baron of the Exchequer, on a charge of improper conduct at the assizes at Winchester, 3 Edw. II. [1309-10] . . .;" and (2) "Extracts from the Collectors' accompts of an aid in Kent on the knighting of the Black Prince, 20 Edw. III. [1346]." ^' At the middle of the lower edge of the Charter is represented a pointed seal which bears the legend: De Charta redemptionis humane Sigillum salvatoris domini nostri lesu Xpu. Upon the seal also is a heart with the spear-thrust and five drops of blood. To the left of the strap attaching the seal to the Charter, and after the last words of the Charter itself, occurs the follow- ing: Cor charte appensum rosei vice cerne sigilli; which continues on the other side, spreta morte tui solus id egit amor. To the left of the seal itself, and therefore not form- ing part of the Charter, are the words : Matris ut hec proprio stirps est sacrata cruore Pascis item proprio Xpc cruore tue; something seems to be missing to complete the sentence. At the right of the Charter are some English words : " ther under nethe in the corner is the olde pointed scale within this charter was sett downe was a pellicane a pickinge Her brest and with bloode flowinge Her yonge one in the nest " Ca#. of the Stowe mss. in the Brit. Mus. i. (1895) 482. XXll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEKS OF CHRIST with the verses about her." Then under all this are the Latin verses: TJt pellicanus fit patris sanguine sanus Sic nos salvati sumus omnes sanguine nati The words " ther under nethe in the comer is the olde pointed seale," seem to mean that in the original the seal was attached to one corner of the Charter instead of depend- ing from the centre of the lower margin, as it is represented in the Stowe ms. It will be noted that the original con- tained a pelican (and here the word is plain, furnishing me with the clue for the reading in Sloane 3292) within the Charter itself, if we are to take the literal meaning of the words. C. Brit. Mus. Add. Charter 5960. " Charta [Jesu Christi'] de libertatihus Mundi, written in English verse, in imitation of a charter, about the year 1500." ^^ Upon ap- plication to Sir George Warner of the Department of Manu- scripts, I was informed that Add. Ch. 5960 belongs to the end of the sixteenth century. It contains the legend: Cor charte appensum rosei vice cerne sigilli spreta morte, tui solus id egit amor, in common with ms. Stowe 620, and bears two lists of formal signatures. The first is headed : " Sealed & delivered in ye presence of " . . . after which follow the names of the three Marys, St. John, and the centurion Lon- ginus. The second reads: f Matthew Marke Luke lohn Ita fideui facimus Notary Puhlici Upon the strap of the seal (which does not itself appear in my rotograph) are the letters ^' CHS IHS," and below, ^ List of Additions to the Department of Mss. {in the Brit. Mus.] in the Year 1841, p. 64. CLASSIFICATIOIT OF MATERIAL XXlll factum, est cor meum. tanquam cera liques .... Psal. 22, 13 [?].i^ D, Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 6848, Art. 36, fol. 221. The Harleian catalogue describes the manuscript as follows : " A Folio, containing Papers chiefly relating to Ecclesiastical Affairs. A great part of them bought of Mr. Baker by Mr. H. Wanley.'^ Art. 36 is said to be ^^ a paper in old English Verse, entitled Magna Charta de lihertatihus Mundi. In form of Letters patent from our Saviour." ^^ The date of the manuscript was given me as the eighteenth century by Sir George Warner. This text, written as prose, is almost exactly the same as that in Add. Ch. 5960, except for spell- ing, and there is good reason to believe that it is a copy of the other; see p. Ixv. It contains the same list of wit- nesses, etc., and the sentence beginning cor chart e, but lacks the words on the strap of the seal : factum est cor meum etc. This strap is represented by two strokes down from the body of the document, and no seal is drawn at the end. The letters " CHS IHS " of Add. Charter are " CHS CHS " in Harl. 6848. E. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 37049, Art. 16, fol. 23\ The manuscript contains : '^ The Desert of Religion and other poems and religious pieces, etc., mostly illustrated, in N"orthern English .... Paper (except if. 1, 2) ; ff. 1 + 96. First half of the XV. cent. The colored drawings are in the crudest style. On f . 1 is an old number 94. 10% in. X 8 in." ^^ The title given to the poem in the catalogue, "Incorrect reference. It should be either Psal. 21. 15 (Vulgate), or Psal. 22. 14 (Eng. Versions). We should expect the Vulgate numer- ation, since the verse is quoted in Latin. It looks as though the scribe, after copying the verse, added the reference from an English Bible. '° Cat. of Harl. mss. iii. (1808) 435. The title cited by the catalogue does not appear in my rotograph of this Charter. '^Cat. of Add. to the MSS. in the Brit. Mus. in the Years 1900-05 (1907) 324 ff. XXIV THE MIDDLE EiS'GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST wiiicli does not, however, appear in the Charter itself, is, The Charter of Human Redemption. It is written as prose. The Deed is represented as inscribed upon an immense sheet, held in the two hands of Christ on the Cross. The drawing of the body of Christ is very crude. He is covered with the marks of wounds, and His hands and feet are pierced with nails; He wears a curious sort of turban and a halo sur- rounds His head. The spear wound is also to be seen, drop- ping blood. Instruments of the Passion (scourges, spear, hammer, the pillar, wrapped with the cords and stained with blood, the sponge on a pole, and, of course, the Cross itself) are all to be seen, not in the Deed but upon the folio con- taining it. At the bottom of the sheet are representations of grinning skulls, and bones. To the middle of the lower edge of the Charter is attached a pointed seal, drawn as though fastened by thongs in the usual fashion, and in the centre of the seal is the heart with the spear thrust and the five drops of blood. The sacred monogram " IHS " appears on the seal. F, Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 116, Art. 2, fol. 97'. Title, Carta Redempcionis Humane, " A Parchment Book, writ- ten by different Hands, in a small fol." . . . . " [The Charter] is a short Poem, feigned to be Spoken by our Savior, and composed in the Form of a Deed of Feoffment. In the Index of Contents at the Beginning of the Book, it is called Magna Carta BalvatorisJ^ ^^ The Catalogue gives no indication as to where the hands change. The date as- signed to Article 2 by Sir George Warner is the second half of the fifteenth century. This copy of the Charter contains no seal and no Latin sentences. G. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 24343, Art. 2, ff. 6'-7', written in single columns. The title (given at the end of the Charter) ^'Cat. of Harl. MS3. i. (1808) 35. CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXV is Carta Redempcionis humane. The text is " in English verse^ framed in imitation of a grant of land; .... [The manuscript is] vellum; XVth cent. Small Quarto." ^^ There is no seal attached to this Charter. At the top of fol. 6' are the letters '' I H C/' and at the bottom of fol. 7" are the words; ^^ Min harte life and dere," written in a different and more modern hand. From the rotograph in my possession, I should judge the manuscript to be much stained, and fol. 6^ gives the appearance of having had a portion of another piece erased upon it, or faded, over which the Charter was written. The lines of the Charter are in- scribed between the very faint lines of the erased article. It is impossible to determine what this may have been. The only other article in the manuscript is No. 1, which the catalogue describes as follows : '' Les cink ioyes de nostre Dame; in French verse; preceded by, and interspersed with, prayers in Latin and French." H. Caius Coll. Camb. ms. 230, Art. 21, fol. 25^ written in double columns. Title (given in the Colophon), Carta Hunisine redem.pcio7i .... the rest is cut off by the edge of the page. The manuscript is vellum, of the fifteenth century, and came " from St. Alban's Abbey, as appears by many of the verses contained in the volume. It is closely connected with Abbot John Whethamstede." ^^ The Charter has no seal or illustrations. I. Bod. MS. Ashmole 61, Art. 28, fol. 106, occupying but little more than one-half of one of the double columns in which the manuscript is written. The title heading the '^ Cat. of Add. to the mss. in the Brit. Mus. in the Years 1854-75 ii. (1877) 57. " James's Cat. of the mss. in the Lib. of Gonville and Caius College I. (Cambridge 1907) 268-76; and "Corrigenda," ii. p. xv. XXVI THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST poem is Testamentum domini. The manuscript is thus de- scribed : ^^ A very tall and narrow folio volume, consisting of 161 leaves of paper of the largest size folded down the length of the sheet. On a flyleaf at the beginning is fixed a torn leaf containing a spoiled copy of 30 lines of the first article, and part of a list of the contents of the volume, which are: A collection of Metrical Romances, Lays, and other Poems in Old English, made by one Eate, in or before the time of Henry VII." ^^ At the end of the Charter is drawn a shield, described thus in the catalogue : "a shield charged with a cross between 4 suns, and in the centre a heart with a sun in it." The four suns and the sun within the heart seem to be intended to represent the ^ye wounds of Christ, that in the heart being the one made by the spear. What appears in the drawing to be rays may be blood marks. /. Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 237, Art. 19, fol. 100-100": Carta Humane Redempcionis, written in double columns. The manuscript is described as a " Codex Chartaceus et male- hahitus in 4to." ^^ The date of this text (art. 19), as fur- nished me by Sir George Warner, is the late fifteenth century. The Charter is crowded in between art. 18, De Ordinatione, and art. 20, Formula injungendi populo preces, in Ecclesia ParochialL The text begins with line 7, imme- diately following the title. Carta humane redempcionis, and proceeds in this order: 7, 9, 11, 13, 15, 17, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 29, 31, 33, 1, 2, 3, 4, [5 and 6 lacking], 8, 10, 12, 14, 16, 18, 20, 22, 24, 26, 28, 30, 32, 34. It will be evident that the mistake is due to the scribe's having copied his lines in the wrong order from a text arranged in double columns, something like this: '"W. H. Black's Cat. of the Ashmolean and other MSS. (Oxford 1845) cols. 106-109. '^Cat. of Harl. mss. i. (1808) 73. CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXVll Top OF A Folio. End of 1 2 another article. 3 Carta humane redempcionis ~4 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 The scribe of the original manuscript, having some space left to the right, began his article there ; but he had first written his title at the end of the preceding piece, as was customary, before he thought of saving the blank space to the right. The scribe of Harl. 237, seeing the title just above what is in reality line 7, supposed that to be the beginning of the Charter and proceeded to copy from that point down the left column and then down the right. As he had presumably just finished a Latin prose treatise, and would not be looking for rhyme, and as the first few lines he copied of this text made sense, he continued without noticing that after line 17 he was writing nonsense. The Charter has the colophon, quod I lang.'' Whether this is the name of the supposed author or of the scribe I cannot say. The preceding article is subscribed as nearly. as I can make out, B". Goffiidua de teiapoTe ord. . K. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 5465 (ms. Fairfax), Art. 50, ff. 119''-124.* This manuscript is described in detail by B. XXVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST Fehr, in Herrig's ArcMv cvi. 48-70, and the songs it con- tains, of which the Charter is one, are printed with the description, exclusive of the musical notation which accom- panies them. '' Robert Ffajrfax '' was, according to Fehr, a celebrated musician and composer who received in 1504 the degree of Mus. D. from Cambridge, in 1511 the same de- gree from Oxford, and died in 1529. Fehr believes it pos- sible that the manuscript was written by Fairfax's own hand, as we know from entries in the " State's Papers " that he increased his income by writing music books. " Soviel ist sicher," says Fehr, '' dass die Handschrift Fairfax' Besitz war : sein Wappen ist auf dem Titelblatt gezeichnet, und auf S. 40 in die beiden Anfangsbuchstaben M hineingeflochten. Wie das Titelblatt weiter andeutet, gehorte das Liederbuch im Jahre 1618 dem General Fairfax, von dem es spater in die Hande des Ralph Thoresby von Leeds iiberging ; " etc. L. Bod. MS. Ashmole 189, fol. 109, written in single column, about twenty-five lines to the page. In this manu- script, as in MS. Fairfax, the Charter figures as a song. It is the tenth in " ^ A collection of Hymns and religious ditties ' in Old English," which is the sixth article (apparently) in the second of the four manuscripts that are bound in Ash. 189. Black's account ^"^ of this second manuscript is as follows: ^'The second ms. consists of 40 leaves (fi. 70-109), rudely written, on lines ruled with red ink, in the XVth century. On the upper corner of the second page is a dis- tich, written in a cypher of Arabic numerals for the vowels; which may be read thus : ' Qui scripsit certe Ricardus nominatur aperte Quod si queratur recte Wraxall cognominatur.' On the middle of the last page but one is the following in- scription : ' Dominus Ricardus Coscumhe prior de Muchel- ney est possessor huius libri.' This being in the same hand- ^' See his Cat. op. cit. col. 151. CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXIX writing as tlie other note (thougli without cypher) shows a probability that both names mean the same person. The handwriting of the book is very different." Under the entry of the Charter occurs the following note : " This is a version of what was called Carta Cliristi or Testamentum Domini: it is longer than the copy in I^o. 61, art. 28: and pretends to grant an indulgence of 26030 years and 11 days." The refrain is : " Wette ye All that bene here," the first line of the Charter. M. St. John's Coll. Camb. ms. B. 16, fol. 53. The manuscript is described by Dr. M. E. James (Descriptive Catal. of the MS8. in the Lib. of St. Johns Coll. Camb., 1913) as: '^ Vellum and paper . . . several volumes. Cent. XV and xiv. Ex dono Magistri gerit ecclesiae Barhroohe in Essexia Rectoris/' Under I, presumably designating the first volume of the set, is entered Carta redemptoris, begin- ning: "Weyteth now alle that ben here," etc. From the fact that no date is assigned to this volume, and that Vol. in is definitely assigned to the fourteenth century, I infer that Vol. I is written in a fifteenth century hand. Dr. James refers to this Charter as " printed by Furnivall, E. E. T. S.," but so far as I am aware neither Furnivall nor the E. E. T. S. has printed the Short Charter. § 4. Manuscripts of the Lo7ig Charter A-Text 28 F. Bod. MS. Eawl. poet. 175, Art. 7, ff. 94'-95'; in col- umns of about forty-two lines each. Mr. Madan's account ^The symbols F, G, H, etc., of these mss., as well as A, B, C, etc., used of the mss. of Version B and of the Short Charter, have no significance as regards priority or rank of the mss., but were applied arbitrarily when the writer first began work upon them. Later, the difficulties involved in altering the symbols to an order more consistent with the results attained, made it seem unwise to change them. XXX THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST of the manuscript is as follows: '^ in English, on parchment: written in the middle of the fourteenth century: 11% x 8 in., 1 -f" 136 leaves, in double columns. Old English re- ligious and moral poems. . . . Owned in 1630 by ' Chris- tofer Fauell ' : perhaps earlier by ' Kaphe Warmoud.' The manuscript came to Eawlinson from the Thoresby collec- tion." ^^ The Charter has no title, but just above the first line it bears the legend, Ihesus est amor meus, G. Brit. Mus. ms. Add. 11307, Art. 2, ff. 89-97, written in single columns, each containing about twenty-six or twenty- eight lines. This manuscript is described in the catalogue as a vellum octavo of the XVth century.^^ Sir George Warner assigns it to the first half of the century. The Charter is without title, and is accompanied by a recent transcript, which is unsigned. Four recent transcripts of other articles contained in this manuscript were made by Joseph Haslewood, but the catalogue does not say that he is the author of the transcript of the Charter. H, Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 2346, Art. 16, ff. 51-55, in single columns, of about twenty-eight lines each. The manuscript is a small quarto, written upon parchment, and composed chiefly of theological tracts. Article 16 is " An old English Poem upon the Love of our blessed Savior to Mankind, & his Sufferings for us: wherein, by a Prosopopoeia, he is made to be the Speaker." ^^ Sir George Warner informs me that the article was written in the first half of the fifteenth century. /. Brit. Mus. MS. Harl. 5396, part of Art. 4, ff. 301-305'. written in single columns, varying from twenty-two to twenty- » Summary Gat. of Western mss. hi. (Oxford 1895) 321-2. ""See List of Add. to the mss. in the Brit. Mus. in the Year 1838 (1843) 2-3. "See Cat. of Harl. mss. n. (1808) 662. CLASSIFICATION OF MATEEIAL XXXI six lines in length. Under Art. 4, which the cataloguer describes as '^ A very curious Book on paper," is an inscrip- tion in a modern hand, running thus : ^' A collection of ancient Poems, with some other memorandums, dated the 34th year of K. Hen. YI. 1456." ^^ The same hand gives a summary of the chief contents. Sir George Warner's date for this Charter is late fifteenth century. The title heading the Charter is, What Chryst hath done for us. Opposite line 32 is some writing, unintelligible to me, which appears to form two or three words. Again, at the end of the Charter, on page 305^", are two are three words illegible (at least to me), after which Explycit is written in a hand different from that of the poem. /. Bod. MS. Add. C. 280 (Summary Cat. ]^o. 29572), Art. 4a, ff. 124-5, written in double columns, with about forty lines in each. The manuscript is '' on parchment : written in the first half of the fifteenth cent, in England ( ?) : 10% x Y% in., 127 leaves: binding, stamped brown leather, early 17th cent. English work." The chief contents of the manu- script is the French text of the Travels of Sir John Mande- ville, " Eols. 124-127 contain two English poems, added about the middle of the 15th cent. : (1) Carta domini Nostri Ihesu Cristi . . . . in 212 lines: (2) on the life of Christ, beg. : ' Alle 3e mowyn be blythe & glade,' in 358 lines." ^^ The title quoted just above is given in the colophon. On fol. 127** occurs the following mark of ownership: Iste liber con- stat JohsLimi Heruy de Lyncolnes Inn ; and just below, signa dede. The catalogue notes that Hervy was admitted to Lincoln's Inn in 1509. K. Bod. MS. 89 (Sum. Cat. no. 1886), ff. 45-49, Art. 2, in single columns of about twenty-eight lines each. The ^2 See Cat. of Earl. mss. iii. (1808) 264-5. ^Summary Cat. of Western mss. v. (Oxford 1905) 646. XXXll THE MIDDLE ENGEISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST poem is headed : Hie incipit Carta Xpi. On folio 49, at the bottom of the page and, I should judge, in the scribe's own hand, are the words: Iste liher constat Domine Tliome 8ey- 'b^y99^' Jiist at the end of the Charter is the following in a diiferent hand : Deux pere sapite nous donn pais & plente- ocu^ & sancte abstinence et cliarite hon vie & hon & fyn et vitam eteinam. amen. At the top of fol. 49 a mark of owner- ship with the date 1431 is written in a third hand, as follows : In higit-siem Margarete IdM miiijxxxj Harwod. Bodley's librarian informs me that both the Charter and the only other article contained in Bod. 89 (Speculum Christiani, ff. 1-44, in a different hand from the Charter) were written about the year 1400. L. Magd. Coll. Oxf. ms. St. Peter-in-the-East 18 e. This Charter is a fragment which is written on the back of a secular charter document preserved in the muniment room of Magdalen College, Oxford. The following description of the manuscript and fragment was most kindly furnished me by the Rev. H. A. Wilson, Librarian of Magdalen College, Oxford : " The parchment on which the fragment is written measures about ten inches by ^ve. It contains on the one side a document numbered ^ 18 e' belonging to the series of charters and deeds relating to the parish of St. Peter in the East in Oxford preserved in the muniment room of Magda- len College. The document is a record of a presentment made in the King's Court in Oxford, on the part of the Master and brethren of the Hospital of St. John Baptist, on the Monday after the Exaltation of the Cross, in the 13th year of Henry IV. (i. e. on Sept. 19th, 1412), for the abate- ment of a nuisance caused to them by the Proctors of the University having made a new window in a hall called Blake- hall (Black Hall), in the parish of St. Peter in the East, opening on the land of a tenement belonging to the Master and Brethren. The fragment is written across the back of the document [in long double lines] in a small neat hand of CLASSIFICATIOIT OF MATERIAL XXXlll the 15th century, probably of a date nearly the same with that of the document. It begins about an inch from one end of the parchment and about three inches remain blank at the other end after the last line." V. Bod. MS. Vernon, ff. 317'-3187^ of the latter part of the fourteenth century. The title of the Charter is Testamentum Christi. It has been printed twice : by Horst- mann in Herrig's ArcMv, and by Dr. Furnivall in the Publications of the Early English Text Society, as has been already noted.^^ B-Text A, Brit. Mus. ms. Cott. Calig. A II., Art. I. (20), f. 77. The manuscript is of the fifteenth century.^^ Article I.^*^ is a " collection of old English poems or lays . . . with some prose tracts intermixed," of which no. 20 is entitled Carta Jhu Xpi. A description of this manuscript is to be found in Dr. Edith Rickert's edition of Emare.^^ Dr. Rickert assigns the manuscript with great probability to the period between the years 1446 and 1460. Of. also Glauning's ed. of the Two Nightingale Poems.^^ B, Camb. Univ. ms. Ff. 2. 38, Art. 25, ff. 39'-42'. "A folio on paper, 247 leaves, double columns of about 40 lines each, handwriting uniform and of the middle of the XYth century: wants some leaves. A collection of Early English ^ I am indebted to Professor Brown for the number of the folio containing the end of this text. '^ See p. XV. ^"See Cat. Cott. mss. (1802) 42. »^This was originally MS. Vesp. D 8. See Dr. Rickert, Umare {E. E. T. S. Ex. Ser. 99) p. ix. "^ E. E. T. S. Ex. Ser. 99 pp. ix-xi. ^« £;. ^. r. iSf. Ex. Ser. 80 pp. xi-xiii. XXXIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Pieces, chiefly metrical." ^^ The Charter is entitled, ^e Chartur of Criste, For further information regarding the manuscript, see J. O. Halliwell, Thornton Romances (Lon- don 1844) pp. xxxvi.-xlv. ; and McKnight, Horn/'^ who describes it as being in the hand of a Southern scribe. C. Camb. Univ. ms. li. 4. 9, Art. 2, ff. 42'-47\ A frag- ment of the Charter only, containing 248 lines. The title in the colophon is feoffoment Ihc. The manuscript is " a quarto on paper, containing 197 leaves [written in single columns] with about 28 lines in each page;, handwriting of the XVth century.42 D. Camb. Univ. MS. Ee. 2. 15, Art. 7, ff. 90'-94\ "Kun- ning title : The Chartur ^ a poem on the last sufferings of Our Blessed Lord. [The ms. is] a folio, on paper, very much mutilated, 95 leaves [written in single columns] about 35 lines in each page, handwriting of the fifteenth or beginning of the sixteenth century."*^ This text is imperfect, lacking the first sixty-eight lines. E. Camb. Univ. ms. li. 3. 26, Art. 2, ff. 235'-237\ Title, Bona Carta gloriose passionis domini nostri ihu xpl. The Catalogue describes this manuscript as " a folio, on parch- ment, containing 237 leaves, with 43 lines in each page. Date, the fifteenth century." ^* But the Charter is written in double columns, with about forty-four lines in each, not forty-three lines to the page. At the bottom of folio 236^* is the following record of ownership : '^ Thys ys George Tow- kars bowke, lentt to hyme by George HaroUde surgentt, the fyrst day of August, Anno Domini 1558." *° Cat. of Mss. i'.i Camh. Univ. Lib. II. (Cambridge 1857) 404. *'E. E. T. S. Ex. £er. 14 A. p. Iv. *^ Cat. of MSS. in Camb. Univ. Lib. in. (Camb. 1858) 448. *^Cat. of MSS. in Camb. Univ. Lib. ii. (Cambridge, 1857) 31. ^Cat. of MSS. in Camb. Univ. Lib. in. (Cambridge 1858) 429. CLASSIFICATION OF MATERIAL XXXV Z. Brit. Mus. ms. Harl. 2382, Art. 8, fol. Ill' ; Testa- mentum Christi. ^^ A paper book in 4to, wherein are con- tained several Theological Poems, composed by Dan, John Ljdgate Monk of Bury, Geffery Chancer, & others." ^^ The Charter has been twice printed from this manuscript: in Herrig's AfcMv lxxix. 424-32 by Horstmann, and in the Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. Part ii. {E, E, T, S. Orig. Ser. 117) by Dr. Furnivall.^^ C-Text R. Brit. Mus. ms. Eoyal 17, C xvn. Art. ( ?), leaf 112'- leaf 116", of the beginning of the XVth century. This Charter has been printed by Furnivall in Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. Part il {E. E. T. S. Orig. Ser. 117). *^CaL of Harl. MSS. ii. (1808) 675. ** Through Mr. Flower, of the Department of mss. in the British Museum, I learn that ms. Addit. 11809 (2nd half of the 15th cent.) contains, at fol. 34, an Irish prose translation of the Middle English " Testamentum Christi" according to the version in ms. Harl. 2382. The Irish text is a close and literal translation of the Middle English verses. It is the only instance, of which Mr. Flower is aware, of an Irish translation of a Middle English poem. II HISTOEY AND SOUECES § 1. The Charter as a Literary Type It would be natural, perhaps, to suppose that a form which lends itself so readily to imitation as the legal grant or deed of gift, would have been seized upon eagerly by mediaeval writers, whose fondness for allegory would presumably have led them to see in the Charter, as in the Last Will and Testament, a convenient medium of symbolic expression. This, however, does not appear to have been the case. Examples of the type represented by the Charter of Christ, in which the legal form is made to subserve a literary pur- pose, are exceedingly rare both in England and on the Con- tinent. Indeed, I know of but one example originating in France — Eutebeuf ^s version of the deed granted to the devil by Theophilus ; ^ even this, however, is not a true illustration of the type, since it contains no allegorical element but pur- ports to be an actual charter drawn by Theophilus. It is noteworthy that in the Middle English versions of this legend the deed itself does not appear until the latter part of the fifteenth century.^ *See Achille Jubinal, CEuvres Completes de Ruteheuf ii. (Paris 1839) 104-105. * See for this legend and its various versions, E. Kolbing, Beitrdge z. Vergl. Geschichte der Romantischen Poesie und Prosa des Mittelalters (Breslau 1876) 1; and Eng. Stud. i. 10 flf., xxxii. 1 fif.; the last of these contains the deed, stanzas 45 ff. (ed. W. Heuser). See also Jubinal, op. cit. Note B, pp. 26011'. The Devil's Charter by Barnabe Barnes, a play acted probably for the first time in 1607, contains a Charter between the Devil and Pope Alexander VI. (ed. R. B. McKerrow, 1904, in Materialien zur Kunde des dlteren Englischen Dramas vi.). xxxvi HISTORY A1^T> SOURCES XXXVll In considering examples of the charter type in Middle English we may also leave out of account the spurious grants of land purporting to be executed by Athelstan, Edward the Confessor, etc., since these too are not allegorical, but actual, deeds.^ Aside from the Charters of Christ I know of only two instances of the allegorical charter in Middle English: the ^^ Charter of Eavel to Falsehood," in Piers Plowman,^ and the Charter of the Ahhey of the Holy Ghost,^ The '^ Charter of Favel to Falsehood," including the description of its witnesses, sealing, etc., occupies in the A-text but twenty-two lines. Like certain versions of the Charter of Christ, it follows fairly closely the phraseology of a legal instrument : — Hit witen and witnessen that woneth vppon eorthe, That I Fauuel, feffe Fals to that mayden Meede. Then follows a list of their holdings, the ^' erldam of envye," etc., " to habben and to holden and al heore heyres aftur," on condition that they yield their souls to Satan at the year's end. After the list of witnesses, " Wrong, Pers the par- doner," etc., the deed is sealed '' in the date of the deuel, be siht of sir Symoni and notaries signes." In the B- and C-texts, the Charter is introduced by the words Sciant pre- sentes et futuri, etc., also found in the Charter of Christ. The C-text drops the formula " to have and to hold," and ^ These have been printed from time to time in Notes and Queries; see for example a grant of King Athelstan, 6^^ Ser. xii. 194. A corre- spondence concerning the age and authenticity of these documents extends through several numbers of the N. and Q., references for which may be obtained from the indices. Another rhymed Charter occurs in MS. Cott. Julius F. X., Art. 29, f. 154, beginning: Iche Sancti Edwardi Regis Have yeoven of my forest the keping, etc. * A-text II. 60-82; B-text ii. 74-113; C-text m. 79-115. " Printed by Horstmann, Richard Rolle i. 338 flf. XXXVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST both B- and C-texts spoil the simplicity and clearness of the A version of the deed by introducing amplifications, and by changing from the first person to the third.^ Aside from the parallelism in structure, the ^* Charter of Favel " shows no resemblance to either of the others. In the Charter of the Ahhey of the Holy Ghost, on the other hand, we find a closer parallel to the Charter of Christ. In the first place, the subject — God's ceding to man a " lytel preciouse place that is clepid Conscience " — is not unlike the grant of Heaven to man made by Christ in His Charter. Again, between the Charter of the Ahhey and the Short Charter are certain likenesses which, though they may be due to the employment in both of the phraseology of legal instru- ments, yet possibly indicate some connection between them. In both, the formulae of the legal deed are in Latin, followed by an English translation. One or two of these appear also in the Long Charter, but they do not occur consistently throughout. Again, the witnesses named in the Abbey Char- ter — " aungel and man, heuene and erthe, sone and mone and al the sterres " — ^suggest the list of phenomena cited as wit- nesses of the Deed in the Short Charter. Finally, the phrase " to the chef lord of the fee '' in the Abbey Charter finds a parallel in ^^ as to the chief lord of the fee " in the Short Charter, We need not, however, attach much significance to this point, since the phrase is evidently a translation of a Latin formula, such as is found, for example, in a charter of the fiftieth year of Henry III : hahenda et tenenda eidem Rogero et heredihus suis de capitalihus dominis feodi illius seu nohis vel aliis imperpetuum,'^ Should there be any connection between the Charter of the Ahhey and the Short Charter, it may fairly be assumed that the dependence was on the side of the former, even ' B later introduces the first person at line 86. ' Hubert Hall, A Formula Book of English Official Historical Docu- ments, Part I. (Cambridge 1908) 39. HISTOEY AND SOUECES XXXIX though we cannot prove the Short Charter to be earlier than the year 1400.8 § 2. Antiquity of the Chaetee of Cheist 1. The Charter of Christ probably existed in Middle English verse as early as the first quarter of the fourteenth century. The oldest extant manuscript of the Long Charter — Eawl. poet. 175 — was written about 1350 ; but between the Eawlinson ms. and the archetype, as I shall undertake to show in Chapter Y, no less than three manuscripts inter- vened, so that the archetype may reasonably be assigned to the early decades of the century.^ To the fourteenth century belongs also the Latin metrical Carta Libera, as we are as- ^Horstmann {Nachtrdge zu den Legenden Herrig's Archiv. lxxix. 470) thought that a close relation existed between the Long Charter, Versions A and B (he calls it Testamentum Christi) and the Cursor Mundi Pt. II. (E. E. T. 8.) 978 flf. But the likeness here seems to me no greater than exists between the Charter and other poems on the Passion. He later (1895, Rich. Rolle. i. 71) suggests a Complaint in MS. Camb. Univ. Dd. 5. 64, beginning: " Vnkynde man, gif kepe til me and loke what payne I suffer for l?e," as furnishing the theme for the Long Charter in MS. Vernon. One line in this poem, " With hungyr, thirst, hete & calde," suggests line 48 of the Long Charter, " In hongur and l)urst, colde and wo " ; but the details in the Complaint find so many parallels in other pieces that it would hardly be safe to stress such a resemblance. Cf. for the source of the theme of this poem and others similar to it, note 12, pp. x f., and compare Thien's opinion, Ueher die Eng. MarienMagen 82. Forster (Herrig's Archiv ex. 358) suggests that the texts of the Short Charter in Ash. 61 and 189 may belong to the class known as " Himmelsbriefe." So far as I can see there appears to be no relation between the " Letters from Heaven " and the Charter of Christ. For these Letters, Forster refers to A. S. Napier, Contributions to Old Eng. Lit. I. {An Old English Homily on the Observance of Sunday), and K. Priebsch, John Audelay's Poem on the Observance of Sunday, both in the Fumivall Miscellany 355 ff. and 397 ff., as also to a number of other articles. 'Moreover, linguistic tests show that final e was sounded when the A-text was composed. For detailed proof of this see Appendix I. Xi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST sured by the date of the earlier of the two manuscripts in which it is preserved. The other extant versions of the Charter of Christ contribute no evidence that would point to an earlier origin for the type. ISTone of the manuscripts of the Short Charter is earlier than the fifteenth century. The fact that MS. A is copied from a gravestone bearing the date 1400, makes it clear that this version was in existence before the close of the fourteenth century, but linguistic tests, so far as they go, suggest a date late in the century.^^ The Kerd Charter is written on the back of a legal conveyance dated 1395, but we have no means of determining when the poem was added. Linguistic tests show, however, that at the time of its composition final e was not pronounced. ^^ Carta Domini is preserved in a manuscript of the fifteenth century. ^^ § 3. The Origin of the Charter of Christ The idea of a charter, drawn up in imitation of a legal document, according to which the Saviour grants to mankind title to the Kingdom of Heaven, may possibly have arisen merely as a variation upon the theme of Christ's Last Will "Seepp. 92ff. The /ormitZop employed in this Charter afford but little assistance in determining the date of composition. According to H. Hall, Formula Book of Eng. Off. Hist. Documents, Pt. i. (Camb. 1908) 25, the formula Habendum et tenendum came into use during the reign of John (1199-1216), and had disappeared by 1499. Habendum (with- out the last two words) is found in one MS. of the Short Charter ( Sloane 3292 ) . The phrase. In cujus rei testimonium, which occurs in six Mss. of the Short Charter, was peculiar to the Letters Patent, a form which gradually superseded the regular Charter, but was not well established until the close of the minority of Henry III. (Henry de- clared his majority in 1227). See Formula Book 53. "Note the rhyme words: blod-god (pi. adj.), 27-28; god (pi. adj.) -stode (3rd sing.), 29-30; long (pi. adj.) -stong (3rd sing.), 31-32. " See p. xiii. As regards the Bedford ms. (see p. xvi) and the two texts described at pages xviii-xix, such data as we have is not sufficient to determine the time of composition in the case of any of them. HISTORY AND SOURCES xli and Testament, a literary type to which reference has already heen made.^ Christ's Last Will is occasionally men- tioned in mediaeval works, which describe the Lord as bequeathing upon the Cross various legacies to those He was leaving on earth. ^ Though quite distinct in the legal form upon which it is based, the Charter resembled the Will in being the Saviour's dying gift ; thus it will be noted that all the Deeds are dated on the day of the Crucifixion. Again, a suggestion for the Charter may be found in a passage in the Epistle to the Hebrews (ix: 16-18) : Et ideo novi testamenti mediator est; ut morte intercedente, in redemptionem earum prssvaricationiun, qua? erant sub priori testamento, repromissionem accipiant qui vocati sunt seterna? hereditatis. Ubi enim testamentum est: mors necesse est in- tercedat testatoris. Testamentum enim in mortuis confirma- tum est: alioquin nondum valet, dum vivit qui testatus est. Unde nee primum quidem sine sanguine dedicatum est. The Greek SiaOriKT], here rendered by testamentum^ com- bines the meaning of " covenant " and " testament " ^ so that the lines just quoted embody a two-fold figure: (1) the Last Will and Testament made by Christ on man's behaK; (2) the new Covenant instituted by Christ through His * Exemplified by Christ's Testament in Deguileville's Pdlerinage de la Vie Humaine; cf. p. viil. ^ See, for example, St. Ambrose, Comment. Lib. x in Euang. Luc. Cap. XXIII: Sed ibi pro loco, hie & in cruce non immemor matris, appellat earn, dicens: ecce filius tuus. Et loanni: ecce mater tua. Testabatur de cruce Christus, & Testamentum eius signahat loannes; digmis tanto testatore testis. Bonum Testamentum non pecuniae; sed vitae: quod non atramento scribitur; sed Spiritu Dei vivi. See also Leg. Aur. (Nuremberg 1488) De Passione ihesu Christi fol. Ixvi''; and Abbatus Ernaldus Bonsevallis, in a discourse concerning the Seven Words of the Cross, Migne, Pat. Lat. clxxxix. Col. 1696, etc., etc. "See Thayer's remarks on this passage in his Qrh-Eng. Lexicon of the N. T. xlii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST death on the Cross, whereby man receives the promise of an eternal inheritance. The word " testamentum " was, of course, familiar to mediaeval readers in the sense of " covenant '' as w^ll as of " testament." The first interpretation, applied to the pas- sage in question, would represent Christ as the sacrificial victim slain, according to Hebrew custom, to confirm the covenant with mankind.^ The second interpretation would identify Christ as the testator who grants a charter to man as his dying bequest. But either interpretation may easily have served to suggest the representation of Christ's grant to mankind under the form of a legal deed or charter. From this figure of the Eedemption as a legal deed — tracing its ultimate source very possibly to these sentences in the Epistle to the Hebrews — ^the several extant versions of the Charter of Christ presumably derive. But before pro- ceeding to define more closely the nature of the prototype, or to consider the textual relations of the various extant versions, it will be necessary to note the occurrence, in two of them, of a figure which is directly related to the question of origins. § 4. TfiE Metaphor of the Crucified Body as THE Charter In the Long Charter and Kent Charter ^ but in no other ver- sions, an extended metaphor ^ identifies the Deed with the cru- *Dr. Richard G. Moulton, commenting on the passage in Hebrews, explains it by reference to the Hebrew animal-sacrifices, " which were the formal sign of a covenant between parties, the Stroke of Death being the irrevocable seal set on an agreement from which there can be no departing" (see the Modern Reader's Bible, 1907, notes on this passage ) . Cf . also, in this connection, notes and text of the Bible Containing the Marginal Readings adopted by General Con- vention (Thomas Nelson & Sons, New York, 1903), a reference kindly pointed out to me by my father, the Rev. Charles N. Spalding, D. D. ^The term allegory seems hardly applicable, as the figure is not developed through narrative but by explanation. HISTORY AND SOURCES xliii cified Body of Christ. In the Long Charter the Deed is writ- ten upon the parchment of the Lord's skin with pens which are the scourges used by the Jews. The letters are His wounds, the sealing-wax His blood, etc. The Indenture, or copy left with man, is the Sacrificial Body of the Lord in the Eucharist. The same figure is expressed also in the Kent Charter: I Jhesus of Nazaren ... Have grantyd, 3ovyn and confermyd is ^ Thourch my Charte that the men se My body that heng on the tie, A mes housyd fayir and fre It is hevene blysse I telle the . . . etc. Other versions of the Charter, it is true, also have some features which at first sight suggest that the metaphor, though not explicit, was yet implied: in the Carta Libera and the Carta Domini the document is said to be written in the Lord's blood, while in the Short Charter the wound in His side is the seal. Since similar points form a part of the metaphor in the Long Charter and Kent Charter, where Christ's blood is either sealing-wax or seal, it would be nat- ural to suppose that the occurrence of such features in the other Charters implied the same metaphor. This supposition, however, can hardly be justified. In the first place, the expressions proprio sanguine conscripsi, hec — sanguine scripta, and ^^the wounde in my syde [or " herte "] the sele it is," of the Carta Domini, Carta Libera and the Short Charter respectively, may be otherwise ex- plained. They may have reference to the shedding of blood necessary to the ratification of the covenant discussed in Section 3, the terms conscripsi, scripta, and '^ sele " being attributable to the fact that in our texts, the covenant is expressed under the fig\ire of a written charter. Again, had 'Probably an error for ]>is. Xliv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST the metaphor of Christ's Body been in the minds of the sev- eral authors of these three Charters, it would indeed have been strange that they should not have expressed it definitely. The idea is appropriate and too suggestive for them to have neglected it, especially in the case of the author of the Carta Libera, who introduces much detail regarding the sufferings of our Lord at the Crucifixion. Moreover, in the Carta Libera, the words hec mors, homo, fit tua carta are better explicable as referring to the ratification of a covenant than as intending to suggest the metaphor in question. Accordingly, this metaphor, in my opinion, was not present in the Charter of Christ, as it was originally conceived, but was introduced later as an adornment. It may possibly have grown out of the phrase in the Carta Libera already mentioned: liec mors, homo, fit tua carta, or from hec . . . sanguine scripta^'^ or from a reference to the wound in Christ's side as a seal in some early text of the Short Charter, etc.^ On the other hand, the figure may go back to a Scriptural source. In the Epistle to the Colossians (ii: 13-14) St. Paul speaks of a bond or writ as being nailed to the Cross: Et vos cum mortui essetis in delictis, et prseputio carnis vestrse, conVivificavit cum illo, donans vobis omnia delicta : delens quod adversus nos erat chirographum decreti, quod erat contrarium nobis, et ipsum tulit de medio, affigens illud cruci: .... Though the bond here mentioned is not, of course, the same as that with which we are concerned, yet it is a legal document nailed to the Cross by Christ in effecting man's redemption from sin. That the Middle Ages played upon ^ Also in Carta Libera. . ^The fact that the Long Charter is an early text (see p. xxxix) and that our only text of Carta Domini, for example, occurs in a 15th cent. MS., does not affect the argument here; for there may have been very early texts both of Carta Domini and of the other versions in which the metaphor is not found. HISTORY AND SOURCES xlv this idea ic shown in the following passages from the Legenda Aurea :^ Huiusmodi autem debitmn apostolus vocat cirographum quod quidem christus tulit & cruci affixit. De quo dirographo dicit Augustinus. Eua peccatum a diabolo mutuavit. cirographum scripsit. fideiussorem dedit. & vsura posteritati. creuit. Tunc enim a diabolo peccatum mutuauit. quando contra preceptum dei sue praui iussiowi vel suggestioni consensit. cirographum scripsit. quando manum ad pomum vetitum porrexit. fide- iussionem dedit. quando Adam peccatort^w sentire fecit. & sic vsura peccati posteritati creuit. The same figure is used by Ludolphus de Saxonia, in his Vita Jesu Christi/^ as follows : Quia emm i^rivnus homo ad lignum preuaricationis manus extendendo & pedibw5 accede/ido cyrographum damnationis nos^re diabolo confecerat : ideo saluator nosier : vt cyrographum illud deleret manibifs et pedibws ligno salutifere crucis affigi vo- luit clauis inuictissime charitatis delens per hac cyrographum decreti quod erat coTitrarium nobis : et ipswm tulit de medio affigens illud cruci .... Jesu qui durissimis clauis cruci affigi voluisti : ac per hoc cyrographum peccatorum nostrorum & mor- tis eidem cruci affixisti. Confige quaeso timore tuo carnes meas .... etc. From this it would be but a step to connect the chiro- graphiim with the Body of the Saviour and incorporate the metaphor into the Charter of Christ, a document already purporting to deed to man the inheritance of Heaven. ^^ ® De passione ihesu Christi, ed. Nuremberg 1488, fol. Ixix. col. 1. " Secunda Pars Cap. lxiii., ed. Lyons 1530, fol. ecclxiil. "In this connection, it should be noted that in the Short Charter MS. A, the following six lines standing at the beginning just before the Soiant presentes et futuri (which is supposedly the beginning of the Charter) speak of a writ of man's debt cancelled by Christ: Jhesus Christ his Charter Great That bloud and water so did sweat xlvi THE MIDDLE EA'GLISH CIIABTEES OF CHRIST Thougli the Pauline text be recognized as furnishing ths original suggestion for the figure, it was not necessarily the source upon which these Charters directly depended, for the same metaphorical representation of the Body of Christ, in both simple and elaborated forms, occurs in various treatises at least as early as the fourteenth century and very possibly even earlier. N'otwithstanding variations of detail such as might be expected in the development of the Pauline figure — for example, the document is sometimes represented as a book or a bill of pardon as well as a charter — yet the parch- ment is always Christ's Body. Perhaps the simplest expres- sion of the figure is to be found in the two following cita- tions, wherein, it will be noted, no actual document is mentioned : oure blessed fadir of heuene spared not his owen sone but suffrede hym to be streyned on the harde cros, moore dispitously & greuously fan euer was schepys skyn streyned on the wal or vp-on fe parchemyn-makeris harowe a^ens ]?e sonne to drye.^^ And had his heart I-wounded sore To save mankind forever more Christ hath cancelled the writ of man's debt And by the great Charter him free hath set. This allusion to a writ would have led me to include the above passage from Colossians among the possible sources of the Charter, discussed in the preceding section, except that it is not probable that these lines formed a part of the original text of the Short Charter. They do not occur in ms, E, of the early 15th cent., nor in any other MS. except that the last two are found in ms. B, of the late 16th cent. Metrically, these lines appear to be of late origin. Moreover, the metre in the last two differs from that of the Charter itself. So that, although MS. Sloane 3292 (-ms. A) purports to contain a version copied from a gravestone in 1400, and hence probably represents a fairly parly text of the Short Charter, yet as the ms. itself belongs to the 16th cent., these introductory lines may well have been added, or rather, prefixed, to the Charter when the ms. was written. "A meditacion of \>e fyue woundes of Ihesu Crist, printed by Horst- mann, Richard Rolle ir. 440, from Univ. Coll. Oxford ms. 97, of the end of the 14th century. The Meditacion has been wrongly attributed HISTOEY A^B SOUECES xlvii And whene he [Christ] was thus sprede o-brode one }?e crosse more straite ]?an any parchemyne-skyne es sprede one ]?e harowe, so pat niene myghte tell all ]?e blyssede bones of his body/^ With the exception of these two^, all the examples I have noted speak of a document, or book. In An ABC Poem on the Passion of Christy one finds in the introductory stanzas a comparison between Christ ^s Body on the Cross and the horn book, or ABC, from which children learned to read : ^^ 1 In place as man may se, Quan a chyld to scole xal set be, 3 A bok hym is browt, Naylyd on a brede of tre, J?at JD.en callyt an abece, 6 Pratylych I-wrout. Wrout is on ]?e bok wi^h-oute, .V. piiraffys ^^ grete & stoute 9 Bolyd in rose red; ]>at is set wiih-oiityn doute. to Richard Rolle. It also occurs in MS. Simeon (Brit. Mus. MS. Add. 22283) at fol. 61^ which was transcribed about 1380-1400; see Horst- mann, op. cit. 436, and the Cat. of Add. mss. in the Brit. Mus. ^^ Bonaventura de mysteriis passionis lesu Christi, or The Privity of the Passion, meditation for midday; printed by Horstmann, Richard Rolle I. 206, from MS. Thornton (c. 1430-40). This is an anonymous work, a " free and abridged translation " of the Meditationes Vitce Christi, Cap. 74-92, formerly ascribed to Bonaventura. The Latin treatise does not contain the figure of the parchment, which is thus an addition by the author of the so-called translation. "Ms. Harl. 3954, which is dated by Furnivall about 1420. The poem itself may be somewhat earlier. It has been printed in the Reliq. Antiq., and in Pol. Rel. and Love Poems (ed. Furnivall E. E. T. 8.) 271. 15 « paraphe : The flourish, or peculiar knot, or mark set unto, or after, or instead of, a name in the signing of a Deed, or Letter; and generally, any such graceful setting out of a man's hand, or name in writing; also a subsignature, or signing under," — Cotgrave. Cf. also Sainte Palaye, Diet. hist, de Vane, langage fr. The word also means " paragraph." Xlviii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST [No gap in the ms.] 12 In tokenyng of cristis ded. Eed letter in parchemyn Makyth a chyld good & fyn 15 Lettrys to loke & se. Be fis bok men may dyuyne pat cristis body was ful of pyne 18 fat deyid on rode tre. On tre he was don ful blythe With grete paraffys, pat be wondt^ .V. 21 As ^e mon vnder-stonde. Loke in hys body, mayde & wyfe, Qwon hee gun naylys dryue 24 In fot & in honde. Hond & font per was ful woo, And per were lettrys many moo 27 With-in & with-oute, With rede wondts & strokts bio He was dryue fro top to pe too, 30 Hys fayre body aboute. About ]?is, a pece I wyl spede, J?at I myth J?is lettrys rede 33 With-outjn ony dystaunce; But god J?at let hys body sprede Vp-on pe rode for manys nede, 36 In heuene vs alle avaunee! Another very similar example of this figure is found in the Disputacion between Mary and the Cross,^^ in the Yernon MS. (c. 1370-80) : "Le^. of the Holy Rood (ed. Morris E. E. T. S. Orig. Ser. 46) 137-8, and Minor Poems of the Vernon MS. ii. (ed. Furnivall E. E. T. 8. Orig. Ser. 117) 617-618. HISTORY AND SOURCES xlix Numbers in Numbers in Moriis ed, Furnivall ed. 187 For pardoun schewe]? • be a shrine, 179 Wi)) nayl • and brede * on bord is smite, Rede lettres • write be lyne, Bluwe • Blake • a-mong men pite : Vr lord I * likne * to )?is signe. His bodi * vppon a bord ■ was bite, In Briht blod * his bodi gan schyne ; 185 Hou wo him was • may no mon wite, Red vp-on ]?e Roode ; Vr pardoun brede ; from top too to, Writen hit was ' wi}> wonder wo, WijJ Rede wou?ides • and strokes bio, 190 199 Vre Book • was bounden in bloode. 204 His Bodi was Book • ]>e Cros was brede, 196 Whon crist for vs • fer-on was cleynt : No mon gat pardoun • m]> no bede, Weor he neuere • so sely a seynt. Til book on bord • was sprad ; 200 Wij> sharpe nayles * dunted and driue. Til feet * and hondes * al-to riue ; His herte blod • vre book haj» 3iue, 212 To make • vr gostes glad : etc." Finally, the metaphor in elaborated form is to be found in the Carta Celestis Hereditatis^ one of a series of fourteenth century tracts of uncertain authorship entitled collectively The Poor Caitijf. The parts of this text which concern "Another mention of the Pardon Charter is found in Chaucer's ABC Poem: He vouched sauf, tel him, as was his wille, Bicome a man, to have our alliaunce, And with his precious blood he wroot the bille, Up-on the crois, as general acquitaunce, To every penitent in ful creaunce; .... This allusion does not occur in his source. 1 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Christ's grant of Heaven to man are printed in Appendix II. of the present study. An examination of the Carta will show that it not only contains the features of the figure which appear in the Disputacion, etc., but adds also the fol- lowing (1) the wounds numbered 5475; (2) the pens that wrote the Charter were the nails, spear, and thorns of the crucifixion; (3) the print of the seal was the shape of our Lord upon the Cross ; (4) the sentence of the Charter is our belief, and (5) the laces of the Charter are forgiveness of sin and trust in God.^^ It will be observed that certain of these pieces present striking points of resemblance with the Charters. One of these consists in the identification of Christ's wounds with letters, with which compare the following lines of the Long Charter: How many lettres thereon ben Eed and ]>ou may wite and sen ffif fousand foure hundred fyfti and ten Woundes on me boJ?e red and wen. There is also an interesting parallel between the Carta Celestis Hereditatis, and the Long Charter in that both mention pens and a specific number of wounds. The pens in the Carta however, are nails, spear, and thorns, while those in the Long Charter are scourges. The number of the wounds in one is 5475 and in the other 5460 ; but this is not as significant as at first appears, for these numbers, "Two other (15th cent.) references are as follows: 1) His herte blod wrot oure hele, And Ihesus body J?e parchemyn is; WiJ? trewe loue he prented oure sele, pat is heritage of oure blis. J. Kail, Twenty-six Pol. and Other Poems Pt. I. {E. E. T. S. Orig. Ser. 124) 78. 2) The passage from the Digby passion play, already quoted in another connection at p. x, note 10. HISTORY AND SOURCES li or others almost equally large, are also features in other mediaeval descriptions of the wounded Body of Christ. ^^ Consequently, it is entirely possible that the Long Charter and Kent Charter may have drawn the metaphor of Christ's Body from one or more of these or similar pieces. On the other hand, the reverse might have been the case. As to this one can hardly attempt to decide; the dates of the several texts furnish no clue as they are all of the fourteenth century. § 5. A Comparison of the Deed of Gift in the Five Charters Of the five texts of tho Charter of Christ, three consist of the Deed of Gift alone. ^ The other two — Carta Domini and the Long Charter — contain also additional matter enlarging upon themes suggested by the grant, although it is difficult, particularly in the case of the Long Charter, to decide just how much of the poem the author intended to include within the instrument itself.^ Since the points of resemblance between the Charters are confined to the Deed itself, we may exclude for the present the discussion of this additional material (except such portions as may serve to explain details in the instrument proper) and may proceed to com- pare the several Charters with respect to the forms of the Deed contained in them. " See, for example, the 4600 wounds mentioned in the Lamentatio Sancte Marie (ed. Frolich, Leipzig 1902) 71. v. 197. * The term " Deed " is used here and elsewhere to designate the instrument itself, whereas "Charter" sometimes refers to the Deed and sometimes to the piece containing it. ^ As illustration, observe the occurrence of the words " Consummatum est, this charter is done," v. 187 (A-text), long after the Deed itself (w. 99-134) is presumably at an end. Again, at line 155 the Jews are mentioned as witnesses of the Crowning of Christ with thorns; later on, at line 169, the formula " Hijs Testihus Matthew and John, Luke," etc., is introduced, but seems to refer not to the witnessing of the Deed, but to the witnessing of the offer of drink to the Lord. lii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST At the outset one perceives that Carta Domini, the only Latin prose Charter, possesses marked characteristics which distinguish it from all the others. In tone it is learned and ecclesiastical,^ showing a fondness for abstract terms as con- trasted with the concrete style of the rest. For example, Carta Domini differs from all the others in not citing as witnesses of the Deed concrete incidents of the crucifixion or the names of persons who were present — as John, the Blessed Virgin, or the Evangelists — but reads: Sigillum que mee diulnitatis apposui cum testimonio patris et spiritus. Nam hij tres testimonia dant in celo — an evi- dent adaptation of i John v:7: Quoniam tres sunt, qui testi- monium dant in coelo: Pater, Verhum, et Spiritu^ Sanctus, In view of the divergent character of Carta Domini it hardly seems necessary to include it among the other four texts in the tabular comparison which follows, though its omission is not intended to imply that it differs from them in the essen- tial features of the Deed. Coming now to examine the details of the Deed as it appears in the other four texts of the Charter, we may best indicate their mutual relations by arranging in parallel col- umns the features which they have in common.^ ' This Charter gives most evidence of having been written by a theologian. It will be remembered that it occurs in a book of sermons; see p. xiii. *In this table brackets indicate that the matter enclosed has been transferred from the order of its occurrence in the Charter. HISTOEY AND SOURCES liii Carta Libera Short Charter Kent Charter Long Charter Writ of man's debt cancelled, and man set free (only in Mss. A and B). 1. Sciant presentes at- Sciant ( and nou- Sciant presentes d que futuri quod verint ) futuri wite ye pat Wot ye now all Knowyn all men are and shal be- that . . . that are & schulen ben, that tyde that uir ego ihesus beth- I suffered death I (born in Bethle- lem . . . natus, leru- for love of you. hem . . .) made a salem lesus, eruci- upon the cross. seizin, when I was fixus, ludificatus while I was man born, to thee, man, on earth alive with my Father's will and love. I confirm it with my present charter. 2. Dando concessi eunc- Dedi et concessi tis . . . Regnum ce- I have made a I have granted I have granted leste, si semper ui- grant — heaven's Heaven bliss, con- (thee) to live uant honeste bliss — to all re- firmed through my with me in Realm pentant. charter (my body of Heaven's bliss. housed fair & free [My skin was the in the mass). parchment on which the Deed was written]. [In caluarie summo Between East and [The Charter was sunt hec data, etc. West, North and sealed on Calvary See 8, below]. South, it is well between 2 thieves. known to those that East and dwelling here. West, on high hill, I may judge both good and ill. Quia neque ah oriente, neque ah occi- dente.l liv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 1 Carta Libera Short Charteb Kent Charter Long Charteb 3. Habendum To havyn and To have am,d to heldyn holden as long as I am that sweet place. without miss — free Heaven's King. heritable and in — ^with all the fee. appurtenances. 4. Nee quicquam cupio reddi nisi cordis amo- Redendo For the service of I ask no more but rem . . . pro feodo cor True love to God. the chief lord of that thou be kind redde tuum mihi gra- Charity to one's the fee, to keep & remember my tiiTTi. Taliter ecce mo- neighbor. from sin. love deeds; do tibi trado meum "Keep I no more that thou pay aa laceratum (heart). for all my smart rent the four- Inspice, deuote, os- but true Love, man, leaved grass of tendo pro te que of thy heart, and shrift, repentance, quanta' sunt mea pe- that thou be in abandoning of sin. na. Hie sunt trans- charity," etc. fear of God; which fossa caro, uene, etc. four = a True-Love [nee ab inde recessi . . . [Do not de- {i. e, from my Deed) lay this rent. You . . . Aut si quando may find it ... f aciant . . . gra- through the year. uamen, non ita dele- I will not forsake bor; si peniteant mi- my deed, and if serebor]. you fail, you shall have mercy.] 5. Omnia sunt nuda . . . Warrantizatio In Warrantyze probra, sputa, flagella If my deed — i. e., I, Jesus, & my que plura, crux, claui, saving man — is dis- heirs bind our- spine . . . lancea, pas- puted, I would do selves to Christian sio dura. Et sique it again. men forever. paeior uideantur non satis arta, post hec en morior, hee mors, homo, fit tua carta. Nemo potest iure pri- uare quin ista tene- bunt, en quot secure warcmtizwre ualebunt. HISTORY AND SOURCES Carta Libera Short Charter Kent Charter Long Charter 6. Testibus Mis factis tenebris . . . velo . . . pet r is . . .terremotu . . . testante Johan- neque matre, ac aliis multis cum sacro neupmate patre. Hijs Testibus The day darkening The Sun withdraw- ing light The earth quaking The stones break- ing The vail rending Men rising from the dead The Virgin mother The Apostle St. John Others many that were there. These am the wyt- nesses trewe and god garland of thorns scourges nails spear stoppe of eysil & gall Tha cry "Eli-Eli!" my bloody tears my bonds my pains other things (The crowning with thorns) wit- nessed by the "Jewes alle," who said "Hail be thou," etc. (The giving of the eysil and gall) Hijs Testibus Matthew and John, Luke, Mark and many a one, and especially my "Mo- der Swete." 7. In cuius rei testimo- nium requiei vt stet tranquillum propri- um cor pono sigillum. . . . sunt hec . . . san- guine scripta. [The following occurs only in the 15th cent, text: sanguine tamen puro cartam, frater, tibi scripsi, et pro se- curo proprium cor penditur ipsi, amen]. In cuius rei testi- monium, I hang my own seal, & for more surety the wound in my Cor charte appen- sum rosei vice cer- ne sigilli, etc. (on- ly in late mss. B, C, D) In wytnesse of thys thing my side was opened for seal- ing, «& I have set the seal of my heart's blood. ■ The ink for the Charter was the blood from the crown of thorns. [The five seals were wrought of steel and iron. They are— Father and Son, God and man, the Concep- tion by the Holy Ghost.] Sealing wax = blood sought at Christ's heart. 8. In caluarie summo sunt hec data gratis . . . die quo iam mo- rior valeatis. ■ Datum apud Hier- usalem at Calvary, the first day of the great mercy. Given and granted on Calvary, on that hill, Friday be- fore the Passover in yr. of my reign 30 winter & 30 half year. [ Consummatum est this Charter is done.] [Date implied would be Good Friday, etc.] 9. Legend on strap of seal — factum est cor meum tanquam cera Uqueslcensi Psal. 22 (13?). (Only in mss. C and D). The sealing wax was sought at my heart's root; Fac- tum est cor meum ta/nquam cera U- quescens in medio ventris mei. Ivi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST An examination of this table, and of the text of Carta Domini, shows that all the Deeds have in common : (a) the legal form of a charter (including formulce clauses, such as Reddendo , Hija Testihus, etc.), which is followed, however, in greater or less detail ; (b) the grant of Heaven to man (in Carta Domini, the grant is not expressed as such, but is clearly implied by the whole context of the Charter ; (c) the day of the crucifixion as the date of sealing or bestowal of the Deed. It is probable, therefore, that these features belonged to the prototype of the extant texts. It will be observed further, that Carta Libera, the Long Charier, and the Short Charter, besides particular resemblances of one with another, all contain in the Red- dendo clause, the requirement of love or '' true love " to God. Accordingly it will be well to note in detail the special relationship of these texts to one another. First, however, it should be said that Carta Libera, though containing numerous popular features which ally it more closely with the other Deeds, yet is the only text clearly show- ing points of agreement with Carta Domini, exclusive of those already mentioned as belonging to all the Deeds. These points are: (a) the occurrence, at the end of its long list of witnesses, of the words cwm sacro neupmate patre,^ which seem to mean that the Father and the Spirit were also wit- nesses to the Deed ; (b) the statement that the Deed was writ- ten in Christ's blood. ^ Thus Carta Libera may perhaps re- present a state of transition from one type of Charter to ^ The sense seems to require a connective between neupmate and patre though the metre forbids. Note a similar omission of connectiveg in line 19. ® In the Long Charter, however, the ink was the blood which flowed from the wounds made by the crown of thorns. HISTORY AND SOURCES Ivii anotlier. Its closest resemblance, however, is to the Short Charter, with which it has in common several points not to be found in the other Deeds : (a) the phenomena of darkness, earthquake, etc., the Virgin Mary and St. John, as witnesses ; (b) Christ's own heart attached to the Deed for more security ; (c) Likenesses between the expression et sique patior videantur non satis arta^ post hec en morior, oi Carta Lib era j and the following lines of the Short Charter: If anyone should say now That I have not died for man's prow, Eather than man should be forlorn, Yet would I eft be all to torn. These resemblances might seem sufficiently striking to suggest that the Short Charter was translated directly from Carta Libera,'^ with such omissions as the author saw fit to make; but to this theory there are two objections. One is that the Short Charter, by connecting the wound in Christ's side or heart with the seal, resembles the Long Charter and Kent Charter; and the other is that we should hardly expect so brief and concise a text as the Short Charter to derive from a source as detailed and complex in portions as Carta Libera. On the whole, therefore, I am inclined to regard the Short Charter as originating from an older and simpler Deed — either the text from which Carta Libera itself derived, or another farther back in the line of its descent. Let us next .examine the Long Charter. This version appears at first sight to be most closely related to Kent Charter by virtue of the fact that these two alone contain 'A reversal of this relationship, though possible, is too improbable to be seriously considered. Iviii THE MIDDLE EISTGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST the metaphor identifying the Saviour's Crnciiied Body with the Deed. This resemblance, however, must be regarded with caution. This figure, as has already been shown,® was common in the literature of the fourteenth and fifteenth cen- turies ; it may, therefore, have been introduced independently into each charter from one of these extraneous sources. Two other resemblances of the Long Charter with Kent Charter are: (a) the mention (in 2) of East and West — a slight and probably wholly accidental parallelism.^ The con- text does not justify our assuming relationship from this likeness. (b) the seal of one and sealing wax of the other iden- tified with Christ's blood flowing from the wound in His heart or side. It is possible that this last feature, joined to the common possession of the metaphor, may indicate that the Long Charter and Kent Charter were specially related. But on the other hand, the Short Charter also connected the wound in Christ's side with the seal, and it bears no other likeness to Kent Charter. But this resemblance in the three versions may, it seems to me, be accounted for most naturally by sup- posing either cross influence, or influence from some outside allusion such as those mentioned in Section 4. Early in the fourteenth century we find such expressions as the following, in a poem of Phillipps ms. 8336 (fol. 204') ^^ by William Herebert, a Franciscan who flourished about 1330: ' See pp. xlvi ff. 'The Long Charter here evidently intends a reference to Psal. T^xxiv. 7: Quia neque ah oriente, neque ah occidente, neque a desertis montihus. "Ed. Thos. Wright, Reliq. Antiq. ii. 227. Cf. note on Herebert, Ihid. I. 86 ff. HISTOBY A-NB SOURCES lix IV Soethye he my robe tok Also ich finde in bok, He ys to me y-bounde; And helpe he wole, ich wot, Vor love the chartre wrot, And the enke orn of his wonnde. and it is likely that the feature of the seal varied in its details in other works also. The Long Charter also resembles Carta Libera and the Short Charter ^^ in recording as witnesses the Virgin and St. John, but adds also the other three Evangelists while lacking the phenomena of darkness, earthquake, etc., which appear in both the other texts. It has, beside, two features in com- mon with Carta Libera alone : (a) Christ's promise of mercy to the repentant; (b) the description of the place of crucifixion by the adjective " high." Moreover, in addition to these points of resemblance, there is further evidence that this Deed traces its descent from some text related to Carta Libera,^^ and that is the treatment " In Mss. C and D of the Short Charter, there are two additional points of resemblance with the Long Charter: the legend factum est cor meum tanquam cera liquescens in medio ventris mei, and the four Evangelists — named, however, at the end of the document as Notarii Puhlici, and not as witnesses, such as they appear to be in the Long Charter. However, as these features do not occur in the earlier mss. of the Short Charter, they are not of much significance in determining its relation to the Long Charter. Moreover, by its addition of kindness to the rent of love to God in the Reddendo clause, the Long Charter might be regarded as re- sembling the Short Charter. Since, however, the Short Charter expresses this idea as loving "thy neighbor as I do thee," the likeness between the two Deeds does not appear to be very striking, and is more simply explained as coincidence. Love to God and to one's neighbor would naturally be associated in the mind of any Christian writer. "I do not here include Carta Domini; because, though it, too, as Ix THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST it accords to the matter of the sealing. It contains not one seal but five, the nails and spear of the crucifixion, to wit, Father and Son, God and Man, and the Conception by the Holy Ghost. This, however, is not very clear, and I suspect that we have here an indication that the author of the Long Charter was adapting the Trinity, in an earlier version, to suit his metaphor of Christ's Body and the Deed. For both Carta Domini and Carta Libera contain, in this connection, references to the Trinity. In Carta Domini we seem to have something near the primary form : Sigillumque me divinitatis apposui cum testimonio patris et spiritus. Nam Mi ires testimonia dant in celo, etc. In Carta Libera, the corresponding passage runs : pono sigillum, and then, after enumerating other witnesses, aliis multis cum sacro neupmate patre. If now we assume that the words " God and man,'' in the Long Charier, are in apposition with " Son," we shall have, not i^ve seals (representing the nails in the metaphor) but three: the Father, the Son, and the Conception by the Holy Ghost, corresponding apparently to the Persons of the Trinity, mentioned as seal and witnesses in the other two texts. One other point remains to be noted in connection with Kent Charter. This text corresponds in some of its witnesses with the list of Christ's sufferings in the Warranty clause of Carta Libera. This again, it appears to me, must be an instance of outside or cross influence. Kent Charter is too unlike any of the other Deeds for us to be able to assert near relationship with them unless we accept its points of resem- blance with the Long Charter as proof of such relation. Another stanza of Herebert's poem quoted above, will illus- trate the difficulty of attempting to define exact relationships among these texts : well as Carta Libera, is concerned with the following discussion, it has no other points of resemblance with the Long Charter. HISTORY AND SOURCES Ixi Ich take to wytnessinge The spere and the crounynge, The nailes and the rode, That he that ys so cunde, Thys ever haveth in mnnde That bonhte ous wyth hys blode. Here a number of the so-called witnesses are identical with those mentioned both in Kent Charter and in the Warranty clause of Carta Libera, and it is impossible to say which list gave rise to the others, or whether there is not also a fourth to which these may later be traced. In general, we may- regard Kent Charter as a fairly late text,^^ hence as particu- larly likely to contain material from various sources rather than from one version alone. In conclusion, it may be said that the foregoing attempt at defining relationships among the Charters is by no means intended to be regarded as establishing facts, but merely as indicating probabilities. The evidence is too meagre, and the possibilities of outside elements contributing to the fea- tures of any Charter is too great a factor, to admit of cer- tainty in the results attained. § 6. The Additional Material in^ Carta Domini and THE Lo7ig Charter. Besides the Deed itself, as has previously been stated. Carta Domini and the Long Charter contain additional material developing themes suggested by the instrument. In these additions, however, neither text resembles the other even remotely. This portion of Carta Domini consists of a didactic discourse,^ for which I know of no source. But for ^^Cf. p. xl. * See p. xiii. Ixii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST the additional passages in the Long Charter , which are narra- tive and descriptive in nature, it is evident that the author drew upon the stock material of his time. From the Com- plaints of Christ he may have borrowed details of the cruci- fixion scene, though these may quite as well have come from the numerous Passion poems, homilies, etc., of the period. It is impossible to trace the sources of this material, for it was the common fund of the age. One often finds details of this theme expressed in the same words by men who probably never saw each other ^s work. Such an expression as : " From His foot unto His head. He was nought else but all blood- red," for example, was picked up and handed about from one work to another, until it might almost be said to form part of the mediaeval vocabulary, where Christ was the sub- ject. The ^YQ wounds, the ^lyq red roses, Christ ^s coat- armour, etc., are subjects that received treatment at many different hands. The figure of the Indenture^ however, as the Sacramental Body of Christ, I have been able to find nowhere except in the Long Charter. It may be that this conception belongs to the author of the A-text. The expansion of the theme which one finds in the B- and C- texts consists likewise of material which was common to the religious literature of the time, though it is, for the most part, more didactic in character than that of the A-text. Examples are, the seven sacraments, the grief of the Virgin, Christ's admonition to man, etc. In one or two cases we can trace the source, as where the C-text incorporates material from the Lamentacio Sancte Marie. ^ But usually these expansions are so general in character that it is impossible to assign them to any particular source. ^ See pp. Ixxxix ff. Ill THE IiNTTER-KELATIOISrS OF MANUSCKIPTS OF THE SHORT CHARTER The text of the Short Charter comprises, in most of the manuscripts, but thirty-four lines, and the variants, except in a single case, do not offer an opportunity of distinguishing true from spurious readings. It is therefore impossible, with so little available material, to determine the inter-rela- tions of the manuscripts, or to decide which manuscript best represents the text of the original. The following discussion makes no pretense of solving either of these problems; its purpose is merely to present such evidence as exists. This consists: (a) in the external features common to two or more texts; (b) in common readings. The agreements of the manuscripts in external features may be exhibited in tabular form as follows: y contain mention of pelican n contain legend Cor charte appensum etc. Mss. " A. containing B. Latin charter C. formula D. headings E. (no. of formulae F. varying) . ^« r ^' Mss. without 1} any Latin J. formula K headings L. . Jf . - contains picture of Christ on the Cross Contain seal "Do not contain seal 'Ms. / has at the end of its text a shield with a heart inscribed Ixiii Ixiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST It is reasonable to suppose that the original of the Short Charter, being written in imitation of a legal document, would have either an actual seal, or a representation of one. More- over, the seal is found in A, our oldest datable manuscript, as also in E, a manuscript of the early fifteentli century. Hence we may conclude that the seal was an original feature of the Short Charter, and that mss. F, G, II, J, K, L, and M depart from the original text in not retaining it. l^ow, the seals of A, B, and E are alike in containing the drawing of a wounded heart with ^yq drops of blood. ^ Since the drawing (or seal) of ms. I is unique in form,^ and is at- tached at the wrong place after the words, " my own seal thereto I hang," it may have been added by the scribe of this manuscript, and not derived from the manuscript he was copying. Thus we have two groups: ABCDE, and FGHIJKLM, This group-division is corroborated by the readings in line 14 where FGHIJLM agree in the reading, as I do thee, against BCDE {A unique). K, however, agrees here with BCDE; but this is probably merely a coincidence, since K does not resemble these manuscripts in other particulars, and is a very free version of the text. The group FGHIJKLM is itself divided into FG and HIJKLM; because a) HIJKLM have none of the Latin for- mulce, which, since they exist in mss. A and E, and were regular parts of the legal form, were probably in the original upon it. This may have been intended to represent a seal, as it follows the words " my own seal thereto I hang." See discussion below. 'What was on the seals of C and D, I do not know, as my roto- graphs of these mss. show only the upper portion of the strap from which the seal depended. ' Whether the drawings called " suns " in the catalogue description of this MS. are really suns, or whether, as I believe, they are intended to represent wounds, does not materially affect the point under dis- cussion, since at any rate the drawing in MS. / differs essentially from that in mss. A, B, and E. See the description of ms. /, pp. xxv f. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE SHORT CHAETEE IxV of the Short Charter; b) IJKLM agree in al to brake, 24, against ABCDEF, in sonder hralce (mss. G and H being unique here, do not affect the grouping) ; c) FG agree in the readings of 23, 25, 29, and 30 ; in this last, G appears to be an emendation of the false reading of their common original. The reading of L in 30 is evidently a scribal blunder. Within the subgroup H IJKLM a special relationship is disclosed between I and J, which agree in line 1 against HKLM, Since no other manuscript of the Short Charter — either within or outside the subgroup — confirms IJ in this line it is certain that the reading of these two mss. is to be regarded as a perversion. Turning now to ABCDE, we find that mss. A and B agree in containing, at the base of the Charter, an allusion to a pelican, which is not found in C, D, and E. Moreover, A and B have in common two lines, e and /, which do not occur in the other manuscripts. A and B, then, are specially related. Mss. B, C, and D have in common the legend cor charte appensum etc., which does not occur in A probably be- cause it was not reproduced upon the gravestone from which A was copied. E has none of these features. Whether they all belonged originally to the Charter, or to Group ABCDE, it is impossible to say, since none of them is an intrinsic feature of the Charter like the seal, which, as we should expect, is common to all this group. Ms. D is clearly a copy of ms. C, They read exactly alike, except for very slight differences in spelling and capitalization, and the omission in D of the verse of Scrip- ture which is written on the strap of the seal in C. The results of the above classification, may be expressed in the following diagram: Ixvi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST Original Version Gfsve " L IV MUTUAL RELATION'S OF VERSIONS A, B, AND C, OF THE LONG CHARTER It is mj aim,, in this chapter, to show that the A-text repre- sents the oldest extant form of the Long Charter; that the B-text is a redaction made from A, with additions ; and that the C-text represents a still later version derived from B. In the succeeding discussion, the three versions will be referred to as A, B, and C, respectively. It will be neces- sary to have before us the following tables : the first, giving all the lines of A, with those corresponding in B and ; the second, giving lines which B has in common with C. The numbers in smaller type represent, in the first table, lines in B not occurring in A; in the second table, lines in C not occurring in B. Line Coerespondences between A and the OTHER Versions 1-24 1-4 25-28 31-34 5-8 29-32 45-48 9-10 33-34 35-36 63-64 11-16 37-42 67-72 17-18 42a-42b 19-20 45-46 77-78 21-22 43-44 47-48 75-76 23-24 49-50 51-52 81-82 25-28 53-56 57-58 89-92 29-34 61-66 99-10^ 35 36 67 (altered) 68-70 37-38 59-60 95-96 39-40 Line Correspondences between B and C 1-16 1-16 16a-16d 17-20 17-20 21-24 20a-20b 25-26 21-24 27-30 25-28 31-34 28a-28d 35-38 39-40 28e-28h 41-44 29-32 45-48 49-62 33-42 63-72 b^a-4^D 73-74 43-{.2 75-84 85-88 53-60 89-96 97-98 61-74 99-112 113-116 Ixvii Ixviii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Line Correspondences between A and the Line Correspondences OTHER Versions BETWEEN B AND C A B C B C 41 72 110 75-76 117-118 42 71 109 77-78 43-44 73-74 75-80 111-112 79-80 81-82 119-120 45-46 81-82 83-84 83-93 121-131 132-138 47-51 85-89 123-126 and 128 94-122 90 123-124 139-140 52 91 129 141-154 92 125-126 155-156 53-54 93-94 131; . 157-166 95-96 127-132 167-172 55-56 b7m 173-174 99-102 133-146 175-188 57-59 103-105 189-190 106 147-148 191-192 60 107 193-204 108-120 149-152 205-208 61-62 121-122 123-126 152a-152b 209-210 211-212 63-64 127-128 129-130 167-168 152c- 152d 213-214 215-216 65-66 131-132 133-134 171-172 153-154 235-236 237-238 67-68 135-136 177-178 155-156 217-218 69 219-224 70 141 183 157-170 239-252 71-72 137-138 179-180 253-256 139 171-178 257-264 73-74 140 182 179-188 142-150 189 265 75-77 151-153 154-156 207-208; 190 266-267 78 191-192 270-269 79-98 157-176 239-252 and 257-262 193-195 177-178 196 268 99-109 179-189 last line only, 265 197-216 271-290 110-112 190-192 last two only, 270-269 291-314 113-116 193-196 last line only, 268 217-220 523-526 197-198 221-224 529-532 117-128 199-210 273-284 225-226 527-528 211-212 227-250 533-556 129-130 251-264 315-328 131-140 213-222 287-290; 523-26; 529-30 329-330 223-224 265-270 331-336 141-150 225-234 527-28; 533-540 337-350 235-236 271-272 225-226 151-162 237-248 543-554 227-234 163-164 250-249 (partially) 273 362 165 251 315 274 361 252 275-276 363-364 166 277-278 359-360 VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixix Line Correspondences between A AND THE Line Correspondences other Versions between B and C A B C B C 167 254 318 279-282 355-358 255-264 283-288 365-370 168 253 317 289-292 351-354 169-172 265-268 269-276 331-334 293-294 371-372 373-452 173-174 293-294 295-296 371-372 295-316 453-474 475-476 175-178 297-300 301-320 455-458 317-332 477-492 493-494 179-180 283-284^ 285-288 365-366 333-339 495-501 502-510 181-182 289-200 351-352 340 291-292 341-352 511-522 183-184 277-278 279-282 359-360 353-355 557-559 560-564 185-186 321-322 481-482 356 323-338 357-360 565-568 187-198 339-350 501; 0; 511-520 361-364 199-202 365-390 569-594 203-208 351-356 521-22; 557-559; 595-596 357-360 391-392 209-214 361-366 . . . last two, 569-570 393-404 597-608 367-372 405-406 611-612 215-228 373-386 577-590 407-408 609-610 387-392 409-414 613-618 229 230 { suggests 411) (suggests 615) 231 393 394-410 597 232-233 412 > 234 suggests 413-14j (suggests 617-618) An examination of these line correspondences brings out at once the following facts: I. A and B have thirty-five lines in common which are not found in C. II. B and C have one hundred and seventy-five lines ^ in common which are not found in A. III. A and C have no lines in common which are not also found in B. ^ Both by position and rhyme. ' Because they are peculiar to MS. E alone of the B-text, I have not here included lines 16a-16d, 28a-28h, and 152a-152d. If they be in- cluded, the number becomes 191. IXX THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST It is evident, therefore, tliat B occupies an, interme- diate position with respect to A and C. Hence we are obliged to accept one of the following alternatives: either (1) A derives from B ; in whicTi case either C is derived from B,or else B is derived from C ; or (2) B derives from A ; in which case it follows that C must be derived from B.^ The second of these alternatives, as I hope to show, is the true one. The evidence offered has to do both with structure and wording, but as these in some cases cannot be considered separately, I have made no attempt at a rigid distinction between the two classes of evidence. In the succeeding dis- cussion, unless otherwise stated, any manuscript of either version will serve to exemplify the facts pointed out, except, of course, where part of the text of a manuscript is missing. Passages quoted have, where possible, been taken from ms. G in Version A and from ms. C in Version B, for these manuscripts furnish, on the whole, the best texts of their respective versions.^ It seems advisable to begin with a passage, which even without other evidence, would, in my opinion, be sufficient to show that B was taken from A. Let us compare A 171-86 with B 267-322. First, if we suppose that A was derived from B, we must assume that the author of A skipped about in the text before him and picked out his lines (omitting some entirely) in this sequence: B 267-8; 293-4; 297-300; 283-4; 289-90; 277-8 ; 321-2. While the altered order of these lines might be explained on the hypothesis that A wished to restore the order of events according to the Scriptural narrative, by placing the committal of the Virgin to St. John before the ^ Thien, in his discussion of the Planctus contained in Version C ( Ueher die Eng. Marienklagen 82) remarks in passing: "Die genannte langste Version [C-text] . . . , ebenso wie die zweitlangste [B-text] . . . aus der kiirzesten [A-text] . . . entwickelt, is die einzige der Versionen die eine Mkl. enthalt." He had evidently not noted the intermediate relation in which B stands to the other two texts. 'See Chapter v. §§ 1 and 2. VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxi cry Pater lamazahatani ; ^ yet this is not a satisfactory solu- tion, since A was not following the Scriptural account very closely.* Secondly, upon this hypothesis it would be hard to account for his having altered the subject matter of B 300-20. On the other hand, if we suppose that B was taken from A, the situation, as it seems to me, admits of a plausible expla- nation. First, we should have the following sequence: A 171-2 ; 8 new lines ; 183-4 ; 4 new lines ; 179-80 ; 4 new lines ; 181-2 ; 2 new lines ; 173-4 ;. 2 new lines ; 175-8 ; 20 new lines ; 185-6. This would mean simply that A 179-84 were taken out of their place and inserted between 172 and 173, but that the last two were put in first. B's reasons for these changes can, I think, be explained, if one notes that in the A-text the passage we are considering covers only sixteen lines, all of which probably lay before the reviser on a single page, so that his alterations would not involve the turning of leaves or reading ahead for any considerable distance.^ B, being, as we suppose, a reviser and not a mere copyist, read lines 171-186 of A before writing them down. On coming to A 177-80, he did not grasp their meaning: 177 ]?* I ne hadde wher to take My testament wherof to make ^The committal preceded the offer of vinegar (St. John xix. 26-30) ; but as the cry Eli! Eli! lama salachtJiani was the immediate occasion for the offering of drink to Christ (St. Matth. xxvii. 46-48; St. Mark XV. 34-36), the committal must also have preceded the cry. * Note that the Gospels recording both the offer of vinegar and gall to the Lord and the cry Eli! Eli! lama sahachthani (Sts. Matthew and Mark), place the drink immediately after the cry, which is fol- lowed directly by the death of Christ; whereas in A (and B) the incident of the vinegar and gall precedes not only the cry but also the committal of the Virgin — a double departure from Scriptural order. ^Had A, on the contrary, been the reviser, he would have been dealing with a block of text comprising fifty-four lines, and his task would have been much more complicated. Ixxii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST But of my moder lef and dere 180 Sho stod by me wij? reuful chere [ms. G]. Line 178 probably suggested to him — as it did to me on first reading — that Christ had nothing out of which to make His Testament, just as He had no parchment for His Charter, lines 51-54.^ The next line, then, would have no connection, and would, to him, mean simply, " But to speak of my mother, she stood by me sorrowing,'' etc. Hence the lines mentioning the Testament would look like an isolated coup- let, meaning little, and separating two groups relating to the Virgin. But lines 175-77: So bare I was of wordles god Whan I sholde deye vpon pe rod ]>at I ne hadde wher to take [ms. G] did suggest to B the text of Scripture in which Christ de- clares that He has nowhere to lay His head.*^ This inspired • Ne mijhte I fynde no parchemyn ffor to laston wel and fyn But as lone bad me do Myn owne skyn y jaf J?er to [ms. G]. ' St. Matthew viii. 20 : " And Jesus saith unto him, ' The foxes have holes, and the birds of the heaven have nests; but the Son of man hath not where to lay his head.' " [Rev. Vers.] Cf. also St. Luke IX. 58. The treatment of this theme was sufficiently common in the Middle Ages. See for example. Disputation heticeen Mary and the Cross, Minor Poems of the Vernon ms. it. {E. E. T. 8. Orig. Ser. 117) 614. ffoules fourmen heor nestes in Ipe eyr; Wolues, in den, reste J?ei fynde; But Godes sone, in heuene heir, His hed nou leone> on I?ornes tynde. Cf. also Thien, Ueher die Eng. Marienklagen (Kiel 1906) 51, who refers in this connection to the Lamentacio sancti Bernardi, ed. Kribel, Eng. Stud. viii. 85 ff., lines 369-72: alias, l?in heuid l?ei al torace, ]>at was wonid lye to my brest: I saw it honge & had no space, Wher on it myghte ouht han reste. VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxiii B's imagination to enlarge upon the theme, and so, after prefixing two lines (295-6) : Vpon my shuldur y layde myn hedde Whan y J?rov/3 faste vnto my deed [B-text, ms. A]. by way of introduction, he changed A 178 to what we find inB 300: Reste to myne hedde wher-of to make and followed it by a long digression upon Christ's having no rest in the world, etc. But this passage of B's, if written directly after A 178, would iseparate widely the two dealing with the Virgin Mary. So B moved the second of these (179-184) back to connect it with the first (A 171-2), making interpolations to develop the theme of the Virgin's grief, a subject which appealed strongly to the mediaeval imagination.^ In this shifting, however, A 183-4 is put first instead of last where it would ordinarily occur: In cnowlychyng I made a cry Pater lama3abatany B making slight alterations. Curiously enough, A and B both connect the cry Pater lama^^ahatany with our Lord's distress at seeing His mother's suffering. It is possible, therefore, that B thought that the proper place for it was, not after the committal of the Virgin to St. John, but imme- diately connected with lines 171-2 and the new lines B 269- 76, which deal very vividly with the Virgin's grief. Or, another reason for the position B gives to 183-4 might be ^ The fact that B chose to connect A 173-174 with what followed it rather than with what preceded it, is confirmation of this explanation, as it shows that B did not grasp the meaning of the passage. He doubtless took testament 178 as referring to chartre 173, regarding 173-178 as a unit. Perhaps his copy of the Charter was entitled Testament of Christ, as is the version of MS. Vernon. Ixxiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST that he wished to make Christ's cry of dereliction the cause of the swooning of Mary, which he introduces as a new feature in the lines following, B 279-80. It is interesting to note the changes B made in A 179-80: But of my moder lef and dere Sho stod by me with rueful chere [ms. G}. We recognize them in B 283-4, altered in such a manner as to incorporate them into the description of the scene with less abruptness; When y layde my hedde her & J^er My mo)?er changed all he[r] chere [ms. A]. Moreover, a very significant alteration is that made by B in A 171-2, which read as follows : And namely my moder swete ffor she lufte neuer teres lete [ms. G]. ffor she is in B altered to the relative pronoun that, because B wished to begin the interpolated passage immediately fol- lowing, with for J thus : 267 And namely my modyr swete That for me blody teres gan lete 269 ffor }?er she stode unj^er J?e rode [B-text, ms. A] The next passage we shall examine is A 29-42 = B 57-72. The most important differences between the two texts here involve: A 41-42 =B 72-71; A 37-38 =B 59-60; and B 69-70, which has no equivalent in A. ISFow B 71-72, as it stands, does not make good sense: 69 No we derworthly soule herke to me And A newe loye I xal telle the To malce A chartore of feffement 72 heuen And erth schuld he present [ms. (7]. VERSIOlSrS OF THE LONG CHAETEE IxXV Line 71 cannot be connected with line 70, and if connected with 72 the statement means nothing. Heaven and earth were not to make the Charter! But upon examining these lines in A, we find that they are joined in thought and syntax to lines 38-40 : 37 Wei he fond hym geyned no3t 38 another help was in my ]>ou^t more syTcer \>e to make 40 a geyn j^i fo ful of wrake Heuene and erthe in present 42 To make a chartre of feffement [ms. G], and mean clearly enough : " another help was in my mind to make thee more safe against thy foes, namely, heaven and earth being present, to make a charter of feoffment." The infinitive to malce of line 42 is in apposition with another help of line 38. But line 38 (=B 60) is very different in the B-text, and stands in an altogether different place, i. e., immediately before the description of the temptation, B 61 (=A29): 59 wroth he was it helpe lajme not^ghte for to helpe the was All my thoughts he tempted me to gret foly in pride covetyse And gloteny [B-text, MS. C]. This leaves the infinitive to malce, B 71 (A 42), without logical connection. B did not see, or else he forgot, the in- timate relation existing between lines 38 and 42 of A. So, wanting some material to make the transition between A 28 and 29 less abrupt — 27 Tho belsabub and sathanas 28 Hadde gret wounder whi it was He fondes me wi]> felonye 39 Wi|? pryde couetise and glotenye [ms. 01 — JxXVi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST he moved A 37-38 up to this point, altering as he desired, and prefixed two explanatory lines of his own, B 57-58: 55 J7at cursed fende Sathanas hade gret wondyr why it was 57 wJier for I schulde so meche loue the 58 that so unhend hast be to me 59 wroth he was it helpe hym noughte, [B-text, Ms. 0] . This assuredly improves the poem, for in A 28 the expression wM it was is by no means clear, and the transition from line 28 to 29 is very abrupt. But this left A 39-42 in bad shape. The author of B now cut out 39-40 which had lost their connection, and substituted two lines of his own (69-70) perhaps for the purpose of emphasizing the Charter, which is here mentioned for the first time : 69 Nowe derworthly soule herlce to me 70 And A newe loye I xal telle the This, of course, left A 41-42 absolutely stranded. So B altered them to read as follows : 71 To make A chartore of feffemente 72 heuene And erth schuld be presents [ms. C]. Had the author of B been the author of the poem, he would have changed these lines to read : heuene And erth in presents I make A chartore of feffemente thus making good sense, as well as fulfilling the grammatical requirements. But B shows in his treatm_ent of this passage that he has not grasped A's idea at all, and feebly alters the lines so that, though remaining grammatically correct, they are logically without point. We have, therefore, in B 57-72, clear evidence, not only that B was derived from A, but also VERSIONS OF THE LONG- CHAETER Ixxvii that the author of the B-text was not the author of the Charter, but a reviser onlj.^ The construction of B 93-102 also throws light upon the question of the priority of A over B : 89 Parchement to fynde wyst I none 90 To make thy charture A^ene thy fone pat wolde last wyth oute ende herkenyth now to my wordes hende 93 but as trewe loue bad me do Myn owne sky/ine I toke J?ere-to 95 And whanne I hade ^it so I-do 96 wul fewe frendes had I ]>o 97 to get me frendes I 3af gret mede as doth ]>e pore ]?at hath gret nede But for to ^eue the I hade no more 100 for thi sowle ]?at was for-lorne fanne myselfe for to ^eue the 102 I?at for the dyed vppon A tre [ms. C]. Lines 95-96 are very poor, and their logical connection with the preceding is not of the clearest. Moreover, the next six lines do not progress but leave us at the end just where we started. The thought of the passage might be expressed in this way : " as true love bade me, I gave my own skin for the Charter. When I had done this, I had but few friends ; to get some I gave good reward, but had nothing to give but myself." 'Now I believe that this awkwardness arose from B's not grasping A's thought. The parallel passage in A runs as follows: 51 ne my3te I fynde no parchemyn 52 ffor to laston wel and fyn ^The changes made by B in A 33-36 (B 65-68) are unimportant, and doubtless arose from B's effort to improve upon A. Certainly A 34 is a very poor line. Ixxviii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST But as loue bad me do Myn owne skyn y ^af ]?er-to 55 To gete me frendes I ^af god mede So doj? J?e pore J^at ha]? gret nede [ms. G]. It will be noted that A lacks B 95-96 and 99-102. A's meaning is undoubtedly this : " as love bade me do, I took my own skin for the parchment — to obtain followers (dis- ciples) I gave good reward indeed ; just as the poor man does in his need " ; L e. the reward, or payment, is the giving of His skin to be used as parchment, or, in other words, the death upon the Cross. ^^ Since B missed the connection between A 54 and 55, he thought the reference to friends must be made clear;, and having in mind those who forsook the Lord in the time of His need, he inserted lines 95-6 to lead up in some degree to line 97. In the same way, sup- posing the word mede, in A 55, to be without connection, he wrote 99-102 to show what the mede was. Had B been the original, and A the revised text, it would be difficult to find a satisfactory explanation for A^s omission of B 95-6 while retaining 97-98, and for his omission of 99-102. The next passage indicating that B was derived from A is found in A 165-71 =B 251-67. A reads: 165 Aj?orst I was ful sore y-swonke J7e beuerache moste ne)?es ben J^ronke A loue drynk I asked of J?e Eysel and galle J?ou ^eue me " As I understand A in this passage, there is no intention of leading up to the Last Supper in the expression: / jaf good mede. The Last Supper was not instituted by Christ in any sense as a bribe, or price of men, nor could it have been so conceived by A. Indeed, both A and B describe the Eucharist as being intended " BoJ?e frend and fo to maky glade" (ms. G, line 58) with heavenly food, and to be the memorial of the Passion of Christ. Hence the colon punctuation after line 56 of the Vernon text, in the E. E. T. S. edition, p. 641, is wrong, and a period should be substituted. VEESIOlSrS OF THE LONG CHAETER IxXlX Hijs testihus Matheus and lohan 170 Luk Mark and many on 171 And namely my moder swete [ms. G]. 'Now in B 251-4, corresponding to A 165-8, we see prepara- tions leading to the introduction of a new idea, namely, a figurative drink asked of man bv the Lord, which is de- veloped in B 255-264 (not occurring in A). Beginning at 251, B reads: 251 Well drye y was & thursted sore But of such drynh my^th y no more jfor aysell & galle ]>ey jef to me But on drynlce ashe y of the 255 That J?ou be louyng towards Ipy fone o]>er drynke of ]>e aske y non jef pou me loue haue ]>is yn mynde To J?y enemyes be J?ou ryght kynde Ensai^mpull }?ou my3t take her of me 260 For loue of my fone y honge on tre But my f adyr y pray the Vpon my enemyes pat )?ou haue pyte And as y do do pou to ]?yne Then saued shalt pou be fro helle pyne 265 He ben wytnesses mo pen on Marke Mathew luke & jon [ms. A]. The preparatory lines 251-4 are, however, not skilfully man- aged by B. Line 252, which has no equivalent in A, is wellnigh meaningless. But the significant feature about them lies in the inversion of the order of lines 253-4 from that in the A-text. It is clear that B made this change be- cause " on drynke aske y of I'e " leads up better to his inter- polated passage 255 fi.^^ Moreover, it will be noticed that " One might question whence B could have drawn this peculiar conception of " on drynke . . . that J>u be louyng," etc. Perhaps the word loue-drynJce in A suggested it to him; or possibly he copied loue as one because he missed seeing the I (it may have been illegible or widely separated from the rest of the word ) . IXXX THE MIDDLE EiN^GLlSH CHARTERS OF CHRIST the interpolation of B 255-264 leaves lines 265-266 (A 169- 170) without connection with what precedes them. In A, hoAvever, these two lines are in very close connection with the preceding lines. The differences that appear in this passage between the two texts are easily explainable on the hypothesis that B is derived from A, but are much less easily intelligible on the contrary hypothesis. Again in B, lines 197-8, which have no equivalent in A, suggest a misunderstanding of the A-text on the part of the author of B: 197 In my blysful loye euyr to dwelle 198 for ]?e rent ]?at I xal pe telle [ms. C]. 'Now B inserts these lines between 116 and 117 of the follow- ing passage of the A-text, separating a direct object from its verbs, and implying a false relation: 107 Wi}> my chartre here in present [B 187] I make heron confirmament [B 188] That I haue granted and y^eue [B 189] 110 To )?e mankynde with me toleue [B 190] In my revme of heuon blisse To haue & to holden wit/i-outen mysse In a condicioun 3if Ipou be kynde And my loue dedes haue in mynde 115 ffre to haue and fre to holde [B 195] 116 WiJ? al ]>e p^fftinaunce to wolde [B 196] 117 Min erytage ]?at is so fre [B 199] ffor homage ne for fewte [B 200] No more wole I aske of Ipe [B 201] 120 But a four leued gras to ^elde me [ms. G]. Min erytage, line 117, is the direct object of to haue and to holde in 115. But in B this object is separated by lines 197-8 from its verbs. Moreover, line 198 introduces the mention of rent, which does not belong at this point, but after 199 (= A above, line 118). I believe this interpola- VEESIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER IxXXl tion shows that B did not observe the connection of min erytage with to have and to holde of A 116, but supposed their object to be the same as that of to have & to holden wiih-outen mysse in A 112, namely, a feffement, which B substituted for the confirmament of A 108.^^ There are, in A, certain words and expressions that B seems to have altered either because they were archaic or unfamiliar to him, or because they were not sufficiently re- fined for his taste. These alterations I offer as evidence corroborative of what it has been my effort to prove in the preceding paragraphs of thi^ chapter: A 29: fondes or fondede = B 61: tempted A 67: kirtel = B 135: mantylle A 74: forletton = B 140: forsoken A 75 : piht, or ply^t = B 151 : bound ^^ A 76: tawed = B 152: beten A 83: neb, nesse ^^ = B 161: face A 84: Of iewes spotel on me to stynke ^^ = B 162: thornes in my hed gan to synke A 136: Btif' = B 218: smyth A 141 : f>urledon, or thrille- don = B 225: smyten A 165: yswonke or swon- gen = B 251 : dry A 209 : bykef^e or bykeye = B 361 : a wel faire thyng A 212: f>ar f>e not drede = B 364: to kepe pe euer A 218: camelyn = B 376: satyn " In Dr. Furnivall's print of Harl. 2382, Minor Poems of the Vernon MS. II. {E. E. T. 8.) the punctuation of a period after line 198, and of a comma after line 199, is therefore incorrect. There should be a period after 199, and a comma after 198. " But see line 247, where the word is retained. "Ms. H of the A-text reads face, but, as will be seen later (Chapter V. § 4), the readings of this MS. do not affect those of the B-text. ^^Mss. / and K read differently; but see Chapter v. § 4. Ixxxii THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST I^ow since a revised text is necessarily of a later date than its original, there is a strong probability that it will show modernization, rather than archaization, of vocabulary; hence the above list certainly contributes to the argument that A is the original text. It adds force also to the argu- ment that B was not written by A. This concludes the evidence I have to offer regarding the dependence of B upon A.^^ It has already been demonstrated (pp. Ixix f.) that if B is derived from A, C is derived from B. If, therefore, my argument for the derivation of B from A is sound, it follows as a necessary consequence that C was derived from B. Nevertheless, it seems desirable to conisider certain passages of B and C, both because they show that the differences be- tween the two texts confirm the validity of my argument, and " The two following lists of classified interpolations made in the poem by B may prove of interest as showing B's contribution to the material he found. Interpolations discussed in the preceding pages are not recorded here, since they have already been accounted for. I. To explain II. To add interesting A-text. subject matter '. B 47-48 Bl-24 177-78 69-70 35-36 211-12 129-30 51-52 223-24 133-34 75-80 249-50 235-36 83-84 323-38 357-60 108-20 367-72 123-26 387-92 142-50 394-410 154-56 412. With B, lines 20a-22 (C 25-28), compare the Lamentacio Sancte Marie of the Vernon ms. {E.E.T.8. Orig. Ser. 98, p. 298) lines 15-16: \>e mon )?at con, and teche nille, He mai haue drede of godes wreche. B's additions in 154-156, and 177-178, present difficulties, in that the former is a clumsy repetition of 151-152, and the latter does not join with what follows. VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxxiii because they enable us to perceive the metbod wbicb tbe author of C pursued. The Charter, in the A- and B-texts, makes a grant of eternal life in heaven to man. See B 37-39 and 188 if. : Myne erytage that is so fre In )?i myschefe I ^af the And whanne J?at solynge A ^eue J?e solde, etc. I make to mannes Soule a feffemente )?at I haue gmntyd and I-^eue To niankend wyth me for to be In my kindome of hevene blysse [ms. C], which correspond to A 11-13, and 108-111. N^ow C has changed myn heritage to my hlysful body, lines 67 if., thus substituting the Sacrament as Christ's gift to man. This is in accord with C's emphasis upon the Sacrament all through (for instance, note his interpolations of 132-138; 141-154; and 560-64). But when referring, in a later pas- sage, to the grant made by Christ's Charter, C does not seem to remember his previous alteration of heritage to my hlysful hody, and retains the idea of heaven in the grant, as in B. See C 264-72 : 264 ]?at I T^esus of nazaret, godys sone, 265 as gyn for euer, & grauntyd, and be }?is charter co?ifermed, how mans sawle in my joy to belde, Wyt all )?e purtenance ]>er with to welde, to af & to hald wtt/i-outy [n] mysse 270 )?at for-sayd place, heuen blysse, In J?at blyssed place for euer to dwell, 272 for ]?e rent J7at I sail ]>e tell .... 'Nextj let us consider an important alteration made by C in the following lines from B: Ixxxiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEKS OF CHRIST 353 Oon endentur y lafte with ]>e Wher-of ]?ou shalt euer sykur be 355 In ]>Q prestt^s honde my flessh & blode That for ]>q was honged on )?e rode [ms. A]. This reads, in C: 557 ]>is chartei Ipus celyd, leive I wyll ]>e, Ware-by J?u sail ay sekyr be: My precyiis body, of ]?e preste hande 560 for to resaywe, )?u sail vnderstand On comparing C 557 with B 353, we see that C has changed the word indenture of B (as of A) to charter. Here C misses the whole point of the allegory as conceived by A and followed by B. For note that in A and B, the Charter is that Body of Christ which was sacrificed on the Cross, written upon by scourges, sealed with nails and spear, and completed by the death of Him who grants it — '^ Consnm- matum est, f>is Charter is doon " ; but the Body of Christ as present in the Eucharist is the Indenture: B 353 Oon endentur y lafte with J?e In )?e presti^s honde my flessh & blode, etc. They are, of course, in a sense, identical, yet different. ITow originally, an indenture was a deed having two copies. " Both copies," says the Neiv English Dictionary, " were written on one piece of parchment or paper, and then cut asunder in a serrated or sinuous line, so that when brought together again at any time, the two edges exactly tallied, and showed that they were parts of one and the same original document: hence the expression 'pair of indentures.'" This, it is stated, is the earliest sense of the word.^''' The "Among examples given by the Vew English Dictionary is the following from Barbour's Bruce i. 513: "The barownys thus accordyt VEESIOJN'S OF THE LOI^G CHARTEK IxXXV conception of A, followed by B, is, then, that the Sacra- mental Body of Christ is the copy of the ascended Crucified Body, given to man by the Saviour as surety of the heavenly heritage. The Charter is to be read at the last day (cf. A 228, B 386) ; but those who have received the Sacramental Body, the " Indenture,'^ may claim their inheritance when they will.^^ This ingenious and poetical application of the figure in the word indenture was, overlooked by the author of C, who, as has been pointed out, alters the word to charter; so that what was, in A and B, a consistent and effective allegory becomes, in C, a confused mixture of two ill-defined ideas — namely, the literal and sacramental aspects of Christ's Body ; indeed, I should say of three ideas, since the heritage of heaven is also involved (in 269-73, previously quoted). Another passage radically altered by C, requires notice, namely, B 267-292 (= C 333-364). The significant changes are chiefiy in the order of the lines, and usually we can trace C's reason for the shiftings. The first point to be noticed is the insertion of B 289-292 after B 270 and the interpo- lation of C following it, and of B 279-82 immediately after these — changes resulting in C 351-358. This shifting is easy to understand. B 289-92 is as follows : 289 When seyn John y her betoke 290 She caste on me a drwly loke ar, And that Ilk nycht writyn war Thair Endenturis, and aythis maid." Another is from Caxton's Chron. Eng. cxlviii. 127 : " The fourme of accord . . . was in a payr of Endentures and they put her scales vnto that one part, and they that comen in the kynges name putt her scales to that other part of endentures." ^^Cf. A 232: Come and clcyme whan \>ou wilt J»e blisse Jjat loste oure former frende, and lines in B expressing a similar idea. IxXXvi THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHABTEES OF CHRIST As Ipou^ y hadde her all forsake 292 And to an-o)?er sone her be take [MS. A;= C 351-54] and B 270 (referring to the Virgin) : She sawe my body all on blode [=C 336] After this line C has inserted an interpolation of fourteen lines, developing the scene at the Cross more fully, the last five of which record the committal of St. Mary to St. John : 345 & I sayd to my moder Mary : * Be-halde ]?i sone pat standes fe by ! ' To Ion I spak wordes of pyte: ^ Behald ]?i moder ! hy tak hyre to pe ' Wen I spak J^is wordes pere, 350 Vntyll hyre hart )?ai went ful nere; At this point, therefore, it would naturally occur to C that the above lines in B, 289-92 relating to the same subject, fit better here than where they stand in B. C accordingly inserts them at the end of his interpolation, consequently after B 270. He next inserts B 279-282 directly after this altered pas- sage, as follows : C 355 Onone scho fell downe in swounynge Be-for J?e cros at my dyynge J?e paynes pat I hade were full sore, C 358 Bot for my mode?* )?ai were wel more ! Thus C evidently preferred that the swooning of the Virgin should result from her being resigned to St. John rather than from Chritst's cry, Ely lamazdhatany. To be delivered over to the care of another would bring home to a mother's heart more bitterly than anything else would, what her son's death was to mean to her. The touch is a natural one, and shows keen insight into human nature. Accordingly, C is VERSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER IxXXvii obliged also to change the position of B 277-8, containing Christ's cry, to a point where it shall no longer be the occa- sion of the Virgin's swooning. Hence, after aptly changing " for sorow of her y made a cry " (B 277) to " for soro of my passiou/i I made a cry," C inserts B 277-8 before B 273- 6, where they produce the effect of merely intensifying the Virgin's misery. This is, however, not a very satisfactory change, since it leaves Christ's cry still in the midst of a description of the Virgin's grief, instead of, as in A and the Scriptures, immediately preceding Christ's death, its proper place : C 357 pe paynes ]?at I hade were full sore [= B 281] 358 Bot for my moder J^ai were wel more ! [= B 382] 359 ffor soro of my passion I made a cry, [= B 277] 360 A cryed 'hely lama zabatany.' [= B 278] it semed my moder hart wald brek; [=B274] No worde to me J?er myght scho speke ; [= B 273] No wonder was if hyre were wo, [= B 275] 364 Wen sho saw me dyght so!, etc. [=B 276] Ol^erve too, that whereas B had shifted the episode of the committal of the Virgin to a point after the Saviour's last cry, C has returned to the original sequence in placing the cry after the committal, as in A. To do this it was not neces- sary that he should have seen a copy of A, for in all the Gospels the '^Eli ! Eli ! lama-sabachthani," or another cry not expressed in words, is uttered by Christ just before His death ; and C may very well have noticed the false sequence in B, and have sought to alter it. An omission from C of twenty-nine lines of B (94-122) requires special notice. The gap is just after C 131. In- stead of the B lines that would naturally stand here, the C-text gives seven new lines, and then goes on to B 123-4. These B lines, however, were not dropped by C himself, but by the loss of a leaf from some manuscript between C's own text and our copy, ms. Koyal 17. C xvii.^ as an exami- IxXXviii THE MIDDLE EI^-GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST nation of C's seven new lines and tlieir relation to the preceding text will show: 127 to mak J?i charter of ]>i wele-fare, [B 90] parchemen to fynde wyst I neuer ware [B 89] J?at wyld last to J?e warldes end; — [B 91] 130 harkyns now to my wordes hend! — [B 92] Bot as trew lone bad me dO;, [B 93] lolce ware I af not done so. '^is wordys are ]>us to vndevfong to lewed men in ynglys tong: 135 My flesche trewly es mans fode, Ipat for mans saule dyed on ]>e rode; My hlode for sothe ]>i drynh sal he, ]>at for ]>e was sched on ]>e rod[e'] tre. Wo-so it resaywes wyt-outyn mys, [B 123] 140 Sawyd sal he be, & cum to blys ; [B 124] It will be evident that the seven new lines do not connect with what goes before, but contain an explanation of the Sacrament. 'Now since a reference to the Last Supper, fol- lowed by an explanation of the Sacrament, is exactly what we have in the missing text of B, it is probable that C's seven new lines were merely an addition made by him to B 94-122, which were present in the copy from which he was transcribing, and that f^is wordys, of C 133, refer to Hoc facite in meam commemoracionem, which occur in the mis- sing passage. ^^ That this rubric stood, in the original text ^® Cf . with this, De Lamentacione Sancte Marie ed. Frohlich ( Leipzig 1902) 84: 526 To cry full loud my son bigan: * Hely, hely/ his crying was, * Lamazabatany ' eiter J>an. ]?ir wordes er als men may se 530 In ynglysch tong to vnderstand: ' Fader, whi forsoke ]?ou me, J?U8 to be bon in bytter band?' [from MS. Rawl. poet. 175.] Here " J?ir wordes " refer to the Hebrew which needed translation. VERSIOI^S OF THE LONG CHARTER Ixxxix of B, directly after line 122,^^ is probable, because the mar- ginal rubric of ms. E, memoriam fecit [^mir']ahilium suo- rlum'jy is written opposite lines 121-22, thus seeming to agree with A, which records the rubric Hoc facUe etc., at this point. ^-"^ Moreover, upon the hypothesis that the miss- ing text of B was retained by C, we can explain C 167, " Bot or p&t I fra pe borde rase " ;. should we assume the contrary hypothesis this line would be left unrelated to what goes before.^^ A word must be said regarding line 132 in C. This line, as it seems to me, must have been composed by the scribe who was using as copy the manuscript from which the leaf was lost, in order to complete the couplet with line 131. It is manifestly not a part of the C addition which follows it. Beginning with line 379, C has inserted a long passage extending to 453, and comprising chiefly a lament of the Virgin Mary, which is addressed to Mary Magdalene. The scene is at the Cross. The Magdalene's replies are in much the same vein as the Virgin's lamentation. Hermann Thien, in his dissertation, Ueher die Englischen Marienklagen (Kiel 1906) has already pointed out that the author of the Charter has used for this passage material from a Planctus in the form of a dialogue between the Virgin and St. Bernard, in which the Virgin narrates the sufferings and death of Jesus, and bewails her bereavement. This Planctus has been several times printed; by G. Kribel in 1885,^^ by Horst- mann in 1892,^* and by W. Frohlich in 1902.2^ Thien, ^••And not, as in mss. ABDX, after line 112, where they were prob- ably moved by the scribe of the source of these mss. to fit with the preceding couplet, 111-112. ^Ms. F, of the A-text, shifts the rubric to the point between lines 60 and 61, but this has no significance for the present discussion. ^ Lines 165-66 of C certainly do not furnish a sufficient antecedent for line 167, but rather show a necessarily ineffectual effort of the scribe to connect what he perceived to be unrelated material. '^ Eng. Stud. viii. 85 ff. ^ E. E. T. 8. Orig. Ser. 98, Part i. 297-328. ^ De lamentacione Sancte Marie (Leipzig 1902). XC THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST pp. 83-4, prints such passages from the Planctus and Charter as show the influence of the one upon the other, namely: Planctus Charter 357, 359 379-80 385, 390 387-88 393-96 '' 389-92 '« 397-400 395-98 419-22 401-04 423-28 405-11 429, 431 413-14 and he calls attention to line 413 ff. of the Charter, which, as he says, " beweisen dass der Dichter des Testaments [i. e. of the Charter] aus der Lamentacio abschrieb, und dass nicht etwa das umgekehrte Verhaltnis vorliegt/' I quote the lines in question: 413 I prayd hyre go were hyre wylles was (i. e. the Virgin prayed Magdalene) 414 for I wold byde & syng alas! 415 I prayd J^am go weder J?ai wolde, ffor a song of miimyng syng I sulde. - Scho sette hyre down be syde J?e rode, & lokyd o-pon hyre blody f ode : & als scho stode & lokyd me on, 420 Scho saw my lyfe was nere gon. ^I quote this pair of parallels by way of illustration: Planctus. Chaeteb. 393 Maudeleyn seide : ' I con no Magdalan sayd : ' I can no 389 red, no]?er rede, Care haj? smiten myn herte I knele & se my lorde nere sore; dede; I stonde, I seo my lord neih ffull grete soro has smytyn ded, my harte, 396 And J>i wepyng greuej) me And ^it me rewes J?i payn[e]8 more/ smarte.' 392 VEBSIONS OF THE LONG CHARTER XCl Alas, alas! gan sho syng; 422 ffiil fast hyre handis gan scho wryng. '^ Diese Verse haben Sinn nur im Munde der Maria, die sie in der Lamentacio auch spricht ; der Dichter hat nach Ueber- nahme der Mkl. Aiis Z [i. e. the Planctus] einen Augenblick vergessen, dass nach der Anlage seines Stiickes Jesus erzahlt und nun fortfahren miisste." Thien is undoubtedly right; cf. lines 417 E., especially me in 419, which of course means Christ.27 For the remainder of the Virgin's lament, as it is con- tained in the Charter, lines 424-34, Thien says that he knows no source. It is quite possible that C himself may be the author of this, and of the conventional description of the effect of the Virgin's grief upon her, which occupies the lines immediately following. ^^ *^ Other correspondences between this Planctus and the Charter have already been pointed out in connection with the B version as well as with C, p. Ixxxii, note. ^* Attention should be called to the misplacement in C of lines 523- 556 (=B 217-250). The passage covers the description of the seals of the Charter, and in A and B it follows immediately upon the words of the Deed as read by Christ. In C, however, it occurs directly after the mention of Easter — hence, after the descent into hell and the Resurrection: 521 Jje fest was of ioy & blyse Pasche-day called it ese J>e seles J?at J>e charter es seled with 524 l7ai ware made at a smythe; etc. At first I thought the passage must have been on a loose page in C's original, which had somehow slipped in at the wrong place. But, though this may be the explanation, the lines immediately following appear to have been altered from what they were in B in order to unite with it closely, thus making the shifting seem intentional; C 557 >is charter Ijus celyd lewe I wyll l^e ware by J?u sail ay sekyr be My precious body, of the preste hande which compare with the corresponding lines in B ( 353-55 ) : XCll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST one indenture y left to the, where-of )?u shalt euer syker be In prestys handes my fleshe & blode If C purposely shifted the position of the description of the sealing, he lost rather than gained, since the proper place for it was after the reading of the Deed, more especially as the Deed was not sealed after the Resurrection but on the Cross : B217 Thes selys that it is selyd with [=C 523, etc.] they were made alle at a Smyth of gold ne Siluer were thei noght of Stile and yren were thei wroght with a spere of Stile myn hert was stonge 222 thurf my syde & thurf my lunge 225 with yren nayles they smyten me thurghe fete & handes on J>e rode-tre The selyng-wax was dere y-boght 22^ at myn herte-rote it was sought, etc. MS. X. VEKACITY AND INTEE-KELATIONS OF MA:tTU- SCEIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER § 1. The A-Text A study of the most important variations in the manuscript readings of Version A leads to the following conclusions : I. That G is the best manuscript, having preserved more of the readings of the common original than any other of the extant manuscripts. II. That there are, in A, two main groups, namely, G and IKFVHJLj the latter of which is subdivided into IK and FVHJL, and FVHJL again into FV and HJL. III. That none of these manuscripts can be shown to be a direct copy of another without the intervention of other copies. Slight variations in readings have not been considered in the present investigation, since the possibility of chance cor- respondence in minor details makes it unsafe to base con- clusions upon them. Evidence of the veracity of the various manuscripts, considered with reference to the text of the common original, and evidence of manuscript inter-relations, must alike be derived from the presence, in certain manu- scripts, of readings which we can ascertain to be spurious. The following lines afford evidence of this character, the decisive lines, containing clear errors, being distinguished by an asterisk from the corroboratory lines, which contain probable errors: 17*, 22*, 79*, 122*, 147*, 149*, 218*, and 12, 57, 76, 83, 84, 90, 206. We shall take up the decisive readings first in order. Line 17^: Correct, GIK. Spurious, FVHJL. Here the xciii XCIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST readings in FYHJL make no sense. The reference is not to Christ and mem, but to Christ alone. Line 22"^: Correct, GFVIK. Spurious, HJL. As in line 17, this reference should not include man, since Christ alone was received by the Virgin. Line 79'': Correct, GFVH (JL lacking). ^ Spurious, IK. Streyned to drye vpon a tre carries on the figure of parch- ment introduced at line 51, and contained in line 80, etc. To dethe destroys the figure. Line 122"^: It is necessary, in order to avoid confusion, to postpone the discussion of this line until the subgroups of the manuscripts are ascertained, since the decision made in regard to this reading affects the main groups only. See pp. c fi. Line i^7*; Correct, GFVH J. Spurious, IE. See the context, especially line 149. Line IJ^O"": Correct, GVHJ. Spurious, FIX. The word fyf^ refers, of course, to the fifth seal. Fyrst is a scribal blunder. Cf. for this line also p. cviii. Line 218'': Correct, HJ. Spurious, GFVIK. The orig- inal reading must have been as it is in HJ, white camelyn, since the reference is evidently to the skin of our Lord's Body. Moreover, three lines down, this camelyn is de- scribed as being ypoudred wi(> fyf roses red, the Five Wounds. Ked camelyn scattered over with red roses could hardly have been the picture in the mind of the author. The reading red camelyn may possibly have been due to a confusion, in the mind of some scribe, with the scarlet robe which the Jews (according to St. Matthew's Gospel) put upon Christ at the time of the mocking. He may have forgotten for the moment that the figure had reference to Christ's Body. Cf. also for this line pp. xcvii f. Corroboratory Headings. *As the text of MS. L comes to an end with line 62, L will not in future be accounted for in references to lines after that point. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER XCV Line 12: Correct, GFVHJL. Spurious, IK, IK has altered the infinitive construction, which, judging from the context, is evidently intended. Line 51: Correct, GFVHJL. Spurious, IK. The word soper is more natural in a reference to the institution of the Sacrament than feste/ which is later applied to Easter (197, 203). Here, it is probably a scribal alteration. Line 76: Correct, probably GFVH (J lacking). Spur- ious, IK. Tugged and tawed, as the more archaic reading, is likely to have been in the original. Cf . p. Ixxxi. Lines 83, 8 J/.: Correct, GFVH (J lacking). Spurious, IK. The alterations here were evidently introduced by the scribe of IK's source in order to refine the language. More- over, Mss. G and V use the word neh, which is changed in the other manuscripts to the less archaic neese and face. Line 90 Correct, GK (I unique) : red and < ; ^ ^ ^ ( wen ( Wan, how- wan, ^ ever, in H and K is not correct, as the rhyme shows). The scribes did not understand the meaning of luen, which was an unusual word.^ The meaning of wen I take to be, beautiful, good to look at; and red and wen here refers to the illumina- tion of the parchment. Bed is therefore more appropriate, in this connection, than hlach. Line 206: Correct, GFVIK. Spurious, HJ. ISTote the metre. InTow with regard to the veracity of the manuscripts, it is obvious from the above results that G is nearest to the origi- '^ Especially as Maundy Thursday is, in Latin, Coena Domini. ' Cf . Bradley- Stratmann: wene [0. E. {or)-wdna, = Goth, (us-) wena; O. N. v^nn; 0. H. G. {ur-)wani] hopeful, beautiful. The only adjective use of this word quoted by B. S. is in the comparative degree; Syr Gawayne and the Grene Knight 945: wener \>en Wenore. In Morris's Glossary this word is traced from 0. N. vcen, O. Dan. wwn, and defined " fairer." XCVl THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST nal text, since it records the correct reading in Rye of the six decisive lines (I am excluding line 122), and in all the seven corroboratory lines, making together twelve out of thirteen cases.^ The other manuscripts follow in this order : Decisive Corroboratoby Total Lines Lines V 4 6 10 H 4 5 9 F 3 6 9 J'' 3 2 5 K 2 2 4 I 2 1 3 L» — 2 2 Next, let us consider the inter-relations of the manuscripts of A. For purposes of convenience I wish first to show that, of the extant manuscripts, a) / and K have an original common to them alone. b) H, J, and L have an original common to them alone. It has been seen that mss. I and K agree in the erroneous readings of lines 12, 67, T6, 79*, 83, 84, 147*, against the rest. Other readings which they alone have in common are to be found in lines 1, 15, 28, 30, 45, 49, 73, 100, 121, 124, 135, 158, 162, 163, 193, and 199. Moreover, both manu- scripts lack lines 69-72, lines 93-96, and lines 139-40 inclu- sive. These lines occur in all the others, with the exception of lines 69-72, which are also lacking in ms. /. In ms. J, however, lines 69-72 are only four in a block of missing text beginning at line 63 and ending with 90 ; so that there is. no significance in the absence of 69-72 from ms. J^ as far as MSS. / and K are concerned. Therefore it is clear that mss. / and K are derived from an original common to them alone. * From this information it is clear that G would be the best ms. upon which to base a critical text of A. •Not a full text. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHAETEE XCVll ^'either of these manuscripts is a copy of the other, ms. K was not derived from ms. I, as is proved by lines 79*, 90, 218*, and 231. ms. I was not derived from ms. K, for in K lines 63-66, and lines 201-202, are lacking; bnt they occur in I, as in G and the rest. Mss. H, J, and L have also a common original to which none of our other manuscripts may be traced. This is estab- lished by their agreement in the erroneous readings of lines 20, 22*, and 206, in the latter of which ms. L is, of course, lacking, since it contains but sixty-two lines of text. H, J, and L agree against the other manuscripts also in the read- ings of lines 38, and 50 ;. and H and J in line 218*, where L is lacking. Their agreement in this line is of particular interest, since it represents a correction, made by the scribe of their common original, of an error traceable to the origi- nal of all the extant manuscripts ; cf . p. xcviii. Besides, in mss. H and J occur two lines immediately after line 230, which are not found in any of the other manuscripts.^ ISTeither H nor / could have been derived from L, which is only sixty-two lines in length. L was derived neither from H nor from J, as H lacks lines 34-37, and / lacks 29-32 and 55-56 inclusive, all of which are to be found in L. H was not copied from J^ as J lacks 29-32, 55-56, and 63-90, which occur in FI ; and finally, / did not come from H_, since H lacks lines 34-37 inclusive, and lines 210 and 212, which J contains. All these omitted lines are to be found in G and the other manuscripts, as regular parts of the Charter. Passing now to the other manuscript relations, we have seen by the analysis of lines (pp. xciii ff.) the mss. GFVHJ (L) show correct readings against IK^s erroneous readings in lines 12, 57, 76, 79*, 83, 84, and 147*. But on exami- ning lines 17* and 90, we find that FVHJL in 17* agree in an erroneous reading, while G and IK are correct, and that in 90 FVH(JL) are erroneous and again G and IK are cor- « Namely, 230•-230^ XCVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST rect.'^ Further, we note that in line 218^, GFVIK agree in the erroneous reading, and HJL alone are correct. This is more clearly seen if put in the form below : COBBECT 79* GFVH(JL lacking) 147* GFVHJ(L) 12, 57 GFVHJL 76, 83, 84 GFVH(JL) against (C But n. { COBBECT 17* GIK 90 GK (I unique) and OOBBECT III. 218* HJ(L) against iNCOERECT IK IK IK IK Incobbect against FVHJL FVH(JL lacking)" Incobbect GFVIK Hence we see, from II., that FVHJL may be traced to a common original from which none of the other manuscripts is derived; and from I., II., and III., that ms. G contains no erroneous reading found in one group (either IK or FVHJL) which does not also occur in the other; for its only erroneous reading appears in line 218, under III., where IK and two manuscripts of FVHJL are also spurious. The fact that F and V record this error shows that it occurred in the original of the group FVHJL, and therefore that the reading of HJ(L) is a correction on the part of the scribe of their source. Here, then, we have evidence of the existence of an error in the common original of all the extant manuscripts of the A-text. ' Here the scribe of / has altered the line so as to give a unique read- ing, but it does not invalidate the reading of his source, since the correct reading occurs in K — i. e. red instead of black. Wan in K is incorrect but the error is not significant in this connection. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER XCIX Hence, up to this point, our evidence points to three main groups: G; IK; and FVHJL, in the last of which HJL forms a sub-group, as has already been shown. This evi- dence, however, is exclusive of what a consideration of the readings of line 122 may afford. But before dealing with the problem of line 122, it will be advisable to settle the relations of mss. F and V to each other and to their source. Since F and V belong to the group FY HJL, and since HJL forms a sub-group within this group, the question re- maining to be answered is, are these manuscripts, F and V, derived independently of each other from the common source of FVHJL, or are they grouped together by readings which assign them to a common source exclusively their own, which takes its origin from the source of FVHJLf That these two manuscripts do form a subgroup by themselves, is estab- lished by the readings of lines 6,^ 25, 68, 69, and 79*. Lines 68, 69, and 79* by themselves would not be agreements of sufficient significance to prove the existence of the subgroup ; but line 25 is strong evidence. This line introduces another phase of the question, in that its readings point to a ISTorthern original for the mss. F and y. The original rhyme was ydo-fo (see mss. G, H, K and L. Mss. I and J, do-fo), F and V have the rhyme < , — a change which must have been due to a Northern scribe, presumably the scribe of their source, who evidently made the alteration because do-fa, the Northern forms, no longer made even an approximate rhyme. But compare with this the rhyme of 123-4, where V retains the Southern rhyme, while F has altered the line to obtain the Northern a to rhyme with ma: ]>e thred I will no mare do swa ]>e ferth dred god whare so ]?ou ga [ms. F]. ^ See for this line also pp. cv ff. C THE MIDDLE EIs^GLISH CHARTERS OE CHRIST That V does not agree with F in this variant shows that the variant is by the hand of the scribe of F, and is not traceable to their common source. Hence, if the scribe of their source were a Northern man, he must have passed over some South- em forms without attempting to change them into his own dialect; possibly he was not skilful enough to do so. The scribe of F himself lets a number of such forms pass un- altered ; see lines 49-50 ; 209-10 ; 211-12. Ms. V was certainly not derived from ms. F, as is clear from the reading of 124, and from 48 (where F has altered for the dialect), 209, 210. That ms. F did not come from MS. V is probable from 15 (where F agrees with G) and certain from 23. In this last line the manuscripts read : G — By my manhede FHIKL — me my [or f>i] manhede y and J — (>OTw What must have happened is, that in the source of IKFVHJL the word me was substituted for By through a misreading, and that mss. V and / corrected the error, while the other manuscripts continued to copy it. Let us now consider line 122. The discussion of this line was postponed from page xciv, because the determination of the true reading here is a problem towards the solution of which little could be accomplished until we had ascer- tained the approximate relations of the manuscripts, and arrived at some conclusion with respect to their relative values as regards the preservation of true readings. Line 121, which forms a couplet with 122, must be considered also, as the question of the rhyme is involved. A study of the different forms taken by these two lines in the various manuscripts shows that the original reading must have been either that of mss. I and K or that of ms. G: MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHAKTEE CI I. That oon lef ys shrift of herte That olpere for synne hert smert [from MS. K. I has made some slight changes.] II. That on lef is opon ® shryft That o]7er thin herte to smerte skyft [from MS. (?.] All the other manuscripts are clearly erroneous, since in none of them does the couplet rhyme: {0 lef is so]?fast schrifte ]?e to]> ur is for synne herte smerte [from Mss. F, V, and fl".] Ms. / gives a variant of no importance, due doubtless to its own scribe: {]>at on it is so]?fastly schryfte \>ai other it is senne haue sorow E"ow, it is by an examination of the error in FVHJ(L) that we may hope to arrive at the true reading of line 122. For this error is manifestly due to one of two causes: its source was either a manuscript in which the phrase of hert was gone from line 121 in couplet I. above, leaving: That oon lef ys shrift That o]^ere for synne hert smert or its source was a manuscript in which the word shy ft was lost from line 122, leaving the following from couplet II: That on lef is opon shryft That olper thin herte to smerte Should the first cause be the true one, ms. G would share *In the original, this may have been so])fast, as in FVHJ{L). Cll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST the error of FVHJ(L)y since it too lacks the phrase of hert. The word opon in G^ and sof'fast in the other manuscripts, would be supplied to eke out the metrically defective line 121. The word is, in mss. FV and J, could presumably be accounted for in the same way. And finally, the scribe of G, being, we will suppose, of a more inventive turn of mind than the other scribes, would have attempted to correct the rhyme on his own responsibility, whence That o]>er thin herte to smerte skyft. According to this explanation, mss. IK alone would have the true reading of line 122, and our manuscripts would fall into two main groups, ms. G being now united with FVHJ- (L) in a common error, as follows: But, assuming the second to be the true explanation, ms. G would be the only manuscript preserving a true reading of line 122. We must suppose, then, that IK and FVHJ(L) have a common error, due to the loss, in their source, of the word shy ft. In the source of IK and FVHJ{L), moreover, the defective line MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER Clll That olper thin herte to smerte has been altered, for obvious reasons, to That o]?ere (ys) for synne hert smert. The scribe of the source of IK has further added the phrase of hert to line 121, in order to correct the rhyme, and has cut out op on or so f> fast; but the scribes of FVHJ have left the rhyme false. Our manuscripts would then have the fol- lowing relations, with two main groups, G and IKFVHJL: Now, since (r is a fifteenth century manuscript, and mss. F and V are both of the fourteenth century, it follows that, as G is derived from a, the source of all the extant manuscripts, another manuscript (0) must have intervened between a and the source of IKFVHJL, in which the word shy ft was lost; because a) G contains shy ft and b) in the source of IKFVHJL line 122 was already corrupted, as is proved by the common reading of all these manuscripts. ^° " If MS. G did not copy directly from a, but from an early manuscript derived from a, this would not necessarily follow; since it would be possible, though hardly probable, that a might have lost the word skyft after the copy had been made from which G was derived. CIV THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETEKS OF CHRIST At lengtli, after having considered what is involved in assuming either of our couplets to be the reading of the original, I arrived at the conclusion that IK is spurious, and that MS. G alone records the true reading; because 1) (t is our best manuscript. Whereas I and K have frequently been proved spurious in their readings, in no other instance of which we are certain has ms. G been found to err from the reading of the common original. 2) It is more reasonable to suppose that the extraordinary line 122 in G That o]?er thin herte to smerte skyft ^^ was written by the hand of the author himself than to sup- pose that a scribe, at a loss for a suitable rhyme, was the " Certainly what the author meant to express here was one of the three parts of a true repentance — Contrition — which theologically, however, should come before shryft, the regular order being Contrition, Con- fession, Satisfaction. It is to be noted that ms. / does put Penance second, but this is not significant since / does not mention shryft at all, but for it substitutes love of hert; and since K has the same order as G, shryft first, then hert smert, or Contrition. MANUSCEIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER CV inventor of it. The word shyft, used in this abstract sense, is very rare. Indeed, the nearest approach to it that I have been able to find is in the Metrical Homilies (1325), line 61 : '^ Bot Godd that skilfulli can skift, mad them," etc., where shyft means to ordain^^ 3) The expression shryft of hert in K is probably an emendation for the sake of the rhyme, since it is inaccurate as regards meaning, and can not have been what the author intended to express. This emendation we must trace to the source of IK, for the word shryft obviously belonged to the original. The scribe of I, perceiving the inaptness of shryft of hert altered it to hue of hert, as has already been pointed out. It must be remarked with reference to the reading in IK, that it is much more obvious as an emendation than that of G, and would naturally occur to a scribe confronted with the false rhyme shryft-smert, 4) To assume that IK has preserved the correct reading is also to assume that our author was so clumsy as to use the word hert both in 121 and 122, which produces an unpleasant effect in reading the couplet. This is not in accord with his style in the rest of the poem. 5) E'o objection can be taken either to the metre or to the rhyme of G 122. Indeed, metrically, G 122 is a better line than K 122 or 122 in any of the other manuscripts. As to the rhyme, shyft, as in ms. G, is probably a syncopated form of the present indicative, 3rd person singular,^^ having as its subject that o^er. Certain lines offering special difficulties must now be con- sidered separately. The first of these is line 6. Here we have what at first sight would seem evidence of contamination. " For this word see the Glossary. Its ordinary meaning is : to change, move away, assign, divide, in the concrete. ^^Cf., for example, syncopated forms of verbs in t, d, s, occurring in the Troilus, Kittredge's Observations of the Language of Chaucer's Troilus {Chaucer Society, second ser. xxviii.) 220-1, § 95, as Uent, sent, last, lyst, put, etc. CVl THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETEBS OF CHRIST Ms. G reads with HJL: With treson and wythoute gult Ms. I: Wyth treson & also wit7i gylt Ms. K nearly the same : Wi)? trosonne and wi)? J?i gilt Ms. F: With tresone & with J?ine awen gylt Ms. V: With resoun and wi)? pin oune gnlt. But this situation can be explained without the necessity of assuming contamination. Manifestly, G and HJL are wrong as they stand, since the second half of the line flatly contradicts the first. The other readings are all possible, so far as sense goes. The readings of F, I, and K would mean that man's expulsion from Para- dise was because of treachery towards God, and was due to his own fault ; of V, that man was driven out with good reason and by his own fault. But if we assume the readings of any of these manuscripts to be correct, how can we account for the reading of HJL 9 Certainly contamination would not explain it, since the meaning of the line is spoiled instead of improved by the supposed alteration. The only possible ex- planation is that the scribe of the source of HJL was copying exactly what he found. In that case, the error must be traced back to a, the source of all the extant manuscripts. The original reading was undoubtedly not tresoun but resoun, and the line ran: With resoun and wythoute gylt i. e., that man was driven from Paradise for good reason and without injustice. The scribe of ct, or of some manuscript MAIS^USCRIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHAETER CVll perhaps even farther back, prefixed a / to the word resoun, very likely because the t of w* was near enough to confuse him. Hence ms. G's reading. The mistake was retained in 13 and 7 and again in 0. The scribes of e and f, however, emended the texts they found, since the reading puzzled them, as well it might. This would also explain the variant in 7. The readings of line 19 should be noted. All the manu- scripts but G, read forty weeks and forty days in referring to the period of time between the conception of Christ and His birth. Ms. G reads forty weeks saue 7. days, I am inclined to think that G is correct, and that the other manu- scripts record a corruption traceable to 7 or to ^. If we imagine " saue " written " s aue," with the s rather far from the other letters and pretty close to the preceding word (which ends in s), we can see how the scribe could have omitted to connect it with saue. The final e may very easily have looked like d. In some manuscripts it is impossible to tell the difference between e and d except from the context. 'Next, there is the figure V., or the word fine (or fyfe, or fyue, or fife). The word may have been blurred all but the initial f, whence the scribe was left to conjecture as to the original. In that case, he may have written forty for the sake of the sound effect it would produce with the first forty; or simply as a guess, without thinking of the meaning he was conveying. I see no other explanation for this line.^* "In the Charter of the Ahhey of the Holy Ghost (of ms. Laud 210, printed by Horstmann, Richard Rolle i. 352) tlie period between the conception of Christ and His birth is reckoned as nyne and pritty ivekes d a day, or 274 days. Piei's the Ploicman B xvi. 100, gives fourty wokes. St. Augustine, De Trinitate Lib. iv. Cap. v. [Migne, Pat. Lat. XLii. col. 894], records it as 276 days: " Dixerunt enim: * Quadraginta et sex annis aedificatum est templum ' [St. John 11. 19]. Et quadragies sexies sent, fiunt ducenti septuaginta sex. Qui numerus dierum complet novem menses et sex dies, qui tanquam decern menses parientibus femi- nis imputantur: non quia omnes ad sextum diem post nonum mensem CVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST The next problem is that presented by the various readings of lines 29 to 37 inclusive. In 29, the pronoun he can be either singular or plural. We should expect a plural pro- noun throughout, referring to Belsehub and 8atanas in 27, as consistently in ms. V. G, F, and L, however, take the word he as singular, to judge from what follows, and continue to do so throughout, doubtless having Satan alone in mind, since two devils tempting Christ are not Scriptural. Ms. / leaves one in doubt; he is used in some lines, f'ei in others, but the possessives are all plural. H, J, and K vary ; H begins with the plural, and changes to the singular with line 31. / does the same, changing however, at 35 to the singu- lar. K" is plural up to 33, when it too changes to the singu- lar form. On the whole, there seems to me no safe way of grouping the manuscripts according to the singular and plural readings of these lines. There is too much that might easily confuse a scribe ; the possibility of taking he in either way, and the danger of forgetting that two fiends are involved where but one would be expected. Another case of the same nature is to be found in the readings of line 149. Fyff> is certainly the true reading. The variant fyrst of mss. F, I, and K, I believe to be a natural error of the scribes of F and of the source of IK, who doubtless misread the word because they expected that after the enumeration Father and Son, God and Man, each seal would be more fully described, beginning with the first. Finally, there are certain agreements in the readings of manuscripts not grouped together, which may be attributed either to chance coincidence or to cross infiuence. I should attribute to chance coincidence the following: perveniunt, sed quia, ipsa perfectio corporis Domini tot diebus ad par- turn perducta comperitur, sicut a majoribus traditum suscipiens Eccle- siae custodit auctoritas. Octavo enim calendas aprilis conceptus creditur, quo et passus .... Natus autem traditur octavo calendas Januarias." MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER CIX K with L in line 4. H " IK in line 154. B. " r in line 172. F " Z in line 204. I " HJ in line 231. 172 and 231, especially, are slips that might very naturally be made by two scribes on account of association of ideas. Tears and to weep are more closely allied than tears and to lete; paying smd dehts, more allied than paying and rent. Two other cases I do not feel sure of, namely, / and IK in lines 35 and 232. In 35, / may have altered maistroye to envye to rhyme with destrye, though it would seem as though he must have known of the form maistrye. Pos- sibly he changed cleyme to chalenge in 232 to get a dis- syllable. On the whole, I am inclined to believe that J and IK show merely chance agreement in these lines, since they do not agree in other readings where chance could not be the explanation. § 2. The B-Text The veracity of the manuscripts of Version B is to be determined both by a comparison of their readings with the corresponding readings in Version A, and by such means as we have already made use of in the analysis of the manu- scripts of A. The inter-relations of the manuscripts, how- ever, present a much more complicated problem than we have had to deal with in the case of A, since here it is necessary to reckon with certain agreements in readings that seem at first sight to be due to contamination of manuscripts, but which appear, upon further analysis, to be due to other causes. We shall begin with the test for veracity. With the aid of the A-text, and in other ways when that source of information failed, I have found that in the follow- ing lines we can attain either an absolute or a reasonable ex THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST certainty as to the reading of the archetype of the various manuscripts of the B-text: 42'M2b*, 44*, 74*, 101*, 151-2*, 167-8*, 170*, 172*, 194*, 196*, 200*, 210*, 214*, 227*, 377*; and 121, 171, 186, 241. A comparison with readings in the A-text enables us to determine, in all but one of these lines, 101*, the original reading of B. Line 101 will be considered last: ^^a.^^&*. = A-text 17-18. Correct, mss. C, E, and A, which preserve these lines. They are dropped by mss. B andZ.15 W, 7^*, 172* ) -p ,, , ,. , ,. ^ , . 7 0/* rQ«* i '* these lines the reading of A is preserved in mss. C and E only; though in 194* the corre- spondence with A is not exact, the reading of C and E is nearer to A than are the readings of the other manuscripts. 151-2*: = A-text 75-76, preserved most nearly in A, B, D, and X. Lost in C and E. 167-8*: = A-text 89-90. Correct, C and E, which pre- serve the rhyme word of the A-text. 170*: = A-text 92, preserved in C and E. A, B, D, and X insert here, and D and X introduce ^^ I " in addition, which is also in C and E. 200*: = A-text 118, preserved most nearly in (7. A, B, D, and X add else, E is spurious. 210*: = A-text 128. The rhyme word of Version A is preserved in mss. A, B, D, and X. Spurious, C ^^ and E, though these do not agree. ^jf^*;:=: A-text 132. C is nearest to Version A in this line. " Since the text of ms. D does not begin before line 69, D will not be mentioned in the discussion of lines earlier than this point. In the same way, mss. C and E will not be mentioned under lines in which they are lacking. C stops with line 248, and E frequently drops coup- lets and passages throughout the entire poem. "Ms. C has I sende, rhyming with he-hynde. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LOIfG CHARTER CXI ^^7*; = A-text 143. Correct, C, E, D, and Z. Spuri- ous, A, B, 577*;iz=A-text 219, preserved in B, and imperfectly in E, B, and D (though B and D do not agree with E), Cf. p. cxv, for discussion of these readings. Spurious, A and X. Minor Lines, i^i; = A-text 61, preserved in 0. A, B, D, and X, insert onZi/. i7i; = A-text 93. Here ms. G^'s reading is preserved in C, E, and X, Spurious, A and 5. Ms. D is a combina- tion of the readings of C and E and A and 5. Cf . p. cxviii. iN'one of the other manuscripts of Version A agree with read- ings of Version B. i<§^; = A-text 106, preserved (with slight variation) in C and E only. 2Jli.l : = A-text 155, preserved most closely in A, B, and D, 101^ : = ih.Q word self in mss. C, E, and B, is the correct reading. Soul, in A, D, and X, is manifestly incorrect from the context. Summing up results, we find that out of a total of sixteen major and four minor readings. True Majob True Minor Readings Readings Total Ms. C has 12 3 15 Ms. E has 11 2 13 Ms. D has 4 1 6 Ms. B has 4 1 5 Ms. A has 3 1 4 Ms. X has 3 1 4 Ms. C is, therefore, our best manuscript as far as it goes, which unfortunately is only to line 248. It is not remark- ably well written ; there are lines omitted, evidently by acci- dent, here and there, as 16, 78, 110 ; and there are besides CXll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST some very bungling lines, as 9, 116, 152, 238. It needs to be corrected frequently by the aid of the other manuscripts. Ms. E is written with a very free hand. Consequently, in spite of its high rank in the list above, it is not to be depended upon for readings that cannot be tested by Ver- sion A or supported by ms. C or by mss. A, B, D or X, Moreover, E frequently drops couplets, and sometimes longer passages. The manuscripts, C and E together, are never- theless very valuable for constructing a critical text of Version B. Where they agree, they are almost invariably correct; and where they disagree, the preference should, generally speaking, be given to the version v/hich is supported by the other manuscripts. Let us now examine the manuscript relations of the B-text. In proportion to the length of the B version, there are fewer important variations among the manuscripts than in the A-text, if we except the unique readings of ms. E. I hope to show that B contains three groups, the first two being repre- sented each by a single manuscript, C and E respectively, to the latter of which Version C is particularly related, as will be explained in § 4. The third group comprises mss. A^ Bj D, and X. The difficulties presented by the read- ings of this group, together with the results I have reached, will be set forth in the succeeding paragraphs. From the analysis of lines above, it is evident that A, B, D, and X are differentiated from mss. C and E by the spurious readings of lines 44*, 74*, 167*, 170*, 172*, 194* (A is unique here), 196*, 200*, 214*, and 377*. Since in mss. C and E the readings of these lines agree with Version A, the source of ABDX is responsible for the changes in the four manuscripts.^''^ " Other lines in which the readings of ABDX vary from those of C and E, though we can not be certain as to whether they are spurious or correct, are these: 1, 61, 182, 281, and 301 (partially). I have pur- MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHARTER CXlll That C and E belong to different groups of Version B is probable from the fact that they do not agree in any reading that we can recognize as spurious. -"^^ Such agreements as these manuscripts show (and they are many) are uniformly in readings which we have ascertained to belong to the com- mon original. It is evident that C was not derived from E, for C does not share the peculiarities of E which unite that manuscript to Version C, nor does it bear marks of the editing for which E is so conspicuous, but keeps pretty close to the text, as a com- parison of its lines with those of ABDX and of Version A will show. Also, while E drops many couplets and longer passages at times, C gives the whole text as far as line 248, except for a single line accidentally dropped in one or two cases. posely omitted to mention the readings of 233 and 240. In 233, fifth is, of course, the correct reading, but it would have been very easy for any scribe to have written first, thinking that each point in the enu- meration of the seals just preceding was to be separately dealt with, so that it is not safe to use this line as basis for classification. In 240, since my and ]>y could have been interchangeable, a scribe might easily have made a mistake here. ^^ The nearest approaches to such agreement are: a) 225, where E reads thre nayles and C \>e nayles, the other manuscripts having yren nayles. But I believe this is explained hj a y being read ]>, and the stroke over the e being omitted in a manuscript betAveen E and the source; and in C, the likeness to E is probably coincidence. The matter is too uncertain to rely on, especially as the three nails v^^ere a well known sjonbol of the Passion, b) 151-2, where, though C and E are both erroneous (Cf. Version A and ABDX), they do not agree in their readings of the lines. Each seems to have altered independently, per- haps because two very similar lines occur a little later, 155-6. c) Both C and E have but two Latin rubrics (though only one in common) of those which occur at intervals in the A-text; ABDX has retained five. E has written its rubrics not in the text, but in the margin, and has altered one of them from Hoc facite in meam commemoracionem to memoriam fecit miraMlium. suorum.. The second, vos omnes qui transitis per viam, etc., was so common that the fact of C and E's both having retained it proves no relationship between them. It is a fre- quent theme in the Complaints of Christ. cxiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST That E was not derived from C is plain, since C gives but 248 lines of text. The manuscript relations, as ascertained up to this point, may therefore be represented thus: Let us now examine the manuscripts of ABDX more par- ticularly. In some of the lines of this group it is difficult to distinguish true from spurious readings ; but we are enabled to detect many of them by a comparison with the readings of Mss. C and E, and also of ms. R of Version (7, which, as I have said (p. cxii), is closely related to E. Since in the fol- lowing discussion of ABDX and its subdivisions, as well as in § 3, I shall frequently have occasion to refer to ms. R to corroborate or to disqualify the readings of ms. E, I here refer the reader to § 4 where R and E are shown to be de- rived from the same manuscript ( 7 ) , and proceed now as if this were already established. AX agree against B and D in the following readings : 1) 20^-20^*: These two lines, as has been pointed out, were probably in the original, since both C and ER record them. B contains them, but A and X omit them. 2) 112: The variants of the manuscripts here suggest MANUSCEIPTS OF THE LOK^G CHAETER CXV that the reading in ms. P was blurred. AX read loTce ye hem. precJie, B and B read I pn&y you pern pTeche; while ms. C reads / hydde )ou hem pTeche, E is very different, and B does not give the line. I believe that C has the original reading, as there seems no good reason for the variants in AX and B and D. 3) 126: The correct reading here is in B and D; cf. Mss. C and R (E omits the line). AX probably represent an attempt to improve the metre. ^^ 4) 150: The original reading would seem to be that of B and D, since C and B both agree with these manuscripts. AX altered the line by crosssing out forth, though the metre is not improved by the emendation. 5) ^77*; Here all the manuscripts of ABDX are in error, cf. Version A, and mss. E and B, It would seem as though the wr of wro^te were obscured or lost in ^. AX^s> source (which we shall call 0) attempted to correct the error with hetought, whence ms. X. The scribe of A substituted tow^te, and struck out me. The scribes of B and D did not attempt an emendation. From these cases, it is evident that mss. A and X agree in the common errors of lines 20'^-20^* (dropped by AX), 126, 150, 377*, the last three being lines emended by the source of AX from the reading of /3. Moreover, line 112, while not offering proof of certain error, nevertheless sup- ports the evidence for a subgroup AX within ABDX. As to the other two manuscripts, B and D, it is doubtful whether " A word should be said regarding the readings of line 300. Rest to my head for to make is the reading of B, D, and E, while AX (hence its source) has icTiereof to make in place of for to make. At first sight, it would seem as though AX's version were that of the original of the B-text, since the corresponding line 78, in Version A, reads my testa- ment whereof to make. But I believe that Version B's original reading was for to make, because: a) E agrees with B and D in this reading, and b) for to make would be a poor alteration, whereas whereof to make might easily suggest itself to the scribe of AZ's source from the line preceding. CXVl THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST they were derived separately froir 8, or from an original common to them alone. The only evidence for the latter supposition would be line 112; but here we are on very doubtful ground, for it would have been natural for B and D separately to have applied the word pray to fill the sup- posed gap in their source. It must be noted that the word order in B and D is the same as that in C; this is not the case with the word order in AX, which makes the corre- spondence in these two manuscripts much more significant than that in B and D. On the whole, I am inclined to re- gard B and D as having no relation except through ^. If my analysis of the manuscripts holds, we may represent the relations of the versions as in the diagram below. For convenience, ms. R (Version C) is included in this plan. I am assuming here that within the group ABDX no manu- script is derived from another. For the proof of this, see p. cxx. R Vereiijn C Certain cases of readings which do not accord with this analysis must be examined. These I cite below, with such explanations of the diSiculty involved as I am able to offer: A) The agreement of X with 5 in a common error. MANUSCEIPTS OF THE LOiS'G CHAKTEK CXVll 16: B and X are in error, reading that ye may (or now) know in all your thought. C omits the line. E, R, and A read: may (or most) keep. Here A probably emended know to keep to make better sense. Jif2^-Ji.2^^: B and X have both dropped these lines. A retains them. They were in the common original (cf. Ver- sion A and mss. C, E, and B where the lines have been altered; see p. ex). The fact that they are redundant may have led B and X independently to omit them. B) The agreement of A and 5 in a common error. 227*: This line offers peculiar complications. Mss. A and B agree in a common error, but they are not exactly alike. A reads The sesynge wax was dere y-how^t, and B, The sesynge was dere y-hoght. The correct reading occurs with unimportant variations in all the other manuscripts, The selyng wexe was dere a-bought.^^ I would suggest the follow- ing explanation : ms. S read The sesyng wax, ms. and ms. A the same. Ms. X corrected the obvious blunder sesyng to selyng, as did D, while B emended erroneously by dropping the word ivax. Such an explanation obviates the necessity of supposing contamination in this line. C) The agreement oi A, B, E, and R against C, D, and X. I4O: The simplest explanation of the line I believe to be this : the original reading was And alle myn frendys sone me forsoken. C emended to And alle myn frendys me sone forsokn. The source of E and R (7) emended by dropping sone to make the line smoother. /? retained the original reading, followed by D, 6, and X. A and B, however, emended in the same way that 7 did, by omitting sone, which is the most obvious thing to do. D) The agreement of A, B, and C against E, (i?), and X. 21: MSS. A, B, and C read without great strife, E, R, " Ms. E reads : This selynge was dyre y-howght, but R records the regular version. CXVlll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST and X read withouten strife. I would suggest here that the older reading may be that of E, R, and X, and that the other manuscripts, independently of each other, inserted great for metrical reasons, since unless the word without is regarded as having three syllables, the line will not scan. 60: C, A, and B read for to helpe the was all my thought; E and X, the to helpe (E\ euer was; X, ivas al) my thoght. B is unique and quite different. Since the correspondence between E and X is not exact, the readings of these two would seem to be independent emendations for the sake of the metre. Moreover, as there is little likelihood that the line, as it stands in E and X, would have been altered to the other form, the original reading is probably that of Cj A, and j5. E) The three readings A and B; C, E, and X; and D. 171 : The correct reading is probably Ye men that go forth hy the way,^^ in C, E, and X. A and B have here instead of forthj while D has fo7'th here. The explanation might be that /?, after having written forth, preferred here, and set it down right after forth, with a faint line through the rejected reading. and D did not see the line and copied both words. B did see it and rejected forth. A and X emended the reading of ^separately, one choosing here and the other forth. F) E' and 5 against ADX. 101^: The correct reading here is obviously that of C, E, and B : my self, and not my soul. The error soul must have appeared in P. B independently emended the line by re- storing self. 287: The original reading of this line (see ms. E^^ and '^See MS. Q, A-text. ^ It will be obvious that we cannot depend upon ms. E here, nor indeed upon any of the mss., for the correct reading of the pronoun. The word suffered is the reading with which we are concerned in this line. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHARTER CXIX the context) was probably The pains that she suffered were full smert. Ms. /3 introduced a spurious reading, The pains that I had, mistaking the author's meaning, and wishing to use a different expression from that employed just above in line 281. He may have taken line 287 to be merely a repetition of 281. B corrected this to the pains that she suffered, using the word suffered from line 281 again, and not, as I believe, from ms. E. G) The agreement of -E' (R) and A against B, D, and X. S12: Here ms. A reads thou shalt stand on my right hand, with MS. E, against thou shalt he soothly on my right hand of B, D, and X. Ms. B does not help us here, as it is quite different: On my reght hand wend sail he. 370 : The true reading would seem to be that of E, R, and A, which gives the better interpretation to the author's thought. The emendation will in B, D, and X, instead of belief, was doubtless made for metrical reasons in yS A may have independently altered this to improve the sense; the change would have been a natural one to make. It will be observed from this analysis that we have nothing except lines 42^2^ and 312, to weaken our general argument for the manuscript divisions. I have suggested an explana- tion of 42^-42^ ; but it must be acknowledged that one could understand better the omission in B and X of the following two lines, 43-4, on the ground of redundancy, than of these two. I cannot, however, accept manuscript contamination as the explanation in these cases ; for if B and X are examples of cross influence here, why not in other lines ? If the scribe of X were using B, why did he not emend his plain error in line 101 ; and why, if the scribe of B were using X, does his text contain the error of 227 ? The same may be said regarding the readings of 312. If J. were influenced by E here, why not also in 101 and 227 ? In the same way, it will be evident from all the lines discussed above as offering CXX THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST special difficulty, that we cannot detect any case of a manu- script showing consistent contamination by another manu- script. Hence we are forced to conclude that, even in the cases of lines 42^-42^ and 312, cross influence is not a factor, and that these two must be added to the list of coincident readings. It is now possible to show that no manuscript of Version B is derived directly from another. iN'either B nor D was derived from A or X, as is shown 6y the lines 20^-20^ 31 (for B), 377*. N'either A nor X was derived from D, as is obvious from D'^ lack of lines 1-68. A was not derived from B, since B omits lines 42^-42^, which A has, and which were in/9; nor was X derived from B — fcee lines 101, and 203 (where B has made an emendation and X retains the common error of Version B and certain manuscripts of Version A. See p. cxxi for full discussion of this line) . Finally, X was not derived from A, as we see from lines 16, 140, and 203 ; nor did A come from X, as is shown by 42^-42^ and 167. §3. Eelation of THE Parent Manuscript of Version B TO Version A. It is probable that the source of Version B had its origin either in that A manuscript which was the source of IK and FVHJL, or in a manuscript derived from it. For by line 44, we see that the B-text does not possess the common error of HJL 22 ; and by 376, that it has not corrected the erro- neous reading red, which HJL has done.^^ Again, in 53, Version B does not contain the error of FV 25 ; and in 42^ it lacks the spurious reading of FVHJL 17. Moreover, in 171 it contains the word forth, which is dropped by the source *'It will be remembered that HJL emended to the true reading white in this line. MAI^USCEIPTS OF THE LOI^G CHARTER CXXl of FVHJL, but which belonged to the original line (93) as is shown by ms. G. Hence Version B does not derive from any manuscript of FVHJL. ^ext, as B shows no agreement with IK in its important divergences from the other A manuscripts, namely in lines 28, 30, 45, 49, 57, 73, 76, 83-4, 94, 100, 147, 158, 162, 193 (=B56, 62, 81, 87, 103, 140, 152, 161-2, 172, 180, 231, 244, 248, 345), it cannot have been derived from that group. Finally, B 203 does not agree with ms. G in the reading of line 122 (where G alone has the true reading), but shows the common error of IKFVHJL, in that it records the false rhyme of FVHJL, schrift — smert {IK having altered this to hert — smert). One point, however, must be noted in this connection. Mss. A, B, (and B,^^ of Version C) have emended this line so as to rhyme hert and smert as was done by IK; see A and B 203-4, and R 277-8. B in particular has made a much better couplet by putting smert in the first line instead of hert, and combining hert with soro in the second line. (See pp. c ff. for comparison with the A-text on this couplet. )^^ From the above facts, then, we infer that Version B was not derived from the common source of G and the other manuscripts of Version A (a). Since B is not derived from ms. G or its original, or from either one of the subgroups IK and FVHJL, its source must be a non-extant text which was derived, directly or indirectly according to the foregoing evidence, from the source of the subgroups IK and FVHJL. This may be represented as follows : ** See p. cxiv, where my reason is given for citing the readings of i? before showing its relation to Version B. ^ This line is not evidence of contamination of mss., since the emended readings in A, B, and B do not agree with each other, nor with those of IK. CXXll THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Certain sporadic common readings of manuscripts of the three groups may be noted. They do not, I believe, show contamination, since there are no other proofs of cross in- fluence between Versions A and B or A and C. They seem to be due merely to coincidence. The most important, perhaps, is the agreement between E 168 and FVH{JL) 90, in the reading hlach instead of re^. Other slight agreements are: ^86 E 290 (EBD 300 1 Version C, ms. E 458 Various B mss. 138 Version C, ms. B 352 Version C, ms. R 5S6 ( Version C, ms. R 523 1 Version B, ms. E 217 with Version A, F 48 all mss. 182 J 178 various mss. 72 J 182 J 146 J 135 MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHAETER CXXlll § 4. Relation of Version C to Version B. We shall now consider the relationship of Version C, or MS. Eojal 17. C xvii.^ to the manuscripts of the B-text. Version C (or ms. J? as I shall call it here to distinguish it from MS. C of Version B), traces its descent from a B manuscript which was closely related to the source of ms. E ; for E and R are the only manuscripts containing the following lines : £fl6a-16d =i^ 17-20 E 28^-28^ = R 35-38 ; 41-44 J57l52a-152d =E 209-10; 213-14. Moreover, E and R record common errors in E 151-2* — R 207-8 E 200* = i^274 E210 — E284 E212 — R 286 2< E217 — E523 as may be seen by comparing these readings with those of Version A, and with those of the other manuscripts of B. E and R show coincident readings not distinguishable either as errors or as true readings, but not found in the other manuscripts, in lines : EU6 — R1S7 £'281 — E357 £^301 = E459 Slight agreements also exist between E and R, as in R 280 = E20Q:R584: = E 380. " This line is proved to be a common error by the agreement of C and AB{D)X in another reading. cxxiv THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST R is an unreliable manuscript, because its scribe, or the scribe of some source of R, has in numerous instances dealt very freely with the text. See, for example, lines 24, 30, 45, 46, 89, 90, 108, etc. On the other hand, sometimes R will seem to be correct where E is apparently incorrect. R is a valuable manuscript for the purpose of checking the readings of E, particularly in those lines that are lacking in C ; for (in the last part of the poem) where a reading in R agrees with ABDX, but not with E, we may feel reasonably sure that R is correct and E is not ; and vice versa. R shows one or two coincident readings with ABDX, but they are insignificant, the most important being in line Y6, where R agrees in part with ABX 44 against C and E,^'^ The following is a list of such interpolations made by Version C in the B-text as we have not yet noted in other connections. Narrative additions 49-62 86-88 189-90 193-204 219-224 , 227-234 237-238 263-256 337-348 601-510 Didactic and moral additions Dealing with Seven Sacraments 291-314 Dealing with the Eucharist 560-64 Dealing with Penance 595-96 "The others are, R 118 with X IQ-, R 358 with A 282. The Texts OF The Charter of Christ In printing the texts, no attempt has been made at emenda- tion, except in a few instances, recorded in the footnotes, where scribal errors are unmistakable. Very few marks of punctuation appear in the manuscripts. In some, for example ms. Add. 11307, periods occur at the end, and sometimes in the interior, of the lines ; ut as these marks do not appear with regularity the editor has ignored them for the sake of consistency. Dots over y are also ignored. Capitals, except in two or three cases where they occur in the middle of a word, are retained. Certain apparently meaningless tails after various letters, such as those sometimes after / and t in mss. Harl. 2346 and Ash. 189, are not represented; nor are strokes crossing II and h — except in Ihc which is expanded in the usual manner. Other strokes and curls are expanded according to the editor's understanding of the symbols. In mss. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9., Bod. C. 280, and sometimes in Harl. 237, y and ]> are written alike : in these cases J> has been printed when it properly occurs. The Latin rubrics occurring at intervals in the poems are represented in a uni- form type in the printed texts, whether illuminated, underlined, or left unmarked in the mss. The numbering of the lines in the Long Charter is made, for purposes of convenience, to cor- respond to the numbering in the E. E. T. S. edition. MANUSCEIPTS OF THE SHOKT CHARTER THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Fol. 2 Sloane 3292. Magna Carta de libertatibus Mundi a Ihesus Christ his Charter great b That blond & water so did sweat And had his Heart I-wounded sore To saue Mankinde for euermore Christ hath cancelld the writt of Mans dett And by this Charter him free hath sett Warrantizatio Nouerint presentes & futuri Wat yee now all that be heere and after shall be leif and deere That I Ihesus of Nazareth for Lone of Man hane suffered death Uppon the Cross with wounds fyue Whilest I was heere on Earth alyue Dedi et Ooncessi I haue geuen and made a graunte to all people repentant Heauens Bliss without ending 17 And if any one shall say now that I dyed not for mans prow Eather then Man should be forlorn 20 Yet would I be eft all to-torne In cuius rei testimonium 29 In wittnes of the which thinge Myne owne seale there-to I hing and for the more sikernes the wounde on my syde is Datum apud Hierusalem This was geuen at Calluery 34 the first ^ day of the great mercy Hijs testihus 21 Wittnes the day that turnd to night the Sonn that then withdrew his light Wittnes the Earth ]>at ^ then did quake and stones great ]?at ^ in sonder brake 25 Witnes the Vaile that then did ryue and men that rose from dead to lyue Witnes my Mother and St John 28 and other then their many one E & B^ on strap M^ Lambert a Justice of Peace in Uppon the other si[de o]f the seale Kent found this on a grauestone in seal there was should be a P[e]l[ican pick- an Abby in Kent bearing date ^° heart within^^^'^S her bloo[d] for* Dni 1400 a Copie whereof was geuen to Mr Humfry Windham of Winse- combe in the county of Somerset. Habendum 10 As long as I am Heauens King Redendo 11 Keap I no more for all my smart but the true Loue of all thy hart and that thou be in Charety and Loue thy Neighbour as thyself 15 this is the Eent thou shalt giue me as to the Cheif Lord of the See a circle * First written great, but corrected by the same hand. 'Or D? *The last part is entirely illegible. ^ p instead of ]>. Cf. p. XX, THE SHOKT CHARTER Stowe 620. Magna Carta de libertatibus mundi Fol. IV-W e Crist hathe cancelled the writinge of mens dette f and by the great charter him free hathe sett 1 Sciant presentes et futuri Wetys now all that are here And after shal be leife and dere that y Yesus of nazarethe for lone of manne haue suffred deathe 5 Vppon a crosse with woundes fyne Wliilst y was manne yn yerthe one lyue Dedi et concessi Y haue gyf en and made a graunt to all that askes yt^ repentant hevin blysse without endinge 10 as longe as y ame there kinge kepe y no moore for all my smarte but true love manne of thyne harte and that thowe be in charite and love thy neighboure as y love thee 15 this is the rent thow shalt gyue me as to the cheif lorde of the fee Warantizdbo gyf any mane will saye now that y ne haue died for manne his prowe rather ther 2 manne sholde be forlorne 20 yet wold y eft be all to-torne Hijs testibus Witnesse the day that toorned to nighte and the sonne that withdrew his lighte Witnesse the yerthe that then did quake and stoones great that in sonder brake 25 Witnesse the vayle that then did Eyue and men that roose from deathe to lyue Witnesse my muther and Seint Johne and others that were there many one In cuius rei testimonium. Jn witnesse of the wliiche thyng 30 Myne owene seale therto J hynge and for the more seckernesse the wounde of my syde the seale yt is Data &c. this was yeven at Calvarye 34 the first daye of great mercye cor charte appensum rosei Spreta morte tui solus id vice cerne sigilli egit amor * Space for another word is left Just before this word in the MS. ' Should be than or then. 6 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Matris ut hec pro- ther vnder nethe in the corner prio Stirps est sa- seal is the olde pointed seale with- crata cruore Pascis ;^g^^^ within ^^ ^^^^ Charter was sett downe item proprio Xpe . was a pellicane a pickinge cruore tne ^ circle jj^r brest and with bloode flowinge Her yonge one in the nest with the verses about her vt pellicanus fit patris sanguine sanus sic nos salvati sumus omnes sanguine nati. Legend on the Seal : De charta redemptionis humane sigillum saluatoris domtni nostii lesu christum. Add. Chaeteb 5960. Noverint Universi Presentes et futuri Weetis all that bee heere Or that shall bee leife and deere That I lesus of Nazereth ffor mankinde have suffered death 5 Upon the crosse with woundes five Whilest I was man on earth alive Dedi et concessi I have geoven and doe grattnt To all that aske in faith repentaunt Heavens blisse wtthouten endinge 10 So longe as I am their King Keep I noe more for all my smart but the true love of thy hearte And that thou bee in charitie 14 And thy neighbour love as I love thee Warrantizo 17 If any man dare to say That I did not his debt pay Rather then man shall bee forlorne 20 Yett would I oft bee all to-torne his testihus Witnesse the Earth that then did quake And stonys great that in sunder brake Witnesse the day that turnd to night And the cleere sun that lost his light THE SHOET CHARTER 25 Witnesse the vaile that then did rend And graves which their tenantys forth did send Witnesse my moder and St Ihon And bystanders many a one In cuius rei testimonium ffor furder witnes who list appeale 30 To my heere vnder-honged seale ifor the more stable surenesse this wound in my hearte the seale is Datum yeoven at Calvary 34 The first day of the great mercie {strap and seal) CHS IHS factum est cor meum tanquam cera liquesu [sic] Psal 22: 13(?) [cf. Vulg. Psal. 21: fMary Mother of God ") Sealid & deliuered J Mf».ry Cleophe Ita fidem in ye presence of 1 Mary lacobi " facimus I John ye disciple Long[i]nus Centurion Cor ' Matthew Marke Luke lohn charte appen- sum rosei vice cerne sigilli spreta morte, tui solus id egit amor. Notarij publici Readings of Harl. 6848 exclusive of diflferences in capitalization: 1) be 2) shal beleife 3) Nazareth 4) Mankind; suffred 5) cross; woundis 6) whilst; upon 7) yeoven; do 8) unto 9) bliss; ending 10) long 11) no; smarte 12) my; heart 13) That omitted; be; Charitee. Warrantize. 19) than shal be 20) yet; be 21) Witness 22) that did 23) Witness; turned 25) Witness 27) Witness 29) Witness 30) here underhanged 31) sureness 32) wounde; heart. In the attestation, Mary is spelled Marie; some of the words " Sealed and delivered," etc., are missing in the rotograph. CHS appears instead of IHS, and the remainder of the writing on the strap is lack- ing. Chartae appears instead of Charte. 8 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Add. 37049. Fol. 23» Sciant presentes & futuvi Wete now al ]>at ar here And after sal be lefe & dere pat I Ihesus of na^areth ffor luf of man has sufferd deth 6 Opon J?e cross with woundes fyfe Whils I was man in erth on lyfe Dedi & concessi I hafe gyfen & made a grannt To al ]>at asks it repenta'wnt Heuen blis with-outen endy?ig 10 Als lang as I am J?air ky ng Kepe I no more for al my payne ^ smert Bot trew Inf man of ]>i hert And at )?ou be in charite And luf pi neghboi^r as I Inf ]?e 15 pis is ]?e rent fou sal gyf me As to pe chefe lord of l?e fe ^ If any man wil say now pat I ne hafe dyed for mans prow Eather or man suld be forlorne 20 jit wald I eft be al to-torne Hijs testihus 23 Witnes J?e erth J?at )?a/i dyd qwake ^ 24 And stones gret pat sonder brake 25 Wittnes J?e vayle pat pan did ryfe 26 And men pat rose fro ded to lyfe 21 Witnes pe day pat turned to nyght 22 And pe son pat withdrewe his light 27 Witnes my moder & sayn Ion And oper pat wer per many one In cuius rei testirD.oniwo[i In witnes of whilk J^inge 30 My awne seal perto I hynge And for pe more sikirnes 32 pe wounde in my syde pe seal it is a With perchyng sore of my hert b With a spere J?at was scharpe Datura pis was gyfen at Caluery 34 pe fyrst day of pe gret mercy &c * A word has been stroked through before payne. 'MS. fe supplied in the margin by the same hand. ^MS. quxike written twice, the first occurrence of the word being §troked through. THE SHOET CHARTER » Harl. 116. Pol. 97b Sciant present es & futuri &c wetys ye now all ]>at ^ bene here And aftyr shall ben leef & dere That I ghesus of Nazareth ffor luf e of mane hane sofurde dethe 5 Vpone the crosse with wonndis fife Whilis I was man here one lyfe dedi & concessi &c I haue^ yevyne and made a graunt To all that askys me repentannt hevene blisse wtt/ioiite endyng 10 As long as j am ]>q ^ Kynge Kepe j no more for my smart but trulofe man of )?i harte And that ]?ou be in charite And luffe ]>i neyghbure as j do the 15 This is the rente )?ou shalt gyfe me As * to the chef e lord of the f re jf any mane woU say now pflt j ne haue done for mannes prow Eathere thane mane shnlde be forlorne 20 jit wolde j all ^ be efte to-torne Testibus Ms &c Witnesse the day that turnede to nyght Ande the sonne withdrew his lyght Witnesse the erth that gane quake And stones gret ]>ai sondure brake 25 Witnesse )?e vaile that gane rife And mene that rose fro dethe to lyfe Witnesse my modyr and saynt Johne And other ]>at wer ther many one In cuius rei testimonium. &c In witnesse of the same thinge 30 Myselfe J?erto forsoth j hynge And for the more sikernesse My herte wounded the sele it is Data etc This was yolvyne ^ at caluarie 34 The firste day of grete mercye Carta Redempcionis humane- ^ * Ms. yt. * Final meaningless curl on this word. »Ms. y\ *Ms. vsf ^ Added above the line. 'Or yowyn. '' The rubrics are in red ink throughout, as well as the colophon. 10 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Add. 24343. IHC Fol. 6^ 8iant ^ presentes & futuri &c Wittnes now al that bene here And eftere schall be leve and dere That I ihesus of nazareth ffor the lone of mane than tholed deth 5 Apon the crose with woundes fyve Qwan I was yn e[r]th of lyve DM & Concessi I hane gyne and mad a graunte To all that askes now with repentans Heuenys blis with-outtyn endynge 10 Als longe as I ame euer ther kenge I aske no more of the for my smertte Bot the trew lone mane al of th[i] herte And that )?ou lyve yn charite And lone thi newghpnre als I do the 15 This is the rent thn schall gene me 16 Als for the cheyff lord al of the ffee a With sore woundis & grevanse b Thi lone I bought with scheld & lannce 17 Gyve my mane will sai nowe That I ne died for manes prowe Or manes saule schnld be lorne 20 Ofte I wold be al too-torne Fol- 7* hijs Testihus Wittnes the day tnrnned too noghtte The sone withdrew his lightte Wittnes the erth that gane quake And stonnes grete that gane brake 25 Wittnes the wale that gane ryve And mene that rose frome deth to lyne Wittnes my moder & sain[t] lohn And vder that wer ther mony one [In cujus rei testimonium'] ^ Y[n] Wit[tn]es of the sam[e] thynge 30 My-selne on crosse al blody I hynge And 3itte for [more] s[i]kirnese The wound yn my herte the celle it [i]s Dla'jta This was gyuyne at Caluerye 34 The firste day of gret mercye Carta Redemcionis Humane ^ *Thua the MS. "Hardly legible. * The words, Min liarte life and dere are scribbled below in a different hand. the short charter 11 Caius Coll. Camb. 230. FoL 260 Wyteth now alle J?at be here & after schal be leef and dere \>at Ihesus of na^areth for lone of man hane suffred de]? 5 Vp-on a cros with woundes fyue Whilys i was man in er]?e on-lyue I haue yeue & maad a graunt To alle )?at aske it repentannt heuene blis with-oute endyng 10 As i am J^ere oonly kyng kepe i no more for al my smerte But loue me man of al fyn herte And )?at pou be in charite & lone J?i neybnr as i do ]>e 15 ]?is is )?e rente Ipat ]>ou schalt yeue me As to )?e cheef loord of lond & se ^ yif eny man wil sey now pat I not deyde for mannys prow Eather J?anne he schulde be forlorn 30 Yit i wolde eft be al to-torn Witnessyng J^e day Ipat turned to nyht & J?e Sonne Ipat withdrowh his lyht witnessyng J?e er]?e Ipat IpSinne quok & stonys harde )?at po brook 25 witnessyng )?e vayle Ipat )?anne dede [ryue] ^ & men )?at roos from delp to lyue witnessyng my moder and also seynt loon & oJ?re J?at ware Ipere many oon In witnessyng of which )?yng 30 Myn oun sele \>erto i hyng & for J?e more sykernys J?e wounde in my side Ipe seel it is ]?is was yeue at caluary 34 pe firste day of J?e greet mercy Explicit carta JiujRSine redeinpcio[nis'] ^ * The words al of \>e fee appear in the margin opposite thia line. " Cut off by edge of folio. 12 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHBIST ASHMOLE 61. Testamentum domini. Wyteh wele all pat bene here And after schall be lene & dere That I Ihesus of na^areth ffore lufe of man hane soferd deth 5 vpon a crosse with wondes fyue Whyle I was man off lye I haue gyuen & made a gmnte To all )?at askys repentante heuens blysse withouten endynge 10 Als longe as I ame J?er kynge kepe I no more fore all my peynes smerte Bot trew lufe of mannys herte And ]>at thow be in charyte And lone pi ney^bowr as I do the 15 Thys is ]?e rente thow schall gyS me As to J?e cheffe lord of J?e fe Iff any man cane sey now That I ne hane dy^ed fore manys prow EaJ^er than man schnld be fore-lorne 20 3ite wold I efte be all to-torne Wytnes J?e dey pat twrnyd to ny^ht And J?e sone wtt/idrew hys ly^ht Wytnes pe erth pat )?an dyde quake and J?e stones pat all to-brake 25 Wytnes pe vayle pat thane dyd ryue And dede men rosse fro deth to lyue Wytnes my modere & seynt lohne And oper pat there were many one In wytnes off pat yche thynge 30 Myne awne sele perto I hynge [Seal.'] the short charter 13 Harl. 237. Fol. lOOal* Carta humane redempctonis Witnes wele al J?at bene here & And efter sal be leue and dere pat I ihesus of Na3aret fore luf of mane has sufferde deth 5 I hane gyue and made a gmnte to al )?at aske5 it repentant heuyns blis withontyn endynge 10 als longe as I am per kynge ^ a (kepe I no more nore oper thinge) ^ Kepe I no more fore al my smerte Bod luf man of ]?in hert Bod pat povL be in charite and Inf pi ny^tbur as I do )?e 15 pis is pe rent pou sal gife me as to pe chef lord of pe ffe If ony man kane say nowe pat I ne diede for manys prow EaJ?er pan man snide be forlorne 20 3it walde I eft be al to torne Witnes J?e day J?at turne in-to ny^t and pe sone withdraw his ly^t Witnes pe erth pat pen gon qwake And J?e stane ]?at al to b[rake] 25 Witnes pe vail ]?at pan gon ryfe and men pat rais fra ded to lyfe Witnes my moder and sent lohne And othir J?at per were ^ . . . In testimonying of J?e whilk thinge 30 Mi awne sel her-to I hynge And fore more sekirnes pe wonde in my side pe sell it is pis was gifyn at calnarye 34 dayt pe first * day of pe gret Mercy quod I lang ^ * This line is cancelled, evidently by mistake. * Extra line. Doubtless the one the scribe meant to cross out instead of the one above it. ^ Incomplete. *The scribe first wrote gret here and cancelled it, putting first in above with a caret below. ^ See description of this MS. at p. xxvi for the order in which the lines occur. 14 the middle english charters of christ Fairfax. Fol. 119* [Add. 5465] ^ Be hit knowyn to all that byn here and to all that here afftir to me shalbe leffe and dere That Jhesus off nazareth for thi loue man haue suffired deth 5 Vppon the crosse with woundis smert 6 In hed in fete in handis in hart a an for I wolde haue thyne herytage agayne b Therfor I suffyrd all this payne. Fol. 120* 7 A man I haue gevyn and made a graunt to the end and thou wilt be repentaunt heuyn bliss thyne eritage wtt/ioute endyng 10 as long as I am lord and kyng not covetyng mor for all my smert but a louyng and a contrite hart and that pou be In charite loue pi neyboure as I loue the 15 I loue the this ]>at I axe of the that am the cheffe lord of the fee Fol. 121* Be it knowyn [etc. ut supra] If any man will say here agayne that I suffird not for the this payne Yet man that pou sholdest not be lorne 20 In the awter I am offerd my fader beforne 21 witness the day turnyd to ny^th 22 witness the sonne that lost his ly^th 25 wittness the vale that then did ryve 26 witness the bodies pat rose from deth to lyve Fol. 122* Be it knowyn [etc. ut supra] 23 wittness the erthe that did quake 24 wittness stonys that all to brake 27 witness mari wittness seynt John 28 and othir wittness many one In to witness of which thyng ' - 30 my nowne seale ther to I h3mg and man for the more sykyrnesse The wounde in myn harte pe seale it is ' I gevyn vpon the mownt of caluary 34 the grete daye of mannys mercy Be it knowen to all (etc. ut supra). * Reprint from the text printed by B. Fehr in Herrig's Archiv, en. 69-70. THE SHOKT CHAETER 15 ASHMOLE 189. Fol. 109 Wette ye All that bene here And here-Aftre that shal be lefe & dere That I Ihesus of Nazareth ffor the lone of man hane snSred deth Fol. 109i> 5 A-pone A crosse wyth wonndys fyve Whyle pat I was in yerth man A-lyve That I hane yeve & made A grannte To All tho pat wyll xA.ske it repentannte Henene blys wythonte yendejnige 10 As longe I Am in henene reynynge Kepe I no more for All my smerte Bnt trn lone ot pe man with All thyne herte And J7at pou be in fnll charite And lone thy neighbour As I do the 15 Thys is the rent pat pou shalt yelde vnto me As to pe cheffe lorde of pe fee And yf Any mane sey vnto J?e nowe That I hane not dyed for manis prowe Eather pen man shnld be for-lorne 20 Yet yeft-sones wold I be All to-torne In wittenesse of pe daye pat tnrned to nyght And of the sone pat wythdrewe hys lyght In wyttenesse of pe yerth pat peri dyd qnake And of pe harde stones pat All to-brake 25 In wyttenesse of pe viele pat pen dyd reve And of men pat rose from deth to lyne In wyttenesse of mary my moder & of seynt lohne And of odre pat ther were meny one In wyttenesse of the whych thynge Fol. 110 30 Myne owne selfe therto I hynge And All-so for pe more sekernesse The wonnde in my syde pe seale it ys Thys was grannted At Calnarye The fyrste daye of pe grete mercy 35 xiiij M yere^ of pardonn wyth-onte popes twelve Eche of them .vj. jeres by themselfe Patriarke^ Archebysshopys & bysshopys Also Mekell pardonn hane g?*annted therto 40 The some of J^e indulgence rekene or pou gois Is xx^Vj M. yere5 xxx^^ yeves & vj days 16 the middle eistglish chartek8 of christ St. John's Coll. Camb. Ms. B. 15. Fo). 68a Carta ledem-pcionis Wotyth now all that ben here And after schal be leue and dere That I ihesu of nazareth For lone of man hath suffred dede 5 Vp-on a cros with wonndys fine whilis I was man in herthe alyue I hane ^euyn and made a graunt to alle that askyn repentant Heuene blis witowtyn endyng 10 As longe as I am there hire kyng Kepe I nomore for alle myn smerte But the lone man of thyn herte And that thn be in charite And lone thi neythbnrgh ^ as I do the 15 This is the rente that thow schalt ^ene me as to the scheef lorde of the fee yff ther be ony man that can say now that I hane not deyd for mannys prow rather than man schnl ben lorne 20 jit wold I efft be alle to torn wetenesse the day turnyd into the nygh and the sunne that lost hise lygh wetenesse the erthe that than dede qwake and the stonys that al to brake 25 wetenesse the veyl that dede riue and men that roos from deth to lyue Wetenesse myn modyr and seynt John and other that were ther mony on^ In the wetenesse of the qwyche thyng 30 Myne owne sele ther-to I hyng And for the more sekernesse The wonnde in my syde the seel it is This was jowyn at Caluerye 34 The fyrste day of the gret mercy »The transcript reads thincyth burgh. ^Ms. monyon. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTEE A-TEXT THE LOI^G CHARTER— A-TEXT Eawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 Ihe5U5 est amor meus Fol. 94* 21 hesu kyng of heuen & hell Man & woman I will J?e tell What luf I haue done to ]?e And^ luke what J?ou has done for me 6 Of all ioy fon was out pilt With tresone & with ]?ine awen gylt ffor J?ou was dryuen o-way Als a best pat gase onstray ffra my ryke I com doune 10 To seke J?e fra tonne to tonne Myne herytage J?at es so fre 12 In J?i myschef to gyf it ]>e Fol. 89 3hesn.kyng of heuene and helle Man and womman I wole l?e telle What lone I haue don to J?e And loke what pou hast don for me 5 Of alle ioye )?ou were out pult With treson and wythoute gult Pore J? on were dryuon a- way As a best J?at go)? on stray ffro my rych I cam a-doun 10 To seche )?e fro toun to toun Min erytage J?at is so fre 12 In J^i myschef to ^euon it )?e Bod. 89 Hie incipit carta Christi Fol. 45 fhesu crist of heuene and helle Man and womman I wolle 30W telle what lone I haue done to the looke whatloue thou haste don to me 5 Off alle loyes J?ou were ou^t pilt wi]? trosoune and wi)? }>i gilt Pore thou were dreuen away As a beest pstt gope astray ffrom heuene riche I come downne 10 To seche pe from towne to towne My Erytage )?at is so free 12 In thyn myschieft I ^eue hit \>ee J. Ad. 18 THE LONG CHAKTEE— A-TEXT Harl. 3346 Add. Bod. C. 280 Fol. 51 Ihesu kyng of heuene & helle Man & womman y wol 30W telle What loTie I haue do to ]>e Loke what ]7U hast do for me 5 Of alle loye fu were out pulte With treson and wi)?-oute gulte Pore ]>u were drynen a-way As a best pat goj? astray ffro my riche I cam a-doune 10 To seche )?e fro tonne to tonne Myne heritage J?at ys so fre 12 In fy myschif to jeue hit \>e Fol. 124 Ihesu kyng of heuene & helle Man & woman I 30W telle What loue I haue do for J?e Loke what pou hauyst do for me 5 from ioye )?ey me vt pelte Wyth tresouii & wyth-vtyn gelte Pore & naked J^ey drefyn me away As a best pat gayt in stray ffro my ryche y cam a-doun 10 To sekyn J^e fro toun to toun Myn heritage pat is so fre 12 In )7i meschef to ^eujn it pe Hael. 5396 What Chrysi hath done for us Fol. 301 Ihesu cryst of heuyn & helle Men & wemen I wyl 30U telle What loue I haue don to pe 7 Pore povi was & dreuyn away As a best J^^fet gos on stray ffro heuyn Kyndom I come doun Loke what J?ou hast don to me 10 To seche pe fro toun to town 5 from ^ all loyes pou ware outspylt Myn herytage ^ pat ys so fre Wyth treson & also with gylt 12 In pj myschyfe I ^yf y hyt pe * Of was first written, then cancelled, and from written above it. 'The a is written below the line. 19 20 the middle english charters of christ Eawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 13 15 13 When )7at gyft I gyf J?e sulde I did als \>e law wolde 15 Till a may den I dismetted me ffor na chalange suld J^an be Wele derely he keped ]>e & me Till I my tyme wold se Fourty wokes & fourty days 20 To fullfyll fe aid lawes 20 fe mayden was trew myld & fre Scho resayued me for Ipe Me my manhede & my gmce J?us come sesjnig in-to place 25 When f>e sesyng was done swa 25 ffuU gret envy had J?an ]?i f aa l?an belzebnb & sathanas ^oi- 89^ Had gret wonder whi it was He fanded me with felony 30 With pryde couatyse & glotony 30 Wele he wist I was a mane 32 Bot syn in me fand he nane 32 What Ipat 3efte I jenon sholde I dede as ]?e lawe wolde To a mayde I demytted me ffor no chalange sholde be Wei dernely sho kepte me Tyl I my tyme wolde se ffourty wokes sane V. dawes To fnlfnlle J^e olde lawes pe mayde was trewe mylde & fre Sho receyued me for lf>e By my manhede and my grace Thus cam sesyng furst in place Whan fat sesyng was y-do Wei gret envye hadde ]?anne J?i fo Tho belsabub and sathanas Hadde gret wounder whi it was He fondes me wij? felonye Wi}> pryde coneytise and glotenye Wei he wiste I was a man Bnt synne in me ne fond he nan BoD. 89 13 Whanne I fat jeft ^eue scholde I dede os the lawe wolde 15 To a mayden I demede to me ffor none chalenge scholde be Wei derwnrthly she kept me Til I my tyme wolde see ffourty wokes and fourty dayes 20 To fulfille the olde lawes That made was mylde and free She resceyued me for the Me thi manhode and J?i grace Thus come fis sesynge first in place 25 Whanne fat sesynge was I-doo Wele grete enuy hade thy foo Belsebub and sathanas hadde grete ferly whi hit was Foi. 45" Tj^g- fQj^(je(j jj^e wif felonye Wif Couetise and glotonye Wei thei wiste fat I was man 32 But synne on me founde f ei none the long charter a-text Harl. 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 21 13 Whan J^at 3yft I ^eue ]?e shulde I dede as J?e lawe wolde 15 To a mayden I ordeyned me ffor [no] ^ clialinge shnld be ^[■ul wor])?ely she kept me & J?e [Tyl y] my tyme wolde y-se ffourty wykes & fonrty dayes 20 To fulfille J?e rj^i lawes pe maide was mylde trewe & fre She rekened bo)?e me and the Me fi manhede and J?y grace pus com )?e sesyng ferst a place 25 Whan }?is sesyng was y-do Ful gret envye had ]?an J?y fo po belsabnb and sathanas Had gret wonder why hit was pey fonded me with felonye Fol. 5P 30 WyJ? pride couetise and glotenye Wei he wyst I was a man 32 But synne in me fond he non 13 Wan Ipat " I }?is ^yfte 3eue schulde I dede ryth as ]?e laue wolde 15 Til a meydyne I hordayn me ilor Iper schulde no chaleynge be fful worthely 3e kepte both ]>e & me Till Ipat 1 my tym wolde se XL wockys & XL da^v}^s 20 ffor to full-fyllyn Ipe rythe lawys pe maydyn was trwe mylde & fre Sche resceuyd both ]?e & me ]?ore J?i manhot & my grace ]?us cam |?is sesyn fyrst in place 25 or )?an J^is sesyn was fully do ffull grete enuye had J?an my foo Belsebub & satanas }?ay had grete wondyr what pat it was 30 . 32 . Harl. 5396 13 When I pat ^yft ^yf schulde I dyd as pe lawe wolde 15 A maydyn I demyd to me ^°^- ^^^^ ffor no chalange schuld be ffol der-worthly sche kepyd me Tyl I my tyme wold se XL wekys & XL dayes 20 To fulfylle pe old lawe pat mayden was trewe & fre Sche receyuyd me for pe 3yf me pj manhede & pj grace ]?us come pat seysyng fyrst in place 25 When pat seysyng was do ful gret enuy had )?y fo Belsabub & sathanas^ Had grete ferly why hyt was J7at asseyed me with foly * 30 With couytyse & gloteny Wyle he wyst I was a man 32 But synne yn me fonde he non * *The letters in this word and in those bracketed in the two next lines are blurred. ' Written above the line. ^ Ms. sathamas. * Opposite this line in the margin is some writing illegible to the editor. 22 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Eawl. poet. 175 33 Hard he threted me in his thoght J?at seseyng suld be dere boght 35 He sent his sergaunce with mais- troy With wa & sorow me to destroy And ^ wele he f and him gajrned noght Ane other help was in my thoght Mare syker J?e to make 40 Ogayne J?i fa full of wrake Heuen & erth in present To mak a charter of feffement In slyke a maner bus it be ]>at me bus gyf my lyf for J?e 45 ffor J?ou ert ded & I am lyfe I most dy to gyf J?e lyfe Many a way haue I to ga In hunger & threst & cald all swa Thretty wjmter & mare fan two 50 Or my ded war I-do Ne myght I fynd na parchemyne 52 ffor to last with-outen fyne Add. 11307 33 Harde he ]?ratte me in his )70U3t That sesyng sholde ben dere a-bou^t 35 He sente his seruantes with may- strye WiJ? wo and serwe me to distrye Wei he fond hym geyned nojt Another help was in my J^oujt More syker J?e to make 40 Ageyn ]>i fo ful of wrake Heuene and erthe in present To make a chartre of f effement In such manere byhouej? to be pat I moste 3yuon my lyf for ^e 45 ffor J?ou art ded and I am lyf I mot die to ^iue J?e lyf Many a wey I haue y-go In hunger thurst cliele and wo Thritty wynter and mo ]?er-to 50 Or my dede were y-do 'Ne my^te I fynde no parchemyn 52 ffor to laston wel and fyn Bod. 89 33 hard he J?rette me in his )?ought That seynge scholde be dere bought 35 he sente his smantes wij? enuye wi)? woo and sorow me to destroye wele he founde him gayned nought another help was in my tought More seker the to make 40 agayn thi foo ful of wrake heuene and Erthe in present To make a chartre of feffement In which manere be-houethe to be That I moste ^eue my lyf for the 45 ffor thou art dede thorough rief I moste deye to ^eue J?e lyf Many a way I haue I-goo In hunger therst chele and woo Thratty ^ere and more ]?anne ^ too 50 Or my dede were fully doo Ne myght I fynde no parchemyn 52 ffor to laste wi}?-oute fyn * Ms. Ad with a final curl. Cf. line 4. ^Ms. \)anme. THE LONG CHARTEK A-TEXT 23 Harl. 2346 33 Hard he J?retened me in his fou^t 35 Anolpev ]>mg was in my )?oii3t More syker pe to make 40 Agayn )?i fo ful of wrake Heuene & erpe in present To make a charter of feffement In suche maner by-houej? to be pat I most 3eue lyf for J?e 45 ffor ]>u art dede & y am a-lyne Y most daye to ^eue J?e lyffe Many a way y hane go In hunger in ]?urste chele & wo XXX wynter & mo J?en two 50 Or my chartre was y-do Ne my^t pej fynd no parchemyne 52 ffor to laste wy}>-oiite fyne 2d Add. Bod. C. 280 33 harde J?ay thretten me in her thoght pat }?is sesyn schul dere by boght 35 He sent his seruentes wyth ennye wyth sorow & wo me for to destrye wel ^e fundyne hym geynede noght an-hoJ?er thyng was in my thoght wel mor sykyr J?e to make 40 agayns pi fo full of wrake heuene & berth in present To make a charter of feoffament In swyche a maner be howit to be pat I most ^euyn my lyf for pe Col. 45 ^Qj. Pq^ a,rt dede & I am lyf I most deyn to ^euyn lyf harde gatys he hauyt gone In hungure & thryst & many wone XXX wynter & mo J?an two 50 or J^an J^is charter wer fully do Cowde ye fyndyne no parchemyn 52 pat wolde lastyn wyth-vtyn fyn Harl. 5396 33 hard ]?ey thret me in per ]?03t pat seysyng schuld be dere bo3t 35 They send her sergant with envye 45 with wo & sorow me to destroye fful wele he gaynyd no^t Another help was yn my J?oght Moore sekyr pe to make ^°^' ^^^ 40 A3eyn J?y foo so full of wrake 50 heuyn & erthe yn ^ present To make a chartur of fefment 52 In syche a maner hyt behouys to be pat I must jeue my lyfe for pe Ifor pou dyed pugh synne ryfe I must dye to ^yf pe lyfe Many a way I haue goo [y]n hungyr thyrst colde & mekyll woo Thrytty ^ere & more pen two Or my deth was ydo I myght fynde no parchemyne ^ ffor to last with out fyne * Ms. \>n 'Ms. parchemyn, the n having been written over something erased. 24 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Eawl. POET. 175 Add. 11307 53 Bot als luf bad me do FoI. 92 g^t as loue bad me do Myne awen skyn I toke )?ar-to Myn owne skyn y ^af J?er to 55 To gett me frendes I gaf gud mede 55 To gete me frendes 1 3af god mede So dose J?e pore j^at has gret nede So doj? pe pore pat ha]? gret nede On a thursday a sopere I made Vn a thoresday a soper y made Both frende & fa to make )?am BoJ?e frend and fo to maky glade glade With mete & drynk to sanle fode WiJ? mete and drynk to soule fode 60 With haly word my flesch & blode 60 WiJ? holy word my flesch and blode Hoc facite in meam commemora- This I made for mankynde cionem Mi loue-dedis to haue in mynde pis I made for mankynde Hoc facite in meam coiRmemora- My luf-dedes to hane in mynde cionem Or I fra ]>e bord rase Or I fro J?e bord aras Of my frend betrayd I wase Of my frend betrayd y was 65 He fand me gangand in fe way 65 He fond me goyng in pe way Als J?e lyon gase to his ipraj As fe lyon go]? tyl his pray Susceperunt me sicut leo[paratus Susceperunt me sicut leo pa-mtus ad] preldaml ad pvedam 67 A kyrtell I had & clathes ma 67 A kirtel I hadde and clo)?es mo And sone I had all for-ga Ac alle I hadde sone for-go pan had I ]?^s charter wryten Tho pel haddon ]?is chartre writon 70 pan was I nakend wele may yhe Tho was I nakud wel mowe je wyten wyton pai kest lote als wald bi-fall They caston lot as wolde by-falle 72 Whether ane suld haue all or par- 72 Wheper on shold han al or parton ten all alle BoD. 89 But as loue badde me doo 63 Myn owene skynne I toke perto 55 To gete me frendes I ^af grete mede ....... Foi. 4o^g (iothe the pore ]?at hath grete 66 nede Susceperunt me sicut leo paratus On a thursday a feste I made ad predam fPrende and foo to make glade 67 A kyrtill I hadde clothes moo wi]? mete and drinke to sowle foode 68 alle I hadde sone for-goo 60 wij? holy wordes my fiesshe and blood 70 . This I made for mankynde 62 My loue-dedes to haue in mynde 72 THE LONG CHAETEE A-TEXT 25 Harl. 2346 53 But as loTie bade me to do Myne owne skyn y tok lf>er-to 55 To gete my frendes y ^af good mede So do]? )?e pore )?at ha)? gret nede On a )?iirsday a soper y made ffrend & fo to make glade With mete & drinke to soule fode 60 With holy word my fleysh and blode pis I made for mankynde My loue-dedys to hane in mynde '^^'^^hoc facite in meam coiamemora- cionem Or I fro ]>e bord a-ros Of my frend by-traied y was 65 He fonde me goande in J?e way As ]>e lyon go)? to his pray A curtel I had & elo)?es mo Alle y hadde sone for-go pey )?at had )?is chartre wryten 70 po was y naked wel mow je wyten pey easten lot as wold by-falle Wlie)?er on shuld haue or parten alle Add. Bod. C. 280 53 But as gret lone bad me do Myn houene skyne I toke Iper-to 55 vpon a thursday a sopere I made frend & f o to makyn all glade wyth metys & drynkys sowle fode 60 with holy wordy s my flesch & my blode all )?is I dyde for mankynde 62 My loue-dedys to haue/i in mynde 65 70 Harl. 5396 53 But as loue bad me do 63 Myne owen skyn I toke ]>er to 55 To gete me frendys I ^af gret mede 65 As doth )?e pore Ipat hath nede On a thersday a feste I made ffrende & foo to make glade With mete & drynk to soule fode 60 Wtt/i holy wordys my flesh & blode^ 68 Thys I made for mankynde My loue dedys to haue yn mynde 70 . Hoc facite ^ in meam commemora- cionem ^ 72 . ^ The is written below the line. *noc facyte cancelled, and Hoc facite written above. Or I fro )?e horde ras Of my frend betrayed I was They toke me goyng yn )?e way As a lyon gos to hys pray Susceperunt me sicut leo paratus Ad predam A kyrtyl I had & not a cloth mo All I had sone forgo 'Ms. commenorationem. 26 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Eawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 73 ffrend & fa J?at with me meten 73 ffrend and fo J?at with me metton In my most nede all me leten In my nede alle me for-lettofn 75 Till a pyler I was pyght 75 To a pyler I was ply3t Tuged & tawed all a nyght I tugged and tawed al a ny^t And waschen in myne awen blode ^°^- ^^''And waschon in myn ovne bled And straytely strened on fe rode Streyned to dry on J?e rode tre 80 Als p^rchemyne aw for to be Here now & yhe sail wyten How yis charter ^ was wryten Opon my neese was made ]>e ynk With lewes spyttyng on me to stynk Of iewes spotel on me to stynke 85 pe pennes ]>at ]>e letter was with 85 The pennes J?at J?e lettres wry ton wryten was of skourges ]>at I was with smyten Foi. 95 jjow many lettres )?are-on bene Eede & J?ou may wyten & sene ffyue thowsand four hundreth fyf ty & ten And streyte y-streyned vpon fe rod Streyned to drye vp-on a tie 80 As parchemyn oveth for to be Hereth now and 3e shuUe weton Hou pis chartre was y-wryton Vpon my neb was mad J?e enke Weron seories ]>at I wi)? was smyton Hou many lettres )?er-on ben Eed and )?ou maist weton and sen ffive thousand CCCC fifty and ten 90 woundes on me bath blak & wen Quinqvie millm CCCC^o L. X, To schew yhow all my luf-dede 92 Mi-self I will f is chartre rede 90 Woundes on me bo]?e rede and wen To shew 30U alle my loue-dede 92 Miself I was )?e chartre rede Bod. 89 73 ffrende and foo )?at wi)? me eten In ^ my nede alle from me jeden 75 To a piler I was pight 85 Tuggyd and drawen alle a ny^t and wasshen me myn owen bloode and strayned me strayet on )?e rode I-strayned to dethe on a tree .80 as pfljrchemyn owi}?e to be ^°^' *^^ here hit now and ^e shuU wete how )?is Chartre was I-wrette 92 The Iewes fel wi]? grete swynke Of my bloode made J?ei ynke The pennes ]?at lef^res wreten was schorges )?at he was wi)? smyte how many le^^res )?er-on ben Eede and thou may wete and sene a J?ousannd .iiij. c and fyfti and teen wondes on me bothe rede and wan To she 30W alle my dede My self wil this Chartre welle rede *Ms. chaster. Ms. Im. THE LONG CHARTER A-TEXT 27 Harl. 2346 73 ffrend & fo )?at wyj? metten 73 In my nede alle me for-leten 75 To a pilour y was py3t 75 I tugged and towed al a ny^t And waschen on myn owne blode And [str] ey^t y streyned on fe rode S[trey]ned to drye on a tre 80 As parchemyne on^t for to be 80 Hyre}? now & ^e shnl wyten How ]?is chartre was wryten Vpon my face was made pe ynke With lewes spotel on me to stynke 85 pe penne )?at ]?e letteres was with 85 wryten Of scorges }>at I was with smyten How many lettres j^er-on bene Eede and J?u my^t wyte and sene .V. ]?ousand .iiij c. fy3fty and ten Foi. 52b 9Q ^oji(jeg Qj^ j^Q ijojpe blac and 90 wan Add. Bod. C. 280 To she we pw al my lone-dede 92 My-silf y wol J?is chartre rede To schene 30W all my loue-dede 92 My-self will I )?is charter rede Harl. 5396 73 ffrend & foo ]>at with me etyn In my nede for geton ^ FoL 302b Y5 rj.^ ^ pgigj. J ^^g py^^ Tuggyd & drawyn all a ny3t And washyn yn myn owen bloode And strayste straynyd vp-on ]?e rode Straynyd I was upon a tre 80 As pa[r]chemyn owyth to be Hereyt now & 30 schall wyt How ]?ys charter was I-wryt 83 pe lowys fell with gret swynk Of my blode ]?ey madyn ynke 85 pe pennys ]>at ]>e lettrys dyd wryte Where skoges with whych ]?ay dyd me smyt How many lettrys ]?er-on ben Rede & ^ )?u may wyt & sene Y m CCCC seuyty & V 90 Wyndys ^ I suffyrd here yn my lyfe To schewe 30U my lofe-dede 92 My-self e wyl }>ys charter rede ^ This line is twice written in the margin, as follows : a) In my nede for getone b) Al Jjei had me for yety[n] An imperfection In the parchment has destroyed most of the line in the text, ^ Above the line, « Ms. w wyndys. 28 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Bawl. poet. 175 93 yhe men J?at gase bi ]?is way Abydes & lokes on me to-day 95 And redes on )?is parchemyne If any sorow be lyke to myne . uos omnes qui tisnisitis per uiam attendite & uidete & cetera Standes & here )?is charter red . ^hi I am wounded & all f orbled Sciant pvesentes & futuri & cetera wytt yhe Ipat bene & sail, be-tyde 100 I Ihe^n erist with blody syde pat was born in bethleem And offerd in-to lerusalem. pe kyng son ^ of henen oboufe With my fader will and Infe 105 Made a sesyng when I was born To J?e mankynd ]>at was forlorn With my chartre here present 1 mak now confirmament pat I haue grannted & gyfen 110 To J?e mankynd with me to lyfen In my rewme of heuen blys 112 To hane & hald withouten mys Add. 11307 93 je men ]>at gon for)? by the weye Abideth and loke)? with ^oure ye 95 And rede)? on )>is parQh.em.jn 3if eny serwe be lyk to myn uos omnes qui tTsmsitis "per viam. attendite [rad Wi)?stonde)? and here)? )?is chartre Whi I am wounded an al for-blad Sciant pvesentes & futuri &c Witeth 3e ]>at ben and shul betyde 100 I ihesu crist with blody syde Foi. 93 That was born in bedlem And offred in-to Iherusalem pe kynges sone of henene a-bone Wi)? my fader wille and lone 105 Made a sesyng whan I was born To )?e mankynde )?at was for-lorn Wi]? my chartre here in present 1 make heron confirmament That I hane granted and y-^ene 110 To )?e mankynde with me to lene In my revme of henon blisse 112 To hane & to holden withouten mysse 93 . 95 Bod. 89 . 102 105 vos omnes qui tr&nsitis per viam attendite & videte etc 97 wi)?stonde and here the chartre rede whi I am wonded and for-blede Sciant pvesentes & futuri &c 110 wete 3e )?at ben and shall be-tyde 100 I ihe5u wi]? wondes wyde 112 That was born in Bedelem and Offred into lerusalem The kynges sone of heuene aboue ^ wi)? myn f adre wille and loue Made a feffynge whanne I was borne To mankynde )?at was for lorlorne wi)? my Chartre her in present I make here a confirmement That I haue graunt and I-geue wi)? my kynde for to leue In my regne of heuene blis To haue and to holde wi)?-ou3t mys Ms. kyngson * oAJOovoe cancelled and aboite interlined. THE LOISTG CHABTEB A-TEXT 29 Harl. 2346. 93 Ye men ]7at goj? by fe way 93 A bidej? & lokej? wy]> ^oure ey 95 And redej? on )?is parchemyn 95 Is per be any sorwe like to myn uos omnes qui tmnsitis per viam attendite &c 3et stondej? & hirej? )?is ehartre red Whi I am wonded & al for-bled 8ciant pjesentes et futuri &c Wyte 3e )?at ben and shull be-tyde 100 Ihesu crist wyth blody syde 100 pat was bore in bethleem And offred in to Jerusalem pe kinges sone of heuene a-bone Wy]? my fader wyl and lone 105 Made a sesyng whan y was born 105 To )?e mankinde J?at was for-lorn WyJ? my ehartre here present 1 make now confirmament pat I haue graunted & y-^eue 110 To )?e mankynde with ]>q to lene 110 On my reme of heuene blisse 112 To haue & holde wy]?-oute mysse 112 Add. Bod. C. 380 30 man & woman ]>ai goyt be J?e way abidis & loke vp with 3owr ey Redyn vpon J?is p^rchemyne 3yf any sorow likith to myne [rede with-stondyt & hereyt J?is charter how I am for-wondid & all for- blede y-wetyd ^e ]>ai beth & schul betydyn pat I ihesu crist wyth blody sydyne pat was borne in bedlem & oSerid vp in to ierusalem pe kyngys sone heye ^ a-boue with my faderys wil & loue I made a sesyn wan I was borne To J?e mankynde ]>at was forlorne with my charter her in present I made to ]>q a confyrment pat I graunte & I ^eue To f>e mankynd wyth me to leue In my regno of heuene blys To hauyne & holdyne with-vtyn mys 93 95 uos omnes qui attendite &c 97 Stond stylle & here ]?ys chart red Why I am wovndyd & forbled 8{^c\iant present es & futuri^ Wit 3e )>at ben & scha betyde 100 I ihesu wiih wovnndes wyde Foi. 303 pat was born yn bedlem Hael. 5396 . 102 And offyrd ynto Ierusalem The kynges sone of hevuyn Aboue Wiih my fader wele by-loue . 105 Made a fefment whay I was borne transytis per viam To mankynde Ipat was forlorn With my charter here yn present I made here a conferment pat I haue grauntyd for to gyf 110 With mankynde for to leue In my reme of heuyn blysse To haue & to holde with-owtjn mysse *Ms. futuere. * Written he ye. 30 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAKTERS OF CHRIST Eawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 113 In a condicioune if ]?ou be kynde 113 In a condicioun ^if ]?ou be kynde And my luf-dedes liane in mynde And my loue-dedes haue in mynde 115 ffre to haue & fre to hald 115 ffre to haue and fre to holde 'SYith all )?e pz/rtenaunce to wald WiJ? al ]>e pt^rtinaunce to wolde Myne erytage pat es so fre Min erytage fat is so fre ffor homage ne for fewte fEor homage ne for fewte N"a mare will I ask of fe No more wole I aske of fe 120 Bot a foure leued gryss yheld J?oul20 But a four leued gras to jelde me me A lefe es soth fast schryft That on lef is opon shryft pe tother es for syn hert smyrt That oper thin herte to smerte skyft^ pe thred I will no mare do swa The tridde I wole namore don so pe forth dred god whare so )?ou ga The ferde drede god euermo 125 When )?ir four leues to-gyder er 125 Whan )?use leues to-gydere ben set sett A trew luf men clepes ett A trewe loue men clepon it Of )?is rent be noght be-hynd ^^i. 93b Qf this rente be not be-hynde ffor all ]?e yhere )?ou may it fynd ffor thorj J?e ^er fou may it fynde Els may yhe seke it in my wound Or elles seehe it in my wounde 130 ffor J?are may trew luf ay be found 130 ffor ]>ere may trewe loue ben founde All if yhe fall & gretly my stake Thaw )?ou be falle and gretly mystake 132 Mi ded I will neuer forsake 132 Mi dede wol I not forsake Bod. 89 113 In condicioune ^if thou be kynde The fourthe drede me euere mor And my loue-dedes haue in mynde 125 whanne thise to-gydre sitte 115 ffree to haue and fre to holde A trewe loue men clepyn hit wip alle pe purtenaunce to wolde Off >is be nou^t be-hynde Myn Erytage J?at is so free ffor thorowe pe ^ere thou may hit ffor homage ne for feaute fynde Nomore wolle I aske of the Or to seche hit in my wonde 120 A foure leued gresse jilde thou me 130 ffor there may trewe love be founde Foi. 47 That oon leef is shrift of herte ^if thou be fallen and gretely That oj^ere for synne hert smyrt mys-take The thridde in wille nomore do so 132 My dede wolle I not for-sake ^An upward curl on the line crossing the t of this word is evidently due to an attempt to make at the same time with the last letter the upper mark of a colon. The same attempt may be seen at the end of many lines. THE LONG CHARTEE A-TEXT 31 Harl. 2346 113 In a condictoun if J^ou be kinde 113 And my loue-dedes hane in mynde 115 ffre to hane & fre to holde ^oi. i24^ Pol. 53 s^iiJi al ]7e purtenaunce to wolde My heritage ]?at is so fre ffor homage ne for feute No more wol I aske of )?e 120 A f oure leued gras J?u ^eld to me 1 20 pat leef is so)?f ast shryft pat olper for synne hert smert pe )7rydde I wol no more do so pe ferfe drede god euer mo [sett 125 When f>es foure leiies to-gedre ben 125 A trewe lone men clepe]? hit Of )?is rente be no^t by-hynde ffor fonrj }»e jere )?u may hit f ynde Els may ^e se in my wo'wnde 130 ffor ]>er may trew lone be founde 130 pon3 J?u falle gretly mystake 132 My dede wol I nener forsake 132 Add. Bod. C. 280 In a condictoun pat ]>ou be kynde My lone-dedys pat pou hane in mynde ffor to hanyn & for to holdyne wyth all pertinance for to woldyne Myn heritage pat is so fre for homage ne for fente But no more wil I askyn of pQ But a iiij leuede gras pat pou gmnte me pat on it is sothfastly schryfte pat other it is senne haue sorow pe iij it is J?at i nyl no mor do so pe iiij it is dred god & loue hym euer mo [schete • when |?es iiij leues to-gedire be a trwloue J?an man clepyt hyt per-for pay J?i rent be nawht be- hyndyne for pTOw^ pe 3er pou myth grace fyndyne [wonde pan mayst pou wel sen in my pat par may trwloue hen I-funde poth pou fall & gretly mystake My loue-dedys sail I neuer forsake Harl. 5396 113 In eondicion yf pou be kynde My loue dedes to haue yn mynde 125 115 jffre to haue & ffre to hold with 2 all pe appertynanttse wolde In lajne heretage pat ys so fre ffor homage ne for fewette N'o more wolde I aske of pe 120 But a faure ^ leuyd gres J^ou 3yf me pat on lef ys loue of hert pat othyr for synne penans smert Foi. 303b The thyrd I wyl nomore do sol32 * Obscure in MS. * And deleted before with. pe forte drede me euyr mo Whan thyse leuys to-gedyr be knytt A trew loue men clepyn hyt Of J?ys rent be not be-h3rnde ffor Jjorow pe ^ere pou may hyt fynde Or ellys take hyt in my wovnde per may pe trewe loue be fownde yf pou be fallyn yn mys-tayle My dede wyl pe not a-vayle * The u is written above the line. * Ms. proiv. 32 THE MIDDLE Eiq^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Eawl. poet. 175 133 If )?ou be amend & mercy craue 133 pine herytage yhit sail J?ou haue 135 pe seles ]>at it es seled withe 135 pai war granen on a stythe Of gold ne syluer war J?ai noght Of stele & yren war fai wroght With )7e spere of stele my hert )?ai strungen 140 Thnrgh my hert & my longen 140 Irens ^ nayles thirld me Thnrgh fete & handes to ]?e tre pe selyng wax was dere aboght At my hert rote it was soght 145 And tempyrd all wit^ vermelyounel45 Of my blode Ipat ran adonne factum est cor meum. tanqusun cera liquescens &c . . . . Fyue seles war sett ]?are-on Of fader & son god & man pe first es for to lene maste 150 pat I come of )?e haly gaste 150 In playn power J?i state to make 152 And coroun of my heued to take 152 Add. 11307 ^if ]?ou amendy and mercy crane Thyn erytage shalt J?ou haue The selus fat it was seled wij? They weron granon on a stij? Of gold ne seiner ne ben )?ei nojt Of styl and yron J?ey weron wro^t Wi)7 spere of stil myn herte fei stongon Thorw myn herte and my longon Iron nailes thrilledon me Thorw fet & hand to ]>q tre The selyng wax was dere aboujt At my/i herte rote it was soujt And tempred al wij? vermylon Of my blod ]>ai ran a-doun factum est cor meum. tanqvLO^m. cera liquescens &c ffyue seles weron set J?eran Of fader and sone god and man The fifte J?at is to leue most That I cam of )?e holy gost In playn power }>i stat to make A corone on myn hed hane I take Bod. 89 133 So fat fou amende and mercye crane 145 Thyn Erytage fon shalt hane 135 The seles fat I was seled wif Thei were granen on a stithe Off golde and sylvere were fei non^t 138 But of Iren and stele I-wrought 140 Iren nayles threlede me [tree foI. 47^' 142 Thorough hand and foot in-to f e 143 The Selynge wax dere bought 152 atte myn herte rote I-soughte Tempred wif wermylou/^ Of my bloode fat run adoune factum est cor meum. tanquam *' cera liquescens in medio ventris mei Iren nayles were sete there thanne On fader and sone god and man The first fat f on leue moste 150 That I come of f e holy gooste wif playn power f y state to make a Croune opone heuede I take ^ Thus the MS. ^ The final letter is blurred by a crease in the manuscript. the lol^g charter a-text , 33 Harl. 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 133 If ]?u amende and mercy crane 133 ^yf Ipou J?e amende & mercy crane pyn heritage trnly shalt )?u hane pin heritage sail ]?ou haue 135 pe seel J^at hit is seled with 135 pes selys Ipat J?is charter were selyde witht pei weren graned upon a styth pai weryne wroght vp-on a styf Of gold ne sylner were ]?ei no^t Of gold ne of siluer wer J?ai nath Of styel & yren J?ey were wron3t But of stel & heryn ]?ai wroght With spere of stile my hert ]>ej wyth spere of stel I was stongyne stongen 140 pour^ myne herte and my longen 140 prow myn hert lyner & longyne pre nailes J?nrled me heryne neyles J^erleden me ponr3 feet & hondes to J?e tre Thorgh fot & handys J?er till a tre pe selyng wexe was dere bou3t pe selyng wex was dere a-bowth Foi. 52 ^^ jnyj2 herte rote y-son^t 144 prow my hert rot ^ it sowth 145 And tempred al with Yermjloun pat was tempered all wyth wer- mylione [adone ^ Of my blode )?at ran doun pat was myn hert blod Ipat ran ff&ctum est cor meum. tanqu3i.m cera liquescens &c ffyne seles were y-sett J?er-an V sely were set J?er vp-one Of fader & sone god & man of fadyre & sone god & mane pe fyf J?e ys for to lone most pe V is to be-lene most 150 pat I cam of f'e holy gost 150 pat he cam of \at holy gost In pleyn powere ]?y state to make In pleyn power for to makyne 152 A signe on myn hed y take 152 a corone of myn hed I takyne Harl. 5396 133 Tyl ]?ou mede & mercy crane And at my hert rote hyt was so3t Myne herytage ]?on schalt not hane 145 Tempryd all wyth vermylon 135 pe selys ^at I was selyd wyth Of my blode \at ran down They were grauyn on \q styth ^ ff actum, est cor meum. tan quam. Of gold ne syluyr were ]?ey no3t rera * liquescens &c 138 but of yryn & stele wete ]?ey wro^t ^°^- ^^^ Iron nayles were set J?er than On fader & sone god & mane 140 pe fyrst ]>at ]>o\x. leue most Yryn naylys thyrlyd me 150 pat I com of J?e holy gost 142 Thorow hand & f ote vnto ]?e tre "Wyth pleyn power ]?y state to make 143 pe selyng wax was dere bo3t 152 A crovne upon my hede to take * Between v. 135 and v. 136, "Of yryn & stele were ]?ey wro;;t " is cancelled. ** Written r'ot. ^ a above the line. * Ms. seems to be rera. 34 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Rawl. poet. 175 Add. 11307 153 Of thornes in takenyng J?at I am ^^^' ^^153 Of thornes in token ]>at I am kyng And frely may gyf J?e J^i thing 155 pis witnes ]>e lewes all On knes to me ]?ai gan doune fall And lowd cryed on J^air skornyng Hail be )?ou lord of lewes kyng Betwene twa men J^is was seled 160 Bath war seke }?e tane I heled Be-twene twa thenes on hegh I- pyght In takenyng ]>at I was man of myght pat north & west on hegh hyll pat I may deme bath gud & ill Q[uia neque] ah oriente neqiie ah occidente &c. 165 I thirsty was & full sore swongen )?e berygge most nede be drongen A luf-drynk I ask of J?e Ayzell & gall }?ai gaf to me Foi. 95*^-^y5 testihvLS mathew & lone 170 Luke & Marke & many one And namely my moder swete 172 ffor scho left neuer teres to lete 155 160 kyng And frely may ^yuon my J?yng This witnessen )?e iewes alle On knes to me J?ey gonne doun falle And loude cryede in hure scornyng Heyl be pou lord of lewes kyng By-twene to men J?is was y-seled Bo)?e weron syke ]?at on I helud By-twene to )?efes on hy y-py^t In tokon pat I was man of my3t [hulle That north and west on wilde pat I may iugge bo)?e gode and ylle Quia neque ah oriente neque ah &c. 165 A}>orst I was ful sore y-swonke pe beuerache moste ne)?es ben J?ronke A loue-drynk I asked of )?e Eysel and galle ]>ou ^eue me Hijs testihus Matheus and lohan 170 Luk Mark and many on And namely my moder swete 172 ffor she lufte neuer teres lete Bod. 89 153 Of thornes in tokenyng J?at I am kynge and frely may ^eue alle l>inge 165 155 This wittenessith I wis all On knees to me thei gan falle and a-lowede crie on hir scornynge 168 welcome be thou Iwys kynge a Betwene too men I was seled b 160 Bo}?e were seke pe ton heled Betwene too peues on highe pight That I of alle men myght haue a 170 si^t That Est and west on wilde hille 172 I may luge bothe goode and elle Quia neque ah oriente neque ah occidente &c Of threste I was sore be-swonke The beuerage moste nede be dronke A leef drinke I axed of ]?e Eysell an and galle thei ^af me This wittenesse ]>e lewes alle On knees to me J?ei gan falle ^ and also Wittenessith Mathew and lohn luke marke and many one and namely my moder swete ffor she left neuere teres to wepe * Repetition of lines 155-6 above. THE LONG CHARTER A-TEXT 35 Harl. 2346 153 Of Jjornes bi-tokenyng ]>at I am king And frely may ^eue al J?ing 155 Wytnesse of J?e lewes alle On knees to me ]?ey gon falle And loude cned on her scornying Hail be ]>u lord & lewes kyng By-twyne two men f'is was y-seled 160 Bo)?e were sike )?at on y heled By-twyne two )?efes on hye I-py^t In tokne J^at I was man of myjt pat north & west on hye hulle pat I may deme bo)?e good & ylle Quia neque ah oriente neque ah occi- dente, &c 165 A Jpurst I was ful sore y-swonke pe beuerage most nedes be dronke A lone drynke I asked of J?e A ysel and galle ]?ey ^ane to me Hiis testihus Matheu and lohn 170 Lnk. Mark, and many on Foi. 54 ^^^ namely my moder swete 172 ffor she lefte nener terys to wepe Add. Bod. C. 280 153 Of thornis in tokynyng J?at I kyng & frely may ^ene ]>^ my thynge 155 pis wytnessit J?e ienys all 2d Col. ypQQ Jigj. Jjj^yg j^ay ^g^jj AoVlU fall fful loude )?e cndene in her scornynge heil be ]>ou lorde & ieuis kynge Betwen two men J^is dede was selyde 160 Bo|7e wer sek ]>ai one was heylyde Be-twen two ienys heye pyth In tokenyng ]>ai I am man of myth norw & west on heye helle pat I may demyri bo]?e goode & ylle Quia neque ah oriente neque ah Occi- dent e, &c 165 a-prost I was & sor swynkyne pis beuerache most nedys be dronkyne a loue drynk I askede of ]?e heysell & galle J?ou ^ene yt me pis wytnessyt mathe[?] & lone 170 Ink & mark & many one N'amelech my modyr swete 172 for sche left neuer terys to lete Harl. 5396 153 Of thornys yn tokyn ]>ai kyng And frely may ^eve all thyng 155 pys wettenes ]>q iewys alle On knes to 'me ]>qj con falle And lowd cryed yn her scornyng Wilcom be J?e Iewys kyng 159 By twene ij thenys I was seld ^ 161 Be twene ij thenys on hygh was I py3t 160 pe t [other] was seke & I hym helyd ^ 162 pat all men on me ^ my3t haue sy^t ^ pat est & west on wylde hylle I am luge both of god & ylle Quia neque ah oryente neque ah Occi- dent &c 165 for thyrst I was ful sore byswonke pe beuerage most nede by dronke Foi. zoi^ A lytyl drynk I askyd of fe 168 Aysyll & galle J?ou gaf me a pys wytnesse ]?e Iewys alle * b On knes to me J?y con falle And also beryng wetnesse mathu & John 170 luke marke & othyr many one And namely my modur swete 172 3or sche left neuyr terys to lete * Lines 159 and 160 cancelled in MS. ' Above the line. 'The following couplet written at the bottom of the page is marked for insertion between lines 162 and 163: " J>e toJ?er was seke & hym helyd The to\>er in my charter was not selyd." 'See note preceding page. 36 THE MIDDLE EJSTGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Rawl. poet. 175 173 Ar J?is chartre wry ten was flull oft scho said alias alias 175 So bare I was of wordes gude When I suld dy on J^e rode pat I had noght wharof to take Mi testament whare-of to make Bot of my lefe moder & dere 180 Scho stode bi me with a sorowfull 180 Sho stod by me with renful chere chere When I to my cosyn hir bi-toke Scho kest me many a sorowfnl luke In knawlegyng I made a cry Patei lamazdbathany 185 Be-hald now men with hert & eghe 185 Byhold now man w\]> herte and ye Add. 11307 173 Or J?is chartre wry to was Wei ofte sho seyde alas alas 175 So bare I was of wordles god Whan I sholde deye vpon J?e rod pat I ne hadde wher to take My testament wherof to make Foi. 95i> But of my moder lef and dere Whan I my cosyn hure bytok Sho caste me many a sory lok In cnowlychynge I made a cry Pater Jama^abatany ffor jhour Inf how I sail degh G onsummatum est )?is chartre es done Man J?ou has ouer-comen fi fone To hell I went ]?is chartre to schew ffor thy lone how I shal dye ConsuTdmatum }?is chartre is don Man J?ou hast ouercome fi fon To helle I wente J?is chartre to shewe 190 Be-for ]?i fa sathanas ]>at schrew 190 By-fore ]>i fo sathanas }?e shrewe pan he was schent & broght to Tho was he shent and bro3t to ground gronnde 192 Wit/i nayles bored & speres wound 192 Wi)? nailes bore and speres wounde Bod. 89 173 Or ]?is Chartre wreten was Oft sche saide alias alias Foi. 48 go ijare I was of worldes goode Thanne I deyede on ]?e rode 187 177 That ne hadde where-to to take My testament where-of to take But my leef moder dere 180 She stoude by me wij? rufull chiere whenne I to my Cosyn here tok[e^] 190 Sche kest vp many a sory looke 183 In knowynge I made a cry 192 Pater lama^abatany Beholde man wij? hert and eye ft'or ]>i loue now shall I deye Consummatum est this Chartre is now doone Man )?ou hast ouerecome ]?i foone To helle I went this chartre to shewe To-for thi foo sathanas J?at shrewe he was shent and brou^t to grounde Thurgh nayles bore and speres wounde * e is indicated here, but hidden by a fold in the paper. the long charter a-text 37 Harl, 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 173 Or pis chartre y-writen ^ was 113 Or J?is charter wrytyn was iful ofte she seyde alias alias ful oftyn ache seyd alias alias 175 So bare I was of worlych good 175 So bar \>at was of wordys goode When I shnld dey vpon }?e rood wan ]>at I schnlde deyn vpon |?e rode pat I nadde wher-to to take Ipat I ne hade werof to takyn My testament where-on ^ to make My testament for to makyne But of my leef moder dere But of my leue modyr deie 180 She stode by me with sorful chere 180 sche stod be me wyth sory chere Whan I my cosyn hir by-toke Wan ]>at I my cosyn here be-tok She cast on me many a sory loke sche cast vp-on me many rewful look In knowleche y made a cry In knouelachyng y mad a cry Pater lamaphatany Patev lamdba^atany 185 By-hold now man wiiJi herte & ye 185 Be-holde man wyth hert & eye ffor [^] loue how I shal dye ffor ]>i [•*] how I schall deye C onsummatuTd ]?is chartre is done pis charter is done [ foyne Man J?u hast ouer-come J?i foon Man ]>ovi hast ouer-comy/i }>in To helle y wente J^is chartre to To helle I went }>is charter to shewe scheuyri 190 By-fore sathanas ]7at olde shrewe 190 be-for J?i fone satan ]>q schreue pat he was shent & brou^t to pat he was cast & broght to grunde grouTide 192 Wit/i nailes bore and speres wonde 192 wyth neylys bore & sperys wonde Harl. 5396 173 Or ]?ys charter wretyn was Pat^Y lamaphathanye Oftyn sche seyd alias alias 185 But hold man with hert & eye 175 So bare I was of worldys gode ffor J^y loue now schal I dye pen I dyed upon )?e rede pys charter ys now all don ])at pen had noght ^ wherwith to Man J^u hast ouyrecome ]?y fone take Foi. 305^0 helle I went pis chartre to My testament where-wyth to make schewe But of my leve modur dere 190 Before pj fo sathanas pat schrewe ISO Sche stode hjmewith rufull chere he was schent & bro^t to grovnde pen I my cosyn hur be-toke 192 Thorow naylys bore & sperys Sche hast up many a sory loke wovnde In swonyng y made a crye ^ Immediately following this in the MS. is a t/ cancelled. " h written above the line. ^ The word in this space is blurred. * Blank space in MS. * Above the line. 38 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Kawl. poet. 175 193 A strayt couand made }?are was 193 Bi-twene me & Sathanas 195 All my catell to haue o-way 195 pat he reft with ^ f als pray O-gayne I come & made a feste Omang )?e mast & J^e leste A-party men ]?an gan knaw me 200 pat I was man of gret pouste 200 pat fest lasted f ourty dawes To do men knaw my new lawes pat fest was all of ioy & blys pat Pasch day yh'it called es 205 Ane endenture I left with J?e 205 pat euer J?ou suld syker be In prestes handes my flesch & ^°^- ^"^ blode pat for \>e dyed on j?e rode And my kay I toke all-so 210 In taken Ipat I was vndo 210 To bere with J?e whare so }?on go 212 pan thar ]>e noght dred Ipi fo 212 Add. 11307 A scrit^ of conenaunt I-mad ]>er was By-twene me and sathanas Al my catel to haue away That he me raf te with f als fray Agayn y com and made a feste Among ]?e leste and )?e meste Aparty ]?o men gonne knowe me That I was man of gret pouste That feste lestej? fourty dawes To do men knowe my newe lawes That feste was of ioye and blis That esterday 3et y-cleped ys On endenture I lafte with }?e That euere J?ou sholdest syker be In prestes bond my flesch and blod That for ]?e dyed vpon )?e rod A by ke>>e ^ I tok J?e also The tokene pat I was onne y-do To bere wij? ]?e were so J?ou go Thanne )?ar )?e not drede of )?i fo Bod. 89 193 A Chartre of couenauntes made was Betwene me and sathanas 195 Alle my cataill to haue a- way That he me reft wij? his fals pray ajein I cam and a feste a-monge the meeste and the leste Thanne atte )?e firste men gan know me 200 That I was man of grete postee Fol. 48b 205 210 212 That feste was of Ioye and blys That pasche day cleped is On endenture I laft wi]? J?e That euere thou scholdest seke be In preestes honde my fflesshe and blod That for pe deyde on )?e rode a bykeye I toke J^e also The Tokyn j^at I was on doo To bere wuj? the where thou goo Thanne dare the nou^t drede ]>i foo ^ A second with also occurs. •Ms. Ascrit. hykwepef — see Glossary. THE LONG CHARTEK A-TEXT 39 Harl. 2346 Bod. Add. C. 280 193 A wryt of couenat/nt I-made Iper 193 a scryth of a conenaunt mad per was was By-twyne me and sathanas Be-twexyn me & satanas 195 Al my catel to haue a-way [pray 195 alle myn to hauyn a- way pat he me rauesched with fals pat he me be-reft wyth fals pmy A-^en y come and made a f este ^^^- ^^s a-^an y come & made a fest Among alle bo]?e mest and leste a-monges all men most & lest Foi. 54b A-party men J?o gur^ne knowe me A-party |?o men guny/t knoue me 200 pat I was man of grete powste pe fest last XL dawys [lawys To done men knawyn my ryth pe fyrst it is of ioye & blys pat hesterne day clepyd is 205 hon endentwre y lefte with pe pat ouer al pou schnldys syker be In prestys hand my flesche & eke my blode pat for pe deyde vp-on pat rod on bycaye i tok pe also 210 pe rode pat i was vp-on ydo To beryn wyth pe were pat pou go 212 panne darst pou^ nere dvejdjn pi to 200 pat I was man of gret pouste pe feste laste fourty dawes To do men knowe my newe lawes pe feste was al of Ioye and blisse pat yesterday 3et holden ys 205 On endenture y laft with pe pat oiieral ]?u shnldest siker be In prestes hond my flesh & blod pat for pe deyed on pe rood A key y toke j^e al-so 210 212 To here with pe where )?u go Harl. 5396 193 A charter conunant made was Bytwene me ^ & sathanas 195 All my catel to hane away pat he me reft with fals pray A-^eyn I come & made a fest A-mong pe most & pe lest pen atte furst men knowe con me 200 pat I was man of gret powste pat fest lastyd XL dayes To do men knowe pe newe wes pat fest was of Ioye & blysse pat estyr day ^et clepyd ys 205 One endentnr I left with pe pat euyr ]7u schalt sekyr be In prestys hand yn flesch & blode pat for pe dyed pe rode A bykeye I toke pe also 210 pe cros J^at I was on do To here with pe where-so poii go 212 pen thar pe not drede pj fo darst \>ou " is written twice. me " repeated. 40 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST RaWL. POET. 175 213 To my fader I most gone 214 ffor all his will I haue done Add. 11307 213 To my fader I moste gon 214 ffor al his wille I haue y-don 215 A cote armure I bare with me 215 ffor ]>at I toke of ]>i lyuere pe cloth was ryche & wele fyne 21. pe chaumpe it was of red camelyne A wele fair may to me it wroght 220 Out of hir boure I it broght 220 Powderd with fyn roses rede Woundes ]?at I tholed in dede pat when I come o-gayn to J?e 224 pare-by fou myght knaw me 224 A cote armure I bar wi]? me ffor ]>at I tok of ]>j leuere The cloj? was ryche and ry^t fyn The chaumpe it was of red camelyn A wel fay re mayde to me it wro^t Out of hure hour I it broujt I-poudred with fyue roses rede WiJ? woundes pat I deled dede Whan I com eft a^eyn to )?e Ther-by my^t )?ou knowe me Bod. 89 213 To my fadowr I most goone 214 ffor alle his wille I haue doon 215 a cote armuowr I bare wi]? me ffor ]?at I tooke of thy lyuerere That chothe was good and fyn [lyn The chaumpe was of rede chame- A wele faire may hit wrought 220 and ought of here boure I hit brought I powdred wi]? fyn rose rede woundes J^at I tholede dede Whanne I come oft agayn to the 224 Ther-by )?ou mayst knowe me THE LONG CHARTER A-TEXT 41 Harl. 3346 213 To my fader I most gon 213 214 ffor al his wille I haue done 214 a b c d e f g h 215 A cote Armure y bare with me 215 ffor pat I took of )?i lyuere pe cloj? was riche & wel fyne pe champe was of white camelyn [wrou^t A wel faire maide to me hit 220 Out of hire boure I hit brou^t 220 I-poudred with fyue roses rede Of wondes fat I ]?oled dede When y com eft a^en to )?e 224 per-by my^t 'pu knowe me 224 Add. Bod. C. 280 ffor to my fadir I most go all is wyl I ane do on halJ?rost day I vndyre-stond y went vp-on my fadyr reth honde To deme pe qwyk & eke pe deyd al lajn to schyldyn fro pe qned a witsonday werement a-don I sent wyth goode talent wit & wysdame to all mankynde all men to scheldene fro pe f ende a cote armowr I bar with me for pat I tok of J?i lyuere pe cloth was ryche god & fyne pe chomp it was oft whyt came- lyne [wroght A wel faire mayden to me it vt of here boure he me it broght It was pouderyde with V rose rede pat were pe wondys pat I for man sufferyd ded wen I come heft a-^ayn to pe perby mayst pou wel knoue me Harl. 5396 213 To my fadur I must gon foI. 305t» 215 214 ffor all hys wyll I haue don 220 A kote armur I bart with me ffor pat 1 toke for loue of pe pat closth was bothe gode & fyne And hyt hath suff ryd mych pyne A full f ayr may hyt wrojt Out of hur body hyt was brojt hyt was powdryd all with red Wowndyd pat suffryd ded When I come efte agenn to pe 224 Wher-by^ pou may knowe me * h written above the line. 42 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Eawl. poet. 175 225 pase ]>at bene of rent bi-hynde 225 And J?es dedeshaue noght in mynde Sore may J?ai be a-dred When ]?is chartre sail be red All )?a sail to hell pyne 230 And with me to blys sail myne 230 231 Pay ]?i rent kepe )?e fra gylt 231 Come & clayme when J^oii wylt pe blys pat lost our forme frende 234 To fe whilk cnst vs bring with- outen ende. A— M— E— N— . Add. 11307 Tho ]>at ben of rente be-hynde An J?use dedes haue no^t in mynde Sore may peyer ben adrad Whan ]?is chartre shal ben rad Alle pej shulle to helle pyne With me to blisse shulle go myne Pay pi rente kep pe fro gylt Come and cleyme whan pou wylt The blisse pat loste oure former frende Crist vs sende wij^outen ende. Amen Bod. 89 225 Thise J?at ben of rent by-hynde ^°i- *^Pay J?ei rent and kepe pe from gilt and thise dedes haue not in mynde Come and chalenge what )?ou wilt Sore may thei ]?a ben a-dradde To )?at blis )?at lost oure forme Whanne J^is Chartre shall be redde frende alle )?ei shulle to helle pyne 234 Crist vs brynge wi)?-oute ende 230 wif> me to blis hulle gone myn Amen ^ Explicit carta Christi * For marks of ownership, etc., occurring upon this folio, see description of the MS. at pp. xxxi f. THE LON'G CHARTER A-TEXT 43 Hael. 2346 Add. Bod. C. 280 225 po J?at ben of rente bi-hynde 225 All ]>o ]>at be of rente be-hyndyne And ]?ese lone-dedes hane no^t in & my lone-dedys hane noght in mynde Sore may ]>qj )?an be a-drad Whan ]?is chartre she be rad AUe )?ey shnlle to helle pyne Foi. 55 230 Wi]? me to blisse shnl go myne a Pay J?i rente bue no^t by-hinde mynae 2d Col. f[^i gor mon J?ay ben adrad wen )?is charter schall be red All ]?ey schnll til helle peyne 230 wyth me to blis schuU gone all myne a perfor pay)?i rent be nath be-hynde b ffor }7our3 ]?e ^ere )7u my^t \>ai gras b prow )?e ^er )?ou myth grace fynde ^ fynde 231 Pay ]>\ dette kepe )?e fro gylt 231 Pay J?i dettys & kep )?e fro gylte Come and clayme when )?ii wylt & come & chalange wen ]>ai )?on wylte pe blysse]?at lost onre forme frende pat blesse ]>at lese vr form frende 234 Crist vs graunt wit/i-oute ende 234 Cryst it vs grante with-vtyn ende Amen. a pat is to se}Ti )?e blysse of henyn b amen for is name senyn Explicit carta dommi noshi ihe^u Cliristi ^ Harl. 5396 225 pey J?at bene of rent be-hynde And thyse dedys hane no^t yn mynde Sore may ]>qj ben ^ a-dredde When ]>Q charter schall ben red All ]?ey schall to hell pyne 230 Wtt/t me to blysse schall go alle myne 231 Pay py dete & kepe ]>q fro gylt Come & chalange what * )?at wylt pe blysse J?at lastyth eiiyr to my frende 234 Cryste us brynge wtt/i-owtyn ende Explicit ^ ^A faint mark, as though half erased, occurs over this word. «Cf. lines 127-8. * For marks of ownership on this folio see description of the MS. at p. xxxi. *tci is written after this word. ''Some scribbling follows which seems to read: " Fayre Fayre sone he sayde." 44 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Magd. Coll. Oxf. St. Peter in the East 18^ (verso) Ihesu kyng of heuen ant helle man & woman y kil ]?e telle What lone y hane do to pe loke what lone )?ou hast do to me 5 Of alle ioye pou were ont-pnlt with treson & with-oute gylt Pore J?on were dryue a-way as a best ]>at go)? on stray Fro my ryche y come a-donne 10 to seche ]>e fro toun to toun Myn heritage pat is so fre in pj mischef to ^yne hit pe whenne pis 3yft 3yne pe y sholde y dyde as J?e lawe wolde 15 To a mayde y ordeynyd me for no chalenge shulde be Wei worj7ily he kepte pe ant me til y my tyme wolde see Ponrty wokes and fonrty daies 20 to fulfille pe ri3t lawes pe mayde was triwe hende & free he resceyned ^ bo)7e ^ me & ]?e Me J?y manhede & pj grace pus cam sesing furst a place 25 Whan pis sesyng was y-do ful grete enuy hadde )?o pj foo po belzebnb & sathanas hadde grete wonder wh [i] ^ hit was He fondit me with f elonye 30 with pride conetyse & glotonye Wei he wiste y was a manne but synne on me fonde he none 33 Hard he ]?retned me in hys foujt pat pat sesyng shulde be dere bou3t 35 He sent his seruantes with maistrie With wo & sorowe me to destrye Wei he fonde hym gayned no^t ano)?er pyng was in my J^oujt More syker pe to make 40 a^ens J?y foo ful of wrake Heuen & eipe in present to make a chartre of feoffament In suche a maner be-houyj? to be pat y most 3yue my lyfe for J^e 45 For pou art dede ant y am lif y most dye to ^yue pe lif Mony a way y haue go in hungre & thirst thole & wo pritti wynter & mo fan too 50 er my charter were full doo No my3t y * fynde no parchemyn for to laste with-oute fyne But as lone bad me doo myn owne skyn y toke }?er-too 55 To gete me f rendys y gaf good mede so do}> pe pore pat haue more nede On a J?orsday a souper y made frend & fo to make glade [fode With mete ant drynke to soulys 60 With holy wordes my flesh & blode pis y made for mankynde C>2 My loue-dedys to haue in mynde Hoc facite in meam comemoraci- onem ^Transcript resteyned. 'The last letter is blurred but looks like o. ^ The first letter has been altered in writing. * Transcript mi^ty. MANUSCRIPTS OF THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT THE LOKG CHAKTER— B-TEXT Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. Bona carta gloriose passionis domini nostri ihesu Christi^ Fol. 235 Fol. 42»> will rede this so euyr boke And with gostly ey there-yn loke To othir thynge schall he not wende To sane his sowle fro the fende 5 Than for to do as this boke telleth ffor holy wrytt f or-soth hit spellyth Whare-fore y pray yow for eharite In this booke ye reede and see "With all yonre hert and yowre mynd 10 And kepe trewly pat ye per-jn fynde And that ye fulfyll in dede Which in this booke ye doth reede Nowe ye schull hyre anon ryght Howe criste spekyth to vs all ty^t 15 Wordis of a chartoi^r pat he hafe wrow^t 16 that ye schall kepe with all yoi^r )?ow3t C With all youre hert and yowr mynde -j And kepe trewly pat ye there-yn fynde ^ to make a chartoi^r by-houyj? many pyng ^ As parchement pen and ynke Wex and seele wytnyssith also Yowre rent pat ye per for schall do o-so-euyr wyll rede onyr this boke And wyth his gostely pere-ln loke Tyl the scole dare he not wende To sane is sowle frome the fende 5 panne for to do as this boke tellyth for holy wrytte f or-soth it spellyth where-for I pmye 30U for charyte 30 that this boke wyl rede or see Sett youre hertes pere-on & jour mendys 10 kepe derworthly )?at 3e pere-in fynde And fulfyll it in dede that 3e schnl no we in this boke rede for 3e schnl now here A-none ryghte yonre Sanyour speke to 30U a-plyght 15 wordys of chartur pat he hath wronghte *At the top of this folio is some writing, illegible to me. ' Repetition of lines 9 and 10, apparently by mistake. ^For lines corresponding to this and the following three, cf. C-Text (ms. Reg. 17. c. xvn). 46 THE LOKG CHAKTER— B-TEXT CoTT. Calig. a II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. Carta ihesu Christi Fol. 77« 1 Who SO wyll ouer-rede thys boke And with hys gostlye ye ]?e.r-on loke To olpev skole dare he not wende For to sane his sowle fro )?e fende 6 Then for to do as ]>is boke telleth For holy wryte for-soj^e hit spelleth AVherfore y pray pu for charyte 3e pat J?is boke wyll rede or se With puT herte & all puv mynde 10 Bereth derwor]7ly ]>at ^e her fynde And fulfylle htt in dede That 30 now yn ]>is boke shull rede For ^e shull here a-none ryght How puT sauyot^r speketh to 30U as-ty^te •15 Wordns of a charter ]>at he hath wrow^th 16 That je mow kepe yn all puT ]?ow3th here folowep I'e chartur of crifte Fol. 39b ho-so will oner-rede this boke And wyth hys goostly eye j7er-on loke To odnr scole dar he not wende Fol. 40'' To sane hys sonle fro the fende 5 Than for to do as ]?ys boke tellyth ff or holy wryte f or-sothe hyt spellyth Wherefore y pray yow for charyte He that thys boke wyll rede or see Wyth yowre herte & all yowre mynde 10 Kepyth derwor]?ely ]>at ye h«re-in fynde And fnlfyllyth hyt in dede That ye schnll now in J?ys boke rede ffor now stonde ye full styll here anoTi ry^t Yowre sauyo^^r wyll speke to yow ys ty^t 15 Wordes of a chartt^r J?at he hath wroght 3 6 That ye now knowe in all yowre tho^t 47 48 THE MIDDLE E]S^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 17 Who this chartoi^r doth vndirstonde teche hit forth in diuerse londe to othir fat hauej^e it now^t sayne 20 hit saujlpe sowlis fro J?e payne a Ye that come]?e and wol no^t teche b May be a-gast of god-is wreche 21 Ellis schull ye no3t withoutyn stryfe Passe fro the world to J?e lond of lyf e Now schall y be-gyn to rede per-on Criste grawnt yow pes eue/y-chone 25 Ihesus lorde of heuen and hell to man and woma/i woll y tell loke whate lone y hane y-do to ]>e 28 loke whate lone ]>ou hast do to me a Aftyr my-silfe pou were the beste ^ b Of all creations ]>ou art fayreste c A fayrer creature may none be d Aftir my-silfe y made the e But for pou were vnbuxum to me f And etyste an appuU of a tre 2nd Col. g pat y forbode ]>ou scholdyst no3t take h pou were y-dreue a-way with ]>y make 29 if ram paradise pou were y-pulte 30 'With care and sorow all to-spulte And there pou were y-dryne a-waye As a beste that goth in-straye ffrom my kyngdome y come downe to seche the fram towne to towne 35 To helpe the of thy myschefe Dereworth sowle pou art me lefe My heritage pat is so fre In thy myschefe y yaue the 17 20 a b 21 Fol. ' 25 28 a b c d e f Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. pat 30 thys boke cnnne vndystonde Telle 30 it in All thys londe To other }?at thys boke haue not seyne To Sane here sowles as yonre owene for they )?at cunue And wyl not teche It is to drede of ful gret wrethe for ellys 30 schnl nat wyth-oute gret stryfe frome thys worlde passe to pe londe of lyfe Now he wyl be-gynne to rede pere-one his pees he 3eue vs euerychone Ihesu lorde of heuene & helle Mane And womane I wyll the telle loke what lone I haue do for the And loke what loue pou hast do for me g • h . 29 frome paradyse pou were owt pytte 30 Wyth care And sorowe pou were spylte And for pou were I-drawe A-waye as best that gooth A-straye for my ryghte I came A-downne To seke the frome townne to townne 35 To helpe the in thyne myschefe derworthly soule )?at Art my lyfe Myne erytage that is so fre In thy myschefe I 3af the And whanne pat solynge A-3eue pe soldc 40 I dyde as J^e iewes wolde » Cf. C-Text, vv. 35-38 and 41-44 inclusive. THE LONG CHAETER B-TEXT 49 CoTT. Calig. a. II. And when ^e ]>is boke kan vnf>erstonde Teche htt forth J^orow all J?ts londe Vntyll opev ]>at ]?is boke haue not so wen To sane )?eyr sowles ry^th as ^our owen 21 For ellys ^e shnll not ^iihoui gret stryfe Fro )?ts worlde passe into ]?e londe of lyf Now y wyll begynne to rede }?ereon Hys pees he jeue vs euerychone 25 Ihesn lord of henen & helle Man & wommon y woll 30W telle Loke what lone y haue to )?ee 28 And loke what lone J?ou hast to me Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 17 And who thys boke can undurstonde Teche hyt forthe thorow ows ]?ys londe Oon-tyll oJ?ur J?at J^ys boke hane now swane 20 To sane ther soulys ry^t as ]?er owne a ffor he that can and wyll not teche b Hyt ys to drede of full grete wreche 21 ffor ellys ye can not wtt/iowt grete stryfe ffor ]?ys worlde passyj? in-to J?e londe of lyfe Now y wyll begynne to rede ther-one Hys pees he yene us euery-chone Ihesu lorde of heuene and helle Man & woman y wole yow telle Loke what prowe y do 1 to )?e 25 28 29 Fro paradys J70u were out pylte 30 With kare & sorow ]?ou bef all spylte And for}>e ]>om here drawe a-way As a beste ]>ai goth a-straye For my ryght y come a-downe To seke ]>q fro town to towne 35 To holpe ]?e yn ]?y myschef Derworth sowle ]?ou art me lef M.jn Erytage ^ai ys so fre In J?y myschef to ^eue hit ]?e And when ]>ai sesyng y ^eue shulde 40 A dede as ]>q jewys wolde And me oke what loue ]>ou haste done to 29 ffro paradys )?ou were owte pylte 30 Wtt/t care & sorowe ]?ou were owt y- spylte And forthe )?ou were dreven a-way As a beste ^at goyth on-straye ffor my ryght y come a-downe To seke the fro towne to towne 35 To helpe the in thy myschef e Derworthe soule thou were lefe Myn herytage that ys ^ so free In thy myschefe to yeue thee And whene ]?e sesyng y gyf ]>q schulde 40 I dudd ^ as the yewes wolde ^Before do the scribe wrote Jiaue and afterwards cancelled it. ^ There is a tail on the s in this word. ^ Hie et passim after words ending in dd this scribe adds a tail which probably represents a final e. 60 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 41 To a mayde y toke me 41 To a mayde I be-toke me 42 Whan y conseyuyd schulde be 42 Whanne I conseywyd schulde be a Derwardly sche kept me a ful derly for-soth sche kepte me b Till tyme fulfyllid schulde be b To the tyme fulfylled be 43 the mayde was mylde and free 43 the mayde was mylde trew & fre he reseyuyd me for the sche reseyued,^ me for the 45 ISTyne monnthis with hir y was 45 X^ monthes wyth here I was to make a-mendis for thi trespas to make A-mendis for thy trespace Whan y was to ]?is world y-borne here I in-to the worlde was borne to sane the that were forlorne To Sane mankende ]>at was forlorne Throwe vertu and throwe grace thorow myn wertu And thorow myn gmce 50 Come this seyson furst in place 50 thus came furst this selynge in place 51 Virgyn mary mayde mylde ^^^- ^^''virgyne marie mayde mylde Wyth me he went grete with childe wyt me thus went gret wyth childe And whanne thys Selynge vas I-do wyl gret En^^e hade the foo 55 That cursyd fende sathanas 55 pat cursed fende Sathanas Had grete meruayle why hit was hade gret wondyr why it was wher-for I schulde so meche loue the . that so vnkend hast be to me 59 Wroth he was hit helpid him no3t wroth he was it helpe hyme noughte 60 the to helpe euer was my thou^t 60 for to helpe the was All my thoughte He temptyd me to grete foly he tempted me to gret foly With pryde couetyse and gloteny In pride covetyse And gloteny Well he wyste y was a man And wyl he wyste I was A mane 64 But synne in me fownde he none But synne in me fonde he none 65 for-soth ^ ful herde he thrett me that sesynge schulde dere A-boughte be for to dystroy me thorow hys myghte 68 68 And putt the for euyr frome my syghte * Ms. for corrected from forth. 1 THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 61 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 41 Vntyll a mayde y be-toke me 42 When ]>at y co/iceyued shulde be a ffull wordyly she kepte me b Tyll ]?e tyme fulfylled shuld be 43 The mayde was trwe mylde & fre She me reseyued for loue of J?e 45 Nyne monethes with her y was To make amendes for ]>j trespas Or y ynto ]>is worlde was borne To saue mankynde pat was forlorn Thorow )?e vertu of my grace 50 Thus kome ]>is sesyng fyrst in place Vyrgyn Mary mayden mylde With me went grette with chylde And when ]>is sesyng was all y-do Grete enuye hadde ]>y fo 55 That cursedde fend satanas Hadde gret wonj^er why hit was Wherfor j wolde so myche loue ]?e That so vnkynde hast be to me Wroth he was hit helpede hym no3t 60 For to helpe ]?e was all my }?ow3t He tempted me yn so gret foly An pride couetyse & glotenye And well he wyste y was a man But synne yn me fonde he none 65 ffor-so]7e well harde he J^retened me How pat sesyng shuld dere y-bow3t b[e] For to destroye me ]?orow his m[y3ht] 68 And putte J?e for euer out of m[y sy3ht] 41 Tyll a maydyn y be-toke mee 42 When y conceyuyd schulde bee 43 The maydyn was trewe mylde & free Sche resseyuyd me for loue of thee 45 Nyne monthes with hur y was To make amendys for thy trespas Or y in-to thys ^ worlde was borne To saue mankynde pat was forlorne Throrowe my vertue and my grace 50 Thus came pjs sesyng fyrste on place Vyrgyne mary maydyn mylde Wyth me went pus grete with chylde And when J?ys sesynge was all y-do Well grete envy hadd thy foo 55 That cursydd fende satanas Had grete wondur why hyt was wherefore y wolde so moche loue pe That so vnkynde haste pou be to me Wroth he was hyt helpyd hym no3t 60 ffor to helpe the was all my j^oght He tempted me in so grete folye Pryde couetyse and glotenye And well he wyste y was a man But synne in me fonde he none 65 ifor-sothe ryght harde he threted me That sesynge schulde haue beten me ffor to dystroye me ]?orow hys my^t 68 And put the for-euer owt fro my sy3t ^The s in this word is followed by a tail. 52 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 69 Derwarde sowle herkny to me 70 And a newe ioye y tell to the to make this charto^^r of feoffametit Heuen and er]?e schall be present Hit schall in such maner be pat y mote ^ene my lyfe for the 75 Whan y am dede man be thow kynde And haue this chartowr euer in mynde ffor thy enemy ]?at ]?e hath sow^t Foi. 235»> i\yQ ^q1i for-yete ryght nowght there-fore y wol day for thy folye 80 to brynge the in my company I am a-lyne and }?on art dede y yef the lyfe a-yenste )?e qiiede To helpe the y am redy And to sane the f ram thy enmye 85 Many a way y haue y-goo In hungyr chele and thurste also Thyrty wyntyr and thre there-to Was all ar all my disese were y-do Parchemente to fynde wyste y none 90 To make a chartowr a-yenste thy fone That schall leste with-outyn mynde 92 Herkeneth to me wordis and eynde 69 No we derworthly soule herke to me 70 And A newe Ioye I xal telle the To make A chartore of feffemente heuene And erth schuld be presente But in soth ^ A maner it mot nede be pat I xall 3eue myne lyfe for the 75 And whanne I Am dede ma/i be ]>o\i kende And haue thys chartur euyr in mende for A enmye J?ou hast Ipat hath Ipe soughte Foi. 44a fQj. I ^yi^Q fQj, ^^j^Q f^iy 80 And brynge the in-to my company I am lyf And ]?ou art dej? I wuU 3eue lyf A-3ene )?e qued for to helpe I ame All redy to saue the euyr frome ihyn enmye 85 for many way I haue goo In hunger thryst schel And wo xxxti wyntyr And thre )?ere-to or my desese were All do Parchement to fynde wyst I none 90 To make thy charture A-3ene thy fone pat wolde last wyth-oute ende 92 herkenyth now to my wordes hende i Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. The Chartur Foi. 90* 69 Nowe derworthy Sowle herkyn to me And a newe Ioye I shall telle the tr make a charti/r of f efment ^ hevyn and erthe shall be present But in such manere hit mvst nedys be That I shall yelde my lyfe for the 75 And whan I am dede man be ]>ou kynde And haue thys charter evyr in thy mynde ffor an enemye that hathe )7e ^ sought But I shall for no thyng lese the nought ffor I wylle dye for thy folye 80 And brynge the in-to my companye * Immediately preceding this line is a duplicate of it, which is cancelled, the fourth word being spelled chartour. 'Thus the MS. 'Jje is inserted above the line. THE LONG CHARTEE B-TEXT 63 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Umv. Ff. 2. 38. 69 N'oY/ dere worth soule herken [to me] 70 And a newe joye shall y telle [)?e] To make a chartur of feffem[ent] Heuen & er]?e shall be pres[eiit] Htt moste nedus in suche man[er be] That y most jolde my lyf fo[r )?e] 75 And whdn y am deed man J?e[n be Ipou kynde] And haue ]>is chartyr euer yn J?[y mynde] ffor J?yn enmy ]>at hath ]>e so[w3ht] And 3yt shall y lose pe now3[t] ffor y woll dye for ]?y f oly 80 And brynge J?e yn-to my cu[mpanye] I am lyf and pou art dede Call pou my lyf a^eyn ]?y [nede] ifor to helpe pe y am redy To sane ]>e euei fro J?yn en [my] 85 ffor many a v.ay haue y [goo] In hunger ]?ryste chele & woo Thrytty wyntyr & )?re J?erto Or my desese wer all y-do Parchemyn to fynde wyste y none 90 To make a chartur a3ens ]?y fone That wolde laste wit/i-owten ende 92 Herken now to my wordes hende 69 70 75 'Now derworthe soule herken to me And a newe yoye y schall telle to J^e To make a chartur of feffement Heuen and erthe schall be presente But in soche a maner hyt muste be That y schall ^elde my lyfe for the And whan y am dede man be pou kynde And haue ]>js chartur euyr in pj mynde ffor an enemy that hathe the soght But y schall for noJ?yng lese J?e no3t ffor y vfold dye for thy folye And brynge in-to my companye I am a-lyue and thou art dedd^ Foi. 40b I ^^tqI^ jq^q niy lyfe ayenste pj quede ffor to helpe pe y am all redy ffor to saue J?e euer fro ]?yn enemye 85 ffor many a way y haue y-goo In hungur thurste cheyle & woo Thretty wyntur & thre therto Or my dysese were all y-doo Perchement to fynde wyste y noone 90 To make thy chartur a-yenste J?y foone That Vv'olde laste with-owten ende 92 Herkenyth now to my wordys hende 80 Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 81 I am lyfe and thou art dede I wylle yeve my lyfe a-yenst thyn quede ffor to helpe the I am alle redy ffor to saue the euer ^ fro thyn enemy 85 ffor many a way I have goo In hunger thruste chele and woo Thyrty wynter and thre J?er-to Or my dyssese were alle I-doo Parchemy/i to fynde wyst I noone 90 To make the chartii/- a-yenst thy foone That wold last wit/toutyn ende 92 herkenys no we to my free wordys hende ^ Euer is inserted above the line. Or dedef 54 THE MIDDLE EI^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 93 But as trewe loue me bad to do 93 Myne owne skynne y toke there-to 95 And whan y hadd so y-do 95 ffew frendis hadd y tho To geete me frendis y jafe gret mede 98 As doth the poure that hath nede 100 101 Than my-selue for the Was y-naylid to the tree On a thorsday a soper y made 104 With frendis and foys to make hem glad 105 Of brede and wyne the sacrament 105 Euyr to be onre testament hit is my fleysche and my blode To hem that lyuyth in mylde mode To hem that dyeth out of charite 110 her dampnacioun for euyr schall be here schall y foure wordis teche to the peple and it preche therefore take hit to yowre mynde yf ye will to heuen wende 115 Now this word is of the sacrament 115 116 that men schall reseyue verament 116 Fol. 44" 110 Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. ^ but as trewe loue bad me do Myne owne sky/ine I toke pereto And whanne I hade ^it so I-do wul fewe frendes had I ]?o to gete me frendes I 3af gret mede as doth )?e pore )?at hath gret nede But for to 3eue the I hade no more for thi sowle J^at was for-lorne ]?anne my-selfe for to ^eue the f>at for the dyed vppone A tre vppone A thursday A sopyr I made Both frend & foo to make heme glade of ^ bred And wyne the sacramente for euyr to be youre testament^ the wyche is myne fesche & myne bloode To tho ]?at here levyne Yith mylde mode And tho ]?at deyne oute of charyte here wyl I iiij^ wordy s teche to the pupyl I bydde ^ou heme preche And ]7at ]>ej haue heme euire in mende here mende in heuene they schul fynde these wordys towchene pe Sacrament pat mend sundyrly resceyuene verament Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 93 But as trewe love bad me doo Myn owyn skyn to take ther-to 95 And whan I had so I-doo Well fewe frendys had I thoo To gete me frendys I ^af gret mede 99 100 ffor thy soule that was for-lore Than my soule to yeve for the ^ That for the dyed vp-on the tree Vp-on a thursday a supper I made As do the the poure that hathe gret nede ^ 04 To f rende and foo to make hem glade * After of in this line there stands in the MS. what looks like a cancelled h. *In the MS. this line was omitted from its place and was written after line 108. ' thyn deleted before the. THE LONG CHARTEE B-TEXT 55 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 93 But as trewe lone ladde ^ me ]?o 93 Myn owene skyne y take ]>eY-io 95 And when y hadde so y-do 95 Well fewe frendes hadde y tho To gete me frendes y ^af gret mede As )?oth ]>Q pore J^at hath myche nede But to gyf J?e y hadde no more 100 ffor J7y sowle ]>at was forlore 100 Then my sowle y ^af for )?e ffor to dye vpon a tre Vpon a thursday a sowper y made To frend & fo to make hem glade 105 Of breed & wyne ]>q sacrament 105 ffor euer to be my testament Whych ys my flesh & my blode To ]>o J?at lyuen yn mykyll mode And to |?em ]^ai dyen out of charite 110 Her dampnacyon for euer to be 110 Her wyll y 30U fowr wordes teche [A]nd to ]>Q pepull loke ^e hem preche Hoc facite in meam. coiRmemoracioiiem [p]o Ipat haue hem euer yn mynde [H]ygh mede in heuen shuU 3e fynde 115 These wordes towchen pe sacrament 115 116 That men resseyuen verament 116 But as trewe loue badd me doo Myn owne skynne y toke ther-too And whan y had so y-doo Well fewe frendys had y tho To gete me frendys y gafe grete mede As do]? pe pore man pat ha]? grete nede But for to yeue pe had y no more ffor thy soule that was for-lore Then my-selfe to yeue for the That for the dyed vpon a tree Vpon a thursday a soper y made To frende & foo to make pern, gladd Of bredd and ^vyne the sacrament ffor euyr to be my testament whych ys my flesche & my blode To them pat leuen in mylde mode And tho ]7at dyen owt of charyte Ther dampnacwu?i for euyr to bee Here wold y my wordes yow teche And to pe pepull y pray yow l?em preche FIoc facite in meam com.memoracioiiem And that they haue pern in mynde Ther mede in heuene peie schull pej fynde These wordes techeth the sacrament - That men resceyuene verament Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 105 Of bred and wyne the sacrament For ever to be in my testament wyche ys my fleshe and my blode To thoo ]?at levyn in mylde moode And to ]?oo J?at dyen out of charyte 110 here damponaciou/i for evyr to be Foi. 90" Here wold I you f oure wordys teche ^ The de in this word has a stroke over it. 'In tlie MS, line 116 follows line 117. And to the peple I pray you hem preche^ Hoc facite in meam commemoracionem. ^f£ ND that they have hem ever in \^S mynde ^^^ here mede in hevyn there shull |?ey fynde 115 These wordys tovchyth the sacrament 116 That men receyuen verament ^ teche deleted before preche. 56 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 117 Hit semyth meny and is but oone 117 Hit semyth brede and it is none Hit is quykk and semyth dede 120 Hit is my body in forme of brede 120 Hit is y-made for man-kynde ^ 122 My wondirfull dedis to haue in mynde 125 125 127 And ar y fram the borde a-rose 2nd Col. To the iewes betrayed y wos Whan y hadd y-soped y ros a-none 130 to grete maystris J^ey gan goone 130 And browght me forth in the way As a lyon that goth a-bowte his pray And a-none they be-gan to pylle me And sayde y schiilde day vppon a tre 135 My mantell and othir clothis mo 135 All y hadd well sone for-goo ^o'- *5' 139 All my clothis fro me they token 140 And all my frendis me for-sokyn 140 Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. It semyth many & it is but one It semyth bred And itt is none It is qwyce and semyth dede It is myne body in forme of brede this made I for mane-kende My wondyrfull dedys to haue in mende Who-so it resceyuith in clennes Sauyd xal he be And come to blysse And to haue in mynde myne passyouri the qwych xal Ipiii saluaciouri or I frome that borde ros of myne dyscipule trayed I was .Whanne he hadde suppyd he ros A-none To gret maystrys he gane gone And broughte heme wyt hyw in J?e waye As a lyone goth A-bo^vte hys praye A-none the be-gunne to vnspoyle me And seyd I schulde dye vppone A tre My mantyl And other clothes moo All I hade heme sone for-goo they cast lot as wolde be-falle wheyther one schulde haue all or part Alle But Alle myne clothys frome me they tokene And Alle myne frendys me sone for- sokne Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 117 hit semyth many and ys but oon hit semythe bred and it ys noon hit ys queke and semys dede 120 hit ys my bodi in forme of breede Thys made I oonly for man-kynde My wonderfulle dedys to haue in mynde 123 AYho-so resseyvyth it in clennes Savid shall be and come to blys 125 And to have in mynde my passiouri The wjche shall be thy sauacyouii Or I fro the boorde a-roos Of my dyssyple be-trayed I was ^Opposite this line in the margin is written Memoriam fecit mirahilium. suoriim. THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 57 CoTT. Calig. a II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 117 Hyt semyth mony & ys but on 117 Hyt seme]? many hyt ys but oone Hyt semyth brede & hit js none Hyt seeme)? bredd and hyt ys noone Hyt ys qwylke & semeth deed Hyt ys quykk and semyth dedd 120 Hyt ys my body in forme of breed 120 Hyt ys my body in forme of bredd Thys made y only for mankynde Thys made y oonly for mankynde [M]y wonpeTiull werkes to haue yn My wondurfull dedys to haue in mynde mynde Who so reseyue hit yn clennesse Who-so resceyueth hyt in kle/inesse ^ [SJaued shall be & come to blysse Sauydd schall be and come to blysse 125 [A]nd to haue yn my/ide my passyonl25 And to haue in mynde my passyoun That shall be ]?y saluacyon The whych schall be thy sauactoun Ere y fro pe bord arose Or y fro the horde aroos Of my dyscypull betrayd y wose Of my dyscypull be-trayed y was When he had sowped he rose a-non When he had sowpyd he roos anone 130 To grete maystres ryde he gone 130 To the grete maystyrs he can gone And brow3t hem with hyin yn ]?e way And bro^t ]?em with hym in J?e way As a lyon goth abowte his pray As a lyone ]?at gothe a-bowte hys pray Suscepit me sicut leo para^us ad predam. Susceperunt me sicMt leo patris ad predam Anon |?ey begon to spoyle me Anon j^ey be-ganne ^ to spoyle me And sayde y shulde dye vpo?^ a tre And seydd y schulde dye vpon a tre 135 My mantell & o'pei clo]^us mo 135 My mantell & opur clof>ys moo All y hadde hem sone for-go All y hadd J?em sone forgoo They caste lotte as wolde befall They caste lotte as wolde be-falle Whe]?er on shuld hem or pa?'te hem all whelper oon schulde haue all or parte ]>em all So all my clolpus fro me l?ey token But all my clo]?ys fro me )?ey tokene 140 And all my tveiidus me for-soken 140 And all my frendys me forsokene Camb. Univ. Eg. 2. 15. Whan he had soped he roos a-noon 135 My mantell and other clothys moo 130 To grete maysteys he gan goon Alle I hadde hem * sone for-goo And brought hem with hym in }?e way They cast lotte as wolde be-falle As a lyone that gothe a-boute hys pray Where oone shuld haue alle or parte Susceperunt me sicut leo paratus and ^ hem alle predam But alle my clothys fro me they tokyn ^|/'-NOON they be-gonne to spoylel40 And alle my frendys sone me for-sokyn \2i me ?^% And seyde I shuld dye vppo/i a tree ^Thus the ms. 'The k is blurred. ■ Ms. he ganne corrected from he game. * hem is inserted. 58 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 141 Xakyd y stoode a-monge my ^ foen 141 Othir sokoure had y none Eedy they were to do me disese there was none that wolde me plese 145 they made skorges scharpe and grete 145 Where-with my body schulde they bete And thowgh y wolde hane playnyd me there schulde no socowre to me hane be Sore a-ferde forsoth y was 150 Whan they ledde me in-to place 150 151 To a piloure y was bownde ful sore 151 152 On me they had no pite thore 152 a they seyde be gladd and mery of chere b they buth thy frendis ]>at stondiJ?e here c We schall nenyr forsake the d till we se the naylid on tree 155 this he stoode y-bownde all nyght 153 156 till the morow hit was day lyght 153 y waysche wit/i my owen blode 155 154 And on the erth colde y stoode 157 Sone aftyr y-straynyd vppon a tre 158 As parchement ow3t to be 159 Herknyth and ye schall wete 160 How this chartow was y-wrete 160 nakyd I stode A-monge myne foone for other soker had I none Redy j^ey werne me to dysese But neuyr one ]>ere me to please they madene pere skourges grete w^herwyth my body schulde be bete And thow I wolde haue pleynned me pere schulde none secure haue ^ bene ful sore a-ferde for-sothe I was quan they ledde me forth so gret A pace Towarde A peler they ledde me swythe And pere A-boundene And betyne I was be-lyue And waschyne wyth myw owene blood pat one ]>e erthe A-boute colde it stode And so ij stoode boundene al )?at nyghte Tyl one J?e morowe )?at it was daye lyghte Strayned wel herde vppone A tre As parchemente myghte to be heryth nowe And ^e schul wetyne howe thys charture was wretyne Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 141 Nakyd I stode a-monge my foon ^°^- ^^^Ther shulde to me no socoure have be For other socour had I noon Redy they were me for to dissese But noon ther was me for to please 145 They mad scorges harde and grete Ther-wyth my body shulde be bete And though I wolde have pleyned me ffulle Sore a-ferde for-sothe I was^ 150 Whanne they* led me forthe so gret a paas 151 To a peler I was bovnde alle the nyght 152 Tugged and betyn tyll it was day lyght my is inserted. '^ After socure, A has been cancelled, and after haue h has been cancelled. The cartur is written in the margin. * had was written after they and then deleted. i THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 59 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 141 Naked y stod among my fone flor opeT sokour hadde y none Eedy ]>ej wer me for to dysese But none ]>e was me to plese 145 They made sko^rges hwge & grete Theiwith my body for to bete And )?ow3 y wolde hane playned me Ther shulde to me no sokowr haue be ffull sore aferd for-soJ?e y was 150 When )?ey ledde me so gret a pase To a pyler y was bownd all ny3t 152 Tugged & beten tyll hit was day ly^t 153 And wasshen with my owene blode That on )?e yrj?e abowte me flode 155 And so y snffred all J?e ny^t Tyll on morn hi't was day-ly^t Streyned well harde to a tre As parchemyn oweth for to be Herkeneth now & ^e shall wyten 160 How )?e charti/r was wry ten 141 Nakyd y stode amonge my foone ffor odur socour had y noone Eedy )?ey were me for to dysese But none pev was me for to plese 145 They made scorges harde & grete Thei-with my body schulde be bete And thoght y wolde haue pleyned me Ther schulde no socour to me haue bee ifull sore aferde for-sothe y was 150 When )?ey ladd me for]?e so grete a pase To a peler y was bownden all ]>e nyght 152 Scorged & betyd tyl hyt was day-lyght 153 And waschen with myn owne blood That on er)?e abowte flode stode 155 And so y stode bounden all ]>e nyght Tyll ffti )?e ^ morne )?at hyt was lyght Fol. 41 a Streyned well harde vpone a tree As perchement owyth for to be Heryth and ye schall weten 160 How thys chartur was y-wretone Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 153 And waschen wyth myn owyn bloode That on the erthe a-boute me stode 155 And so I stood bounde all the nyght Tyll on the morowe J^at it was lyght Streyned well faste vp-on a tree As parchemyn owyth for to be heryth nowe & ^e shall wetyn 160 howe thys chartyr was I-wretyn Or J?is? GO THE MIDDLE Ej^GLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. Fol. 45b 165 161 Of my face fill downe the ynke 161 Whan thornys on my hed gan synke the pennys that the lettris were with wrytene were skorges that y v/as wit7i betyne 165 How many lettris there-in bene ^ Eede and thow myste wyte and seene With .V. Ml. CCCC. fyfty and ten Wowndis in my body blak and whane Fol. 236 ffor to schew the of my lone-dede 170 my-sylue y Woll the chartor rede 170 ye that goth forth by the wey ^ take hede and loke with yowre ey Redith vppon this parchemyne Of eny sorow were grettir )7an myne He that hireth this chartor y-redde How y am wowndid and all for-bled 175 Reportith ye that beth hider y-come 178 that y am ihesi^s nazareth god-is son 180 181 184 that was y-bore in betheleem Of mary y-offrid in ierusalem. The kynge is son of heuen abone A merciful fadir and full of loue 175 180 184 Vppone myne hede A crowne pey sett thornes thorowe m.yn brayne J?ei mette The pennes pat pe lettered wretyne \Werene scourges pat I was wyt smetene how many lettyrs there-one bene Eede and j^oue maye wete & scene Ve miia V. C.l And xe Wondes one layn body both rede & wane for to schewe J?e of lone-dede My-selfe I wol the chartnre rede vos omnes qui transitis per viam 3e mene pat gone forth in pQ weye takyth hede and lokyth with your eye And redyth ^ppone this pa/'chemerit 3if any sorowe be so gret as myne 3et stondyth and heryth pQ charture rede why I Am wondyd & all for-blede Sciant prese^ites & futuri wote ^e )?at be here and be fore to come pat Ihesu of nazareth goddes sone vndrestond ^e wyl ]?at wolly?i Abyde pat Ihe^u hath now A blody syde pat bore was in bedleme of marye offered in lerusaleme pe kynges sone of heuene a-boue A mercyfuU fadyr fat wel I loue Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 161 Ouer alle my face fell the ynke Thornys in myn hed be-gonne to synke 170 The pennys ]?at the letterys wretyn Were scorges )?at I was wytht smetyn 165 ho we many letterys pat ther-on ben Rede and thou may wete an seen V ml V c fyfty and ten thanne Woundys on my body bothe rede 172 and wanne. ffor to shewe the of my love in deede My-selfe I wolde here the chart-wr rede vos omnis qui transitis per viam. attendite et videte si est dolor similis sicut dolor mens ye men )7at goon foorthe here by the weye Be-holde and see bothe nyght and daye * Mota 6e»ie is written in the margin opposite this line. * In the margin is written o vos omnes qui tTd.nsitis per viam. THE LONG CHAKTEE B-TEXT 61 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 161 Oner all my face fyll ]>e ynke 161 With IpoTiLUs Ipat in my hedde gonne synke The -pemius pat ]?ose letterws wryten Wer skourges pat y was with smyten 165 How many letterus pat per-on bene 165 Rede & pou may wyte & sene ffyue )?owsande fyue hundered pen Wonpus of my body rede & wawne ffor to shew pe of my lone-dede 170 My-self wyll here pe chartnr rede 170 vos omnes qui tvsLnsitis per viam. attendite uidete si est dolor sitis sicut dolor mens 171 36 men pat gon her by pe way 171 Beholde & se both nyjt & day And redeth vpon pis parchmyn 3yf any sorow be so gret as myn 175 Ston]?eth & herkeneth pis chartur reddel75 Why y am wounded & all forbledde Wyten )?o pat hen her & ]?o pat ben to come That y ihesu of na^areth goMus sone Vn)?erstondeth well ^e pat woll abyde 180 That y ihesu hane a blody syde 180 That borne was yn bedleem 181 Ouer-more oflred yn-to ihemsalem 182 The kjngus sone of henen aboue 184 A me?-cyfnll fader pat y so well lone 184 Ouer all the face felle the ynke Thornys in myn hedd begynne to synke The pennys J?at ]?o letturs - wretyne Were seorges J?at y was with smetyne How many lettnrs that ]?er-on bee Eede & )?on may ^vytt and see ffyve thonsande .v.c fyfty & .x. than woundes on my body rede & wane ffor to schewe pe for my lone-dede My- self e wolde here the chartyr rede vos omnes qui transitis pev viam attendite- & videte si est dolor sitis sicut dolor mens pe men j^at gone here be pe wa,y Be-holde]? & see bo]?e nyght & day And redy]? vpon thys pa?-chemyne If eny sorowe be os grete as myne Stondyth & herkeny)? pjs chartur redd Why y am wonndedd & all for-bledd Sciant presentes et futuri W ETEN ]7o pat ben here & )?o pat be to come That y ihesn of na3are)? godd- is sone vndurstondy]? well ye pat wyll abyde That y ihesu hath a blody syde Oner more of-redd in-to lerwsalem That borne was in bedleme The kyngys sone of heuen abone A mercyfull fadnr pat well y lone Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. \ 173 And redythe vp-on )?is ^ parchemyn Yndir-stondyth well ye pat wyll a-byde yef ony sorowe be so gret as myn 180 That Ihesn hathe a blody S3^de 175 Stondyth an herkenyth thys chartur That born was in bedlem rede Oder more offryd in-to lerusalem ^ Why I am woundid and all for-blede The kyngys sone of hevyn above ^ * Siunt presentes et feturi 184 A mercifull fadyr that well I love W Iten alle thoo that ben here & p^ tho pat ben to com That I Ihesu of Nasarethe godys son * my has been deleted and \)is inserted. •There is a tail after the s in this word. • above corrected from abovyn. 62 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST 190 Fol. 468 Cams. Univ. li. 3. 26. 185 Made a sesynge whan y was bore 185 to mankynde that was forlore With my chartoure in playnte Made to man a feffament y haue him grauntid and y-yeue 190 In my kyngdome with me to leue Euyr to be in heuen blisse To haue and to holde withoutjji mysse vppoTi this condicion to be kynde And hane my wondirfnll dedis in mynde 195 ffrely to holde and frely to yelde 195 With all the pnrtenanse ]>at y may welde 197 In my blisse for to dwell ffor a rent that y schall tell My herytage ]?at is so fre 200 With-outjn homage othir fute 200 'None othir rentis ax y of the But a touve lenyd grase ]>ou yelde to me the firste leue ys sorow of hert ^ the secunde leue ys verray schryft 205 the thrid y nell no more do so 205 the firthe is penance y-yeued ferto Whan this leue to gadere ys ysett 208 A trew loue men clepith hit 208 Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. I made a sessynge whane I was bore to mankende )?at was for-lore But wyth my charture here-in presents I make to mannes Soule a feffemente pat I haue grauntyd And I-3eue to mankend wyth me for to be In my kyndome of heuene blysse to haue and to holde wyth-owte mys So in )?is condycioun J?at pou be kende And myne wondyrful dedys to haue in mende frely to haue and frely to holde wyth all pe portenaunce witTt ]>e wolde In my blysful loye euyr to dwelle for ]?e rent )?at I xal ]>e telle Myn herytage J?at is so fre for homage or for fewte no more wyl I aske of the But A iiije leued gras rent to me pe fyrst lefe is wery schryfte pat other for pi synne thyn hert smerie the iij^ie Ig I ^yyl do no more so pe iiijte is the penaunee ]>ere-to And haue thys leuys to-gedyr be set A trew loue me clepyth it Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 185 I mad a sesonyng whan I was borne To save mankynde that was for-lorne Fol. 91*> But wyth my charter here present I make to manys soule a fefment That I have graunted an yeve 190 To mankynde wyth me for to leve In my kyngdom of hevyn blys To have and to holde with-out mys So in thys condyctoun J?at J?ou be kynde And my wondyrfull werkys to have in mynde 195 Frely to have and frely to holde 196 Wyth alle the portenavnce for to be bolde In the margin opposite this line is written wota bene. THE LONG CHAETEE B-TEXT 63 190 2nd CoTT. Calig. a. II. 185 I made a sesyng when y was borne 185 To saue mankynde ]>at was forlorne Bnt with my cha[r]tur her-yn present I make to msLnnus sowle a feffement That y haue granted & jeue 190 To mankynde with me to lyue In my kyngdon of henen blysse To hane & to holde withowten mysse With ]>is condycyon so ]>at ]>ou be kynde And haue )?ts chartor euer yn mynde 195 ffrely to hane & frely to holde 195 With alle J?e pertynanse to be bolde In my blesfull joye euer to dwelle Tor pe rente Ipat y shall |?e telle Myn herytage pat ys so fre 200 ffor omage or ellys for fewte 200 No more woll y aske of pe But a fowr leued grasse ^elde to me ^ That on lef ys verry shryfte with hert That 2 opev ys for synne sorowe smerte 205 The ]?ryrde ys y wyll no more do so 205 The fowrj?e ys do ]?y penanse ]?er-to And when J^ese leuus togeder be sette 208 A trewe loue men klepe hyt 208 Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. I made a sesynge whan y was borne To saue mankynde pat was forlorne But with my chartur here-in presente I make to mannys soule a feffement That y make haue graunted & ^eue To mankynde with me for to leue Col. In my kyngdome of heuene blysse To haue and to holde wit/i-owt mysse So in thys condjcioun pat pou be kynde And my wonde?'full workt's to haue in mynde ffrely to haue and frely to holde Wyth all pe purtenaunce for to be bolde And in my blysfull yoye euer to dwell ffor the rente ]?at y schall ]7e telle Myn herytage that ys so free ffor homage or ellys for fealte Xomore wyll y aske of the But a foure leued grasse ^elde pou me That oon lefe ys very schryfte of hert That o]?er ys for pj synne here smert The thrydd y wyll no more do soo The iouvpe do pj penaunee mekely perto And )?en pese leues to geder byn sett A trewe loue men callyth hyt Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 197 And in my blysfull loy euer to dwelle ffor the rent that I shalle the telle Myn eritage that ys soo free 205 200 ffor omage of ellys for fewte Nomore woll I aske of the But a foure leved gras ^elde J^ou me That 00 lefe ys verray shryfte 208 That other lef ys for ^ )?i synnys here smert The thyrde ys I wolle no more do soo The fourte ys do thy penavnce mekely ]7er-too And whan these levis to-gedir be sett A trewe loue men clepe hitt ^ Nota in margin. Ms. Tath. ^ Ms. J7e deleted before for. 64 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 209 Of this rent be noght be-hynde 209 210 Yf thow wilt to heuen wynde 210 And yf ]?is rent Ipou trewly pay me 212 My grete mercy y yeue to the 212 215 215 217 the^ seele )?at )?is chartoi/r was selid with Was y-made at the smyth 2nd Col. Of golde and syluyr hit is now3t 220 But of stele and yren it is wrow^t poi. 46" With a spere my hert they stonge prow my lyuyr and my longe Vppon my syde they made a wownde that my hart blod ran to grownde 225 With thre naylis they J^ourlid me 225 throw foote and bond in-to the tre This selynge was dyre y-bowght At my hert rote hit was y-wrow^t Y-temperid with fyne vermelon 230 On my rede blod it ran downe 230 ffyue sells were sett there on 232 ffadir son god and man 232 Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. of thys rent be )?ou noughte be-hynde pe waye to heuene J^ane may I fende And if J?ou thys rente trewly paye me My gret mercy I schewe the for if )7ou falle And gretly mistake 3et myn charture wyl I not for-sake 3if ]>ou A-mende and mercy crawe thyne herytage sothly ]>oue xalt haue pe sealys J^at it is a-selyd wyth they werene I-made at a smyth of gold ne sylnere be they noughte of stele And Irone they bene wroughte for wyth a spere of stele myne hert ]?ei stonge thorow my sydys and thorow myne lounge vppone my syde they made a wounde pat mjn hert blood rane downe one grownde And with ]>e nayles they bored me thorow feet & hondys in-to )?e tre the selyng wexe was dere a-boughtc at m.jn hert rote it was soughte al tempered wyth fyne ve?Tiieloun of mjn reed blood l?at ranne A-downe Y« seles bene sett vp-one fadyr and sone god & mane Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 209 Of thys rent be not be-hynde 215 Yef }?ou a-mende and mercy crave 210 The wey to hevyn than myght )?ou fynde Thyn herytage sothely shalt thou have And yif thys rent Ipou truly pay me The seelys that it ys a selyd wythe My gret mercy shall I shewe the They were made of a smyth ifor yf thou falle & gretly mys-take Of golde ne syluer be they nought yet my charter wylle ]>at I pe not forsake220 Of Stele and yryn they ^ wern wrought * This was written first, and then cancelled. ^ Ms. h,e deleted before they. THE LOI^^G CHAETER B-TEXT 65 CoTT. Calig. a. II. 209 Of ]>is rente be not behynde 210 The way to heuen J?en may pou fynde And 3yf J? on trewely pis rente pay me My grete mercy pen shall y shewe J?e ffor 3yf pou falle & grettely mystake 3yt my charter wyll not pat y pe forsake 215 3yf povL amende & mercy crane Thyn erytage soJ?ly J?en shalt pou haue The sele pat hit ys a-seled wyth Hyt was made at no smy^th Of golde ne sylner ys hit now^th 220 Ne stele ny yren ys hit of wro^th But with a spere my hert was stongen Thorow my syde & thorow my longen Vpon my syde pat made a wonde pat my hert blode ran down to pe grownde 225 And with yren nsLjlus pej boredden me Thorw fote & honde yn-to pe trg The sesynge wax was dere y-bowjt Alle myn herte rote hit was y-sow3t All y-compered with fyn vermelon 230 Of my rede blode pat ran adown Factum est cor meum. tanquam liques- sens in medio uentris mei ffyue seles be sette }>ervpon 232 ffadyr & sone god & mon Camb. Univ. Ff. '^. 38. 209 Of thys rente be not be-hynde 210 The wey to henene pene mytt pou fynde And yf ]7ou )?ys rente trewly pay me My grete mercy wole y schewe pe ffor yf )?on falle & gretly mystake If my chartour wole pat y pe not forsake 215 If J?ou amende and mercy crane Thyn herytage soj?ely pen schalt pou haue The selys J?at hyt ys selyd with They were made at a smyth Of golde ne syluyr be pej noght 220 Of stele and yren they were wroght ffor wit^h a spere of stele my hert was stongen Thorow my syde & thorow my longen^ Ypon my syde pej made a wounde That my herte blode ran to grounde 225 And with yren nayles they bored me Thorow fete & hondes in-to p^ tre The sesynge was dere y-boght Fol. 41" At my herte rote hyt was y-soght All tempurd with fyne vermylou?i 230 Of my redd blood ]?at rane a-downe factum est cor meiini tanqiiam cera liquescens in medio ventris mei ffyue celys put ther-one 232 ffadur and sone god & man Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 221 ffor with a spere of stele myn hert was And selyng wex was dere I-bought stongen At myn hert rote it was sought Fol. 92* Thorowe my syde and ]?orugli my longen Alle I-temperyd wythe fyn vermylone ^ Op-on my syde they made a wovnde 230 Of my red blode that ran a-dovne That myn herte blood ran to pe grovnde factum est cor meum tanquam cera li- 225 And wyth yryn naylys they boredyn me quessens in medio ventrys mei Thorowe feet and handys in-to the tre Cyve selys been set ther-vp-on r ffadyr and sonne god and man The Chartur is written in the margin. 66 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 233 the fythe that y louyd meste 233 that y come of holy goste 235 And there-fore ]?ou myste well yse 23 § that y am a man of grete poteste Of playne power pat y myght make A crowne of thornys they did me take And that be-toknyth that y am kynge 240 And frely mey yeue my owne thynge 240 And that reportid the iewis all On kneys by-fore me did they fall lorde they seyde in her skOrnynge Hayle be thow lord iewis kynge 245 By-twyxte to thenys ]>e chartoi^r was 245 selid both were seke that othir was helid foi. 47« 248 250 248 Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. pe fyrst J^at is to be-leue most pat I cam)g of )?e holy gost And perre-toT here may J^ou see pat I ame kynge of gret poste In playne poner thy state to make A crowne of thornes one lajn hede here I take thys crowne be-tokenyth pat I am kynge And frely may ^ene myne owene thynge Wyttenessyth the iewes Alle one knees they gunne be-fore me downe f alle And lowde Seyd in hyr skornynge All heyll be ]?oii iewes kynge Be-twene ij lewys }>is chavtour was Selyd Both were syk the one was helyd Be-twene to iewes was I putt Ihesus hygh & kynge of ryghte Explicit feoffomente Ihesus 251 Derewardly me thirsty d sore 253 Eysell and gall ]?ey toke me thore 252 this was the drynke they toke to me 254 Such drynke ax y none of the But that thow louy well thi fone 256 Othir drynke ax y none . Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 233 The fyfte fat ys beleve mvst That I come of the holy goost 235 And ther-fore here may )?ou now see That I am a kynge of grete postee In pleyne power thy state to make Thys crowne be-tokenyth ]?at I am kynge 240 And frely may yeve the ]?in OAvyn thynge Thys witnessyth the lewys alle On knese the gonne be-fore me falle And lowde seyde in here skornyng A crowne of thornys on myn hed I take 244 Alle hayle be thou lorde of lewys kyng I THE LONG CHABTEE B-TEXT 67 233 235 CoTT. Calig. a II. 233 The fyfte ys ]>at pou beleue most That y kam of J?e holy goste 235 And J?erfor her may ]>ou now se That y am a kyng of gret powste In playn power ]>j state to make A crowne of pOTnus on my hedde y take Thys cro^vne betokenej? ]>at y am kyng 240 And frely may ^ef myn owene )?yng 240 Thys wytnessed Ipe jewys alle On knens J^ey gan before me falle And lowde sayde yn her skornyng All hayle lorde & of jewes Ipe kyng 245 Betwene two ]?euus pis charter was seled 245 Bo]?e wer seke pat on was heled Betwene two theuus hy^e y-pyght In token pat y was lord of my^th This be tokeneth both good & yll 250 At J?e day of dome how y may saue or 250 spyll Well drye y was & thursted sore But of such drynk my^th y no more ffor aysell & galle ]?ey ^ef to me But on drynke aske y of pe 255 That pou be louyng towards pj tone 255 256 0|?er drynke of pe aske y non 256 Camb. Fniv. Ff. 2. 38. The fyrste ]?at be-leue muste That y come of the holy goste And therfore here may pou now see That y am kyng of prete ^ pouste In playne power pej sate ^ to make A crowne of J?ornys on my hedd y take Thys be-tokenyth J?at y was kyng And frely may yeue pjn owne thyng Thys \\7tnessyth pe yewes all On knees pej can be-fore me falle And lowde seyde in ther scornyng All heyle be |?ou of yewes kynge Betwene ij theues pe charts?' was selyd Bothe were syke that oon was helydd Betwne ij theues on bye y-pyght In tokyn |?at y was kyng of myght Thys be-tokenyth bothe goode & ylle At pe day of dome to saue or spylle Well drye y was y* thursted sore But of soche drynke my^t y no more ffor eysell and galle they yaf to me But oon drynke y aske of thee That pou be louyng toward pj foone Other drynke of the aske y noone Camb. Uis^iv. Ee. 2. 15. 245 Be-twene two thevys j^is chartur ys selyd Bothe were syke that oon was helyd Be-twen two thevys on hy^e I-pyght I tokyn that I was lorde of myght Thys be-tokenyth bothe good and ille 250 At the day of dome to save or ^ spille Well dry I was I thrusted sore But of suche drynke myght I no more For eysylle and galle they yaffe to me But 00 drynke aske I of thee 253 That )?ou be lovyng toward thy foon 256 Other drynke of the aske I noon *Ms. and deleted and or inserted. ''Thus the MS. Grete? 'Thus the MS. Doubtless an error for state. *y is inserted above the line. 68 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEKS Ol CHRIST Camb. Uxiv. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 357 Yf thou lone me haue this in mynde And to thy enemy loke ]>oii be kynde Ensample ]>ou my^t se by me 260 ffor loue of my foes y honge on tre Be mercyfull y bydd the And on thyne enemyes haiie pite And as y. do by thyne do ]>ou by myne 264 y-sauyd yf ]?ou wolt be fro hell pyne a Yf ]>ou do as y the telle b Y warant the fro the paynys of hell ^ Fol. 2.36>> 265 And that witnysseth mo than one Mark luke mathu and lohne And namely my moder swete that for me the blody teris did lete There sche stode vndir the rode 270 he sey my body all in blode ffram the foote vp to the hedd there was noght ellis but blod reede 273 No word to me myght sche speke 274 Hit semyd hir hert to breke 277 ffor sorow of hir y made a crye 278 And seyde Eloy lamazabatany ^ Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 257 Yf thon me loue have thys in mynde And as I doo do thou thyne To thjTQ enemyis be thou ryght kynde 264 Savid shall ]?ou Ipanne be from helle- pyne Ensample J?ou myght take here of me 260 ffor love of my foon I honge on tree ..... . . To my fader I pray the here bee?i witnesse more thanrie oon Vp-on myn enemyes thou have pete 266 Marcke Mathewe luke and lohn ^ These lines occur in this MS. only. ^ See p. xxxiv for mark of ownership at the end of this folio. THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 69 CoTT. Calig. a. II. 257 3ef pou me lone haue )?ts yn mynde 257 To ]?y enemyes be J?ou ryght kynde Ensaz^mpull J? on my^t take her of me 260 For lone of my fone y honge on tre 260 Bnt my fadyr y pray the Ypon my enemyes pat J?on hane pyte And as y do. do pou to ]?yne Then saned shalt pou be fro helle pyne 264 Camb. Fniv. Ff. 2. 38. If Ipou me lone hane ]?ys in mynde To thyn enemyes be }?ou kynde Ensaumpnll pou mj^t take here of me ffor lone of my foon y honge on a tre But mercy fadnr y prey the Vpon myn enemyes hane pou petee And as y do do thou to thyne Sanyd schalt pou be fro helle pyne 265 He ben wytnesses mo J^en on Marke mathew hike & jon And namely my modyr swete That for me blody teres gan lete ffor ]7er she stode xiipeT pe rode 270 She sawe my body all on blode That fro my foot vnto my hedde I was not ellys bnt blode reed No worde to me mvjth she speke Hit semed well her hert wolde breke 275 No won)?er htt was I^ow^ she wer woo When she sawe me on pe crosse so y-do ffor sorow of her y made a cry 278 And sayde well lowde hely lamajahatany 2nd Col. 265 Here byn wytnesse mo than oone Marke mathewe Inke and lohne And namely my moder swete That for my body teres can lete ffor there sche stode vndur pe rode 270 Sche sawe my body all on bloodd That fro my fote vnto my hedd I was noght ellys bnt all blode redd Hyt semeth well hnr herte wold breke No worde to me pere my^t sche speke ^ 275 No wondwr hyt was ]70we sche were wo When sche sawe me on crosse y-doo ffor sorowe of hnr y made a crye 278 And seyde well lowde hely lama^hatani Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. Fol. 92^ 267 And namely my^ modir swete That for me blody terys gan lete ffor there she stode vndir the rode 270 She sawe my bodi alle on bloode That froo my foot vn-to myn hed It semed wele here herte wolde breke No worde to me per myght she speke ^ 275 No wonder it was ]?owe she were woo Whan she me sawe on the crosse I-doo ffor sorowe of hyr I made a cry I was not ellys but alle blode reed 278 And seyde full lowde Eli lama'^dbaihani *Ms. na deleted before my. ' Lines 273 and 274 are here inverted from the order of their occurrence in the other mss. 70 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETEES OF CHEIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 279 Anon sche fill downe in sownynge 280 By-fore me at my daynge the paynys that y hadd were ful sore ffor my modir they were the more 285 the peynes that he sufferd were smert the swyrde of sorow peryschid my hert And when seynt Johone y hir by-toke 290 Sche caste on me a sory loke As thow^e y had hir forsake And anothir sone had hir y-take 3it ar the chartoi/r selyd was ffor-soth sche sayde alas alas 295 Vppon my schuldir y leyde my hed When y drowen to be dede Y was so bare of worldly goode What y schulde day vppon the roode I nadde whare-wtt/i for to take 300 Eeste my hedd for to make Poure man haue this in mynde 302 Whan ]>ou in worlde no rest myst fynde a Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. -Xone she fell dovne in swownyng 285 fful fayne she wolde have holpjrn me 280 There to-fore me at my dyeng But for the le^^s it myght not be The peynys ]>at I suffred were full sore The peynys ]>at I had were full smerte But for my modyr J^ey were the more The swerde of sorowe perished hyr herte WTian I leyde myn hed here & there Wha/ine seynt lohn I here be-toke My modyr chavnged alle hyr chere 290 She cast on me a drery loke ( I THE LONG CHARTEE B-TEXT 71 CoTT. Calig. a. II. 279 Anon she fell down yn swonyng 279 280 Ther be-for me at my dyyng 280 The paynw5 pat y snflred wer full sore But for my moder pe wer well more When y layde my hedde her & J?er My moj^er changed all he[r] chere 385 ffull fayn she wolde haue holpen me 285 But for pe jewys hit my^t not be The ipajnus pat y hadde wer full smert The swerde of sorow persedde her hert When seyn John y her betoke 290 She caste on me a drwly loke 290 As )?ow3 y hadde her all forsake And to SLU-oper sone her be-take And or pis charter wryten pus was ifull ofte she sayde Alas Alas 295 Vpon my shuldur y layde myn hedde 295 When y )?row3 faste vnto my deed ffor so bare y was of worldly gode When y shulde dye vpon pe rode That y ne hadde wher-of to take §00 Eeste to myne hedde wher-of to make 300 Pouer & ryche haue pis yn mynde 302 When pou yn pis worlde no reste kan302 fynde Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. Anon sche f elle downe in swownyng There be-fore me at my dying The peynes )?at y suffurde were full sore But for my modur pej were pe more When y leyde myn hedd here & f'ere my modur chaunged all hur chere ffull f ayne sche wolde haue holpen me But for pe yewes hyt myght not be Peynes ]?at sche suffurde were full smert The swerde of sorowe perysched hur hert When to seynt lohn y hur be-toke Sche caste on me a drery loke As thowe y had hur all for-sake And anothur sone y had be-take But or j?ys chartur J?us wreten was Well ofte sche seyde alias alias Ypon my schouldur y leyde my hedd Whan y drowe faste vn-to my dedd ffor so bare y was of worldly goode When y schulde dye vpon the rode That y ne hadd where-of to take Eeste to myn hedd for to make Pore and ryche for to haue in mynde Whan pou in pe worlde no reste may fynde Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 291 As thowe I had ^ here alle for-sake And another sonne I had here be-take And or thys chartur thus wretyn was Wele ofte she sayde alas alas 295 Vp-on m^ shulder I leyde myn hede Whan I drowe faste vn-to my dede ffor soo bare was I of worldly ^ good Wha?ine I shulde dye vp-on the rood That I ne hadde wher-of to take 300 Rest to myn hede for to make Power and ryche have evir in Mynde 302 Whan ]?ou in the worlde no reste may fynde ^ The scribe repeated the words / had and then deleted them. ^ Corrected from worldlys. 72 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 303 Whate rest y had for loue of the Whan y was naylid on the tree 305 Well thow mayste wyte y had none ffor y was a-mouge my foene When thow art a-monge thy foen browth^ Be redy to suffre with all py thowght To stonde at the barre hit is ful hard 310 As Ipou art worthi to take ]?y reward 311 Yf thow for me suffre wronge pou schalt stonde in my ry3t honde Yf povL vengiste Ipe on thi brothir povL schalt stonde in that othir 2nd Col. 315 Yf thow wolt the soth schewe As thow lonyste thow schalt owe thow3e y be nenyr so full of woo 3yt of this worlde y moste goo In paynes of deth y am now bownde 320 My sowle wnll passe withyn this stownde By-holde man with hert and eye ffor thy loue how y schall deye ^ I honge on crosse for loue of the fforsake thy synnes for loue of me 325 Mercy asketh a-mendis sone 326 And for-^eue y woll all ]>at is mysdone Game. JJmv, Ee. 2. 15. 303 What rest I had oonly for the To stonde at barre it ys wele harde Wha^ine I hynge nayled vp-on the tree 310 As ben worthy to take rewarde Fol. 93" 305 Wele may thowe knowe that I hadde Thou shalt for me suffre wronge noon ^ Thou shalt ben sothely on my ryght For there I was a-monge my foon honde And wha^ne thou a-monge thy foon art And ]?ou J^at wengyst the vppon J?i brou3t brothyr Be redy to suffre wyth alle thi thou3t 314 There stodyst thou not but on that other ^ Exm {Exempliim) is written in the margin. '^ Expirauit is written in the margin. ^ The Chartur is here written in the margin. THE LONG CHABTEE B-TEXT 73 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 303 What reste y hadde only for J?e 303 What reste y had oonly for the When y henge nayled vpon a tre ^°^- *^" When y hynge naylyd vpon a tree 305 Well may pou knowe pat y hadde none 305 Well may ]?oii know ]?at y had none ffor ther y was among my fone ffor there y was amonge my foone And when J?ou among pj fone art brow^t And when pou among ]>y f oon art broght Be redy to siiffre with all J?y ]?ow3t Be redy to suffnr wyth all yowre poght To sto?ide at pe barre hit ys well harde To stonde at the barre hyt ys full harde 310 As 3e bene wor]7y to take rewarde 310 As ye be worthy to take rewarde Thou pat for me sufferest wronge Thou pat for me suffurste wronge pou shalt stonde on my ri^t honde Thou schalt be so]?ely on my ry^t honde And pou pat vengest pe on J^y brodyr And ]?ou that vengest the vpone )?y brodi^r Ther stondest pou not but on pat odyr There stondest pou not but on ]?at othur 315 0f J?u wyll pe so]?e knowe 315 If thou wylt the so the knowe Ey^th as ]7ou sowest so sha[l]t )?u mowe Soche as pou sowest soche schalt pou mowe I f ele me now so full of wo I f ele me now so full of woo That out of pis worlde y moste go That owt of pe worlde y muste go With ipejuus of l?eth harde am y bownde With peynes of dethe harde am y bounde 320 My sowle shall passe her yn a stounde 320 My soule schall passe here in j^ys stounde Beholde now mon with herte & ye Be-holde now man wyth herte & eye ffor pj loue how y shall dye ffor thy loue how y schall dye I honge on crosse for loue of pe I honge on crosse for loue of the ffor-sake pe synne for loue of me ffor-sake thy synne for loue of me 325 Mercy pou aske & amende pe sone 325 Mercy aske and amende pe sone 326 And y woll for^yf pat pou hast mysdone326 And y ^ for-yeue pe that ys mysdoone Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 315 Yef thou wolt the so the to knowe 321 Be-holde no we man wyth herte and y3e Eyght as ]7ou sowyst suche shalt pou For thy loue howe I shalle dye mowe I fele me nowe so fulle of woo I honge on crosse for loue of the That out of thys worlde I mvst goo ffor-sake thy synne for loue of me Wyth peynys of deth hard am I bovnde 325 Mercy aske and amende the soone 320 My soule shall passe here in thys stovnde And I for-yeve pe that ys mysdoone ^y is inserted above the line. 74 TH^ MIDDLB EITGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 327 fful mercy full y am trewly to hem that woll my mercy cry Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 330 he that woll no mercy crane Of me no mercy schall he haue 335 340 To hell y went ]?is chartowr to schew By-fore sathanas 'pat grete schrew 345 there y covennant y-made was By-twyxte me and sathanas All my catell to take a-way that he had by fals pray The thrid day y a-ros and made a faste 350 Both to the meste and eke to ]>e leste Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 327 ffor fnlle of mercy I am trevly To alle that crye mercy What shall it greve to repent the 330 And in endles loy to dwelle wyth me ffor thoo that wolle no mercy crye ^ They shalle to helle whanne they shalle dye Nowe whanne I have oo worde spoke Myn y^en to-gedyr I must loke 335 Thou synfull man have pitee on me ffor thyn owyn soule pur charyte Th)s worde I mvst nedys speke ^38 And thanne myn herte shall to-breke * Ms. craue was written before crye and then cancelled. THE LONG CHAETEE B-TEXT 75 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 327 ffor full of mercy y am trewly 327 ffor full of mercy y am trewly To all ]>o ]>ai woll cry/i for mercy To all tho that cry en mercy What shall hit greue to repente )?e What schall hyt greue to repente )?e 330 And yn endeles joye to dwelle wit7i me 330 And in endeles yoye to dwelle wiih me ffor J?o ]>ai woll no mercy crye ifor tho )?at wyll no mercy crye They go to helle when J?ey shall dye They schall to helle when J?ey schall dye Now when y haue oo worde spoken Now when y haue oon worde y-spoke My yen togeder y most lokene Myn eyen to-gedur y muste looke 335 Now synfull man haue pyte on me 335 Thou synfuU man haue pete on me fior )?y owene sowle for charyte ffor thyn owne soule for charyte Thys worde y most ne]?ws speke Thys worde y muste nedys speke And )?en myn herte shall to-breke And then myn herte schall all to-breke C onsummatuTR est ]>is chartur ys done C onsummatum. est Thys charter ys done 340 Man now hast pou ouercome }?y fone 340 Man now haste |?6>u ouercome all )?y foone Anon to helle y went Ipis charter to A-none y went to helle )?ys to schewe shewe Before sathanas ]>at mykyll shrev/e Be-fore satanas pat moche schrewe 2nd Col. Thus y hym shent & brow^t to grounde There y hym schent & broght to grounde Thorow my paynes of spytu?/5 wounde Thorow my nayles a spetous wounde 345 And after a couenante made per was 345 Aftur a couenaunt made ther was Betwene me & sathanas Be-twene me and satanas All my catell to haue a-way All my catell to haue a-wey That he berafte me with his play That he be-rafte me be hys play The ]?rydde day y rose & made a feste The thrydde day y rose & made a feste 350 To pe moste & to pe leste 350 To the moost and to the leste Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 339 Consummatum. est thys charti/r ys doon Thorugh my naylys and spituous Fol. dS^ 340 Man nowe hast poii over-come alle thy wou?ide foon 345 And after a covenaunt made there was A-noon to helle I went thys chsntur to Be-twene me and sathanas shewe Alle my catell to have a-way By-fore sathanas pat moyche shrewe That he be-rafte nie wyth hys play There I hym shent and brought to The thryd day I roos and made a feste grounde 350 To the most and to the leeste 76 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 351 the feste is both ioy and blisse Easter day y-elepyd hit is Saue a denture y here with me Whare-of ]>ou schalt sycoure be 355 In the preste-is honde flesch and blode ffor the was naylyd vppon the rode Ho-so beleuyth very there-vppon Endeles payne schall haue none 361 A well fay re sygne y leuyd also A token of the erosse )?at y was in do To here with the where-enyr ]?ou go the to sany fro thy foe 365 No we to my fadir schall y "w^de His will y haue brow^t to ende I take my leue as ye seyne At the day of dome y come a-^en Man to deme aftir his werke 370 As is the by-leue of holy cherch And euyr aftir in ioy to dwell to be saue fro the peyne of hell Fol. 237 Saue a cote aTiaour y here with me B74 the which y toke to lyuery the Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 351 That feste was of loye and blys Who-so-evir pat beleveth ther-on Ester day clepid it ys Endlese peyne shall he fynde noon One endent-wr I left with the Alle-though I dye yet dyeth not he Where-of thou shalt evir sekyr be 360 ffor vppe shall he ryse and leve with me 355 In the prestys honde my fieshe my blode And a wel fayre sygne I toke the here That for the was honged on )?e roode also A tokene of the erosse that I was on doo THE LONG CHARTER B-TEXT 77 CoTT. Calig. a. II. 351 The feste was of joye & blys Estur day called hit ys Oon endentur y lafte with ]>e Wher-of Ipou shalt ener syknr be 355 In ]?e preesti/5 honde my flessli & blode That for J?e was honged on )?e rode Ho-so-ener hit be ]>at beleneth J?er-on Endeles payne shall he fynde none All-]7ow3e y dye ^et dyeth not he 360 For vp shall he ryse & lene with me A well fayr syngne y toke ]>e her also A token of ]>e crosse pat y was on do To here with J?e wher-euer )?ou go To saue ]>e euer fro ]?y fo 365 To my fader now moste y go ifor all hys wyll now haue y do Her y take my lene 30 haue me seyne At pe day of dome y come agayne Mon to dome aftyr hys werke 370 Thys ys to beleue of all holy kyrke And ener after yn joye to dwelle Saued to be fro ]?e paynes of helle But a kote Armo?/r y ber her with me 374 The whych y toke of Ipj lyuere Camb. Um^. Ff. 2. 38. 351 The feste was yoye and blysse Estur day clepyd hyt ys Won enture y lafte wyth the Where-of ]7ou schalt euyr seker bee 355 In preestes honde my fiesche & blood That for ]>e was honged on J?e roode Who-so-euyr hyt be ]?at leue)? )7er-one Endeles depe schall he fynde noone All-thogh y dye 3yt dyeth not he 360 ffor vp he schall ryse & leue with me And a well feyre sygne y toke ]?e here & so y A tokyn of pe crosse J?at y was on doo To here with Ipe so wyde thou goo To saue the euer fro thy foo 365 To my fadur y muste goone ffor all hys wylle y haue done Here y take my leue ye haue me seyn At ]?e day of dome y come a-geyne Man to deme aftur hys wyrke 370 Thys ys the wylle of hooly kyrke And euer aftur in yoye to dwelle Sauydd for to be fro Ipe peynys of helle But a cote SLvmour y here here with me 374 The whych y toke of thy lyuere Camb. Umv. Ee. 2. 15. 363 To here wyth the so whedyr thou goo To save the evir fro thy foo 365 To my fader I mvust goon ffor alle hys wylle I have doon here I take my leve ^e have me seyne Man to deme after hys werke 370 Thys ys the wylle of alle holy kyrke And evir after in loye to dwelle Savid for to be fro the peynys of helle But a cote armvre I here here with me 368 At the day of dome I come ageyne 374 The wiche I toke of thy leverey 78 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. 375 The cote is ryche and fyne Hit is y-wrow^t of rede satyne A well fayre mayde me hit rey^t And oute of hir bosom y hit bro^t Hit is y-pouderyd with roses rede 380 Wowndes y J?oiireled whan y was dede And wha^i y come a-yen to the By the cote J?oii schalt know me Ye that buth of rent be-hynde And habbeth me noght in mynde 2nd CoL 385 Sore mo we ye be a-drade Whan this chartowr schall be radd Of the lustyse be well ware Certeyse he nell no man spare Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9. 390 Power with my fadir y haue to sane all hem that woll me crane 395 398 Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 375 The cote ys ryche ^ and well fyne The cha\Tiipe ys nowe of rede Sathyn A wele fayre mayde me it ought And out of here boure I it brout Fol. 94« And whanne I come ageyne to the By thys clothyng may ]>ou knowe me Thoo that ben of thys rent be-hynde And these woundys wole not have in mynde Poudred hit ys nowe wyth v rosys rede 385 Wele sore they shalle dyen a-dradde 380 With wou^dys that I suffrede thorowe Wha/ine thys chartyr shall be radde peynes of dede ^ Fyne was first written and cancelled. THE LONG CHAKTBK B-TEXT 79 CoTT. Calig. a. II. Camb. Univ. Ff. 2. 38. 375 Tlie cote ys ryche & well fyne The champe ys now of redd satpie A well f eyre mayde me hyt oght And owt of hur bowre y hyt broght Poudurd hyt ys with .v. rosys red[d] ^ 375 The kote ys both ryche & fyne The campe ys now of rede satyne A well fayr mayde htt tow^te And out of her bowr y hit brow^te Powdered hit ys now with fyf e roses rede 380 Wit^ wonpus ]>at y l?oled with paynes 380 With woundes l^at y suffurd )?orow of dede pey[n]es of [de]dd And when y come a3eyn to J?e And when y come ageyne to the Be my cloJ?yng ]7on mayst knowe me Be thys clol?yng may )?on knowe mee Fol. 42" And }?o \>at ben of pev rente behynde Tho J?at byn of rente be-hynde And yes wondus woll not haue y mynde And J?ese woundys wole not haue in mynde 385 ffull sore shall pey be a-ferde When pis chartur shall be redde Of pe hy3 justys be pej full ware For pBTe shall he non spare ffor all pat ener poii hast wro3th 390 ffro }?y yowth ]?en shall be sow^th But power of my fader y haue To saue all )?o pat mercy wyll craue And pay pj re/ite ^yf J?u haue space 3yf pou of me wolte haue grace 395 And yf pou dye full soJ?enly Vpon )?y sowle y shall haue mercy A couenaunt ys made betwen vs to 398 As y haue do so most pou do 385 Well sore they schull be adredd Whan thys chartur schall be radd Of pe hye lustyce be pou full ware ffor-sothe J?ere schall y noon spare ffor all pj synne pat pou haste wroght 390 ifrom thy youthe pej schall be soght But power of my fadur y haue To saue all tho that mercy craue And paye pj rente yf }?ou haue space If thou wyll of me haue grace 395 And yf thou dye full sodenlye Vpon pj soule y schall haue mercy A couenaunt y made be-twene vs two 398 As y haue done so muste }>ou doo Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 387 Of the hy^e lustyse be they full ware And pay thi rent yf J^o-u haue space ffor-sothe there shall be no spare And yef thou wilte of me haue grace ffor alle thi synne that }?ou hast wrought 3 95 And yif )?ou dye ffull sodeynly 390 ffrom thy youthe they shall be sought Yppon thy soule I shall have mercy But power of my fader I have A couinavnte ys made be-twene vs twoo To save alle thoo that mercy crave 398 As I haue doon so mvst thou doo * Blurred in the MS. 80 THE MIDDLE EN^GLISH CIIAETEES OF CHRIST Camb. Univ. li. 3. 26. Camb. Univ. li. 4. 9, 400 405 409 there-fore y rede pay well your rent 410 that with the fende ye be not sehent Wit/i mochill ioye J?an schall ye come And in my blysse than schal ye wone to that blysse he may vs brynge 414 that made of no^t all maner thynge Explicit Carta ihesu Christi Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. Loke what thy pater noster seythe J?e Vp-on alle holy writte I may put me too ^ Whether I be curteys or noon to thee 400 Ryght as I for-yeve for-yeve thou moo 405 Be thou lered or be thou lewde Do ther-after yif thou wilte The way to hevyn I have the shewed So that thy soule be nat spilte * Ms. the too the was written first, then altered. THE LONG CHAKTEE B-TEXT CoTT. Calig. a. II. Loke what }?y pater noster sayth to ]>e 400 Lyke as y for^eue for^yf Ipou me Do J?eraftur ^yf ]>at ]>ou wylte So pat pj sowle be not spylte Vpon all holy wryte y may put me WheJ^er y be curteys or not to J^e 405 Be pou lered or be pou lewed The weye to henen y hane ]>e shewed Be ]?e tyxte of holy wryte In what place ]>o\i wolte seke hyt Therfor y bydde pe pay pe rente 410 That with pe fende pou be not shente Wyth me to blysse ]?en pou shalt come And yn my blysse pou shalt wone To pat blysse y may pe brynge 414 That of now^te made pe & all pjng Ihesu yn pat holy place Graunte ^ vs to se pj holy face Amen Explicit Camb. Umv. Ff. 2. 38. Loke what thy pater noster sejp to the 400 Ryght ^ as y foryeue for-yeiie pou mee Do ther-aftur yf thou wylte So that thy soule be not spylte Vpon all holy wrytt y may put me Whedur )?at y be curtes or not to the 405 Be thou lernedd or be }?ou lewde The wey to heuene y haue pe schewde By the tyxte of hooly wrytt In what place thou wylte seke hyt Therfore y bydd th^ pay the rente 410 That with pe fende ]?ou be not schente With me to blysse thou schalt come And in my blysse J^ou schalt wone To blysse y may the brynge 414 That of noght made all thynge Camb. Univ. Ee. 2. 15. 407 Bi the tyxte of holy wrytte In what place J?ou wilte seke ite Ther-fore I byd the pay thy rent 410 That wyth the fende fou be not shent Wyth me to blysse thou shalt come And in my blysse thou shalt wone To that blysse I may the brynge 414 That of nought made alle thynge Amen ^ In the MS. the sign for ra occurs above the n. ^ y was written after Eyght and then deleted. APPENDIX I Observations on the Language of the Long and Shoet Charters These observations are based, in each case, upon what I have judged to be the critical reading of the text. Cases where it has been plainly impossible to determine the critical reading have been ignored, and those where a reasonable doubt exists have been especially noticed. The evidence for the pronunciation of final e in the Hhort Charter and in the B-text of the Long Charter is not offered as conclusive, since in the opinion of the writer there are too many doubtful readings and corrupt lines to enable one to rely upon the results of the tests. In the case of the A-text of the hong Charter, however, it is hoped that the results are reliable, since the manuscripts, in most cases, enable one to arrive at the reading of the original. THE LOI^G CHAETER, A-TEXT § 1. Final e. A. Rhyme words. Words ending, in Anglo-Saxon, in fln^l e, rhyme only with others so ending, except in the following cases : ^ I. Mod 0-stem, ace. sing. 1 in two instances, rod A-stem, ace. sing. J 77-78 ; 207-208. fode Wk. stem, ace. sing. | ^f. ^^ Mode 0-stem, ace. sing. j * Doubtful cases are (a) hylle (M. Jo-stem, ace. sing.) — ylle (Scand. illr) 163-164; and (b) lyf-lyf (0-Stem, ace. sing.) 45-46, where it is doubtful whether the first lyf is noun or adjective. I find no example elsewhere of lyf as an adjective. Adoun, as in the Troilus (cf. Kit- tredge, Ohserv. Ch. Soc. Ser. 2, xxviii, 201, note 1) takes no final e. See 9 where it rhymes with toun (ace), and 146, where it rhymes with vermylon (OFr. vermilion). 83 84 THE MIDDLE ENGLffSII CHARTEKS OF CHRIST frende M. Cons, stem, ace. sing.) ^^ ende M. Jo-stem, ace. sing. J hlis Ja-stem, ace. ys Pres. Indie. 3rd sing . I 203-204. mg.J II. Ehymes containing weye: ^ (by the) weye 0-stem, ace. 1 ^oAf ye JN . Wk. stem, aec. J (in the) way 0-stem, ace. 1 ^^ pray OFr. proie^ ^re^e j III. Containing a petrified dative: (to) grounde 0-stem, dat. sing. '*} 191-192. wounde A-stem, ace. sing, B. Final e in the Interior of the Line. The following cases exist of final e pronounced in the in- terior of the line 5 when sounded before a vowel or h, it is marked bj an asterisk: I. Nouns, Singular. A-Stems. (a) nom. sing. (b) in compounds. laiv'Sj 14. soule-iode, 69. loue^ 53. loue-dede(s), 62, 91, 114. loue-dTjuky 167. Ja-Stems. (a) ace. sing. (b) in compound. hlisse, 230. helle-i^jiie, 229. ' In Chaucer final e in loeye is frequently sounded ; cf . rhymes with infinitives, Canterbury Tales, B 1698, 1747, and Prologue 467, etc. THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS Weak Stems. 85 (a) masc. ace. sing. tyme, 18. (b) feminine. erthe^ 41.* herte, 140.* I-Stem. dede, 50, 132. U-Stem, masc. ace. sone, 148. Eomance Words. erytage, 134. feste, 201, 203. II. Verbs. (a) Infinitives. seche, 10. make J 58. leue, 149. (c) Pret. Ind. 2nd sing. geue^ 168. (e) Imperative sing, ' cleym'e, 232. III. Adjectives. (a) Plural, weak. olde, 20. leste, 198.* (c) Singular, weak. ow-tw, 54, 77. ferd'e [feorf'a], 124. Latin Words. Luke, 170. (b) Pret. Ind. 1st sing. dede, 14.* wolde, 18. made, 61 ; hadde, 68 ; most'e, 213. (d) Pret. Ind. 3rd sing. shold'e, 16 ; kepte, 17. (b) Plural, strong. fyue, 221. ^wse, 226. (d) Strong, with final or- ganic e. (1) in the predicate. trewe, 21. (e) Strong, in attrib. position (2) in compound. wilde, 163.* trewe, 126, 130. alle, 5 (before ioye). 86 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST IV. Adverbs. more, 39, 119; loude, 157; sore, 227. V. Prepositions. hetwene, 194.^ VI. Pronunciation of tlie plural inflexional endings of verbs (i. e., e, eth [imperative], or en) is necessary to the scansion of lines 71, 81, 95, and to the scansion of 138 and 147, unless the past participles in these lines had the prefix y. Plural inflexional endings in fo and hand, lines 40 and 142, must also have been sounded, as the metre shows. From the above evidence afforded by the rhyme and metre of the A-text, it is clear that, at the time of its composition, final e was generally sounded. The exceptions noted under A may be regarded as makeshifts of the poet, in the face of the body of evidence on the other side. §2. Dialect of the Original Text of the Extant Manuscripts A. The rhymes of the A-text that throw light upon the question of the dialect of the original text are few ; but these few are clear evidence as far as they go : I. That the dialect was not ]^orthern is shown by (a) the stressed vowels of the following rhyme words: * 'If my readings for lines 6, 19, and 122 are correct (see pp. c-cvii) final e is sounded also in tlie following cases: withoute, 6; fyue (pi. adj.), 19; smertc (noun) 122. Lines metrically defective are 48 and 220 where two accented sjdlables fall together: (a) thurst and chclc; (b) hour and /. Lines offering difficulties in scansion because of doubtful readings are: 52, 120, 152, 154, 177, 179, 196. * scholde 1 13-] ^ _ , 14, shows that the dialect was not Northumbrian. wolde THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 87 ■^/° 1 25-26. '" , 1 123-124. JO J euermo^ J ^^^ 1 209-210. ^j^ 1 213-214. y-ao j y-don j (b) the participle go or y-go in line 47, rhyming with wo. In a ISTorthern text the participial form would be garij and there would be no rhyme. ^ (c) Contributory evidence in the pronunciation, in certain cases (see §1, BVI.) of plural inflexional end- ings of verbs. II. The prefix y in the participle y-do^ 25, 50 and 210 ; y-wryton, 82 ; y-Jeue, 109 ; y-seled, 159 ; y-pyzt^ 161, show Midland or Southern origin, since the prefix is necessary to the scansion of these lines.''' III. Einal conclusive evidence that the dialect of the common original was Midland is found in the rhyme of lines 87-88, hen (Pres. Indie. 3rd pi.) — sen, which appears in all the extant manuscripts. ^The Northern form ga of MS. F is due to the scribe's emending to obtain a ISTorthern rhyme for swa. Of euerma I find no occurrence later than the 13th century, either in the North or South; See 0. E. Homilies I {E.E.T.8. Orig. Ser.) p. 165, v. 1G6, and p. 171, v. 200, and for ncefrenia see Ormulum 4206 and 0. E. Homilies, p. 63, v. 166. The regular Northern form for euermo was euermar{e) ; See Cursor Mundi 98, 410, 1920, 23934. ° I add also to the evidence against Northern origin the contracted form sky ft in line 122, MS. G, which I have tried to establish as the correct reading (see pp. c ff). Other contributory evidence is found in the pronunciation of the plural inflexional endings of verbs (e, eth imperative, or en) which is necessary to the scansion of lines 71, 81, and 95, and also to the scansion of 138 and 147, unless the past participles in these lines had the prefix y. Were the prefix y sounded, the fact would also point to Midland or Southern origin. ^ The prefix y must also have been sounded in the following cases, or else final e of the forms: haue (1st sing. pres. Indie.) lines 3 and 47. were (2nd sing, and 3rd sing. pret. Indie.) lines 7 and 50. sore (adverb) 165. 88 THE MIDDLE EI^GLISH CHARTEKS OF CHRIST THE LONG CHARTER, B-TEXT. § 1. Final q, A. Rhyme words. A study of the rhymes in B not occurring in A reveals six cases in which words ending, in Anglo-Saxon, in final e. organic or inflexional, rhyme with words not ending in e: I. hoke F. Cons, stem, ace. 'I loke Verb, infin. / ^'■"' .}»■ wende Verb, innn. fende M. nd-stem, ace understonde Verb, infin. 1 V 17-18 londe 'N, 0-stem, ace. j sei/7ie (or sow en) Verb, pp. ^ I 19-20. owen Wk. adj. pi rode A-stem, ace. | Mode 0-stem, ace. I ^^^-2^^- f"^^ ^dv. I 283-284. chere OFr. chere II. Special cases: (1) explicable as containing petrified dative: wonde A-stem, ace. , .. ^ ^ . 223-224. grounde M. O-stem. (2) not explicable except as containing the old plural ending e, which is improbable, taken with other evidences of B's age: werhe 'N. 0-stem, ace. pi. | 369-370 kyrke F. Wk. stem, ace. sing. bryng Verb, infin. .7. AT r^ . 1 r 413-414. tfiyng N, O-stem, ace. pi. THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHAETEKS 89 III. B has retained the rhymes of A with three excep- tions: lyf-lyf 45-46, which B alters to dede (adj.) -f^e quede 81-82, evidently to avoid the identical rhyme; fode-hlode 59-60, to hlode^ode 107-108; and Uode-rode 77-78 to hlode- stode 153-154. These last two cases might be regarded as emendations of B to restore true rhymes, but that in the first case changes made by B in the lines immediately preceding seem naturally to lead to a different rhyme here; and that in the second, B seems to have broken the rhyme in order to introduce more detail, the progress of the narrative in A being at this point very rapid. Moreover, in another place, B re- tains this same rhyme of A (A 207-208, B 355-356), which seems to show that he was not aware of its irregularity. B. Final e in the Interior of the Line. The scansion of the B-text is, in general, difficult, because (a) the manuscripts frequently offer several different read- ings for the same line, and (b) the lines are often manifestly corrupt. Moreover, since certain lines not involving a final e scan only when the stress is placed awkwardly, it is pos- sible that some of those cited below, which scan well only when final e is sounded,^ w^ere not intended to contain any final e syllable, as 35, 83, 91, 130 and 358. The critical readings, however, would indicate that in the following cases final e was probably sounded in the original of the extant manuscripts : I. E'ouns A-stems, nom. ace. Ja-stem. sowle, 4, 69,* 402. hlysse, 412. Weak- stems. Romance words. herte, 338 ; in compound, Joye, 197.* 224. place, 408. ^As lines 11, 261, and 403. 90 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST N". 0-stem, ace. sing, (which took e in the Troilus^) Soth'e, 315. II. Verbs / Infinitives helpe, 35, 83 ; fynde, 89, 358 ; spoyle, 133 ; repent'e, 329; deme, 369*; sehe, 408*; put[e or en'] ? 403. Pres. Ind. first sing. Pret. Ind. 3rd phir. prayle], 261. made^ 145. Pres. Ind. 3rd sing. 2nd Optative sing. wolde, 91. pay'e, 211. Pret. Ind. 1st sing. hadde, 95; mostle], 318. III. Adjectives Strong : sing, mylde, 108. plur. grete, 130. few'e^ 96. alle, 414. Weak, plur. owne, 240.^^ On the other hand, the following lines, in which final e was pronounced in the A-text, have been altered in the B- text, apparently to avoid final e's counting as a syllable: 40, 42', 88, 93, 104, 122, 136, 194, 214, 216, 222, 350, 379 (corresponding to A 14, 18, 50, 53, 58, 62, 68, 114, 132, 134, 140, 198, 221). Certain lines in A requiring the pro- nunciation of final e were taken over by B, however, without alteration: A 10, 17, 21, 54, 77, 91, 119, 126, 148, 149, " See Kitt. Ohserv, p. 44. ^" Lines difficult of scansion are, for example: 11, 13, 78, 107, 252, 2G9, 283, 388. THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 91 157, 194, 203 =B 34, 42^ 43, 94, 153, 169, 201, 208, 232, 233, 243, 346, 351. From the above inconsistent evidence it hardly seems safe to draw conclusions as to the pronunciation of final e at the time of the composition of the B-text. Such evidence as there is, however, appears to indicate a general laxity of usage in this respect. §2. Dialect of the Original B-Text. The stressed vowels in the following rhymes indicate Midland or Southern origin for the B-text : 2/fl95_96 7I275-276. ,''^^1283-284. Caere J ™,<"'499-l00. <7l397-398. forlore J do J On the other hand, the text contains one rhyme with the Northern h from AS. c: !^^'"f 1369-370. kyrke I The indications of Midland or Southern origin noted above are corroborated by the prefix y in y-do, lines 95, 276, and perhaps in y-spoke, 333, though the evidence supplied by the piefix is not in itself altogether reliable, since the scansion of the original is not certain. THE LOISTG CHAETEE, C-TEXT. The following rhymes occurring in portions of the C-text which are not found in the B-text, indicate a Midland or Southern original for this version, though the unique manu- script is chiefly N'orthern: 92 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHAETERS OF CHRIST V^ . ^87-88; 227-228. before J ' fro\ to J 115-116. ""^^'•/""n 133-134. long } The rhyme do-so, 131-132, is of particular interest, since it represents a scribe's attempt to join two portions of text that seem not to be in proper sequence. Line 132 appears to be of this scribe's own composition, and tl-e rhyme indicates that he was not a ISTorthern man (cf. p. Ixxxix). Two occurrences of one distinctly ^N^orthern rhyme, how- ever, are found: werke Tcyrke 1297-298; 305-306. THE SHOEfT CHAETEE. § 1. Final e. A. Ehyme words. The following ^vords ending in Anglo-Saxon in final e occur in rhyme with words that did not: ending A-stem, ace. 1 q ^ p. hyng 0-stem, nom. J sechernesse ace. is verb. 3rd sing. here adv. dere pi. adj. in the pred. Doubtful cases: smerte noun, ace. sing. herte wk. noun, ace. sing. 1 31-32. THE LANGUAGE OF THE CHARTERS 93 The critical reading here would make smerte a noun. Compare Kittredge, Ohservations on the Language of Chau- cer s Troilus,^^ who believes the form in final e to be an adjective. Mss. E and I insert paynes before smerte. le-f, Mss. A and B only. Rhymes Occurring in Particular Manuscripts. dette OFr. sett Past part ending A-stem, ace. 1 ^^^ nr t i ^ -o \ . . y 9-10. Ms. L only. reynynge Pres. part m pred.J B. Final e in the Interior of the Line. Critical readings indicate that final e was pronounced in the following cases : saye, inf., 17; whiche or same, wk. adj. sing., 29 ; owne, wk. adj. sing., 30; more, wk. adj. sing., 31; firste, wk. adj. sing., 34. Cases of doubtful scansion, where final e may have been sounded, are: haue Pres. Ind. 1st sing., 7, 18. gyfe Infin. 15. The plural inflexional ending es in woundes, 5, and stones, 24, were also probably sounded. In view of such incomplete lines (metrically) as 10 and 28, it is uncertain whether final e was actually sounded or not in the cases mentioned in this paragraph ; but see the next paragraph. §2. Dialect of Origin^al Text. The dialect of the original text was Northern, as is shown by the vowels in the stressed syllables of the two rhymes : ^Chaucer Society, Ser. 2. vol. xxviii, 140-1, note. 94 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST quake Infin. brake Pret. Indie. 3rd p.] thing mun, ace. 129-30 hyng Pres. Indie. 1st sing, j and in corroboration seckei^esse is (would have been es) I 31-32, The fact that the dialect was ISTorthern makes it probable that final e was sounded only in cases where the metre made it indispensable. APPENDIX II Additional Texts 1. CARTA DOMINI ^OSTBl lESU CHRI8T1 Brit. Mus. Add. ms. 21253, f. 186a. Sciant presentes et futuri. scilicet, omnes qui sunt celo et in terra. Quod ego lesus Christ us filit/s dei patris et Marie vir- ginis deus et homo pro hereditate mea Iniuste et proditiose a meis ablata diu sub manu aduersarij detenta teste toto mundo in stadio pugnaui adue?'sum diuici. victoriam optinui et here- ditatem meam recuperaui sesinam in paraseeue cum heredibw^^ meis accepi. hahendum et tenendum seisinam in longitudine/?'. et latitudinem in eterniiriii. secundum dispositum est a patre meo. libere et quiete. Annuatm et continue Reddendo cor mxindum deo et animam pur am. In cuius rei testimom'iim banc presente??^ cartam propKo sangzane conscripst. legi. per totu7/z mundum publicaui. Sigillur/^ que mee diuinitatis appo- sui cum testomo?uo patris et spm^us. Nam hij tres testimony dant in celo scripta. lecta et confirmata. et generi humano tra- dita teria. quinta. p^rascei/es. super montem caluarie publice et aparte in eternum durature. Anno a creattone mundi. 5. 2. 3. 2. l^ota quod condicio ampZia est vt continue Red- damifs deo cor mundum et animam puram al[i]oquin satisfaci- mus contra ius iiostTum Si autem preuemt^s a pecca^. lusto titulo vendicare possumi^s regnum celor-wm. [f. 186 b] Dicunt enim lura ciuilia quod filiws ha&ens pa^rem suum interfectum non potest vendicare hereditatem patris sui nisi prosequatwr interfectorem patris sui Pater nosier Christus est interfecttts. Quis eum interfecit. Certe pecca^wm. quia i^eccatuia erat causa quave captws est. flagellates, et occisi^s. Si e7*go vis esse heres eius oportet quod proseqiieris. ^eceatum. quod eum interfecit. sicut filius prosequitur interfectorem patris sui. non desistens eum damnare et alios ad eius odium aluere. Age quod illud iudi- cetwr. exulet. et interficiat et omnino et finaliter destruat-wr. 95 96 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTEES OF CHRIST Numquam patiaris quam in te est quod ^eccatum fauorem haft- eat et quod omnes illud odiant. que interfecit patrem tuuni Christum. Et sic poteris iuste vindicare eius hereditatem. scilicet Eegnum eeloTum. 2. CARTA LIBERA St. John's Coll. Camb. ms. E. 24, f. 22a. Variant readings from St. John's Coll. ms. D. 8, f. 174*' are recorded in the footnotes. The rimes would be restored in lines 19 and 20 by transposing pedes and manus, and by reading des te instead of te des. Hie incipit carta libera domini nostri IJiesu Christi Hec quieunque sciant presentes atque futuri Et memores fiant nisi sint sensus sibi duri Quod uir ego ihesus bethlem de uirgine natus lerusalem lesus crucifixus ludificatus 5 Dando concessi cunctis nee ab inde recessi Eegnum celeste si semper uiuant honeste Aut si quando tamen faciant quocunque grauamen Non ita delebor si peniteant miserebor Nee quicquam ^ cupio reddi nisi cordis amorem 10 Hoc homo iam sicio ^ pro quo tibi fundo cruorem Ergo pro feodo cor tuum redde ^ mihi gratum Taliter ecce modo tibi trado meum laceratum Inspice denote precor inspice mente serena Ostendo pro te que quanta sunt mea pena 15 Hie sunt transfossa caro uene cor cutis ossa Ac mea premunda te lauit sanguis et unda Nam qui per pomum fueras sine fine peremptus Nee es abinde demum sub tale * sorte redemptus Ecce cor ecce pedes capud ecce manus ego sanus 20 Sum m.ihi si te des tibi do me fac ita pro me Traditus a iuda sum captus et inde ^ ligatus ^ quicquid. * tali. "" sitis. ^ Omits inde. ^ redde tuum (correctly). ADDITIONAL TEXTS 97 Omnia sunt nuda que plebs fecit atque pilatus ® Scilicet in fine probra sputa flagellaque plura Crux claui spine fel lancea passio dura 25 Et sique pacior uideantur non satis arta Post hec en morior hec mors homo fit ^ tua carta Nemo potest iure priuare quin ^ ista tenebunt En quot secure warantizare ualebunt Testibus hiis factis tenebris velo quoque scisso 30 Petris confractis terremotu sub abysso Si plures uultis testante Johanne que matre Ac aliis multis cum sacro neupmate patre In cuius rei testimonium requiei ut stet tranquillum cor ^ proprium pono sigillum 35 In caluarie summo sunt hec data gratis Sanguine scripta die quo iam morior valeatis Sanguine tamen puro cartam frater tibi scripsi 38 Et pro securo proprium cor penditur ipsi, amen}^ 3. CARTA DEI Bod. MS. Kent Charter 233. Knowyn alle men that are & schuln ben That I Jhc' of Nazaren Wyt myn wyl and herte good For myn handwerk and for my blod 5 Have grantyd, jovyn and confermyd is To christenemen in erthe I wys Thourch my charte that the mon se, My body that heng on the tre, A mes housyd fayir and fre, 10 It is hevene blysse I telle the, Betwen est and west, north and south, To hem her dwellyn it is wel couth, ^ After line 22 MS. D 8 (perhaps correctly) places lines 27-28. ' sit. * quod. ^proprium cor (correctly),. " These two lines occur only in MS. D 8. 98 THE jNlIDDLE ENGLISH CHABTEKS OF CUEIST To havyn and heldyn that swete place Wei gud in pes thourch my grace, 15 To crystene man that synne wyl fle. Heritable and in fee, For the servise that lyt therinne, That is, to kepyn man fro synne. Of the chel [read chef] lord of that fee 20 Every synne flede hee. And I Jhc' of ]N'azaren And my eyris qwat so he ben In warantyse we schuln us bynde To crystene man wythoutyn hende 25 In wytnesse of thys thing My syde was opned in selyng. To thys charte trewe and good I have set my seal, myn herthe blod. These am the wytnesses trewe and god; 30 The garlond of thorn on myn hed stode. The schorges and the naylis long. And the spere my herte stong. The stoppe ful of eysil and galle. And Hely ely that I gan calle, 35 My blody terys me ronnyn fro. My bondyp, my peynis and othir mo. pvyn and garantyd be my wyl At Calvarie on that held [read hyl] The friday befor the paske day, 40 Therof I may no^t seyn nay, The 3er of my regne her Thretty wyntyr and thredde half ^er. Hec est carta Dei. 4. CARTA CELESTIS HEREDITATIS (A Prose Tract, related to the Charter of Christ.) This treatise, entitled variously, Carta Celestis Hereditatis, Chartre of Heuene, Charter of oure heuenli Eritage, Chartre of ADDITIONAL TEXTS 99 Heven Blisse, Diploma Caeli, forms part of the Poor Caitiff, a work comprising a series of tracts, which has been ascribed to Eichard Rolle/ to Wy cliff, ^ and to an unknown friar. So far as I know, the earliest mss. date from the fourteenth century, and there are several of the fifteenth century.^ On a " spare page" at the beginning of one of the manuscripts, Harl. 2336, is the following: Dixit Episcopus Cicestrensis quod Frater Mi- nor compilavit liunc lihrum in suo Defensorio. The compiler of the Harleian Catalogue from which I obtained this informa- tion, adds: "I doubt not but that this Bishop of Chichester was Eeginald Pecok, who was thought to favor the Lollards, and was openly persecuted and deprived, as guilty qf Heresy." It will be seen that the Carta of the Poor Caitiff is not a charter, in spite of its name, but a tract which discusses the Charter of Christ, its component' parts, etc., and urges man to be mindful of it and to study it. Its relation to the Charter of Christ has been discussed in Chapter II.* *See Cat. of Camh. Univ. M8S., Vol. in (1858) under the description of MS. li. 6. 40, where this treatise is recorded with the title, A Charter of remission, and ascribed to Richard Rolle. 2 By Mr. Wharton, according to Cat. Harl. MSS. of Brit. Mus. 1808, under MS. 1706. I do not know where Mr. Wharton makes this state- ment. This is ascribed to Wycliffe also by Robert Va-ughan {John de Wycliffe, D.D., 1853, Appendix, p. 533). See also Cat. of Ash. MSS. under MS. 1286, and Report Hist. MSS. Com. viii (London, 1881) App. part III, 101, under Ashburnham MS. Add. 27d. Compare with these, Shirley, Fasciculi Zizanorum, Rolls Series (London, 1858), p. xiii, note 3 (referred to in this connection by ed. of Cat. of Stowe MSS., 1895, Vol. I, 23). ^The two oldest of which I have record are: Ms. Ashburnham Add. 27 d (See Report Hist. MSS. Com. viii. App. part iii, 101) of the fourteenth century. Tlie others are Ms. Bod. 4 (of which I do not know the date) ; Mss. Ashmole 1286 (about 1400) ; Douce 13, 288, 322; Rawl. C. 751; Bod. 938 (See Horstman, Richard Rolle i, 3), all of the fifteenth century; Mss. Harl. 1706, 2322, 2335, 2336, 4012, of which I do not know the dates; Ms. Add. (Brit. Mus.) 30897, Ms. Stowe 38, both of the fifteenth century; Camb. Univ. Mss. Ff. 5. 45, Ff. 6. 34, li. 6. 40, Hh. 1. 12, all of the fifteenth century; Bibl. Nat. Paris, Ms. angl. 41, fol. 95" ff. *John Bale has the following entry concerning another charter of the fourteenth century : " Brendanus monachus et abbas Hibernus, scrip- 100 THE MIDDLE EIS^GLISII CHAETEKS OF CHRIST [Cambridge University ms. Ff. 6. 34.] [f. 72.] A good tretys of a notable chartoz^r of pardoun of oure lorde Ihesu crist &c. [in a different and later hand]. Eiie?-y wise man pat cleyme]? his eritage. ei}>ir askej? gret pardoun : kepi)? bisili & haj? of te mynde vpon J?e chartre of his calenge | & Iperfore eche ma?z lerne to Hue vertnously : & kepe & haue mynde vppon ]?e chartre of heuene blisse | & stodie stidfastli J?e witte of j?is bille: for J?e pardoiiri Iperot schal dure wi)?outen ende | vndirstonde wel J?at )?e chartre of his eritage, & J?e bulle of his euerlasti/ige pardoun : is oure lord ihe^u crist. writen wij? al pe my3t & Yertu of god | J?e parchemyn of J?is heuenli chartre. is nei]?ir of scheep ne of calf: but it is J?e bodi & J?e blessid sky?i of onre lord ihe^u loomb }?at neuere was spot- tid wij? wem of synwe | & was ]>ere neuere skyn of scheep neij?ir of calfe so sore & so hard streined on }>e teynture ei]?ir harewe of eny pa^-chemyn makere as was ]?e blessid bodi and skyn [f . 72b] of oure lord ihesu crist. for oure loue streined & drawen vppon ]>e iebat of )?e cros herde neuer man fro Ipe higinnyng of J?e world til to now. ne]?ir schal hens to domesdai : )?at euere writere wroot vppon schepis skin eipir on calues wi)? so hard & hidouse pennes. so bittirli so sore & so depe as writen J?e cursid lewis vppon ]?e blessid bodi & swete skin of oure lord ihesu crist. wi)? harde nailes. scharpe spere & sore prickinge )?ornes iwstide of here pennes | thei writen so sore & so depe. ]?at J?ei perciden hise hondes & feet wi]? harde nailes : j^ei openeden his herte wi|? a scharpe spere | )?ei perssiden vppo7i his heed a corowne of sit . . . Cartam coelestis Jiereditatis, li. 1. ' Quisquis sapiens heredi- tatem vendi.' [authority] £"£17 domo Michaelis Hohley." Index Brit. Script, ed. R. L. Poole, Oxf. 1902, pp. 49-50; and Script. Illus. . . . Catalogus (post, pars), Basileae, 1559, p. 236. Concerning this work, Dr. Gustav Scliirmer {Zur Brendanus Legende, Leipzig, 1888, pp. 10-11) expresses the opinion that the Carta coelestis hereditatis can not be attributed to St. Brendan. I have no means of arriving at a knowledge of the contents of this charter; but it would seem to me probable that it is a version of the Carta Coelestis hereditatis. The initial sentence of the Carta of Brendanus and that in the Poor Caitiff suggest a common origin, the Poor Caitiff Charter beginning, in one version, " Euery wise man l?at cleyme]? his eritage," and in another (MS. Douce 13) " Everie wise man that deynieth his heritage." additiojs^al texts 101 scharpe J^ornes pat licli perciden to his brayn panne | ]?e woiindis vppon ]7at blessid bodi and swete skyn of crist: weren instide of lettTk \ & as clerkis seyn & specialli seint anselme. Ipere weren vppon J?e blessid bodi of crist ope/i wou/zdis bi noum^bre fyue )?ousend foure hundrid seuenti & fyue | ]?is is \>e noumbre of lettvis : wi)? whiche oure chartre was written | bi which we niou?^ cleyme oure eritage. if we live/i [f. 73] ri^tli: & kepe ]?is chartre stidfastly in nijnde \ ]>e sentence & vndir- stonding writen wi)?i/me & wi]?oute )?is blessid chartre & bodi of ihesu crist: is oure bileue | for he is ]?e cofre in whom is closid & loken : al }?e tresoure of witte & wisdom of god | vppon ]?is blessid chartre. was writen weilinge. eipir mowrnynge. song & sorwe I weilinge eilpir mornywge i for sorwe of oure synnes \ for ]?e whiche to ben helid & waschen awey : crist god and man must suifre so hard & peyneful wou/idis | vppon cristis bodi }?at is oure heuenli charter: was writen siwginge to alle ]?ilke )?at parfiteli forsaken here syyines | for )?ei han ful medicine & helpe: )?6rou3 ve/-tu of the bittir wou/idis & precios blood of ihesu I & vppon )?e wouwdis of ihesu mai be red sorwe. to alle hem ]?at for false likinge & lust )?at durij? but a while, by/iden hem-self to synne & seruage of pe fend | & lesen )7e help of )?e heuenli chartre & so here heritage f & wenden blyndli to sorwe J7at duri]? for euere | )?e laces of pis heuenli chartre: is p2 biheeste of god & ]?at god mai not lie. for he is souereyn treuj^e | |?e firste laas is his [f . 73 b] biheeste f J?at was dai eij?er oure a synful man ei]?ir woman leue]? here synne hooli & hertli wi)? bittir sorwe & turnej? hem to himi he schal receiue hem to his mercy | but eche man be war }?at he tarie not longef lest for his owne vnkyndenesse grace be taken fro him | pe secounde laas is )?e ful trist J?at we han pat god may not lie nepiv be false of his biheefte | hereinne hangi]? sikirlif oure trist of oure eritage | & bi pese two lacis hangi)? pe seel of oure chartre I selid wij? pe blood of pe lomb crist | }?at is cristis flessche taken of the clennest dropes of blood in pe swettest virgine marie f more craftili & merueylousli. pan euere ony bee. bi craft of kynde gadrij? pe wax of floures of pe f eeld | pe printe ^ of )?is ° Transcript reads prince. 102 THE MIDDLE ENGLISH CHARTERS OF CHRIST seel i is )?e schap of oure lord ihesu crist hanginge for oure synne on )?e cros. as we mou/i se bi pe ymage of )?e crucifix | he haj? his heed bowid don f redi to kisse alle )?ilke ]?at verili turnen to him he haj? hise armes spred abrood f redi to biclippe hem | he is nailed faste foot & honde to ]?e crossef for he wole duelle wif> [f. 74] hem & nenere wende awey fro manf but if man forsake him first J?orou3 synne | he haj? al his bodi spred abrood : to ^eue himself hoolly to vs cleuynge to hiw | vtterli he ha)? his side opened f & his herte clone for or oure sake | so ]?at wi)?oute lettinge we moun crepe in to cristis herte & teste ]?ere forou^ stidfast bileue & herti loue | J^is chartre may not fi}^ brenne ne watir drenchef nei]?ir )?eef robbe nei)?ir ony crea- ture distroie | for J?is scripture ]?e fadir of heuene haa)? halewid eipir maad stidfast | & sente it into J?e world ; )?e whiche scrip- ture mai not be vndo as fe gospel witnessi)? | )?is scripture is oure lord Ihesu crist f chartre & bulle of oure eritage of heuene I locke not )?is chartre in ]>i coffre i but sette it eij?ir write it in 'pin herte | & alle ]>e creatures in heuene neipir in er)?e nei)?ir in helle moun not robbe it nei)?ir bireue it fro fe. but if )?ou wolt ]>i self assentinge to synne | & if )?ou kepist weel pin chartre in ]>e coffre of ]?in herte wi)? good liuynge & denote loue lastingli to pin ende | as tristeli & treuli as he is trewe [f. 74b] godf J?oroou3 vertu of hise chartre f>ou schalt haue pin eritage of blisse duri7ige wi]?outeri ende. . . . I GLOSSAKY OF SPECIAL WOEDS BS = Bradley-Stratmann's Mid. Eng. Diet. BT - Bosworth and Tol- ler's Old Eng. Diet. NED = New Eng. Diet. A = Long Charter, A-Text; B = Long Charter, B-Text. The numbers refer to lines in the texts. The glossary aims only at furnishing a convenient record of unusual terms and of special meanings of common words, and the above authorities have been freely used in compiling it. abye: infin. [OE. a + hycganl, suffer, pay the penalty. B 66. als-tyte (-tite) : see as-tyte. a-party (-i) : adv. [from a prep. + party > Fr. partie], in part, somewhat, a little. A 199. aply^t (-plight): adv. [a prep. -\- OE. plight], in faith, truly, certainly, surely. B, ms. C 14. as-tyte (-tite; also spelled erroneously -tight (e), ty^te, tyht, etc., cf. jSTED) : adv. [North, as + tite Scand. cf. ON. titt, frequently, etc.], immediately. B 14. bykej?e: noun [perhaps from OE. hl-cwide, proverb, fable, tale