^^ .\^^ _C-- ,0o. •^c. -^'i^ v^ 1 V -^ ,^ -n^ ';/',^ -^^ < "^/-. v^ .>' A GENERAL HISTORY OF EUROPE (350-1900) A GENERAL HISTORY OF EUROPE (350-1900) / BY OLIVER J. THATCHER, Ph.D. ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR OF MEDI/EVAL HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO AND FERDINAND SCHWILL, Ph.D. ASSISTANT PROFESSOR OF MODERN EUROPEAN HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO WITH MAPS AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES NEW YORK CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 1900 v. 7139 ]|ui«i«»»rT»>ICon.». »•• JUN 16 1900 MOeR MVISMMi JUN 29 1900 64478 Copyright, 1900, bv CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS .T -^1 TROW DIRECTORY PRINTING AND BOOKBINDING COMPANY NEW YORK n\ PREFACE The authors of this General History of Europe venture to hope that their book will explain itself. The only mat- ter concerning which they feel obliged to state their po- sition in a prefatory word is the important point of the correlation of text-book and literature. They firmly be- lieve that the use of any single and unaided text — a prac- tice still common in our schools — is a misfortune and a calamity, and for that reason they desire to put themselves on record in the most definite terms against that ancient abuse. Their text consequently is conceived by them as a mere framework which the literature accompanying each chapter is intended to clothe and elaborate. This liter- ature the authors have carefully selected with the needs of the beginner in their minds ; they do not wish to weary and confuse him with a great mass of material ; they desire merely to conduct him a stage or two upon the path of iustorical studies, but they are eager that that path should b 'le right path. The teacher is therefore very earnestly ed to encourage in the pupil wide reading, and the f comparison and criticism. A glance over the lit- erature of any chapter will show that the more general or accessible books come first in order ; then follow more vi Preface special treatises and occasional original sources. From these various kinds of literature the teacher must make his selection for the class in accordance with his view of the individual pupil's needs and powers. The authors pre- sume to suggest in this connection that the most effective means of applying the method of study which they have outlined is by establishing a small working library in con- junction with every class-room. It will be a great day for American education when every high-school and academy is thus equipped with an historical library. The special topics which conclude each chapter are in- tended for the more active and original members of the class. They will be found to cut deeper in at some point of biography or civilization or government, and will afford preliminary practice in the line of investigation, exposi- tion, and criticism. The authors wish also to call particular attention to the numerous maps and chronological and genealogical tables at the end of the book. The constant use of these by the pupils in both the preparation and the recitation of the lesson cannot be too strenuously insisted on. The University of Chicago, May I, 19CX). CONTENTS THE MEDIEVAL PERIOD CHAPTER PA<5^ Introduction ^ I. The Empire, the Church, and the Inva- sions OF the Germans 17 II. The Reaction of the Empire against the Germans 35 III. The Franks (481-814) ...,.•• 44 IV. The Dismemberment of the Empire . . 61 V. England and the Norsemen (802-1070) . 69 VI. Political History of France (887-1108). 84 VII. Germany and its Relation to Italy (887-1056) 91 VIII. Feudalism 107 V IX. The Growth of the Papacy 123 X. The Struggle between the Papacy and the Empire (1056-1254) i34 XI. MoNASTiciSM 172 XII. Mohammed, Mohammedanism, and the Crusades 1^2 XIII. The Growth of the Cities .... 209 XIV. Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII. (1494) ^^7 viii Contents CHAPTr.U TAGE XV. France (i 108-1494); England (1070- 1485) 223 XVI. Germany (i 254-1 500) and the Smaller States of Europe 248 XVII. Religious and Intellectual Tenden- cies IN THE Renaissance .... 260 THE MODERN PERIOD Introduction 277 XVIII. The Reformation in Germany to the Peace of Augsburg (1555) .... 298 XIX. The Progress of the Reformation in Europe and the Counter - Refor- mation OF THE Catholic Church . 311 XX. Spain under Charles I. (1516-56), Known as Emperor Charles V., and Philip II. (1556-98); Her World Eminence and Her Decay . . -319 XXI. England under the Tudors (1485- 1603) ; Final Triumph of the Ref- ormation under Elizabeth (1559- 1603) 325 XXII. The Revolt of the Netherlands and THE Triumph of the Seven United Provinces (i 566-1648) 348 XXIII. The Reformation in France to the Religious Settlements of 1598 (Edict of Nantes) and 1629 . . . 361 Contents ix PAGE CHAPTER XXIV. The Thirty Years' War and the Peace OF Westphalia 37^ XXV. England in the Seventeenth Cen- tury — The Stuarts, the Puritan Revolution, and the Establishment OF the Constitutional Monarchy Under William III 392 XXVI. The Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. (1643-17 15) 42o XXVII. The Rise of Russia under Peter the Great (1689-1725) and Catharine THE Great (1762-96); the Decay OF Sweden 43^ XXVIII. The Rise of Prussia in the Seven- teenth AND Eighteenth Centuries. 443 XXIX. England and France in the Eigh- teenth .Century 457 XXX. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon (1789-1815) 469 XXXI. The Holy Alliance and the Revolu- tions OF 1830 519 XXXII. The Revolutions of 1848 532 XXXIII. France under Napoleon III.— The Unification of Italy 546 XXXIV. The Unification of Germany . . .552 XXXV. Great Britain and Russia . • • • 561 XXXVI. The General Situation at the Close of the Nineteenth Century . . -573 X Contents CHRONOLOGICAL AND GENEALOGICAL TABLES PAGE I. Emperors and Popes 583 II. The Franks 587 1. The Merovingian Kings to Dago- BERT 1 587 2. The Dukes of Austrasia (Ancestors OF Karl the Great) 587 III. The Empire 588 1. The Carolingian House (the Kar- lings) 588 2. The Saxon, Franconian, and Hohen- STAUFEN Houses ; the Welfs . . 589 3. The Houses of Hapsburg and Haps- BURG-LORRAINE (AUSTRIA AND SpAIN) 590 IV. France 591 1. Later Carolingians and first Capet- lans (robertines), showing their Connection and Rivalry . . . 591 2. The Capetians and Collateral Branches , 592 3. The Houses of Bourbon and Bour- bon-Orleans 593 4. The House of Bonaparte .... 593 V. Spain. The Spanish Bourbons .... 594 VI. Prussia. The House of Hohenzollern . 594 VII. Sweden. The Houses of Vasa and Vasa- Pfalz-Zweibrucken 595 Contents xi PAGE VIII. The Dutch Netherlands. The House of Orange-Nassau 595 IX. Russia. The Houses of Romanoff and ROMANOFF-HOLSTEIN-GOTTORP .... 596 X. England 596 1. The Saxon Kings of England . . 596 2. From the Norman Conquest to Henry VII 597 3. The Houses of Tudor, Stuart, and Hanover, Showing their Connec- tion 598 INDEX 599 MAPS [At end of Volume\ 1. Europe, 350 a.d.. Showing the Roman Empire and Barbarians. 2. The Germanic Kingdoms Established on Roman Soil. 3. Kingdom of the Merovingians, Showing Their Conquests. 4. The Empire of Karl the Great, Showing the Division of 843. 5. The Empire in the Time of Otto the Great. 6. England, 878. xii Contents 7. The Crusades. 8. France, 1185. 9. France, 1360. 10. Europe During the Reformation. 11. The Netherlands at the Truce of 1609. 12. Germany at the Commencement of the Thirty Years' War. 13. England and Wales — January i, 1643. 14. Western Europe, Showing the Principal Changes Effected by the Treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt, 1 7 13-14. 15. Europe, Illustrating Wars of Charles XII. and Peter the Great. 16. Europe at the Time of the Greatest Expansion of Napoleon's Power, 181 2. 17. Europe after the Congress of Vienna. 18. The Balkan Peninsula in the Year 1881. LITERATURE ON THE MEDI/EVAL PERIOD Periods of European History. $1.75 per vol. Macmillan. Oman, Europe, pp. 476-918; Tout, Europe, pp. 918-1272. Emerton: Introdtiction to the Middle Ages. $1.20. Meduival Europe. $1.65. Ginn. G. B. Adams : Civilization during the Middle Ages. $2. 50. Scribner. Bryce: Holy Roman Etnpire. $1.00. Macmillan. Stille : Studies in Mediceval History. $2.00, Lippincott. Thatcher and Sch will : Europe in the Middle Age. $2.00. Scrib- ner. I,avisse : Political History of Europe. $1.25. Longmans. Hallam : He7a of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages. $1.50. Harpers. Somewhat antiquated. Gibbon : Decline and Fall of the Roman Empi7-c. Edited by J. B. Bury. 7 vols. $2.00 per vol. Macmillan. Guizot : History of Civilization in France. 3 vols. $1.00 per vol. History of Civilization in Europe. $1.00. Epochs OF Modern History. $1.00 per vol. Scribner. Among them : Church : The Beginnings of the Middle Ages. Johnson : The Normans in Europe. Cox : The Crusades. Stubbs : The Early Plantagenets. Warburton : Edward III. Gairdner : The Houses of Lancaster and York. Ten Epochs OF Church History. Edited by John Fulton. $2.00. Scribner. Among them : Waterman : Post-Apostolic Age. Du Bose : Ecumenical Councils. Wells: Age of Charlemagne. Vincent: Age of Hi Ide brand. xiii xiv Literature on the Mcdkcval Period Ludlow : Age of the Crusades. Van Dyke : Age of the Renais- sance. Locke : Age of the Great Western Schism. Lavisse et Rambaud : Histoire GM^rale du IVe Sihle h nos jours. Colin et Cie., Paris. Vols L-IV. deal with the Middle Age, About $3.00 per vol. Assmann : Geschichte dcs Mittelalters. Second edition by Meyer. About $5.00. Braunschweig, Germany. Epochs of Church History. Edited by Mandell Creighton. $0 80 per vol. Oxford University Press. The following deal with Mediaeval subjects : Balzani, Popes and Ilohcnstaufen. Eroderick : History of the University of Oxford. Carr : The Church and the Empire. Gwatkin : The Arian Controversy. Hunt: The English Church in the Middle Ages. Mullinger : History of the University of Cambridge. Poole : Wycliffe and the Early Movements of Reform. Stephens : Plildebrand and his Times. Tozer : The Church and the Eastern E??tpire. Heroes of the Nations. $1.50 per vol. Putnam. Among them: Hodgkin : Theodoric. Sergeant: ll'yclijf. Beazeley : Prince Henry the Navigator. Mrs. Oliphant : Jeanne d'Arc. Armstrong : Lorenzo de'' Medici. Gardner : Julian the Phi- losopher. HiSTORiKS ok the Church : Sohm : Outlines of Church History. $1.10. Macmillan. Kurtz : History of the Christian Church. 3 vols. $2.00 per vol. Funk & Wagnalls. Fisher: History of the Christian Church. $3.50. Scribner. Alzog : Manual of Universal Church History. 3 vols. $3-50 per vol. Robert Clarke & Co. Vol. \\. deals with the Middle Age. Roman Catholic. Gieseler : History of the Christian Church. 5 vols. $2. 50 per vol. Harper. Moeller : History of the Christian Church. 2 vols. $3-75 per vol. Macmillan. Milman : History of Latin Christianity. 8 vols, in 4. $6.00. Armstrong. Schafif: History of the Christian Church. Vols. HL-IV., 311 A. D., to 1073. $4.00 per vol. Scribner. Greenwood: Cathedra Petri. A Political History of the Great Latin Patriarchate. 6 vols. London, 1856-72. 14 sh. per vol. Literature on the Mediaval Period xv The following works deal with interesting phases of Mediaeval life: Baring-Gould : Curious Myths of the Middle Ages. $1.25, Longmans. Hecker: The Black Death. $0.10. Cassell. Abrahams: Jezvish Life in the Middle Ages. $1.75. Macmil- lan. Clyde Furst : A Group of Old Authors. $1.00. E. W. Jacobs &Co. For Dates and Chronology : Ploetz : Epitovte of Ancient, Mediaeval, and Modern History. $3.00. Houghton. Nichol : Tables of Etiropean History, Literature and Art, 200-1888. $2.25. Macmillan. Hassall : Hand-book of European History, 476-1871. $2.25. Macmillan. George : Genealogical Tables, $3.00. Clarendon Press. Sources in Translation : Several volumes in BoHN's Library (Macmillan), contain transla- tions of various Mediaeval Chronicles. $1.50 per vol. Henderson : Select Historical Documents of the Middle Ages. $1.50. Macmillan. (Badly translated.) Translations and Reprints from the Original Sou7res of European History. The University of Pennsylvania. 8 vols. Single pamphlets, 10 to 25 cents each. Bound vols. $1.25 each. Contains documents bearing on the crusades, towns, gilds, student life, monasticism, life of the people, the manor, sta- tistics, feudalism, forms of trials, laws, etc. The documents illustrating English History are also bound in one volume, those concerning Mediaeval Europe, in another. Jones : Studies in European History. $0.60. J. H. Miller, Lin- coln, Neb. Colby: Selections from the So7trces of English History. $1.50. Longmans. Gee and Hardy : Documents Illustrative of English Church His- tory. $2.00. Macmillan. For Maps : Droysen : Historischer Handatlas. $8.35. Lemcke & Buechner, New York. xvi Literature on the Medicrz'al Period Perthes : Foci-el J //as of Mediceval and Modern Europe. $0.90. Lemcke & Buechner, New York. Roggero : Carte Cieografiche in Rilievo. (Relief maps of many European countries.) 2 francs. G. B. Paravia & Co., Rome, Milan. For Bibliography see further : Allen: History Topics. $0.25. Heath & Co. Contains lists of reference books. Adams: Manual of Historical Literature. $2.50. Harpers. PART I THE MEDItEVAL period tory. THE MEDIAEVAL PERIOD INTRODUCTION LITERATURE.— Gibbon, Rmuan Einpire. Chaps. I. and II. Capes, Tke Early Empire. $i.oo. Scribner. 'Bury, The Roma7i Empire. $1.50. Harper. V.\ngs\ey, The Ro»!a>i a>td the Teuion. $1.25. Macmillan. Deniker, The Races of Man : An Outline of Anthropology ami Ethnog- raphy. $1.50. Scribner. Fisher, Beginnings of Christiafiity. $2.50. Scribner. Uhlhorn, Conflict of Christianity with Heathenism. $2.50. Scribner. Bury, The Later Roman Empire (395-800). 2 vols. $5. 00. Macmil- lan. The whole course of history is very conveniently divided The contin- into three periods — the Ancient, the Mediaeval, and the torv° '^' Modern. Generally, fixed dates have been assigned for the beginning and end of each of these. They have then been further divided and subdivided, and each division has received a particular name. While this has been more or less convenient and justifiable, the divisions have often been treated so mechanically as to make a totally wrong impression, especially on the minds of students who are just beginning the study ; for if there is anything that is firmly held by all good historians to-day, it is the continuity of history. There are no real breaks in its course. Every age is a preparation for, and an introduction to, the next. One period grows into another so gradually and naturally that the people who live in the time of transition are often unconscious of the fact that a new period is beginning. Certain events may well be said to be epoch-making, but I The Mediccval Period But divis- ions are convenient and justifi- able. Limits of the period, 350-1500. in spite of that, their full effect is not felt at once. They slowly modify the existing order of things, gradually dis- placing the old by tlie new. The world is never actually revolutionized in a day. However, it is not wrong to separate history into such periods, for different interests prevail at different times, and, therefore, one period may have a very different char- acter from that of another. ]5ut in making all such di- visions two things ought to be carefully guarded against : fixed boundaries sliould not be assigned to them, and they should not be treated as if their predominant interest were their only interest. No one interest can absorb the wliole life of a period. For several centuries the life of Europe has been too complex to admit of its being adequately treated from only one point of view. The terms " Mediaeval " and " Middle Age " have been used because of their convenience. The invasions of the barbarians which began on a grand scale in the fourth cen- tury brought about the great change which was the begin- ning of the Middle Age. Its end is not perhaps so easily determined, but the period from 1450 to 1550 is marked by such movements as the great religious revolution, which involved all western Europe and was productive of many changes, the growth of absolutism in Europe, the changes in the practical government of many of the countries, the birth of political science, the multiplication of interna- tional relations, and the extension of industry and com- merce, so that we may .safely say that the Middle Age should end somewhere aliout that time. At any rate a convenient place may there be found where one may stop and mark the failing of old, and the appearance of new, tendencies and characteristics. A comparison of the map of Europe in the fourth century of our era with that of the same country in the sixteenth Introduction century^ will give the best idea of the changes that took Europe 350 place there during the Middle Age. Such a comparison ^^^^ ^^^ would suggest that all these changes could be grouped Europe 1500 -AD under four heads, namely : those in the political system, in language, in religion, and in civilization. The first map shows but two grand divisions : the Roman empire and the barbarians. On the second, the barbarians have almost disappeared, and the empire, while it has a nominal existence, is not at all what it was. In Evident its stead and in the place of the barbarians, there are many ques^ons separate and independent states and different nations. One suggested asks instinctively : What has become of the empire ? Where ^' are the barbarians ? How did these new states arise ? What is the origin of these new nationalities ? The linguistic changes suggested by the maps are quite as striking. Latin and Greek were the only languages in existence in Europe in the earlier time. The rude dialects of the barbarians were not regarded as languages, and were unfit for literary purposes. In the sixteenth century Greek was spoken in a limited territory, and Latin had become the language of the educated only, while the barbarian tongues had developed into literary languages. Religiously, the changes are sweeping. At the beginning of the fourth century Europe was still prevailingly heathen. Christianity was widely spread, but its adherents were largely in the minority. In the sixteenth century, how- ever, heathenism was nominally, at least, almost destroyed in Europe. In its stead there was Christianity in two great types: the Roman Catholic and the Greek, while a third new type, to be known as Protestantism, was about to be produced. Besides Christianity we find a part of Europe under the domination of Mohammedanism. How were 1 The changes will become still more apparent if a map of Europe in ithe nineteenth century be used in the comparison indicated. The MedicBval Period General mention of important topics. Empire. Papacy. the barbarians of luirope Christianized, we ask ? How were the different types of Christianity produced ? What separated the Greek from the Latin Churcli ? What was the origin of Mohammedanism ? What are its tenets and char- acter ? How did it spread, and what has been its history ? What influence has it had on Europe ? And what have been the relations between Christianity and Mohammedanism? The changes in civilization were also radical. Civili- zation had passed far beyond the Rhine and the Danube, and there were already indications that its centre was soon to be changed from the south to the north. Italy, Spain, and southern France were still in advance in the sixteenth century ; but England, northern France, and Germany were showing the characteristics which should eventually enable them to assume the leadership in art, science, litera- ture, manufactures, and in nearly all that goes to make up the highest and best civilization. Here, too, questions arise. What did the rest of Europe receive from Greece and Rome? How was this inheritance transmitted ? How has it been increased and modified? How were the bar- barians influenced by the art, literature, architecture, law, customs, modes of thought, and life of the Greeks and Romans? What new ideas and fresh impulses have been given by the various barbarian peoples that have succes- sively been brought in as factors in the progress and devel- opment of Europe? The Middle .'\ge is the birth-period of the modern states of Europe. We shall study the successive periods of decay and revival in the empire ; its ineffectual efforts to carry on the work of Rome in destroying the sense of diff"erence in race, and to make all Europe one people; and its bitter struggle with its new rival, the papacy, which ended practically in the ruin of both. We shall follow the barbarians in their migrations and invasions, and watch Introduction them as they form new states and slowly learn of Rome the Nations and elements of civilization. We shall see them come to na- states, tional self-consciousness, exhibiting all the signs of a proud national sense, gradually but stubbornly resisting the inter- ference of both emperor and pope in their affairs, and finally, throwing off all allegiance to both, becoming fully independent and acknowledging their responsibility to no power outside of themselves. Along with this national differentiation goes the development of the barbarian dia- lects into vigorous languages, each characteristic of the people to which it belongs. We shall study the spread of Christianity, its ideals and its two most important institutions, monasticism and pap- acy. The monks of the west played a most important part in Christianizing and civilizing the peoples of Europe, and the bishops of Rome came to look upon themselves as the successors, not only of Peter, but also of the Caesars, claim- ing all power, both spiritual and temporal. The Church The Church, occupies, therefore, a prominent place in the history of the Middle Age. Mohammedanism was for some time a formidable oppo- nent of Christianity even in Europe. It set for itself the task of conquering the world. It made many determined efforts to establish itself firmly in Europe. The eastern question Mohamme- was an old one, even in the Middle Age, and the invasions of the Mohammedans into Europe and the counter-inva- sions of the Christians (the crusades) are all so many epi- sodes in its history. By invading and settling in the empire the barbarians came under the schooling of the Romans. They destroyed much, but they also learned much. The elements of the the Grgeco-Roman civilization Avere preserved ; its art, Progress in laws, and ideas were slowly adopted and modified by the invading peoples. We shall see how this rich legacy was danism. civilization. The Mediccval Period preserved and gradually made the property of all the peo- ples of Europe, and we shall study the progress which they have made in civilization. These are some of the problems with which the history of the Middle Age is concerned ; they will be treated in their appropriate places. We shall first take a kind of in- ventory of the factors involved, and these are Europe I. EUROPE, (the land itself in its physical and climatic features) and its peoples. The general contour of Europe has greatly influenced its history. It is, therefore, nece.ssary to study its mountain sys- tems, its plains, its coast and river systems, and its climate. On the east, and coinciding in general with the boun- dary between Asia and Europe, are the Ural Mountains. The influ- They, with the Caucasus range between the Black and nTountain Caspian Seas, form a barrier to easy communication be- ranges. tween the east and the west, and so have forced travel and commerce, as well as invading peoples and armies, to fol- low certain well-defined routes. The Alps and the Pyre- nees have served much the same purpose in the south. They have prevented the fusion of the peoples to the north with those to the south, and have made futile all the many at- tempts to bring and keep them under one government. They have played important parts in the differentiation, spread, and development of the various nations about them. Their passes being few and difficult, they have hindered intercourse and have prevented interference, and so each people has been left more exclusively to itself to work out its own character and destiny. Even in the small physical divisions of Europe, mountains have done much to isolate and divide those whom everything else has sought to fuse and unite. They have helped perpetuate tribal and racial differences in Scandinavia, in Germany, in Austria, and especially in the Balkan peninsula, Italy, Spain, and For- Introduction tugal. There can be no doubt that the mountains of these countries still make the problems of their respective govern- ments more difficult. They have been constant and efficient barriers to the formation of extensive states and govern- ments in western Europe. On the other hand, the great central plains offer every The plains opportunity for the homogeneous development of their in- ° i^urope. habitants and for the formation of governments vidth exten- sive sway. Being adapted to the occupation of grazing, agriculture, and similar pursuits, they determined the earli- est occupations of the people. So long as the number of their inhabitants was small, the great extent of their areas favored the continued separation of the nomadic tribes that wandered over them ; and with increasing population the peoples were more easily brought together and subjected to the influence of the same ideas, whether political, social, or religious. Turning to the study of its coast we note that Europe it- self is essentially a peninsula, and is besides deeply indented by arms of the sea, so that it has a large extent of coast Coast line line. Its two great inland seas offer, because of their calm- seas, ness, excellent opportunities for the growth of commerce. It is not accidental that European commerce developed first, and had its chief seats, around the Mediterranean and the Baltic. As if to facilitate communication, Europe is traversed from north to south by many rivers, which in the Middle Rivers. Age were the highways of travel and traffic. The Rhine and the rivers of France are connected with each other and with the Rhone and its tributaries by a short portage ; in the same way the Rhine, the Main, the Elbe, and the Oder are connected with the Danube ; likewise the Vis- tula, the Niemen, and the Duna, with the Dniester, the Dnieper, the Don, and the Volga. In this way nature 8 The Mcdiaval Period Climate. 2. THE PEOPLES. A. THE IN- HABITANTS OF THE EMPIRE. Rome civil- ized the conquered peoples. has done much to promote intercourse in Europe. A radically different arrangement of the rivers of Europe would have affected its history in a corresponding way. Especially the districts about the mouths of the rivers were likely to be hastened in their development because of their greater opportunities for commerce and the advantages to be derived therefrom. The national existence of Portugal, Holland, and Belgium is due in some measure to the fact that they lie about the mouths of great rivers. The climate of a country influences its people in many ways. Long and cold winters make the conditions of life in the north much more difficult than in the south, where unaided nature does almost everything. In this way the habits of the people, their dress, social life, and architect- ure, public as well as private, are greatly influenced by the widely varying climatic conditions that prevail in the vari- ous parts of Europe. In the third century the Roman empire extended from the Atlantic in the west to the Euphrates in the east ; from tlie Sahara in the south to the Danube, Main, and Rhine in the north. Britain also (the modern England) had been added to this territory. But since the beginning of the Christian era, the boundaries of the empire had not been greatly enlarged, for the task of defending the frontiers, rapidly becoming more difficult, left successive emperors little time to think of foreign conquests. Within this vast empire was to be found a great variety of peoples, differing in race, language, customs, and relig- ion. The policy of Rome was to give all these peoples her own civilization as fast as they were able to receive it. As soon as the conquest of a province had been made, influ- ences were set to work to Romanize its inhabitants. This great work of Romanization and civilization was practical- ly completed when, in 215 a.d., Caracalla issued an edict Introduction making all the free inhabitants of the empire citizens of Rome. There were still, of course, many differences ex- isting between the peoples of the various provinces, but they had all received the elements of Roman culture, and, since the many agencies for diffusing the Roman civilization were still in operation, they were all approaching the same high level which Rome herself had reached. The inhabitants of the emi)ire were divided into four The people classes : slaves, plebs, curials, and senators ; but within each classes *" ° of these four divisions there were various grades and shades of difference. The lot of the slaves was gradually growing better. In the country it became customary to enroll them, thus attaching them to the soil, from which they Slaves, could not be separated, and with which they were bought and sold. Further, masters were forbidden to kill their slaves or to separate a slave from his wife and children. To the class of plebs belonged all the free common Plebs. people, whether small freeholders, tradesmen, laborers, or artisans. The freeholders were diminishing in numbers. Their lands were consumed by the increasing taxes and they themselves either became serfs or ran away to the towns. The majority of the inhabitants of the cities and towns classified as plebs were free, but they had no political rights. All who possessed twenty-five acres of land, or its equiv- Curials. alent, were regarded as " curials." On these fell the bur- dens of office-holding and the taxes, for the collection of which they were made responsible. The ranks of the senatorial class were constantly increas- ing by the addition of all those who for any reason received the title of senator, or who were appointed by the emperor to one of the high offices. The senatorial honor was hered- Senators, itary. The senators, having most of the soil in their pos- session, were the richest people of the empire. Since they lo The Mediccral Period enjoyed exceptional privileges and immunities, the lot of the curials was made more grievous. For the support of his army, his court, and the great number of clerks made necessary by the bureaucratic form of government, the emperor had to have immense sums of money, for the purpose of raising which many kinds of Taxes. taxes were introduced. Taxes w-ere levied on both lands and persons ; on all sorts of manufacturing industries ; on heirs, when they came into possession of tlicir estates; on slaves when set free ; and on the amount of tlie sales made by merchants. Tolls were collected on the highways and at bridges; duties at the city gates and in the harbors. Besides the above taxes, there were many kinds of special taxes, burdens, and services, such as the supplying of food, clothing, and quarters for the army; horses and wagons for the imperial use whenever demanded ; and repairing of the roads, bridges, and temples. Most oppressive of all, per- haps, was the dishonesty of the officials, who, to enrich themselves, often exacted far more than even the very large sums which the emperor required. It was impossible that this should not bankrupt the em- pire. The cities were the first to suffer. As the senatorial class, the army, i)rofessors of rhetoric, and the clergy were largely freed from taxation, the whole burden fell on the Effects on curials, who became oppressors in order to collect the vast the curials. gj^-uj required of them. Finally, when the curials were bankrupt and could no longer pay the taxes, they at- tempted in every way to escape from their class. Some of them succeeded in rising into the senatorial ranks ; many of them deserted their lands and became slaves, or entered the army or the Church. The emperors, trying to prevent this, often seized the curial who had run away and com- pelled him to take up his old burden again. The curial was forbidden by law to try to change his position, but in Introduction ii spite of this many of them surrendered their lands to some rich neighbor and received them back on condition of the payment of certain taxes, and the rendering of certain ser- vices. This was a form of land-tenure and social relation very similar to that common in feudalism of a later day. In the fourth century a.d. the Kelts held Gaul (mod- b. the ern France) and the islands of Great Britain. Four or five hundred years before Christ, they had extended as far east as the Weser in the north, and occupied much territory in the centre of Europe. Evidence of this is the fact that Bohemia derived its name from its Keltic inhabitants, the Boii. But the Kelts slowly withdrew before the Germans, until the Rhine became the boundary between the two peoples. The Kelts were never all united in one great state, but existed in separate tribes. Each tribe formed a state and was governed by an aristocracy. The people had Tribal gov- no part in the government, but were treated by the ruling ^''""^^" • class as slaves. The nobility was divided into two classes, the religious and the secular. The religious nobility Avere the Druids, a caste of priests who controlled all sacrifices, both public and private, and who were also judges and final authorities in all other matters. Their word was law, and whoever refused them obedience was put under their ban, which had almost the same meaning as the papal ban a few centuries later. They had many gods, to whom they of- fered human sacrifices.^ The Kelts had large, strong, and beautiful bodies, as may be seen from the famous statue in Rome, " The Dying Gaul" (formerly known as the "Dying Gladiator"). They were brave, dashing warriors, fond of music, espe- Keltic cially of the shrill, martial kind, with which they went into icttlc ' battle. They were easily moved by eloquent speech and ' Cassar, B. G. , vi. , ii 19, gives a good description of the Kelts. 12 The Mediceval Period had a love for poetry. Their language was well -developed and capable of expressing a wide range of thought and emotion. They loved bright and gay colors, and were noted for the liveliness rather than for the persistency of their feelings and emotions. They were restless, sprightly, full of activity, and capable of the greatest enthusiasm for, and devotion to, a popular leader, but they were fickle and unreliable if their ardor was once quenched by disaster. At the beginning of our period the Kelts who occupied Gaul and Britain (the present f^ngland) were thoroughly Romanized. To a great extent they had forgotten their language and spoke Latin. Many cities had sprung up among them which w^ere well supplied with temples, baths, and theatres, and were in all respects Roman. But the Kelts of Ireland, Wales, and Scotland were still barbarian, and hostile to Rome. c. THE At the beginning of our period the Germans occupied Scandinavia, and nearly all the land between the Rhine and the Vistula, and the Baltic and the Danube. Since the times of Csesar and Tacitus, who were the first Roman authors to devote much attention to the Germans, many Their loca- changes had taken place among them. Some of them had changed their location ; new groups had been formed, and they were known by new names. The Goths had left the Vistula and were now spread over a great stretch of terri- tory to the north of the Black Sea and the lower Danube. Other tribes were moving or spreading out in the same direction. Great masses of Germans and other peoples were crowded together along the whole northern frontier of the empire, and the danger of a barbarian invasion was rapidly growing greater. Divisions. Tacitus ("Germania," ii.) says that the Germans were divided into three great branches : the Ingoevones, who lived nearest the ocean ; the Hermiones, who lived in the Introduction 13 "middle; " and the Istaevones, who included all the rest. These three names had now been replaced by others, such as Franks, Alamanni, and Saxons. Neither these nations nor those mentioned by Tacitus actually included all the Germans. They formed rather the great division which may be called the West Germans. Besides these there were those of the north, afterward known as the Danes, Norwegians, and Swedes, and those of the east : the Goths, Vandals, and others. In their government the Germans were democratic. They Their gov- had a well-defined system of local self-government. There were three political divisions: the whole tribe, or nation; • the gai/, or county; and the village. All matters that concerned only the village were discussed and settled by all the freemen of the village in a public meeting. Like- wise the affairs of the gau were administered by the free- men of the gau, and matters that concerned the whole nation were decided by an assembly of all the freemen of the tribe. In social rank, there were three classes — nobles, freemen, and slaves. The nobles had certain advantages, but in the assemblies the vote of a freeman equalled that of a nobleman. It was customary among the Germans for the young men to attach themselves to some man of tried courage and military ability (the comitatus or gefolge), with whom Gefolge. they lived, and whom they accompanied on all his expedi- tions. Such warrior-chiefs were proud of having a large number of young men about them, for it added to their dignity and increased their power in many ways. The re- lation between a leader and a follower was entirely volun- tary, and consequently honorable to both. It might be terminated at the will of either party. The religion of the Germans was a kind of nature-wor- ship. The principal objects of their reverence were groves, 14 The Mcdiccval Period Religion and occupa- tions. Their quali- ties. D. THE SLAVS. Their loca- tion. Govern- ment. trees, caves, and uncommon natural phenomena. They had no priest-caste. They lived by cattle-raising, agriculture, and hunting, the labor being performed principally by slaves and women. It was characteristic of them that they were unwilling to live in compactly built towns; their houses being generally some distance apart, formed a strag- gling village. The Romans were impressed with the great size and power of their bodies, the ruddiness of their faces, and the light color of their hair. They had some very prominent faults, such as a too great love of war, of the cup, and of the dice. They became so infatuated with gambling that, after losing all their property, they staked their wives and children, and if these were lost, they risked even their own liberty. The Germans boasted of their faithfulness to every obligation. So true were they to their word that if they lost their freedom in gambling they willingly yielded to their new master, and permitted themselves to be reduced to the position of slaves. The Slavs occupied a large belt of territory east of the Germans, and extended far into Russia. As the Germans withdrew to the west and south, the Slavs followed them and took possession of the land thus vacated. In this way they finally came as far west as the Elbe, and may be said to have held nearly all of the territory from the Elbe to the Dnieper. A large part of what is now Prussia, Saxony, and Bohemia became wholly Slavic. The Slavs, as well as the Kelts and Germans, were broken up into many tribes having no political connection with each other. They seem to have had a patriarchal form of government. At any rate, great reverence was shown the old men of the tribe, who, by virtue of their age, had a controlling voice in the management of affairs. At first the Slavs probably had no nobility. They elected their leaders in war, and so strong was the democratic spirit Introduction 15 among them that they were never able to produce a royal line. Their religion was a form of idolatry. They had priests, who were consulted on all matters, political and religious. Though they had powerful frames and impressed the Character. Romans with their size,, they were tame and unwarlike, and have never been conquerors. Their location was favorable to the occupations of cattle-raising and agricul- ture. They did not jjossess a strong national feeling, and were therefore easily assimilated by other peoples. Large numbers of them were Germanized from the ninth cen- tury on. In the ninth century another branch of the Slavs, called The Letts, the Letts, came into history. We first meet them on the shore of the Baltic, from the Vistula to some distance be- yond the Nieman. They were divided into Lithuanians and Prussians. It is curious to note that the name of this non-German people (the Prussians) has, in the process of time, come to be applied to the leading German state of to-day. Besides these Indo-European peoples which we have just e.the . URAL-AL- discussed there were others, which are usually called Ural- taic PEOPLES Altaic or Finnic-Turkish tribes. "Turanian" is also ap- plied to them. They were to be found in northern Scan- dinavia and in the northern, northwestern, and eastern parts of Russia. They were the Finns, the Lapps, the Es- thonians, the Livonians, the Ugrians, the Tchuds, the Per- mians, the Magyars, the Huns, and many others. They were related to the Turkish Mongols. During the Middle Age, at least, they in no way advanced the interests of civilization, but rather played the part of a scourge — de- stroyers rather than builders. The division followed above is linguistic. Philologists first discovered the similarity between the languages of the i6 The Mediccval Period Basis of above class- ification philological; not recog- nized by ethnolo- gists. Greeks, the Romans, the Kelts, the Germans, the Slavs, the Letts, the Persians, and the ancient inhabitants of India, and on the basis of these resemblances classed these peoples together as one great race. It was inferred that because their languages were akin, the people themselves must have been of the same original stock. The modern sciences of anthropology and ethnology do not recognize the validity of such an argument, but declare that these peoples do not belong to the same race, although their languages are re- lated. Ethnologists now use other tests to discover the racial relations of peoples. SPECIAL TOPICS The Empire and Its Peoples. Bury, Later Romaii Empire. Vol. I.j pp. 1-58. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan. Adams, Civilization During the Mii/ti/e Ag-es, Chaps. 1-11. $2.50. Scribner. Gihhon, Jioman E?ii/'ire, Chaps. I-II. Bury, yVte Roman Kiupirc. $1.50. Harper. Kings- ley. Capes, T!ie Early Empire. $1.00. Scribner. The Gekmans. Gibbon, Roviati Empire, Chap. IX. 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Augustus brought about a change in the form of gov- ernment of the Roman state, which, for nearly two hun- 17 i8 The Medicozral Period The Repub- lic of Rome becomes an empire, 31 B.C. Decline of the empire in the third century. The changes of Diocletian, 284-305. dred years, was attended with large benefits. Even under the vicious emperors of the first century the people were probably in a better condition than during the last days of the republic. The emperors cleared the sea of pirates and the land of brigands and robbers ; they built roads con- necting all parts of the empire, thus making commerce easier ; their excellent police made travel safer ; they ad- ministered justice more equitably, and the government, be- ing better centralized, performed its functions with greater efficiency. The wise emperors of the second century, while making progress in nearly every direction, gave the empire an in- creasingly good and beneficent government. But the death of Marcus Aurelius (181 a.d.) put a check to the long period of prosperity, and for about a hundred years the empire was rent with revolts and seditions. The law gov- erning the succession to the crown was often disregarded. Once the army put the crown up for sale to the highest bidder and, at another time, there were at least nineteen persons who, in different parts of the empire, assumed the imperial title. During the third century many of the em- peroi-s met a violent death at the hands of a usurper. The crown was regarded by ambitious men as a legitimate object of prey. Diocletian tried to put an end to this chaos by devising a scheme for fixing the succession and making the persons of the emperors more secure. He arranged that there should be two emperors, each having an assistant, called a Cresar. The two emperors, after ruling twenty years, were to resign in favor of the two Csesars, who would then choose two other C?esars to assist them. To render the lives of the four rulers more secure, they were to be shut off from free intercourse with the people, and each was to be sur- rounded by a court modelled after eastern ideals. The gov- Tlic Invasions of the Germans 19 ernment was to be more centralized, the senate deprived of its little remaining power, and heavy taxes were to be levied to meet the increased expenses of the government. This scheme was successful only in part. The resignation of Diocletian and Maximian (305) was followed by a civil war, which gave Constantine the opportunity to make him- self sole ruler. But Constantine, although he overthrew the essential part of Diocletian's scheme, did not return to the simplicity of the former emperors; on the contrary, he increased his court, and multiplied the expenses of his government. Of the emperors of the third century, however, many were barbarians who had little or no regard for Rome. Either by preference or necessity, they spent their time in the provinces or on the frontier. When Diocletian and Maximian divided the government the emperor in the east took up his residence at Nicomedia, while the emperor in the west lived in Milan. Constantine, led by various mo- The new tives, chose for his residence Byzantium, which after for- *^^P"* • tifying and enlarging, he called Constantinople. Rome thus lost her position as capital of the empire, being re- placed by Constantinople, or New Rome, as it was called. Constantine earned the gratitude of his Christian sub- jects by making Christianity a legal religion. The conser- vatism of the emperors had led them to forbid the practice The Empire of all new religions ; their fears caused them to regard the p*? j^ harmless meetings of the Christians as dangerous gatherings of conspirators. From the first, therefore, Christianity was proscribed until soon it came to be understood that the mere name of Christian was an offence against the state. To be a Christian was to be worthy of death. While the Christians were generally treated with leniency by the gov- ernment they suffered much at the hands of the mob, who attributed all disasters to them. During the first three 20 The Mediccval Period centuries there were several persecutions, mostly of a local character, but in the year 303, Diocletian, at the instiga- tion of his Caesar, Galerius, began a fierce persecution of the Christians, which was intended utterly to destroy the Schaff, Vol. new religion. " Christian churches were to be destroyed ; ■' ^' '■ all copies of the Bible were to be burned ; all Christians were to be deprived of public office and civil rights ; and, at last all, without exception, were to sacrifice to the gods upon pain of death." After eight bloody years Galerius confessed that the Christians were too strong for him, and published a proclamation granting them toleration. Two years later Constantine went a step farther and issued an edict ordering all Church property which had been confiscated to be restored to the Christians. It was Constantine the policy of Constantine to further Christianity. In 313 Church ^^^ released the Catholic clergy from many burdensome po- litical duties. In 315 he freed the Church from the pay- ment of certain taxes. Probably in 316 he made legal the manumission of slaves which took place in churches. In 321 churches were granted the privilege of receiving leg- acies. In 323 he forbade the compulsory attendance of Christians at heathen worship and celebrations. Up to 323 the coins which he struck bore the images and inscrip- tions of various gods ; after that time his coins had only allegorical emblems. But though thus favoring Christianity, Constantine never in any way limited or prohibited heathen- ism. He retained the office and performed the duties of pontifex maxinius. In 321 he issued an edict commanding that officials should consult the haruspices (soothsayers). After the year 326 he permitted a temple to be erected to himself, and allowed himself to be worshipped. At his death he was enrolled among the gods and received the title of Divus. It is evident, therefore, that the famed con- version of Constantine was political rather than religious. The Invasions of the Germans 21 His principal interest was centred in the unity of the Church, which he wished to use as a tool in the work of governing the empire. He did not make Christianity the state religion ; he made it merely a legal religion. It re- mained for Gratian (375-383) and Theodosius (379-395) Christianity to make orthodox Christianity the only legal religion, by "^^^e the only legal forbidding heathen worship and persecuting all heresy, religion. They decreed that only orthodox Christians should have the rights of citizenship. Before his death (337), Constantine divided the govern- Julian the ment among his four sons, who covered themselves with P°^ ^ ^" shame by waging war on each other, and by murdering their relatives in order to remove all competitors for the throne. One cousin, however, Julian, was spared and in 361 became emperor. The cruel treatment which he had received from his Christian cousins, together with his love, inspired by his pagan tutors, for the heathen religion, had made him hostile to Christianity. When he came to the throne he therefore tried to destroy Christianity and restored heathenism. But failing completely, for his pains he won the hatred of the Christians and the title. Apostate. Although Diocletian's scheme had failed, it was apparent that one man could not satisfactorily fill the office of em- peror. After several ineffectual attempts at division, The- odosius the Great arranged that, at his death, his first son, Arcadius, should succeed to the government in the east, Two Em- with his residence at Constantinople, and his second son, P^'^o'"^ r"ls» 395- Honorius, should rule in the west, with Milan for his ca;p- ital. Practically this had the effect of making two empires, but the people of that time did not think of the matter in that way. They regarded the empire as indivisible ; only the duties of the emperor could be divided. In spite of this division of labor the fifth century was full of reverses and disasters. The emperors were, for the most part, weak 22 TJic Mediceval Period Zeno sole Emperor, 476 A.D. THE GER- MANS. and worthless, and often mere puppets in the hands of some ambitious and scheming barbarian. At length, the following circumstances led to the deposition of the em- peror in the west and the nominal reunion of the east and the west under one emperor. The Roman army, was, in the fiftli century, largely composed of German mercenaries, who finally began to ask the government for lands on which they might settle. When Romulus Augustulus, a mere boy, became emperor (476) with his father, Orestes, the power behind the throne, the Germans in tlie army, peremptorily demanded that one-third of the land in Italy be divided among them. This demand Orestes refused. They there- upon put themselves under the leadership of Odovacar, a clever soldier of fortune, to take by force what had been denied them. In the war which followed Orestes was slain, the little emperor made a prisoner, and compelled to come before the senate to resign his office. At the command of Odovacar the senate wrote a letter to Zeno, the emperor at Constantinople, telling him what had taken place and adding that, in their judgment, one emperor was able to rule the whole empire. They further asked him to ap- point Odovacar governor of the province of Italy. After some delay, Zeno granted their request, and thus, in the year 476, the whole empire was again nominally under one emperor whose seat was permanently fixed at Constantino- ple. But as a matter of fact, the authority of the emperor was no longer felt in many parts of the west. Some of the fairest provinces of the empire were occupied by Germans who had invaded the empire and settled on the soil, estab- lishing a rude government of their own over the provincials. The Germans, who had once lived east of the Rhine and along the Baltic, had gradually moved west and south, threatening the Rhine and Danube frontiers. During the second and third centuries they made frequent marauding TJic Invasions of the Germans 23 excursions into the empire. Asia Minor, the whole Balkan peninsula, and the eastern part of Gaul suffered much at their hands. In 376 the invading army of the Huns at- tacked the West Goths, who, to save themselves, hastily crossed the Danube, a hundred thousand in number, and begged the emperor to give them lands. The emperor set- The West tied them on lands south of the Danube, made thtm feeder- ^j^° EnToire'' ati (allies), and promised them yearly a gift of grain. 376. They retained their arms, gave hostages to keep the peace, and agreed to furnish a contingent of troops for the Roman army. The Roman officials, however, soon began to op- press and defraud them, and in 378 they revolted and plundered the country. The emperor, Valens, hastened Avith his army to meet them, but was slain in battle near Adrianople (378). Theodosius the Great adopted a wise policy of conciliation toward them, and after some years succeeded in persuading them to return to the lands which had formerly been given them. In 395 the spirit of restlesness again took possession of them and under the leadership of their newly elected king, Alaric, they ravaged the Balkan peninsula. After some years of residence in Illyria and Noricum, they made a successful invasion of Italy (408), took and sacked Rome (410), and spread Sack of themselves over the country, carrying desolation wherever ^°™^» 4iO' they went. In the expectation of crossing over to Africa the next spring, Alaric pitched his camp near Cosenza, where he soon fell a prey to Italian fever. His brother-in- Death of law, Athaulf, who was elected to succeed him, made peace ^"*'' ^^^' with the emperor and received lands for his people in Gaul and Spain. After some years of fighting, Athaulf was able to establish his people on the lands ceded him. They were The king- eventually driven out of Gaul, but held Spain till 711, when ^"^ °^ *^® the Mohammedans conquered them and put an end to their Goths, kingdom. 24 The Medicsval Period Invasion of Ratger, 404, Vandals and Suevi, 406. The king- dom of the Vandals, 429-534- The Bur- gundians, 443-534- This invasion of the empire by the West Goths was soon followed by many others. The defence on the frontier seemed suddenly to fail, thus exposing the empire to the inroads of the barbarians. In the year 404, Ratger, who had become the leader of one division of the East Goths, led about 200,000 of them from Pannonia into Italy. After ravaging the northern provinces he was slain by the emperor's forces and his army completely destroyed. A large army of Vandals and Suevi crossed the middle Rhine during the winter of 406-7, and proceeded slowly through Gaul, devastating the country as they went. En- countering the West Goths in southern Gaul they were driven by them over the Pyrenees. The Suevi were grad- ually forced into northwestern Spain, where they established an obscure kingdom, which was eventually conquered and annexed by the West Goths (585). The Vandals, after having been driven by the West Goths into southern Spain, crossed over into Africa, 80,000 strong, and took possession of the rich provinces there. Their first king, Geiseric, had a large amount of barbarian cunning and shrewdness, but was cruel and treacherous. By oppressing and persecuting the orthodox provincials he made himself feared and hated. He extended his power by conquering the islands of the western Mediterranean and, in 455, he sacked Rome itself. His people, however, were weakened by the climate and by their excesses, and in the next century were easily overcome by the emperor's troops (533-34)- The Burgundians left their home between the Oder and the Vistula al)out the middle of the third century, and in a iew years we find them on the Rhine and the Main. The territory about Worms was granted them in 413. The scene of many parts of the Nibelungen Lied, which contains the Burgundian traditions of that period, is laid in and about The Invasions of the Germans 25 Worms. After various fortunes the emperor's officer, Aetius, in 443, transferred them to the territory south of Lake Ge- neva, from which they extended their power, till, in 473, they had reached the Mediterranean. But they were not able to resist the encroachments of the Franks, their pow- erful neighbors on the north, by whom they were conquered and absorbed (534). A federation of tribes, known as the Alamanni, took pos- The Ala- session of the Black Forest, southern Germany, and north- '"^""i* 49°- ern Switzerland, but, like the Burgundians, their indepen- dence, also, was cut short by the Franks (496). Although racked by these German invaders, Europe was now called to suffer from a still more barbarous foe, the Huns. After taking possession of southeastern Europe in the last quarter of the fourth century, the course of the Huns to the west was temporarily checked. They seem not to have remained long united, but to have broken up into groups, some of which went into the service of the em- pire. After awhile a new leader appeared in the person of Rugilas, who did much to bring them together again. At his death (435) he was succeeded by two nephews, Bleda and Attila, who ruled jointly till about 444, when Attila caused Bleda to be assassinated. By diplomatic means, as well as by force, Attila united all the peoples, of whatever Attila and race, between the Volga and the Rhine. With an army ^^^ Huns, composed largely of Huns and Germans he more than once ravaged the eastern empire, even crossing into Asia, carry- ing the war into Armenia, Syria, the valleys of the Tigris and Euphrates, and threatening Persia. Constantinople was once in danger from him, and was compelled to pay him a heavy ransom. At length, in 450, he turned his at- tention to the west. With an immense army he crossed the Rhine, ravaged northern Gaul, and was moving toward the south when his march was stopped by the defence of Or- 26 The Mediaeval Period The Cata- launian Fields, 451. Character of Attila. The rule of Odovacar, 476 493- l6ans. Aetius, the commander of the imperial army in the west, gathered together all the forces possible and went to assist the city. Attila withdrew to the " Catalaunian Fields" (the exact location of which is unknown), where he was defeated (451) in a great battle. He retreated to his capital in Pannonia, a village near the modern Tukai, on the Theiss river. The next summer he invaded and ravaged northern Italy, but was compelled to retreat, be- cause of the fever which broke out in his army, and the approach of the army under Aetius. Luckily for Europe he died in 453. Though a barbarian, Attila was by no means a savage. He practised the arts of diplomacy, often sent and received embassies, and respected the international laws and customs which then existed. His residence presented a strong mixt- ure of barbarism and luxury. His small, wooden houses were filled with the rich plunder carried off in his many in- vasions of Roman territory. He despised Rome and her civilization, and hoped to erect an empire of his own on her ruins. He had among his following several Greeks, through whose \vritten accounts of him, his conquests, and his kingdom, he hoped to become immortal. At his death his empire fell rapidly to pieces. His son, Ella, attempted to quell the revolting tribes, but lost his life in battle (454). All the German and Slavic peoples which had obeyed At- tila and added to his strength now became independent, and were once more able to trouble the empire. Italy, as we have seen, fell, in 476, into the hands of Odo- vacar, who had at his back a large army composed princi- pally of Germans. Theoretically he was subject to the emperor, but practically he was independent. He gave Italy an excellent government, restoring peace and enforc- ing the laws. Under his rule prosperity was rapidly re- turning and Italy was beginning to recover from the long The Invasions of the Germans 27 period of misrule and violence. In 487 Odovacar attacked the Ruo;ians in Pannonia and defeated them, but their The East prince fled to the East Goths and begged for their protec- y^de U^alv tion. The East Goths, under their king, Theodoric, were 489. living along the middle Danube. Since the emperor was not able to control them, they kept the peace or ravaged the country as it pleased them. Theodoric embraced the opportunity to invade Italy with his whole people, and the emperor, glad to be rid of so troublesome neighbors, gave his consent. It was immaterial to the emperor which of the two barbarians should rule Italy, since he was not able to rule it himself. In 489 Theodoric entered Italy and, after four years of fighting, made peace with Odovacar, agreeing to rule Italy jointly with him. Nevertheless, dur- ing the celebration of the peace thus concluded, Theodoric had Odovacar basely murdered (493). Theodoric, now without a rival, took possession of the country, assigned land to his people, and established them in fixed residence. He ruled Italy as king of the East Goths, making use of the The reign machinery of government which he found already in exist- j^, .Q^_c2(i' ence there, and filling the offices with Romans. He devel- oped an activity of the widest range. He restored the aqueducts and walls of many cities, repaired the roads, drained marshes, reopened mines, cared for public build- ings, promoted agriculture, established markets, preserved the peace, administered justice strictly and enforced the laws. By intermarriages and treaties he tried to maintain peace between all the neighboring German kingdoms, that they might not mutually destroy each other. He knew that if the Germans were weakened by wars among themselves the emperors would easily conquer them. At his death The end of (526) the trouble which arose about the succession led to ^^^ offhe the invasion of Italy by the emperor, Justinian. After East Goths, nearly twenty years of war, the armies of the emperor were ^^^* 28 The Mediceval Period Other Ger- man tribes. Germans settle in Britain, 449. Supremacy of Wessex, 802-39. England re- mains Ger- man. successful, the kingdom of the East Goths was destroyed, and Italy again became a province of the empire. Beyond the frontier there were still several German tribes which were only beginning to come into contact with the empire. Such were tlie Bavarians, the Lombards, the Thuringians, the Saxons, the Angles, the Jutes, and the va- rious tribes in Scandinavia. The Franks, composed of many tribes, and settled along the lower Rhine, gradually spread through northern Gaul. Their history is reserved for a subsequent chapter. The most remote province in the west, Britannia, was also invaded by Germans from the main-land, who slowly wrested the country from its inhabi- tants. This invasion began about 449, the Jutes first tak- ing possession of Kent. Other settlements were soon made which grew into little kingdoms, such as Sussex, Wessex, Essex, East Anglia, Northumbria, and Mercia. These king- doms fought first against the Keltic inhabitants, and then against each other. The final struggle, between Northum- bria, Mercia, and Wessex, resulted in favor of Wessex. Ecgberht, king of Wessex (802-39), "lade himself the over- lord of all England. These Anglo-Saxons established in Britain a pure German state. The Roman civilization was gone; there was noth- ing to prevent their free development along the lines pecul- iar to themselves. Their Anglo-Saxon dialect developed into a literary language almost uninfluenced by Latin. It was spoken everywhere. As early as 680 Caedmon had sung the " Song of Creation " in his mother-tongue, and parts, at least, of the heathen poem "Beowulf ' were already in ex- istence. The laws of the people, written down in Anglo- Saxon, rather than in Latin, as were the laws of all the Germanic kingdoms on the continent, show that the gov- ernment, legal ideas, and customs, which the people had had on the continent were not influenced by Rome and The Invasions of the Germans 29 her civilization. As a result England has now the purest Germanic law of any country in existence — purer than in Germany itself, where, owing to the later connection be- tween that country and the empire, Roman law prevailed over the Germanic. The Anglo-Saxons parcelled out their lands to groups probably of about a hundred warriors. The land which such a group received was then divided among its mem- bers and they settled in villages. Their residences were called after the name of the family, with the addition of "Ham" and "-ham" or "-tun" (English, "home" and "town;" ' German, " Heim " and "Zaun"). "Ham" had the meaning of " dwelling," and " tun " signified the wall or fence which enclosed the village or place of defence. The affairsof each township were managed by all the freemen of the village, who met in a "moot" (meeting) to discuss Democratic and decide all public matters. In the same way all the government, freemen of the hundred met and determined all questions that concerned the welfare of the hundred. A still higher court, composed of all the freemen of the whole tribe, was assembled whenever questions that concerned the whole tribe were to be decided or disputes between the hundreds were to be settled. It is probable that it was early found to be impracticable to get all the freemen together as often as was desirable, and this led to the introduction of a kind of representation. A small number of men were sent from each township to the hundredmoot, and the same number sent from each hundred to the folkmoot. The same social distinctions were perpetuated as had existed among them on the continent. There were three classes : the noblemen or ealdormen, the freemen or ceorls, and the slaves. The coinitatiis was, of course, quickly modified, the followers of a leader being called thanes as soon as they got lands and left the immediate presence of their leaders. 30 The Mediccval Period Christianity in Ireland. Irish Mis- sionaries. Orthodox mission- aries among the Anglo- Saxons. The Christianization of Ireland is veiled in obscurity, but it seems probable that St. Patrick (died in 465 or 493) was the first missionary who met with very much success there. Under him the whole island became Christian, though it was in a low state of civilization, and in the next centuries won so great a reputation for its piety that it was called "The Isle of Saints." The Church of Ireland was independent of Rome, and differed in some respects from the Church on the continent. The type of Christianity es- tablished there was thoroughly ascetic and monastic. The ascetic zeal of the Irish led them to try to convert the world to their form of Christianity. It was not so much what is now called the "missionary spirit," as the desire to undergo hardships of all kinds. To travel in foreign lands as a missionary (^peregrinare pro Christd) was, be- cause of its difficulties, a meritorious work. In accordance with their ascetic ideas, they settled not in the cities but in the wilds. Their first settlements were in Scotland. In 563 St. Columba (or St. Columbcille) sailed with twelve fellow-monks to Scotland, where the island of lona was given them, from which, occasionally reenforced by other monks from Ireland, they carried on their work on the main-land. They labored not only in Scotland, but also among the Anglo-Saxons of Britain and on the continent. Lindisfarne, on the east coast of England, was occupied by them, and for a long time was a centre of missionary activity among the Angles. On his accession Oswald (634-42), king of Northumbria, having once been sheltered in the monastery of lona, sent to its abbot for missionaries. St. Aidan, and after him, St. Cuthbert, met with great success, and it seemed for some time that the Church of Ireland would extend itself over the whole of Great Britain. But there was another stream of missionary activity beginning to move to the west which The Invasions of the Germans 31 had its source in Rome. In 596, Gregory the Great, bishop of Rome, sent a monk, Augustine, with about thirty com- panions, to Kent. Aethelberht, king of Kent, had re- cently married Bertha, an orthodox Prankish princess, who now exerted all her influence in favor of the missionaries, and within a year the king and many of his nobles ac- cepted Christianity and were baptized. From Kent the orthodox form spread slowly to the England north, constantly nearing the boundaries of the Irish faith. jjQj^arf ^ Finally they met face to face in Northumbria. A bitter Catholic struggle arose ; the king, who was in doubt, called a ' ^' council at Whitby (664) to listen to the arguments of both parties. Wilfrid, a priest, spoke for the Roman Church, while Colman defended the claims of the Irish missionaries. Colman continually quoted St. Columba, but Wilfrid de- clared that St. Peter was of greater authority because he was the prince of the apostles and because Jesus had said to him, '>' Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I will build my Church ; and the gates of hell shall not prevail against it. And I will give unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven." When Wilfrid spoke these words the king became very much interested ; he had apparently never heard them before. He asked Colman whether they had really been said to St. Peter, and Colman admitted that they had. The king then asked whether similar authority had been given to St. Columba, and Colman confessed that it had not. At this the king replied, "This is a doorkeeper whom I am un- Bede, His- willing to offend, lest, when I come to the gates of heaven, ^'^■^pV'^^ if he, who is admitted to have the keys, is opposed to me. III., 25. there may be none to open to me." Thus the Roman Church won the day and the Irish missionaries were com- pelled to withdraw from England. The decision brought England into close connection with the continent, es- pecially with the bishop of Rome, assured the influence of 32 The Mediccval Period OneChurch, one king- dom. Monas- ticism and learning. Bede. Rome, and so affected all the future of English history. Through the Church, Roman legal ideas, usages, and modes of thought, in short, the remains of Rome's civilization, were gradually imported, greatly to her advantage, into England. Theodore of Tarsus, a learned Greek, came to England as archbishop of Canterbury (669-90), and by virtue of his high position organized the English Church around Canterbury as the centre and head. He divided all the territory into bishoprics, and introduced the parish system. The whole Church of England was bound to the bishop of Rome. The church organization did not follow the bound- aries of the kingdoms, but all were impressed with the fact that the Church was one and could recognize no political or national lines. The idea of the unity of the Church had great influence on the political ideas, and helped prepare the minds of the people for the idea of the political unity of the whole country. The learning of the monks of England was considerable. While Greek was utterly unknown in the west of Europe, it was mastered by some of the pupils of Theodore. The monasteries contained many monks who were excellent scholars. Most famous of all was Bede, known as the Ven- erable Bede (673-735), a monk of Jarrow. He had for his pupils the six hundred monks of that monastery, besides the many strangers who came to hear him. He gradually mastered all the learning of his day, and left at his death forty-five volumes of his writings, the most important of which are "The Ecclesiastical History of the English," and his translation of the gospel of John into English. His writings were widely known and used throughout Europe. He reckoned all dates from the birth of Christ, and through his works the use of the Christian era became common in Europe. Owing to the large number of mon- The Invasions of the Germans 33 asteries and monks in Northunibria, that part of England was far in advance of the south in civilization. Of all the kingdoms whose beginnings we have thus far traced, only two, those of the Franks and the Anglo-Sax- ons, were to survive the dangers which beset their existence and to become powerful states ; all the others lost their political independence, and were either destroyed or ab- sorbed by the peoples among whom they had settled. From the foregoing account it is apparent that, about 500 A.D., the western part of the empire was held by bar- See Map barians whose rulers were practically independent of the ^" emperor. The Germans always demanded land on which The Ger- they might settle and, in general, it may be said that they JJJand lands took one-third of the soil of the conquered province, dis- tributing it among themselves. They brought with them their peculiar customs and laws which were eventually re- duced to writing and have been preserved for us. The German demanded to be tried and judged by the laws of his own tribe. He regarded his tribal law as a personal possession which he carried with him wherever he went. This conception of law, known as personal, was opposed to the Roman, which was territorial. All the Germans, except the Franks and the Anglo- Arianism Saxons, had been converted to Christianity before they ?^'^°"f Jl ^ ' -' -' (jrermans. settled in the empire. But, unfortunately for them, their faith was now regarded as heretical, being known as Arian- ism. This was a form of Unitarianism. The provincials among whom they settled hated them, both as foreign con- querors and as heretics. There could, therefore, be little free intercourse between the two peoples. 34 The Mediaeval Period SPECIAL TOPICS The Reign of the Antonines. Gibbon, Roman Empire, Chap. III. Capes, Age of the Aniom'/ies, Chaps. IV. and V. The Church and the Empire. Fisher, Beghinuigs of Christianity. Uhl- horn, Conflict of Christianity 7uith Heathenism. Capes, Age of the An- tonines, Chaps. VI. and VII. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. II., Chaps. II. -III. Vol. III., Chaps. I. -III. Each $4.00. Scribner. Milman, History 0/ Latin Christianity, Vol. I., Chap. I. Theodoric. Hodgkin, Thcodoric the Goth. Milman, History of Latin Christianity, Vol. II., Chap. III. Bury, The Later Rotnan Empire, Vol. I., pp. 261-289. The Anglo-Saxons. Green, Making of England, pp. i-i88. Milman, Vol. IV., Chaps. III.-V. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, Vol. I., Chaps. IV. -VIII. Cutts, Augustine of Canterbury. $1.00. Houghton, Mifflin & Co, G. F. Maclear, The English. 2s. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, London. A. J. Mason, The Mission of St. Augustine. $1.25. Macmillan. mans were invaders. CHAPTER II THE REACTION OF THE EMPIRE AGAINST THE GERMANS LITERATURK. —Bury, Later Roman Empire. 2 vols. $6.00. Macmillan. Qa.'p^s, University Life in Ancient Athens. $0.25. Harper. Gibbon, Roman Empire, Chaps. XL.-XLIV. Although there was more or less friendly intercourse be- The Ger- tween the various Germanic kingdoms and the court of Constantinople, the situation was far from pleasing to the emperor. The barbarians had invaded his territory ; they were unwelcome guests whom he must entertain because he did not have the power to drive them out. Of this weak- ness they took advantage, and ruled with such indepen- dence that their lands were practically cut off from the empire. Such a loss of territory was regarded as a great disgrace, which could be removed only by the reconquest of the lost provinces. In an absolute government every- thing depends on the ability of the monarch. The anarchy and violence of the fourth and fifth centuries were possible because of the weak emperors and the internal feuds and dissensions. The weak rulers of these centuries were fol- lowed by a succession of able men, chief of whom was Jus- tinian. In him the reaction against the Germans reached its highest point. Under Zeno (474-91), Anastasius I. (491-518), and Justin I. (518-27), the empire slowly gathered strength, and the way was prepared for the bril- liant activity of Justinian (527-65). The long period of helplessness and weakness was followed by a great revival of strength, in which the palmy days of the empire seemed 35 36 The Mediccval Period to return. The imperial arms were again victorious, and large parts of the lost territory were reconquered and again united to the empire. Justinian Justinian's claim to the title Great rests on his versatility 527-05. and cleverness. His interests were of the widest range. He was interested in building and architecture, in law and theology, in commerce and manufactures, in war, diplomacy, and the art of governing. He was able to select men of ability to fill the highest positions and to work for him; he was inflexible in will and persisted with the greatest deter- mination in the policy which he had once adopted. His attention was called to the condition of the laws. They had never yet been collected and codified. There Codification were many inconsistencies and contradictions among them ; of Roman consequently the administration of justice was difficult. Justinian appointed a commission, with Tribonian at its head, to collect, harmonize, and arrange the laws of the empire. This was done in such a way that all earlier col- lections were made useless, and hence, the most of them were soon destroyed. The laws themselves were gathered into one collection which has ever since been called the Codex of Justinian. Tribonian seems to have used the ut- most freedom in treating the text of the laws. Many changes were made in order to reduce them to harmony. Besides the laws, the opinions, explanations, and decisions of famous judges and lawyers were collected. As in the practice of law to-day, much regard was had for precedent and decisions in similar cases, and these were brought to- gether from all quarters in a collection called the Pandects. For the use of the law-students, a treatise on the general principles of Roman law was prepared, which was called the Institutes. Justinian himself carefiilly kept the laws which he promulgated, and afterward published them under the title of " Novellae." Reaction of the Empire against Germans 37 Immense sums of money were necessary to carry on the work which Justinian planned. The churches he built, the most famous of which is St. Sophia ; the walls and nu- merous forts with which he sought to protect the empire ; the fraud practised in the administration of the army and in the collection of the taxes ; Justinian's lavish personal Taxation. expenditures and the extravagance of the court, all so in- creased the taxes that the financial ruin of the people was only a question of time. Under Justinian Byzantine art took on its final form. A Byzantine fixed style of church architecture was developed, the prin- ' cipal characteristics of which are the cupola and the round arch. The churches were decorated with mosaics and paintings. In painting, also, certain types were accepted and forms established which became orthodox, and from which the Church would suffer no variation. These types and forms therefore existed for centuries without any change. In fact they are still observed and practised in the religious art of Russia and Greece. Justinian regarded himself as the final authority in all Justinian ecclesiastical matters, both in doctrine and in polity. He rhurch himself was orthodox, and believed that it was the duty of the state to destroy heresy. Heretics were persecuted and deprived of the rights of citizenship. He treated the bishops of Rome as his officials. When they displeased him, he ordered them to come to Constantinople, and, as it seemed best to him, he reprimanded, imprisoned, and even de- posed and exiled them. What may be called " home mission work " was carried on by the clergy at the com- mand of Justinian. There were still large numbers of pagans in the empire. Nearly all the peasants were pagan, and even in Constantinople there were many heathen to be found. These were sought out and forced to accept Chris- tianity or suffer persecution. 38 The Mediceval Period The univer- sity at Athens. Factions in Constanti- nople. Discussion of theologi- cal ques- tions. The greatest university of the world was, in this period, at Athens. Its professors were wholly pagan. So great was its fame, however, that even the Christian youth were sent there to be educated. Some of the greatest of the Church fathers were trained in that university. In 529 Justinian closed the schools of Athens, and forbade heathen philosophers to teach. They were practically exiled. Many of them fled to Persia, where they hoped to find the fullest liberty. In this they were disappointed, and after enduring persecutions there, they returned to the west. The worst foes of the emperor were the people of Con- stantinople, who, because of their turbulence, kept him constantly in fear of a rebellion and rendered it impossible for him to give his undivided attention to the affairs of state. There were two great factions in the capital, each of which had its jjartisans throughout the empire. These factions were divided on all questions, both political and religious. Their most common place of meeting was the circus, where each party railed at the other and endeavored to win the favor and the patronage of the emperor. From the colors of the charioteers in the races the factions were known as the "Greens" and the "Blues." The Blues were orthodox and devoted to the house of Justinian, but the Greens were heterodox and secretly attached to the family of Anastasius. Probably religious differences were the cause of the deep- est hatred and at the bottom of all the trouble. During the long period while Christianity was fusing with the philosophy of the Greeks, and while the dogmas of the Church were being developed in accordance therewith (that is, during the first eight centuries, although the high- est activity was reached from the third to the sixth cen- tury), the Greek intellectual world was in a state of the greatest fermentation and discussion. Even the humblest Reaction of the Empire against Germans 39 would have his say about the highest questions, and the green -grocer, the barber, and the cobbler were more inter- ested in discussing metaphysical questions with their cus- tomers than in serving them.' The questions at issue were purely speculative, in regard to the person of Jesus and his relation to God. Arianism declared that Jesus was not God, and had not existed eternally but had been created. He occupied, however, a much higher place than man. Orthodoxy was content with no other form of statement The Ni- than one which would declare that Tesus was " the Son of o^*?^ ^^^rfi -" bcnan, 111., God, begotten of the Father, Light of Light, very God of 667 ff. very God, begotten, not made, being of one substance with the Father." Furthermore, if Jesus was God, how was he at the same time man ? What kind of body did he have ? Did he have two natures, the divine and the hu- man ? two wills : divine and human ? How were these united? What was the relation between them? These and similar questions were discussed, not only in the church councils, but at the court, in the streets, in the places of business, and, indeed, wherever people came to- gether. Their discussion and study absorbed the attention of the best talent of the day. Still worse, they were fused with politics, and every political question was at the same Theology time a religious one. It was inevitable that such a com- f." PO"- '^ txcs bination should add to the mutual hatred, intrigue, and treachery. Though Justinian's ambition made it impossi- ble for him to submit tamely to the tyranny of these fac- tions, for some years he found no means of overcoming them, and was compelled to suffer many indignities at their hands. In 532, however, in consequence of a riot, Jus- tinian seized some of the leaders of both factions and or- ' Gibbon, chap, xxvii., quotes from Jortin a paraphrase of a passage in Gregory of Nyssa's Sernfion on the Divinity of the Son and of the Holy Spirit. ■ 40 The Medifvval Period dered them to be put to death. But two of them were res- cued by the people, and both parties, choosing Hypatius emperor, united and attacked Justinian. While Justinian was holding council with his advisers and planning to escape, Theodora his wife, broke in upon them and de- See Bury, clared that, although a woman, she had a right to be heard •?ri"ff *' ^^' S'i''ce her interests were at stake. All must submit to death, but not to exile, dishonor, and the loss of the impe- rial dignity. She did not wish to live if she could not retain her rank as empress. If the emperor wished, he might flee, he had gold which he could take with him, the sea was at hand, and ships were ready. But she preferred to remain and die, since the imperial throne would be a glorious tomb. At her words, Justinian regained his cour- age and sent the imperial guard under Belisarius to attack the rioters, who had taken possession of the circus. The mob were taken off their guard ; Belisarius put thousands to death, among them all the leaders. The power of the The fac- factions was thus broken. The city was now helpless in st°"^ ^a' *^^ emperor's hands, and he was consequently free to turn his attention to the larger policy on which he had already set his heart. The Emper- This policy was to recover all the lost provinces and re- German" ^'■^^^ ^'^^ empire in all its extent. This necessitated the policy. destruction of the German kingdoms, and Justinian turned his attention to the west. His conquest of the Vandals in Africa and of the East Goths in Italy has already been mentioned. He also attacked the West Goths in Spain (551), but was successful only in gaining a few places on the coast. By his intrigues, the German tribes north of the Danube, such as the Lombards, Gepidae, and Heruli, Unsuccess- were kept at war with each other. But Justinian's anti- ful in his German policy was destined to fail because he was dis- plans. tracted from it by the wars which he was compelled to Rcactio)i of the Empire against Germans 41 wage with the Persians, the Slavs, the Avars, and the Bul- garians. Persia, under its great king, Chosroes I. (531- Persia. 79), was at the height of its power, and Justinian was not able to cope successfully with this hereditary foe. His victory over the East Goths was delayed more than once, because he was compelled to use all his forces in the east; but in spite of his exertions he was defeated by the Per- sians, compelled to pay tribute, and to surrender some of his territory in the east. The Slavs also interfered with The Slavs. Justinian's plans. As the Germans deserted the territory south of the Baltic, the Slavs followed them and took pos- session of all the land as far west as the Elbe. They fol- lowed hard upon the heels of the withdrawing Bavarians, occupying Bohemia, Moravia, and many parts of modern Austria. More than once they crossed the Danube, rav- aged the provinces, and even threatened Constantinople. They pressed into the Balkan peninsula and made settle- ments, which have grown into the modern Bosnia, Dal- matia, Servia, and other Slavic principalities, now subject either to Turkey or Austria. A little later they colonized Greece. The Peloponnesus was so completely occupied by them that it came to be called Slavonia. The Bulgarians were originally a Ural-Altaic people, The Bulgar- but they came into Europe, settled among some Slavic '^"®' tribes, and were absorbed by them. Nothing was left but their name, which came to be applied to the Slavs with whom they had fused. They lost their language, customs, and nationality, and became thoroughly Slavic. Year after year this mixed people invaded the empire and de- vastated many of its fairest districts. It was not till about 680 that they settled in the territory which they now oc- cupy. In 558 the Avars (the Cotrigur Huns) invaded the em- xhe Avars, pire from the east. After doing much damage they finally 42 The Mediccz'al Period established, on the middle Danube, the kingdom of the Avars, which later was destroyed by Karl the Great. Luckily at the very time of Justinian's opposition to the Germans, the Germanic element in the empire was strength- New Ger- ened by the formation of the great tribe of the Bavarians, man tribes, j-j^^ settlement of the Lombards in Italy, and the growth of the Franks (which latter will be described in the succeed- ing chapter). Some German tribes known as the Marcomanni had at one time occupied Bohemia (Bajahemum), from which they received the name Bavarians (Bajavarii, men of Bohemia). Shortly after 487 they left Bohemia and took possession of the territory which now bears their name and from which they were never afterward removed. After various wanderings, the Lombards had settled in Pannonia. They had become allies of the empire, and, at the instigation of Justinian, had made war on the Heruli, and then on the Gepid?e. Justinian had feared them, but did not live to see their invasion. After his successful completion of the war with the East Goths, Narses had been made exarch of Italy, with his residence at Ravenna. To avenge his ill-treatment at the hands of Justin II., the The Lorn- successor of Justinian, he is said to have invited the Lom- It^lv^ ^" bards to invade Italy, promising not to interfere with them. 568-774. They came under their king Alboin (568), bringing frag- ments of other tribes with them. They occupied northern Italy, and Pavia became their capital. They then moved to the south, and, after overrunning a large part of Italy, es- tablished the duchies of Benevento and Spoleto. Alboin was soon murdered, and a leader named Cleph was made king. Cleph ruled less than a year, meeting with the same fate as his predecessor. For about ten years the Lombards, broken up into bands and groups, each under a duke or hej'zog, existed without a king. The idea of kingship was Reaction of the Empire against Germans 43 not yet thoroughly developed among them, and they felt that a king was not necessary to their existence. They con- sequently reverted to the forms of government which they had had before entering the empire. It is said that there were thirty-five such dukes reigning among them at one time. They were surrounded by enemies, and their divided condition was a cause of great weakness. About 580 they became convinced that they needed a king and elected Authari ; but the dukes had already become too powerful and Authari was never completely master. The duchies of Benevento and Spoleto were only nominally subject to him. The territory thus wrested from the empire was firmly held, but the Lombards could not conquer all Italy. Ravenna, the extreme southern part, and the duchy of Rome still re- mained in the hands of the emperor. Unlike all the other Germans, many of the Lombards settled in the cities and towns. Their urban residence undoubtedly had much to do with the early development of the Italian cities, the mediaeval grandeur of which was due, in part at least, to the German blood of their citizens. SPECIAL TOPICS The Justinian Code. Adams, Civilization During the Middle Ages, pp. 31- 37. $2.50. Scribner. Milman, Bk. III., Chap. V. Gibbon, /?t'wa» Empire, Chap. XLIV. The Lombards. Bury, The Later Roman Empire, II., pp. 145-158 and 499- 509. $6.00. Macmillan. Oman, irziany. $1.50. Harper. ^ryce, Holy Roman Empire. $1.00. Macmillan. Chntzh, The Beginnings of ike Middle Ages. $1.00. Scribner. Emer- \ov\. Introduction to Study of the Middle Ages. $1.25. Ginn. Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in tlie Middle Ages. $2.00. Scribner. Guizot, T/ie History of Civilization. $1.50. Appleton. \io&Z\i\n, Charles the Great. $0.75. Macmillan. Cutts, Charlemagne. 2S. 6s. Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. Momhert, Charles the Great. $5.00. Appleton. 'WcWs, Age of Charlemagne. .$2.00. Scribner. Fisher, Mediceval Empire. 2 Vols. $7.00. Macmillan. In 481 Chlodwig became king of a small tribe of Salian Franks. By force or fraud he overcame, one after an- other, all the petty kings about him, and slowly gathered the many Prankish tribes under his sceptre. His first im- portant victory was gained over Syagrius, a Roman ofificial, who was then governing a large district between the Loire and the Seine. Chlodwig took possession of the territory thus conquered and so extended his power to the Loire (486). In 496 he conquered the Alamanni, and in con- sequence of his victory accepted the orthodox form of Christianity and was baptized with a large number of his people. The bishop of Rheims, who performed the rite, addressed him as a second Constantine, and told him it was his duty to protect, defend, and extend the Church. 44 The Franks 45 This conversion of Chlodvvig and the Franks to the or- thodox faith was the foundation and beginning of the famous alhance between the bishops of Rome and the Prankish kings, which, with interruptions, lasted for cen- turies, and profoundly modified the course of events. Chlodwig continued his conquests by depriving the The Frank- West Goths of nearly all their territory north of the Pyre- jivided^'^"'" nees. When he died, in 511, he divided his kingdom among his four sons, who, in spite of frequent civil wars, Prankish were able to extend their boundaries. In 531 Thuringia conquests, was acquired ; in 534 Burgundy was added to their pos- sessions; and in 555 Bavaria was reduced to subjection. All this territory was united under Chlothar (558-61), only to be again divided among his four sons at his death ; but neither was this division permanent. The Franks in the west were slowly yielding to Roman influences, and were becoming separated from the Franks in the east, who still remained more thoroughly German and warlike. The fact that the two districts were under different kings, who were for many years hostile to each other, helped increase and perpetuate the differences between them, so that they received different names and were regarded as different kingdoms. The eastern part was called Austrasia, and the Austrasia western Neustria. During the last half of the sixth century ^j-jg^ these two kingdoms were disturbed by civil wars, the lead- ing spirits in which were the rival queens Fredegonda and Brunhilda. Since the days of Chlodwig an important office had been developed at the court of the Frankish kings. As the king grew in power and importance, his household increased accordingly. Over this household he placed a chief ser- vant, called major doftms, or mayor of the palace, who was responsible for its management. This office, at first servile. The major soon took on a political character. The major domus al- ^^^"""s. 46 The Mcdicrval Period ways had the ear of the king ; all access to the king was through him ; his influence therefore became great. Grad- ually he became the king's intimate adviser, and the orig- inal character of his office disappeared. It must be noted, The nobility too, that there was a major domus in each kingdom. The tr^\*^ f th °"" "o^l^'S ^^^^y ^^^^^ ^° control the appointment of the major office. domus, unsuccessfully, however, till a mere child succeeded to the throne of Austrasia, when the nobles got possession of the boy and appointed one of their own number major domus and regent. Since the king was a child, the major domus had every opportunity to increase his own power, and the king was never again his own master. Dagobert. Dagobert, who was king over all the Franks (628-38), was the last to enjoy any great amount of independent au- thority. After him there came the "do-nothing kings," who had no share in the government and were kept only as figure-heads. The major domus exercised royal authority without having the royal name. At the death of Dagobert the office of major domus in Austrasia became hereditary in the family of Pippin the Elder. This Pippin was the lord of two estates, known as Landen and Heristhal. Arnulf, Union of the bishop of Metz, was married, as were many of the clergy families of ^ ^j^^^ ^ ^j^^j ]^jg ggj^ Ansegisil married the daughter of Pippin and -" ° ,. 1 r Arnulf. Pippin. From this union sprang the hne known (from their most splendid representative, Karl the Great) as the Karlings. Pippin passed his office of major domus on to his son Grimoald, who lost his life in an attempt to usurp the title of king for his son. The people were still too much attached to their royal house, and the nobles were too jealous of Grimoald, to permit this change. Pippin of Pippin the Yoimger, or Pippin of Heristhal, as he is Heristhal called, seized the office of major domus and practically majordomus ' j >. j (687-714). ruled Austrasia. After a long war he made himself master of Neustria also (687-714), thus ruhng over the whole The Franks 47 Frankland. He began a policy which was to be followed by his successors and to bear its legitimate fruit in the kingdom of Karl the Great. He strove to consolidate his vast territories; to bring them under one central govern- ment ; to render this government as nearly absolute as possible, and to make the people of his kingdom homo- geneous. His son, Karl Martel, who succeeded him (714- Karl Mattel 41), continued this work. His reign was full of wars, ^7i4"4i)- because, whenever an opportunity was given, some part of the kingdom revolted. One after another, the Frisians, the Neustrians, the Thuringians, the Bavarians, the Ala- manni, and the people of Aquitaine rebelled, only to be put down by arms. The Mohammedans invaded Frank- land from Spain (720), but Karl Martel met them at The battle Tours and broke their powers so completely (732) that %o2\^^^ they were never able to establish themselves north of the Pyrenees. Before Karl Martel died he divided the power between his two sons, Karlman and Pippin. The brothers ruled together harmoniously till Karlman resigned and went into a monastery, leaving Pippin sole major domus. Deeming that the time was now ripe. Pippin laid his plans for ob- Pippin be- taining the royal title. He sent an embassy to Rome to J^T^^ ^"^ ask pope Zacharias who should be king : the one who had the title without the power, or the one who had the power without the title. The pope, who was looking abroad for an ally, replied that it seemed to him that the one who had the power should also be king ; and acting on this. Pippin called an assembly of his nobles at Soissons (751), deposed the last phantom king of the Merovingian line, and was himself elected and anointed king. Pippin's invasions of Lombardy and his service to the Karl the oppressed papacy will be described later. Before his death 814)^ (768) he divided his kingdom between his two sons, Karl- 48 The Mcdiaval Period Karl con- quers the Lombards. The Saxon wars. Karl's other conquests. man and Karl — ^bitter enemies — and civil war was averted only by the death of Karlman (771). The quarrel between the pope and the Lombards broke out again, and as Karl had a private grudge against the latter, he was easily persuaded to interfere on behalf of the pope. He invaded Lombardy, conquered its king, Desi- derius, and ijiade himself king of the Lombards. He then renewed the gift of his father, Pippin, to the pope. The conquest of the Lombards was of great importance because it brought Karl into close relations with Italy and the papacy. Equally important for other reasons was the subjugation of the Saxons. For more than thirty years (772-804) Karl was engaged in fighting them. Year after year he overran their territory and received their submission and their promise to accept Christianity ; but as soon as he with- drew his army they would revolt, destroy the churches, slay the Christian priests, and revert to heathenism. But Karl eventually wore them out and they submitted to his rule. He divided the land into bishoprics and established bishops at Minden, Paderborn, Verden, Bremen, Osna- brueck, and Halberstadt. These places quickly grew into towns and became centres of life and civilization, and roads were built to connect them, to facilitate travel and trade. Karl's reign was one long campaign. Revolts in Bavaria called him into that duchy, and in 787 he removed its duke and placed it under counts of his own appointment. It required several campaigns to destroy the kingdom of the Avars on the middle Danube. The Slavs between the Elbe and the Oder were subjugated by Karl, and Bohemia was compelled to pay him tribute. Toward the end of his reign the Norsemen troubled the northern frontier. The Mohammedans in Spain Karl drove beyond the Ebro, and The Franks 49 his fleets contended with the naval forces of the Mohamme- dans on the Mediterranean Sea for the possession of Sardinia, Corsica, and other islands. In the south of Italy his troops even came into conflict with the army of the Greek emperor, but there was little fighting between them. Fortunate in all his wars, Karl succeeded in extending his boundaries in all directions. It was this series of splendid conquests which laid the foundations for the renewal of the empire and the imperial title in the west. Tlie west, as we have seen, had for a long time been The idea of practically separated from the empire. Yet the idea still ^.'"'orld em- prevailed that there must be an empire ; that it was neces- sary to the existing order of things ; that without an em- pire the world could not stand, and that, in fact, the west was still a part of the empire. The Church had striven to become universal, and by insisting on ecclesiastical unity had helped keep alive the idea of political unity. The bishops of Rome had recognized the emperor at Constan- tinople as their lord ; but during the eighth century a quar- rel had arisen and the popes had thrown off their allegiance and were looking for a protector elsewhere. The great power of the Frankish kingdom and its close alliance with the bishops of Rome were the conditions without which the revival of the empire in the west would have l)een im- possible. There was in Rome a party which was laboring for The repubh'- the independence of Rome and the revival of her ancient jfiL^^"^*^ *" power. They were beginning to dream the dreams which troubled the Middle Age so much, dreams about restoring the Rome of the ancient republic, and making her once more the head of the world. In their way, however, was the pope, who was trying to govern Rome in a more or less autocratic manner. In 798 this party organized a re- volt, maltreated Leo III., preferred charges of perjury and ;o The Mcdicoval Period Coronation of Karl (80 oj. Grounds for the revolt. adultery against him, and drove him from Rome. He fled to Karl the Great and begged to be restored. Karl sent him back to Rome under the protection of his officials, and himself followed later. After Leo took an oath that he was innocent of the crimes with which he was charged, Karl reinstated him in his office. Then, on Christmas day, 800, while Karl was kneeling in the church of St. Peter at Rome, the pope, without a word of warning, placed the imperial crown on his head and did him rev- erence; and all the people present shouted and hailed him emperor. Karl was taken by surprise. He was indeed striving to obtain the crown, but he wished to get it in a legitimate way, either by marrying Irene, empress in the east, or by getting her to recognize him as her colleague and emperor in the west. He was, in fact, turning both plans over in his mind when his coronation by the pope forestalled him and cut across his plans and, worst of all, made him in his own eyes a usurper. He knew that the pope had no legal right to give him the crown. It was an act of open rebellion against the emperor at Constantino- l)le, although one for which the pope thought he had good and sufficient grounds. The emperors had for many years not done their duty to the western Church and especially to the popes. By force of circumstances the emperor was limited in his activities almost wholly to the east, while the pope's interests and authority were limited to the west. Whenever the emperor had interfered in the west, it had generally been to the disadvantage of the pope ; small won- der, then, that he was ready to revolt and transfer his alle- giance to another. Added to this was the fact that the east was smirched with the heresy of hostility to the use of images. The west was shocked, too, that for the first time in its history the throne was held by a woman ; and not only was the sovereign a woman, she was also guilty of The Franks 51 inhuman cruelty, for she had deposed, imprisoned, and blinded her son, Constantine VI. This action of the pope also fell in with the prevailing desire of the people of Rome to restore their city to the place of honor which she had once had, but which was now held by Constanti- nople. There were good reasons why Karl should be elevated to this high position. By conquest he had built up an em- pire which included all the west of Europe ; he had in cer- tain directions even extended the boundary of the empire, and had everywhere established, protected, and promoted tlie Church, and preserved order and peace ; he was, there- fore, the only possible candidate the west had to offer. Karl the The pope had also a selfish motive. His position in Rome S" ^ in'the was no longer sure. The republican party in the city had west, driven him out once, and would do so again if the oppor- tunity were offered. The pope knew that he could hold his place in Rome only with the aid of Karl. By being crowned emperor, Karl was made responsible for the pres- ervation of peace and order in Rome. The pope could therefore hope for Karl's support and protection, since the emperor would not tolerate the independence of Rome nor allow the principal bishop in the west to be driven from his place. Karl's surprise and displeasure were great, but he did not refuse the crown. He assumed the title, but at the same time began negotiations with Constantinople, looking tow- ard the confirmation of his newly acquired honor. But the emperors in the east were for a long time inexorable ; they refused him all recognition and heaped insults upon him. Karl, however, preserved a conciliatory attitude, Y". °^' and finally obtained what he so earnestly desired. In 812 recognition he was greeted as " Imperator " and " Basileus " by the oftheeast- ° ' •' ern court ambassadors of the eastern court. The defect in his title (812). 52 The Mediccz'al Period was thereby removed, and Karl troubled himself no fur- ther about Constantinople. The coronation of Karl was, as has been said, a rebel- lious, and therefore an illegal, act. Although Karl contin- ued to recognize the existence of the emperors at Con- stantinople, the people in the west believed that they were deposing the eastern line and restoring the supremacy of the west. In their lists of emperors the name of Karl directly follows that of Constantine VI. It was, and they meant that it should be, a revolt. At the time there was no attempt made to give a legal explanation of it or to Three theo- make any theory about it ; but later three legal theories "^®' were advanced by different parties, each of which wished to make capital out of the event. The imperial party declared that Karl had won the crown by his conquests, and was indebted to no one for it but himself. This the- ory was based on truth, for Karl had conquered great ter- ritories, and but for this would not have been even thought of for emperor. The papal party said that the pope, by virtue of his power as successor of the Apostle Peter, had deposed the emperor at Constantinople and conferred the crown on Karl. This was based on the fact that the pope actually crowned Karl ; but at that time no one supposed for a moment that the pope was crowning him by virtue of any such power. Such an interpretation was not thought of till long after. The people of Rome also ad- vanced a theory to the effect that they had elected Karl, and that they had revived their ancient right of electing the emperor. This theory had in its favor little more than the fact that the people had sanctioned the action of their leader by their shouts and acclamations. Effects of Such was the famous restoration of the empire in the west, a most important act, because of the great influence it had on the later history. It bound Italy and Germany the restora- tion. The Franks 53 together in a union which, while it had its compensations, was, on the whole, ruinous to both, at least politically. In consequence of this coronation of Karl, for seven hun- dred years the German emperors were unable to free them- selves from the idea that they must rule Italy, and they continually wasted their strength in useless campaigns in Italy, instead of extending Germany to the east, the only direction in which there was possibility of success. They wore themselves out in Italy, but were never able to unite Germany. The best days of her best emperors were spent on Italian soil, and the political unification of Germany was made impossible until our own times. The coronation of Karl greatly increased his prestige, and, indirectly, his power. "Emperor" was far more than " king," and brought with it many more duties and obligations. Karl regarded himself as much exalted by Karl's con- the new office. The emperor was supposed to hold his h^g J^"e office directly from God, to whom alone he was responsi- ble for everything he did. This is apparent from some of Karl's measures for governing. Shortly after his corona- tion he compelled all his subjects to take a special oath to himself as emperor, the peculiarity of which was that all were required to swear that they would live not only as good citizens, but also as good Christians. The emperor assumed responsibility for the Christian living of his sub- jects. For carrying on the government of his vast territory Karl's gov- Karl had to invent new forms and adapt old ones. He ^^"'"^'it. held " mayfields " according to the old German custom, but it was impossible for all his subjects to attend them. Large numbers of them came, however, especially because the campaigns were planned in these meetings, and it was expected that the armies would proceed at once to the war. He divided his territory into counties and placed over each 54 Tlic Mediccval Period Dukes dis- appear. Missi inici. Counts. a count {Graf). In the west the cities with the surround- ing country formed these counties ; in the east they were formed by the old tribal boundaries, while on the frontiers new districts were organized (marches or Markgrafschaften) and placed under border counts. The counts were held responsible for the administration of the government in their counties. The dukes and duchies of Aquitaine, Alamannia, Sax- ony, and Bavaria disappeared, because they were too strong a menace to the unity of the empire. Only the dukes of Benevento, Brittany, and Gascony remained, and they were simply Karl's officers and not independent. In order to put a check on all the officers of his realm, and to control them, Karl sent out special commissioners, Dom- called '■'■ Alissi Dominici,^'' or royal messengers, whose duty it was to oversee all that was done by the local officers. They were to inquire into the conduct of all officials, and of the clergy as well. Appeals were made to them, and any misconduct on the part of any officer was reported to them. They were generally sent out in twos, one of them being a clergyman. They looked after the condition of the army, the collection of the taxes, the state of the churches and schools, the morals of the clergy, and the administration of justice as well as of things in general. In this way Karl was kept fully conversant with the affairs of both Church and state throughout his kingdom. The clergy were also regarded as officers of the state, and they had certain civil duties. They and the counts were sup- posed to work together in harmony, and mutually to assist each other ; but there were at bottom the same unsettled relations between the clergy and the counts as between the emperor and the pope ; the authority, rights, and duties of each were not clearly defined. Karl himself by his own personal efforts gave unity to the The Franks 55 government and did much of the actual work of governing. Karl's per- sonal goi ernment. He was busy moving from one part of the reahii to another, g^"^ ^?^" fighting, administering justice, conducting trials, settling difficulties, and, in general, keeping the machinery of gov- ernment in motion. His military system did not differ from that of his prede- His military cessors. At his summons all his free subjects were supposed ^y^^^"^* to come prepared to begin a campaign. But the frequency of his wars and their great distance from home made them very burdensome, and many began to try to escape military service. A compromise was effected by which a certain number of men were allowed to equip one man and send him as their representative. Karl also built a fleet to guard the coast, and especially the mouths of rivers, which latter he often fortified. As a lawgiver he was also active, although there is little Karl as law- that is remarkable in his legislation. He tried to preserve S'^^^- the old German laws and customs, which he caused to be reduced to writing. His own laws are a curious mixture of German, Roman, and biblical elements. Since his em- pire was Christian, the Bible was the very highest author- ity, and all laws vvere to be in harmony with it. It did indeed color much of his legislation. As a builder Karl achieved a great reputation. He built As builder, many churches, the principal one of which was the church of St. Mary at Aachen. He built a great palace for him- self at Aachen, another at Ingelheim, near Mainz, and an- other at Nijmegen. He also built a bridge over the Rhine at Mainz, but it was destro)'ed by fire before his death. His architects were mostly Italians. Many pillars and other building materials were brought from Italy at incred- ible expense and labor. The style of his architecture was undoubtedly a derived Byzantine, for the buildings of Ra- venna were his models. so The Mediaeval Period His attitude toward learning. Karl's in- terest in his schools. Monk of St. Gall, The Deeds of Karl the Great, I., 3. Probably the most remarkable of all Karl's activities was his educational work. He drew to his court some of the most learned men of his day, among them Alcuin, Paulus Diaconus, and Peter of Pisa. He formed his court into a palace school (^scola palatind), all the members of which assumed either classical or biblical names. Karl called himself David. The sessions of this school were held mostly in the winter, because in the summer Karl was en- gaged in his wars. His learned men gave lectures, and there were many discussions of the subjects broached. The clergy of the empire were, on the whole, very ignorant, many of them too ignorant to preach, and Karl caused a volume of sermons to be prepared for their use. He estab- lished cathedral schools, the most prominent of which were at Rheims and Orleans, and monastery schools, such as those of St. Gall, Tours, Reichenau, Fulda, Hersfeld, and Corvey. The.se were especially for the education of the clergy, but they were open to laymen as well. In fact, Karl had thoughts of a state system of public instruction. He established two schools of music, one at Metz, the other at Soissons, and asked the pope to send him priests who could give instruction in the style of singing practised in Italy. Among the many stories about Karl, which the monk of St. Gall collected, is one that shows the interest which Karl took in the work of the schools. Returning to Aachen after a long absence, Karl ordered all the scholars to show him the results of their studies. The sons of the high no- bility were unable to produce any proofs of their industry, while those of common birth laid before him many of their compositions in the form of letters, poems, and other docu- ments, all well composed according to the models then in vogue. Karl thundered out his displeasure at the idle ones, rebuking them for their trust in their liigh birth, and for The Franks 57 spending their time in sports and in idleness. He warned them that if they continued in this course they need never expect any gifts or preferment from him. The others he commended for their industry and obedience, and urged them to labor to perfect their education, promising to hold all such in high honor and to reward them with good bish- oprics and abbeys. This manifold activity amounted to a real revival of learn- Effects of ing, which bore fruit in the ninth century in the great dis- .^. ^ " putations about foreordination and transubstantiation, as Learning," well as in the literature of that period. The great emphasis placed on classical Latin had some very important effects. In the first place, it purified the Latin of the Church, but at the same time widened the chasm between the spoken and the written Latin. The spoken Latin had now become a dialect, very different from the written language. This vulgar speech was the beginning of the French language, and its development and use as a literary language were hastened by the revival of classical Latin. The interest in the classics led to the multiplication of manuscripts and the preservation of the works of Latin authors which would otherwise have perished, and it also determined that the Latin should be the language of education during the Mid- dle Age. Karl also loved his own tongue, the German. He caused Karl a Ger- a grammar of it to be made, attempting thus to make of it '"^"' a literary language by reducing it to regular forms. He made a collection of the German songs and legends which were probably the earliest forms of some of the stories in the " Nibelungen Lied," but his son Ludwig, to our great loss, had this destroyed because of its heathenism. The attitude of Karl to the Church has already been Karl and the shown. He regarded it as his special duty to defend the Church. Church and to extend it by converting the heathen. The 58 The Mcdiccval Period motive of many of his wars was (]uite as much rehgious as political. He took care that the conquered lands should be supplied with churches and clergy. He regarded him- self as the master of the Church by virtue of the office which he held. He controlled the election of bishops and arch- bishops, and sometimes even appointed them. The organ- , ization of the Cluirch, begun in a systematic way by Boni- face, was completed by him. He exercised the right of calling ecclesiastical councils, presided over them, and signed the decrees, which would otherwise have been in- valid. Under him the Church had no independent power of legislation. The clergy, as well as the laymen, were subject to the laws of the empire. Karl was the first to make the payment of tithes obligatory. During the first seven centuries of the Church, the tithe was practically un- known, being at that time only the traditional and custo- mary rent paid for the use of lands. Karl tried to make this payment binding on the lands whic h he conquered, especially on the Saxons. This tenth, being paid for the support of the Church, brought about a change in the con- ception of tithing. It was then identified with the tithe of the Old Testament, and in time made compulsory through- out all Christian countries. But Karl's authority over the Church extended still fiirther. He claimed the right to determine the polity, ritual, and even the doctrines of the Church. In 787 the empress Irene called a council to meet at Nicaea which should settle the question of the use of images in the churches. This council, under the protection of Irene, de- clared in favor of their use and sent its decrees or decisions Karl and to pope Hadrian (772-95). Hadrian, however, who had ^ °P^" all the time favored the use of images, was pleased with the decisions, sanctioned them, and sent them to Karl asking that they be published. But Karl was of a different opinion. The Franks 59 and calling a council of his bishops, in 794, caused the ac- tion of the council at Nic^a to be refuted. The refuta- tion (the Libfi Caroliiii) was sent to pope Hadrian with a reprimand, and a command that in the future he should wait in all such matters until Karl had given his consent. In another letter he reminded the pope that it was his special duty to pray, and not to interfere in the affairs of state, which belonged to the emperor alone. Karl un- doubtedly was, and was regarded, as the highest authority in the west ; distinctly superior to the pope in all political matters, and practically so in ecclesiastical affairs. There was no legal determination of the mutual relations and pow- ers of the emperor and the pope, for the theoretical ques- tion was not yet broached. Both emperor and pope made claims which were mutually opposed and conflicting, but there was no theoretical treatment of the question of their respective rights and authorities. The pope claimed to be the successor of St. Peter, the bishop of the whole Church, and therefore he must have authority over the whole Church ; but Karl was the Christian emperor, the ruler of the world wnth absolute authority. The adjustment of these claims was not to be reached till after centuries of struggle for supremacy. In Karl is found that peculiar fusion of German, Roman, and biblical elements which characterizes the Middle Age. In his dress, speech, manners, and sympathies he was a German, but judging him by his notions and practice of government he was a Roman, largely affected by biblical conceptions and ideas. He was a Roman emperor who attempted to establish a theocracy. He was absolute mas- ter of the west, and his reputation was so great that his friendship was sought even by the great khalif, Haroun-ar- Raschid, of Bagdad, who wished to see his rebellious Sara- cen subjects of Spain punished. Oo The Mediccval Period Einhard's His counsellor and private secretary, Einhard, has left Biography. ^^^ ^ \[xQ\y picture of Karl. Without doubt he was one of the greatest men of all time. No one has ever more thor- oughly taken hold of the imagination of the people. For centuries after his death the popular imagination was busy with his name and deeds, and the impression which he made on the world found expression in a vast cycle of le- gends, all of which were confidently believed during the Middle Age. He died January 28, 814, at Aachen, from pleurisy, and was buried the same day in the great church which lie had built. "A gilded arch was erected above his tomb, with his image and an inscription. The words of the inscription were as follows : ' In this tomb, lies the body of Karl the Great and Orthodox Emperor, who gloriously extended the kingdom of the Franks and reigned prosperously for forty- seven years. He died at the age of seventy, in the year 01 our Lord 814, the seventh indiction, on the 28th day of January.' " ^ SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Alci'in AND Education. MnWingzr, The Sc7tooh of Charles the Great. 7s., 6d. Longmans. West, Alcuin. $1.00. Scribner. 2. -Karl THE Great. Hodgkin, Mombert, Cutts, 'E,\n\\z.x^, Life of Karl the Great. $0.25. Harper. Bury, II., pp. 499-509. Milman, Bk. IV., Chap. XII. Bk. V., Chap. I. ' Einhard, p. 71. CHAPTER IV THE DISMEMBERMENT OF THE EMPIRE LITERATURE.— Emerton, Medieval Europe. Oman, Europe, 476-918. See also the lists in Chaps. I. and III. Karl had indeed acquired a vast empire and by his great personal ability governed it well. But he could not in so short a time make the various peoples who composed his realm homogeneous. A common religious faith and a com- mon government were not sufificient to overcome the differ- ences which existed .n race, tribe, temperament, customs, and language. As soon, therefore, as Karl's commanding personality was removed, these differences began to reas- sert themselves. Karl had made a brilliant attempt to reorganize society after the model of the Roman empire. He failed, and his kingdom went to pieces, partly because Causes of of the weakness of his successors, under whom lands, office, and authority were usurped by their officials. Another cause of dismemberment was the actual partition of the empire among the sons in the royal family, the empire being regarded as a private possession and divided among the heirs. The disintegration was further brought about by the racial differences that existed in the realm, and by the forces set in operation by the invasion of the barba- rians. The Germans were intensely ambitious and proud. Individualism was one of their most prominent characteris- tics. In the then existing state of society the only legiti- mate exercise of ability and ambition was in the practice of arms. Since this was the only way to rise, it is not sur- prising that we should now come upon a period of vio- 61 disintegra- tion. C2 TJic Mcdiaval Period lence and lawlessness in which might determined every- thing. Although Karl's realm went to i)ieces, during his reign its various parts had all been subjected to influences which modified their future. The dissolution of the empire made rapid strides under Ludwig the Karl's son, Ludwig the Pious (814—40), a prince who '°"^" lacked all the qualities which made his father great. His education had been intrusted to the clergy, with most un- fortunate results. He was better fitted for the monastery than the throne, and more than once actually wished to lay down his crown and enter the cloister. His conscience was abnormally developed and thoroughly morbid. He magnified his petty faults into great sins, and was contin- ually doing penance for them when he should have been attending to the affairs of state. He altogether lacked the sterner qualities neces.sary for governing in a time of vio- lence and barbarism. Without will or purpose he was in turn the slave of his wife, his clergy, and his sons. Karl His three- the Great, about six months before his death, IkkI crowned fold corona- Lmj^ig as his successor. On his accession Ludwig re- tion. ^ . ° peated the coronation, placing the crown upon his own head. In S15 Pope Leo IH. died, and the people of Rome elected his successor, Stephen IV., without asking the con- sent or sanction of Ludwig, an insult and infringement of his prerogatives which the emperor did not resent. The pope followed up the advantage thus gained, and told the emperor that his coronation was invalid because it had not been performed by the clergy, and proposed to come into France and recrown him. Again Ludwig yielded, and was crowned a third time by Stephen IV., at Rheims (816-17). Another precedent was thereby established for the claim made by the popes that they alone had the right to crown the emperor. The reign of Ludwig was full of stupid blunders. In his The Dismemberment of the Empire 63 zeal for reform he drove from his court ihe able counsellors Ludwig's of Karl the Great, because their lives did not seem to him ''^"""^^s. sufficiently ascetic. He released nearly all the monasteries of his realm from all duties to the state except that of pray- ing for the welfare of the emperor, his children, and the state, thus depriving the crown of a large income, and fos- tering in the Church the idea of separation and indepen- dence. He closed the monastery schools to the laity, was lavish in his gifts to both monasteries and churches, and was always surrounded by monks and priests. In 817 he committed the unpardonable blunder of dividing his em- pire among his three sons and associating them with him- self in the government. The division led to jealousies, intrigues, and war. Instead of boldly facing the problems and difficulties that beset him, Ludwig spent his time in doing penance, and offended against the dignity of his office by appearing in the garb of a penitent before a great council of the clergy and nobility, and making humble confession of imaginary sins. Yielding to the importu- nities of Judith, his second wife, he deprived two of his sons by his first wife of some of their territory in order to make a principality for his youngest son, Charles. Revolt and war were the result, and the last years of his life were filled with the most disgraceful intrigues and treachery. A new division of his realm was several times attempted, either in the interest of his favorite, Charles, or in the hope that all the sons might be satisfied. It was all in vain, however, for when Ludwig died (840) the three sons who survived him continued their fratricidal wars for three years before they could agree upon any division of the territory. Finally, the brothers came together and settled their long quarrel by the treaty of Verdun (843). According to the terms of this treaty, Lothar retained the imperial crown. As emperor he must have the two 64 TJic Mediceval Period The treaty of Verdun, 843- The begin- ning of France and Germany. capitals, Rome and Aachen. He therefore received Italy and a strip of land extending from Italy to the North Sea. This strip was bounded on the east by the Rhine, but at lionn the line left the river and ran north to the mouth of the Weser. The western boundary line began some miles west of the mouth of the Rhone, but joined that river near Lyon ; it then followed the Rhone and the Saone to the source of the latter ; thence to the source of the Meuse, which seems to have formed the boundary as far as the Ardennes. The line then ran to the Scheldt, which it followed to its mouth. Charles, surnamed the Bald, re- ceived all the territory west of this strip. Ludwig, called the German, obtained all the land to the east, with the dioceses of Mainz, Worms, and Speier, which lay west of the Rhine. Charles and Ludwig had the best of it in this division, because their territory was compact and each was ruler of a single nationality. The subjects of Ludwig were all German, while those of Charles were mi.xed, indeed, but becoming homogeneous. The German element was being assimilated by the Keltic. The history of Germany and of France as separate nations begins with 843. But Lothar's subjects were of many nationalities. Besides, his territory lay in such a way that it could not easily be de- fended. It is significant that his kingdom could be named only after himself and not after any people. It was known as the kingdom of Lothar, while Charles was called king of the Franks, and Ludwig king of the Germans. Geo- graphically and racially it was impossible that the kingdom of Lothar should hold together. The Alps broke it into two parts; Italy might perhaps be made into a nation, but the narrow strip along the Rhine, from the Alps to the North Sea, was fated to be broken into many fragments and fought over for centuries by the French and the Germans. The Dismemberment of the Empire 65 Lothar was powerless against the violence that prevailed during the ninth century., and, worn out, divided his terri- tory among his three sons and withdrew into a monastery, where he soon afterward 'died (855). His eldest son, The family known as Ludwig II., received Italy and the imperial title; becomes ex- Charles's portion was Provence and Burgundy ; while Lo- tinct ; his thar II. obtained Frisia, Austrasia, and all the remaining divided'" lands north of the Alps. From him this territory took the name of Lotharingia (Lorraine). The three brothers could not, however, live together in peace. They were in con- stant feud with each other till 863, when Charles died, and the other two divided his territory between them. In 869 Lothar II. died, and his uncles, Charles the Bald, king of the West Franks, and Ludwig the German, after some struggle, divided his land. In 875 the emperor, Ludwig II., died, and with his death this branch of the family Charles the became extinct. The rivalry between Charles the Bald A^^i'c^ •' comes fc,m- and Ludwig the German culminated in a war for the pos- peror 875. session of the imperial crown. Charles was the first to reach Italy, and was crowned at Pavia king of the Lom- bards, and a short time afterward emperor, by the pope at Rome. Ludwig the German was unable to take the field in per- son against his brother. He was old and feeble, and death overtook him the next year (876). His long reign, al- The Reign though greatly disturbed by the revolts of his sons and the °ije Gennan- invasions of the Northmen and Slavs was, on the whole, fairly successful. It was of the highest importance that the various German tribes should be brought to feel their unity and that a national feeling should be produced among them. It was during his reign that the East Franks (Franconians), Saxons, Suabians, and Bavarians came to feel that they were much alike, and that they differed from the Franks of the west. He extended his boundaries by 66 The Mediccval Period chastising and reducing the rebellious Slavic peoples to the northeast, and a great many of the Bohemian and Mora- vian tribes. He was successful in punishing the Northmen and resisted their invasions, although he could not prevent the destruction of Hamburg, which Ludwig the Pious had made the seat of an archbishop. Regarding the kingship as his private property, Ludwig the German divided his kingdom among his three sons ; but Karlman died in 880, and Ludwig, known as the Saxon, in 884, leaving as sole ruler their brother, Karl the Fat, who had been crowned emperor by the pope in 882. Charles the At the death of Ludwig the German (876), Charles the Bald, 840- Bald, true to his character, tried to seize his territory, but was unable to do so. At the same time the Northmen in- vaded his kingdom. Without trying to meet them in the field, he bribed them to attack his nephews, and set off for Italy because he thought his imperial crown endangered by a revolt there. He died, however, on the journey, at the foot of the Mont Cenis pass. The favorite son of his father, he had been the cause of the wars that filled the last years of Ludwig the Pious. Ambitious and grasping, he had begun several wars during his reign for the purpose of unjustly depriving some of his relatives of their posses- sions. In striving to extend his territory, he neglected what he already possessed. His officials ruled as they pleased, and the Northmen and Saracens ravished his ter- ritory almost unhindered. He did little more than squan- der the resources of his kingdom. His son, Louis II. the Stammerer, succeeded him ; but after a short, though promising, reign died (879), leaving two sons, Louis III. and Karlman, and a posthumous son, afterward known as Charles the Simple. The death of Louis HI. (882) and of Karlman (884) practically left the throne vacant, since Charles the Simj)le was only five years old. Rather than The Dismemberment of the Empire 6y trust to a mere child, the nobles offered the crown to Karl The whole the Fat, who, by accepting it, united under himself all united under the territory which had once been ruled over by Karl the Karl the Great. He was, however, not equal to the task. Besides ^j.^ 884^^^'^" being very corpulent he was afflicted with chronic headache, which incapacitated him for both thought and action. His inefficiency led to his deposition (887), and the empire rapidly broke up into small kingdoms. His nephew, Ar- The seven nulf, who deposed him, received as his reward the kingdom ^g^jg ' ^' of the East Franks ; the nobles of the West Franks elected Germany. Odo, count of Paris, king, while the duke of Aquitaine ^^^ \^ took Charles the Simple to his court and remained inde- France, pendent of Odo. Burgundy was divided into two king- doms. In 879 count Boso, of Vienne, had usurped the royal title and made himself master of lower Burgundy. The two Count Rudolf now seized upper Burgundy and succeeded """&"" ^^^• in getting himself crowned king. His territory was bound- ed approximately by the Saone and by the Aar, and ex- tended from Basel to Lyon. These two little kingdoms remained separate till 934, when they united to form the kingdom of Burgundy or Aries. In Lombardy there were also two kingdoms formed. Berengar, margrave of Friuli, Two king- was elected king of the Lombards and crowned by the Lombardy archbishop of Milan ; but Guido of Spoleto made war on him, got possession of the western part of Lombardy, and assumed the title of king. The breaking up of the empire into these little kingdoms Disintegra- shows how thoroughly power and authority had been dissi- o\enc^" ^*' pated and decentralized during the ninth century. Feu- dalism had got a strong hold on Europe. Offices and lands which had once been held at the will of the king had been usurped, and had become hereditary possessions of their holders. Violence was everywhere ; the more power- ful nobles oppressed the weaker, and all united to enslave 68 The Mediccval Period the freemen. The chaos of the times was due to the weak- ness and inefficiency of the rulers, who, for the most part, neglected their first and most important duties to chase after the shadows of empty titles. SPECIAL TOPIC LuDwiG THE Pious. Oman, Chap. XXIII. Milman, Bk. V., Chap. II. Henderson, Chap. VI. CHAPTER V ENGLAND AND THE NORSEMEN (802-1070) LITERATURE.— As in Chap. I. Also Freeman, Short History of the Norman Conquest. $0.60. Clarendon. Green, Conquest 0/ England. $2.50. Harper. Saxon Chronicles, edited by Plummer and Earle. $0.75. Clarendon. The Struggle for supremacy, which lasted for three hun- dred years, among the small ki-ngdoms of England, was practically ended during the reign of Ecgberht, who as- Ecgberht, cended the throne of Wessex in 802. Northumbria and °^~39- Mercia, the two great rivals of Wessex, were worn out with the long wars, so that Ecgberht found it comparatively easy to make himself the over-lord of all the country. He had spent thirteen years in exile at the court of Karl the Great, and had no doubt learned much and had his ambitions quickened by what he saw of the successes of the great Frankish king. In his government Ecgberht showed wise consideration, and while recognizing to a certain extent the various political divisions of the country, he drew the bonds closer which connected them with Wessex. The supremacy which Wessex now enjoyed might have been as ephemeral as that of the other kingdoms but for the fact that for nearly one hundred and fifty years after Ecgberht its throne was occupied by able kings who wisely secured the assistance of the clergy in all that they did. The fusion of the kingdoms into one people was also hast- ened by the great common danger which threatened them from the Northmen. As early as 787 the eastern coast of England had been attacked by pirates from the 6g 70 The Mediccval Period Invasions of the North- men. Aelfred the Great, 871-901. continent. Their ravages became more and more frequent, and the king found it difficult to defeat them or to derive any sohd advantage from a victory over them. During the reign of Ecgberht they harried all the country inces- santly. His son and successor, Aethelwulf (839-58), was unable to stem the tide of invasion. In 85 1 they were bold enough to spend the winter on the island of Thanet. Aethelwulf was succeeded by his four sons in the or- der of their age : Aethelbald (858-60), Aethelberht (860- 66), Aethelred (866-71), and Aelfred the Great (871- 901). The task of defending the country against these bar- barian invaders became more difficult as greater numbers of them began to settle on the east coast. In 866 the Danes began the work of conquest and settlement in ear- nest. Northumbria was quickly overrun and subdued by them. East Anglia and the Fen were next attacked and conquered, their famous monasteries were burned, and the king of East Anglia, Eadmund, was slain. This king was later canonized, and over his remains was built the great abbey of St. Edmundsbury. Mercia was not yet attacked, but in 870 its king paid the Danes tribute and acknowl- edged their leader as over-lord. Back of this submission was not only fear of the Danes, but also dislike of the West Saxon supremacy. King Aethelred was left with only the territory south of the Thames, all north of that river being in the hands of the Danes. For some time it seemed that all England was to be conquered. The Danes pushed up the Thames and out into Wessex, and Aethelred was unable to drive them back. In the midst of the war he died, leaving his crown to his brother Aelfred, who tried in vain to repel the invaders. After several defeats, in which his army was destroyed, he was compelled to buy the withdrawal of the Danes, hoping that in the meantime he might be able England and the Norsemen 71 to put the country into a proper state of defence. Reen- forcements continued to come from Denmark and Scandi- navia, and, in 876, Guthrum, the Danish king of East Angha, attacked Wessex. For two years the struggle was severe, but it ended in favor of Aelfred by the treaty of Wedmore (Chippenham) in 878 ; Guthrum accepted Chris- Wedmore, tianity and was ceded the eastern half of England north ' of the Thames. This territory was called the Danelaw. The conquerors settled as lords of the soil, and for a long time kept themselves separate from the conquered English. The fusion of the two peoples, however, came eventually. During the remaining years of Aelfred's rule he had peace with the Danes, except in 2)^6, when he was successful in wresting from them London and the surrounding districts, and again in 893, when he also successfully resisted their attacks. The condition of his territory at the peace of Wedmore was wretched in the extreme. Churches and monasteries had been burned, the clergy slain or driven out, and law and order destroyed ; everywhere there was great want and desolation. His first care was to train up an Aelfred's army to have it ready at his call. The country was di- ^glf '^"" vided into five districts, each of which was bound to furnish a certain number of men with provisions and equipment. Every town also was required to do the same. A part of the troops raised in this way were required to be ready to go whenever called, while the others were to remain at home as a guard. A threefold duty jjv^as laid on every landed proprietor ; he must serve in the army, and con- tribute to the support of bridges and fortifications. Ael- fred created a fleet which patrolled the coast and kept off the invaders. He restored order, punishing severely and impartially all offenders. As on the continent, so in Eng- land, everyone had the right of private war, but Aelfred enforced peace. The king's justice also began to take the 72 The Mcdicrral Period place of the local justice. The king carefully controlled the decisions of the lower courts, and changed them if they were not according to his ideas. The independent legislation of Aelfred was probably not very great, but he had the laws of the Anglo-Saxon kings and peoples collected and reduced to writing in the Anglo-Saxon lan- guage. Learning. Aelfred labored to restore learning in his kingdom. Late in life he began the study of Latin, and mastered it so well that he was able to translate from it into his mother tongue. He surrounded himself with scholars, most of whom he brought from the continent, and established a court school very much like that of Karl the Great. His own translations, however, were of most value to his peo- ple. From the Latin he translated the " Consolations of Philosophy," by Boethius ; the " History of the World," by Orosius ; the " Ecclesiastical History of the English," by the Venerable Bede ; and the "Pastoral Rule," by Gregory the Great. It was under his direction, also, tliat the "Anglo-Saxon Chronicle" was compiled and contin- ued. While all these works, except the latter, are trans- lations, they contain also many additions from the pen of the king himself. Because of his moral greatness, and because of the fact that he regarded himself as the servant of his people, he has been given the well-earned title "Great." The task that devobed on the successors of Aelfred was to prevent, if possible, any further migration from the con- tinent, to reconquer the Danelaw, to hasten the fusion of the Danes with the English, and to keep down the tribal revolts and make England really one. Fortunately his suc- cessors were able men (Eadward the Elder, 901-24 ; Aeth- elstan, 924-40; Eadmund, 940-46; Eadred, 946-55), who carried on the work well. Eadwig, however (955- England and the Norsemen 73 59), was a mere boy, and his reign was troubled by quarrels among the nobles. But with the accession of Eadred (946) had come in a new power in the person of Dunstan, who Dunstan. was the first of that line of remarkable ecclesiastical states- men which England has produced. Under Eadred, Ead- wig, Eadgar (959-75), Eadward the Martyr (975-79), and Aethelred the Redeless (979-1016), until his death in 988, Dunstan was much of the time the power behind the throne. Commerce with the continent was fostered, order was preserved, and the Church and monasteries thoroughly reformed. The old slavery was disappearing, but in its stead the feudal rule was becoming established. The power of the king greatly increased and he was looked upon as king of all England and not simply of the West Saxons. The king now developed a court composed of his friends and officials, who formed a new nobility over against the old nobility of blood. The king took posses- sion of the folk land, that is, the land which had been left for the common use, and enriched his servants by dividing up much of it among them. At the same time the jFo/k- moot, the meeting of all the freemen, ceased, being re- j)laced by the Witenagemot, the meeting of the wise men {i.e., the officials, with the highest clergy). The reign of Aethelred the Redeless {i.e., without coun- sel) was very disastrous. Utterly incapable of ruling, he involved England more and more deeply in ruin and misery. In 991 when the Danes began to invade England again, he Renewed bought a truce of them and allowed them to settle in East ^"^^fio^s of ® the Danes. Anglia. Other invasions followed, led by Olaf of Norway and Swein of Denmark. Frightened at the danger which now threatened him, Aethelred tried to secure the assistance of Normandy by allying himself to its duke, whose sister, Emma, he married. Goaded to frenzy by the presence of the Danes who had recently come, the English planned to 74 The Mcdi(cval Period massacre them, and in 1002 they rose and put all the Danes among them to death. Among the slain was Gun- hild, the sister of king Swein, who now swore to avenge her death by taking England from her king. From 1003 to 1007 his army overran England, plundering and burn- Swein, the ing. Aethelred bought a truce of him. Swein, however, Dane, ^'"S went on preparing for a larger invasion, and in 1013 came back, and soon had all England in his power, while Aethel- red was compelled to flee to Normandy. But Swein 'c rule was of short duration. He died the next year, and the Knut, 1016- Danish warriors chose his son Knut as his successor. The 35- death of Aethelred and his son Eadmund Ironside left Knut master of all England. He reigned from 1016 to 1035 wisely and with a strong hand over his newly acquired realm. Under him the old kingdoms lost more and more of their character as kingdoms and became known as earl- doms. He became a Christian in character as well as in name, and allied himself with the clergy. By renewing the laws of his predecessors and preserving English cus- toms, he tried to make the people forget that he was a for- eigner. He further strengthened his position by marrying Emma, the widow of Aethelred. He brought England peace, for, during his reign, the land was free from disturb- ances. Denmark, however, profited most by this con- quest of England, for she was thereby brought into close contact with a nation far more civilized than herself, and her union with England greatly forwarded Christianity in all the countries of the north. The Danes differed from the people in England very little in blood, language, cus- toms, and laws, and their settlement in England may be regarded as a reenforcement of German blood and a strengthening of the English character. At the death of Knut (1035) he was succeeded by his two sons in turn, Harold (1035-40) and Harthaknut England and the Norsemen 75 (1040-42). They were, however, thoroughly barbarous and unfitted in every way to rule. England was again given up to violence, and as the people disliked them there was general joy when Harthaknut died and Eadward the Confessor (1042-66), son of Aethelred and Emma, came back from Normandy and was acknowledged as king. Tired of foreign rulers the people expected great things of The Eng- Eadward, who was in blood an Englishman. But most of g^-Qj-g^j his life having been spent in Normandy he was far more 1042. Norman than English. He returned with a large follow- ing of Normans, whom he placed in high offices, both secu- lar and ecclesiastical, greatly to the disgust and anger of the people. The real power in England, however, was in the hands of the great earl, Godwine of Wessex, whose earldom con- Earl God- sisted of all the land south of the Thames. Eadward him- "^*"^- self had little ability and less energy, and was content to pass his time in quiet. The two great earls of the north, Siward of Northumbria, and Leofric of Mercia, were kept so busy with the affairs of their earldoms, that Godwine had ample opportunity to carry out his plans. These were concerned with increasing the power of his own family. For his sons and other relatives he obtained small earl- doms ; and in 1045 he strengthened himself by giving his daughter Eadgyth to the king in marriage. Owing to the jealousy of the other great earls and to a quarrel with the king Godwine withdrew to Flanders (105 1). The next year, however, the English were glad to see him return, because the king had, in the meanwhile, shown even greater favor to the Normans. In 105 1 Will- William iam the Bastard, duke of Normandy, visited the childless J^^ndf "^' Eadward and is said to have received from him the prom- ise of the crown of England. The court was filled with Normans, but on the reappearance of Godwine they hastily 76 The Medicrval Period Harold promised the crown. The Northmen. fled to the continent. Among them was Robert of Jumi- eges, who had been made archbishop of Canterbury. At his flight the high office was given to an EngHshman. This action offended the pope, for, according to the papal claims, no church official could be deposed except by ec- clesiastical authority. Godwine died soon after, and was succeeded in the leadership by his son Harold. Since Eadward was childless, it was necessary to deter- mine who should succeed him. Although not of the royal line, Harold was the only possible candidate. His earl- dom was the largest in England. He was the right-hand man of the king, and he had shown the greatest ability both as a ruler and warrior. There was nothing to do but to revive the old German custom of electing the ablest man king, and it was accordingly agreed that Harold should succeed his royal master. During his last years Eadward became even more inac- tive than before. The management of affairs was wholly in the hands of Harold, who put down a dangerous revolt in Wales, maintained peace and order throughout the king- dom, and administered the laws equitably. In England there was but one family which could contest the crown with him, that of Leofric of Mercia, and this he concili- ated by making Morkere, the brother of Leofric, earl of Northumbria, in the place of his own brother Tostig, against whom the Northumbrians had rebelled. On the death of Eadward, January 5, 1066, Harold was elected and crowned without opposition. The German tribes of Denmark, Norway, and Sweden were almost entirely free from Roman influence till the ninth century. Christianity had certainly gained no hold upon them. They lived in independent groups, without any central government. But during the ninth century several leaders arose in various parts, who united many of England and the Norsemen yy the tribes, much as Chlodwig had united the Franks in the fifth century. Three kingdoms were estabhshed, known respectively as the kingdoms of Norway, Sweden, and Denmark. Since the leaders and nobles of the conquered tribes were too proud to submit to a conqueror they turned to the sea, hoping to preserve their independence. At first they played the part of pirates, attacking the coasts of Gaul, Germany, northern Spain, and even Italy. Ascend- ing the rivers for many miles they robbed, plundered, and burned all the towns they could. They attacked monas- teries and churches because of the treasures which they were known to contain. At first these raids were made in the summer, and the pirates returned to their homes for the winter. Gradually, however, they began to spend the win- ter also in the countries which they were plundering. They seized the land and settled upon it, and these winter settle- ments became permanent. As their success became known at home they were joined by large numbers of their fellow- countrymen who were eager to have a share in their pros- perity. Terms were made with the lord of the land, and these unwelcome guests made themselves at home and iden- tified themselves with the country in which they settled. It was plainly to their interest that not too many Norse- men should join them, since their own portions would be thereby diminished ; they therefore resisted all further im- migration as well as piratical invasions by their country- men. These Norsemen possessed to a marked degree the Ger- Their man characteristic, adaptability. In France they became character. Frenchmen, in England, Englishmen, in Russia, Russians. They did not, however, lose their individuality. They preserved their courage, their genius for governing and their bodily vigor, their love of war and their thirst for fame. Like the Goths, when they migrated they left their men in the east. 78 The Mcdiccval Period religion at home, but not their rehgiousness. They ac- cepted Roman Christianity with a heartiness which soon made them the champions of the papacy. They rebuilt the burned monasteries and churches and became the most zealous pilgrims of all Europe. They had the greatest regard for holy places and persons, and from pirates be- came Christian knights. The Norse- The lands to the east of the Baltic were attacked by the Norsemen also. About the middle of the ninth century they began to make settlements on the coast, and their leader, Rurik, succeeded in uniting the tribes of Finns, Lapps, Letts, and others who were scattered over what is now western Russia. He and his successors extended their power into the interior. Novgorod, on Lake Illman, and Kiev, on the Dnieper, became their most important cen- tres. For more than seven hundred years the family of Rurik held the kingship and ruled over much of what is now Russia. In their raids to the east and south they came into contact with Constantinople, from which they received Christianity and the rudiments of civilization. In the tenth century a large body of Norsemen sailed down the Volga and raided a part of Persia. All the way from the Baltic to the Black Sea the Norsemen made settlements along the rivers, and thus M-as opened up a route of travel and commerce between the Scandinavian countries and Constantinople and the east. From the many coins of Bohemia, Hungary, and Constantinople, and even of the khalifs of Bagdad, which have been found in Sweden, we must infer that this commerce was very considerable. Christian pilgrims from the north regarded this as the most convenient way of reaching Palestine, because they found some of their countrymen all along the route. In the eleventh century many Norsemen went to Constantinople to seek their fortunes and offer their services to the em- England and the Norsemen 79 peror, who enrolled large numbers of them in his body- guard. About 800 the Norsemen began to settle in the Hebrides, In the west. Orkneys, and Shetland Islands, which up to this time were occupied only by Irish monks and hermits. From these islands they spread to the main-land of Scotland, and in the course of about a hundred years all these settlements were united into one kingdom. In the ninth century they took possession of Iceland, which became thoroughly Norse. There the Norse customs and traditions were pre- served in greater purity and for a longer time than in their original home.^ In the tenth century the Norsemen settled in Greenland, and kept in constant intercourse with their mother-country till the fourteenth century, when they dis- appeared ; from what cause is unknown. About the year 1000, Norse sailors discovered the coast of America, and endeavored to plant colonies there, but without success. On the east and south coast of Ireland they also made settlements, some of which continued to exist till far into the twelfth century. Their invasions of England have already been recounted, as well as those of France. The settlement of Rolf, in the valley of the Normandy, lower Seine (Normandy), resulted in the establishment of a powerful duchy, which soon put an end to the invasions from the north. Duke Rolf (911-27) and his successors (William Longsword, 927-43 ; Richard the Fearless, 943-96 ; Richard the Good, 996-1027 ; and Robert the Magnificent, 1027-35) ruled with a strong hand, and Normandy was soon one of the strongest as well as best- governed duchies of France. The laws were enforced, order preserved, and the vassals kept in subjection. In 911 Rolf had agreed to accept Christianity, and in spite ' Cf. the Eddas and Sagas of the Norsemen, which were written in Iceland. 8o TJic Med'KTval Period William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy, 1035-87- William claims the English crown, 1066. of occasional back-slidings he and his pirates became de- voted adherents of tlie Church. Normandy was noted for its churches, monasteries, and schools. The abbey of Bee was known throughout Europe because of its founder, Lan- franc, and its great prior, Anselm. Robert the Magnifi- cent, at his death, in 1035, left only a bastard son, Will- iam, seven years old, to succeed him. When William attained his majority and attempted to rule independently, many of his subjects revolted. There was a bitter struggle, but William proved himself master of all his enemies and administered the affairs of his duchy with as much ability and firmness as any of his predecessors. Eadward the Confessor is said to have promised his crown to William, who was his cousin. Another story of still more doubtful authenticity relates how Harold, ship- wrecked on the coast of France, fell into the hands of William, who compelled him to take an oath that he would support William's claim to the throne. When the news of the accession of Harold reached William he fell into a great rage and began to prepare to invade England and make good his pretensions to the crown. He is said to have called on Harold to keep his promise, but Harold paid no attention to his summons. He sent to the pope certain charges against Harold, and promised, in return for the papal support and sanction, to ])ut the Church of Eng- land under tlie control of Rome. Alexander II. gave William his blessing on these terms and sent him a conse- crated banner. William, in tlie meantime, built a fleet and collected his troops from every possible source. King Harold was threatened with a double danger on his accession to the throne. His brother Tostig had revolted and fled to Harold Hardrada, king of Denmark, whom he urged to invade England. Harold also learned of the preparations of William, but was uncertain when these at- England and the Norsemen 8i tacks would be made. He collected an army and patrolled the coast, but since no enemy appeared his men gradually left and went to their homes. Suddenly Harold Hardrada ' and Tostig landed on the coast of Yorkshire, defeated the troops of the earls Edwin and Morkere, and took the city of York. King Harold hastened to the north, met the invaders near Stamford Bridge and utterly defeated them. KingHar- On the same day William landed, unhindered, near Peven- ^^^^ Bddg-e sey, with an army of about fifty thousand men, and began Sept. 25, to ravage the country. By forced marches Harold has- tened to the south to meet this new foe. Although de- serted by the earls of Mercia and Northumbria, Edwin, and Morkere, he nevertheless determined to risk a battle without first collecting new troops and allowing his army to recuperate. Near Hastings, on a hill, known later as Sen- The battle lac, Harold took a strong position, and was able for some ° ^^ i"gs. hours to resist the onslaught of the Normans. In the end, however, he was slain, his guard cut down, and the rest of his troops put to flight. William had won the day and with it the crown of England. William's first care was to get possession of Kent and Sussex, the inhabitants of which were frightened into sub- mission by his violence toward those who resisted him. He marched toward London and, hoping to overawe the London. city, burned Southwark. The inhabitants of London, how- ever, closed the gates against him, elected as their king Ead- gar the Aetheling, a grandson of Eadmund Ironside. The earls of Mercia and Northumbria, Edwin and Morkere, were present at the election, but when William crossed the Thames and threatened their territories they withdrew from the city to look after their own interests. Seeing that re- sistance was hopeless the people offered the crown to Will- iam. He entered the city, and on Christmas-day, 1066, was crowned in Westminster by the archbishop Ealdred. 2,2 The Mcdiceval Period William crowned. 1066. The land forfeit to William. The crown was his by right of conquest, but he was also for- mally elected by the people of London, and in his coronation by the archbishop the Church set its seal upon his title and supplied what was lacking in the legitimacy of his claims. Thus far only the southeastern part of England (bound- ed by a line from the Wash to Dorsethead) was actually in William's hands. To secure London he built a strong fort- ress, which afterward became the famous tower. The earls of Mercia and Northumbria submitted to him only nom- inally. In order to justify the seizure of whatever lands he might desire, William declared that the election and acknowledgment of Harold as king was an act of treason, punishable with forfeiture and death. All England was, therefore, guilty, and all the land was forfeited to William. He .seized the possessions of all those who had borne arms against him, the rest being permitted to retain their lands on the payment of a fine. Otherwise there was for the present little change. Li 1067 England had become so quiet that William re- turned to Normandy, leaving the government in the hands of Odo, bishop of Bayeux, now earl of Kent, and William Fitz-Osbern, earl of Hereford. These, however, were un- true to their trusts and allowed the English to be oppressed by the Norman nobles. This led the English to revolt, but The English William returned in the same year and put down the re- bellion. In the year 1068, however, a real national upris- ing took place. King Swein of Denmark came with a fleet to contest the possession of England with William. On his arrival in the Humber all the northern, western, and south- western parts of England revolted, and the king of Scotland came to their aid. William hastened to the Humber and bought the withdrawal of the Danish fleet. He then turned to the revolted provinces and, since they were not united, easily overcame them. Yorkshire especially suffered from revolt. England and the Norsemen 83 his anger. So thoroughly did he devastate it that a famine followed which is said to have carried off more than a hundred thousand people, and nearly a century passed be- fore the land was restored to its former state of cultivation. The most determined of the English fled to the Fens (the swampy district south of the Wash), and there offered brave resistance under the leadership of Hereward. Their destruction, however, ended all opposition, and England was thoroughly conquered. He next invaded Scotland and made its king his vassal. Being now in full possession, William set himself to keep in subjection and to govern his hardly acquired kingdom. This Norman conquest of England had great influence on Effect of the the history of England not simply because of the political <^°"^"6st. changes which William introduced. He was not only king of England, but duke of Normandy, and a subject of the king of France. He was, moreover, a devoted friend of the papacy. It was, therefore, inevitable that England should be closely associated with the continent ; the English kings, proud of their continental possessions, would be involved in territorial struggles with the French kings; and the claims of the popes for universal dominion would the more easily include England. The conquest brought England again into intimate relations with the rest of Europe and made of her a continental power. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Aelfredthe Great. V&wW, Life of Alfred the Great. $1.50. Macmillan. Vi.i^^'h^s, Alfred the Great. $i.cx). Macmillan. K^^e^r, Life of Alfred the Great. $1.50. Macmillan. 2. St. Dunstan. Green, The Conquest of England, pp. 269-343, 416, and 446. $2.50. Harper. 3. William THE Conqueror. Vreeman, IVilliam the Conqueror. $0.50. Mac- millan. Johnson, The Normans in Europe. Chaps. VIII., and X.- XIV. $1.00. Scribner. 4. The Norsemen. Johnson, The Normans in Europe. 5. St. Anselm. His Zj/J by Church. $1.50. Macmillan. There are also biographies of him by Rule, and Moehler. CHAPTER VI POLITICAL HISTORY OF FRANCE, 887-1108 t.nE,RATURE.—Kitchia,I/isioryo/France,Wo\.l. 10s. 6d. Clarendon. ]ervxs. History (i/'Fra7ice. $1.25. Harper. Odo, king Odo, the newly elected king of France, was the best 888-98. choice that could have been made by the Frankish nobles. He surpassed them all in valor, was noted for his just and upright character, and, of all their number, had the largest landed possessions. His popularity was greatly increased by that of his father, Robert the Strong, who lost his life in resisting the invasion of the Northmen (866). But his position was not safe because he was only one of several great nobles, all of whom regarded themselves as practi- cally his equal and did not hesitate to oppose him and make war on him. For under the weak successors of Karl the Great the counts who had been the king's officers had increased their independence, and had made their office hereditary. In this way there arose the powerful counts of Flanders, Poitou, Anjou, Gascony, Paris, and others, whose The great lands came to be called the " great fiefs." The Northmen continued their invasions, but Odo was not always so suc- cessful in repelling them as he had been. After 893 he had also to contend against the oft-renewed conspiracy of some of the strongest nobles to restore Charles the Simple to the throne. So long as he lived he successfully defended his title, but at last, worn out with the struggle, he died (898) after having named as his successor, not his brother Rob- ert, who was his heir, but Charles the Simple (898-929). 84 fiefs. Political History of France 85 Robert did homage to Charles, and received the duchy of France (a strip of territory which included, among other cities, Paris, Tours, and Orleans). Charles the Simple was in many respects an able man, Charles the but his too ready confidence in the promises and loyalty of 8q8!.Q2o his subjects often brought him great trouble and loss, and won for him the title of Simple. The invasions of the Northmen continued without abatement, and many of their bands now spent the winter in France, having taken posses- sion of some of the districts about the mouth of the Seine and elsewhere. In 911 Charles offered their principal leader, Rolf (Rollo), the valley of the lower Seine and his daughter in marriage if he would settle there and become a Settlement Christian. It proved to be a wise measure, for it was to ^orth the interest of Rolf and his people that the invasions should on the Low- cease. The various bands of Northmen were soon gathered ^^ ^*"^' together under Rolf, and fresh invaders were repulsed. The district thus assigned to them received from them the name of Normandy. Robert of France, repenting that he had refused the crown in 899, with two other great nobles conspired to overthrow Charles and make himself king. In 923 the conspirators met the king's forces near Soissons and defeated them, but Robert himself was slain. His son Hugo was unwilling to claim the crown, and the nobles, therefore, elected the son-in-law of Robert, Rudolf of Burgundy, king. By Rudolf of treachery they got possession of the person of Charles and ^"'"S"" y- imprisoned him. His wife, however, escaped with her son to England, where she was received by her father, king Eadward the Elder. For twelve years Rudolf held the title of king, although during the first years of his reign his authority was very limited, and many of the great nobles refused to obey him. A quarrel with some of his nobles finally led to a brief restoration of Charles, but he was 86 The Mediccval Period Louis d'Outremer, 936-54- Lothaire, 954-86. again imimsoned, and died soon afterward of starva- tion (929). Rudolf died (936) without children, and Louis IV. (d'Outremer, Transmarinus) was recalled from England and made king. Duke Hugo of Paris, still unwilling to risk all for the sake of a title which brought with it great difficulties and but little authority, preferred rather to be the favorite adviser of the king, for he could thereby easily increase his possessions. He was lord of Neustria, duke of Francia, and suzerain of Blois, Champagne, Chartres, An- jou, and other counties. More than once Louis IV. was compelled to wage war with his great vassal Hugo. His sudden death in 954 placed the crown on the head of his eldest son, Lothaire (954-86), a boy eight years old. The support of Hugo was bought with the duchies of Aquitaine and Burgundy, but he died before he had made himself master of Aquitaine. His two sons, Hugo Capet and Otto, inherited his vast possessions, and also followed the policy of their great father and tried to gain possessions in the south of Gaul. Lothaire was a man of ability, but he made two fatal mistakes : he quarrelled with the clergy, and he set his heart on gaining Lotharingia, which was now a part of Germany. Consequently the clergy were constantly causing him trouble and he was continually at war with the kings of Germany. Taking advantage of these hostile relations, Hugo Capet obtained the friend.ship of Otto III., and when Lothaire turned to Germany for help he found an alliance existing between his great vassal and the German king. Lothaire died before the revolu- tion came, and his son, Louis V., succeeded him in 986. His death, however, took place the next year, and there was but one Karling left, Charles, duke of Lower Lotha- ringia, who, being without power, could not hope to obtain the votes of the great nobles. On the other hand, Hugo Political History of France 87 Capet had the support of Otto III. of Germany, of the nobihty, and of the Church. He was allied by marriage to some of the most powerful counts. The clergy and the mon- asteries were on his side, because he had taken special pains to win them by rich donations. The archbishop, Adalbe- ron, of Rheims and the bishops of the whole country called the nobles together for the purpose of electing a king, and after a clever address,, in which Adalberon proved that Charles was not the most suitable person for king, and that the crown was not hereditary but elective, he proposed the duke, Hugo Capet, and recounted his virtues and quali- Duke Hugo fications. The duke was unanimously elected and crowned ,^Pf *■ , ■' elected as " King of the Gauls, Bretons, Danes, Normans, Aquita- king. nians, Goths, Spaniards, and Gascons." In this way the crown came into the possession of the The Capetians, a dynasty which was to rule France in the direct r)^nas\^" line for more than three hundred years (987-1328); for 987-1328. though the crown was declared to be elective, it soon be- came hereditary in this family. It was of the greatest in- fluence on the history of the line that there was never lack- ing a male heir, generally of mature years, able to take up and carry out the policy of his predecessors. There were, therefore, no disputed successions, no disastrous regencies, no troubled elections. The position of the new line of the Capetians had its The posi- points of strength and weakness. Both the Merovingians ^.°" °j^ *^ and the Karlings had been consecrated by the Church and king, were therefore regarded as legitimate rulers. The Capets, upon being hailed by the Church, were accepted by a large part of the nation as the true successors to those great houses. The king thus became, for the majority of the peo- ple, an absolute sovereign, a power ordained of God to rule, to preserve order, and to administer justice. But there was another class, composed mostly of the nobility, 88 The Mcdiaval Period And as feudal lord. Hugo Capet, 987-96. Robert II. 996-1031. which at this time was living in accordance with feudal customs and ideas, and to them the king was by no means absolute. His authority over them and his demands on them were limited. They were themselves kings in their domains in all but the name, and exercised royal preroga- tives. These feudal ideas and customs the Capets were forced to recognize. The royal power was strictly limited, and it was only by following a consistent policy and by the greatest good fortune that the Capets were able in the end to triumph over feudalism and to establish a strong central government. But this was along and slow process. For more than a hundred years the disintegration of power and of territory went on. The Capets were not able to keep their officials from making their offices hereditary, and their family possessions, as well as the royal domain which they had inherited from the Karlings, were dimin- ished by constant usurpations. Their weakness was greatest in the eleventh century. The twelfth century, however, brought a change in their fortunes ; from that time their power steadily increased. The reign of Hugo Capet (987-96) was quite as success- ful as could be expected under the circumstances. He was generally recognized by the great vassals, and maintained an independent attitude toward the German emperors and toward the papacy. Under him there was a distinct growth in the feeling of nationality which helped increase the separation between France and her neighbors, already caused by the differences in language and customs. His son and successor, Robert II. (996-1031), surnamed the Pious, because of his humble and upright character and his regard for the truth, was none the less a warrior of ability, fighting vigorously for Lotharingia and adding by conquest several cities and districts to his estates. The reign of Henry I. (1031-60) was disastrous for the Political History of France 89 royal power, although the king himself was both brave and Henry I., active. He was continually engaged in a struggle with the the ereat^" nobles whose territories surrounded his own, especially vassals, with the counts of Elois and the dukes of Normandy. The only outlet from his estates to the sea was the Seine, the lower part of which was in the possession of the Nor- mans, whose numbers and warlike qualities made their duke a dangerous neighbor of the king. Henry I. appre- ciated the situation and made every effort, though in vain, to make himself master of Normandy. Its duke, William, already known to us as the conqueror of England, was able to maintain his independent position. Philip I. (1060-1108) followed the pohcy of his father Philip I., in regard to Normandy and the other great fiefs. He was sumamed ' too young to prevent duke William from making his con- the Fat. quest of England, but he did all he could to weaken him by fomenting quarrels in the family of William and by en- deavoring to keep Normandy and England as independent of each other as possible. This policy he handed down to his successors. He carried on, in a creditable manner, several wars with other great vassals, and was successful in adding certain lands to his possessions. He refused to go on the first crusade, resisted the claims of Gregory VH., and treated that part of the clergy of France which sup- ported the pope with a good deal of severity. Such con- duct, now regarded as specially creditable to him, brought upon him the disfavor of the chroniclers who have gener- ally painted him in the darkest colors, charging him with gluttony, laziness, debauchery, highway robbery, and many other vices and crimes. In his later years his activ- ity was limited by his abnormal obesity, which amounted in his case to a disease. His reign, however, was not without its achievements, although the growing feudalism of the country daily diminished the actual power of the 90 The Mcdiccval Period king. Feudal castles and strongholds were numerous, and the king met with resistance on all hands. The famous castle of Montlhery Avas at the very gates of Paris, and the king was actually in danger of being taken prisoner by his own brigand subjects and held for a ransom if he ventured outside of his city without a strong guard. The chaos and anarchy of feudalism were at their height ; but the reign Louis VI., of Louis VI. (1108-37) brought a change. Under him 1100-37, ^j^g power of the king increased, the lawlessness of the times was checked, order was partly reestablished, and feudal customs became more fixed, thereby diminishing the violence that had been so prevalent and increasing the general security. The condition of the country was by no means perfect, but it was of the greatest importance that a large amount of stability was introduced into the customs and practices of the government and of society. The kings of France possessed a great advantage over the kings of Germany in that they were allowed to retain all fiefs which fell vacant, while in Germany the great dukes com- pelled the king to relet all fiefs within a year. The kings of France, therefore, had an excellent opportunity to in- crease their possessions, while the kings of Germany were cut off from that advantage. SPECIAL TOPIC Philip THE Fat. Jervis, pp. 113-123. Kitchin, Vol. I., pp. 254 ff. Chapter vii GERMANY AND ITS RELATION TO ITALY (887-1056) LITERATURE as in Chap. III. The deposition of Karl the Fat left Arnulf in the pos- Arnulf, 887- session of the German crown (887-99). -^^ successor of ^^" Karl the Great, he assumed that he was entitled to a cer- tain sovereignty over all the rulers of the west, and accord- ingly demanded and received the acknowledgment of his supremacy from the kings of Burgundy, Italy, and the West Franks. He defeated with great slaughter the North- men (891), but was unable to subdue the Slavic kingdom of Moravia, which included much of what is now Bo- hemia and Austria. At the invitation of the pope, Ar- nulf made two journeys into Italy for the purpose of re- storing order there and relieving the pope from the tyranny of his enemies, in return for which services the pope crowned him emperor (896). The reign of his son, known as Ludwig the Child (899- Ludwig, the 911), was fatal to the unity of Germany. The local no- .^^ ' ^^ bility, filled with a desire for independent power, seized offices and lands and made them hereditary in their own families. As the empire of Karl the Great had broken up into many little states, so the kingdom of Arnulf fell apart into five great duchies, known as Franconia, Saxony, Ba- The great varia, Suabia, and Lotharingia. Owing to the weakness *" '^^' of the king, certain men in these duchies were able to usurp authority and assume the title of duke, and were, in their duchies, practically independent of the king. The , 91 92 The Mcdiccval Period Conrad I., of Franco- nia, king, 911-18. The Saxon Line, 919- 1002. Henry I., 919-36. Henry I. and the Church. boundaries of the duchies, following tribal lines, helped to preserve and perpetuate the dilTerences that already existed among these five great groups of Germans. The people of each duchy longed to be independent of all the others, and preferred their own narrow interests to those of the king- dom. With the death of Ludwig the Child the line of Karl the Great came to an end in Germany, and it was therefore necessary to elect a king. The honor fell to Conrad I. (91 i-iS), duke of Franconia. Although able, l)rave, active, and ambitious to rule well, his reign was spent in a vain en- deavor to make good the traditional authority of the king over the dukes. He allied himself closely with the clergy, and at a council at Altheim (916) they threatened with the ban all who should resist him. Political disaffection was to be regarded as heresy and punished in the same way. But even with the aid of the clergy Conrad could not reduce the dukes ; and at his death he designated as his successor his most powerful rival, Henry of Saxony. The nobles of Saxony and Franconia came together in Fritzlar and elected Henry king (called the Fowler, also the Builder of Cities, 919-36). He was a practical man, who saw all the difficulties of the position, and was i^ersuaded that a feudal kingship was the only kind now possible. The days of the Karlings were gone forever. The power of the dukes was not to be broken ; their independence in their own territory was not to be questioned ; and they were to be held responsible to the king only for the feudal duties which they recognized as due him. This feudal conception of the kingship was new, and radically changed the attitude of the king toward the clergy and the dukes, for as he meant to be friendly with the dukes, he did not need the special help of the clergy. After his election, the archbishop of Mainz, as primate of the kingdom, wished to anoint him, Germany and its Relation to Italy 93 but Henry refused, saying that the election alone was suffi- cient. In 924 the Magyars, or Hungarians, invaded Saxony. Henry was unable to meet them in the field, and therefore made a nine years' treaty with them, paying them a heavy tribute. These years Henry used to put his country into a good state of defence and to improve his army. His prep- Progress in arations are described by Widukind (i., 35) as follows : Germany. " He first chose one out of every nine soldiers who were living in the country and compelled him to live in a city (urbs) in order that he might build dwellings for the other eight and lay by one-third of all the grain produced, while the other eight should sow and harvest for the ninth. In these cities, on the construction of which they labored day and night, the king ordered that all trials, meetings, and festivals of whatever sort, should be held, in order that the The found- peoi)le in times of peace might become accustomed to *"S of cities what would be necessary in time of war (i.e., to living together in close quarters)." Towns are mentioned which he fortified, such as Merseburg, Meissen, and Quedlinburg. There were walled towns before his time, but most of the Germans lived in open, straggling villages. Henry gave a great impulse to town life, and it was due to his activity that the German towns now became more numerous, and that in the next century there was a large and important citizen class. Commerce was also thereby greatly pro- moted. During these years of peace Henry developed a good army. All who did military service were trained in the use of arms by military sports, and a cavalry troop was formed. The Saxons, it would seem, up to this time, had fought only on foot. The new mode of fighting was soon to become common, since it was generally those who had some means who were called on to follow the king on his campaigns. The poorer people being unable to equip them- 94 The Mediccval Period selves with horses and arms, now sank to the position of serfs or slaves, and so escaped military service. Henry ex- Henry was successful in wresting territory from both the many to the I^^^'^^s on the north and the Slavs on the east. In 933 he east. refused to pay the Magyars tribute, met them in the field, and defeated them with great loss in several battles. The superiority of the improved method of defence, the walled towns, the cavalry, and the trained army, was now appar- ent. Before his death (936) he had his son Otto recog- nized as his successor. Otto I. (936-73) came to the throne with a different character and with ideas about his office entirely differen from those of his father. Henry was noted for his mod- esty and humility : he was practical and never strove for the impossible. He clearly recognized that he could not destroy the power of the dukes, and was therefore willing to recognize their independence. Otto, on the contrary was proud and ambitious. He had high ideas about his royal rights and prerogatives. He was not content with the position of feudal king, but regarded himself as the successor of Karl the Great. The sacred character of the king, acquired by anointment and by the peculiar relations existing between himself and the clergy, had been neg- lected by Henry, but Otto revived it. The dukes had been his father's equals ; Otto determined to make them his officials. Henry had not relied on the clergy, because he was determined to be on friendly terms with the dukes ; Otto, on the other hand, needed the help of the clergy to strip the dukes of their power. The events connected Vi ith his election and coronation illustrate the difference between his ideals and those of his father. There had been some dissatisfaction Avith Henry because of his simplicity, and there was now a desire that the traditions of Karl the Great should be revived. In accordance with this wish, Aachen, Germany and its Relation to Italy 95 the ancient capital, was appointed as the place for the for- mal election of Otto. All the dukes and the highest nobil- ity were present, and Otto was anointed and crowned with His corona- great pomp. Afterward he sat down to the coronation ban- '°"' quet, at which he was served by the dukes. Duke Gisel- bert of Lorraine was his chamberlain, i.e., he had charge of the palace, Eberhard of Franconia was his steward or dish-bearer, Hermann of Suabia his cup-bearer, and Arnulf of Bavaria his marshal. But Ofto's haughty manner angered the dukes, and they plotted with his ambitious brothers for his overthrow. A long struggle ensued, in which Otto was successful in dis- possessing all the dukes, and making their duchies depend- ent on himself by giving them to members of his own fam- ily. As a counterpoise to the power of the nobles. Otto followed the policy of strengthening the clergy by en- riching them and conferring authority upon them.^ The clergy thus became a large and powerful part of the nobil- ity. This policy proved to be disastrous, for in the strug- gle which came later between the empire and the papacy, the clergy of Germany turned against their benefactors and helped destroy them. Toward the barbarians east of Germany Otto had a well- Otto's pol- defined policy. In 955, on the Lech river, near Augsburg, ^^^ barba- he won a decisive victory over the Magyars, and put an rians. end to their invasions by compelling them, after accepting Christianity, to settle in the territory which they have ever since occupied (Hungary). The Slavs, too, were com- pelled to acknowledge Otto's over-lordship. As a de- fence against them several marches (marks) were established along the whole eastern frontier and put under able men. Magdeburg was made the religious capital of the Slavs ' Bryce : The Holy Roman Empire, Chap. VIII., develops this thought at some lensth. 96 The Medicoz'al Period The Slavs Christian- ized and German- ized. The condi- tion of Italy. Parties. by establishing there an archbishop. Mission work was vigorously carried on among them, and for this jjurpose Otto established the bishoprics of Havelberg, Brandenburg, Merseburg, Zeitz, Meissen, and Posen. Many monasteries arose, and the monks became not only the missionaries but also the teachers and civilizers of these barbarian peoples. German colonists went with the monks and clergy, and the process of Germanizing the Slavs was begun. To Otto the Great belongs the honor of having begun the policy toward these barbarians which was to result in making Germans of them, and in adding their territory to Ger- many. The east was the only direction in which Ger- many could expand. The way to the west was closed, but to the east there were extensive territories which could be conquered and Germanized. If these peoples could be kept dependent on Germany for their civilization and Christianity, it must inevitably follow that they would lose their nationality and become German. From this time on the expansion of Germany to the east among these peoples, her conquest and absorption of them, is one of the most important parts of her history. In this way all of Prussia that lies east of the Elbe was won from the Slavs. Bohe- mia and Hungary were not Germanized because through the weakness of the successors of Otto they succeeded in getting an independent ecclesiastical establishment, thereby preserving their own nationality. Since the coronation of Arnulf, Italy had fallen upon evil times. She wiis hopelessly divided, the theatre of con- tending peoples and factions. The Greek emperor held many places in the southern part of the peninsula, while the Mohammedans had possession of Sicily and other islands, and a few ports on the main-land. In Rome the pope claimed to be master, but the city was the prey of factions among the nobility. The duchies of Benevento and Spo- Germany and its Relation to Italy 97 leto were practically independent. Lombardy was divided into a large number of insignificant principalities, whose rulers were all striving for the control of Italy and the royal or imperial crown. One of these contestants, Lothar of Provence, died in 950, and his widow, Adelaide, a Bur- gundian princess, was seized by another claimant of the crown for the purpose of compelling her to marry his son. Disliking the proposed union, Adelaide appealed to the king of Germany for protection. Otto gallantly responded Otto's first by crossing the Alps (951) and marrying the princess him- {f^y"^^ ^° self. It was his intention to go on to Rome, but revolts at home made his speedy return to Germany necessary. During this period the papacy was sadly smirched by falling under the control of political parties in Rome. The magnificent claims of Leo the Great to be the bishop of the whole Church were now entirely forgotten in the chaos of contending Roman parties. The noble families of Roman fac- Rome were divided into factions, each of which strove to *'°"^' make one of its number bishop, in order to exercise the authority and enjoy the perquisites which that office pos- sessed. The duke of Spoleto had a party, as did also Ber- engar and the other phantom kings who displayed their weakness in the unfortunate peninsula. The German king had his supporters, and there was an anti-German faction which objected to any interference on the part of the Ger- man king. The rage and violence shown by these factions is almost incredible. In 891 Formosus, a friend of Arnulf of Germany, was made pope. Throughout his pontificate he was known to be an ally of the German emperor, and the bitterness against him was intense. When Stephen VI. was elected by the faction of Spoleto his hatred of the Germans was so great that he had the remains of Formosus exhumed in order to go through the forms of a trial. The body of Formosus was clothed in pontifical robes, placed 98 The Medieval Period on a papal throne, and charges made against him, in a synod called together for this purpose. The verdict was, of course, unfavorable, and his body was mutilated and thrown into the Tiber. For nearly forty years Rome was in a turmoil of con- tending parties, no one being able to restore order. But Alberic. finally, in the course of these struggles, a certain Alberic drove out all competitors and made himself master of the city with the title of " Princeps atque omnium Romanorum senator." Until his death in 954 Alberic held the power in Rome, not only over the city but also over the popes. The writings of the times contain many invectives, but few charges, against Alberic. As a governor he had much ability. He tried to ally himself with the eastern emperor, and he was interested in the Cluniac reform to such an ex- tent that he asked bishop Odo of Cluny to restore the dis- cipline in, and reform the monasteries of, Rome. His only offence, a great one in the eyes of churchmen, was that he kept the papacy thoroughly under his control and used the pope as one of his officials. Alberic even wished The Papacy to make the papacy hereditary in his family. His son Oc- hered^itarv t^vian, a boy of sixteen years, succeeded him in authority, and a year later was made pope. He took the title of John Xn. (955). His pontificate was disgraceful in the extreme, and he shocked the city with his mad pranks and open debauchery. Both he and the people of Lombardy are said to have appealed to Otto for protection. At any rate. Otto again appeared in Italy, ^nd after being crowned em- peror (962), spent several months in renovating the papacy and restoring order. The people of Rome took an oath to him that they would never elect a pope without first con- sulting him. Under Otto the Great Germany was made the first power in Europe. In 973 he celebrated Easter at Quedlin- t -••.1 Germany and its Relation to Italy 99 burg, and held there a great assembly, where he received embassies from Rome, Constantinople, from the Hungari- ans, Bulgarians, Russians, Slavs, and Danes. The Dukes of Bohemia and Poland came in person to do him homage. A few days later he died at Memleben, and was buried in Death of Magdeburg, his favorite city. U o ., 973. The reign of Otto the Great is an important one in the Importance history of the civilization of Germany. It has already been reign. stated that he allied himself with, and strengthened, the clergy in order to resist the dukes, but while using them in this way, Otto did not lower their moral and religious tone. His bishops and archbishops were all men of ability and genuine piety. His reign is noted for a revival in both religion and learning. Several members of his family oc- cupied high positions in the Church ; Bruno, his brother, became archbishop of Cologne ; one of his sons, William, was archbishop of Mainz, his uncle, Robert, bishop of Trier; other relatives became prominent bishops, abbots, and abbesses. All these performed their duties to the Church as well as to the emperor without any conflict. At the court itself no immorality was tolerated. Otto sur- rounded himself with learned men, and his age is marked by great literary activity. Many of the great monasteries kept chronicles. Some important histories and biographies were composed, and poems and comedies were produced. The most notable among them were Liutprand's "His- tory of Otto," the Annals of Quedlinburg, Hildesheim, and St. Gall, Widukind's J?es Gestce Saxonicce, Ekkehard's " Walthari Lied," and the historical poems and dramas of Hrotsuitha, a nun in the monastery of Gandersheim. Her " Lapsus et Conversio Theophili " is regarded as the oldest poetical treatment of the Faust legend of the Middle Age. In the monasteries, Terence, Horace, Virgil, Sallust, And Cicero were read. Otto also imitated theSchola Pal- f lOO The Mcdiccval Period atina of Karl the Great. Otto himself tried to learn Latin, but never became able to speak it well. During his reign German became a literary language : a harmony of the gospels was composed in it and a great epic poem written, called "Der Heliand " (The Saviour). It is a life of Jesus l)ut into a German setting. It is full of German customs, manners, and ways of thinking, and is one of the most im- portant sources of our knowledge of the condition of the German mind in those times. Italy and By receiving the imperial crown, Otto renewed the po- Germany Htical bonds which had once held Germany and Italy to- gether. This union was in many respects injurious to both countries. Instead of exerting themselves in an effort to unite Germany and to centralize the power, the emperors, drawn into a long and fatal struggle with the papacy, wore themselves out in fruitless Italian campaigns, which ended disastrously to the Hohenstaufen line. France and Eng- land were unified under their own kings, while Italy and Germany were unable to achieve political unity till in our own day. Otto II., Otto II. (973-83), although able, resisted in vain the 973' 3- decadence that had begun. The barbarians disarranged the system of marches on the frontier and checked the extension of Germany to the east. Otto II. was succeeded Otto III., by his three-year-old son, Otto III. (983-1002), who was 983-1002. brought up by his mother and tutors in the fantastical idea that he should restore Rome to her former greatness by making her the seat of his government. He made several journeys into Italy to restore order and reform the papacy. In 996 he made his cousin pope, Gregory V., and in 999 elevated to the papacy his tutor, Gerbert, the most learned man of his age, with the name of Silvester II. Leaving Germany at the mercy of the nobles and the barbarians, Otto III. went to Italy and took up his residence on the Gcruiaiiy and its Relation to Italy loi Aventine Hill (looi). His death the next year ended a reign that was as disastrous for Germany as for the im- perial power. Henry II. (1002-24), known as the Saint, by allying Henry II., himself closely with the clergy, and giving his attention 1002^24^ ' principally to Germany, was able to revive in part the failing authority of the king. The work was taken up and Conrad IL, more successfully prosecuted by his successor, Conrad II. ^024-39. (1024-39), duke of Franconia. He increased the royal The Fran- authority in every way possible. By the bequest of the conia^n Line, last king of Burgundy he inherited that kingdom (1032). He got possession of the duchies in Germany, and either held them himself or gave them to members of his family. He sought to diminish the feudal power of the great nobles by decreeing that their subjects owed the king military ser- vice directly and must come at his call. He won the sym- pathy of all sub-vassals by declaring their fiefs hereditary and forbidding the great lords to dispossess them without sufficient cause. By increasing the territory of the empire and strengthen- ing the boundaries, by attaching the smaller nobles to him- self and getting full possession of the duchies, Conrad II. laid the foundation for the prosperous reign of his son, Henry III. (1039-56). Although Henry III. was unsuc- Henry III. cessful against both the Slavs and Hungarians, he was able 1039-56, to hold the turbulent nobles of Germany in check. Ac- cording to feudal principles, everyone had the right of pri- vate war. Anyone who suffered violence might gather as large a force as he could muster and avenge himself on the offender. The Church, alleging that no Christian should shed blood, attempted to establish the "peace of God " on earth by prohibiting all warfare ; but finding it impos- sible to enforce so sweeping a prohibition she ordered that all combatants should observe the " truce of God " by re- 102 The Mcdiccval Period fraining from all fighting or violence from Wednesday evening till the following Monday morning. Henry III. not only sanctioned this, but assumed the right to punish all who should in any way disturb the peace of the land. Unlike his father, Henry HI. did not practise simony. He appointed both bishops and abbots, and was careful to choose only men that were worthy and able to fill the po- sition. He never sold church offices. Taking up the great movement which had its origin in the monastery of Cluny, he endeavored to reform the morals and life of the clergy of Germany in accordance therewith. He fostered the schools in the monasteries and established other schools for laymen, attendance at which he even thought of mak- ing compulsory on the children of the nobles. Henry III. Henry made two journeys into Italy (1046 and 1055), papacy during the first of which he received the imperial crown. The papacy had again become a city office in the hands of factions. Each party elected a pope, whenever its needs seemed to demand such action. When Henry reached Italy (1046) he found three popes claiming the office. In councils at Sutri and Rome he deposed all three, assumed the title of patricius, and, declaring it was his right to name the bishop of Rome, elevated to that position Sudgar of Bamberg, who took the name of Clement II. During the rest of his reign Henry three times filled the office, al- ways with excellent men. In Italy he opposed simony in all its forms and refused to take bribes from the candidates for the papal throne. The Cluniac ideas were rapidly gaining ground, and, since Henry was in hearty sympathy with them, he did all he could to establish them, working harmoniously with the popes and other reformers to make the Church what she should be. Henry III. wished to be an absolute master and to rule in an autocratic way. His treatment of the nobles was Germany and its Relation to Italy 103 especially distasteful to them, and at his death in 1056 the opportunity was offered them to regain their much-coveted power. He left a son, Henry IV., only six years old, who was no match for them. The emperors, Henry HI. not least, had done everything they could to make the Church great and powerful, believing that the clergy would always be grateful and true to their benefactors. Just at the crit- ical time, however, when Henry IV. was a mere boy and more than ever needed their help, they deserted him and supported the high claims of the bishop of Rome. The emperor had claimed and exercised the right to appoint the pope. The tables were now to be turned and the pope was soon to claim the authority to make and unmake both kings and emperors. The fatal struggle between the pa- pacy and the emperor for the supremacy of the world was about to begin. A new power was just arising in southern Italy which Condition of was destined to become a powerful aid to the papacy and southern ^ to play an important part in the long struggle. From the middle of the ninth century the Saracens had possession of Sicily, and also held many places on the main-land. The principal part of southern Italy, called the Theme of Lom- bardy, still belonged to the emperor at Constantinople and was ruled by his officers. On the east coast these posses- sions extended to the north as far as Mount Gargano, and on the west almost to Salerno. To the north of this district was a large group of independent or semi -independent princi- palities, such as Salerno, Amalfi, Naples, Capua, Benevento, and Spoleto which neither the Greek nor the German em- peror had been able to attach permanently to his interests. They spent their time in warring with one another, or with the garrisons of the Greeks or Saracens about them. They were mere political fragments, and their condition seemed hopelessly chaotic. 104 The Mcdicrz'al Period The Nor- mans get possessions in southern Italy and become the pope's vassals. Robert Guiscard made duke, 1059. Sicily conquered, 1060-1090. In 1016 some Normans, returning from a pilgrimage to Palestine, were shipwrecked near Salerno, and the prince of that town secured their aid in an impending battle against the Saracens. The rewards which they carried back home with them fired the cupidity of some of their fellow- countrymen, and from this time we find Norman soldiers of fortune in southern Italy offering their services to the high- est bidder. About 1027 the duke of Naples granted Aversa to a band of such adventurers, and by conquest they added other small territories to this. Having quarrelled with their allies, the Greeks, over the distribution of spoil, they at- tacked and conquered Apulia, which they organized into a kind of republic. The headship in this little state was ac- quired by William of the Iron Arm, who passed it on to his brothers, each of whom followed an aggressive policy of conquest and annexation. In 1053 they made war on pope Leo IX. After taking him prisoner, they fell at his feet, begged forgiveness and asked to be made his vassals and confirmed in their title to the lands which they had con- quered. In 1057 the ablest of the brothers, Robert Guiscard, succeeded to the title of count of Apulia. Two years later he appeared before pope Nicholas II. (1059-61), gave him the oath of allegiance, and received in return the title of duke of Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily. Sicily and a part of Calabria were still in the hands of the Saracens, and the newly made duke had to conquer them. After about thirty years of petty warfare, the Mohammedan power was broken and the Norman rule established in Sicily. Robert ruled his duchy well ; Amalfi was for awhile one of the principal commercial cities of Italv, and the schools of Salerno also added lustre to his name. A revolution in Constantinople gave Robert an oppor- tunity to attempt to extend his territories to the east. In Germany and its Relation to Italy 105 1 08 1 Alexius Comnenus usurped the power and expelled the emperor Nicephorus III. Constantine, the son of the preceding emperor, Michael VII., had married the daugh- ter of Robert Guiscard. Apparently to restore his son-in- law, who had a distant claim to the crown, but probably to secure the crown for himself, Robert Guiscard gathered an army to invade the Greek empire. Gregory VII. gave Robert him his blessing and promised to invest him with all the Qj.^e*k ^ ^ lands he might conquer. Durazzo, on the coast of Epirus, emperor, was first taken. Alexius sent Henry IV. of Germany large sums of money, and begged him to make an invasion into southern Italy. Alexius also secured the aid of the Vene- tians by granting them commercial privileges, such as the freedom from tolls and the possession of a Venetian quarter in Constantinople. After capturing Durazzo, Robert forced his way into the interior. Towns and fortresses fell into his hands until he controlled much of Epirus and Thes- saly. At this moment Gregory VII., who was hard pressed by Henry IV., called on Robert to come to his aid. Leav- ing his army in charge of his son Boemund, Robert hastened to Rome, where he succeeded in driving off the Germans and freeing the pope. But in Thessaly the diplomacy of Alexius won the victory. By offering large bribes he won over many of the Norman knights. He levied fresh troops in other parts of the empire. Boemund's forces were gradually weakened by losses in battle, by sickness and de- sertions, so that Alexius was able to defeat him and gradually force him back to the Adriatic. At last, Durazzo was re- taken, and Boemund with his handful of men returned to Italy. Although Robert Guiscard renewed the attempt, Alexius had in the meanwhile so strongly fortified and gar- risoned the coast that Robert met with small success. His Death of untimely death in the following year (1085) put an end to Robert, the invasion, and Boemund made peace with Alexius, I06 The Mcdiccval Period The work of Robert Guiscard was to live after him. By his conquests he had united Sicily and the southern part of Italy into one great duchy, which was to be the basis for Basis for a the kingdom of the Two Sicilies. He was succeeded as kingdom duke by his brother Roger in 1085, who in turn was fol- lowed by his son Roger 11. (iioi). This second Roger, inheriting the well-known family characteristics, ambition and great ability, succeeded in changing his duchy into a kingdom (1130). SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Otto I. Henderson, Chaps. VIII. -IX. 2. The Normans in Sicily. Johnson, Normans, Chap. VI. CHAPTER VIII FEUDALISM LITERATURE.— Adams, Chnlizatton, Chap. IX. Hallam, Middle Ages, Chap. II. Guizot, Civilization in Europe, Lecture IV. Penn. Univ. Translations, Vols. III., ii., v. ; IV. iii. , Feudalism is the name applied to the economic, social, Feudalism and political relations and conditions existing in Europe from the tenth to the thirteenth centuries. These economic relations are expressed by the phrase " feudal tenure of land," the theory underlying which was that the tenant or holder of any piece of land had only the use of it, for which he must pay certain dues as rent, to the man (lord or suzerain) from whom he had received it. Property in land was not absolute, but of a beneficiary nature; that is, Economic the holder had only the benefits of the use of it, not the f^'^*^°^^'_ land itself In theory the land belonged to God, who let ure, it to the king, who, in turn, sublet it to his great vassals, and these then parcelled it out to their subjects. The general word expressing the social relations of the Social rela- period is "vassalage," which indicates the personal rela- tions, lord *; ° ^ and vassal, tion and bond existing between the man who thus held the land and the man from whom he had received it. It conveys on the side of the vassal the idea of social in- feriority and the obligation to perform certain services for his lord. The political relations of the period are expressed by Political re- the words " immunity, and sovereignty," which mean that Nations, im- munity. the holder of an estate is, in the matter of its government, 107 io8 The Mcdiccval Period independent of his lord ; that is, with the use of the land he also received from his lord the right, within his own terri- tory, to perform the judicial, executive, and even, to some extent, the legislative functions of government, and in the ordinary exercise of these functions he is free from all in- terference on the part of his lord. He is, therefore, on his own domain, to all intents and purposes, and, within cer- tain limits, an independent king. The essential features of feudalism then are these three things — feudal tenure, vas- salage, and immunity. Origin of This condition of affairs was the outcome of the chaos of feudalism. ^j^^ ^^^^ centuries which followed the death of Karl the Great. Not even he had been able wholly to centralize the power, and to sustain a personal relation to all his sub- jects. He struggled during all his reign against the ten- dency to separation, and the ambitious efforts of various provinces of his empire to achieve local independence. The machinery of his government was not inherently weak; it needed only a strong and vigorous man to conduct it. Under his successors, in the ninth and tenth centuries, be- cause of their weakness, and the struggles of rebellious sons and nobles, his empire broke up into many pieces. There was no one to enforce the laws and preserve order, since the emperor was too weak to do so. Men found that they could break the laws, therefore, with impunity. The strong oppressed the weak, seized their goods, their lands, and even their persons, forcing them into the position of vas- sals or serfs. This is the period of violence and usurpations, or what the Germans most appropriately call Fmisirccht or " fist right ; " the man with the strong arm might do what- ever he chose. The wheels of government stopped, and the Duruy, Bk. i)eoj)le had, therefore, to take care of themselves. " Roy- V., Chap, ^jjy j-jQ longer performed the duties for which it was insti- tuted, and protection, which could not be obtained from Feudalism 109 the nominal head of the state, was now sought from the bishops, counts, barons, and all powerful men." Their attempts to take care of themselves resulted in a compli- cated set of customs and practices, the sum of which was feudalism. The weak man, in order that he might not be utterly destroyed by the violence of those who were stronger than he, often willingly surrent'ered all that he had to some bishop or count, put himself under his protec- tion, and assumed the vassal relation. The violence and chaos of the ninth and tenth centuries produced these changes and brought about this condition of affairs. Even before the ninth century there were prevalent among the peoples of Europe many customs which furnished certain elements of feudalism, but they were not what produced it. Such things as the German coinitatus, or Gefolge, and the Gallic ''commendation," undoubtedly were prototypes of some of the feudal customs, but these would not have developed into feudalism if it had not been for the chaotic economic, social, and political condition of Europe in those two centuries. Under Karl the Great tenure of office had depended upon his will; under his weak successors, many of the imperial and royal officials declared that they not only held their offices by a life tenure, but that these were also hereditary Office and in their family. These claims they were able to make s:ood '^■"'is be- •^ ° come hered- in spite of the imperial opposition. ■ In this way the judicial, itary. executive, and legislative functions of the central govern- ment were usurped. Karl the Great had rewarded his offi- cials with gifts of lands. Under his successors, all the holders of such lands succeeded in making their possessions hereditary in their family, while still recognizing the em- peror as the actual possessor of them. Many who held property by the allodial (freehold or fee simple) tenure were deprived of their lands by force and no The MedicEval Period Freehold lands be- come feudal. Feudalism not a sys- tem. reduced to the position of vassals. Others, when they saw themselves exposed to so great danger, bought protection by- offering to surrender their lands to some lord on the condi- tion that he would protect them and permit them, as his tenants or vassals, to hold the same lands. Under the em- perors of the sixth and seventh centuries, a similar process was going on because of the heavy taxation and the oppres- sion by the government. Previously all land had been held by the allodial tenure, but gradually this was so thor- oughly changed that by the end of the twelfth century the principle was generally acknowledged that all land must have a feudal lord and be held by the feudal tenure. In the thirteenth century there was very little land in western and northern Europe held in any other way. Fiefs and vassalage, therefore, arose from grants, usurpations, seiz- ures, and voluntary surrender. Since feudalism grew out of the chaos of the times, it could hardly be expected that it would have a uniform character. In fact, the feudalism of one province differed from that of another. In the general stress and danger each one made such terms as he could with his lord. Feudalism is not a system, therefore ; it is as chaotic and irregular as the period in which it arose. To almost every general statement about it exceptions could be found. Classifications are impossible, because of the great and nu- merous variations which' are everywhere met with. It is a misnomer to speak of the feudal "system," since by that word the idea is conveyed that it is an orderly and uni- form set of customs and regulations. A great step toward better things was taken when Henry III. declared himself to be guardian of the public peace, or "peace of the land," and threatened to punish all who disturbed it. By this means private warfare was partially limited. The chaos and anarchy of* the ninth and tenth Feudalism III centuries yielded in a measure to regularity and order. The customs were more fixed and better observed. Feu- dalism became less chaotic, and society, therefore, more stable ; violence became less and security greater ; travel was possible because of the greater 'safety along the high- ways. The effect was soon seen in the steady revival of commerce, which became more pronounced as the eleventh century advanced. The Church was completely drawn into feudal relations. The Church In those days of violence and rapine, the robber and plun- ?"^ Feudal- derer had little or no regard for the property of the Church, or the lives of the churchmen. Churches and monasteries, like individuals, were, therefore, compelled to seek pro- tection. The bishop or priest, for his church or diocese, and the abbot or prior, for his monastery, surrendered the church's or monastery's property to some lord and received it back in return for the payment of certain rents and dues. Such churches and monasteries were le- gally feudal individuals, and were, of course, required to perform all feudal duties. The lands, indeed, belonged to the Church, and, theoretically, could not be alienated from the Church and ecclesiastical uses. As late as the eleventh century it was not at all uncommon for the clergy to marry. Since fiefs were hereditary, it seemed perfectly proper that their children should be provided for out of the church lands which they held. But, unless all their children became clergymen, these church lands would pass into the hands of laymen and therefore be lost to the Church. One of the purposes of the prohibition of the marriage of the clergy was to prevent this alienation and diminution of the church lands. The land, office, or any right or privilege granted and Feudal held as indicated above was called a fief, feud, or benefice, ^^^'■'"s. The lord, liege, or suzerain, was the one who granted a 112 Tlic Mcdiaval Period Noble or military ser- vice. fief. The receiver of it was his vassal or hege-man. Sub- infeudation was the regranting of a fief by a vassal to a third person, who, therefore, became a vassal to a vassal. In connection with the infeudation of a fief there were cer- tain rights and ceremonies called homage ; kneeling with uncovered head, folded hands, and sword ungirt before his prospective lord, the vassal made a set speech in which he vowed that he would become the lord's " man " and perform all the duties which this relation demanded. The lord then raised him, received his oath of fidelity, and by a symbolic act (usually the presentation of a sword, stand- ard, sceptre, ring, staff, a bit of earth or a twig) invested him with the possession of the fief in question. The one great duty of the lord to his vassal was to pro- tect him. The lord must avenge his vassal's wrongs, de- fend him in all his privileges, and secure him justice in all matters. The vassal, on the other hand, owed his lord service, which might be of various kinds. Military service was, in some respects, the most important, and in accord- ance with the ideas of the times was regarded as noble. Service in labor, gifts, money, and produce, was regarded as menial or ignoble. Military service in the days of Karl the Great had been required of all freemen. The army was composed of the whole people under arms. As the use of cavalry was introduced and became general, and the practice of wearing armor universal, it became impossible for everyone to equip himself with the required parapher- nalia. Continuous and far-distant campaigns made it nec- essary for many people to remain at home to till the soil. Karl the Great had the right to call his army together at any time, and demand their service in any part of the em- pire, and for any length of time. By offering united re- sistance the vassals later succeeded in acquiring two im- portant limitations to this : they could be compelled to Feudalism 1 1 3 serve only forty days in the year, and only at a reasonable distance from their homes. Feudal armies could not be levied directly by the king ; he must first send the summons to his great vassals, with the order to appear with a certain number of men at a cer- tain time and place. These, in turn, delivered the order to their vassals, and so the command was passed along un- Feudal ar- til it had reached the end of the line of vassals. Under "^*^^' such conditions it is easily apparent that a feudal army was of little use, even when it was got together. Since wars must be fought, the rulers ceased to rely on their feudal levies, and engaged mercenary troops, which they kept as a standing army. Among the special duties laid upon a vassal were the following : If in a battle the lord were un- horsed the vassal must give him his own horse ; if the lord were in personal danger, the vassal must defend him with his life ; if the lord were taken prisoner of war, the vassal was bound to go as a hostage for him. There were various circumstances under which the lord Feudal might demand money from his vassals. When he knighted *^"^^- his eldest son, or gave his eldest daughter in marriage, or himself was taken prisoner, he might demand any sum which his vassal was able to pay. Such payments were called " aids," and tended to become fixed. A relief was a sum of money paid by an heir Avhen he entered upon his inheritance at the death of his father. Ordinarily this was the entire income of the estate for a year. The same rule existed in regard to ecclesiastical offices. The newly ap- pointed bishop or priest was compelled to pay the first- fruits (the annates), which meant the income of his office for a year. If a vassal died without heirs, his property re- verted to the lord (escheat), and might then be relet to another vassal. If a vassal wished to surrender his fief to another, he had first to get the consent of his lord and pay 114 TJic Mediccral Period a certain sum of money (fine upon alienation). If a vassal were guilty of treason, the lord might claim his possession by forfeiture. In England the king claimed, also, certain other rights, such as wardship and marriage ; that is, if a vassal died leaving only children who were minors, the king became their guardian, and managed, and had the income from, their estates until they became of age. His consent to their marriage must be obtained, for which they were expected to pay well. One of the most oppressive rights of the lord was that of fodrum ; that is, the maintenance of himself and retinue, or even his army ; when passing through any district he might demand that its residents supply himself and his followers with food. In the same way, he might require the people along the way to furnish him a sufficient number of horses and \vagons to transport him and his train from one place to another. Feudal rents The rents due from the vassal were of various kinds. Generally a certain sum was due for the land, another for the house, sometimes another for the fire (chimney), and ordinarily a small tax for each head of stock (cattle, sheep, hog^, etc.). Of course the lord received a certain share of all that was produced on the soil, of the wheat, hay, wine, chickens, stock, honey, beeswax, and, in fact, of everything. A charge was also made for the privilege of pasturing the stock in the forests or fields of the lord, for obtaining fire- wood from his forests, and for fishing in the streams which were regarded as his property. The peasants were forbid- den to sell their grain for a certain length of time after the harvest, or their wine after the vintage, in order that the lord might have a temporary monopoly in these articles. They were compelled to bake their bread in his oven, grind their corn at his mill, and press their grapes in his wine- press, for all of which a suitable toll in kind was charged. The lord could also seize the grain, wine, and other prod- and duties. Feudalism 1 1 5 uce of his tenant, paying him what he chose, either in cash or at the end of a certain time. The tenant was required to labor also for his lord a certain number of days in the year. He must till his fields, care for his crops, make his wine, furnish horses and wagons on demand, haul his wood for the fires in the house, stones for building purposes, keep his castle and other buildings in repair, build defences, re- pair the roads and bridges, and render a multitude of other services. The lord exercised over his tenants the power of a judge. Feudal jus- All cases were tried before him or his officers. He had the right to impose and collect fines for all sorts of offences. For every crime and misdemeanor there was a fixed money penalty. The administration of justice on a great domain was, therefore, the source of a considerable income. The lord held court three times a year, at which all his vassals were expected to be present ; but such attendance was soon felt to be burdensome and they secured permission to ab- sent themselves on the payment of a fee. These are some of the most important rights of a feudal lord. It was to the lord's interest, of course, to multiply them and enforce them whenever possible. The vassals did all they could to limit them, and to preserve their lib- erty and independence. It is apparent, however, that the vassals were subject to innumerable burdens, and if their lord or his overseer were so disposed, their lives could be made unendurable. The land was ordinarily divided into large estates, or Disposition domains, in the hands of what we may call great landlords, o^ *"^ s°"- who, of course, did no work themselves. Very often they did not even oversee their estates but left that work to the care of a foreman or agent. This office of agent often be- came a fief, but sometimes it was farmed out for a certain sum. The holder of it received no salary, but was ex- Il6 The Mediaeval Period pected to get his i)ay out of the administration of the office itself. This he did at the expense of the peasants. The central house, or manor of the estate, was regarded as the residence of the lord, although it frequently happened that he spent little time at it, especially if he possessed several domains. The manor was often the residence of the agent. About the manor was a considerable amount of land which was held by the lord and cultivated for his benefit. Since all his tenants owed him a certain number of days' " , labor, he never had any difficulty in having this land well cultivated. Feudal All the rest of the tillable land and meadow after being society, divided into small lots and parcelled out among the ten- ants became hereditary in the family of the one who tilled them. These tenants lived, generally, in little houses grouped together, forming a village. All the inhabitants of the country were known as peasants (rustici, vil- lains), and may be divided into two classes, serfs and free. But within these two divisions there were many variations. Feudal society may be divided into three classes, the peasants or tillers of the soil, the citizens or in- habitants of the towns, forming the industrial class, and the aristocracy, who lived upon the labors of the other two classes. Serfs. The slavery of the early empire had been changed into serfdom. The slaves had become attached to the soil which they tilled and were no longer sold. They were allowed to marry, and in accordance with the prevailing feudal customs received a bit of land to till. At first the lord could tax his serfs at will, but gradually limits were set to the demands which he might make. The serf paid an an- nual poll-tax, and if he married someone belonging to an- other domain he also paid a certain sum for the privilege Feudalism 1 1 7 of doing so. He could neither alienate nor dispose of his possessions by will, and at his death all that he had went to the lord. The serf could neither be taken from his land, nor might he leave it ; yet many serfs ran away from their lords, and, passing themselves off for freemen, took service with other lords. If caught, however, they could be re- stored to their former lord ; but if they could secure ad- mission to the ranks of the clergy they thereby became free men. They might also become free in other ways. They might, if their master were willing, formally renounce him, surrender all their goods, and quit the domain. On the other hand, the lord might set a serf free on the payment of a certain sum. This became, indeed, a favorite way of raising money. The lord would set free all the serfs of his domain and demand the payment of the fee. Since they became his free tenants and must remain and till his land, he really lost nothing by setting them free, but rather gained. On the other hand, people might be reduced to serfdom by force. The character of free and servile had even become attached to the soil. Certain parts of a do- main were called free, probably because they had always been occupied by free peasants, while other parts were called servile, probably because they had always been tilled by slaves who gradually became serfs. If a free peas- ant occupied this servile land he thereby lost his free char- acter and became a serf. The free peasants were more nearly like renters who pay so much each year for the use of their lands either in money or in produce. Their lands were also hereditary. Being independent of their lord they could dispose of their possessions. There was noth- ing to prevent them from amassing a considerable amount of property. In a later chapter will be found a description of the class Citizens, of citizens. The cities themselves arose after the establish- ii8 The Medi(£val Period ment of feudalism, but were forced into the feudal rela- tions. They were, in fact, regarded as feudal person- alities, and were treated much as a feudal individual. The city, as a whole, owed feudal duties. As the cities grew large and rich they resisted the feudal claims of their lords and were one of the powers that destroyed feudalism. Nobility. Sharply separated from the laboring classes were the nobility. This nobility was divided into two classes, the secular and the ecclesiastical. The only occupation of the secular nobility was the use of arms. Only he could enter this class who had sufficient money to equip himself as a warrior and to support himself without work ; for work was regarded as ignoble. It is probable that for centuries the acquisition of sufficient wealth enabled anyone to pass into the ranks of the nobility. But in the thirteenth century nobility became hereditary. The line was sharply drawn between the noble and the ignoble families. Noble birth was added to the requisites of nobility, and eventually be- came the only requisite. Wealth alone was no longer the passport to noble rank. Intermarriage between nobles and commoners was forbidden, or at least regarded as a mesal- liance. In Germany and France all the children born into a noble family inherited the title, while in England the title and wealth passed only to the eldest son. He only was required to marry within his class. The younger children might marry into ignoble families without there" by forming a mesalliance, a fact which accounts for the community of interest which has ever existed in England but not elsewhere between commoner and aris- tocracy. Cavalry. From the tenth century it became customary to fight on horseback. Whoever was able to equip himself with a horse and the necessary armor was regarded as a member Feudalism 119 of the aristocracy of arms. Only the common people still fought on foot. From this use of the horse came the terms "chivalry " and " chevalier." Both man and horse were protected by armor in such a way that they were almost invulnerable. The knight wore for defence a helmet, coat of mail, and a shield, and for attack carried a sword and lance. Improvements and additions were constantly made in the armor, which gradually became so heavy that the knight was almost helpless except on his horse. For or- dinary purposes he kept a light horse, but for battle, a strong animal was required because of the weight of the armor. Every knight was also attended by an esquire, whose duty it was to care for his horse and weapons and to serve as a body-servant. Among this great body of men of arms there grew up a Chivalry, set of customs and ideas to which the name of chivalry was given. It came to be regarded as a closed society into which, after certain conditions had been fulfilled, one could be admitted by initiatory ceremonies. Every young noble- man was required to learn the use of arms by serving an apprenticeship of from five to seven years. Generally he was attached to some knight, whom he attended every- where, serving him in all sorts of ways. Such service, however, was not regarded as ignoble. At the close of his apprenticeship the young man bathed and put on his armor. His master then girded him with a sword and struck him with his hand on the shoulder, at the same time addressing him as knight. This is the earlier form of the ceremony. From the twelfth century on, the clergy added thereto many rites, all of a religious character. The candidate must also fast, spend a night in prayer, attend mass on the following morning, and lay his sword on the altar that it might be blessed by the priest, who then addressed him on his special duties as a knight. I20 The Mediceval Period Castles. The warlike character of the times showed itself in the dwellings as well as in the sports of the nobility. They dwelt in forts rather than in houses. Their castles were built in the places most easily fortified and defended. Ditches, moats, and walls formed the outer defences, while the castle itself, with its high lookout tower, made a strong- hold which alone could endure a heavy siege. The sports of the nobility consisted principally of hunting, hawking, and the holding of tournaments. The tournament was sup- posed to be a mimic battle, but it often resulted fatally. At one tournament alone it is said that sixty knights were killed. The Church was profoundly influenced by feudal ideas and customs. The whole clergy, the archbishops, bishops, and abbots, through their great temporal possessions, were drawn into the feudal relation. The Church taught not only that almsgiving was one of the cardinal virtues, but also that she herself was the fittest object on which it might be practised. Everywhere people gave liberally to the Church, hoping thereby to secure the greatest possible in- tercession with God from the clergy. Monasteries, churches, and colleges of canons became rich from such gifts ; in the The high course of centuries the clergy became possessors of vast clergy. tracts of land and great privileges. Every abbot, bishop, and archbishop was therefore a landlord on whom the care of these great estates devolved. Because of their immense wealth, as well as the high honor attached to their calling, they also belonged to the aristocratic class and ranked with the secular nobility. Since they were the most learned they were also used by the kings and emperors as counsel- lors and high officials. The grent incomes of the monas- teries and bishoprics made them especially attractive, and it early became the custom to put the younger sons of noble families into the best of such positions. These ecclesiasti- Feudalism 121 cal lands, however, could not escape the feudal relation. The ruler of each country declared that all such lands owed him the customary feudal dues. Every bishop or abbot, on his accession to the office, became the king's vassal and must take the vow of homage and the oath of fealty to him and receive from him the investiture of the temporal pos- sessions of his office. He must therefore perform, in addi- tion to his ecclesiastical duties, also the civil duties which were required of other vassals. This dual character of the clergy was destined to become one of the principal causes of the bitter struggle between the empire and the papacy. It was impossible for the clergy to be faithful to two masters, both of whom demanded the fullest obe- dience. Feudalism reached its height from the tenth to the thir- Causes of teenth centuries and then gradually declined. The inven- ^"^ "^^^y o* tion of gunpowder revolutionized the methods of warfare. Against fire-arms, the knight's armor and castle were eciually useless. The close of the Middle Age is marked by the rapid growth of the power of the kings, who succeeded in gathering the power into their own hands. The nobles were deprived of their authority. Out of the fragments of feudalism the king built up an absolute monarchy. The growth of the cities, also, did much to break down feudal- ism, for as they increased in power and wealth they wTested mdependence from their lords and threw off the feudal yoke. Various forces were at work to diminish the num- ber of serfs and villains, such as the crusades, the great pests, and the constant wars. The feudal lords were left without a sufficient number of tenants to do their work. The demand for laborers created the supply, and we find at once an increasing number of free laborers who work for wages without any feudal ties. Gradually feudal tenures were changed into allodial tenures. The fifteenth century 122 The Medicoval Period saw the breaking up of feudalism, although in France and elsewhere certain fragments remained till the French Revo- lution, and the social organization of Europe is still largely feudal in its fundamental ideas. SPECIAL TOPIC Feudal Institutions as portrayed in Penn. Univ. Tratislations, Vol. IV., iii. CHAPTER IX THE GROWTH OF THE PAPACY LITERATURE.— See General Literature. "Li. won Han)ie, The History of the Popes. 3 vols. $1.00 per vol. Mac- millan. See Vol. \. J.N. Murphy, The Chair 0/ Peter, or the Papacy and its Benefits, $1.60. Roman Catholic Publishing Co. Gregorovius, The History 0/ Ro})ie. 5 vols. 6 s. per vol. Bell, London. During the first two hundred years of the Church's ex- istence its actual organization was very loose. Each bishop was practically independent of all other bishops. But there was a steady development throughout the Church to- ward a closer union of all its parts. The magnificent po- litical and civil organization of the empire furnished an excellent model, which was copied by the Church almost unconsciously. Corresponding to the political head of a province, there grew up an ecclesiastical official whose authority extended over the province and whose residence was its capital ; that is, there was gradually developed above the bishops of a- province an archbishop or metropolitan. The civil province thus became also an ecclesiastical prov- Arch- ince. The new office naturally fell to the bishop of the '^ °P^* capital of the province. The Church followed the organi- zation of the empire so closely that the ecclesiastical rank of the bishop was at first determined by the political rank of the city in which he lived. As several political provinces were grouped together to form a larger division (eparchy), so also several ecclesiasti- cal provinces, with archbishops at their respective heads, 123 124 The Mediccval Period Patriarch. Two lines of develop- ment. Conditions favoring the growth of the spiritual authority of the pope. were grouped together and formed a larger province, with an over-archbishop at its head. For this officer and his diocese the word patriarch and patriarchate were used in the fourth century. The capitals of these patriarchates were Jerusalem, Antioch, Ephesus, Caesarea in Cappado- cia, Heraclea (which was early replaced by Constantinople), Corinth, Alexandria, and Rome. In the sixth century only five of these were recognized — Jerusalem, Antioch, Alexandria, Constantinople, and Rome. In tracing the growth of the papacy there are two things to be kept clearly separate : the development of the bishop of Rome as the head of the whole Church, and the growth of his power as temporal sovereign. These will be traced separately till the year 755, after which they will be treated together. In the fourth century the bishop of Rome already had two offices : he was, first, the bishop of Rome, and, sec- ond, he was also archbishop or patriarch over the territory about Rome. We must discover how he added to these two a third, the office of bishop of the whole Church. Among the natural influences which helped bring this about may be mentioned the following : The bishop of Rome was the only patriarch in the west, and he therefore had no competition. Since Rome was the capital of the empire, it seemed natural to think of the Church at Rome as in some sense the capital congregation, and its bishop the first bishop in the world. The analogy between him and the emperor would inevitably be drawn. The Church at Rome gave liberally for the relief of the persecuted and of the poor of other congregations. The bishop of Rome had charge of the disbursement of these funds, and received much of the reverence generally given to benefactors. The bishops of Rome were, for the most part, on that side of the great theological questions which The Grozvth of the Papacy 125 was accepted by the whole Church, and in consequence thereof the feeling arose that they alone of all bishops could be depended on to preserve the orthodox creed of the Church in all its integrity. The bishops and patriarchs in the east quarrelled, not only about the creed, but also about political questions. In their disputes they appealed so often to the bishop of Rome, that in the end he asserted that he had the right to judge between them. At the council of Sardica (343) it was proposed to make Julius, who was then bishop of Rome, judge in all cases where bishops who had been condemned by a council wished to appeal to a higher power. This action met with opposi- tion because it was conferring on Julius a power which he had not previously possessed. The eastern bishops refused to accept it, because it was the act of a local synod, and therefore not representative of the whole Church. Al- though the honor was given only to Julius, his successors claimed the same right. The action of this council was, therefore, an important step in the development of the uni- versal jurisdiction of the bishop of Rome. A comicil at Nicsea (325) took certain action which implied the equality of all the patriarchs (J.e., the bishops of Rome, Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, Csesarea, and Heraclea). The council at Constantinople (381) decreed that the bishop of Con- stantinople, who had now replaced the bishop of Heraclea, should have the first place in honor and dignity after the bishop of Rome, because Constantinople was regarded as the new Rome or capital of the empire. This council merely fixed a matter of etiquette, saying only that the bishop of Rome possessed more official dignity and honor than the others. The Council of Chalcedon (451) ad- mitted that the bishop of Rome was entitled to great honor because he was bishop in the ancient capital; but the bishop of New Rome was entitled to equal honor, because he was 126 The Mediccval Period Dionysius Exiguus. The popes carry on missionary v7ork in the •west. bishop of the city in which the emperor resided and the Senate had its seat. Against this the bishop of Rome, Leo the Great (440-61), protested. He admitted that Con- stantinople was the capital of the empire, but declared that the political rank of a city did not determine the ecclesiasti- cal rank of its bishop. It is the apostolic origin of a Church that entitles it to a higher ecclesiastical rank. The Church of Rome, he declared, had been founded by Peter, the prince of the Apostles. To his successors Peter had passed on all his rights, dignity, and supremacy, so that as he was first among the Apostles, the bishops of Rome were first among all the bishops of the world. By virtue of being the successor of St. Peter, Leo claimed the right to exercise ab- solute power over the whole Church. Leo was the first to give a clear-cut expression to this Petrine theory, which from that day to this has been regarded as the basis for the supremacy of the bishop of Rome. Early in the sixth century Dionysius Exiguus, a monk of Rome, published two books, the one a collection of canons of the various church councils, the other a collec- tion of letters, opinions, and decisions of popes on various matters. Dionysius treated the opinions of the popes as if they had as much weight as the action of the councils ; and as these two works were widely used in the west, they helped raise the authority of the papacy. While all the causes that have just been named contrib- uted to elevate the pope to a position of supremacy, it was his success in Christianizing the barbarians in western Eu- rope that assured him his position at the head of the Church. The bishops of Rome labored for the conversion of the Arian Germans to the orthodox belief, and made a close alliance with the Franks when Chlodwig accepted the true faith. The Christianization of England through the efforts of Gregory the Great has already been described. These The Grozvth of the Papacy 127 Anglo-Saxons, the pope's youngest converts, were the most zealous promoters of his interests. Through them the or- thodox faith, one of the tenets of which was the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, was carried to Ireland, Scotland, and to all the German tribes on the main-land who were either heathen or only nominally Christian, and who ac- knowledged no allegiance to the bishop of Rome. An Anglo-Saxon princess. Queen Margaret of Scotland, toward the end of the eleventh century, subjected the Church of Scotland to the papacy, and made it conform in all respects to the Roman Catholic Church, Only the Irish Church, the Church of St. Patrick, remained independent and yield- ed no obedience to Rome, till Henry II. (1154-89) con- quered a part of Ireland and brought its Church into sub- jection to Rome. In a former chapter attention was called to the mission- ary labors of Irish monks in Scotland and England. They did not confine their efforts to those countries. Many mis- sionary bands, numbering generally thirteen persons, were sent to the main-land, and labored among the Frisians and Irish mis- other German tribes, whose Christianity was only nominal. the"conU-°" Their Church organization was very loose, and they were nent. not attached to the bishop of Rome. The Irish mission- aries found an ample field among them for all their activity. It was a West Saxon, Winifred, or Boniface, as he was Boniface, later called, who was to reorganize the Church among all °So-755. the Germans, and subject it to the bishop of Rome. He was born about 680, was brought up in a monastery, and ordained a priest when about thirty years old. In 718 he went to Rome and received from the pope a commission to Christianize and Romanize all the Germans in central Eu- rope. For nearly five years he travelled through Germany, from Bavaria to Frisia, in the prosecution of his work. In 723 he again went to Rome, and was made a missionary 128 The Mediccval Period The Roman Catholic conquest of the west. An estimate of his work. bishop without a diocese, at which time he took the sanie oath to the pope which was required of the bishops in the diocese of Rome. Practically, therefore, the pope re- garded Germany as a part of his diocese, and as closely attached to him as were the districts about Rome. From Karl Martel, and after him from Pippin, Boniface obtained support in his work. He received supplies of both men and means from England, and was able to establish in Germany many monasteries. In 743 he was made arch- bishop of Mainz. He called councils, at which the work of organization was perfected, heresies refuted, superstitious rites and customs forbidden, the lives of the clergy regu- lated, his opponents condemned, and the authority of the bishop of Rome acknowledged. In 753 he resigned his position as archbishop of Mainz, and went again, with a large number of helpers, as a mis- sionary to Frisia, where he met a martyr's death (754 or 755). But the principal part of his work was done. He had organized the Church throughout Germany and sub- jected it to Rome. It was from this Church of Germany, now truly dependent on Rome, that Christianity was to be carried to the remaining German tribes, such as the Saxons, Danes, and the people of Scandinavia, and to the Slavic peoples to the east of the Elbe. In this way the doctrine of the supremacy of the bishop of Rome, which had become a part of the Roman creed, was spread throughout all Eu- rope, and was regarded as an essential jjart of Christianity. This movement may be called the Roman Catholic con- quest of the West ; for it was a conquest, the outcome of a policy, the full results of which could not be foreseen by the popes of that time. The work of Boniface has been variously judged. He has been exalted as the apostle of the Germans and con- demned as the enslaver of the German Church. At that The Grozvth of the Papacy 129 time the choice was, in reality, between subjection to Rome and heathenism. Boniface chose the former, because it was by all odds the best thing to do. The Church among the Franks and Germans was in a wretched condition. Much of the landed property of the Church was in the hands of laymen. There was little or no discipline, and no control exercised over the clergy. Each priest did what was right in his own eyes. There were, at this time, many vagabond priests and monks wandering about over the coun- try, obtaining a precarious living by imposing upon the people. There was also much heathenism among the peo- ple. Such a state of affairs was little better than heathen- ism pure and simple, and such Christianity, such a Church, would certainly be unable to maintain the Franks in the leading position they were now holding. Boniface put an end to this disorder. He forbade all monks to leave their monastery without sufficient reason. The wandering cler- gymen were put under the control of the bishop of the dio- cese in which they might be found. Strict discipline was everywhere introduced into the monasteries. All monks were compelled to live according to the rule of St. Bene- dict. Laymen were forbidden to hold church property. In a word, the Church was reformed, and a much better type of Christianity was established among the Franks. This was the work of Boniface and deserves praise and admiration. The growth of the temporal power of the papacy is, in some respects, even more difficult to trace. We have to discover how the pope acquired political power ; first, the civil authority in Rome and its duchy, and then the tem- poral headship over the whole world. From the time of Constantine the bishops were entrusted with an ever-increasing amount of civil power. They acted as judges; they were guardians of morals; they had i^o The MedicBval Period Growth of the oversight of magistrates and a share in the government temporal ^^ ^^^^ cities. To these the bishop of Rome added still power. more important powers, and was easily the most important man in Rome. He bitterly resented the right, claimed and exercised by the emperors at Constantinople, to dic- tate to him in ecclesiastical matters, and was finally so an- gered by their haughty treatment of him that he was ready to revolt.- The image controversy gave him the desired opportunity. When the emperor, Leo III., forbade the use of images, pope Gregory II. replied that it was not the emperor but the bishop of Rome who had authority over the beliefs and practices of the Church. Gregory III. (731-41) even put the emperor under the ban. In his struggle with the Lombards the pope appealed first to Karl Martel and then to Pippin, visiting the latter in 753-54, and begging him to come and deliver him from •their encroachments. Pippin made two campaigns into Italy and compelled the Lombards to cede to the pope a Beginning strip of territory which lay to the south of them (755). state^ Ec? This marks the beginning of the temporal sovereignty of the pope. He was freed from the eastern emperor, and rec- ognized as the political as well as the ecclesiastical ruler of Rome and its surrounding territory, under the over- lordship of Pippin, who had the title oi patricius. We have seen that the pope took the final step in his revolt from the eastern emperor by crowning Karl the Great emperor. He persuaded Ludwig the Pious to allow himself to be recrowned by him. In 823 he crowned Lothar emperor, and later his son, Ludwig II. By this long line of precedents the pope so completely established his claim to confer the imperial crown that it was not seriously questioned for centuries. Thus far, in discussing the growth of the papacy, we have not taken into account the personal element. Such The Growth of the Papacy 131 men as Leo I., Gregory I., Gregory II., Gregory III., and Makers of Nicholas I. (858-67) have, with great justice, been called ^ papacy, makers of the papacy, because of their activity in formu- Nicholas I., lating and advancing the papal claims. Nicholas I., es- °5o-o7. pecially, was a man of great force, and made himself felt through all parts of Europe. Throughout his pontificate he acted on the theory that he was responsible for the con- duct of affairs in the whole empire. He did not wait for questions to be brought to him, but considered it his duty to take the initiative whenever he discovered anything wrong. Under Nicholas the papacy possessed more influ- ence and power than ever before, and under none of his successors did it reach so high a plane until the appearance of Gregory VII. For awhile in the tenth century, indeed, it seemed that The papacy the papacy was to be destroyed by the local political fac- olfactions tions of Rome. The political character of the office made it a thing to be coveted by all the great families of the city. The dignity of the office was dragged through the mire of the ward politics of Rome ; it was controlled by infamous women and filled by licentious men. Its politi- cal character overshadowed its religious character, and the popes forgot that they owed any duty to the outside world. Otto L, Otto III., and Henry III. rescued the papacy from its perilous position, freed it from the control of the Roman nobility, and reminded the popes that they were the head of the whole Church and not simply officials of Rome. During the eleventh century the papacy, keep- ing well in mind its former world-wide claims, grew stead- The papacy ily in self-assertion. The Cluniac reform was spreading, the°emper-^ and its ideas were gradually taken up by the popes, and ors, reas- scrts itself their policy shaped in accordance with them. In the Council of Pavia (10 18) Benedict VIII. forbade the mar- riage of the clergy. Simony, the obtaining of office in The Mcdiccz'al Period any other way than V)y a canonical election, was also for- bidden. Henry III. made and unmade popes, and treated them as subjects who owed him obedience. Toward the end of Leo IX., his reign, however, Leo IX. (1048-54) exhibited a spirit 104 -54. ^j- iiijepei;i(]eiice in his government wliich portended the coming storm. He was appointed by Henry III., but re- fused to accept the office until he had been elected by the people and clergy of Rome. He travelled incessantly throughout Italy, France, and Germany, holding councils, settling disputes, and regulating affairs with a vigor and independence born of his authority as pope. He went one step farther in the question of simony. Every bishop in the empire was not only a clergyman, but also, by virtue of his office, a kind of political official of the emperor. That is, he was compelled to perform certain civil duties. He was, besides, a feudal subject of the emperor, and as such owed him homage for the church lands which he held. The emperor, of course, received certain taxes or income from all the lands in the empire, whether owned by the Church or by laymen. No bishop could be in- ducted into his office until he had taken an oath of alle- giance to the emperor and been invested by him with the episcopal lands. The pope had no part either in his elec- The ques- tion or his investiture or induction into office. Leo. IX. vestiture" ^^^^ ^'^^ disadvantages of this to the papacy and its dan- broached, gers to the Church, and in the Synod of Rheims (1049) asserted the right of the pope to invest the bishojjs with the insignia of office. He made no attempt, however, to enforce it. Gradually the papal theory was working out into all its logical conclusions. The popes were slowly perceiving how vast were the opportunities offered them. The vision of universal dominion floated less dimly before them. The conflict at hand. The Growth of the Papacy 133 questions at issue between the papacy and the empire were being stated with more precision. The conflict was ready The to break out. There were wanting only the opportunity and the man to make use of it. The opportunity came when Henry III. died, leaving a boy only six years old to succeed him, and the man was Hildebrand, a papal official, but already at Henry's death the power behind the throne. As fate would have it, the pope was made the guardian and protector of the boy-king. SPECIAL TOPICS t. Gregory I. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. IV., pp. 211- 22g. $4. Scribner. Barmby, Gregory the Great. 2s. Society for Pro- moting Christian Knowledge. London. Milman, History 0/ Latin Christia7tiiy. Bk. III., chap. vii. $4.50. Armstrong. 2. The Iconoclastic Controversy. Bury, Later Roman Empire, II., pp. 428-449, and 494-498. Macmillan. Milman, Bk. IV., chaps, vii.- viii. ; Schaff, IV., pp. 447-470. 3. Nicholas I. Emerton, Medic^val Europe, pp. 63-76. $1.60. Ginn. Mil- man, Bk. v., chap. iv. Schaff, IV., ^61. CHAPTER X THE STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE PAPACY AND THE EMPIRE (1056-1254) LITERATURE.— As in Chaps. III., IV., and IX. See also General Liter- ature for Church Histories and Epochs of Church History. The accession of Henry IV., a mere boy, to the throne of Germany, gave the papacy the opportunity for which it had been waiting. Since the reform of Henry HI. (1046) the papacy had been rapidly gathering power. Hildebrand, the adviser of several successive popes, had been able to direct all their efforts toward the same end. Nicholas The pontificate of Nicholas H. (1059-61) was made II. ,1059-61. famous by the alliance which he made with Robert Guis- card and by the publication of a decree fixing the manner of the election of the pope. Up to this time there had been many and great irregularities in the papal elections. In theory the pope was elected by the clergy and people of Rome ; but the factions in the city had many times con- trolled the election and the emperor had often named the pope. Hildebrand clearly saw that the elections must be taken from the control of the people. In accordance with his ideas, Nicholas, in a council (1059), proclaimed a de- cree that the seven cardinal or titular bishops of Rome should in the future have the sole right to nominate the pope, and their nominee must be accepted and elected by the clergy of Rome. The people were to have no part in the election, and the emperor probably had the right to confirm, but not to reject, the pope thus elected. 134 Struggle betiveen Papacy and Empire 135 " Cardinal " was a title given to the clergy attached to the oldest and most important churches of Rome and its vicinity. The churches in Rome itself were all under the bishop of Rome, and were ministered to by presbyters and deacons. There were cardinal presbyters and cardinal deacons, who were, of course, attached to the principal churches. There were seven cardinal bishops, who formed " Cardinal, a kind of council to the bishop of Rome, had charge of the affairs of the diocese when he was absent from the city and assisted him in all great functions ; and to these seven the sole right of nominating the pope was now confided. They were the bishops of Palcestrina, Porto, Ostia, Tuscu- . lum, Candida Silva, Albano, and Sabino. This was the beginning of the formation of the College of Cardinals. The decree was an important step in the process of freeing the papacy from all temporal control. In Germany this decree was rejected because it did not recognize the rights of the emperor. A council of Ger- man bishops actually deposed Nicholas, and at his death elected an anti-pope. The empress Agnes became regent, but her inability to administer the government led to the kidnapping of the young king and the establishment of the archbishop of Cologne as regent ; the government then assumed a more conciliatory attitude toward the new pope, Alexander II., and eventually recognized him. In 1065 Henry IV. was declared of age, and took up Henry IV. the reins of government. He had exceptional talents, and if he had received better training and possessed suffi- cient moral earnestness, might have had a far different his- tory. But he hardly appreciated his position. He had no thought of a reform, and spent his time in the chase or with his mistresses, to enrich whom he robbed churches and sold offices. He was imperious and insolent, and the great dukes were soon alienated from him. Saxony, deeply 136 The Mcdiceval Period offended by his conduct, was ready to revolt. At last, in 1069, a crisis was reached when he proposed to divorce his wife. The diet refused to consent to this step, and formal complaints were made against him to Alexander II. The pope excommunicated his council and summoned him to Rome. The death of the pope, which occurred shortly afterward, put an end to the strife for a brief time. Hildebrand, who, during several pontificates had been the power behind the throne, was now made pope, it would seem by a popular demonstration. Ap[)arently the decree of Nicholas was disregarded in that the cardinal bishops did not nominate the candidate. The people demanded Hildebrand for their bishop and the clergy of Rome elect- Gregory ^^ ^^^^^- ^^ assumed the title of Gregory VII. Hilde- VII., 1073- brand was not personally ambitious ; his conduct as pope was determined by his theory of that office. He was not a theologian ; in defending one of his friends he almost incurred the charge of heresy. A practical man of affairs, he had served the curia principally by looking after its secular interests. He was a diplomat and politician, ob- taining by artifice or well-timed concessions what was otherwise unattainable. He made use even of heretics, if they could be of service to him. He could make com- promises in everything except in the question of the su- l)remacy of the papacy. Which is Till this time the empire had been regarded as the king- the '^'"^ elom of God on earth, and the emperor as its head. Greg- the empire cry declared this idea to be false. The empire could not be Church ? ^'^^ kingdom of God because it is based on force. On the other hand, the Church is based on righteousness and can do no wrong. Gregory's fundamental position was, therefore, that the Church is the kingdom of God, and the pope who is at its head has absolute authority over all the world. — Struggle hetivecn Papacy and Empire 137 Gregory's practical genius told him that the Church must be a compact unit, thoroughly organized and com- pletely under the control of the pope. The unity of the Necessity Church could be secured only by concentrating all the ^ central ■' -^ ^ power in power in one man. The Church must obey one will, the Church. This would be possible only when one creed and one liturgy were everywhere accepted, and when all the clergy were bound directly to the head of the Church, the bishop of Rome. He therefore required all bishops to take an oath of allegiance to him similar to that which vassals Bishops rendered to their lords. He gave all the clerc;v the free *t,^^ °^*^ °^ ° °-' allegiance right of appeal to himself, and encouraged them to make to the pope, use of it. This, of course, diminished the power of the bishops and raised his own accordingly. He replaced the authority of synods by assuming the right to decide all Appeals, questions, either in person or through his legates. His legates played much the same part in his government that the mi'ssi dominici had under Karl the Great. They were Papal to oversee for him all the affairs of the state to which they ^^^ ^^* were sent, control the action of synods, and bind all the countries to the pope. They were to be his hands and eyes. He definitely assumed control over the councils by declaring that he could act without the advice of councils, and that their acts were invalid until sanctioned by him. He was supported in this by several writers on church law, whose controlling principle was the absolute authority of the pope, and who, developing church law in accordance with Gregory's ideas, attributed more authority to the de- crees of the pope than to the action of councils. From the very first Gregory put his theory into practice. Gregory In 1073 he wrote to the Spanish princes that the kingdom temooral ^ of Spain had from ancient times been under the jurisdic- rulers, tion of St. Peter, and, although it had been occupied by barbarians, it had never ceased to belong to the bishop of 138 The Mcdiccval Period Rome. In 1074, in a letter to Solomon, king of Hun- gary, he claimed that country on the ground that it had been given and actually transferred to St. Peter by King Stephen. He made the same claims to authority over Russia, Provence, Bohemia, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sax- ony. He made the duke of Dalmatia his subject, and gave him the title of king. France, he said, owed him a fixed amount of tribute. He laid claim to Denmark, but its king resisted him successfully. He wished William the Conqueror to hold England as his fief, and William, though refusing to acknowledge the pope as his feudal lord, yet consented to make the payment of the Peter's pence bind- ing on England. In a council at Rome (1075) Gregory forbade the mar- riage of the clergy, as well as simony in all its forms. He threatened to excommunicate all bishops and abbots who should receive their offices from the hand of any layman, and every emperor, king, or temporal ruler, who should perform the act of investiture. This was a hard blow at The Strug- all rulers, but especially at the emperor, because the Ger- Germany "''^" clergy were his principal support and were the holders of large tracts of land. If the pope should be successful in carrying this point, the power of the empire would be almost destroyed. The pope further cited Henry (December, 1075) to ap- pear at Rome and explain his conduct in keeping at his court certain men whom Gregory had excommunicated, and threatened him with the ban if he should refiise to come. Henry regarded this as a declaration of war, and answered it with defiance. At the council of Worms (January, 1076) he charged the pope with having ob- tained the papal dignity by improper means, and declared him deposed. The war was begun. Gregory could count on the sup- Struggle hetivcen Papacy and Empire 1 39 port of the Normans in southern Italy, the popular party Gregory's in Lombardy, Matilda, the great countess of Tuscany, allies, the Saxons, the discontented nobles of Germany, and that rapidly increasing class of people all over the empire who were becoming imbued with the ideas of the Cluniac re- form. Henry had for his support a large number of his Henry's faithful subjects who remained uninfluenced by the action of the pope, a large part of the clergy who were patriotic but probably guilty of simony, and the imperial party in Italy. Henry's letter of deposition (January, 1076) to Gregory was bold and vigorous. He declares that he had endured the misdeeds of Gregory because he had wished to preserve the honor of the apostolic throne. This conduct the pope Charges had attributed to fear, and had, therefore, dared threaten to ^harees" ^^ deprive Henry of the royal power, as if this had been re- ceived from him, and not from God. Henry had received his office through the Lord Jesus Christ, while Gregory had obtained the papal power without God's help. The steps by which he had mounted to the throne were cunning, bribery, popular favor, and violence. While seated on the throne of peace he had destroyed peace. He had attacked the king, God's Anointed, who, by the teaching of all the holy fathers, could be judged and deposed by God alone. The Church had never deposed even Julian the Apostate, preferring to leave him to God's judgment. The true pope, Peter, had commanded all to fear God and honor the king, but Gregory has no fear of God. Let him, there- fore, vacate the throne of St. Peter. Henry, with his bishops, pronounces the anathema upon him. Let another occupy the papal throne who will not cloak his violence under the name of religion. Henry, with his bishops, orders Gregory to vacate the throne at once. The reply of Gregory (February, 1076) was equally im- 140 The Medicez'al Period perious and vigorous. He calls on Peter, Paul, and all the saints to witness that he had unwillingly accepted the papal ofifice thrust upon him by the Roman Church. This was sufficient proof that the Christian world had been com- mitted to him. Relying upon the help of St. Peter and God, he therefore deposes Henry, because, in his unsi)eak- able pride, he has revolted against the Church, and he ab- solves all his subjects from obedience to him. Because Henry persists in his claims and disobedience to the pope Gregory excommunicates him. He expects that St. Peter will make his anathema prevail, in order to make the world know that he, Peter, is the rock on which the Church is built, and that the gates of hell cannot prevail against it. This was, indeed, a new language in the mouth of Greg- ory. No pope had ever made such claims or spoken in such a tone to the emperor before. For the first time the claim is openly made tliat the empire is a dependency of the Church. Encouraged by the action of the pope, the dissatisfied nobles of Germany held a meeting at Tribur (October, 1076), to which they did not admit the king. After some resistance, Henry was compelled to accept the terms known as the Oppenheim agreement, which this meeting dictated to him. He agreed to remain in Speier and make his peace with the pope before the end of February of the fol- lowing year ; to lay aside all the royal insignia, which was Henry IV. equivalent to resigning his kingship ; and to present him- deposed. y^lf in February, 1077, in Augsburg and submit to trial before the council, whicli was to be presided over by the pope. Nothing could have been more acceptable to Greg- ory than to come to Germany and preside over a national council and try the king ; but Henry had no intention of permitting this to take place. Gregory indeed set out for Germany, but while waiting for an escort through Lom- Struggle between Papacy and Empire 141 bardy, was alarmed at tlie news that Henry had escaped from Speier, had crossed the Alps in the dead of winter and was already in Lombardy, where he had been received with every mark of affection by the people. Being in doubt whether Henry's intentions were hostile or peace- able, Gregory withdrew to the castle of Canossa to await Canossa. developments. Henry soon informed him through friends that he had come to make peace and to receive absolution. The pope refused to receive him and demanded that he re- turn to Germany and present himself at Augsburg accord- ing to the agreement which he had made with his barons. After much beseeching, however, the pope yielded, ad- mitted Henry to his presence and removed the ban from him. Henry liad been deeply humiliated, but he had accom- Henry plished his purpose ; he had been freed from the ban of Gregory excommunication and had thereby deprived his rebellious subjects of all show of legality ; and he had robbed Greg- ory of the best part of his victory by preventing his coming to Germany to preside over the national assembly. Greg- ory had, on the other hand, shown his power by keeping an emperor standing as a penitent at his door. The em- peror never wholly recovered from this humiliation, but the pope had in reality overshot the mark. The people thought him too .severe and unforgiving. Although the world regarded the immediate victory as Gregory's, it was really Henry's, for from this time Henry's power in- creased and Gregory's diminished. It soon became apparent that Henry had been insincere in his confession and promises. He had plotted against Gregory even on the way to Canossa, and as soon as he reached Germany he began to plan for his self-defence. His enemies, principally Saxons and Suabians, continued their opposition to him. The war dragged on for years, 142 The Mcdiccval Period during which time the pope deserted him and put him under the ban, and two anti-kings were set up against him. By the greatest good fortune, however, Henry was event- ually victorious in Germany. He then set up an anti- pope and invaded Italy in order to depose Gregory. After three years of fighting he took Rome, had himself and his wife crowned, and besieged Gregory in the Castle San Gregory Angelo. Gregory, in the meanwhile, had summoned his froiii Rome ^^'^^^if^^^ subject, Robert Guiscard, who now appeared with Dies, 1085. a large force, drove off Henry, rescued the pope and gave Rome over to his Norman troops to be pillaged. The people were so angry at this outrage that Gregory did not dare remain longer in the city. He withdrew with his Normans to the south, where he died, in 1085, in Salerno. Gregory had made great claims without being able fully to realize them. He had made concessions to William the Conqueror, and to Philip I., of France, who both still pos- sessed the right of investiture. Henry IV. had, in many The work of respects, held his own against him. Gregory's legates in Gregory Spain were abused ; he himself died in exile. But he had established the custom of sending papal legates to all parts of Europe ; he had put his own authority above that of a council ; he had destroyed the independence of the bishops by giving to all the clergy the free right of appeal to the pope ; he had made the celibacy of the clergy the rule of the Church, and he had freed the papacy from all lay in- terference, whether imperial or Roman, by establishing the College of Cardinals. In a word, he had formulated the claims of the papacy to absolute power and marked out its future policy. Urban II. Urban II. (1087-99) ^^ ^^'^^ to carry the war to a suc- cessful conclusion. He added Bavaria to his allies, and persuaded Lombardy to desert Henry. Even Henry's son, Conrad, was false to his father, and joining the papal party, Struggle bchvecn Papacy and Empire 143 for his perfidy was made king of Lombardy. In 1094 Urban II. celebrated his victory by making a triumphal journey through Italy and France. The last years of Henry IV. were made bitter by the re- volt of his second son, Henry, who made war on his father and compelled him to resign. But as soon as he came to the throne Henry V. (1106-25) broke with the papal party, took up his father's counsellors and policy, and renewed the struggle with the pope. After several attempts to make an agreement, the question was temporarily settled by the con- cordat of Worms (i 122). Its terms are as follows : The The emperor concedes to the pope the right to invest the clergy of'vvornfs with spiritual authority, which was symbolized by the ring 1122. and the staff; on the other hand, bishops and abbots are to be canonically elected in the presence of the emperor or of his representative, but contested elections are to be decided by the emperor, and the emperor is to invest the clergy with their lands and all their civil and judicial functions. The symbol of this investiture, which was the same as that of the counts and other laymen, was the sceptre. Henry V. renewed the policy of Otto the Great toward the barbarians on the eastern frontier by encouraging the missionary efforts of Otto, the bishop of Bamberg, through whose zeal the Slavs of Pomerania were converted and Ger- manized. The opposition which he met from his nobles led him to try to win the favor of the cities of the empire, which were rapidly growing strong and rich, in order to set them over against the nobility. He seems to have recog- nized in a dim way the power and importance of the citi- zen class, and to have endeavored to make it his ally. At the death of Henry V. Lothar, duke of Saxony, was elected Lothar the to succeed him. He owed his election to the fact that he ffil°"o 1125-30. made favorable terms with the papal party and agreed to act in accordance with the interests of the Church. He 144 The Mediccval Period Lothar and Innocent II. Sicily be- comes a kingdom, 1130, rec- ognized by Lothar, II39- Conrad III., 1138-52- even wrote to the pope, asking him to confirm his elec- tion. In 1 130 a double papal election took place, which threat- ened to disrupt the papacy. One of those elected, Inno- cent II. (1130-43), went to France, where he won the support of Bernard, Abbot of Clairvaux, then the most in- fluential man in Europe. Through the influence of Bernard, Innocent obtained the favor of the kings of both France and Germany, Lothar, of Germany, even going to Italy, and by arms establishing Innocent in Rome. As a reward. Innocent crowned him emperor and invested him with Tus- cany. By accepting this fief, Lothar became the pope's feudal subject. The pope evidently wished to make his victory over the emperor seem as great as possible, and, taking advantage of Lothar's yielding disposition, caused a picture to be painted representing the emperor kneeling at his feet, and receiving the imperial crown at his hands. It was intended that this picture should express the idea that the emperor was receiving the imperial crown as a fief from the pope. Roger 11. of Sicily had sold his services to the anti-pope, Anaclete II., on condition that he be made king. After Innocent had made himself master of Rome, Roger contin- ued his opposition, and Innocent called on Lothar to re- duce him. Lothar's campaign ended disastrously, how- ever, and the pope was compelled to make peace with Roger and confirm his title of king. At the death of Lothar Conrad of Hohenstaufen was elected in a very irregular way as his successor (1138-52). He was, however, utterly unable to rule the country. Although the disorder in the kingdom was growing, Con- rad permitted himself to be persuaded to go on a crusade. During his absence from the country, violence, private war, and political disintegration increased. He returned in Struggle between Papacy and Empire 145 1 149, and added to the chaos of the period by beginning a war with his most powerful vassal, Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony. His reign ended in disaster. His nephew, Frederick I., known as Barbaross-a, was Frederick then elected king (1152-90). Since he was descended '' 5 -9 • from the two rival houses of Bavaria and Suabia, known respectively as Guelf and Ghibelline, it was hoped that he would put an end to the enmity and struggle between them. It was not the fault of Frederick that he did not do so. He sought to conciliate his opponents in every way. He restored Bavaria to Henry the Lion, favored him in other ways, and really left him no grounds for dissatisfaction ex- cept that he was not king. Frederick may be said to have had two policies, one as king of Germany and the other as His two emperor of the world. He tried to make Germany a state ^ by unifying the government, and repressing all violence and oppression. As emperor, his one ideal was to restore the ancient Roman empire. The great Roman emperors were his models. In the eleventh century there had be- gun a revival in the study of Roman law, and Frederick now pressed it into his service. He surrounded himself with men who were versed in the codex of Justinian, and from these he received the imperial ideas which he tried to realize in his empire. These lawyers were impressed with the spirit of absolutism in the Roman laws, and chose such maxims to lay before Frederick as would increase his feel- ing of sovereignty. They told him that the will of the prince was law, and that the emperor was absolute sover- eign of the world. The absolutism of Frederick was not the outcome of a lust for personal power, but the logical product of his conception of his office. In 1 1 54 Frederick crossed the Alps into Lombardy, and pitched his camp on the famous Roncaglian plain. A diet was announced, and the cities of Lombardy were ordered 146 7Vic Mcdiccval Period to send their consuls to meet him. Most of the cities did so, but Milan and some of her allies refused to obey. There was at that time a struggle going on between the smaller cities and Milan, who had been acting very tyran- nically. Pavia appealed to Frederick against Milan and Tortona; and when Tortona disregarded his commands, he besieged and destroyed it. Milan itself was, for the time being, spared, since Frederick's attention was called to Rome. The people of Rome had not forgotten that their city had once been the mistress of the world. They were rest- less under all control, whether imperial or papal. They longed for the ancient power and independence of the city, and had dreams of restoring her to her former proud posi- tion. This was the cause of their frequent opposition to the popes. The papal supremacy was incompatible with their political ideas and aspirations. In 1143 the com- mon people and the inferior nobility revolted, drove out the pope, and restored what was considered the ancient government of the city. Arnold of Two years later the priest Arnold of Brescia came to Brescia, Rome, and soon became the most influential person in the city. He had been in France and having heard the theories of the great heretic Abelard, had adopted them, and wished to put them into practice. The revolution in Rome (1143) seemed to offer him the coveted opportunity, so filled with burning zeal he hastened thither. His pro- gramme was somewhat extensive. His symi)athies were with the common people as against the nobility. He was filled with the idea which had cropped out at various times in the Church, and was soon to become a central reforming principle of St. Francis, i.e., the sinfulness of property. He declared that the land should not be held by the rich, but should be common property. Everyone had the right Struggle bctzcecn Papacy a)id Empire 147 to the use of a certain amount of land. Since individual possession is sinful, the Church, of course, should be with- out property. But he went a step farther, and declared that the individual also should live in poverty. He at- tacked the clergy for their crimes and worldliness. It was to him a mark of the deepest corruption of the clergy that they had so great a share in the administration of civil affairs. " Clergymen with property, bishops with regalia, and monks with possessions could not be saved." The Church needed a thorough reform, and the beginning should be made with the pope. Arnold demanded that the Church give up all her possessions and live in pover- ty, which, he said, was the law of Christ. Fired by his preaching the mob began to sack the monasteries. If it was wTong for the clergy to have property, they ought to be deprived of it at once ! In 1 1 54 Nicholas Breakspeare, the only Englishman Hadrian who has ever occupied the chair of St. Peter, was elected ^^'' pope and took the name of Hadrian IV. He boldly took up the struggle Avith the republican party in the city. He got possession of the Vatican quarter, and intrenched him- self there. He put the city under the interdict, and re- moved it only when Arnold was exiled. By losing Ar- nold, the city lost its best leader. It was at this juncture that Frederick Barbarossa came into Italy. The pope went to meet him, made charges against Arnold, and demanded his death. The republican party also sent an embassy to Frederick to tell him that the people of Rome were the source of the imperial power Frederick I. and were willing to make him emperor if he would take an oath to respect the rights of the city and her officials, and pay them a large sum of money. Frederick was en- raged at their insolence, and told them that Karl the Great and Otto I. had acquired the imperial title by conquest ; in Rome. 148 The Mcdiccval Period Rome's power was a thing of the past ; her glory and au- thority had passed to the Germans ; it was not for a con- quered people to dictate terms to their master. Hadrian IV., however, was willing to make better terms with Frederick. He agreed to crown him emperor on condi- tion that Frederick restore him to his place in Rome and deliver Arnold into his power. Frederick was thereupon crowned, and the city was reduced to subjection. Arnold having been taken prisoner, was at the command of Ha- drian, burned at the stake f s a heretic. The relations between Frederick and Hadrian had not been altogether satisfactory. At their first meeting Fred- erick had refused to hold the stirrup of the pope because, as he said, it was not the custom for the king to do so. Hadrian was enraged at this, and would not give Frederick the kiss of peace. The quarrel was finally patched up, but only temporarily. The claims of pope and emperor were so conflicting that there could be no lasting peace between them. The Besan- The Besan^on episode showed the temper of the two ii"?^^'^" ^' P^'^ties and indicated the speedy outburst of the storm. Archbishop Eskil of Lund had been in Rome, and while on his return homeward through Burgundy was seized, robbed, beaten, and imprisoned. Although Frederick was informed of this, he made no attempt to set him free or to punish those who had committed the outrage. One reason for this indifference on Frederick's part was to be found in the fact that Frederick was angry at Eskil because he was sui)porting the ambition of the Scandinavian Church to become independent — an ambition at the bottom of which was, of course, national feeling. For, up to this time, the Church of Scandinavia had been subject to the archbishop of Hamburg, being regarded as a part of his diocese. Through this ecclesiastical influence, Frederick hoped to "57. Struggle betivecn Papacy and Empire 149 gain political authority in Scandinavia, and so enlarge his empire. Eskil being thus in the way of Frederick's am- bitious plans could not count on his protection. Freder- ick also wished to show his displeasure with the treaty which had just been made between the pope and William of Sicily, in which the emperor's rights had been entirely disregarded. While Frederick was at Besan^on (October 24-28, 1157) two legates appeared from the pope bearing a letter in which the emperor was roundly rebuked for his neglect to set Eskil free and punish his captors. When they first presented themselves before Frederick they de- livered the greetings of the pope and the cardinals, adding that the pope greeted him as a father, the cardinals, as brothers. This form of salutation was regarded as strange, but was not resented by Frederick. On the following day they were formally received by the emperor, and laid before him Hadrian's letter. After rebuking Frederick for his indifference, the pope confesses that he does not know the cause of it. Hadrian feels that he has not of- fended in any respect against Frederick ; on the contrary, he has always treated him as a dear son. Frederick should recall how, two years before, his mother, the Holy Roman Church, had received him and had treated him with the greatest affection, and, by gladly conferring upon him the imperial crown, had given him the highest dignity and honor. "Nor are we sorry," he continued, "that we fulfilled your desires in all things ; but even if your Excel- lence had received greater fiefs (Jfeneficid) from our hands, if that were possible, in consideration of the great services which you may render to the Church and to us, we should still have good grounds for rejoicing." The reading of the letter produced the wildest sort of scene. Never be- fore had the empire been thus openly called a fief of the papacy. The princes about Frederick angrily remonstrat- ISO The Mediceval Period The emperor's manifesto. Hadrian's explana- tion. ed with the legates for making such claims. To this one of them replied by asking, " From whom then did the emperor receive the empire, if not from the pope? " The question almost cost him his life, for the hot-blooded Otto von Wittelsbach rushed upon him and would have slain him but for the interference of the emi)eror. The legates were ordered to return at once to Italy, and were not per- mitted to proceed farther on the business of the pope. Whether Hadrian meant that bencficium should be un- derstood as fief or not, is really of small consequence. The important thing was that he plainly treated tlie imperial crown as if it were something entirely within his power to give or to withhold. This was little less offensive to Freder- ick than the word fief, because it was his belief that the imperial crown was attached to the German crown. The king of Germany had a right to the imperial crown ; the pope merely had the right to crown him. Frederick then published a manifesto to his people, re- counting the claims of the pope as contained in the letter, and in opposition to these declared that he had received the imperial crown from God alone through the election by the princes. Jesus had taught that the world was to be ruled by two swords, the spiritual and the temporal. Peter had commanded that all men should fear God and honor the king ; therefore, whoever said that the empire was a fief of the papacy was opposed to St. Peter and guilty of lying. Hadrian IV. then wrote an open letter to the clergy of Germany, expressing surprise and indignation at the turn affairs had taken. It was a most diplomatic letter, written for the purpose of winning the German clergy to his side. Some of them, however, were true to their emperor, and wrote Hadrian a letter in which they embodied the answer of Frederick. It was of the same tenor as his manifesto, and claimed that the empire was not a beneficium (fief) of Struggle betzvecn Papacy and Empire 151 the pope, but that Frederick owed it to the favor {dene- ficium) of God. Frederick was also still angry about the picture which the pope had had made representing Lothar on his knees receiving the crown from the pope. The pope, he said, was trying to make an authoritative princi- ple, basing it simply upon a picture. Hadrian now wrote a letter to Frederick in which he explained that ^' bcne- Jiciuin " was composed of " bono " and " facio," meaning not "fief," but a "kind deed" or "favor." By '' con- tulimus,'" " we have conferred," he had meant only " I'm- p(?suimus," " we have placed," that is, the crown on Frederick's head. Hadrian succeeded in quieting Freder- ick, but the battle was not ended j it had been merely put off. Frederick next turned his attention to the cities of Lom- bardy, which for a hundred years or more had been left to take care of themselves. They had improved the time by developing an independent municipal government. Milan was first reduced. It was agreed, however, that the city should continue to elect its officials, but that the emperor should have the right to confirm them. Another diet was The second announced to be held in the Roncaglian plain, and the Rpncaglian cities were ordered to send their officials to it. It was Frederick's wish to break down the independent spirit of the cities. It was during his stay in Italy that Frederick had come into contact with the lawyers of Bologna, and learned from them the leading ideas of Roman law. An- cient customs were revived, and Frederick renewed his claims to the regalia (that is, to the duchies, counties, marches, the office of consul, the right to coin money, col- lect taxes, customs, duties, etc.). He declared that in the future all the important officers of the city would be ap- pointed by him and the people should approve them. Representatives of all the cities helped frame the rights of 152 The Mediccval Period Milan destroyed, 1 1 62. Hadrian makes fundamental claims. Alexander III. the emperor and agreed to observe them. He then pro- ceeded to i)ut this agreement into force. He sent his representatives throughout the country to establish in every city his officials. The people of Milan asserted that, by virtue of a former compact with the emperor, the Ron- caglian agreement did not include them. They therefore resisted the emperor's messengers and closed the gates of the city against them. Refusing to recognize their claims, Frederick laid siege to the city (April, 1159), which held out nearly three years. In February, 1162, it could resist no longer. The people tried in every way to appease Frederick, but he remained deaf to their entreaties. The walls of the city were razed, the inhabitants driven out, and many of the nobility kept as hostages. In the meanwhile the quarrel had broken out afresh be- tween the pope and emperor. In 1159 Hadrian made sweeping demands of Frederick in regard to tlie possession of the lands of Matilda, the collection of feudal dues by Frederick from the papal estates, and the full sovereignty in Rome. The emperor, of course, refused these demands, and the pope prepared for the struggle. Seeking help from Roger of Sicily, and from the Greek emperor, he in- trigued with the cities of Lombardy. In 11 59 Hadrian died, and the cardinals thereupon elected the man who had acted as spokesman of Hadrian at Besangon, Roland Bandinelli, who assumed the name of Alexander III. He now took up the quarrel and spent his time endeavoring to find allies. Frederick, however, set up an anti-pope, and was so successful in his 0])position to Alexander III. that the pope was compelled to leave Rome and seek a refuge in France (1161). Frederick seemed to have won the day. His officials were in all the cities; Milan was destroyed and the pope an exile. But his very success was the cause of his defeat ; he had borne himself as an emperor of the Struggle bctzvccn Papacy and Empire 153 old school. His absolutism was tyranny to the cities, and hence they were eager to find some way of avenging them- selves. Alexander III. put himself at the head of the op- position. In 1 165 he returned to Rome, excommunicated the emperor, and released his subjects from their oath of allegiance to him. Alexander was a diplomat ; he was hostile to the independence of the Lombard cities, but be- cause they could help him he sought their alliance. For nearly fifteen years this able man led the opposition to Frederick, and the final victory over the emperor was due in a large measure to his ability and efforts. The next year (1166) Frederick went again into Italy with a large force to punish the rebels and to put the new anti-pope, Paschalis, in the chair of St. Peter. After a siege he took Rome. Paschalis was established as pope and a few days later recrowned Frederick and his wife in St. Peter's. A pest broke out shortly afterward and Frederick, alarmed at the great mortality among his troops, hastened back to Germany. As fast as he retreated the cities behind him revolted ; he barely escaped with his life. The cities now entered into the famous Lombard League (1167). Milan, The rebuilt by the aid of them all, assumed the leading position in the league. Pavia still remained true to the emperor, 1167T and to keep it in check, the league founded a new city on the border of its territory and named it Alexandria in honor of the pope. It was not till 11 74 that Frederick was in a position to reenter Italy. Then the emperor himself laid siege to Alexandria while some of his troops overran Tus- cany and Umbria. Alexandria was very strong and the siege lasted for months. Overtures of peace were made, and, as winter was approaching, Frederick withdrew to Pavia. Again and again he called on the German princes to come to his assistance, but Henry the Lion thought it an excellent opportunity to humble the emperor and re- Lombard League, 154 The Mcdiccval Period Legnano, fused to assist him. In May, 1176, the troops of the ^^7^* league attacked Frederick at Legnano, and won a decisive victory. It was even thought for awhile that the emperor had lost his life in the battle. Frederick realized the situa- tion ; he had been beaten ; he was therefore ready to make peace on the cities' terms. He met Alexander III. in St. Mark's at Venice (1177), fell at his feet, confessed his wrong deeds and begged the pope to remove the ban from him. The pope yielded, and a truce was declared. Six years later, at Constance, the treaty of peace was The Treaty signed which granted the cities substantially all that they of Con- ]^^^ demanded. The over-lordship of the emperor was stance, 1 183. j , • , recognized, but it was merely nominal, and the nidepen- dence of the cities was practically admitted. It was a bitter humiliation for Frederick, but he could not escape it. Being pressed in Germany by the Guelf family he needed the support of the pope, and there was nothing for him to do except to abide by the decision dictated by the outcome of the war. A crisis was reached in the struggle between the Ghibel- line and the Guelf families in 1176, when Henry the Lion refused to hel^) Frederick in his war against the Lombard League. After returning to Germany, Frederick proceeded to punish him. He cited Henry to appear before him, and on Henry's refusal, deposed and banished him. Henry resisted, but was defeated in battle and begged for mercy. Frederick stripped him of his power, but generously per- mitted him to retain his private estates. Although Frederick had not been able to conquer Sicily, he i)rovided for its annexation by marrying his son, Henry VI., to Constance, heiress to the crown of that country. The pope foresaw that this marriage would greatly strengthen the empire, and that the emperor, by holding Sicily and southern Italy, could easily attack the papal lands when- Struggle befzveen Papacy and Empire 155 ever he chose. Unwilling that the emperor should gain so great an advantage over him, the pope determined to prevent the proposed union of the Sicilian kingdom with the Empire. He accordingly renewed hostilities and en- gaged the archbishop of Cologne and other discontented German nobles in a conspiracy against Frederick. In the meantime the news reached the west that Jerusalem had fallen into the hands of the Saracens, and, according to the ideas of the times, its recovery was regarded as the most pressing business of the hour. Clement III. was willing to make almost any concessions if he could enlist Frederick The Cru- for a crusade. An agreement was made in which Freder- p^rederick I ick seemed to have won the victory. He was now ready to go on the crusade. He placed the management of af- fairs in Germany in the hands of Henry VI., who took the title of king of the Germans. Frederick set out in the spring of 1189, but did not reach Palestine. He died by drowning in one of the mountain streams of Cilicia, June ID, 1190. In Italy Alexander III. found that, although he had In Italy the overcome Frederick, he had not won the whole victory for jj^^jIj himself. He was unable to unite all Italy under his own authority. The cities of Lombardy and the kingdom of Sicily secured their own advantages and went on their way of independence. During the struggle with Frederick there had been several anti -popes established by the emperor. The schism thus caused was ended in 11 78 by the surren- der of Calixtus III., who found it impossible to sustain himself after the emperor had made peace with Alexander. To guard against disputed elections in the future, it was decreed in the Lateran synod of 11 79, that whoever should receive the votes of two-thirds of the cardinals should be regarded as the duly elected pope. There was nothing said about the emperor's right to confirm the election, nor 156 The Mcdiccval Period The high position of Alexander III. Henry VI. 1190-97. was any part accorded the peo])le and clergy of Rome. From this time the whole matter is in the hands of the cardinals. Alexander III. deserves great credit from the papal point of view for the work of his pontificate. His power was recognized all over the west as that of no pope before him had been. His immediate successors were unable to main- tain all the advantages he had won. Before the end of the century Innocent III., the most imperial of all the popes, was to appear, and realize all that previous pontiffs had dreamed of; but before him there was to be another strug- gle in Rome. The independent spirit of the people of the city reas.serted itself, and Lucius III. (i 181-85) ^"d Ur- ban III. (1185-87) spent most of their pontificates in exile. Clement III. (1187-91) succeeded in regaining the mastery in Rome, and all power was made over to him. The pope had seldom been so secure in the city before. But a new danger was threatening. The marriage of Henry VI. with Constance of Sicily might, at any mo- ment, lead to the establishment of the imperial power in the south, and the addition of Sicily and all the southern part of Italy to the empire. The pope would then be between two fires. The first days of the reign of Henry VI. were filled with anxiety. Henry the Lion broke his royal word and at- tacked Henry VI. as soon as Frederick had set out for the east. The news of the death of William, king of Sicily, soon reached Germany, and a few days later the sad news of the death of Frederick was received. Henry VI. made peace with Henry the Lion, made provision for the gov- ernment in Germany during his absence, and hastened into Italy. He was crowned at Rome and went on to Sicily to secure the possession of that kingdom ; but the people of Sicily had elected a certain Tancred to be king, Struggle hctzvccn Papacy and Empire 157 and Henry was unable to accomplish anything there. The outlook was indeed dark, for there were powerful ene- mies allied against him. The combination of Richard the Lion-Heart of England, the Guelf family in Germany with Henry the Lion at its head, and Tancred in Sicily would probably be able to break the power of the Hohenstaufen. This danger was averted by a series of fortunate occur- rences. Richard was taken prisoner on his way home from his crusade and delivered into Henry's hands. The son of Henry the Lion fell in love with a cousin of the emperor, and in order to obtain her hand, made peace with him. Henry the Lion, now an old man, discour- aged by the submission of his son to the emperor, gave up the struggle and retired to his estates, and Henry VL was able in a second campaign to get complete possession of Sicily. The fears of the pope proved to be well-founded. Li Bold plan fact but little sagacity was necessary to see that the impe- of^"6"^y rial and papal claims were so mutually conflicting that force alone could settle them. The emperor's opportu- nity seemed to have come. Relying on his strength, Henry VL determined to enforce his claims without any re- gard for the pope. He seized the lands of Matilda (Tus- cany), for which the pope put him under the ban ; but not in the least frightened by this, Henry continued his efforts to get possession of all Italy. He is said at this time to have planned the complete destruction of the papal state by adding it to his own territory. He also turned now to try his fortune in the east. He planned a crusade, the real object of which was first of all the conquest of Con- stantinople. The Greek empire was, indeed, in a chaotic condition, and he hoped to win its crown and establish himself in Constantinople, from which vantage-point he might easily carry on the war against the Saracens. He VI. 158 The Mcdiccval Period Innocent III., 1198- 1216, and his pro- gramme. went first to Sicily in order to put down a revolt and punish those who were hostile to him, intending then to proceed against Constantinople, but died in Messina after a very brief illness (1197), leaving a son, Frederick II., only three years old. His great plans and hopes were de- stroyed, and the empire was thrown back into the anarchy caused by a contested imperial election. At the same time Innocent III. became pope, a man of strong will and great ability, full of theocratic ideas and the desire to realize them. Innocent III. (1198-1216) was probably the ablest pope of the Middle Age. He was a jurist, trained in the schools of Paris and Bologna. He looked at everything from the jurist's point of view, and endeavored to reduce to a legal form and basis all the claims of the papacy. Not personally ambitious, he was fully persuaded that in every- thing he did he acted in accordance with the best in- terests of the Church, and even with the plans of God. He was ambitious merely to make of the papacy that which he believed God had appointed it to be. He believed that the government of the world was a theocracy, and that he himself was the vicar of God on earth. He pushed to the extreme the ideas of the supremacy of the papacy over all rulers, and actually realized them in many respects. His programme may be summed up under the following heads : 1. The pope must be absolute master in Italy, which must therefore be freed from the control of all foreigners ; hence the empire must not be allowed to unite any part of the peninsula to itself ; the papal state must be strengthened; the political factions in the city must be kept in subjection. 2. All the states of the west must be put under the control of the papacy ; neither king nor emperor may be inde- pendent of the pope, but must submit to him in all things. 3. The Church in the east, and the Holy Land must be re- and his ward. Struggle between Papacy and Empire 159 covered from the Moslems, and the Greek Church purified of its heresy and reunited to the Church of the west ; all heretics must be destroyed ; the law and worship of the Church must be made to conform to papal ideas. The imperial claims of Henry VI. are here answered by the papal programme of Innocent III. It is apparent that their radical contradiction could permit no reconciliation. Neither party could get all that it demanded without the practical destruction of the other. For the present the con- flict could be postponed because of the disputed imperial election. But the situation was wholly in favor of Inno- cent and he determined to make good use of his opportu- nities. In Sicily the young king, Frederick II., was among ene- Innocent mies, and when his mother died. Innocent was made his guardian. He performed his duties toward the boy with great conscientiousness, supplying him with the ablest teachers, giving him the best education possible, caring for his interests in Sicily, and protecting him against his re- bellious subjects. In Germany there was a contested election, which Inno- Philip of cent was asked to settle. Philip of Suabia, after trying in ^(fg^'fooS vain to secure the election of his nephew, Frederick II., and Otto was himself made king by a large number of princes. The i2i*e^^^ Guelf family, however, elected one of their number. Otto IV. Innocent III. decided in favor of Otto, because, as he said. Otto was the proper person for the office and was devoted to the Church, while Philip was a persecutor of the Church. Philip had declared that he would defend his claim to all the possessions of the empire, while Otto IV. had taken an oath that he would not interfere with the papal claims, but would defend all the possessions of the papacy. Civil war ensued. After defeating Otto and mak- ing himself master of Germany, Philip was murdered i6o The Mediceval Period (1208), and Otto, being now without a rival, was recog- nized throughout Germany. Otto IV., however, now that he had secured the crown, changed his policy toward the pope, broke his oath, and demanded Sicily and Tuscany, on the ground that they were parts of the empire. He was successful in arms in southern Italy, but before the conquest was completed the pope had raised a revolt among the German princes and Frederick put forth Frederick II. as a candidate for the German II., 1215-50. (.j-ovvn. At the invitation of some of the German nobles, Frederick, although a boy, went to Germany, made an al- liance with Philip, king of France, and in three years made himself undisputed master of Germany. Success of Innocent III. followed out his policy with great vigor. ^nnocen Frederick held Sicily as a fief of the papacy. In central Italy Innocent made a league with the cities, drove out the emperor's officials, and established his own in their place. The king of Portugal acknowledged his authority and paid him tribute ; the king of Aragon became his feudal sub- ject, and the king of Leon was compelled to yield obedi- ence to him. In Bulgaria, Hungary, Poland, Servia, and in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, Innocent was able to make good his claims, at least in part. In France, Inno- cent interfered in the family affairs of the king, compel- ling him to take back his wife, whom he had divorced on insufficient grounds. In political matters, however, Philip II. resisted the demands of the pope with more or less success. In England Innocent comj^elled John to accept Stephen Langton as archbishop of Canterbury, and then aided the king in his struggle against the barons. It seemed for awhile that the papacy would get posses- The east. sion of all the Christian east. Innocent III. forbade the fourth crusade to proceed against Constantinople, but when the city was taken and the Latin Church established Struggle betzveen Papacy and Empire i6i there he accepted its work. From Constantinople as a vantage-ground, he hoped to extend the papal authority over all the east, but the rapid disintegration of the Latin empire of Constantinople was destined to blast his hopes. During his pontificate many heresies appeared in the west, the most widely spread of which was that of the Al- bigenses. Innocent and his successor were responsible for the crusade which was preached against them, and carried out by Simon de Montfort. In 1215, at the Lateran coun- The Lat- cil, the inquisition was established, and it was declared ^ff-" Coun- . . . . cil> 1215. that heresy was a crime which should be punished with death. At the same council the doctrines of transubstan- tiation and auricular confession were promulgated. The twenty-first canon of that council declared that every Chris- tian must confess his sins to the priest at least once a year, and might receive the sacrament of the eucharist after do- ing so. If he did not confess, the church was to be closed to him, and if he should die, he should not receive Chris- tian burial. " From that time forth the confessional began to be considered as the only means of obtaining forgive- ness for mortal sin, which the priest, as representative of God, actually granted, and he alone could grant." The doctrine of transubstantiation, which up to that time had not been the universal belief of the Church, was adopted, and it was decreed that no one except a properly ordained priest could administer the sacrament. Innocent had an- nounced that the council would deal with two questions, the recovery of the Holy Land and the reform of the Church. Many of the canons were really reformatory in their charac- ter, and the work of the council dealing with all sorts or questions shows the deep insight and sincerity of Innocent. A great crusade was announced for the year 1217, and im- mense preparations made for it, but Innocent did not live 1 62 The Medieval Period to see it. He died at Perugia while busily engaged in pre- paring for the crusade. The charac- On the surface his pontificate seems to have been a suc- oaoacv cess. He had apparently won a victory in every case over changed. the temporal powers. But he had alienated the affections of the people. The cruelty of the crusade against the Al- bigenses turned the whole of southern France against him. His victory over John of England, and the support he gave him in his struggle against his people, filled the Englisli with hatred of him. In Germany the same results were reached. The troubadours charged their songs with fear- ful arraignments, and Walther von der Vogelweide lashed the papacy for its worldliness, its greed of money, and its ambitions. Innocent gave the fullest expression to the po- litical claims of the papacy, and did much to realize them. Under his guidance some of the most important doctrines., rites, and practices of the Church were established. The formation of the code of canon law, while not begun by him, was thoroughly in accordance with his ideas, and it gave a legal form and basis to what he had claimed. It would not be too much to say that he was the last great maker of the papacy. His programme was carried through with the appearance of remarkable success, but his best weapon, the interdict, was almost worn out by its too fre- (juent use. The forces were at work which were soon to undo all that he had done. The papacy lost in spiritual power under him because he made politics the principal matter. Earnest Christian pilgrims and visitors at Rome were shocked to hear nothing about spiritual matters, but to find the mouths of all the clergy incessantly filled with talk about temporal affairs. The greatest of the popes was followed by the greatest of the emperors. In 12 12 Frederick had set bravely out to take Germany from Otto IV. He renewed the alliance with Struggle hctzvccn Papacy and Empire 163 Philip of France, and the German princes of the Rhine valley received him with favor. Seeing the danger, Otto IV. called on his allies for help. John of England sent an army to the continent to unite with the count of Flanders, the duke of Brabant, and other nobles in the north of France against the French king. The decisive battle was fought near Bouvines, in July, 12 14, and resulted in the Bouvines, complete victory of Philip II. Since his allies were thus ■'^^4- disposed of, Otto IV. was compelled to yield to Frederick. He withdrew to his lands, and died at Harzburg (12 18). Frederick was crowned at Aachen in 1215, proclaimed a universal peace in Germany, and took a vow to go on the crusade which Innocent III. was planning. His next step was to secure the imperial crown. But Innocent was afraid Frederick of his growing power, although Frederick had been most ^ ^ ° o 1 ' o papacy. respectful to him in all things. He feared that if Freder- ick should hold both Germany and Sicily, the two would be joined together and Frederick would try to control all Italy. He therefore persuaded Frederick to promise that as soon as he should receive the imperial crown he would resign the crown of Sicily to his young son, Henry, who should hold it as a fief from the pope. Death prevented Innocent from crowning Frederick, but Innocent's succes- sor, Honorius III., performed the act. Frederick, however, in spite of his promise, retained the title of king of Sicily, a breach of faith to which Honorius III. paid no attention, because he was desirous that the crusade should be made, and he wished Frederick to join it. Frederick, however, always found excuses, and put off his departure. He married lolanthe, the daughter of the king of Jerusalem, and without any regard for the rights of her father assumed that title himself. Gregory IX. (1227-41) demanded his immediate departure for Palestine. Frederick finally sailed (1227) from Brindisi, but returned three days later, and 164 The Mcdicczfal Period excused himself on the ground that he was ill. Gregory would not listen to the excuse and put him under the ban. Frederick then made fresh preparations for the crusade, but the pope forbade his going until he had obtained the re- moval of the ban. Frederick, however, .sailed again from Brindisi, June, 1228. Arriving in Palestine, he saw that by force it would be impossible to conquer the east, yet by diplomacy he gained possession of Jerusalem, Bethlehem, Nazareth, and other places for the Christians. He crowned Three times himself in Jerusalem and returned home, having been three cated""^""*" ^^'"^ excommunicated for his disobedience to the pope. During his absence the pope had tried to stir up the Ger- mans against Frederick II. and, raising an army at his own expense, had attacked the emperor's territories in the south, achieving some success. But when Frederick returned (1229), the pope, taken by surprise, was unable to continue the war and offered to make peace. The two came together San Germa- at San Germano (1230), and by mutual concessions peace no, 1230. ^^,^g restored. Frederick then turned his attention to Sicily. In 1231 he published the famous " constitutions of the kingdom of Sicily," by which feudalism was destroyed there, and a A new gov- real kingship established in its stead. Royal judges and ernment in (-Qurts took the place of the barons and their courts: feudal bicily. * ' dues were replaced by direct taxes, and other changes were made which resulted in the formation of a really modern state in all that concerns the machinery of government. During his long absence from Germany great disorder had arisen. He had caused his son Henry to be made king in Aachen (1222), and much power had been granted him. In 1233 Henry revolted against his fatlier, but was seized and carried to Italy, where he died as a prisoner (1242). In a great diet at Mainz (1235) Frederick forbade private war- fare, proclaimed the peace of the land, and ended all the Struggle hehveen Papacy and Empire 165 quarrels between him and the Guelf family l)y making its last representative a duke and investing him with a large duchy, created especially for him. He was now at the height of his power, having Germany and Sicily wholly in his hands. The struggle between the papacy and the empire which, Frederick with more or less acuteness, had now been in progress for ^^* r^^^ws more than one hundred and fifty years, had accumulated a gle. great deal of bitterness on both sides. A peace had often been patched up between them, but the real question at issue had never been decided. There could not be two absolute rulers of the world. So long as each claimed su- premacy and tried to rule the other, there could be no lasting peace. Frederick felt that he was now strong enough to settle the question by force. The possession of Sardinia, which had lately been declared to be a fief of the Church, furnished a convenient pretext for renewing the contest. In 1238 Frederick laid claim to Sardinia as a part of the empire, and began to take possession of it. The pope protested, but in vain. Frederick persisted in his course, and the pope, from this time on, was implacable in his hatred of Frederick. The final struggle had begun. Gregory IX. and his successors freed the German princes from their oath of allegiance to Frederick, and tried to turn the people against him. The cities of Italy were arrayed against him, and help was sought from France. At the same time, in order that all Christians might turn from him with horror, Frederick was charged with all kinds of heresy. He was reported to have said that there had been three great religious impostors who had deceived the world — Moses, Jesus, and Mohammed ; he had reviled the clergy and the creed of the Church ; he had said that nothing is to be believed which is not acceptable to the reason. Heresy was proved by the fact that he associated i66 The Medieval Period with both Jews and Mohammedans, and allowed the free exercise of all religions in his kingdom. The emperor defended himself with great vigor. He had recourse to the Apocalypse of St. John for his figures of speech, and called the pope the anti-Christ, the angel that came up from the bottomless pit, and the rider on the red horse with power to destroy peace in the world. Gregory called a council, but Frederick captured the clergy who were on their way to attend it, and thus prevented its meeting. He overran Italy, and got possession of the territory even to the gates of Rome. After the death of Gregory IX. the cardinals were unable to elect a pope, and for nearly two years the chair of St. Peter was vacant. Frederick tried in every way to compel them to elect his candidate, but they resisted him successfully. At last, in 1243, one of Frederick's friends was elected and took the title Inno- cent IV. (1243-54). Frederick, however, felt that the war must go on, because, as he said, no pope could be a Ghibelline. Innocent escaped to France and called a council at Lyon, at which the emperor was again deposed and put under the ban. All were forbidden to regard him as their king, or emperor: the princes of Germany were ordered to proceed to the election of another king ; Inno- cent said that he himself would take care of Sicily. To this Frederick replied, asserting that he was a good Chris- tian, and that he had been laboring all his life only to bring the clergy to live in the proper way and to lead an apostolic life in poverty and humility. Victory seemed to be almost within Frederick's grasp, but Innocent IV. did not think of surrendering. In the hope of retrieving his lost fortunes, the pope redoubled his energies. He appealed to France, to the cities of Italy, and to the Germans, and by the greatest exertions kept the war going. He turned it into a crusade, and offered to all Struggle between Papacy and Empire 167 who would join in it the same indulgences and spiritual A Crusade rewards as against the Saracens. In 1246 he succeeded in ^^^'1!.^^ ^ having Count Henry Raspe of Thuringia elected king in place of Frederick. Civil war spread all over Germany. The Begging Friars supported the pope by stirring up the people against Frederick, and by collecting large sums of money from all quarters to be used in carrying on the opposition. The pope persuaded the electors to make William of Holland king (1247). Frederick's son, Con- rad IV., who, as king of the Germans, had charge of affairs in Germany, was unable to resist the progress of William, who was crowned at Aachen in 1248. Mis- fortunes thickened around the aging emperor. Among the courtiers of Frederick a conspiracy was formed, and an attempt was made to poison him. His son Enzio was taken prisoner and confined in Bologna. One by one his friends and supporters fell in battle. He himself was very ill, but he kept up his courage. His troops were victori- ous in Italy, and Rome was about to fall into his hands. Death of The struggle was far from being decided when the emperor u -^2^^ died (December 13, 1250). Frederick II. was of the Middle Age, and belonged at the same time to the Modern Period — a man full of con- trasts, not to say contradictions. He was most modern in that he was not controlled by religious, but wholly by political, motives. He was not bound by feudal ideas, but His actually created an absolute monarchy in Sicily. His character, kingdom there is regarded as the first modern state in Europe. He persecuted heretics in Germany, but was himself very free in thought, tolerating all religions in his kingdom of Sicily. He was not a German in character, but exhibited the fusion of the German, Italian, Greek, and Saracen elements in southern Italy. He spoke Latin, Italian, French, German, Greek, and Arabic. In culture i68 The Mediccval Period Conrad IV. 1250-54, and Will- iam of Holland. and learning he surpassed all the emperors who had pre- ceded him, was himself a poet, and kept himself sur- rounded by poets and scholars. He established the Uni- versity of Naples (1224). He had zoological gardens, not for the gratification of his curiosity alone, but also for scientific i)urj)oses. He belonged to the class of indepen- dent thinkers of which Abelard was also a member. He preferred to live in Sicily, because it possessed far more culture than Germany. He understood the question at issue between himself and the pope ; he knew that it was for the right to rule the empire independently that he was fighting. In the art of diplomacy he was well-trained, and by it won many victories. He died before the strug- gle was ended, but he seems to have felt that it would be decided against him and his family. His last years were made heavy by many misfortunes, but he died with unbroken spirit. With the death of Frederick H. the power of the Ho- henstaufen family was broken, but the fight was not given up. Against William of Holland Conrad IV., son of Frederick II., was unable to maintain himself in Germany, and so withdrew to Sicily, which his half-brother, Man- fred, had succeeded in holding for him. Conrad IV. offered to make terms with the pope, but all his advances were rejected. Innocent IV. was implacable. He had sworn that the hated race of the Staufen should be literally destroyed. Conrad and Manfred were, however, success- ful in arms, and in spite of all opposition had got control of southern Italy and Sicily, when Conrad IV. died sud- denly (1254), leaving his little son, whom the Italians call Conradino, to the care of his faithful Manfred. After continuing the struggle for four years, Manfred was com- pelled to accept the crown himself (1258), but he stipulated that Conradino should succeed him. Struggle hchvcoh Papacy and Empire 169 The pope now turned to France for help. He offered the crown of Sicily to Charles of Anjou, the brother of Charles of King Louis IX. This Charles was bold, ambitious, and "•^°"' utterly unscrupulous. In 1263 the kingdom of Sicily was made over to him, and he began his preparations to take possession of it. Manfred tried to besiege Rome and to keep Charles from landing in Italy. He was misuccessful, however, and Charles entered Rome and was crowned king, January 6, 1266. About a month later the decisive battle was fought near Benevento, and when Manfred saw that he was betrayed by many of his troops, who, no doubt, had been bribed to desert to Charles during the battle, he Death of rushed into the thick of the fight and was slain. 1266 ^^ Conradino, who had spent all his life in Germany, was a genuine Hohenstaufen. Although a mere lad, he gal- lantly responded to the call of the Ghibellines of Italy, and with a small army came down from Suabia to meet Charles of Anjou. After a hard-fought battle, Charles was victorious. Conradino was taken prisoner and beheaded as a rebel in the public square of Naples. The long battle was over, and the victory was the pope's. The victory Not only was the power of the Hohenstaufen broken, the °' ^■"^ pope. family itself had been destroyed. There remained only one member of it, Enzio, the son of Frederick II., and he was a prisoner in Bologna, where he died, in 1272. The great Staufen family was no more. With it had disap- peared the empire of Karl the Great. Not that it was de- stroyed, but it now underwent a radical change. The government of the world was no longer the peculiar prerog- ative of the emperor, but of the pope. The pope had vin- dicated his right to the temporal as well as to the spiritual supremacy, and it was now possible for him to declare with truth that he was both pope and emperor. When Conrad IV. left Germany in 1251, William of I70 The Mediccval Period The great interreg- num. Feudal prin- cipalities of Germany. The eastern frontier. Holland remained in full possession. The pope did all he could to obtain William's recognition throughout Germany, but for some time in vain. The cities in the Rhine valley renewed the old league (1254), and within a year there were more than sixty cities bound together for mutual pro- tection. Eventually they recognized William, as did nearly all of northern Germany. But becoming engaged in a quarrel with the Frisians, he was killed by some Frisian peasants (January, 1256). Although both Richard of Cornwall and Alphonso of Castile, were afterward elected king, neither of them was able to establish himself as mas- ter of the country. Alphonso, indeed, never came to Ger- many. Richard visited the country, but never exercised any authority there. The period from 1254 to 1273 is known as the great interregnum. During this struggle of the Staufen with the papacy, two things are to be noticed : the largely increased number of principalities and the extension of the frontier on the east. Through the policy of the Hohenstaufen to diminish the power of the dukes by breaking their original provinces up into many smaller political divisions and giving these as fiefs to others, there had now come to be, instead of the five great stem-duchies, a large number of duchies, coun- ties, marches, bishoprics, and other principalities, all striv- ing for independence. The influence of subinfeudation may also be seen in this dissolution of the great political units. A most important change had taken place in the eastern boundary. Slowly the Slavs, Letts, and Magyars, who covered the whole eastern frontier, liad been conquered and were being Christianized and Germanized. The east- ern boundary had been carried, even beyond the Vistula on the Baltic, and included the valley of the Oder ; from there it extended in an irregular line to the Danube below Vi- Struggle between Papacy and Empire 171 enna. Germany had lost Italy forever, but had indemni- fied herself in a measure by the conquest and assimilation of these barbarian lands. Great progress had been made in Germany in culture and wealth. Numerous cities were in existence, and they Cities, were now ready to make use of the freedom afforded them by the absence of a strong ruler to establish among them- selves their powerful independent leagues. The struggle between pope and emperor resulted in the Results of political dismemberment of both Germany and Italy. ^^ . While the feudal lords of Germany had got power there, the cities of Italy were growing in independence, and the French had got a good foothold in the southern part of the peninsula. The unhappy country seemed farther than ever from unity. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Henry IV. and Gregory VII. Milman, History of Latin Christianity. Bk. VII., Chaps. I. -III., and Bk. VIII., Chap. I., Armstrong. Emerton, Mediieval Europe, $i.6o, Ginn. Thatcher and Schwill, Europe in the Middle Age. $2.00. Scribner. Vincent, Age 0/ Hilde- brand. $2.00. Scribner. 2. Bernard of Clairvaux. Milman, Bk. VIII., Chaps. IV. -VI. Biogra- phies of Bernard, by Storrs, Morison, Neander, Eales, and Ratisbonne. 3. Frederick Barbarossa. Henderson, History 0/ Ccriiiany in the jSIiddle Ages, pp. 246-go. $2.60. Macmillan. Balzani, Chaps. II. -VIII. Testa, Wars of Frederick I. Against the Cotmnunes of Lombardy. 15s. Smith, Elder & Co. 4. Abelard. Compayre, AbHard, and the Origin of Universities. $1.00. Scribner. 5. Arnold of Brescia. Milman, Bk. X., Chaps. VI. -VII. 6. Innocent III. Milman, Bk. IX., Chaps. I.-X. 7. Frederick II. Milman, Bk. X., Chaps. III.-V. CHAPTER XI MONASTICISM LITERATURE.— See Church Histories in General Literature. Harnack, Moiiasticis»i : Its Ideals a>id ih Hisimy. $0.50. Scribner. Jessopp, Coining of the Friars. $1.25. Putnam. .S7. BciicdicVs Rule, translated in Henderson, Documents, pp. 274-313. Penn. Univ. Translations, Vol. H., iii.-iv. and vii. Kingsley, Hermits. Eckenstein, Woma>i under Monasticisvt. $4.00. Macmillan. Lea, History of Sacerdotal Celibacy. $4.50. Lea. Taunton, Englisli Black Monks of St. Benedict from the Time of St. Augustine to the Present. $7.50. Montalembert, Monks of the West. 6 vols. $15.00. Longmans. The philo- The philosophic basis of asceticism is the behef that sophic basis n-iattgr is the seat of evil, and therefore that all contact of asceti- cism, with it is contaminating. This conception of evil is neither Christian nor Jewish, but purely heathen. Jesus freely used the good things of this world, and taught that sin is in nothing external to man, but has its seat only in the heart. But his teaching was not understood by his followers. This belief that matter is evil had its origin in the teachings of certain heathen philosophers. It not only pervaded all philosophic thought, but in the second cen- tury of our era had even become the common creed of the masses. It had so firm a hold on them that Christianity was not able to dislodge it from their minds. The people already attached a religious value to ascetic practices and in their excess of religious zeal, when they became Chris- tian, they were naturally inclined to increase their ascetic observances. The peculiar form which this asceticism in the Church took is called monasticism. 172 Monasticism 173 The decay of the empire, which set in strongly in the Conditions second century, and the violence consequent upon the in- '^^05^* *° vasions of the barbarians, robbed many persons of interest duction of in life. The world seemed to be growing old, and the fjft^the^'" end of all things approaching. The best men were filled Church. with despair, and longed to hide themselves away from the increasing confusion and desolation. After about 175 A.D. the Church rapidly grew worldly. As Christi- anity became popular, large numbers entered the Church and became Christian in name ; but at heart and in life they remained heathen. The bishops were often proud and haughty and lived in a grand style. Those who were really in earnest about their salvation, unsatisfied with such worldliness, fled from the contamination in the Church, and went to live in the desert, and find the way to God without the aid of the Church ; her means of grace were for the common Christians. Those who would, could ob- tain, by means of asceticism and prayer, all that others re- ceived by means of the sacraments of the Church. There were to be two ways of salvation : one, through the Church Two ways and her means of grace ; the other, through asceticism salvation, and contemplation. The beginnings of monasticism are lost in obscurity. They fall very probably in the third century. The earliest monks were hermits. They lived alone, finding all the Hermits. shelter they needed in a hut, or in a cave, or in the shad- ow of some rock or tree. The movement beginning in those countries where the conditions were favorable to such an outdoor life, spread rapidly throughout the east. In order to protect themselves against impostors and other dangers, the hermits began to build their little huts close together, and probably surrounded them by a wall for pro- Semi-social tection. They had a common chapel, and on certain days org^-^'za- worshipped together and ate of a common meal. Though 174 The Mcdiccval Period Three vows. Monasti- cism in the Greek Church. they had icw rules, they elected a sort of superior who had the oversight of the whole colony. Gradually they came to live in houses, in which each monk, having his own room or cell, maintained a certain amount of independence. In this way the ascetic life was organized on a semi-social basis. By going into the desert, the hermit, of course, had given up his possessions and his family, and it soon came to be regarded as a matter of course that he had taken the vows of poverty and chastity. When they be- gan to live under one roof another vow was necessary — that of obedience or subjection to the rules and interests of the house. More and more this loosely organized cenobitic life be- came the common form, retaining, although the monks now lived together, the name of monasticism. It is this form of monasticism that has prevailed in the Greek Church, although hermits still exist there and are regarded as leading a more holy form of life. The monks of the Greek Church have really lived for the most part separated from the world. Occasionally they have made themselves felt at the court, and they have played a part in the great synods held during the fourth to the eighth centuries. Since that time monasticism in the Greek Church has had no history, because it has had no life. The monasticism of the Greek Church has helped preserve the dead forms in the Church, but has prevented any change except in the direction of enriching the ceremonies and forms of worship. Monks were first seen in the west about 340, when Atha- nasius brought two of them with him to Rome. They ex- cited among the Romans feelings of mingled curiosity and disgust. But when Augustine and Jerome gave the influ- ence of their pens and their example in favor of monasti- cism, it spread rapidly throughout Europe. The movement became immensely popular, and within a century and a Monasticism 175 half there were hundreds of monasteries in the west, and Monasti- thousands of monks in them. It seemed for a time that rilH^tcTthe this monasticism in the west would be of the same charac- west. ter as that in the east, and therefore would have no history and play no part in the work of the Church. But the spirit of the west took hold of it, organized it, and made it one of the most effective tools in the hands of the pope and emperor to Christianize and civilize the barbarians and extend the Church and the state. The Roman spirit of organization, of conquest and activity, would not allow the original monkish ideal to prevail. The monks had, indeed, fled from the world, but they were to be used to conquer and to rule it. At first each monastery made its own rules of discipline ; each monk was allowed to do about as he pleased. There were several attempts made to harmonize these rules into one common code. Of these attempts only that of Bene- dict of Nursia (480-543) was destined to succeed. Bene- Benedict of diet, after spending several years as a monk in various ^"^_^^^' places went to Monte Casino, near Naples (528), and taking with him several of the monks who had been asso- ciated with him elsewhere, he founded the famous mon- astery of Monte Casino, for which he prepared his Rule. He organized the monks into a close corporation, forbidding any of them to leave the monastery without the consent of the abbot. A clear line was sharply drawn between them and the world. The occupations of the monks were fixed by him for every hour of the day and night. Periods of prayer and contemplation were to alternate with seasons of work. Strict discipline was to be enforced, and all monks must take the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience.' Circumstances favoring the spread of Benedict's rule, it 'Henderson, Historical Documents of the Middle Ages, p. 274 ff., contains a translation of this rule. 176 The Mediceval Period Cassiodorus and learn- ing in the monas- teries. was gradually adopted by other monasteries. Gregory the Great (590-604) established it in many places in Italy, Sicily and England. In the seventh century it was much more widely used, and in the eighth, under Boniface, it was made the only form of monasticism in Gaul and Ger- many. In the next century, Benedict of Aniane helped give it a severer character. It became the orthodox rule of monasticism, and at one time governed more than forty thousand monastic establishments. Benedict's intention was not to make his monks either scholars or missionaries. The bishops of Rome, however, used them in missionary work, and that soon came to be regarded as one of the peculiar purposes of their existence. It was principally through them that Christianity spread among the barba- rians. Cassiodorus, the prime minister of Theodoric the Great, remained in public life till about 540, when he re- tired to a monastery which he had founded in Calabria, There he gave himself to literary pursuits, and likewise re- quired his monks to spend a certain portion of time every day in study. This example was imitated in other mon- asteries, and since it soon became apparent that a good deal of learning was necessary to manage the monastery's affairs, some of the monks in each monastery became scholars. In this way learning found a home in monasteries. The rule of St. Benedict, requiring that every monk should work, and the impulse toward learning which Cas- siodorus gave the order, prevented the monks of the west from becoming ignorant and useless, as were monks of the east. They were not permitted to withdraw from the world entirely, but were made u.seful members of society. The monks were excellent tools in the hands of the popes, for whose purpose of conquering the world no better man could be found than one who despised the world and had turned his back upon it. The papacy also drew them away Monasticism 177 from their original ideal and gave them a still greater field of activity. The monks were not necessarily clergymen. At first they were all laymen, but later it came to be the custom for them to receive ordination. The monastic life was re- garded as the ideal Christian life. So prevalent was this idea that wherever possible the clergy of a diocese were Monks, reg- gathered together and compelled to live in a common house J '^^^"'^y- Ob 1 and secular according to a common rule. From this fact all such came clergy, to be called the " regular clergy," while those of the out- lying districts and villages who did not live in this way were called the " secular clergy." In the tenth century monasticism was in a Avretched state of decline. The rule of St. Benedict was so little regarded and the life in the monasteries had so degenerated, that it seemed as if monasticism must die out. Its first great re- form began in the monastery of Cluny, which was founded (910) in the hills a few miles west of Macon. Under the Cluny. headship of a series of most capable and earnest abbots, Cluny achieved a wide reputation for piety. With its growing fame the number of its monks increased until it was possible to send out colonies of monks to establish new monasteries. As the spirit of reform awoke elsewhere, monks from Cluny were asked to visit other monasteries and introduce the new rule, discipline, and ideas. In this way the Cluniac rule became common in Europe during the tenth and eleventh centuries. All the monasteries which used it were bound together by it, and were called a " congregation." The abbot of Cluny was at the head of this congregation, and, therefore, possessed immense power. The objects which this reform had in view were those The Cluniac which were taken up by Gregory VII. and by him made the Programme, programme of the papacy. The monastic rule must be made more rigorous and be more vigorously enforced. The 178 TJic Mediaeval Period Formation of orders. St. Francis, secular clergy must be made to live after this monkish rule, and the spiritual aristocracy thus formed by the monks and clergy should have complete authority over the laity in all religious matters. Gregory VII., indeed, went a step farther : to the spiritual authority over the whole world he added also the political authority. In the eleventh century, however, there was so great a deepening of the monastic spirit that even the rule of Cluny seemed to some to be too lax. This led to the formation of several orders, such as the Carthusians (1084), the Cis- tercians (1098), the Premonstrants (1120), the Carmelites (1156), and others which, for the most part, achieved only a local reputation. The tendency to form separate orders, and the number of those who applied to the pope for per- mission to establish new ones increased ; and though Inno- cent III. finally refused to listen to any more appeals, and forbade the establishment of any more orders, the prohibi- tion was immediately disregarded. St. Francis of Assisi, the founder of the order which bears his name (Franciscans, /raZ/ry minores, friars, Minor- ites), was filled with the idea of the imitation of Christ and His apostles in their preaching, poverty, and service to others. "The Franciscan brother" should spend his life on the highway, stopping to preach and minister unto others whenever occasion offered ; he should work for his bread, if work could be found; if not, he might beg; he should never receive money under any circumstances, nor more food than was sufficient for his wants for the day ; he must never lay up any store in this world; he must care for the sick, visit those who were in prison, cheer the down- cast, recover the lost, and be to the world a Christ. The life of Jesus was to be his model in all things. During the period from 1209 to 1226 the order of St. Francis was thoroughly established and his rule developed and confirmed Monasticism 179 by the pope. The order, however, soon underwent a The rule of change which deeply offended St. Francis — it began to gyaje/ amass property and build houses. St. Dominic, a Spaniard (1170-1221), estabhshed the St. Dominic, order of Preaching Brothers {Ffatres Fnsdicafores, 12 15) to resist the spread of heresy in the Church. They were to be trained in all the learning of the day and made equal to the task of instructing the people in the doctrines of the Church. In 1220 St. Dominic introduced the rule of pov- erty into the order, thus modelling it after the order of St. Francis. The two orders had much the same development, becoming large, rich, and powerful. St. Francis had not intended that his brothers should devote themselves to learning, but they took it up in imitation of the Domini- cans, and the two orders furnished all the great scholars of the later Middle Age. The dark side of monasticism has been often painted. Faults of There were many periods of decadence in its history. The "?°"*sti- piety of the monks brought them popularity and wealth ; wealth brought them to leisure, idleness, and profligacy. The principles of monasticism were opposed to the dignity of the family, and to the proper position of woman in so- ciety. The best human talent was frequently drawn into the monastery and, hence, lost to the state. Much more, indeed, might be said against the institu- tion, but the good which it did far outweighs the evil. Monasticism furnished the missionaries who Christianized The benefits and civilized western and northern Europe. Everv mon- of "^ons-sti- astery became a centre of life and learning, and hence a light to the surrounding country. They cleared the lands and brought them under cultivation. They were the farm- ers and taught by their example the dignity of labor in an age when the soldier was the world's hero. They preserved and transmitted much of the civilization of Rome to the cism. i8o The Mcdiccval Period Military- monkish Orders. The Knights of St. John. Knights Templars. barbarians. They were the teachers of the west. Litera- ture and learning found a refuge with them in times of vio- lence. Their monasteries were the hotels of the Middle Age, and they cared for the poor and the sick. They were the greatest builders of their time, many of the great churches of Europe being their work. Monasticism was therefore an excellent thing for the world in those days. But the times changed. In the fifteenth and sixteenth cen- turies it no longer had a great mission. Other forces and institutions were then at hand to carry on the work which it had begun. The proof of this is that in the fifteenth century it was dying out. The monasteries were no longer full, and it was impossible to keep their numbers complete. The old monasticism was powerless ; it was no longer adapt- ed to the character and needs of society. The Middle Age had two distinct ideals, the soldier and the monk. Contradictory as they may seem, it is not strange that they fused and produced military-monkish orders, which arose under the peculiar circumstances which prevailed in Palestine during the crusades. The Knights of St. John were organized (1099) for the care of the sick among the pilgrims and crusaders. It was not long, however, until the military element was added, because be- ing surrounded and constantly threatened by Saracens they had to defend themselves. In 11 19 the Knights Templars were established in imitation of the Knights of St. John. Both orders were composed of men who took all the vows of monks, but spent their time fighting. Because of their connection with the Holy Land, the two orders became very popular throughout the west and received immense gifts. In 1 190, during the siege of Ptolemais, a hospital was established for Germans, the members of which were soon afterward organized into a military-monkish order in imi- Monasticism i8i tation of the two spoken of above. They were called Ger- The Ger- man Knights. They tried hard to get a foothold in the ^^ ^^^ east, but the other orders were so much older and had been Baltic so much longer in the field that it was impossible. In 1226 they were invited to come to Prussia (the territory east of the lower Vistula) to fight against the heathen Prussians. In 1202 Albert, bishop of Riga, had established a similar order known as the Sword Brothers, and had made use of them in conquering and Christianizing the heathen of Livonia and Esthonia. In 1237 these two or- ders were united, and to this union it was due that so large a territory east of the Vistula was Germanized and Chris- tianized, and added finally to Germany. SPECIAL TOPICS St. Benedict. Milman, Bk. III., Chap. VI. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, Vol. III., pp. 214 fT. $4.00. Scribner. His /?!in\ Chaps. LIX., LX., and LXI. Oman, Byzantine Empir,-, Chaps. XXII. and XXIII. Penn. Univ. Translations. Vol. III., i. a. The Children's Crusade. Gray. 3. Marco Polo. His Voyages. $0.10. Cassell. CHAPTER XIII THE GROWTH OF THE CITIES LITERATURE.— Zimmern, Ilansa. $1.50. Putnam. Gross, The Gild Merchant. 2 vols. $6.00. Clarendon. Jessopp, Studies of a Recluse. $1.75. Putnam. Contains an article on the growth of the English towns. Old Mf.dmcvai. Towns: Symonds and Gordon, Perugia. $1.50. Lynch, Toledo. $1.50. Headlam, Nuremberg, fi.50. Cook, Rouen. $2.00. The history of the cities of the Roman empire during The cities the first ten centuries of the Christian era is obscure. In '" ^ empire. Gaul, besides a larger number of strongholds (castra), there were more than one hundred cities (civitates) governed by the Roman municipal form of government. In the fourth century they were all on the road to ruin because of the financial oppression which they endured from the emperor. The control of city government during or after the invasion of the barbarians passed into the hands of som.e bishop or nobleman of the neighborhood ; or sometimes the control was divided — the bishop holding one part of the city, and the nobleman the remainder. Karl the Great Karl the introduced some uniformity into the government of the ^^^'^ ^"*^ cities by putting each one of them under an officer with of counties, the title of count. These counts were either churchmen or laymen, and were, in every case, responsiI)le to Karl for their government. They ruled the cities in the em- peror's name. But in the succeeding period, while the empire was being dismembered and feudalism estal)lished, these counts were able to assume a feudal proprietorship 209 210 TJie Mediccz'al Period New cities founded. The inhab- itants of the cities had lost their freedom. Guilds. over the cities. Each city thus became a fief, the feudal possession of its count. The Germans, it will be remembered, generally settled in the country. At the time of Karl the Great by far the larger number of the inhabitants of Gaul and Germany still lived in the country. The violence of the times, and espe- cially the invasions of the Norsemen and Huns, compelled the people to live together in walled inclosures, and these in time became cities. Other cities sprang up around monasteries and castles. They were, of course, small in their beginnings and grew slowly. They also became involved in the prevalent feudal relations, and were gov- erned by their feudal lord. In accordance with the prevailing tendency of the age, the residents of the cities had lost their full freedom. They were neither wholly free nor wholly enslaved, but were regarded as the possession of the lord of their city. Their condition did not differ very materially from that of the serfs. They had neither personal nor political freedom, since they had no voice in their own government. Their lord collected the taxes, appointed all officials, kept order, punished offenders, and was, in short, himself the whole government. The citizens were at the mercy of their lords. So long as the cities remained small, and city life undeveloped, such a state of affairs might continue to exist ; but it is inconceivable that it should be tolerated after the cities became large, rich, and powerful. It is also evident that the inhabitants of tlie cities would strive after personal freedom and then for political liberty, or the right of local self-government. A sort of basis or starting-point for the free commune of later times was the guilds. People who had common in- terests were brought together and united into a secret or- ganization known as a guild. Each occupation had a sep- The Groivih of the Cities 211 arate guild, that worked at first only for its own interests ; but later progress was made by the union of some of the guilds in the support of their common interests. The principal causes of the communal revolt of the elev- enth and twelfth centuries were the revival of industry and commerce, and the consequent increase of wealth. It was the merchants who led in the movement, and the revolt spread along the routes of commerce and travel. During the tenth century efforts were made to put an end to pri- vate wars and to secure peace. Feudalism became more fixed in its customs and a certain degree of order prevailed, to which fact the revival of commerce is in large measure due. There was no revolt against the burdens imposed upon the cities by their lords until there grew up a rich merchant class, a sort of aristocracy of wealth, command- ing resources and means of carrying on the struggle with the lord, but when this class became numerous the cities rebelled and in the struggle that followed were able to secure not only personal freedom for their inhabitants but also in many cases the right of governing them- selves. In Italy, as we have seen, the cities were able to free themselves entirely from the empire and the papacy and to become independent republics. But in France this move- ment did not go to so great lengths ; not a single French city became an independent republic; the French cities did not even succeed in ridding themselves entirely of their feudal lords. Even the cities which secured the largest amount of "political liberty and the fullest freedom of self- government still recognized, in one way or another, the headship of their lords. When first confronted with the demands of the cities the lords thought only of resistance. It is only natural that they should have opposed anything which threatened Revival of industry and commerce. Order brings commerce, commerce wealth, and wealth the desire for liberty. No city republics in France. 212 The Mcdiccz'al Period Liberty acquired by force or by purchase. The first group, villes de bour- geoisie. The second group, consular cities. to diminish tlieir power and income. The refusal of the lord, however, was generally followed by an appeal of the citizens to arms ; and in this struggle the cities were nearly always successful. Other lords, of a more thrifty spirit, seeing in this movement an opportunity to replenish their l)urses, would sell to the cities the rights and privileges which they demanded. In this way many nobles were able to secure the money necessary to equip themselves for a crusade. Since the population and wealth of the cities rapidly increased as soon as they received their liberties, the income of their lords was rather increased than dimin- ished by the change. With an eye to their own advantage, the lords now acceded to the demands of the cities more willingly. The cities of France may be divided into three groups, according to the measure of freedom they succeeded in obtaining. The cities of the first group got little more than the personal liberty of their inhabitants and the reduc- tion of some of their feudal dues. They were still ruled by a representative of their lord and had no voice in the elec- tion of their officials, or in the management of their affairs. The cities of this group, called villes de bourgeoisie, were principally in Normandy and Brittany. The cities of the second group, for the most part in southern France, secured the right to manage all the affairs of the city except the administration of justice. The courts remained in the hands of their lord. Imitating the action of the Italian cities, they set up a consular form of government. Their consuls were elected either by the whole population of the city, or by one or more of its guilds, and were confirmed by the lord of the city. These consuls were responsible to the lord of the city for their administration, and had to make their reports to him. As a mark of its freedom, the city had its seal which was attached to all its official docu- The Grozvth of the Cities 213 ments, but the lord, as a sign of his authority, kept the The seal keys of the city in his possession. ^^^ citv^ ° The third group consisted of the communes proper. The sovereignty of the lord was recognized in two ways; The third the city paid him certain taxes and tolls, and gave him in S''°"P' ^ '■ ' b communes. all judicial matters the right to hear appeals. But he was excluded from the administration of the city's affairs and the officials were in no way responsible to him. At the head of the administration was a mayor assisted by a council. The power in the commune was not generally vested in the whole body of its inhabitants, though there were a few cities in which all inhabitants were members of the com- Limitation mune. It was more often the case that only the members o' commu- / nal member- of one or more guilds exercised political rights. Ordina- ship. rily, therefore, the commune was not a republic, but a kind of oligarchy or aristocracy. As the commune devel- oped in wealth and power, and membership in it increased in value, it became more and more difficult to enter, and the aristocratic or oligarchic character of the ruling body became more pronounced. Although the communes had gained their liberty they did not know how to preserve it. Their members were in- variably divided into factions, and feuds and street brawls were common. There were also social troubles coupled with the political difficulties. The lower orders were often ranged Violence against the higher, the poor against the rich. The magis- ^ ™*^" trates of the cities were generally hard masters, and those ment in the outside the ruling guilds were unmercifully imposed upon, communes. This led to the formation of guilds among the workmen of other occupations who in the earlier time had been without such organizations. These, organizing themselves for op- position, sometimes succeeded in acquiring membership in the commune. Even if they failed to do this, they filled 214 ^/'^ Mcdiccval Period tlie city with violence. Peace had to be restored by some- one from without, generally the king. Another cause of internal trouble was the bad administration of the finances of the city. The officials of the commune were often guilty of fraud and peculation, and it was impossible to bring such offenders to justice, because they refused to render any account of their doings to the people. They claimed that they had done their duty when they had made their reports to each other. It is not surprising, therefore, that the cities often became bankrupt. The expenses of the communes, together with large sums that were taken from the treasury in a fraudulent way, far exceeded the regular income. These two things, the insolvency of the communes and their lawlessness, were the real causes of their destruction. The kings of France were now steadily following the policy of collecting all power into their own hands, and the proc- ess of centralization was becoming more and more rapid. The king The nobles were gradually yielding to the kings, and and the j^|-jg communes were made the object of a policy which, in the end, was sure to break them down. The officials of the king's treasury interfered in the administration of the finances of the communes and punished all maladministra- tion by seizing the charter of the commune and declaring it forfeited. The judicial jurisdiction of the communes was limited in every way. The parlement, which exercised the judicial power in France, tried to destroy the local tribu- nals by increasing the number of cases which could be settled only by the king or by his tribunal. The policy of parlement and sovereign was to make the king's justice prevalent throughout the land. The central authority also increased the taxes of the conununes. As the king's power grew he interfered more and more in the affairs of the com- munes. He controlled their election and inspected their communes. The Groivth of the Cities 215 magistrates ; he imposed heavy fines on all those communes which refused him obedience or offended him in the slight- est way ; he placed all kinds of burdens on them in order to break them down, and so when the day of reckoning came he had them in his power. He forced them to give up their charters and all that these stood for — their political independence and their privileges. This policy toward the communes may be said to date from Louis IX. (1227-70). Under Philip IV. (128 5- 131 4) the seizures became fre- quent; and by the year 1400 the communes had lost all their acquired liberties, sunk back into dependence on the crown, and disappeared. The processes by which the German cities acquired their freedom are extremely intricate and varied. Before the interregnum (1254-73) they had done little more than secure certain restrictions upon the arbitrary taxation of their lords, but during or after the interregnum, when the imperial power was practically destroyed, they were able to emancipate themselves rapidly and in the end to secure political independence. The cities in Germany were of two kinds: imperial cities The cities: (Reichsstaedte), subject to the emperor only, and seigniorial p-overnment cities (Landesstaedte), subject to the princes. The power was usually in the hands of a few wealthy and ancient families (patriciate). From among these the burgomaster and the assisting council (Rath), were elected, who together formed the magistracy. The increasing industrial popula- tion was divided into guilds (Zuenfte), which, induced by the consciousness of their strength, began toward the end of the thirteenth century to aspire to a share in the govern- ment. For the development of the cities and their commerce, peace and security were necessary ; and, since the empire was weak, they banded together for mutual protection. In 2i6 The Medicvval Period 1254 the cities of the lower Rhine formed a league for mutual protection. In 1344 the cities of southern and southwestern Germany made the famous Suabian League. The Fearing that this league would become all-powerful, the Leae-ife" i^rinces attacked it at Doelifingen (1388) and won a victory 1344. over it. The cities were forbidden to form such leagues in the future, and the i)rinces supposed they had made an end of their foe. The cities, however, recovered from the blow and increased their power and importance. Most famous The Hanse. of all such leagues was the Hanse, an organization which included all the cities in the Baltic provinces, besides hav- ing its outposts in several other countries. Beginning in a small way in the thirteenth century, the Hanse steadily grew until it embraced about eighty-five cities, monopo- lized the trade, and practically ruled northwestern Europe. From 1350 to 1500 the league was at the height of its power. Decline of Its decline was caused by the changes in commerce and in the routes of travel and trade produced by the voyages of discovery : some of the Hanse towns remained true to Catholicism, while others, accepting the teachings of Luther, were drawn into the religious wars which followed the Reformation, and fought on opposing sides ; and as the governments of the various countries in which the cities were situated grew stronger the cities were separated from their foreign alliances, lost their independent character, and became component parts of the state to which they naturally belonged. SPECIAL TOPICS. 1. Toledo. Lynch, Toledo. $1.50. Macmillan. 2. Rouen. Cook, Rouen. $2.00. Macmillan. the Hanse. CHAPTER XIV ITALY TO THE INVASION OF CHARLES VIII. (1494) LITERATURE.— Sismondi, History of the Italian Republics. $.75. Harper. Machiavelli, History 0/ Florence. $1.00. Macmillan. Contains also " The Prince " and " Savonarola." Mrs. Oliphant, Makers of Florettce, and Makers of Venice. $2.25 each. Macmillan. Oscar Browning, Short History of Medieeval Italy. 2 vols. 5 sh. each. /. Guelphs and Ghihellines. i3jo-T4og. II. Age of the Condottieri. Iifog- IJ30. Methuen. ^oscoe, Life of Lorenzo de Medici. $1.00. Macmillan. Duffy, Tuscan Republics. $1.50. Putnam. Wiel, Venice. $1.50. Putnam. Because of the different racial elements which were found there, the unification of Italy during the Middle Age was impossible. The people of the peninsula, thoroughly im- bued with the Roman civilization, the Greeks of the south, the Germans of Odovaker, the East Goths, the Lombards, the Saracens, and the Normans, all were there ; and each fought to obtain the mastery over all Italy. They had powerful rivals in the pope and the emperor for political honors, the conflict between whom gave the cities the op- portunity to depose the imperial officers and to establish a local independent government similar to that of the com- munes described in the preceding chapter. Frederick I. tried to reduce the cities to a position of dependence again, but the Lombard League and the pope were too strong for him. The battle of Legnano (1176), and the treaty of Constance (1183), gave the cities about all the independ- ence they claimed, and left the emperor little except his 217 Why the unification of Italy in the Middle Age was impossible. The cities acquire con- stitutions and successfully resist the emperor. 2l8 The Medieval Period Feuds inside and outside the cities. Podesta. Ghibelline and Guelf. The five powers in Italy : Ven- ice, Lom- bardy, Tus- cany, Rome, and Naples. title. After the death of Frederick II. lew emperors tried to wield any authority in Italy. Although the cities had accjuired their liberty, this was no guarantee for peace and order, and they were en- gaged in constant feuds with each other. Only members of the ruling guilds had a share in the government, and the class distinctions among the inhabitants formed a large dis- turbing element. The higher and the lower nobility and the rich merchants struggled for authority, disregarding the rights of the industrial classes. The pride and ambition of the nobles led them into feuds which filled the streets with violence. To put an end to this confusion the cities be- gan to elect dictators called podesta (about 1200). The lower orders of society were, at the same time, striving to win a share in the government. They had organized them- selves into guilds and now united in a commune of their own with a "captain of the people" (cajntan del popolo) at its head, as a rival of the podesta. War between the parties began. The privileged classes sought the aid of the emperor and were called Ghibelline, while the common l)eople joined with the pope and were called Guelf. These civil wars fill the thirteenth century. They ended in the loss of the republican constitutions, and the cities fell into the hands of tyrants. About 1300 the political condition of Italy was some- what as follows : In Piedmont the old feudal system was still in force ; several great barons, among them the counts of Savoy, the ancestors of the present royal house of Italy, were contending for supremacy. In Lombardy the cities were ruled by tyrants: Milan by the family of the Visconti, Verona by the Scaligers, Padua by the Carraresi, Mantua by the Gonzaghi, Ferrara by the Estensi. In Tuscany the cities were in the throes of civil war, but the end was to be the same as in Lombardy. In the states of the Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII . 219 Church the cities were about to break away from papal con- trol. The long residence of the popes in Avignon (1309-78) permitted the rise of tyrannies in Urbino, Perugia, Rimini, and elsewhere, while Bologna became a republic and Rome tried several political experiments. Naples was the seat of the kingdom of the Angevins, and Sicily had passed into the possession of the Aragonese. Genoa and Venice were independent republics. While the disunion at this time was very great, the five powers which were to divide Italy among themselves in the fifteenth century were showing signs of their coming strength. Their history maybe briefly traced as follows : Genoa and Venice owed their greatness to their com- Genoa, merce. For some time Pisa was a strong rival of Genoa in the commerce and control of the western Mediterranean, but in the battle of Meloria (1284), just off Pisa, the Geno- ese fleet was victorious and the power of Pisa was broken. In 1 26 1 Genoa helped the Greek emperor to regain Constan- tinople, and received as her reward the monopoly of the trade in the Black Sea. But Genoa thus came into conflict with Venice, which by the outcome of the fourth crusade had gained the ascendency in the east. The war between the two cities lasted more than two hundred years, and ended in the total defeat of the Genoese in the battle of Chioggia (1380). After this Genoa declined, while Venice became the mistress of the Mediterranean. Since 697 Venice had been ruled by a doge (duke) elected Venice, by the people. The tendency in the city, however, was toward an oligarchy. Toward the end of the twelfth cen- tury the Great Council, consisting of four hundred and eighty members, usurped the right to elect the doge. They associated with him a small council of six, and for all more important matters a council of sixty. In 1297 the oli- garchy was completed by the act known as the " Closing of 220 The Mcdicuval Period the Great Council," by which this body declared itself to be hereditary. In order to check all popular movements the Great Council established the Council of Ten with un- limited police powers. The bloody work of this Council prevented all uprisings of the people and gave the govern- ment of the city a stability and durability which were pos- sessed by no other in Italy. Venice acquired not only the islands of the eastern Mediterranean, but also much territory on the mainland of the Balkan peninsula. Then she turned her arms toward Italy and conquered Treviso, Padua, Vi- cenza, and other places. But her expansion on the main- land of Italy during the fifteenth century brought her in turn into conflict with Milan. Milan. In Milan the Ghibelline Visconti overcame the family of the Guelf della Torre and entered on a vigorous policy of territorial extension. By the year 1350 the Visconti had conquered and annexed all Lombardy. Gian Galeazzo (1385-1402), the ablest of the family, pushed his conquests so far to the south that he encroached on the territory of Florence. The family of the Visconti died out, however, in 1447, and the power in Lombardy was seized by several condottieri, as the leaders of the mercenary bands were called, who had been in the service of the Visconti and of various cities. Every such leader now improved the oppor- tunity and made himself master of some city. In Milan the power was seized by Francesco Sforza, the most famous of all the condottieri. The city engaged him to lead its troops against the Venetians, and after securing a victory over them he came back to Milan and compelled the peo- ple to acknowledge him as their duke (1450). Florence. The political history of Florence in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries is so confused by party struggles that we cannot follow it here in detail. The factions known as the Blacks and the Whites, the old nobility, the old guilds, the Italy to the Invasion of Charles VIII. 221 new nobility of wealth, and the guilds of the lower orders, all fought for recognition and power and added to the chaos of the times. Taking advantage of these troubles the Medici rose to power. The Medici were a family of bankers that had grown rich and now used their wealth to advance their political aspirations. They saw that the power was really with the common people, and so threw in their lot with them. In this way the head of the fam- ily, although he left the constitution intact, became the real ruler of the city. All the officials of the city were named by, and were subject to, him. Lorenzo the Mag- nificent (1469-92) finally swept away all the old repub- lican offices and ruled with a Privy Council of Seventy of his own nomination. Under the Medici Florence made war on her small neighbors and became master of all Tuscany. During the residence of the popes in Avignon Rome suf- Rome. fered from the violent struggles between the rival factions of her nobility as well as from the riotous conduct of the people. The families of the Colonna and the Orsini filled the streets with brawls. An uprising of the people in 1347 made Rienzi Tribune, with full powers to restore order. He drove out the turbulent nobles, but became so puffed up over his success that the people found him intolerable and exiled him. He went to Prague to appeal to the emperor, but was delivered to the pope, who kept him in prison for some time. The pope then determined to recover his power in Rome, and sent Rienzi back to the city as his representa- tive (1354). Rienzi's success in Rome was of short dura- tion, however, and he lost his life in an insurrection. Car- dinal Albornoz was then sent by the pope into Italy, and recovered nearly all the towns in the papal state. This led the pope to take up his residence in Rome again (1377), although a rival pope was elected, who continued the papal The Mediaeval Period court at Avignon till the schism was healed by the Council of Constance (141 7). The jwpes of the fifteenth century followed the policy of making their possession of Rome secure and of uniting and enlarging the papal state. The Angevins lost Sicily to the Aragonese, but held Naples. Naples till 1435, when Alphonso of Aragon made liimself master of soutliern Italy also. The rule of the Angevins had ruined the kingdom, however, and although Alphonso was a model prince, a patron of learning and of the arts, he was not able to establish his family firmly in power. His son Ferdinand (1458-94) succeeded him as ruler of Naples, but his misrule led to the revival of the Angevin claim, which had in the meanwhile reverted to the king of France. Louis XI. was too practical to be drawn into Charles Italian politics, but his incompetent son, Charles VIII. vadesTt'alv (M'^3-98)> ^^'^s induced by various considerations to in- 1494. vade Italy. There was, first of all, his claim to Naples ; Milan was intriguing against the Aragonese and urged him therefore to come ; Savonarola was calling for a reform in Florence and attacking the rule of the Medici, thus open- ing an opportunity in Florence. In 1494 he crossed the Alps and began that long and disastrous period of foreign invasion and domination of Italy which was not ended till the present century. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Florence. Machiavelli, Mrs. Oliphant, Roscoe, Oscar Browning. 2. Venice. Oliphant, Wiel. CHAPTER XV FRANCE, 1 108-1494; ENGLAND, 1070-1485 LITERATURE.— As in Chaps. I., III., IV., V., and VI. The accession of Louis VI. (1108-37, called the Fat) marks a change in the fortunes of the Capetian House. All but the last years of his life were spent in passing through his kingdom, punishing the rebellious barons, asserting his royal rights, acquiring territory, and, in general, in in- creasing the prestige of the royal name. He was a stanch champion of the Church, protecting the clergy and their lands from the violence of the barons. He favored the cities, and tried to make travel safe and commerce secure. Suger, the able abbot of St. Denis, as his counsellor, was of great service to him in the difficult work which he had to do. Though he was unable to reduce the great vas- sals, he was one of the ablest of the Capetian line, and un- til his increasing corpulence made travel impossible, he spent his time and strength in the personal supervision of the government. He was succeeded by his son, Louis VIL (i 137-80), who was simple, credulous, capricious, and over-religious. So long as Suger lived, Louis was well guided, but he made the mistake of going on a crusade and of divorcing his wife, Eleanor, who held all of Aquitaine. He intrigued with the sons of Henry II. of England, but was unable to prevent the English from obtaining a large amount of French territory. His son, Philip H., called Augustus (1180-1223), al- though a politician of rare ability, was treacherous and un- 223 France from 1 108 to the Hundred Years' War. Louis VL 1108-37. Louis VH. 1137-80. Philip IL, I 180-1223. 224 '^^^^ Mcdiccval Period scrupulous. He, too, intrigued with the English princes, and thereby secured the possession of Normandy, Maine, Anjou, and other provinces. For some years he waged war on his other great vassals and wrung many concessions from them. The battle of Bouvines was quite as advantageous to him as to Frederick II. of Germany, for whom it was ostensibly fought. Philip took no personal part in the per- secution of the Albigenses, but the crown reaped the bene- fit of it by acquiring their territory. The royal The reign of Philip II. was of fundamental importance omain. ^^,. ^.j^^ growth of the royal power. The king's domain was more than doubled by him, and his income correspond- ingly increased. For the first time the king was rich. Philip II. found the old system of administration insuffi- cient. His estates had thus far been managed hy 3. prevot, who, in the name of the king, administered justice, collect- ed the taxes, and preserved order. Although these prevots were the king's officers, there was the tendency, in ac- cordance with the character of the age, for them to look upon their office as a fief, and hence hereditary. To keep them from growing quite away from him, and also to get the best returns from his estates, Philip II. created a new officer, the baillie. He was put above the prevots, several of whom were generally in his bailiwick. He was required to hold court every month for the rendering of justice and to make a full report of his doings to the king. He was especially entrusted with collecting all the money possible for the king and delivering it at Paris. The reign of Philip II. had resulted in two most important things — the great extension of the royal power and the better administration of the royal affairs. The hereditary character of the crown seemed so well establi.shed in his reign that he did not think it necessary to secure the election of his son, taking it for granted that the crown would pass on to him. France, 1108-1494; England, 10/0-148^ 225 Although Louis VIII. (1223-26) was thirty-six years old Louis VIII., when his father died, he had never had any share in the ^^^3-2 • government or any independent income. He followed his father's policy in all respects, except that he gave to each of his sons the government and income of a certain terri- tory, which was called an appanage. While this made the position of the princes more dignified, it tended to separate lands from the crown at a time when everything possible should have been done to consolidate the royal possessions. For ten years after the accession of Louis IX. (1226-70), Louis IX., his mother, Blanche of Castile, was regent. Imperious and i2t(^to autocratic, she ruled with a strong hand ; and although conspired against by almost all the great vassals, she was able to add to the royal power. Under her training Louis became the most perfect Christian ruler of his day. Few men have ever taken Christianity so seriously and followed its dictates, even against their own interests, so closely as he. His religious conscience was absolute master of him. He refused to extend his boundaries at the expense of his neighbors, although many opportunities for doing so offered themselves. He e\en restored to England certain territories which he thought had been unjustly seized. He was deep- ly distressed by the enmity between the emperor and the pope, and tried to act as peacemaker between them. His reputation for justice made him the arbiter of Europe, and the Church expressed her approval of his character by de- claring him a saint. The reign of Louis IX. is important for various reasons. Reform. He increased the royal domain by the acquisition of several large provinces. Up to this time more than eighty of his subjects had had the right to coin money. The money coined in a province was the only legal tender there. Louis made the royal money legal tender throughout France, and issued stringent laws against counterfeiting. He reformed 226 The Mediceval Period the office of haillie by prescribing that every baillie should take an oath to administer his office faithfully and justly, and to preserve local liberties as well as the rights of the king ; that he should not receive any money or gift from the people in his bailiwick, nor engage in any other busi- ness, nor have any interest in his bailiwick except to serve the king ; that he should not marry anyone from his dis- trict, nor surround himself with his relatives, nor give them any office under him. Every baillie was ordered to hold court in person, regularly, and in the appointed places, and to make reports to the king of all his doings ; and after being removed from his office was to remain in the prov- ince for forty days, in order that the opportunity might be given to prefer charges against him. Around the person of the king there was a large num- ber of people of different rank, who formed his court. The highest in rank of these were his council. Up to this time all this court had helped him in the administration of the affairs of government. Louis IX. introduced the principle of division of labor by dividing this council into three The council groups and assigning to each a particular kind of work, divided into ^pi-^ggg divisions were the council proper, the officers of the groups. treasury, and the parlement. The council retained the executive functions of the government. The treasury of- ficials had charge of the collection and disbursement of all the moneys of the king, while the parlement became the highest judicial body in the realm. Previous to this time the administration of justice had been made very difficult because [the king was constantly travelling from one part of the kingdom to another. And since his council accom- panied him, and all cases must be tried in, or near, his presence, all the parties to a case were compelled to follow him about ; and often several weeks, or even months, would elapse before a case might come to trial. To remedy France, 1108-14^4; England, 10/0-148^ 227 this, Louis established the parlement in Paris and gave it a fixed place of meeting. The jurisdiction of the parlement was also extended. The parle- The revival of the study of Roman law brought out the '"^"^• imperial principle that the king is the source of all justice. The theory arose that the jurisdiction of the nobles was a fief held of the king. It followed as a matter of course that every one should have the right of appealing to the king in case he were not satisfied with the result of his trial, and also that the king might call before his court any case that he might wish. For various reasons the king wished to make the number of these " royal cases" as large as pos- sible and so interfered more and more in the baronial courts, and brought all the important cases before his own judges. Louis forbade the trial by duel and put in its stead the appeal to a higher court. The parlement, therefore, became the court of appeal over all the baronial courts, and the king's justice became superior to all baronial justice. While Louis was truly religious in accordance with the Louis IX. ideas of his age, and defended the Church against all vio- ^"^ ^"^ lence and injustice, he nevertheless guarded his royal pre- rogatives against clerical encroachments. He compelled the Church to contribute its part toward the support of the government by the payment of tithes and other taxes. He limited, to a certain extent, the judicial power of the bish- ops, and subjected a part of the clergy to the civil law. He greatly favored the mendicant orders at the expense of the clergy, using them as ambassadors, as missi dominici, and in many of its highest offices. With the accession of Philip HI. (1270-85) favorites Philip III., made their appearance at the French court, behind whom i?7o-85- '■ '■ Favorites the king hides so successfully as to conceal his real charac- at the court, ter. These favorites were generally of the common people, capable, ambitious, and trained in the Roman law, from 228 The Mcdiccval Period which fact they were called legistes. They were generally hated by the nobility, who regarded them in the light of usurpers. Philip III. was drawn into a war with some of the kingdoms in Spain, which led to his acquisition of Na- varre. He also added to the royal domain several other important territories in the south of France. He punished his rebellious vassals with great severity, and compelled the Church to pay well for the privilege of receiving lega- cies. In order to secure immunity from the laws of the land, men took the tonsure and were called clergymen, and yet engaged in business or led a wandering or vaga- bond sort of life, many of them being married, and living in all respects as laymen. These he deprived of the pro- tection of the Church law, and subjected to taxation and other state control. Philip IV., Under the rule of Philip IV. (1285-1314), called the 1285-1314. Handsome, France became the leading power in Europe. His favorites furnished him with a policy : he strove to imitate Justinian. The influence of the Roman law at his court may be seen from the fact that a large number of great questions were settled by the form of trial. Philip IV. chose the most opportune times of interfering in the affairs of the provinces which, being on the eastern frontier, owed allegiance to the German emperor. Since the em- perors were all weak, he was able to extend his boundaries considerably at the expense of the empire. The commanding position of Philip IV. in Europe is The papacy shown by the removal of the papacy to Avignon, and the removed to control which he exercised over the popes. Clement V., in order to escape from condemning his predecessor, Boni- face VIII., delivered the Order of the Templars into the Destruction king's hands. Heavy charges were trumped up against it, of the Tern- ^y^^^ ^j^g ^^^\ motive of the king was to secure possession of plars. its vast wealth. Prance, 1108-14^4; England, 1070-1485 229 In the time of Philip IV. order was introduced into the Improve- government by the creation of certain new offices, the func- p-overnment tions of which were defined. The various sorts of work in the government were differentiated and each sort assigned to a particular set of officials. For the personal service of the king there was a court called at that time the king's ''Hotel; " the chamberlain, the chaplain, and those who had control of the guard and the troops were the most im- portant persons of the Hotel. The " chancellerie'^ had charge of all public affairs. By means of it all intercourse between the king and his people was conducted. Within the chancellerie there was a college of notaries who drew up all public or state documents. The heads of this college were called " clercs du secret,'''' or private secretaries of the king, because they were acquainted with the secrets of the king and his council. The third chief division in the government was called the King's Council, the members of which had to take a special oath to the king. They Avere his secret counsellors and deliberated with him on all im- portant questions. The States-general ^ were not yet an The States- organic part of the government. The attendance upon S^"^^^ • these, however, had, in the process of time, come to be lim- ited to the more powerful nobles and to the abbots and bishops. It had been customary for the king to summon them to obtain their advice whenever the special situation demanded. In 1302, when the trouble with the pope was assuming large proportions, the king felt that he must know whether he would have the support of all his people if he proceeded to extreme measures against the papacy. He therefore summoned the States-general, and at the same time called on the cities each to send two or three repre- ' It should be noted that " States-general" correspond to the Parlia- ment in England, while in France the name P-'rlement was given to the body of the king's judges. The Parlement in f'rance is a judicial body ; in England the Parliament is a legislative body. 230 The Mcdiccval Period The parle- ment and the king's justice. sentativcs to attend the meeting. The king laid before them his plans and asked for their judgment. After some deliberation, the body signified its approval and promised him the support of the whole people. In 1308 a similar meeting of the same body was held to discuss the charges against the Templars. More than two hundred cities sent their representatives, and again the States-general merely said " yes " to the king's proposals. It is characteristic of the part which the cities played in this proceeding that they were "asked by the king to send deputies to hear, receive, approve, and do all that might be commanded them by the king." Again, in 13 14, when the war with Flanders was about to be renewed and the treasury was empty, the king summoned the States-general and told them what he wanted. The States-general did nothing but express their submission to the will of the king. This was the much written about entrance of the Third Estate into the political history of France. French historians never tire of exalting its importance. But, as a matter of fact, the influence of the Third Estate was, and remained, practically nothing till the time of the French Revolu- tion. It had no such history and development as the House of Commons in England. In France the author- ity of the king prevailed, and the Third Estate was sim- ply permitted to say "yes" when it was commanded so to do. The growth of the parlement during this reign was re- markable. Ordinary cases arising on the royal domain were tried before it, and the number of appeals from all parts of the kingdom greatly increased. The absolute supremacy of the king's court and the king's justice over all baronial courts and baronial justice was more than ever recognized. The right of appeal was made use of to such an extent that the king was compelled to empower his France, 1108-14Q4; England, ioyo-1485 231 baillies to decide many cases in order to prevent the par- lement from being overwhelmed with work. As the government grew more thoroughly organized, it became much more expensive. Louis IX. had always had enough income to support the government. Philip IV. was always in debt. He made the most strenuous efforts to raise money, but even by taxes, seizures, aids, forced Taxation, loans, confiscations, persecutions of the Jews, taxation of all the foreign merchants in France, taxation of the Church, the seizure of the possessions of the Templars, and many other questionable means, was not able to keep his treasury full. Philip IV. was succeeded by his three sons in turn : Louis X. (1314-16), Phihp V., called the Long (1316- 22), and Charles IV. (1322-28). They were not able to preserve the monarchy in that state to which their prede- cessors had brought it. There was a general reaction on the part of the nobles against the absolutism of Philip IV., and they were able to force from these kings many provin- cial charters which restored and safeguarded local feudal rights. Louis X. especially made a large number of such concessions. Philip V. labored hard to strengthen the government and centralize the power. He met, however, with the most bitter opposition from his barons. All three brothers died without male heirs, and since Philip V., in order to justify his seizure of the crown, had prevailed on the Coun- cil to declare that the crown could not pass by the female line, the throne was vacant. The nearest male heir was End of the Philip of Valois, a cousin of the dead king. Edward III. ranet' of England also laid claim to the crown on the ground line, acces- that he, being a nephew of the late king Charles IV., was House^of ^ the nearest male heir by the female line. The claims of Valois, Edward were rejected and Philip of Valois became king. ^32o. 232 The Mediaeval Period England, 1070, to the Hundred Years' Wars. William the Conqueror. The Domes- day Book. William II., 1087-1100. Henry I., 1100-35, publishes a charter of liberties. Edward soon gave up all pretensions to the throne, came to Amiens, and did homage to Philip VI. for his feudal holdings. In 1330, and again in 1331, he acknowledged himself without any reserve as the feudal subject of the king of France. Norman genius showed itself in the government of Will- iam the Conqueror. The name of what was formerly called the Witenagemot, composed of all who held land directly from the king, was gradually changed to Great Council. Both his Norman and his English subjects were trouble- some, but he used the one to kefep the other in check. In the large towns he built fortresses which he garrisoned with Norman troops. He kept the English militia ready for service. He had made an exact list of the possessions and holdings of all his subjects, which was called the Domes- day Book, and on the basis of which he levied and collected his taxes with great regularity and exactness. His severity in punishing all offences, his heavy taxes, and his devasta- tion of a large territory to make a game preserve caused him to be hated by his people, who did not understand the great services he was rendering England. The reign of William Rufiis (1087-1100), the second son of William the Conqueror, was violent and oppressive in the extreme. He laid such heavy financial burdens on the people, that they were not sorry when he met his death while hunting in the New Forest. The eldest son of Wil- liam, Robert, had received the duchy of Normandy, which he had pawned in order to go on the first crusade. The third son, Henry, was made king of England (1100-35). Fearing that his title to the crown was not good, and that Robert would probably oppose him, he tried to propitiate the people in every possible way. He published a charter of liberties which contained concessions to the Church, the vassals, and the nation at large, and assured all classes France, 1108-1494; England, 10/0-1483 233 that they would no longer be subjected to the wrongs and exactions which they had suffered from his brother. Henry increased his popularity by marrying the daughter of the king of Scotland, Matilda, a descendant from the old English line of kings. The wisdom of his conduct became apparent when Robert, returning from the crusade, tried to get possession of England and the people stood faithfully by Henry. Robert was taken prisoner in battle, and Henry seized Normandy. Henry was the first Eng- lish king to grant charters to towns, thus securing them against unjust interference from their feudal lords, as well as from excessive taxes and tolls. He established the in- stitution known as the curia regis, which had control of The curia the king's finances, and tried all cases in which the king's ""^gis. tenants-in-chief were concerned. He obtained an oath from his barons that they would accept his daughter Ma- tilda as ruler, but at his death his nephew, Stephen of Stephen of Blois (1135-54), came to London and secured his own j,°it'c/i election. War ensued between Stephen and Matilda, and England suffered much from it till 1153, when it was agreed that Stephen should remain king, but should be succeeded by Henry, the son of Matilda. Henry II. (1154-89) was strong, active, and able, and Henry II., had but one thought, namely, to make himself the real mas- iiS4-o9- ter of England. Both the nobility and the Church were in his way. His reign is famous for his struggles with those powers. For the purposes of consultation, he called the Great Council together often, and compelled many of the small feudal holders to attend it. The curia regis was also strengthened and its work of rendering justice emphasized. In 1 1 66 he called a meeting of the Great Council at Clar- endon and published a set of decrees called the Assize of Clarendon. By its terms the old custom of compurgation 234 The Mediaeval Period Assize of was prohibited, and a new system was introduced. Twelve ^'66^"*^°°' '^^^^^ ^^ every county and four men from each township in it were to form a board for the purpose of deciding who should be brought to trial — the work of our grand jury. Henry revived the custom of sending out itinerant justices, who, by rendering strict justice in the king's name, brought the manorial and county courts into disfavor. In 1170 Henry inquired into the way in which the various barons who held the office of sheriff were performing their duties, and as the result of the inquiry turned nearly all out and re- placed them by men of lower birth, who served from this time as a check on the higher nobility. Henry commuted the military service which his barons owed him to the pay- ment of a sum of money (scutage), with which he hired mercenaries. He also reorganized the militia, and re- quired all the people to come at his call, equipped ready to figlit at their own expense. The clergy were opposed to Henry's ideas of judicial reform because he meant to bring them also under his own The Consti- jurisdiction. In 1164 he published the Constitutions of ri**°"^d Clarendon, the purpose of which was to destroy the judicial 1 164. independence of the clergy. " Every election of bishop or abbot was to take place before royal officers, in the king's chapel, and with the king's assent. The prelate-elect was bound to do homage to the king for his lands before con- secration and to hold his lands as a barony from the king, subject to all feudal burdens of taxation and attendance in the king's court. No bishop might leave the realm with- out the royal permission. No tenant in chief or royal ser- vant might be excommunicated, or their land placed under interdict, but by the king's assent. What was new was the legislation respecting ecclesiastical jurisdiction. The king's court was to decide whether a suit between clerk and laymen whose nature was disputed belonged to the France, 1108-14^4; England, 1 070-1 48 5 235 church courts or the king's. A royal officer was to be present at all ecclesiastical proceedings in order to confine the bishop's court within its own due limits, and the clerk once convicted there passed at once under the civil juris- diction. An appeal was left from the archbishop's court to the king's court for defect of justice, but none might appeal to the papal court save with the king's consent." Thomas Beket as chancellor had been a faithful servant Thomas of Henry, and had supported him in all his efforts. On ^^^^** being made archbishop of Canterbury, however, Thomas changed his point of view and opposed the king in his at- tempts to control the clergy. The king was embittered ; and some of his followers, interpreting his words to mean that he desired the death of Thomas, murdered the arch- bishop. Henry disavowed the deed, did penance at the tomb of Beket, and offered a part of Ireland, which he had just conquered, as a peace offering to the pope. He also withdrew the obnoxious Constitutions of Clarendon, whereupon the pope pardoned him and restored him to his favor. Henry's last years were made bitter by the revolts of his sons. He died in 1189, leaving the crown to Richard I. Richard I., (1189-99), who spent only a few months in England, and ^^^9-99- whose reign is only negatively important, in that his ab- sence from the country gave English local independence an opportunity to grow. John (i 199-12 16) had much of the ability and all the John, vices of the Angevin family. He had great political and dip- ^i99-i2io. lomatic insight, but he was utterly without honor; unscrupu- lous to the last degree, he would break his royal oath with- out compunction. He refused his subjects in Angouleme justice ; they appealed to the king of France, who sum- moned John before him. John, however, disregarded the summons, whereupon Philip II. deposed him and overran 236 Tlie Mediccval Period a large part of his French provinces. The murder of his nephew, Arthur, lias made John infamous. John refused to accept Stephen Langton, who had been appointed arch- bishop of Canterbury by Innocent III. Innocent imt Eng- land under the interdict and excommunicated John, and finally (12 12) even deposed him and offered his crown to the king of France. x\.t the same time John's violence and injustice to his people led them to revolt against him. Hoping to break the opposition, John made peace with the pope and received his crown from him as a fief. But the struggle with his barons continued until 12 15, when they The Magna compelled him to grant the Magna Charta, in which he 2x1 promised to observe the ancient laws and customs, to abate all wrongs, and to require only the legal feudal dues. The Church was to have her liberties restored ; the barons and the people were to be subject to no violence. The king agreed neither to pass nor to execute any judgment upon anyone till he had been tried by his peers. After securing this charter of their liberties, the barons disbanded. John then broke his oath and became more violent than ever toward his subjects, whereupon the barons offered the crown to Louis, the son of Philip II. Louis invaded England Avith some success, but at the death of John the English turned to his son, Henry III., then only nine years old. Louis was compelled to return to France. Henry III., Henry III. (1216-72) was as unscrupulous as his father 1216-72. j^^^j been. He never refused to take any oath demanded of him, but always broke it at the first opportunity. He vied with the pope in his demands for money. In 1257 the crops were a total failure, but the Pope demanded one- third of the income of the year. Being unable to bear these burdens longer, the barons came armed to Oxford and compelled the king to make certain concessions (1258). Later, when the king refused to keep his word, the barons, France, 1108-14^4; England, 10/0-148^ 237 under the leadership of Simon de Montfort, made war on him. In 1265 Simon called a meeting of the Great Coun- cil, or Parliament, as it was now called, in which, besides the barons, two citizens from certain towns also sat. Simon had summoned them to be present in order that they might give advice in regard to the taxes which could be levied on the towns. This is the first appearance of commoners in the Commoners Parliament and is the beginning of the House of Commons, j" the Par- The civil war ended with the death of Simon and the with- 1265. drawal of Henry from the government, all authority being placed in the hands of Prince Edward. The reign of Edward I. was marked by the conquest of Edward I., Wales (1284) and of Scotland (1305), although Scotland 1272-1307. renewed the war, and in 13 14, by the battle of Bannock- burn, recovered her independence. His legislation was for the most part good, and tended to increase the power of the crown. Edward 11. (1307-27) was controlled by favorites, Edward II., and his reign was in every respect a failure. His wife and ^307-27. her paramour, Roger Mortimer, made war on him, and in 1327 the people joined them and deposed him. He was murdered a short time afterward in prison, and Edward IH. became king under the regency of Mortimer. During the Hundred Years' War England was ruled in The Hun- turn by Edward III. (1327-77), Richard II. (1377-99), ^^j.^^^^^' Henry IV. (1399-1412), Henry V. (1413-22), and Henry VI. (1422-61). During the same period the rulers of France were Philip VI. (1328-50), John (1350-64), Charles V. (1364-80), Charles VI. (1380-1422), and Charles VII. (1422-61). The deeper questions at issue in the Hundred Years' War The ques- were whether Scotland should remain independent, and jggyg ^ whether the king of France should control all of France, or whether all of Scotland and France should be subjected to the king of England. It had come to be the established 238 The Mcdiaval Period Origin of the war. Crecy, 1346. Poitiers, 1356. purpose of England to reduce Scotland to subjection, and she already held so large a part of France as to be able to prevent the unification of that country. Scotland, on the other hand, was determined to be and remain free, and the possession of all the French soil had come to be the most important question that confronted the king of France. The struggle between England and France was sure to come, and it could end in but one of two ways : either the king of England must conquer the whole country and displace the French king, or the king of France must drive out the Eng- lish, and reconquer all that territory which the topography of the country and the similarity in language and customs had marked out as a legitimate object of his ambition. The Hundred Years' War began in Scotland. In 1331 Edward Balliol laid claim to the crown of Scotland, and asked help of Edward III. David Bruce, the other claim- ant, fled to France. Philip VI. was trying to extend his authority over the Low countries, and Edward III. received some of their political refugees, thereby offending Philip VI. When Edward III. went to Flanders (1338) the people demanded that he assume the title of king of France ; and although he had given up all claim to the title, he saw the advantages to be derived from it, and, as a kind of war measure, in 1340 declared himself its possessor. In the same year the English fleet destroyed the French fleet, but otherwise little fighting was done till 1346, when Edward won the battle of Crecy, and the next year took Calais. A truce was then made, which was kept till 1355. In that year prince Edward, known as the Black Prince, ravaged a large part of southern France. Near Poitiers his force of 8,000 men was attacked by an army of about 50,000 men, but he was victorious, and even captured king John and took him to England. In 1359 Edward made another in- vasion of southern France, but found there such suffering France, 1108-1494; England, 10/0-148^ 239 and ruin, as the result of his raid of a few years before, that he was conscience smitten, and offered to make peace. By the terms of the treaty of Bretigny, Edward resigned The jieace his claim to the French crown and received several large j-^q ^ ^' provinces from France. The Black Prince was sent to govern Aquitaine, but by his attempt to levy a hearth tax caused an uprising of the people. For a few years the English harried many parts of France, but the French re- fused to engage in battle. The war practically ceased till the accession of Henry V. Henry V., (1413-22). His father, Henry IV., had deposed Richard JJ^sthe'^^' II. and seized the crown. Henry V., feeling that his claim war. to the crown was not secure, hoped to make himself pop- ular by a successful war in France. He renewed his claim to the French crown and invaded France, but at Harfleur lost two-thirds of his troops by disease. However, with an army of about 15,000 men, he met and defeated 50,000 French near Agincourt (141 5). Charles VI. was imbecile, Agincourt, and the country divided between two parties, the one ^^^S' under the duke of Burgundy, the other under the count of Armagnac. The feud between them was so bitter that the Burgundians went over to the English. By the treaty of Troyes (1420) Henry V. was acknowledged regent of France, and was to be recognized as king at the death of Charles VI. In 1422 both kings died. Henry VI., though only a Henry VI., child of nine months, was acknowledged in England and ?. ^"^f;"^,. ' ° '^ king of both in all the northern part of France, and the duke of Bed- countries, ford was made regent. Bedford instituted excellent re- forms and governed France well. Charles VII., the Dau- phin, was recognized south of the Loire. Bedford made war on him, and it seemed for a time that the English must gain possession of all of France. Bedford was be- sieging Orleans (1428) with every prospect of success. Some 240 TJie Mediccval Period of the French nobles, however, especially the duke of Bur- gundy, were alienated from the English cause, and at the same time help came from an unexpected quarter. Jeanne Jeanne d'Arc, a peasant girl, seventeen years old, be- lieved herself to have received a commission from God to lead her king, Charles VII., to Rheims, to secure his coro- nation, and to drive out the English. She was not the only woman in France who thought herself appointed for this difficult work. In those times of excitement and national depression other women came forward with the same be- lief in their high calling. Jeanne was the only one fortu- nate and capable enough to get a hearing. No one at first had any confidence in her, but since there was no other help possible she was taken before the young king, who determined to give her a chance to test her divine calling. She was given command of the army, but only a part of her orders were obeyed, because some of the things which she commanded were manifestly impossible. The real commanders of the army made good use of her presence to fire the enthusiasm of the troops to the highest pitch. She led the attack on the English before Orleans, and was suc- cessful in breaking up the siege of the city. The tide turned and everyone was wild with joy and enthusiasm. The be- lief in her miraculous mission made the army irresistible. The English were driven back, town after town was taken by the French, and Charles VII. was soon crowned at Rheims (1429). Jeanne continued the struggle, but was taken prisoner by the Burgundians and sold to the English. She was carried to Rouen, where, after a long trial, she was condemned to death on a mixed charge of sorcery, heresy, apostasy, and other crimes, which only the Middle Age could invent. Her youth, her simplicity, her nobleness availed nothing ; she was burned at the stake (May, 1431)- But even dead she was still a power in France. Her France, 1108-14^4; England, 10/0-148^ 241 name gave an impetus and courage to her countrymen which was destined to result in driving out the English entirely. Bedford found the current in France setting stronger and stronger against the English. At his death (1435) the duke of Burgundy deserted the English cause and became the subject of Charles VII. For some years the war was continued, but at length (1454) the English had been driven out of every place in France except Calais. The The Hundred Years' War was over. The final result of it f^S^^^^ driven out, was the unification of France. By it both England and 14S4. France had been profoundly influenced, and at its close ■ they were ready to enter a new period of their develop- ment. The constitutional changes in England during the Hun- Constitu- dred Years' War were important. In 1-122 Edward II. ^\°"^' ^ ^ changes in declared that in future all matters pertaining to the king- England, dom should be settled by a Parliament, in which should be represented the clergy and barons and the common people. He also abolished certain feudal taxes, and relied on grants of money by the Parliament. In 1341 the commoners were separated from the lords, and met apart for the pur- pose of deliberation. In 1376 the Parliament claimed and exercised the right to try members of the king's council for embezzlement. The fourteenth century was marked by a movement Social among the people which showed itself in many ways. In "^o^^^^nts. 1348 a plague spread over all Europe, which resulted in the death of perhaps half of the population. Whole dis- tricts in England were almost depopulated. This, of course, made the demand for the service of free laborers much greater. The natural effect was that all free work- men demanded larger wages than they had ever before re- ceived. The English sense of the binding force of custom and tradition was thereby deeply offended, especially since 242 The Mediceval Period at the same time the expense of farming was increased. In 1349 both Houses of Parhament met and passed a statute that the same wages should be paid as were customary be- fore the plague, and made it a crime for anyone to demand more. The immediate effect of this measure was to in- crease the bitterness already existing between the classes, but as far as prohibiting the demand for higher wages went, it was without avail. The work must be done, and the peasants refused to do it without an increase in pay. This led the landlords to try to 'reduce the free laborers to vil- lainage again. In many cases the villain had secured his freedom by paying a small sum of money to his landlord. Since the service had become so much more valuable, the landlords now declared that the contract into which they had entered was unfair, and they refused to accept the sum of money agreed upon in place of service. This would have solved the difficulty and the landlords would have thereby acquired a sufficient amount of labor to till their estates, but its injustice caused a revolt. Many of Wyclifs preach- ers espoused the cause of the peasants, and there arose be- sides a large number of peasants who went about inciting the people to resistance. There was an uprising all over England. The property of the nobility was attacked, their game and fish preserves destroyed, the records of the vil- lain's dues were burnt, and even many people put to death. Wat An army of more than 100,000, led by Wat Tyler, Jack Straw, and John Ball, marched upon London, expecting to appeal to the king to support them against the nobility. They got into London and put many to death, among them the lawyers of the new Inn of the Temple and the archbishop of Canterbury, who had proposed many of the obnoxious measures in Parliament. Richard II., still a mere boy, met them and promised to abolish villainage, where- upon the majority of the peasants returned home. About Tyler's rebellioa France, 1108-14Q4; England, 1070-148^ 243 30,000 of them, however, were bent on mischief, and could not be dispersed until an army attacked and scattered them. The revolt was followed by severe punishments. The leaders were put to death, as well as many who had taken part in it. All England was united against the in- surgents, and the lot of the peasants became harder than ever before. This peasants' revolt had a bad effect on a movement Wyclif. which had for its author John Wyclif. By an independ- ent study of the Bible he had come to differ radically from the Church in many points. He attacked the authority of the pope and the doctrine of transubstantiation ; later even the mass. At first he had simply striven against what he called abuses in the Church — the worldly clergy, the heavy ecclesiastical taxes, the sale of indulgences and pardons, pilgrimages, the use of relics, and the worship of saints ; but opposition developed his ideas until he broke out into open hostility to the Church in almost everything. He based all his doctrines directly on his interpretation of the Bible. He sent out many preachers to carry his teaching to the people, and they succeeded in gaining many adher- ents. His sympathies were, for the most part, with the common people, and his cry for reform was taken up by them. It was due in part to his agitation that the peasants' revolt took place. The violence committed on that occa- sion frightened the nobility and even the common people, and Wyclif s movement thus fell into disrepute. His preachers, called the Lollards, or idle babblers, were re- pressed and persecuted. He himself was bitterly opposed by the clergy, but suffered no personal violence, though he was compelled to leave Oxford and retire to his home at Lutterworth, where he spent the last years of his life in re- vising an earlier translation of the Bible. He was ordered to appear at Rome to defend himself, when death overtook 244 The Mcdicrz'ol Period him. Political considerations, the alliance between Henry V. and the papacy, led to the repeated persecutions of his followers, and so his movement came to nothing. During the last years of his life Henry VI. suffered from frequent attacks of insanity, and these directly caused the civil strife known, from the badges of the opposing fac- The Wars tions, as the Wars of the Roses. This was a struggle be- 2^ ^^^ tween the great houses of England, at first for the control Roses, ^ . 1455-85. of the king, and later for the possession of the crown. The duke of York drove Henry VI. out of England in 1461 and had himself crowned as Edward IV. (1461-83). For ten years the contest continued, and ended only with the death of Henry VI. Edward IV., feeling himself secure on the throne, found leisure to begin a war in connection with Charles the Bold of Burgundy against Louis XI. of France. He hoped to prevent the extension of French power in the Netherlands, but was unable to do so. His death put his son, Edward v., a boy of twelve years, on the throne. Both Edward V. and his younger brother, the duke of York, were thrust into the Tower by their uncle, Richard, duke of Gloucester, who had been made protector ; and the relatives of their mother, who had been exercising great influence up to this time, were either imprisoned or put to death. Fearing that if the young king were once crowned and acknowledged, his own life would be in danger, Richard, by the most shameless charges against the honor of his own mother, secured the recognition of himself as king. He was crowned Richard as Richard III. (1483). He met with some opposition, g^ •' ^4 3- [),j{^ \ygg ^i^Iq [q resist it successfiilly. He felt, however, that he was not safe so long as the young Edward V. and his brother lived, and they were accordingly put to death in the Tower by Richard's orders. This crime cost him his popularity. The duke of Ricliniond, another descend- 85 France, 1108-1494; England, ioyo-1485 245 Henry VII., 1485-1500, brings peace. ant of Edward HI., was encouraged to invade England, and in the battle of Bosworth (1485) Richard III. was slain, and the duke of Richmond was made king under the title of Henry VII. For nearly thirty years ICngland had suffered so terribly by these civil wars that the people, worn out, were willing to do anything, or to submit to anything, if only they might have peace. It was not so much that the great houses were destroyed ; it was rather the horror that was everywhere felt for civil war that now opened the way for the Tudor House, of which Henry VII. was the head, to become practically absolute, and rule without regard to constitution or Parliament. The people, feeling that noth- ing could be worse than civil war, were glad to have a strong king, because they believed that such a ruler alone was able to preserve peace and order. The Renaissance was just beginning to be felt in Eng- land at this time. Richard III. was himself one of its most prominent supporters. Before he saw the way open to England the throne he had been especially active in this direction. It was unfortunate both for him and for the cause of learn- ing that the temptation to seize the crown was put in his way. But even as king he kept alive his interest in the new learning and aided it by his legislation. He passed a law forbidding any hindrance or injury to anyone who was engaged in importing or selling books in the kingdom. Learning suddenly became with many a passion ; the move- ment was still in its swaddling-clothes, to be sure, but the foundation was being laid for the glorious achievements of the sixteenth century. To return to France, the last years of Charles VII. were not so fortunate as the first. The victories which Jeanne d'Arc won for him secured him the title of the Victorious. By establishing a standing army he became independent of his vassals for military service. He quarrelled with his The Renais- sance in 246 I'hc Mcdiccval Period A standing army in France. Louis XI. 1461-83. The unifica. tion of France- son Louis, who thereupon intrigued against him, and made alliances with his enemies. The king also fell under the control of bad ministers. His court was vitiated by the presence of infamous women. Louis XL (1461-83) was, from the point of view of the kingship, one of the most successful of all the French kings, but he has won the reputation of being the most cruel, crafty, and unprincipled of men. He was a master in the arts of duplicity and deception. His settled policy was : the acquisition of territory, and the strengthening of the royal power. Several of the great appanages were added to the royal domain during his reign ; two most important acquisitions were made on the eastern frontier as follows : in 1477, at the death of Charles the Bold, duke of Bur- gundy, Louis XL seized his duchy, and in 1481 he got possession of Provence. In this way the eastern boundary of France was much extended. In order to increase the royal prerogative, Louis XL established provincial parle- ments, thereby dividing and weakening the central parle- ment, the body that was most able to hinder the growth of the royal power. Charles VIII. (1483-98), the successor of Louis XL, increased the royal possessions by the addition of Brittany (1491), thus practically completing the unification of France. The power of the king was rapidly increasing, while that of the feudal nobility was practically broken. The king was ruler in fact as well as name. With the whole of France in his hands the way was open for Charles VIII. to look abroad. His invasion of Italy (1494) marks in French history the beginning of the era of conquest. France, 1108-14P4; England, 10/0-148^ 247 SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Philip Augustus. Huiton, P/iih'p Augustus. $0.75. Macmillan. 2. The Hundred Years' War. Oman, Tke Hutidred Years' War. $0.50. Scribner. 3. Joan OF Arc. V,o- ^ long succession of blunders. He lost Bohemia and Hun- gary, which were not recovered by the Hapsburgs till 1526. The signal and unmerited good fortune which befel Frederick's house and gave to it new lustre was the acqui- The House sition of the greater part of the states of the duke of Bur- °^ Hapsburg ° ^ acquires gundy. During the fifteenth century a collateral branch Burgundy of the House of France had gradually added to its French ^ opain. fief of Burgundy the whole of the Netherlands, and Charles the Bold, duke of Burgundy (1467-77), had become one of the foremost rulers of Europe. His ambition looked ' toward the establishment of a great middle kingdom be- tween France and Germany, independent of either. In this scheme the Swiss proved a stumbling-block. Their territory lay so opportune for his plans that he resolved to subjugate it. But the brave mountaineers beat back his in- vasion at Granson and Murten (1476), and finally his whole splendid army went down before them at Nancy (1477). Charles himself was among the dead. Since there was only a daughter, Mary, to succeed him, Louis XL of France im- mediately seized the crown fief, the duchy of Burgundy proper, on the claim that it was vacant, and would have taken more had not Frederick promptly acquired Mary's hand in marriage for his son Maximilian (1477), and thus established a legal claim to the rest. So the territorial ex- pansion of the House of Austria was not checked even under this weak king. A similar chance of a happy matrimonial alliance gave it, a few years later^ the vast possessions of 254 The Mcdiccval Period empire. Spain (1516), when Maximilian's son, Philip, married Joan, heir of Ferdinand and Isabella of Spain. Their son, Charles, was the famous emperor Charles V. (1519-55), who dreamt of renewing the empire of the west. Though the Hapsburgs figure from the fifteenth century among the most powerful dynasties of Europe, the empire Permanent in nowise profited from their strength. The decay of this fm*i^ro° institution had continued from the twelfth century, and was destined to continue without interruption. One by one its cosmopolitan claims had been exploded. It was now only the national government of Germany. But even in Germany we have seen it lose its authority, and, although it tided itself over to the nineteenth century (1806), it was never again anything more than a body without a soul. Germany had lost her central government in all but name. German strength and civilization, as far as they acquired political expression at all in the modern period, are to be sought among the local governments of the princes and the cities. It is necessary to give, in the briefest manner possible, a bird's-eye view of those parts of Europe which played no great role in the Middle Age, but which were, neverthe- less, engaged in the slow process of political development. In the northern part of Spain certain principalities were gradually formed, such as the kingdoms of Leon, Castile, Aragon, and Navarre. About 1040 Leon and Castile were united, and a hundred years later Catalonia was absorbed by Aragon. When the Ommiad Khalifate came to an end (1031), five large Mohammedan kingdoms were established (Toledo, Seville, Cordova, Saragossa, and Badajoz), besides several small principalities. There was a constant struggle between these and the small Christian states on the north in which the Christians were increasingly successful. Be- fore the end of the thirteenth century all of Spain, except Spain. Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 255 the southeastern part, the principality of Granada, was again in the hands of the Christians. This remained Mo- Fall of the hammedan until 1492, when Ferdinand and Isabella con- Moors, 1492. quered it. Meanwhile Castile and Aragon, becoming the most pow- Union of erful states, had gradually absorbed all the others. Sicily Castile and and Sardinia were added to Aragon during the last years of the thirteenth century. The consolidation of the two leading Spanish states was accomplished (1474) by the marriage of Isabella of Castile to Ferdinand of Aragon. The unification of Spain was soon after completed and she was prepared to take her place among the leading states of Europe. In 1095, when king Alphonso gave the county of Portu- Portugal. gal to his son-in-law, Henry of Burgundy, it consisted of only the small territory between the Douro and Minho rivers. In 1139, after a great victory over the Moors, the count was made a king, and from that time the struggle with the Mohammedans for territory went steadily forward. In about one hundred years the kingdom was extended to nearly its present boundaries. The territory lying about the mouth of the Rhine (Hoi- Holland and land and Belgium) was slow in attaining a complete inde- '^^^Si"'"' pendence and a separate national existence. It was a part of the empire of Karl the Great, and in the division of 843 (Verdun) was given to Lothar. A long strip of territory called Lotharingia, lying west of the Rhine from Basel to the North Sea, came to be divided into two parts, upper and lower. The latter comprised all the territory north of the Moselle river, including, therefore, nearly all of mod- ern Belgium and Holland. Following the feudal tendency, Lotharingia broke up into several fiefs, most of which suc- ceeded in rendering themselves practically free from for- eign control. Among these feudal principalities were the 256 The Medicrval Period counties of Namur, Hainault, Luxemburg, Holland, Gel- derland, and others ; the episcopal sees of Liege, Cambrai, and Utrecht ; and the duchies of Brabant and Limburg. To the west of these lay the county of Flanders, which, breaking away from the kingdom of France, had become practically independent. The growth and power of the cities in all this territory were remarkable. Their inhabit- ants became rich, and early took part in the communal revolt. They naturally wished to be free from Germany and France, one or the other of which had sovereign claims over all this land, and hence naturally became the allies of England in the Hundred Years' War. Their progress in civilization was rapid, and during this period they laid the foundation of the strength which they were to develop in the sixteenth century in their tremendous struggle with Spain. During the last years of the fourteenth century and the first of the fifteenth the French dukes of Burgundy got pos- session by marriage and conquest of almost all of the.se little independent territories after they had seriously weakened themselves by making war on each other. By the marriage of Mary of Burgundy, the daughter of Charles the Bold, with Maximilian of Austria (1477), afterward emperor, the Netherlands came into the possession of the House of Hapsburg. The conquests and .settlements of the Norsemen have already been described. In the ninth and tenth centuries Denmark, Denmark was united into one kingdom and had a period S ed^n'^" of considerable power, followed by another of decadence. Sweden also became a kingdom in the ninth and tenth centuries. Christianity was thoroughly established there by about 1050. Norway was not unified until about the year 1000. For some centuries the history of these countries is but a confused succession of wars and civil strife which was Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 257 not ended till 1397 by the union of Calmar. Theoreti- cally, this union put the three countries on the same plane. In reality, Denmark was the leading power and dominated the other two. Sweden made several attempts to revolt and gain her independence, but without success, till the appear- ance of Gustavus Vasa (1523). Norway, however, remained united to Denmark till 18 14. The victory of emperor Otto I. over the Hungarians on Hungary, the Lech (955) put an end to their invasions of the west. During the tenth century Christianity was introduced among them from Germany and Constantinople. The country suffered terribly under the invasion of the Mon- gols (from 1 24 1 on), but the devastated regions were repeopled with Germans. The family of Stephen (the Arpad dynasty) held the throne till 1301, when it be- came extinct, and the crown went to an Angevin of the French family of Charles of Anjou, who had estab- lished himself as king of Sicily and Naples. After the failure of this dynasty (1437) the crown was fought over for nearly one hundred years. The country, gradually weakened by this strife, yielded to an invasion of the Turks. At the battle of Mohacs (1526) Solyman II. destroyed the Hungarian army, and got possession of a large part of the country, which he held for nearly one hundred and fifty years. The rest of Hungary passed into the hands of the Hapsburgs, but, although added to Austria, always enjoyed a measure of independence. In consequence of the efforts of Otto I. to extend Chris- tianity and, at the same time, German influence to the east, several bishoprics (Merseburg, Zeitz, Meissen, Havel- berg, Brandenburg) were established under the archbishop of Magdeburg. Their bishops were the missionaries to the Slavs. Christianity spread among the Poles, but the Poland, process of Germanizing them was checked by the establish- 258 The Mcdiccval Period ment of Gnesen as an archbishopric (looo) directly under the pope. This secured to Poland an independent eccle- siastical development, and also the preservation of its na- tionality. In the eleventh century Poland consisted of the territory on both sides of the river Warthe. Pomerania was conquered in the next century, and thus Poland ac- quired a seaboard. By the marriage of a Polish princess with the prince Jagello of Lithuania Poland acquired a new dynasty and all the territory of the Dnieper and Dniester rivers. By some victories over the German Or- der her boundaries were also extended on the north till her territory reached from the Baltic to the Black Sea. At the end of the Middle Age Poland seemed a powerful state, possessed of great possibilities. The nobility, however, was omnipotent : the common people were oppressed with too great burdens ; and there were certain forces at work which were destined to cause the destruction of the state. The settlements of the Norsemen at Novgorod and Kiev, and the dynasty established by them, have already been spoken of. These settlements were united about 900 a.d., and shortly afterward were Christianized from Constanti- The Norse- nople. The Mongols established themselves north of the men in Black Sea, and compelled all the principalities of Russia to pay tribute. A large part of Russia continued sub- ject to them till the end of the fifteenth century, when Ivan III. threw off their yoke. He also reduced all the independent principalities and, probably to indicate that he regarded himself as the successor of the emperor at Con- stantinople, took the title of Czar. He laid the foundation for the growth of Russia in the next centuries. The Greek The Greek Empire was engaged in constant struggle Empire. \y\\\i the Mohammedans. The Seldjuk Turks, as we have seen, conquered nearly all the imperial possessions in Asia. In spite of the efforts that were made about the time of the Germany and the Smaller States of Europe 259 crusades to drive them out of Asia Minor, they kept a firm hold upon a part of it. The Osman Turks coming from central Asia about the middle of the fourteenth cen- tury began a brilliant career of conquest, in which they en- croached steadily on the territory of the empire, conquer- ing the Balkan peninsula, and extending their sway far north beyond the Danube. The fall of Constantinople (1453) marks the end of the Byzantine empire. While Mohammedanism was being utterly driven out of Spain, it was firmly establishing itself on the Balkan peninsula, from which vantage ground it was yet to threaten some of the Christian states of Europe. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. The Golden Bull. Henderson, Documents, pp. 220. $1.50. Macmillan. 2. The Beginnings of Swiss Independence. Daendliker, Short History 0/ Switzerland. $2.50. Macmillan. 3. Portugal. H. Morse Stephens, Portugal. $1.50. Putnam. 4. The Moors in Spain. Hale. Spain. $1.50. Putnam. S. Lane-Poole, Moors in Spain. Putnam. Watts, The Christian Recovery 0/ Spain, $1.50. CHAPTER XVII RELIGIOUS AND INTELLECTUAL TENDENCIES IN THE RENAISSANCE LITERATURE.— Van Dyke, A£-eo//AeJ7euatssatice. $2.00. Scribner. Burckhardt, Civilization 0/ the Reiiaissaticc. $4.00. Macmillan. Locke, Age 0/ the Gratt Western Sehisiit. $2.00. Scribner. Symonds, Reiinissauce in Italy. 7 vols. $14.00. Holt. Condensed, in one vol., $1.75. Pastor, History of the Popes frotn the Close of t)u Middle Ages. 3 vols. $9.00. Kegan Paul. (Roman Catholic.) Creighton, History of the Papacy, 1378-1527. 5 vols. $2.00 each. Longmans. Symonds, Li/e and Times 0/ Michelangelo. 2 vols. $4.00. Scribner. Villari, Life and Times 0/ Savonarola, and Life and Times of Machia^ 7 Church of St. Peter begun ; Michel Angclo and Raftaelle at Rome. Introduction 293 influential power. But during the next centuries he grew stronger and stronger through perseverance and hardihood, until finally his power surpassed that of any other prince of Italy. In our own century the House of Savoy has become the royal house of united Italy. France Under Charles VII. (1422-61) and Louis XI. (1461- The unifica- 8-?) France had lost her old feudal character and become an U°" •^^ France. absolute monarchy. The great dukes and counts had been forced into submission to the will of the king. The king had become master ; he had secured himself a revenue over which he had free disposal (through a land-tax called taille) and he had created a standing army, which was at his and not at the nobles' orders. Louis XL also added to France several outlying provinces, which were neces- sary to the completion of the nation. These were Prov- ence in the southeast and the duchy of Burgundy in the east. When his son Charles VIII. (1483-98) acquired Brittany in the northwest, the process of the unification of France may be said to have been completed. Being now united within under the constitution of the absolute king, she was also strong to act against external foes. Under these cir- cumstances Charles VIII. could afford to turn his thoughts to foreign conquest, and burning with ambition, under- took to conquer Naples on the strength of certain inher- ited claims, and invaded Italy (1494). But his policy of foreign conquest incited the hostility of his jealous neigh- bor Spain, and led to the great French-Spanish wars for the possession of Italy, which lasted, with occasional in- terruptions, for fifty years. The review of Italy has ac- quainted us with the early stages of this conflict. Charles VIII. , after a brief triumph, was forced to give up Naples. 294 The Modern Period The unifica- tion of bpain. The expan- sion of Spain. Finally it was ceded to Ferdinand of Spain (1504). Louis XII. of France (1498-15 15) renewed the struggle in Italy by laying hold of the duchy of Milan, and though he was forced to give up Milan in 1512 (the Holy League), his successor, Francis I. (1515-47), immediately reconquered it by the victory of Marignano (15 15). Spain The movement toward national unity and absolutism, just observed in France, is no less characteristic of the po- litical development, during the fifteenth century, of Spain. The unity of Spain, after having made steady progress for some centuries, was finally .secured by the marriage of Fer- dinand (1479-15 16) and Isabella (1474-1504), who were the heirs respectively of the two largest Christian kingdoms on the peninsula, Aragon and Castile. Both of these king- doms had grown strong by chanii)ioning the national cause against the Moors, who had, in the Middle Age, overrun the peninsula. In the year 1492 Granada, the last foot- hold of the Moors, was captured, and therewith the Mo- hammedan power in Spain, which had lasted for eight cen- turies, came to an end. The unification of Spain inaugurated a period of terri- torial expansion which is unparalleled in history. In the same year in which the Moorish kingdom fell, Columbus discovered America, and opened up to Spain the vast do- minion of the new world. Next Ferdinand, upon being drawn into war with France on account of the conquest of Naples by Charles VIII., succeeded in beating the French and seizing the kingdom of Naples for himself (1504). In 15 1 2 he further acquired that part of the border-kingdom of Navarre which lay upon the Spanish slope of the Py- renees. Thus it happened that when Ferdinand was suc- ceeded upon his death by his grandson, Charles (1516-56), Introduction 295 this young king found himself master of the most extensive territories of the world. Although Charles was, merely by virtue of his position as king of Spain, the leading sovereign of Europe, he had additional interests and resources as ruler of the Netherlands and archduke of Austria, which raised him far above any rival. Finally in 15 19, the electors of the empire made him emperor. The growth of the royal power had meanwhile kept pace Absolutism with the extension of Spain. Ferdinand and Isabella, with f^^ *^?,. . . ' Inquisition, the aid of the cities, put down the robber-knights, and thus secured the peace of the land. Then the monarchs turned their attention to the nobility. The feudal Parliament of Castile (called Cortes) was first restricted in its influence, and then robbed of all importance. The Parliament of Aragon held out a little longer against the royal encroach- ments. But the act which more than any other registered the extension of the central power was the introduction of the Inquisition for the persecution of heretics and of ene- mies of the government — that is, of Jews, Moors, and, later, Protestants. How severely this organization inter- preted its task is witnessed by the fact that during the reign of the first Grand Inquisitor, Tomas de Torquemada (1483-98), about 10,000 persons were burned alive, 6,000 burned in efiigy, and 90,000 condemned to ecclesi- astical and civil penalties. England England passed in the fifteenth century through the great domestic crisis known as the War of the Roses. But the end came in 1485, when Richard III., the last king The end of of the House of York, was defeated and killed at the battle ^^^ War of the RosGs. of Bosworth. The victor, himself of the House of Tudor, but at the same time a descendant of the House of Lan- caster, succeeded to the throne as Henry VII. (1485- 296 The Modern Period 1509). Through the marriage of Henry VII. to Eliza- beth, a daughter of the House of York, the new House of Tudor united the claims of both contending houses, and thus the civil war came at length to an end. The Under Henry VII., an extremely cautious and politic ** stronsT monarchy" nian, there grew up in England the "strong Tudor mon- of Henry archy. " Traditionally, the power in England lay in the hands of the king and the Parliament, composed of the two Houses of the Lords and the Commons. However, absolutism was in the air at the time, as is witnessed by the cases of France and Spain. By following a consistent policy, Henry succeeded in making the English monarchy, too, almost absolute. He did this, first, by lessening the authority of the turbulent nobility. He forbade them to keep armed and liveried retainers, thus depriving them of their military power, and by means of the Star Chamber court of justice, dependent on himself, he kept watch over them and punished them for all infringements of the public law. Secondly, by raising money irregularly through fines and forced loans, he became independent of the regular taxes which the Parliament alone could vote, and thus Avas enabled to get along, to a large extent, without calling the Parliament together. Of Henry's various measures the result was the pacification of the realm. England would now have fallen as completely into the hands of her sover- eign as France had done, if it had not been for that saving law upon her statute-books that the king could raise no taxes without the consent of Parliament. This provision neither Henry VII. nor any of his successors dared abro- gate, and in the course of time, when the common people had acquired wealth and dignity, it became the weapon by which the "strong monarchy" was struck to the ground and Parliament set in the monarch's place. SECTION I THE REFORMATION AND THE WARS OF RELIGION; FROM LUTHER TO THE PEACE OF WEST- PHALIA (1517-1648) The reason for setting off the century and a half which lie between Luther and the Peace of Westphalia as a separate section of Modern History, lies partly in conven- ience — as is the case with all historical divisions — and partly in the fact that this section has an unmistakable unity. This unity is furnished by the circumstance that throughout its length there remains fixed in the foreground of public interest the question of the Reformation. A new faith is born, it attempts to secure for itself legal recogni- tion from the various governments, and the various govern- ments are all perplexed with the problem how to adjust themselves to the novel creation. Anger and irritation are followed by wars, and, after much bloodshed, the worst sting is taken out of the rivalry of Catholicism and Prot- estantism by the at least partial adoption in the Peace of , Westphalia of the principle of mutual toleration. 297 298 The Modern Period CHAPTER XVIII The rising protest against the Church. The Re- naissance in the south and in the north. THE REFORMATION IN GERMANY TO THE PEACE OF AUGSBURG (1555) LITERATURE.— Johnson, Europe in the Shtccnth Century, pp. 106-252. $1.75. Macmillan. Visher, ffistcry 0/ the Re/ormation, pp. Zs-iti- $2.50. Scribner. FtouAc, Li/e and Letters 0/ Erasmus. $1.50. Scribner. Emerton, Erasmus. $1.50. Putnam. KostXin, Li/e 0/ Ltiiher. $2.50. Scribner. Jacobs, Martin Luther. $1.50. Putnam. Richard, Melaticthon. $1.50. Putnam. Whitcomb, Source-Book of the Gertnan Renaissance. Univ. of Penn. $1.25. Translations and Reprints. University of Penn. Vol. II., No. 6. Thk rising protest against the Catholic Church has been discussed in tlie chapter on the Renaissance. To sum- marize once more what was there said, the hostihty to the Church was due to the excessive taxes, powers, and privi- leges of the Church, to the corrupt manners and practices of the clergy, and to the larger and more intelligent views of life which were made popular among the cultivated classes by the Renaissance and the Revival of Learning. Tlie movement of the Renaissance we discovered to have originated in Italy. From Italy it spread to the north, but took there an altogether different form, for, whereas in Italy it led to an unparalleled artistic activity coupled with a frightful relaxation of manners, it induced among the more serious-minded and less impressionable peoi)lcs of the north a desire, above all, for moral reform. Hence we have the sharp contrast of Italy adorning herself at this time with glorious palaces and churches filled with statues and paintings, and of the north slowly recovering the Latin, Greek, and Hebrew sources of Christianity, and The Reformation in Germain^ 299 spreading the enthusiasm for a purer faith. Among the northern scholars and humanists thus engaged, those of Germany took a conspicuous place, and among them the most notable were Reuchlin, Ulrich von Hutten, and Erasmus. These men prepared the ground for the recep- tion of the seed of the Reformation. A few words con- cerning them will show us the direction of their efforts. John Reuchlin (1455-15 2 2) was purely a scholar whose The Ger- most important work was a Hebrew grammar. However, jg^s. he aroused the displeasure of the religious fanatics and was violently attacked by them. The friends of learning, among whom was Hutten, rallying to his support, aimed a series of telling shafts at monks, schoolmen, and the banded powers of superstition in the so-called EpistolcR obscurorum virorum (Letters of obscure men), and suc- ceeded in this way in creating a large body of opinion hostile to all abuses in the Catholic Church. To this end Desiderius Erasmus (1467-1536) also contributed. He Erasmus, was a native of Rotterdam, and, because of his universal influence, has received the name of the Prince of Hu- manists. Like Reuchlin he was a scholar, his chief scholarly contribution being a critical edition in Greek and Latin of the New Testament (15 16) by virtue of which he ranks as the father of modern Biblical criticism ; but, unlike Reuchlin, he was also a powerful man of letters, and commanding a skilful pen he held up to scorn in such writings as the ''Praise of Folly" (151 1), the shortcom- ings of his age and of the Church. Erasmus and his allies were students and not warriors. The early They wished to raise the culture of the day by spreading reibmie^s^ education, and they desired to reform the Church and not revolu- make that institution wide and tolerant enough to embrace all forms of honest Christian belief. When therefore the next generation of scholars, more aggressive than them- 300 The Modern Period selves, proposed separation from the Catholic Church, the older humanists were in general horrified, and refused to lend a hand to carry out so radical a measure. Thus the humanists helped prepare the minds for the division of the Christian Church which we call the Ref- ormation, but did not make it. The direct agent was Martin Martin Luther. Martin Luther was born November lo, Luther. 1483, in Thuringia. He was of peasant ancestry, and peasant sturdiness and simplicity, with much of peasant obstinacy and superstition, remained characteristic of him to the end of his days. His parents managed to send young Martin to the University, but instead of becoming a lawyer, as they wished, he followed his natural bent, and in 1505 joined the Augustine Order of Friars. He oc- cupied himself very solemnly with the problems of salva- tion, and in 15 10 undertook a journey to Rome, where he saw face to face the corruption of the papacy. On his re- turn he applied himself more earnestly than ever to the study of St. Augustine and the mystics, and gradually be- came convinced that salvation was a matter not of externals, masses, beads, and pilgrimages, Init solely of deep and triumphant faith. Meanwhile Luther had accepted a pro- fessorship in the University of Wittenberg, the capital of Saxony, and these questions were working in his heart and mind, when the great event occurred which brought him into piiblic notice. Indul- In 1517 the Dominican, John Tetzel, hawked through doctrine and dermany letters of indulgence.^ Indulgences owed their practice. origin to the teaching of the Church that an act of sin in order to be forgiven involved (i) contrition and (2) sub- stantial punishment. The contrition always remained a pre-requisite, but it was soon decided that the substantial > Consult Lea, Hist, of Auricular Confession and Indulgences. The Reformation in Germany 301 punishment could be remitted in return for a gift of money to the Church for some holy purpose. The letter in which the remission was certified was called an indulgence. Al- though indulgences were thus at first entirely honorable, the temptation always existed on the part of the popes to use them as a means of income, and there can be no doubt that the popes of the Renaissance employed them most un- scrupulously in this way, permitting agents to dispose of them at a sliding scale of prices suited to every kind of sin. As might have been foreseen, Tetzel's traffic aroused The ninety- much indignation, Luther's distinction is that he had the ^^^ theses, courage to bring the matter before the public. On Octo- ber 31, 15 1 7, he affixed to the church door at Wittenberg a document enumerating ninety-five theses or arguments against indulgences. Loud applause rang through the land, but the supporters of rigid Catholicism were not slow to meet the challenge. A fierce controversy ensued, and out of the contention arose gradually the Protestant Church. At the time when Luther published his ninety-five theses, How he was still a good son of the Church. But the opposition Luther s which he encountered in the next few years obliged him to to a schism, submit the whole system of the Catholic Church to an in- vestigation, and soon he discovered that there was much else in Catholicism besides indulgences which he could not accept. Above all, he grew suspicious of the authority of the pope which his opponents were always invoking. Against it, he put up the authority of the Bible, and in 1520, in a pamphlet, called "The Babylonish Captivity," he went so far as to renounce the pope and call him a usurp- er. At this point the patience of pope Leo X., who had been attempting to have the trouble in Germany smoothed over, became exhausted. He published a bull of excom- munication against Luther, but Luther, now thoroughly fired with the sense of his mission, scornfully burned it 302 The Modern Period Luther summoned before the emperor. Luther at Worms, 1521. amidst the rejoicings of his followers (1520). Thus began the Protestant schism. Luther could claim that reform had been proposed and rejected, and that nothing was left but revolution. Luther, stigmatized as a heretic by the pope, was now in danger of his life if the civil authorities followed up the pope's bull. In order to look into the case the youthful Charles V., who had been elected to the imperial office in 15 19, summoned Luther to his presence at Worms on the Rhine, where a Diet had assembled to discuss the affairs of the realm. To reassure him and that element of the Ger- man people which had become passionately attached to him, the emperor issued a formal promise that Brother Martin might come and go undisturbed. Nevertheless, his friends supplicated him not to go, reminding him of the fate of Huss at Constance. " I would go even if there were as many devils as there are tiles on the house-roofs," he is said to have answered fearlessly. On April 17, 1521, he appeared before the Diet. The scene is one of the impressive spectacles of history. The poor monk stood for the first time in his life before a brilliant concourse of princes and bishops, who for the most part regarded him with suspicion and aversion. He was ordered to recant, and he agreed, provided it could be proved by arguments from the Bible that he was wrong. "Here I stand," he ended, "I can not do otherwise. God help me. Amen." The nation applauded, but his friends were concerned for his safety, and the elector of Saxony, his kind master, taking possession of his person, conveyed him secretly to the Wartburg Castle. While Luther was thus secured against his enemies, the emperor at Worms came to a decision. Charles was an inexperienced youth, just twenty-one years of age, but he was endowed with political ambition and capacity, and felt The Reformation in Germany 303 instinctively that Luther, if allowed to go on, would cause a schism in Germany which would still further weaken the already weak position of the emperor. Moreover, Charles was a good Catholic, and, though favorable to a reform of the Church, would not hear of effecting it against the will of the ecclesiastical authorities. Finally, he was about to begin a war against Francis I. of France for the possession of Milan, and for this enterprise he argued that he should need the alliance of the pope. For all these reasons Charles jjublished, on May 26, 1521, a decree of outlawry, called the Edict of Worms, against Luther, by which the here- The Edict tic's life was declared forfeit and his writings forbidden. °' worms. Having thus settled, as he thought, the German diffi- culties, Charles set out for Italy to begin the war against France. But the movement of the Reformation had already ac- quired too great a momentum to be stopped by an imperial order. If Charles could have remained in Germany to see personally to the execution of his decree against Luther, or if the real power in Germany had not lain with the princes, who, from the nature of the case, were divided in their sym- pathy, the history of the Reformation might have been dif- ferent. As it was, however, Charles had interests in Spain, America, Italy, and the Netherlands, which often engaged him wholly, and the princes, if Catholic, half-heartedly received, and if Protestant, solemnly rejected, the Edict The Edict of Worms. Under these conditions the Reformation was o' vvor"is is not ex- for some time left to itself, and that proved its salva- ecuted. tion. The Protestant opinions of Luther and his followers made a rapid conquest of Germany. Monasteries were dissolved, and priests and bishops, abjuring their allegiance to Rome, instituted in the place of the Latin Mass a simpler worship which they conducted in the national idiom. With such 304 The Modern Period The prog- ress of the Reforma- tion. Radical upheavals. The rising of the peas- ants, 1524- 25- ferment of opinion possessing the whole country it is not unnatural that wild agitators occasionally caught the ear of the masses. In fact, the Reformation was not many months old before its welfare Avas threatened more by its own extreme elements than by its Catholic opponents. Nobody saw this more clearly than Luther. He was re- solved that the movement should travel a sure road and at a moderate pace, and that whoever should venture to com- promise it by extravagances and illusions, or whoever should attempt to use it for ends other than those of the religious reform with which it had originated, must be abruptly ex- cluded from his party. These certainly not unwise con- siderations explain Luther's attitude toward the revolu- tions of the next eventful years. While Luther was still in concealment at the Wartburg, Protestant fanatics began to preach the breaking of Cath- olic images and other acts of religious violence. Hearing of this, Luther abruptly abandoned his retreat, rallied his followers about himself on his own moderate platform, and drove the fanatics out of Saxony (1522). The next year (1523) the ferment possessing Germany caused an outbreak among the knights of the Rhine coun- try, and shortly after followed a great rising among the peasants of southeastern and central Germany. This ris- ing was due primarily to social causes, but the religious agitation of the time supplied the immediate pretext. The social origin of the Peasants' War is proved by the numer- ous peasant insurrections of the previous century, and by the fact that, like all the earlier movements, it had for its main object the amelioration of the condition of the peas- ant, who was a mere serf, subject in person and property to the will and whim of his master. These poor people thought they heard in the Reformation the announcement of the brotherhood of man, and so they rose to get a few The Reformation in Germany 305 simple human rights.' But, led by fanatics, they soon in- dulged in excesses, butchered their lords, and created an insufferable anarchy. The imperial authority being as usual too weak to deal with the insurrection, the local au- thorities — that is, the princes — got together an army and scattered the disorderly bands of peasants to the winds. Hounded on by Luther in coarse pamphlets the victors rioted in massacre, slaying many thousands of the poor insurgents. Luther's attitude toward the peasants has been much criticised. Certainly no excuse can be offered for his Luther's brutal language, but his excited championship of the au- aUitude^ ^ thorities is at least intelligible, when we reflect that he knew that the success of the movement which he had at heart depended on its being orderly and moderate and free from all entanglement with violence. While these things were going on in Germany, Charles The wars of V. was wholly engaged with the war against France. In and^V^ran- fact, the wars with France continued, in spite of periodical cis I. conclusions of peace, throughout his reign, and prevented him from ever giving his full attention to the German Ref- ormation. It will be sufficient for our purpose if we take note of two or three crises in the long conflict. In 1525, the army of Charles defeated the French at Pavia in so Pavia, 1525. signal a manner that the king of France himself, Francis I., was captured. The prisoner was transferred to Madrid, and there Charles wrung a peace from him which was so severe that Francis on his release immediately broke it. He now managed to strengthen himself by drawing the pope and Henry VIII. of England over to his side, but a new war availed him little. In 1527, the troops of Charles, composed of Spaniards and German Lutherans, horribly The sack of sacked Rome, and shortly after the pope and Francis I. ^°"^^' ^527- ' The leading demands formulated in Twelve Articles were : abolition of serfdom, just rents, destruction of game preserves. 3o6 The Modern Period were obliged to come to terms with the emperor. By the The Peace Peace of Cam bray (1529) Francis yielded Milan and the ^^^^^^^^yy suzerainty of Artois and Flanders in the Netherlands to his rival, and in the next year the pope formally crowned Charles emperor at Bologna. Charles, temporarily rid of France, was' now resolved to look once more into German affairs. In 1530, after an ab- Charles re- sence of almost ten years, he again turned his face north- r^I^'.^o^ ward. The Reformation was by this time an accomplished Uermany. ■' '■ The Diet of fact, but Charles, who during his absence had received his J "^ information from Catholic partisans and through hearsay, still inclined, as at Worms, to treat it as a trifle. He was destined to be rudely awakened. A Diet had been called to meet him at the city of Augsburg, and at the summons a brilliant assembly of both Lutheran and Catholic princes came together. Charles at first made a show of acting as umpire, and invited the Lutherans to present their case. The Confes- They did this in the document known as the Confession of sion 01 Augsburg, which straightway won such favor among Prot- estant ^ contemporaries that it became and has since re- mained the creed of the Lutheran Church. But in the end Charles sided with the Catholic majority of the Diet, and signified his intention to execute at length the Edict of Worms against Luther, and to punish every one who had introduced religious innovations. Rather than suffer this, the Protestants resolved to appeal to force, and united them- selves in a great defensive league, called, from the place of meeting, the League of Schmalkalde (1531). Thus the schism in the Church threatened a schism in the state or civil war. But for the present the struggle was postponed, owing to the fact that Charles still hoped to be able to arrive at an amicable settlement, and to the further ' The party name of Protestants began to be applied to the Lutherans at this time. It liad its origin in tlie //■(^/^j-Zpiibhsliccl by the Lutherans in 1529 against the execution of the Edict of Worms. The Refonnation in Germany 307 circumstance that he had his hands full with other affairs. Pressure of Immediate attention had to be given to the Turks. They g^a'nces were pushing up the Danube and threatening Vienna, and hinders in order to be able to meet them Charles felt obliged to ^^^^ ^^_ court the Protestants. Finally, he promised to suspend all ploying action against them for the present, and was rewarded by against the their hearty assistance in his campaign against the Turks Protestants. (1532). But these enemies had hardly been repelled when the emperor found that he would have to give attention to the Mohammedan pirates of north Africa, who were destroy- ing the commerce of the Mediterranean and plundering the coasts of Italy and Spain. And hardly had these pirates been punished when Francis I. of France again began to stir. Charles's mind often travelled back to Germany, and he saw with horror the progress of the Protestant opinions, but what could he do? The French, the Turks, the African pirates were successively demanding all his time, and intercepted his arm every time he made preparations to draw his sword against the Protestant revolution. Owing to these affairs, it was not till 1545 that Charles In 1545 again gave his undivided attention to the German Refor- )^„^I 1^^^^ ° ° once more mation, and this time he had good hopes of arriving at a takes up the definite settlement. He had just (Peace of Crespi, 1544) ^g ^"^ ° concluded another war with Francis, in which the French Protestants. king was no more successful than in any of the earlier vent- ures ; further the emperor was at peace with the Turkish Sultan, Solyman ; and at that moment he enjoyed, finally, the good will of the pope. The pope, in fact, had gone so far as to call together at Trent a General Council of the Th^ Council Church (1545), which the emperor had long urged, and which he regarded as a sure remedy for the Protestant schism. To this authoritative body the Protestants were to send delegates ; these were to plead the Protestant cause ; and the whole Protestant party was expected to bow to the of Trent. 308 The Modern Period Failure of the last ne- gotiations. The death of Luther, 1546. The first war of religion, 1546-47. The reaction against Charles. verdict which the council would then render. When, therefore, the Council had assembled, the Emperor notified the Protestants ; but they, suspicious of the composition of the meeting, refused to take the proffered hand. In 1546, assured that further negotiations were futile, Charles ap- pealed to force. As the Protestants, united in the League of Schmalkalde, would not yield, Germany was now afflicted with her first civil war over the question of the Reformation. Just before hostilities began Luther died (1546), and was thus spared the pain of seeing his countrymen in arms against each other because of a movement of which he had been the creator. His life throughout was brave and sim- ple, and if it is stained with outbursts of coarseness and vulgarity, it is the part of generosity to ascribe them to the position of weight and responsibility to which circum- stances suddenly raised him who had but the training of a monk and a recluse. The first war of religion in Germany was for awhile very advantageous to the emperor. The Protestant princes did not stand together, and at the only serious battle of the war, the battle of Miihlberg (1547), Charles took the lead- ing Protestant prince, the elector of Saxony, prisoner. The victory of Charles was in no small measure due to the fact that Maurice of Saxony, a relative of the elector's, went over to the Catholic side. He got as reward his rela- tive's electorate, but, the price once paid, he began to edge over again toward his fellow-Protestants, and with character- istic selfishness prepared to betray his benefactor. Charles, after his victory, bethought himself of his old remedy — a conference of the factions in a General Coun- cil, but his plan once more suffered shipwreck upon the ill- will of the pope and the suspicions of the Protestants. Try as he would, there was nothing left for him to do but to dictate a religious peace. This he did in an arrangement The Reformation in Germaivy 309 called the Interim, which, although Catholic in spirit, made the Protestants a few temporary concessions. But the In- terim rapidly grew distasteful to the Protestants, the foreign rule maintained by Charles's Spanish soldiery was hateful to all alike, and, when Maurice of Saxony went over to his co-religionists, Germany suddenly rose, and the emperor found himself helpless before the united demonstration (1552). He had to flee precipitately across the Alps, and now at last, racked with gout and prematurely old, he gave Charles up his hfe-long war against the Lutheran heresy. His ^^^^ "^ brother, Ferdinand, signed a preliminary peace with the Protestants at Passau, and at the Diet of Augsburg, in the year 1555, a final peace, known as the religious peace of Augsburg, was ratified by the estates. In the Peace of Augsburg the Lutheran Church received legal recognition. It was determined that every estate of The Peace the Diet — that is, every prince or imperial city — should have ? •'^"S^" the right to accept or reject the Lutheran faith. Toler- ance was to be granted to the rulers in accordance with the principle, cujns regio, ejus religio (he who rules a coun- try may settle its religion), but there was not granted an individual and general tolerance, and every subject could be obliged to accept the religion adopted by the state. A great deal of trouble was caused in the negotiations by the question of the numerous territorial bishoprics which ex- isted in Germany. The Protestants desired that the ter- ritorial bishops be given the same right of choice between Protestantism and Catholicism that every prince possessed, but the Catholics objected. Finally, it Avas decided in an article, called the Ecclesiastical Reservation, that a The Eccle- bishop might become a Protestant as far as his own person ?j^stical^ was concerned, but that he would then have to relinquish tion. his place. This article, which was altogether in the Catho- lic interest, soon caused much confusion, for it was found 310 The Modern Period Alliance of the Prot- estants with France. Resignation and death of Charles. in practice that it could not be kept. Many bishoprics, especially in the north, fell into Protestant hands, and the quarrels resulting from this breach of the Peace of Augs- burg contributed toward keeping up the religious agitation in Germany, and led in the end to a second religious war. The victory of the Protestants over the emperor was not purchased without a heavy loss for Germany. Maurice of Saxony had found it necessary, in order to make sure of victory, to ally himself with Henry II. of France, and in the same year (1552) in which Maurice drove the emperor over the Alps, Henry II. invaded Germany and occupied the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, from which it was found impossible to dislodge him. The emperor was broken in spirit by these last disasters. He abdicated his crown (1556), and retired to the monas- tery of San Yuste, in Spain, where he died two years later. Upon his abdication the vast Hapsburg possessions, which he had held in his sole hand, were divided. His son Philip got Spain (with her colonies), the Italian territory (Naples and Milan), and the Netherlands. His brother, Ferdinand, got the Austrian lands, and therewith the impe- rial crown. Henceforth until the extinction of the Spanish line (1700) we have in Europe two Hapsburg Houses, a Spanish and an Austrian branch. SPECIAL TOPICS German Humanism. Creighton, History of the Papacy dttring the Reforma- tion. 5 vols. Longmans. See Vol. V., Ch. I. and II. Whitcomb, Source-Book. $1.25. University of Pennsylvania. Translations of Erasmus's Praise of Folly and of the CoUoguies. Reeves & Turner. London. The Social Unrest Culminating in the Peasants' War, Bax, German Society at the Close of the Middle Ages. Macmillan. $1.75. Ch. I. and VI. Bax, The Peasants' War. Macmillan. $2.00. Translations and Reprints. University of Pennsylvania. Vol. II. No. 6 gives The Twelve Articles of the Peasants. Goethe, G'dtz von Berlichingen (.drama). Progress of Reformation in Europe 311 theranism. CHAPTER XIX THE PROGRESS OF THE REFORMATION IN EUROPE AND THE COUNTER- REFORMATION OF THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before), pp. 261-277. Fisher (as before). Chapters VI., VII., XI. Ranke, History of the Popes, 3 vols. $3.00. Bohn. Alzog, Church History, 4 vols. Gill & Son, Dublin. (Catholic view.) ■Ward, The Counter Reformation {Epoc/ts 0/ Church History). $0.80. Longmans. The Protestant Reformation spread rapidly from Ger- Denmark, many over the Teutonic north and made inroads even upon ^^^^^'Hen the Latin countries — France, Italy, and Spain. In the accept Lu- Scandinavian north it won an early and complete triumph. Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, the three Scandinavian powers, had been united under one king since the Union of Calmar (1397). But at the beginning of the sixteenth century the Union fell apart, for Sweden revolted and es- tablished her independence under the native house of Vasa. Denmark and Norway, on the other hand, remained united, under a Danish king, down to the time of Napoleon. The political confusion that was occasioned in Scandinavia by the struggle of Sweden for independence favored the relig- ious innovations, and within twenty years after Luther's proc- lamation against indulgences (15 17), the Lutheran Church had become the sole and state Church of all the Scandina- vian countries. The north produced no great reformer of its own, and therefore accepted the Church of its nearest neighbor, Germany. The case was different in Switzerland. Switzerland consisted, in the sixteenth century, of many little cantons, all technically a part of the empire, but practically con- 312 The Modern Period The Refor- stituting independent republics, bound together in a very SwVt°zer-" '^^°^^ federation. In 1518 Ulrich Zwingli, a priest of land. Ulrich the canton of Glarus, made an energetic protest against wing 1. ^j^g doctrine of indulgences. By transferring his activity to Zurich, the intellectual centre of the country, he soon gath- ered around himself a powerful party of reform. His suc- cess in Switzerland was as immediate and signal as that of Luther in Germany. Religious Zwingli always maintained that he had arrived at his re- the Swiss form doctrines in complete independence of Luther, and there is every reason to believe that this assertion is true. It simply goes to prove that there was in Europe a general trend of opinion toward reform. After an attempt at a union between himself and Luther had failed, chiefly be- cause of some doctrinal differences, Zwingli established his own Reformed Church in Switzerland. All the Swiss cantons, however, could not be won to the new faith. The simple and uneducated foresters and mountaineers of the upper Alps (inhabitants of the so-called Forest Cantons) remained stanchly Catholic. Only the Cantons on the Swiss border, which were under the influence of the two progressive cities, Zurich and Berne, accepted Zwingli's teaching. In the war between the two faiths which fol- lowed (1531), the Catholic cantons won the decisive victory of Cappel, and as Zwingli himself fell on this occasion, the Catholics might have driven a hard bargain. Nevertheless they concluded peace with the Protestants on the same basis as the Catholics and Protestants of Germany did a few years later at Augsburg : each local government or canton was allowed to accept or reject the Reformed faith as it pleased. In consequence of this settlement, Switzerland, like Ger- many, is partly Catholic and partly Protestant to this day. A little after these events in the eastern or German part of Switzerland there arose in the western or French part Progress of Reformation in Europe 313 another great Protestant leader, whose influence was des- The Refor- tined to become more wide than that of Luther himself. "?^^*o" i" Geneva. This leader was John Calvin, and the city which he made famous as the great hearth of the new Protestant worship was Geneva. It was a stroke of chance that brought John Calvin to The early Geneva. Originally a Frenchman — he was born in 1507, Calvin in Picardy — he had studied law, and during his student days had imbibed the current Protestant doctrines. Hav- ing become an enthusiastic advocate of the new faith, he had to leave France, and spent his exile in deep study in Germany and Switzerland. His life thus far had been that of a student, and in 1536 he crowned his reputation in this line by publishing a theological treatise, the " Institutes of the Christian Religion," which was immediately accepted as the best defence of Protestantism then in existence. Shortly after this work appeared, he undertook a journey to France, which brought him for a night's rest to Geneva. That night was the turning point of his career. Geneva, a self-governing community, had lately declared for Prot- estantism, but Protestantism was by no means yet firmly established. Naturally the preachers of Geneva called upon their celebrated guest, and after a long debate prevailed upon him to stay and labor in God's vineyard. Thus, he Calvin es- who had hitherto been a student elected to become an ac- ^^ Geneva tive worker. That he was successful in the new province is proved by the fact that with the exception of a short ex- ile he dominated the city politically and ecclesiastically until his death (i 536-1 564). The leading conception of Calvin's theology is the ab- The rigor- solute supremacy of God's will. God's will determining "^ f^° " everything, man's action is proportionately insignificant, Calvin. and his claim to save himself by either works or faith pre- posterous. Salvation is solely an act of God's grace, and 3H The Modern Period Calvin father of the Presbyte- rian form of Church gov- ernment. The spread of Calvin- ism. as an omniscient God must know the whole life of a man from the moment he is born, logic urged the belief that it is determined at a man's birth whether he is to be saved or not. This is the famous doctrine of predestination, whicli the modern world is inclined to reject as harsh and cruel. However, the mere conception of this idea conveys to us a sense of the uncomi)romising logic and stubborn enthusiasm which made Calvinism, wherever it appeared, an irresistible power. The vigor of his theological conceptions Calvin enforced by his system of Church government. The Catholic idea, that the government of the Church belongs solely to the clergy, he rejected utterly. As the Church belonged to all Christians, he urged that the ministers should be obliged to share the government with selected laymen, called elders or presbyters, and that in certain affairs the whole congre- gation should have a voice. This system, possessed of con- spicuous democratic elements, is called the Presbyterian form of Church government. Geneva became a city of refuge to all the distressed Prot- estants of France, England, Scotland, and the Netherlands. Calvin labored for the spread of liis doctrines in all these lands, and aided the exiles to return and work secretly as missionaries of the Reformed faith. In this way, and with the aid of other circumstances, he was able to replace the influence of Luther in all of the countries west of the Rhine, and even in parts of Germany itself, and to introduce into them his type of Protestantism. From the point of view of the success of the Reformation this was entirely well. For toward the middle of the century, Catholicism was mar- shalling its forces for an attack upon its revolted subjects, and the grim and combative Calvinism was much better suited than the conservative Lutheranism to meet and rout the opposition. Progress of Reformation in Europe 315 We have seen that there had been raised in Europe, ever since the thirteenth century, loud cries for the reform of The Cath- the Church, but that the popes had remained deaf to the un^ert^akes call. At length, toward the middle of the sixteenth cent- a reform, ury, frightened by the movement begun by Luther, the Catholic Church yielded to the new spirit and instituted a series of reformatory measures. This Counter-Reformation in the Catholic Church must, Change in in order to be rightly understood, be recognized as a real tprof t^T^" religious revival which, without affecting the doctrines or papacy. the system of government, brought about a great improve- ment in the life of the clergy. We have noticed that the popes of the Renaissance, concerned chiefly with their ag- grandizement and pleasures, were stubbornly hostile to re- form. This spirit continued to animate the papacy until the accession of Paul IV. (1555-59)- P^^l IV. was the first pope who perceived the precarious condition of the Church. He abandoned the splendid ways of his Renais- sance predecessors, maintained a high personal standard, and devoted himself with zeal to ecclesiastical interests. Paul IV. gave the papacy a new moral energy which was handed on to his successors and affected the whole clergy down to the parish priest. The Catholic revival was accompanied by a number of events and creations within the bosom of Catholicism which should receive our attention. They were: i, The Society of the Jesuits ; 2, The Council of Trent ; 3, The Inquisition. The Order of tlie Jesuits or Regiment of Jesus was founded by Ignatius Loyola. Loyola was a Spanish noble- man, whose highest ideal was that of a soldier until, in con- Ignatius sequence of a severe wound received in the service of the ^oyo'^- king, his master (152 1), he chanced to read some "Lives of the Saints. ' ' These so fired his imagination that he be- 3i6 The Modern Period came filled with the desire to emulate the Christian heroes. His first efforts were wildly romantic and fruitless. He eventually saw that his education was not sufficient, and at thirty-three years of age he began to study Latin, philos- ophy, and theology. While at school in Paris he made the acquaintance of some kindred spirits, and with them he founded his new society (1534), for the purpose, at first, of doing missionary work among the Mohammedans. Cir- cumstances prevented the sailing of the enthusiasts for the Orient, whereupon they resolved to go to Rome to offer their services to the pope and also to secure his sanction for their order. In 1540, after considerable hesitation, pope Paul III. confirmed the order and the rules which Loyola had composed for it. Military Loyola fashioned his order after the manner of an army, discipline |-|-jg ^^-y^\ authority over it being concentrated in the hands the basic -' , r 1 1 • • 1 principle of of a general. As with the army, the fundamental principle the Jesuits, ^^^g discipline. Since the members of the order took a special vow of obedience to the pope, this ruler soon saw their usefulness, and by heaping the order with honors, rights, and privileges, quickly made it the most powerful one in Europe. The activi- The Jesuits engaged in every kind of activity. They ties of the were famous preachers and confessors, and became especially expert in dealing with the Catholic conscience and in caring for souls. They carried on foreign mission work on a grand scale, planting their stations in all parts of the world. Realizing that youth is the most impressionable age, they fostered education. By their superior methods of instruction they attracted to their schools the best young men of the time, and instilled into them the doctrines ot their faith. For more than a hundred years they led Europe in education. They devoted themselves also to politics and became cunning diplomats and intriguers. Everywhere Progress of Reformation in Europe 317 they made themselves felt, and it was due in great measure to their comprehensive and untiring efforts that Protestant- ism was destroyed in Italy, Spain, France, Poland, and in the dominions of the Hapsburgs, and that these lands re- mained attached to the Catholic Church. Even in the Protestant countries, Germany, England, and Scandinavia, the Jesuits were able to bring their Church into prominence again, and to put into jeopardy the existence of the Reformed Churches. Their work in the high places of the world was especially successful, and in the course of the seventeenth century Germany was startled by the news of the return of many a Protestant prince to the bosom of mother Church. The Council of Trent (in session at intervals, 1545-63), The Council rendered the Catholic Church the signal service of unifying °^ Trent, the Catholic doctrines as they had never been unified be- fore. In the body of the tradition of the Catholic Church there were many conflicting tendencies and records. These differences the Council of Trent removed, and then formu- lated the Catholic creed anew, in sharp opposition to the doctrines set up by the Protestants. There were many Catholics present at this Council who were inclined to a compromise with the Protestants for the sake of making the Church one again, but the strict papal party, under the leadership of the Jesuits, Avas able to prevent the Council from making any concession. The acts of this Council now constitute a part of the creed of the Catholic Church. Only a few important additions have since been made; such are, for instance, the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of the Virgin Mary, which was announced in the year 1854, and the doctrine of the Infallibility of the Pope, which was promulgated at the Council of the Vatican, in the year 1870. The word Inquisition ^ describes an ecclesiastical court, ' Consult Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages. 3 vols. Harper. 3i8 The Modern Period The ecclesi- established for the purpose of tracing and punishing heresy. ^^ll''d 1''°"'^* ^ '^^ penalty, which the judges or inquisitors pronounced, quisition. was usually confiscation of property or death, and was executed by the civil authorities. The Inquisition was not an invention of the Counter-Reformation. In a mild form it existed throughout the Middle Age. Pope Inno- cent III. (11 98-1 2 1 6) first organized it effectively, and had himself the pleasure of seeing its complete success against the Albigenses. Naturally, the zealots of the Counter-Reformation began early to urge its employment against the heretical followers of Luther and Calvin. Owing, however, to the abhorrence with which the Inquisi- tion, because of its terrible and vague prerogative, filled the people, and owing further to the jealousy of the govern- ments, which dreaded the interference of an ecclesiastical court, this engine of repression was not everywhere ad- mitted. A notable activity it exhibited only in Spain, Italy, and the Netherlands. In the last-named country it produced quite the opposite effect of that intended ; but in Italy and Spain it operated with such complete success that the Reformation no sooner showed in those countries signs of life than it was crushed. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. The Relation of Zvvingli's Movement to that of Luther. Gieseler, Church History. 4 vols. Harper. See Vol. IV., 75-98, 132. Fisher, Reformatifl7i, 136-155. Kostlin, Luther. Part V., Ch. III. and IV. 2. Calvin AT Geneva. Visher, History 0/ the Christian Chunk. $3.50. Scrib- ner. See Period VIII., Ch. III. Dyer, Calvin, London. Alzog, Vol. III., 282-90. Translations and Reprints. University of Pennsylvania, Vol. III., No. 3. Calvin on Predestination, Lord's Supper, Heresy, etc. 3. The Society OF Jesus. Hausser. Reformation. $2.00. Ch. XX. Ameri- can Tract Society. Alzog, Vol. III., 445-454. AVard, Counter Refor- mation, yi-Al^. Hughes, /-(yf'/rt (Great Educators). $0.80. Scribner. Shorthouse, John Inglesant (x\o\e.\). Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 319 CHAPTER XX SPAIN UNDER CHARLES I. (1516-56), KNOWN AS EM- PEROR CHARLES v., AND PPHLIP H. (1556-98); HER WORLD EMINENCE AND HER DECAY LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before). Pp. go io6, 137-145, 250-261, 277- 313- M. A. S. Hume, Philip II. (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan. M. A. S. Hume, 6"/«/«, Greatness and Decay (1479-1788). $1.50. Mac- millan. From a Spanish national point of view it was a great misfortune that Charles I. (1516-56) was elected to the Charles as empire in 15 19, and became the Emperor Charles V. 0'"^° Henceforth, although representing imperial rather than Spanish interests, he nevertheless relied almost exclusively upon Spanish resources. Thus Spain was drained of men and money, to advance not her own cause in the world, but the personal prestige of her sovereign. Because of Charles's divided affections, and further be- cause of his short-sighted home-policy, Spain suffered irre- mediable internal injuries during his outwardly brilliant reign. In fact, her gradual decay may be dated from this time. We have seen that the Spanish monarchy tended under Ferdinand and Isabella toward absolutism, but we have also seen that absolutism was on the whole worthily used for the abasement of the nobles and for the advance- ment of peace and order. Under Charles it was unfortu- Charles, nately used against the people. The cities of Castile ^"^"}y of enjoyed a considerable measure of self-government, but tions. when in 1521 they rose in revolt against certain arbitrary measures of the crown, Charles, crushing them by means of an army, deprived them of almost all their liberties. At 320 .The Modern Period the same time the ParHament (Cortes) of Castile, which had once enjoyed even more influence than the Parliament of England, was stripped of most of its power. Thus Charles contributed to the ruin of the free institutions of his country and therewith sealed up a spring which at all times has been an important source of a people's vitality. And to make things worse, the Inquisition, already under Charles, Ferdinand and Isabella an instrument of tyranny, grew friend of ^ j^^^^ j.^ ,^q^q ^^^ more monstrous proportions. The exe- tion. cutions of Moors and Jews were conducted with zest, but we should, in fairness to Charles, remember that, cruel and unwise as this policy of persecution was, it was heartily endorsed by the sincere and fervid intolerance of the Spanish people. Philip II. The last thirteen years of his reign Charles spent in Ger- succeeds to i^m-,y ^\^q Protestant successes there broke his spirit, and the kingdom •' ' ' of Spain. he resigned his crowns in 1556, Spain to his son Philip, Austria to his brother Ferdinand. Philip II. (1556-98) on his accession found himself at the head of states (Spain and colonies, Naples, Milan, and the Netherlands) hardly less extensive than those which Charles had governed, and as he did not become emperor, he had, from the Spanish point of view, the great excellence over Charles that he was a national king. As such, he endeared himself to his people and still lives in their memory. It is curious that this same Philip, whom the Spaniards The char- esteem so highly, should stand before the rest of Europe as PhT ^^^^ darkest tyrant and most persistent enemy of light and progress whom the age produced. To this traditional European picture there certainly belongs a measure of truth ; but calm investigation teaches us that this truth is distorted with prejudice. Philip II. was a severe, cold, and narrow-minded man. He looked upon himself as God's agent on earth, and therefore hated all resistance to Spain under Charles I. and Philip II. 321 his will. Further he was a fervid Catholic, and abominated heresy of whatever form or description. Because of these views he clashed with the world of the north, which had freer conceptions of religion and government, and because of them he remains to this day to friends of progress an unsympathetic figure. But, whatever our judgment of him, it is due to him to remember that he was what he was with entire conviction. With such ideas as the above governing his life, it was Philip, only natural that Philip should have become the champion c^^hol^" °^ of Catholicism, and should have directed the chief effort of cism. his reign against the Protestants of the north. However, these religious wars were not altogether his fault. An impartial student must agree that they were as much forced upon him by Protestant aggression and the logical progress of events, as determined by his own Catholic impulses. As things stood, after the Council of Trent, a great Prot- estant-Catholic world-war was inevitable. It came by w^ay of the Spanish Netherlands. The Netherlands re- volted, and Philip set about putting down the revolt. But the Netherlands could not be pacified by him, and, adopting Protestantism, gradually won the sympathies and secured the aid of the French Huguenots and the German and English Protestants. So the war widened ; finding himself opposed in the Netherlands by the united Protest- ant peoples, Philip, in order to secure the Catholic sympa- thies, put himself forward as the champion of the pope and of Catholicism. Philip's reign began with a war (1556-59) against Philip Henry H. of France. The French once more attempted u'^l^f^^^ to weaken the hold of the Spaniards on Italy and the Italy. Netherlands, and once more they were unsuccessful. In the Peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559) the long rivalry over Italy, inaugurated a half century before, was closed 322 The Modern Period The war against the Dutch be- comes gen- eral. Philip turns against England. The Arma- da. Philip op- poses the Turks. and Spain left in undisputed possession of Naples and Milan. This war was entirely a political affair. But shortly after began the revolt of the Netherlands, and the long chain of wars pertaining thereto have all, more or less, a religious aspect. Philip's war against the Dutch will be treated in a .separate chapter. We note here merely that after a decade of uninterrupted fighting, it assumed, owing to the sym- pathies and alliances vouchsafed the Dutch, a universal character : to the war with the Protestant rebels was added a war with the French Huguenots under Henry of Navarre and a war with the England of Elizabeth. Furiously Philip turned at length upon his leading Protestant enemy, upon England. The height of the struggle between Spain and England was the sending of the great fleet, the Armada, against the northern power (1588). The Atlantic waters had never seen the like ; but the expedition failed miserably by reason of the superior skill and audacity of the English sailors and the disasters caused by wind and water. Philip bore his defeat with his usual impassivity. He spoke unaffectedly of the deep grief it caused him " not to be able to render God this great service." But the destruction of the Armada settled the great religious conflict. It deter- mined that the Dutch should not be reconquered ; it se- cured the Protestant world henceforth against the Catholic reaction ; and it put in the place of decaying Spain a new sea-power — England. But the Protestant heretics were not Philip's only ene- mies. The Turks, who had for some generations been threatening the west, engaged much of his attention. Bit by bit they had reduced the Venetian possessions in the east ; foot by foot they had pushed across Hungary toward Germany ; and Mohammedan pirates planted in northern Spain under Charles /. and Philip II. 323 Africa constantly plundered the Spanish coasts. Finally, in their great need, the pope, Venice, and Spain formed an alliance (15 71), and in the same year their united Lepanto, fleet, under Philip's half-brother, Don John of Austria, won ^57i« a brilliant victory over the Turks in the Gulf of Lepanto, in Greece. More than two hundred and fifty vessels were engaged on either side, and when the day was over no more than fifty Turkish vessels were found to have escaped destruction. Although the victory brought no tangible conquests to Christendom, the Mohammedan sea-power re- ceived a set-back from which it never again completely recovered. Lepanto is one of the proud moments of the history of Philip and of Spain. Another triumph of Philip's reign was the acquisition of Philip ac- Portugal, the only state of the peninsula of the Pyrenees ?ui^i^ ^^' which Spain had not yet absorbed. The event occurred in the year 1580, when the last native king of Portugal died, and Philip, who had a claim based upon the frequent intermarriages of the two reigning houses, took possession of the state and of her colonies. However, the Portu- guese, proud of their nationality and their achievements during the Age of Discoveries, accepted the yoke of the greater state unwillingly. The memories of Portuguese in- dependence would not perish, and after Spain had entered upon her decline, and only forty years after Philip's death, Portugal rose and won back her freedom, under a new royal House, the House of Braganza (1640). Since then Portugal and Spain have never been united. If the great wars with the Protestant powers, Lepanto, Domestic and the acquisition of Portugal gave a certain outward '^"*"' splendor to Philip's reign, beneath that splendor and with- in the boundaries of Spain everything pointed to ruin. Absolutism lay like a weight of lead upon everybody, crushing individual thought and business enterprise. Its 324 The Modern Period bad effects were supplemented by the Inquisition, which killed or banished the Jews and systematically exterminated the poor descendants of the Moors whose agricultural knowledge and industrial skill were far in advance of any- thing the Spaniards themselves could boast. Inquisition Inquisition and absolutism — these are the names of the t^m^ "' chief diseases which racked the body of the Spanish nation. As they are associated with the central power, it is cus- tomary to describe the decline of Spain solely to her big- oted, unwise kings. But the Spanish people themselves must bear a share of the blame. To a stubborn religious intolerance which shut them off from all new ideas, they added a lordly pride and a southern indolence which made them contemptuous of the great and saving gospel of work. Philip III. Philip III. (1598-1621), who succeeded Philip II., was (1593-1021). ^^ utterly incapable man. In 1609 he was obliged to bend his pride in a way in whicH his father refused to do, and conclude with the rebel Dutch a twelve years' truce. It was the public acknowledgment of Spain's decline. Un- der Philip IV. (1621-65) th^ country dropped definitely to the second and third rank among European powers in con- sequence of the disgraceful treaties of Westphalia (1648) and of the Pyrenees (1659), which closed her long wars with the Netherlands and with France. In 1659 the po- litical, social, and material decline of Spain was patent to every observer. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. The Inquisition in Stain. Prescott, Philip II. 3 vols. $3.00. Lippin- cott. 'WiWiens, Spanish Protestantism in i/te Sixteenth Century. $1.50. Heinemann. K\i\c, History 0/ the Inquisition. 3 vols. London. 2. Civilization of Spain Under Pmilii' (commerce, court, literature, etc.). Hume, Philip II. Ch. XVIII. Hume, The Year after the Armada. Fitzma.uTice-Kelly, S/anish Literature. $1.50. Appleton. England under the Ttidors 325 CHAPTER XXI ENGLAND UNDER THE TUDORS (1485-1603) ; FINAL TRIUMPH OF THE REFORMATION UNDER ELIZA- BETH (1559-1603). L,1TERATI)RK.— Seebohm, T/ie 0.r/o?-^ Reformers. $5.cx3. Longmans. l.R. Qr^^n, History of the English People. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper. Froude, History of England from the Fall of Wolsey to the Death of Eliza- beth. 12 vols. Scribner. Taswell-Langmead, English Constitutional History. $6.00. Houghton. Translation and Reprints. Univ. of Penn. Vol. I., No. i (Letters of Henry, Wolsey, etc.). Prothero, Statutes and Constitutional Documents, 1559-1625. $2.60. Clar- endon Press. Gee and Hardy, Documents Illustratiz'e of English Church History, $2.60. Macmillan. Henry VIII. {j^og-47) S. R. Gardiner, Student's History of E7igland, pp. 361-411, $3.00. Longf* mans. J, R. Green, A Short History of tJie English People, pp. 303-57. $1.20, Harper. Henry VII., the first Tudor monarch and creator of the Great ex- " strong monarchy," was succeeded on his death in 1509 P^^tations by his son Henry VIII. Henry VIII. was an attractive Henry VIIL youth of twenty, skilled in gentlemanly sports such as rid- ing and tennis, condescending with all people, free-handed and fond of pageantry, and altogether the idol of his nation, which received him with acclamations of joy. As he had humanistic leanings, it was at first supposed that his reign would lead to a great culmination of humanism. The leading English humanists were John Colet and Sir The English Thomas More. Erasmus also deserves to be named in this "Pianists, connection, for, although he was born at Rotterdam, he lived for a time in England and exercised a great influence there. These men, like their contemporaries in Germany, 326 The Modern Period Colefs work in education. Sir Thomas More's Utopia. Stood for the new classical learning; they interested them- selves in the ideal philosophy of Plato ; and they spread through England the passion for a reformed and simple Christian life. Because the University of Oxford became a seat of humanistic influence, the English humanists are generally known as the Oxford reformers. The Oxford reformers did, each in his own way, im- portant civilizing work. Colet's interest lay largely in education. With his own fortune he founded St. Paul's school for boys along lines that were as far as possible re- moved from any followed in the Middle Age. The old pedagogic brutality was replaced by affectionate interest, and Greek and Latin, taught in a fresh, human way, crowded out the petrified studies of the schoolmen. St. Paul's school became the model for many new schools created in the following years. Sir Thomas More, having adopted a political career, be- came chiefly interested in problems of good government. His ideas on this subject he laid down in a famous book, " Utopia " (the Kingdom of Nowhere, 1516). The Utopia is not a realistic political treatise, such as Ma- chiavelli's Prince, but presents an ideal which human government and society should strive to reach. Justice, freedom, and equality are the pillars of More's visionary kingdom, and by exhibiting the delightfulness of a life established upon such a basis, he brought sharply to the mind of his contemporaries the shortcomings of the king- doms of which they formed a part. In Utopia education was obligatory ; there were wise sanitary provisions ; ani- mals were treated with kindness; religious tolerance was a government rule. People reading of these things must have wished greatly to realize them in this life. Henry did not yield to the humanistic influences for long. He heaped many favors upon individual humanists, but England under the Tudors 327 showed at the same time that he cared not so much for Henry domestic reform as for personal aggrandizement. Under ^"op^^a the smooth exterior of the king there gradually appeared a aggrandize- stubborn and imperious egotism which would brook no "^^" ' opposition to its will. The leading events of the next years are associated with Henry Henry's wars. In 151 2 the king joined Spain and the the^Frencli" pope in the Holy League, which was created for the purpose Spanish of driving the French out of Italy, and while Louis XII. of ^"^ ^°^ *°' France was busy defending Milan, Henry invaded his rival's territory from Calais, then still an English posses- sion. The most notable results of these campaigns across the Channel was a cheap victory, known as the Battle of the Spurs (15 13). However, a more decisive advantage was gained in an- Troubles other direction. When the king of France found himself ^ ^ ^ threatened by the king of England, he naturally sought the alliance of the monarch of Scotland, James IV., and while Henry was campaigning in France, James crossed the Scottish border and pushed south. Brought to a halt at Flodden Field, he was there signally defeated, himself and the flower of his nobility remaining dead upon the field. It was the last time the Scots seriously threatened the pres- tige of England. The favorite adviser of Henry at this period of his life Wolsey was Thomas Wolsey (1471-1530). Wolsey was a mere ^nj^L^'d'^ burgher's son, but having joined the clergy rose rapidly by Chancellor. virtue of his talents from post to post, until the king's favor won for him the archbishopric of York, and at the same time raised him to the position of Lord Chancellor, the highest post in the civil administration of the realm (15 1 5). Thus Wolsey became the king's second self. Unfortunately he was over-fond of power and its outward symbols, such as gorgeous palaces, trains of servants, and 328 The Modern Period Henry takes sides against Lu- ther. Henry's marriage. sumptuous feasts, and altogether his ambition and vanity subtracted somewhat from his undoubted patriotism and intelligence. Meanwhile, beginning with the ninety-five theses of 1517, Europe had become agitated by the question of the Reformation, and it seemed to Henry to devolve on him to adopt some definite attitude toward Luther's heresy. Henry was not untutored in theology. In fact, he prided himself upon being a master of all its intricacies, and his vanity urged him not to conceal his light under a bushel. When Luther went so far as to attack the sacraments and the authority of the pope, Henry published a vehement pamphlet against him (15 21), in return for which service the pope, gratified at finding a champion among the royalty, conferred upon Henry the title of Defender of the Faith. The good understanding between the king and the pope was, however, sadly ruffled before long by the rise of the divorce question. Henry's marriage deserves close consideration. The reader will remember that Henry VH., in pursuance of his peace policy, had sought to associate himself with Spain. He calculated that England was threatened by France alone, and that Spain and England in alliance would render France harmless. Spain did not fail to see her own advantage in this policy of Henry, and finally Ferdinand of Spain and Henry VH. of England agreed to cement their interests by a matrimonial alliance. Accord- ingly the boy-prince of Wales, Arthur, was married to Catharine, daughter of Ferdinand and Isabella. But shortly after the ceremony Arthur died, and, as the desire for the alliance continued as before, the idea naturally oc- curred to the families concerned to marry Arthur's widow to Arthur's surviving brother, Henry. However, an ob- stacle to this project was offered by a Church law, which England under the Tudors 329 forbade a man to marry his deceased brother's wife. In this dilemma the then pope, Julius II., granted a special dispensation, whereby the church law was annulled for Catharine's and Henry's benefit. The way being thus cleared, the marriage actually took place immediately upon Henry's accession (1509). It will be readily seen that the legality of Henry's mar- Reasons riage depended upon the pope's dispensation. And for a Y < '^^"'■y number of years Henry seems never to have doubted that divorce, his marriage was a real marriage, nor to have thought that there was anything wrong with the pope's special warrant. But gradually circumstances arose and conditions were created that made it very desirable to him to get rid of his wife. These were as follows : Catharine was five years older than himself, and her melancholy religious temperament was incompatible with his boisterous worldli- ness ; he hoped for a son to secure the succession and he had by Catharine only a sickly daughter, Mary ; the marriage with Catharine was merely a concession to the Spanish alliance and that had just (1525) been broken; finally, he loved another woman, the young and charming maid of honor, Anne Boleyn. For all these reasons Henry began to think of a divorce, and naturally enough he at- tacked, in order to get it, the pope's dispensation upon which the marriage hinged. It was in 1527 that Henry took up the divorce matter. The pope He informed the pope, who was Clement VII., that he ^"[sats the ^ ^ ' divorce suit considered the dispensation to be technically faulty and dilatorily. begged him to annul it. Naturally the pope wished to proceed slowly in so important a matter, and his hesitation was further increased by the sack of Rome, which, coming at this time (1527), impressed him with the power of the emperor. Under the terror of recent punishment Clement opined that he had better proceed cautiously in a divorce 330 The Modern Period Henry de- termines on a breach with Rome. The main steps in the breach. Parliament completes Henry's ■work. that touched the family honor of Charles V. so intimately. His policy, therefore, was to put Henry off, and, to gain time, he even ordered, in 1529, an investigation to be con- ducted in England by two special legates, Wolsey and an Italian, named Campeggio. But no more came of this move than of any other ; Campeggio suddenly betook him- self home, and Henry, outraged by the failure of his hopes, disgraced Wolsey and might have had him executed if an opportune death had not intervened (1530). Henry, despairing more and more of getting what he wanted from the pope, now gradually determined on the breach with Rome. If the English Church were declared independent, the divorce would go before an English ec- clesiastical tribunal, and how such a court would decide was not a matter of doubt in Henry's mind. Luckily, too, the breach with Rome was popular with the English people, who had long looked with disgust upon papal interference in national affairs. Thus Henry, without very great diffi- culty, destroyed by a series of measures the pope's author- ity in England. As far as he took advice, he gave ear to two councillors, Thomas Cranmer, a learned divine, and Thomas Cromwell, who, once a servant of Wolsey, soon took Wolsey's place in the council. Henry's leading measures were as follows : first, he secured by threats the submission of the English clergy to his authority ; then, appointing his friend Cranmer arch- bishop of Canterbury, he referred the divorce to him (1533) and got a decree of separation ; finally, he married Anne Boleyn and proclaimed her queen (1533). All this implied a challenge of the pope which was only likely to prove successful if followed by a legal dissolution of all bonds uniting Rome and England. Parliament was therefore called in at this point, and in 1534 completed Henry's work. It forbade all appeals to Rome "of what- England tinder the Ttidors 33' ever nature, condition, or quality; " it gave the king the right to appoint the bishops ; and finally it passed the Act The Act of of Supremacy, by which it declared that the king " was the j^^.^"^^^^' only Supreme Head on earth of the Church of England." Thus Henry, head of the state, became also head of the Church, or, briefly, the English pope. And never did a pope at Rome insist more strenuously on his authority. Henry, the Henry would brook no opposition to the new arrangements, pJL^^^^ and in order to terrorize the malcontents executed two of the leading men of England, Bishop Fisher and Sir Thomas More, the humanist. The crime of these men was that they did not believe in the late changes. From the first, it was an interesting question how far Henry's at- Henry would depart from the accepted Catholic organ- ^^^ Protes- ization, doctrines, and practices, and how far he would tantism. adopt the Protestant position. The crisis terminating in the Act of Supremacy had established the independence of the English Church from Rome, no more. To a certain extent, however, Henry was likely to be influenced by the Protestant Reformation, especially in view of the fact that his most trusted councillor was Cromwell, who had strong Lutheran leanings. A number of innovations were therefore gradually ad- Protestant mitted. The English Bible was put into every church; changes, the doctrines concerning purgatory, indulgences, and masses for the dead were condemned ; pilgrimages were forbidden and miraculous images destroyed. But the most incisive innovation was the suppression of the mon- asteries. There existed at Henry's accession about 1,200 monas- The sup- teries in England, the wealth of which, especially in land, was the^monas- very considerable. Many of these monasteries had become teries, 1536. corrupt, and the whole system no longer enjoyed the favor with which it was once regarded. Cardinal Wolsey him- 332 The Modern Period Henry calls a halt in the matter of reform. The Six Articles, 1.539 His unprof- itable for- eign policy. self had therefore begun the pohcy of suppression, and now under Cromwell it was completed. In 1536 Henry got a decree from parliament which rang the death-knell of the monks in England. The monastic foundations were de- clared the property of the king, who made them over in large part to the nobility, and applied the rest to the en- dowment of bishoprics and schools, or in wasteful court expenditures. Thus far the majority of the English people had con- curred with Henry, for, although Catholic in feeling, they wished to be free from Rome and believed that the monas- teries were an evil. But Henry was now to receive a warn- ing that he had gone as far as the people would permit. In the north of England, where mediaeval conditions contin- ued to linger, a protest was raised against the suppression of the monasteries which soon took the form of a revolt. This was the so-called Pilgrimage of Grace (1536), which, although vigorously suppressed, had an effect in that it convinced the king that he had better go no further for the present. He therefore not only called a halt, but in 1539 fell a victim to a partial reaction. Frightened by the ad- vance of Lutheran opinion, Henry disgraced and executed Cromwell, the Lutheran sympathizer, and published a Con- fession of Faith in Six Articles in which he declared for a number of leading Catholic doctrines, such as celibacy of the clergy, auricular confession, and transubstantiation. For the rest of his reign, Henry punished both Protestants and Catholics, the former for differing with the Six Arti- cles, the latter for refusing to accept his supremacy. Henry's foreign policy was throughout his reign confus- ing and uninteresting. The important political matter of the time was the rivalry between France and Spain, the respective sovereigns of which were Francis I. and Charles V. Henry's alliance was solicited by both monarchs, and England tinder the Tudors 333 he sided sometimes with Charles and sometimes with Fran- cis, but no one has ever succeeded in proving that he gained anything by his continental activity. A personal page in Henry's history demands at least His six mar- passing recognition. It presents the story of his marriages. "^S^^* His native vulgarity and lordly caprice exhibit them- selves here without relief. We have already followed the tragedy of Catharine of Aragon to the coronation of Anne Boleyn. Anne Boleyn gave birth to a daughter, Elizabeth, and soon afterward was executed (1536). The next wife was Jane Seymour, who died a natural death, leaving a son Edward. The fourth wife, Anne of Cleves, did not suit Henry at all, and was hardly married when she was di- vorced (1540). As the fifth wife, Catharine Howard, proved untrue, she was beheaded (1542), and so room was made for a sixth, Catharine Parr, who, although occasion- ally in imminent danger, managed, by submission, to out- live the royal bluebeard. Henry died in 1547. Having been given the right by The succes- Parliament to determine the succession by will, he entailed ^*°"' the crown upon his three children, Edward, Mary, and Elizabeth, in the order named. Edward VI. ( 1547-53)- Gardiner, pp. 412-20. Green, pp. 357-361. As Edward VI. was but nine years old when his father lay at the point of death, Henry provided, during his son's minority, a council of regency, at the head of which he Theprotect- put Edward's maternal uncle, the duke of Somerset. Somerset, however, disregarding Henry's will, assumed complete control, with the title of protector. The great question of the hour was the question of relig- ion. The Henrian Church, being neither Catholic nor or Somerset. 334 The Modern Period The adop- tion of Prot- estantism. The Prayer Book and the Articles of Religion. Northum- berland as- sumes the regency. The pre- cocity of Edward. Protestant, displeased the faithful of either fold, and Somer- set, who had Lutheran sympathies, resolved before long to carry through a thorough Protestant reform. He had in this the support of Cranmer, the archbishop of Canterbury, who was also a Protestant at heart. These two men now inaugurated an era of change which Anglican his- torians usually speak of as "The Protestant Misrule." Pictures and altars were swept out of the churches, the rich vestments and the sacred processions were abandoned, and the Latin mass was replaced by an English service. In order to make possible the conduct of this service, Cranmer issued in 1549 the English Book of Common Prayer. At the same time, the English Church shifted from Catholic to Protestant doctrinal ground, and in the year 1552 there was issued a new Confession of Faith, known as the Forty- two Articles of Religion, which is saturated through and through with the Protestant and even the Calvinistic spirit. Entirely in line with these changes, the principle of celi- bacy was abandoned and the clergy permitted to marry. The protector Somerset, however, did not live to com- plete the establishment of the Protestant Church. Dis- content was rife everywhere at his inconsiderate manner and his revolutionary programme, and in 1549 he fell a vic- tim to a plot of the nobles, and was beheaded. Although he was succeeded in power by his political opponent, the duke of Northumberland, the new regent substantially adopted Somerset's radically Protestant policy. Even had Northumberland been willing to make con- cessions to the Catholic party, he would have been hin- dered by the will of the young king. Edward VL was, as is frequently the case with invalid child-ren, a boy of re- markable precocity. His uncle Somerset had given him a severe Protestant training, and he pored over the Script- ures with the fervor of a Calvinistic preacher. However, berland's succession England under the Titdors 355 in the course of the year 1553, his vitality becoming very apparently exhausted, the question of the succession came to the front. On his death the crown would rightfully fall to Mary, who, like her Spanish mother Catharine, was a devout Catholic. The prospect of her reign frightened Northumberland, who, as a Protestant, had reason to fear Northum a Catholic sovereign. He therefore played upon the young king's Protestant conscience with such skill that he per- plot, suaded him to make a testament excluding his sisters Mary and Elizabeth from the throne, and nominating as his suc- cessor a great-granddaughter of Henry VII., the Lady Jane Grey.^ The calculating Northumberland, however, had previously married Lady Jane Grey to one of his own sons, Guilford Dudley. Thus he hoped to perpetuate his power. In July, 1553, Edward died. ^^ry, 1553-58- Gardiner, pp. 420-27. Green, pp. 361-69. Edward had hardly expired when Northumberland pro- Mary hailed claimed Lady Jane Grey. But if he had any hope of carry- ing his candidate he was soon disillusioned. The mass of the people saw through his despicable intrigue and rallied around Mary, their legitimate sovereign. They hailed Mary gladly, because not only their sense of justice, but also their dearest hopes, designated her as their queen. For the majority of the people were still Catholic, and the rad- ical Protestantism of Edward and Northumberland had » Genealogy of Lady Jane Grey. Henr y VII. I I ~"l Henry VIII. Margaret Mary = D. of Suffolk. Frances = Henry Grey Jane Grey. as sov- ereign. 336 The Modern Period The Lady Jane Grey. Mary plans a full Catho- lic restora- tion. The Act of Supremacy abolished. aroused their animosity. From Mary they expected the return of the mass and of the ancient Catholic practices, from which they were not yet weaned in their hearts. The Lady Jane Grey was, in consequence of this un- hesitating devotion of the Enghsh people to their rightful sovereign, crowned only to be deposed again. Northum- berland justly paid for his ambition with his head. Un- fortunately, Lady Jane Grey, who was utterly innocent of the plot to depose Queen Mary, and who had accepted the crown from her father-in-law almost against her will, paid the same penalty. It is certain that if Mary had adopted a moderate Catho- lic policy, her reign would have met the wishes of her peo- ple. But Mary had nothing about her suggesting com- promise. Her Spanish blood called upon her to be faith- ful, above all things, to her faith. She, therefore, planned nothing less than a return of England to the pope's fold — a full Catholic restoration. And that was a delusion. For, however the English people were attached to Catholic practices, the Act of Supremacy, proclaiming the English independence of Rome, had the consent of the nation. The very first acts of Mary's reign left no doubt about her policy. The parliament, always obedient to a word from the throne, straightway abolished all the acts which had been voted under Edward, re-established the old faith, and forbade the new. When the married clergymen had been expelled and the old liturgy had been introduced, the last measure necessary for the undoing of the work of the past years could be undertaken. In November, 1554, there arrived in London Cardinal Pole, the legate of the pope, and the parliament having abolished the Act of Supremacy of 1534, the English nation was solemnly received back by Pole into the bosom of Mother Church. If the ultra-Catholic policy of Mary alienated popular England under the Tudors 337 sympathy, she still further aroused the hostility of her sub- Unpopular jects by her marriage with a foreigner, Philip, son and heir '"^/jf^puM- of Charles V. (1554). But as opposition to her increased, her Tudor imperiousness rose to meet it and led her soon to adopt that policy of persecution which has won for her from a Protestant posterity the title of Bloody Mary, and Unpopular has made her reign famous as the period of the Protestant turns'^"" martyrs. The record of deaths is heavy : sixty-five men died by the fagot in the year 1555, seventy in 1556. Their stanchness in death did more toward establishing Protestantism in England than the doctrinal fervor of an army of Calvinistic preachers could have done. It was even as Bishop Latimer said to Bishop Ridley at the stake : "Master Ridley, play the man; we shall this day, by God's grace, light such a candle in England as I trust shall never be put out." For the stout part they played, Latimer and Ridley head the Protestant martyrology. But the persecution struck a more prominent, if not a more noble, victim than these, in the person of the deposed arch- bishop of Canterbury. This was the celebrated Cranmer, who had served under two kings. Cranmer, who had always shown a subservient spirit, flinched when the trial came and denied his faith. But in the face of death his courage came back to him. He thrust his right hand into the flame, and steadying it there, said, resolutely: "This is the hand that wrote the recantation, therefore it first shall suffer punishment." If Edward's radical Protestantism made his reign de- The loss of tested, Mary's radical Catholicism produced the same re- *-**^'^' suit. The hatred of her subjects soon pursued her even into her palace. She was a quiet, tender woman, whose intolerance was more the crime of the age than her own, and the harvest of aversion which was springing up about her was more than she could bear. Besides, her marriage 338 The Modern Period Tennyson, Queen Mary (drama). The glori- ous reign of Queen Elizabeth. The charac- ter of Eliza- beth. was unfortunate. She loved Philip, but Philip cared noth- ing for her, and did not even trouble to hide his indifference to the sickly and ill-favored woman, twelve years older than himself. To crown her misfortunes, she allowed her Span- ish husband to draw her into a war with France, in which Philip won all the honor and Mary suffered all the disgrace, by the loss of the last point which remained to England from her former possessions in France, Calais (155S). Doubtless the loss of Calais was for England a benefit in disguise ; she was thereby cut off from the continent and directed to her true sphere, the sea. But to the living generation of Englishmen the capture seemed an insuffer- able dishonor, and no one felt it more keenly than Mary. *' When I die," she is reported to have said shortly before her death (November, 1558), " Calais will be found written on my heart. ' ' Elizabeth (ijj8-i6oj). Gardiner, pp. 428 8i. Green, pp. 369-442. Elizabeth, Anne Boleyn's daughter and Mary's younger half-sister, succeeded to the throne on Mary's death, and in- augurated a reign which proved to be the most glorious of any which England has ever had. Under Elizabeth, Pro- testantism was firmly established in England ; the great Catholic sea-power, Spain, was challenged and defeated ; and English life flowered in the poetry of Shakespeare and his contemporaries more exuberantly and more exquisitely than ever before or since. To the national greatness, to which England suddenly raised herself in the sixteenth century, Elizabeth has had the good fortune to lend her name. In consequence she appears in a halo that is calculated to blind us to her faults. Of these, however, she had her full human quota : vanity, England under the Tiidors 339 fickleness, and love of amorous intrigue being especially prominent. But these qualities hardly more than super- ficially obscure her great merits. Throughout her reign she exhibited a statesmanlike grasp of circumstances and an inflexible determination. As regards the great matter of religion, which her con- Her relig- temporaries regarded as the eminently important thing in £°"^ md"- life, Elizabeth seems to have been comparatively lukewarm. Thus inclined by nature to be moderate, she was delivered from the destructive radicalism of both Edward and Mary, and happily given to the search rather of what united than what divided men. The chief organs of Elizabeth's government were the Privy Coun- Privy Council and the parliament. The Privy Council P., ^^^^^^' answered the purpose of a modern cabinet, and Elizabeth regularly heard its advice before arriving at a decision. No little credit is due to her for her wise choice of councillors, and especially for the confidence she put in William Cecil, Lord Burghley, who was the greatest English statesman of the time. The Privy Council, a body of her own choice, Elizabeth was far more anxious to consult than the parlia- ment, a body elected by the people. Parliament under Elizabeth remained therefore what it had been under the other Tudors, an obedient instrument of the royal will. The real power was concentrated almost absolutely in Eliz- abeth's hands. The great question of the Reformation was the first ques- Elizabeth tion that confronted Elizabeth. Edward had followed a ^■^lopts a moderate policy of radical Protestantism and had failed; Mary had religious followed a policy of radical Catholicism and had failed; it po^'^^y- was plain that the wise course would be a moderate course, and should lie between these two. Elizabeth therefore began by letting the Parliament pass, in 1559, the Acts of Supremacy and of Uniformity, which 340 The Modern Period The Acts of Supremacy and Uni- formity, 1559- Elizabeth's attitude toward the Catholics. Puritans and Sepa- ratists. are the foundations of the English Church as that Church stands to-day. By the Act of Supremacy the independence of England from Rome was again proclaimed and Elizabeth declared the sui)reme governor of the realm in spiritual as well as temporal matters; by the Act of Uniformity the clergy were forbidden to depart from the service laid down in the Book of Common Prayer. Later on, it may here be noted, uniformity was also required in the matter of the creed which was stated in the Thirty-nine Articles, a re- vision of the Forty-two Articles of Edward's time. Thus the Anglican Church (also called Episcopal Church, be- cause of its government by bishops) was finally established, aud practically in the form in which we have it to-day. Elizabeth's policy of a moderate Protestantism con- formed to the wishes of the majority of the English people. In consequence the feeling of uncertainty, occasioned by the rapid changes of the previous reigns, was soon replaced by a merited confidence. Slowly Protestantism won its way into the hearts of the English people and crowded out the mediaeval faith. But for a long time the Catholic party was still a considerable factor in English life. However, Elizabeth was not, strictly speaking, a persecutor. Freedom of worship she would not suffer, and the Catholics had to attend the national Church or pay fines for absenting them- selves (recusancy fines). But they were not punished in their persons if they did not engage in political conspiracies. In the proportion in \vhich the Catholics decreased in number and importance, another party, as ill-disposed in its own way to the Anglican Church as the Catholics were in theirs, increased. This was the party of the Prot- estant radicals, who were not satisfied with Elizabeth's half-measures, and clamored for a thorough-going Protes- tant organization. The non-conformists, as these Protes- tants were called, soon split into two parties, Puritans and England under the Tiidors 341 Separatists. The Puritans were moderate opponents, who did not sever their connection with the Anglican Church, because they hoped to win it over to their programme. Their name was originally a nick-name, given them by their Anglican adversaries in consequence of their demand for what they called a purer worship. This purer worship aimed at stripping the Anglican Church of many of the Catholic practices which had been retained, such as genu- flections, wearing the surplice, and decorating the altar. The Separatists (also called Brownists, after their founder, Robert Brown) were radicals who knew no compromise. The Established Church being to them no better than the Roman Church, they refused to attend it, and thus made themselves liable to persecution under the Act of Uniformity. When Elizabeth ascended the throne her religious policy Elizabeth was so moderate that both Philip and the pope for awhile compelled maintained good relations with her. But gradually a cool- Protestant- ness sprang up, and in 1570, the pope announced that his *^'"' patience was exhausted by publishing a bull of excommuni- cation against the queen. From this time, England more and more and almost unconsciously assumed the leadership of the Protestant world, and since the Catholic reaction was growing more ambitious every day, it was plain that a great world-struggle between Protestantism and Catholicism, conducted chiefly by their respective champions, England and Spain, could not be long put off. Every event in Elizabeth's reign contributed to precipi- The affairs tate the struggle ; notably the queen's relations with Scot- of Scotland, land and Scotland's sovereign, Mary Stuart. Scotland had been England's foe for centuries, and the bitterness between the two kingdoms was probably never fiercer than at this time. Henry VII. had wisely attempted to estab- lish a greater harmony between the royal houses by mar- rying his daughter Margaret to James IV. But war was 342 The Modern Period Schiller, Mary Stuart (drama). Mary sent to France. Scotland becomes Protestant, 1560. not thereby averted. James IV. and James V. both sym- pathized with France and both perished in the struggle against England, the latter (1542) when his only heir and successor, Mary, was but a few weeks old. Mary Stuart's descent from Henry VII. and the prospective failure of Henry VIII. 's direct descendants, opened for the child the prospect of the English succession. On the death of Mary Tudor (1558), there was, with the exception of Elizabeth, no other descendant of Henry VII. alive as prominent as she. To the Catholics, moreover, who saw in the daugh- ter of Anne Boleyn merely an illegitimate child, she had even a better claim than Elizabeth. Out of this relation of the two women to the English throne sprang their intense hatred of each other, and the long and bloody drama of their jealousy, ending in Mary's death upon the scaffold. When Mary succeeded to the throne of Scotland she was, as has been said, a child in arms. Her mother, another Mary, of the French family of Guise, assumed the regency, and in order to withdraw her child from possible English influences, sent her over to France, where she was soon betrothed to the heir of the throne. Thus the inter- ests of France and Scotland were newly knit, to the det- riment of England. Mary of Guise soon met in Scotland the difficulties associated with the Reformation that every sovereign of that day had to face, for during her regency a number of enthusiastic Calvinist preachers, among whom John Knox (1505-72) occupies the first place, began proclaiming with success the new faith. For awhile the issue trembled in the balance, but when the nobles, lured by the prospect of the rich church lands which awaited secularization, threw in their lot with the preachers, the success of the Scotch Reformation was assured. A last desperate attempt of the regent to put down the Protestants with the aid of the England under the Tudors 343 French troops having failed, owing chiefly to the assistance which the cunning Elizabeth lent the Scotch rebels, the regent was obliged to sign the treaty of Edinburgh (1560) and send the French troops home. As she died this same year, and Queen Mary was still in France, the Protestant lords suddenly found themselves masters of the situation. In a par- liament composed of the friends of Knox, they established the new Church of Scotland, the Presbyterian Kirk (1560). Up to this time the absent Queen Mary had not con- Mary comes cerned herself much with the doings of far-away Scotland. *° Scotland, Her husband, Francis II., had lately (1559) become king of France, and ever since the death of Mary Tudor (1558) she had, supported by a good part of the Catholic world, looked upon herself as queen, too, of England. But the year 1560 disturbed her outlook greatly. Her husband Francis II. died, and Elizabeth made herself tolerably secure at home. Scotland alone seemed to be left to Mary, and as Scotland needed its sovereign, she suddenly (1561) hurried thither. When Mary landed in Scotland she was only nineteen Her difficul- years old and no better than a stranger. Add to this fact ^'^^' the circumstance that she was confronted by a lawless nobility, and, as a Catholic, was an object of suspicion to her Protestant subjects, and you have the elements of a problem that even a better and wiser person than Mary might not have solved. But though Mary proved inadequate, she was a woman Her char- of many admirable gifts. She had been brought up in ^cter, France in the refinement that adorned the court of the Valois ; she had wit and beauty, nay, more, she had a certain indefinable charm which enabled her to dominate all men whom she approached. But unfortunately Mary was also the slave of her passions, and therein lay the distinction between her and her cousin Elizabeth. Eliza- 344 The Modern Period Mary's tragical marriage. The Scotch revolt. Mary seeks refuge in England, 1568. beth was in the final instance always the statesman guided by the sense of her duty to her country ; Mary in the final in- stance was always a woman, swayed by her love or her hatred. In the year 1565 Mary married her cousin, Lord Darn- ley, and from that moment everything went badly. Lord Darnley turned out to be proud, loutish, and dissolute. He plotted with a party of the nobles hostile to Mary, and in conjunction with them planned and executed the murder of the Italian David Rizzio, one of Mary's secretaries (1566). Such love as Mary had for Darnley now turned to hate, and when in February, 1567, Darnley was mur- dered in a house just outside of Edinburgh, report im- mediately connected Mary with the crime. Its real author was soon known to be the earl of Bothwell, a dare-devil cavalier, who was deeply in love with the (jueen, but was the queen his accomplice? The question has been asked again and again, but never answered conclusively. By what followed the murder, however, Mary compromised her good name beyond help. Not only did she fail to prosecute Bothwell seriously, but shortly after the murder she married him. The result might have been foreseen. Her subjects, horrified at her conduct, revolted, and although she made a brave resistance she was defeated, and by the year 1568 found herself without sujiport. Despairing of success, she now left Scotland in the hands of her enemies, who had proclaimed the accession of her infant son James, and sought refuge with Elizabeth. It was not a happy step. Mary became Elizabeth's prisoner, and won her release only, after nineteen years, by laying her head upon the block. The cue for this ungenerous conduct of the English queen toward her suppliant cousin is to be found in the political situation of Europe, We must again recall that this was the period of the Catholic reaction, and that in England under the Tndors 345 measure as the movement ripened toward a climax, the The strug- struggle between England and Spain was becoming inevit- &l^Y^*t" able. Luckily at the approach of the great crisis the temper of Englishmen was hardening to steel. Conscious of their power, they even invited the threatening storm. Free-booters — Sir Francis Drake and others — harried the Spaniards on the Atlantic main, and soldiers enlisted under William of Orange to fight for freedom in the Netherlands. Finally Elizabeth's grant of open aid to the revolted Dutch made an end of Philip's patience. He prepared against England an unexampled armament. It was the rumor of Philip's invasion of England, coupled with the renewed activity of the Catholic supporters of Mary, that cost the unfortunate queen of Scots her life. Execution Probably it had little value to her and death was not un- 1^87^^^' welcome. In February, 1587, Mary was executed at Fotheringay. The next year the war between Spain and England came to a head. Philip, having at length got together one hun- dred and thirty-t\vo ships, proudly called his Invincible Armada, despatched them toward the English coasts. The island-realm was thoroughly alive to its danger. In the face of the foreign invader all religious differences were The Eng- forgotten and replaced by a flaming national enthusiasm !*^ ^'^t^th'^^ uniting all parties. An eloquent witness of this elation is Armada, furnished by the fact that the English mustered even more ships than the Spaniards, finally no less than one hundred and ninety-seven. Though these ships were no match in size for the Spanish galleons, by their speed, their excellent equipment, and the perfect seamanship of their sailors they more than made up the difference in bulk. The Spanish fleet had hardly appeared, toward the end of July, 1588, The defeat off the west coast of England, before the small and rapid « . English vessels darted in upon their rear and flank. The 346 The Modern Period The Armada, a turning- point. Elizabeth's last years. England adopts the sea. damage which was done the Spaniards during a passage of the Channel lasting eight days, forced them to harbor off Calais for repairs. Here a number of fire-ships sent among them discomfited them so completely that the admiral gave up the enterprise. Finding the Channel blocked behind him, he tried to make for home by the coast of Scotland, but untimely storms struck across his i)ath and completed the work of the enemy. England was safe ; and more than England, the cause of Protestantism the world over. For with the Armada the Catholic reaction reached its height, and with the Armada's failure there set in an inevitable ebb. As for Elizabeth, the coming of the Spanish Armada was the climax of her brilliant reign. Henceforth her people identified her with the national triumph and worshipped her as the very spirit of England. But her private life slowly entered into eclipse. She was old, childless, and lonely. Her last sincere attachment, of which the earl of Essex was the object, brought her nothing but sorrow, for Essex plotted against her and had to be executed (1601). Slowly the shadows thickened around her and in the year 1603 she died. Most wonderful to consider remains England's varied progress during this reign. In fact, the reign became the starting-point of a new development, as, under Elizabeth, Englishmen for the first time grew aware that their true realm was the sea. The great sailors like Drake, Davis, and Frobisher voyaged to the remotest lands, and though they established no colonies, and though such attempts as were made by Sir Walter Raleigh, for instance, in Virginia, turned out to be premature, the idea of a colonial empire in the future was implanted in the minds of Englishmen ; and for the present there were established lucrative com- mercial relations with various parts of the world. Before England under the Tudors 347 the death of Elizabeth, England, which had theretofore allowed Spain a monopoly of the sea, had fairly entered upon the path of oceanic expansion. The spread of the Anglo-Saxon race, one of the most significant events of Modern History, may therefore be dated from the time of Good Queen Bess. With the increase of commerce, there came an increase The ex- of industry and wealth and a more elevated plane of living, Pif^^^^" which showed itself in a greater luxury of dress, in a court- lier society, and in the freer patronage of the theatre and the arts. Altogether England was new-made. The Italian Renaissance poured out its cornucopia of gifts upon her, and there followed such an energy of existence and expan- sion of the intellectual life of man as made this period one of the great culture-epochs of history. The art by which this new life was immortalized was the drama, and Christopher Marlowe (d. 1593), Ben Jonson (d. 1637), and William Shakespeare (d. 1616) are its Shake- great luminaries. But the other fields of art and science §P^^^^ ^"<^ ^ Bacon. were not left uncultivated. Edmund Spenser (d. 1599) wrote the great epic poem of the English tongue, the Faerie Queen, and Francis Bacon (d. 1626), the philosopher, gave a new zest to science by referring man directly to nature for his facts. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Humanism in England. Seebohm, The Oxford Rrformers. Green, (larger work), Vol. II., pp. 77-106. More's Utopia, Cassell's Library ($0.10) or in Camelot Series ($0.50). 2. The Murder of Darnley and the Question of Mary's Guilt. Burton, History of Scotland. 8 vols. Blackwood. See Vol. IV. Green (larger work). Vol. II., pp. 347-64- Creighton, The Age of Elizabeth, (Epochs). Pp. 75-80. $1.00. Scribner. Hosack, Mary, Queen of Scots, and Her Accusers. 2 vols. Blackwood. 3. English Civilization at the Time of Elizabeth. Green (larger work). Vol. II. Ch. VII. Traill, Social England. 6 vols. Putnam. See Vol. III., Ch. XI. and XII. 348 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXII THE REVOLT OF THE NETHERLANDS AND THE TRI- UMPH OF THE SEVEN UNLFED PROVINCES (1 566- 1648) LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before), pp. 315-87. Fisher (as before), 285-315. J. L. Motley, Rise of the Dutch Republic. 13 vols. $6.00. Harper. Also, History 0/ the United Netherlands. 4 vols. $8.00. Harper. A\so, John 0/ Bcirneveld. 2 vols. $4.00. Harper. Rulh 'PuX.nam^ li'illiam the Silent. 2 vols. $3.75. Putnam. Harrison, ;r////Vi;« Me ^/Vch/ (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan. The Nether- The part of Europe which has been designated from ^f"'^£,""^^^ of old as the Netherlands or Low Countries is embraced the Burgun- dian princes, a-pproximately by modern Holland and Belgium. In the Middle Age the Netherlands consisted of a number of feudal principalities or provinces, constituted as duchies, coun- ties, or lordships (for instance the duchy of Brabant, the county of Flanders, the county of Holland), all of which were practically independent of all foreign powers and of each other, although there was not one to which France or Germany did not, by some unforgotten feudal right, have a claim. In the later Middle Age the House of Bur- gundy, a collateral branch of the House of France, had at- tempted to consolidate these provinces into a state, which should be independent of both the western and the eastern neighbor ; but before the project had succeeded the family died out in the male branch with Charles the Bold (1477). Thereupon Louis XI. of France seized the duchy of Bur- gundy, which was a fief of France, but the Netherlands proper passed into the hands of Charles's daughter, Mary, and from her, through her marriage with Emperor Maxi- milian, to the House of Hapsburg. At the time of the The Revolt of the Netherlands 349 Reformation, the Netherlands were therefore ruled by Charles V. The Netherlands are peopled by two races, Kelts and The Kelts Teutons, who, on the whole, have trot along very well to- ^ ' ' . . Germans, gether here. The Kelts are a minority, speak a French dialect, and inhabit the southern districts of what is now Belgium. The Teutons inhabit the northern half of what is now Belgium and the whole of what is now Holland. Although originally one in blood and speech, they have been artificially divided, by the chances of history, into Flemish, the Teutons of Belgium, and Dutch, the Teutons of Holland, and employ two slightly different German dialects. A good part of the land of the Low Countries is below Physical the level of the sea, and has been won from that element f^^-tures : 1-11 , , , dykes and only m undaunted, century-long struggles by means of a canals. system of dykes, which form the rampart of the land against the hungry water. But the sea was not the only enemy to overcome in order to render the Netherlands habitable. The equally great danger arising to life and property in these parts from the periodical inundations of the great rivers, the Rhine, the Meuse, and the Scheldt, had to be met by an enterprise no less gigantic than the dykes. To carry off the overflow there was devised and gradually completed a system of canals, which covers the country like a net and distributes the water from the rivers over a vast area. The plentiful water-ways of Holland and Bel- gium, although due in the first instance to necessity, have proved a pure blessing. They have given the country the greenest and richest meadows of Europe, and besides, fur- nish thoroughfares for traffic, which have the merit of cheapness, durability, and picturesqueness. The reign of Charles V. proved very advantageous for the material development of the Netherlands, and was 3 so The Modern Period The ques- tion of Prot- estantism. The acces- sion of Philip, 1555. The activity of the In- quisition. unsuccessful in only one particular, religion. The Prot- estant agitation wliich troubled Germany was naturally disrespectful of landmarks, and at an early point of its history was carried into the Low Countries. Charles, who was forced, as we have seen, by his dependence on the princes of the Diet, to a disastrous dilatory policy in Ger- many, was not the man to hesitate when he had the power to act. In the Netherlands the Lutheran heresy was met on its appearance by a relentless hostility, which waxed more and more fierce as Charles's reign proceeded. The Inquisition, already engaged in its hateful activity in Spain, was established in the Netherlands also, and con- fiscations, imprisonments, and burnings at the stake be- came common occurrences. Still Protestantism refused to disappear. The original Lutlieran opinions were even strengtliened by the invasion of Calvinism, and at the end of Charles's reign heresy was more firmly established than ever before. That end came on October 25, 1555, when Charles, broken by his failure in Germany, resigned his crown, in a ceremonial session of the States-General of the Netherlands, to his son and heir, Philip II. Unfortunately Philip, owing to liis harsh Spanish qualities, was even less likely than his father to find a settlement for the religious troubles of the Netherlands. The Inquisition was immedi- ately spurred on to greater activity than before, and the fagot fires lighted for the victims of the new faith fairly wrapped the country in flames. Though the majority of the people were still Catholic, they shared with the Prot- estants the aversion to the senseless .policy of the Inquisi- tion, and nursed a smothered discontent which boded a storm. But there was other work in the world for Philip besides persecuting the Dutch Protestants. He argued that it The Revolt of the Netherlands 351 would be a fine feather in his cap, if he could close, by a Philip's war decisive stroke, his father's long wars with France. He p therefore prepared for a vigorous campaign. Having 1556-59. defeated the French at Saint Quentin (1557) and at Gravelines (1558), and having, in consequence, disposed them to a settlement, he concluded with them the Peace of Cateau-Cambresis (1559). This peace ended for the present the long rivalry of France and Spain concerning Italy and the Netherlands, by the admission of Spanish supremacy in both those countries. This accomplished, Philip resolved to go to Spain. Leaving his half-sister, Margaret of Parma, as regent in the Netherlands, he sailed away (1559), never to return. The Regent Margaret was herself a fairly moderate per- son, but the Spanish councillors who controlled her were under orders from Phihp to maintain the existing system of rigor. The alienation of the people therefore went on apace. The nobles, of whom Prince William of Orange and Count Egmont were the leaders, were angered by the attempt to replace their traditional influence by that of foreign favorites, while the people generally were incensed by the presence among them of Spanish troops and by the increased activity of the abominated Inquisition. Dis- Increasing content was plainly ripening to revolt. discontent. The signal for the rising was given by the nobles. In The protest 1565 some of the more hot-headed members of the aristoc- ° ^ j racy formed a league, the purpose of which was to secure the abolition of the Inquisition, operating, as they put it, *' to the great dishonor of the name of God and to the total ruin of the Netherlands." In the same document in which they made this complaint they avowed their con- tinued allegiance to the king. It was not the dynasty against which they protested, but the abuse which the dynasty upheld. On April 5, 1566, three hundred of 352 The Modern Period The them marched on foot through Brussels, which served as eggars. ^j^^ capital of the country, to the palace of the regent, to lay a statement of their grievances in her hands. In a banquet that followed they took, amidst a scene of un- bounded enthusiasm, the name of beggars (gueux), which, so the legend runs, was flung at them insultingly by one of the favorites of the regent's court, as they presented them- selves with their petition. The general Tiie bold act of the " beggars " was received with gen- 1566. ' ^^"^^ applause. Unfortunately it unchained also the long- repressed indignation of the people. The government of the regent was set at naught, and to all who had suffered oppression it seemed that the time had come when the restraints that had weighed upon them should be cast off. At length the excitement, carefully nursed by Calvinistic exhorters, culminated in a furious outbreak. The Catholic churches were invaded, their pictured win- dows, their saintly images were broken, their crosses and altars were shattered to fragments. The ruin of art Iconoclasm. wrought by these iconoclasts was incalculable. It was weeks before the fury spent itself, and months before the government rallied enough of the orderly elements to repress the insurgents. Philip had received his warning. Would he understand it? Philip plans It is very possible that the abolition of the Inquisition sends Alva ''^"^ ^^^^ proclamation of religious tolerance, which the 1567' nobles demanded, would have put an end to all trouble. But these ideas were foreign to the rulers of that day, and seemed nothing less than deadly sin to a bigoted Catholic like Philip. Instead of assisting the regent in confirming the recently established order, he planned a fearful ven- geance. One of his best generals was the Duke of Alva. Soldier and bigot, he was the typical Si)aniard of his day, animated with blind devotion to his king and to his faith. The Revolt of the Netherlands 353 Him Philip commissioned with the punishment of the Netherlands, and in the summer of 1567, Alva arrived at Brussels at the head of an excellent corps of 10,000 Spaniards, Terror marched in his van, and Orange, just before the arrival of the troops, crossed the border into safety. Alva immediately began his work of military repression. A council, famous in history as the Council of Blood, was The Council set up to ferret out all who had taken part in the late dis- Blood, orders. Thousands were seized by the police and perished on the scaffold ; thousands fled from the country. Count Egmont, who had refused to flee with Orange, was exe- cuted as a warning to the discontented nobles. While the country was afflicted with this scourge. Will- jam of Orange^ was busying himself with plans for its liber- William of ation. He now began that glorious career by which he ^''^"g^- founded the liberties of his country and became its hero and martyr. There have been many better generals and some better statesmen ; what makes William memorable is his steadfastness in adversity, which has won for him the name of William the Silent. In the spring of 1568 William, with the aid of such moneys as he could get together, collected an army for the purpose of invading the Netherlands. He counted on William's being assisted by a rising within, but in this he proved ^V^f^^^ mistaken, for the people, terrified by Alva's severity, did failure, not as much as budge. Alva therefore, commanding a superior infantry, had no difficulty in meeting William's forces and scattering them to the winds. But the advantage of his position Alva himself soon threw away ; he bent the bow till it snapped. In 1571, feeling sure of the country and urged by the needs of his 'Orange was a small principality on the Rhone in France, which William's family had acquired by marriage. 354 The Modern Period The tenth penny. First suc- cess of the Dutch rebels, 1572. The internal rising is sustained. Alva's recall, 1573. treasury, he ventured to propose an unheard-of and appall- ing tax, called the tenth penny. By this an impost of ten per cent, was put upon every commercial transaction, including the simple daily purchases for the household. Indignation flared up once more. There was only one answer for the merchants to make, and they made it by closing their shops and suspending business. At this juncture occurred the first successful feat of arms by the Dutch rebels — the feat from which dates the general movement for Dutch independence. The "beggars of the sea," hardy Dutch free-booters, swept down suddenly upon the little town of Brille, and took it. The whole country was electrified by this success, and now the internal rising for which Orange had looked for four years in vain took place spontaneously, and town after town, especially of the provinces of Holland and Zealand, drove out its Spanish garrison. Therewith these two provinces had put them- selves in the front of tlie opposition, and now calling William to their aid, in the capacity of Stadtholder or governor, prepared to resist to the utmost. But Alva, not easily cowed, prepared immediately to stamp out the new rebellion. With his splendid Spanish infantry, he won a number of successes, and Mechlin, Haarlem, and several places which he recaptured had each its tale to tell of bloody and cruel reprisals. But this time the Dutch answered courage with courage, and soon feroci- ty with ferocity. The success at Brille was the beginning of a long war. Alva's incapacity to deal with the situation efficiently was soon apparent to friend and foe. Six years of govern- ment (1567-73) by Council of Blood and Inquisition had ended in unqualified disaster, and tired himself of staring at the ruin about him he demanded (1573) his recall. His successor as Spanish governor-general was Requesens The Revolt of the Netherlands 355 (1573-76). Requesens was a sensible, moderate man, who might have done something if matters had not gone so far under Alva. But although he abolished the Council of Blood and proclaimed an amnesty, everybody continued to look upon him with distrust. So he had to proceed with the military subjugation of the revolted provinces. The The siege most notable event of his lieutenancy was the siege of Ley- 0' Leyden, den (1573-74)- When the city seemed for failure of pro- visions to be lost, William of Orange resolved on an extreme measure : he ordered that the dykes be cut. As the waters of the sea rushed over the fields, the ' ' beggars ' ' crowded after in their ships, until their heroic efforts brought them to the wall of the city. The incident well illustrates the desperation of the Dutch resistance. The death of Requesens, which occurred in 1576, was The death of the indirect cause of a further extension of the revolt. As Requesens and the Pac- yet it had been confined to the provinces of the north, ification of which had generally adopted the Protestantism of Calvin, G"^"^ ^57o- and to such occasional cities of the south as inclined tow- ard the same faith. Revolt from the Spanish yoke seemed to follow wherever Protestantism had gone before. The grievances of the southern provinces against Spain were certainly as great as those of the north, but as the south- erners clung to the Catholic faith, they always retained some affection for the Spanish rule. For a brief moment, however, following the death of Requesens, north and south, Teuton and Kelt, Protestant and Catholic — in a word, the United Netherlands — bound themselves together in one re- sistance. The occasion was furnished by the general horror inspired by the Spanish soldiery, which, left leaderless upon the death of Requesens, looted what cities it could, and indulged in particular horrors at the rich metropolis of Antwerp. The indignation aroused by this lawlessness united the country, and in the Pacification of Ghent (1576) 356 The Modern Period North and south goes each its ov/n way. The Union of Utrecht, 1579. north and south proclaimed their common interests and prepared to make a common stand against the oppressor. It was the most auspicious moment of the revolution, but it was not destined to bear fruit. Provincial jealousies and religious distrust, fomented by the shrewd governors, Don John of Austria (1576-78) and the duke of Parma (1578- 92), who succeeded Requesens, soon annulled the Pacifi- cation of Ghent, and drove a wedge between the north and south, the result of which we still trace to-day, in the ex- istence of a Protestant Holland and a Catholic Belgium. It was especially owing to Alexander Farnese, duke of Parma, a most excellent general and diplomat, that the southern provinces were saved for Spain. He was clever enough to flatter their Catholic prejudices and to promise a restoration of their political privileges. If he had not been constantly interfered with by Philip he might even have re- conquered the north. Thus with heavy heart William the Silent had gradually to relinquish the hope, extended by the Pacification of Ghent, of a united action of the whole Netherlands against Spain. Still he never wavered in his faith, and soon succeeded, on a smaller scale, in effecting an organization of the revolt. Hitherto the resistance had been left almost exclusively to the separate provinces. In 1579, the Protestant provinces of the north, finally seven in number (Holland, Zealand, Utrecht, Gelderland, Over- yssel, Groningen, and Friesland), formed, for the purpose of an improved defence, the Union of Utrecht. The Ar- ticles of the Union of Utrecht, which formed the constitu- tion of the Dutch Republic well into modern times, mark the entrance of a new state into history. Philip had already seen that William the Silent was the backbone of the resistance, and that by good or bad means the leader must be got rid of if the revolt was to be mas- tered. When bribes failed to detach William from the cause The Revolt of the Netherlands 357 of freedom, the Spanish sovereign published a ban against Philip's ban. him, declaring his life forfeit, and putting a price upon his head. In that fanatic age, many men were seduced by such an offer. It is, therefore, no cause for wonder that dastardly attempts upon William's life should have become common occurrences. At last Balthcisar Gerard, a Catholic William enthusiast from Burgundy, fatally shot him as he was com- j' g ' ing down the stairway of his palace at Delft (July 10, 1584)- William's death was a heavy blow to the cause of the Dutch, especially coming at the time it did. The duke of Parma was just then winning victory after victory, and con- William's stantly narrowing the territory of his enemies ; in fact successor, hardly more than Holland and Zealand still held out against him. Nevertheless, these two provinces did not abate their resistance, Maurice, the talented seventeen- year-old son of William, became Stadtholder and military commander, and at his side there rose to influence, as Pensionary or Prime Minister, the wise, statesmanlike John of Barneveld. Still, the new Dutch Republic would hardly have sur- vived if help had not come from without. Already during William's lifetime frequent efforts had been made to in- Help from terest France and England in the war, but neither the one ^"&'^""- nor the other could be persuaded to throw in its lot wholly with the Netherlands. However, English Protestant opin- ion had loudly declared for the Dutch, and Elizabeth, not- ing from what quarter the wind blew, began to despatch secret money help to William. Finally, in 1585, she sent her first open aid — a body of English troops under com- mand of her favorite, the earl of Leicester. Although Leicester proved thoroughly incompetent, and had, in 1587, to retire in disgrace, his interference brought relief, and probably through its consequences saved the 358 The Modern Period Philip turns upon England. The vic- tories of Maurice. The Twelve Years' Truce and the Peace of Westphalia. Dutch. Abandoning the prey which he had ahiiost capt- tured, Philip II. turned furiously upon the English. For the next years, he seems to have forgotten his original en- terprise ; first the English, and then the French Huguenots engrossed his thoughts. There follow the disaster of the Armada (1588), the campaigns in France against the Prot- estant Henry of Navarre (1589-98), and in general such a dissipation and ruin of the Spanish power as made it for- ever impossible for Spain to return, with anything like the old energy, to the attack upon the young Republic. However, Philip II. stubbornly held out against the Nether- lands. Even after the death (1592) of his great general, the duke of Parma, whose advice had almost always been good and had almost never been followed, he continued the war. Philip III., who was as proud as his father, suc- ceeded him (1598), and he too refused at first, with the same obstinacy, to listen to peace. But all this time the Dutch fortunes were plainly in the ascendant, and while Maurice, who was a gallant soldier, especially skilled in conducting a siege, won back from the Spaniards place after place, the brave Dutch sailors swept home and foreign waters clear of Spanish fleets. Under these conditions Spain at last saw herself forced to come to terms with her revolted subjects. Too arrogant to acknowledge herself defeated and once for all recognize the Republic, she would do no more than conclude a Twelve Years' Truce (1609). It was not the end, but as good as the end. When the truce was over (162 1) the Thirty Years' War was raging in Europe, and although Spain tried to make the confusion serve her purposes, the firm resistance offered by the hardy little nation rendered the second effort at the subjugation of the Dutch even more vain than the first. When the Peace of Westphalia (1648) put an end to the long German war, Spain at last declared The Revolt of the Netherlands 359 herself ready for the great humiliation. Together with Germany and the other signatory powers of that famous peace-instrument she acknowledged the independence of the Dutch Republic. The domestic affairs of the new Republic revolved, from Domestic the Union of Utrecht through the next two centuries, ^^"""^S ^^* around the interesting question of rivalry between the provincial and the central authorities. The Union of Utrecht had established as central authorities a Council of State and a States-General, but their jurisdiction was severely limited and they were jealously watched by the seven local governments. To this question of unity was added what turned out to be largely a class conflict. The political power was reserved throughout the provinces to the wealthy middle class, but naturally the common people began to demand rights, and that demand soon acquired an immense importance through the support of the Orange family. The House of Orange urged by the people toward monarchy and grimly opposed by the burgher oligarchy — that is the confrontation of Dutch parties for several cent- uries. The commercial and intellectual advance of the Re- Commercial public, during the course of the war, remains the most ^"d intellec- astonishing feature of the period. It was as if the heroic parity. struggle gave the nation an irresistible energy, which it could turn with success into any channel. The little sea- board state, which human valor had made habitable almost against the decrees of nature, became, in the seventeenth century, not only one of the great political powers of Europe, but actually the leader in commerce and in certain branches of industry ; contributed, beyond any other na- tion, to contemporary science ; and produced a school of painting, the glories of which are hardly inferior to those of the Italian schools of the Renaissance. Such names as 360 The Modern Period Hugo Grotius (d. 1645), the founder of international law; as Spinoza (d, 1677), the philosopher; as Rem- brandt (d. 1674) and Frans Hals (d. 1666), the painters, furnish sufficient support to the claim of the United Prov- inces to a leading position in the history of civilization. Their trade was particularly extensive with the East Indies, and it was here that there were developed the most perma- nent and productive of the Dutch colonies, although there were such also, at one time, in Asia, Africa, and America. The city of Amsterdam, in the province of Holland, was the heart of the vast Dutch trade, and, much as modern London, performed the banking business and controlled the money market of the entire world. The decay It was not a pleasant lot that awaited the southern prov- o ^ u inces, which had remained Catholic and had docilely sub- bpanisn ' ■' provinces. mitted to the Spanish rule. These were henceforth gov- erned from Spain as the Spanish Netherlands, and having lost their political spirit, soon lost, too, their material pros- perity, and were sapped of their energy and vitality. SPECIAL TOPICS The Government OF Alva (1567-73). Motley, Kise of the Dutch Republic, Vol. II. Hausser, The Ke/orination. pp. 313-29. Putnam, IVilliam the Silent, beginning with Vol. I., Chap. XV. Philii''.s Ban and William's Atolocv. Motley, Vol. III., pp. 491-98. Put- nam, Vol. II., Chap. XXX. Harrison, Chap. XI. The Reformation in France 361 CHAPTER XXIII THE REFORMATION IN FRANCE TO THE RELIGIOUS SETTLEMENTS OF 1598 (EDICT OF NANTES) AND 1629 LITERATURE.— Johnson (as before), pp. 387-449. Fisher (as before), pp. 242-85. Kitchen, History of France, 3 vols. $7.80. Clarendon Press. Alzog, Church History. Vol. III., pp. 371-82. ■Willert, Henry 0/ Navarre (Heroes of the Nations). $1.50. Putnam. Lodge, Richelieu (Foreign Statesmen). $0.75. Macmillan. Translations and Reprints. University of Pennsylvania. Vol. III., No. 3 (particularly Edict of Nantes). In the year 15 15 Francis I. ascended the French throne. Ever since 1494, when Charles VIII. had invaded Italy, the eyes of French monarchs had been riveted upon the penin- sula. They seemed not to be able to give up the dream of the south which filled their minds, and although driven from their conquests again and again, they always plucked up courage to return to the attack. Francis, who was young and filled with knightly ambition, had hardly ac- quired his crown, when he hurried across the Alps. At Marignano (15 15) he won a splendid victory over the Swiss mercenaries of the duke of Milan, and gained, as a result, the possession of Milan itself. But the success nat- urally excited the jealousy of Spain, and as soon as Charles V. had, at the Diet of Worms (1521), settled the affairs of Germany to his fancy, he undertook to drive Francis out of Milan. There followed the long duel between Francis The rivalry and Charles, the incidents of which have been narrated in andChad^ connection with the history of Germany. The student will remember that the most notable events of the wars of these two monarchs were the battle of Pavia, where Fran- cis was captured (1525), and the sack of Rome (1527), es. 362 The Modern Period In addition to this matter oF the war with Spain over Italy, there are also to be considered, in connection with The begin- the reign of Francis, the beginnings of the Reformation in ningsofthe j.^j^j-^-g Francis himself was a child of the artistic spirit Ketorma- ' tion. of the Renaissance, and brought neither interest nor under- standing to bear upon the questions of religious reform. But it was different with his people, who, of course, could not remain uninfluenced by the greatest matter of the age. The beginnings of the Reformation in France are quite independent of Luther. In France, as elsewhere, the Re- vival of Learning had brought a desire for reform in state and Church, and at the opening of the new century cer- tain select spirits were beginning to formulate their pro- tests against exis.ting conditions. At the time when Lu- The circle of ther was stirring up Germany, a small circle of reformers, reformers. ^^ whom the venerable Lefebre is the most important, had already begun to preach the abolition of abuses, and had acquired a considerable influence. This influence the Catholic seminary of Paris, the Sor- bonne, which looked upon itself as the guardian of the orthodox faith, undertook to combat. Nevertheless, the Francis opposition of this pedantic institution counted for little inaugurates .^|.jj ^^^ j.jj was brought to its side. That occurred after the pohcy of & t> , , , , persecution, the battle of Pavia (1525), when Francis needed the help of the pope and the favor of his Catholic subjects to recover from the results of his defeat and captivity. The first ex- ecutions of heretics in France were ordered at this time. Henceforward Francis wavered in his attitude, but grew on the whole increasingly intolerant. Henry II. The successor of Francis was his son, Henry 11. (1547- continues \ pj ^^.^ ^ different man from his aff'able father, and the persecu- ^^' tions. his sombre character may be taken as an indication of the age of Catholic fanaticism which was approaching. On the day of his coronation Henry II. promised that "he The Reformation in France 363 would exterminate from his kingdom all whom the Church denounced." If he did not succeed in this pious enter- prise it was because the spirit of resistance, animating the Protestants, was stronger even than the spirit of cruelty which filled the king. Edict after edict was published against the heretics, and there were many executions, but the only result was that the faith confirmed by martyrs* blood struck its roots into the hearts of a constantly in- creasing band of Protestant worshippers. The bigoted Henry died in 1559. Up to his death the Protestants of France had suffered their persecutions in patience ; they had not preached revolt nor sought politi- cal influence. But from the mere religious sect they had The been, they now advanced to the role of a political party. Protestants ■' _ I 1 J begin to This change was due in a large measure to the political con- take a hand fusion that ensued on the unexpected death of Henry II. *" pontics. At the death of Henry, his son, Francis II., who was but sixteen years old, and physically and mentally feeble, succeeded to the throne. The real responsibilities of rule The situa- he was, of course, unable to assume, nor could his wife, who *'°" °" *^®, r f- • ,1- 1 accession of was Mary, queen of Scots, a very intelligent woman, under- Francis II. take them for him, because of her extreme youth. The power, therefore, fell into the hands of Mary's two uncles of the family of Guise, duke Francis, the soldier, and The Guises. Cardinal Lorraine, a churchman. There were those, however, who believed their own rights were infringed upon by this domination of the Guises at court and throughout the country. First to consider is the mother of Francis II., Catharine de' Medici, a member Catharine of the famous house that ruled at Florence. To an in- *^^ Medici, ordinate love of power she added some of the character- istic qualities of her nation — a rapid intelligence, diplomatic skill, and an entire unscrupulousness. The religious fanati- cism with which she has been sometimes credited has been 364 The Modern Period much exaggerated, and if she plays a sinister role on several occasions in the subsequent religious troubles, it can be intelligently explained by sole reference to her political ambitions. But as intrigues and secrecy, and not open and frank enmity, were Catharine's political methods, the most earnest opposition to the Guises came not from her, but The Bour- from the Bourbons. The House of Bourbon was a col- °"^" lateral branch of the royal family, and its leading members at this time were, Anthony, king of Navarre, and Louis, prince of Conde. Anthony was graced with the royal title, not in his own right, but because he had married the heiress of the small kingdom of Navarre, on the border between France and Spain. Not unnaturally the Bourbons thought that they had a better claim to direct the policy of the kingdom than the Guises, and when they found themselves systematically excluded from power, they sought to bring about a league of all the opposition elements. Now among these elements were also the persecuted Huguenots,' and out of the common hatred of the Huguenots and the Bour- bons there grew, before long, an intimacy and an alliance. Anthony in a faithless, vacillating spirit, Conde more firmly, accepted the Reformed faith ; and, many of their aristocratic supporters following their example, it came to pass that Protestantism in France was gradually diluted and befouled with political intrigue. Of all these high-stationed Huguenots, the one man who has won the respect of friend and foe is Gaspard de Coligny. Coligny. He was related to the great family of Mont- morency, and bore the dignity of admiral of France. Though he was not without political ambition, he merits the high praise of having been a man to whom his faith was ' The term Huguenots was probably first applied in derision to the French Protestants. Neither origin nor meaning has been satisfactorily explained. The Reformation in France 365 a thing not to be bought and sold, and of having served it with single-mindedness to his death. Out of these relations of the factions around the throne grew the intrigues which led to the long religious wars in Civil war France. It is useless to try to put the blame for them upon *"®^* * ®- one or the other side. Given a weakened royal executive, the implacable religious temper which marks the parties of the sixteenth century, and a horde of powerful, turbulent, and greedy nobles, and civil war is a necessary consequence. The reader is now invited to note the leading circum- stances connected with the outbreak. The sickly Francis II. died in December, 1560. There- upon his widow Mary, finding her role in France exhausted, left for Scotland, and the Guises, who owed their position largely to her, presently discovered that their power had come to an end. The successor of Francis was his brother, Charles IX., a weak boy but ten years old, during whose Charles IX. minority his mother, Catharine de' Medici, undertook to r th~'''^e' act as regent. Thus Catharine at last realized her dream as regent, of power. But her new position was far from easy, as Guises and Bourbons alike w^atched her with jealousy. She resolved, therefore, with much moderation, upon a policy of balance between the hostile factions ; called rep- resentatives of both into her council ; and published an edict, securing to the Huguenots a limited toleration. It was the first effort of the kind that had been made in France to settle the religious difficulties. Its ending in failure proved again, if proof were necessary, that no com- promise could satisfy men who, like the Protestants and Catholics of the sixteenth century, were passionately set on realizing their own ideas without the abatement of a jot or tittle. While the Catholics were embittered by the extent of Catharine's concessions, the Protestants grum- bled at the remaining limitations, and among the more 366 The Modern Period The Mas- sacre of Vassy. Character of the war. The Peace of St. Ger- main. fanatical followers of the two parties, sometimes without provocation, there occurred sharp conflicts, frequently end- ing in terrible excesses. One of these conflicts, the Massacre of Vassy (1562), put an end to hesitation and led to war. The duke of Guise was passing through the country with a company of armed retainers, when he hapi^encd, at Vassy, upon a band of Huguenots, assembled in a barn for worship. Sharp words led to an encounter, and before the duke rode away, forty Protestants lay dead upon the ground and many more had been wounded. A fearful indignation seized their brothers in the faith, and when the duke of Guise was not imme- diately called to account for his breach of the law, Cond6 and Coligny armed and took the field. Thus were inaugurated the religious wars of France, which were not brought to a conclusion until 1598, by the Edict of Nantes, and which in their consequences contin- ued to trouble the country well into the next century. For our purpose it is sufficient to look upon the period from 1562 to 1598 as one war, though it is true that there were frequent suspensions of arms, supporting themselves upon sham truces and dishonest treaties. ^ The war, like all the religious wars of the century, was waged with inhuman bar- barity, and conflagrations, pillagings, massacres, and assas- sinations blot every stage of its progress. Protestants and Catholics became brutes alike, and vied with each other in their efforts to turn their country into a desert. When the Treaty of St. Germain (1570), granting the Protestants the largest toleration which they had yet en- joyed, temporarily closed the chapter of conflicts, many of ' Eight wars have been distinguished as follows : First war, 1562-63 ; second war, 1567-68 ; third war, 1568-70 (ended by the peace of St. Ger- main) ; fourth war, 1572-73 ; fifth war. 1574-76 ; si.xth war, 1577 ; seventh war, 1579-80 ; eighth war (called the War of the three Henries) 1585-89, which continued in another form until the Edict of Nantes (1598). a moderate policy. The Reformation in France 367 the original leaders had passed away. Anthony of Navarre had been killed in battle against his former friends, the Hu- guenots, whom he had treacherously deserted (1562) ; the duke of Guise had been assassinated (1563); and Conde had been unfairly slain in a charge of horse (1569). The head of the Huguenot party was now Anthony's young son, King Henry of Navarre, but the intellectual leader- ship fell, for the present, upon Coligny. Meanwhile, a moderate party had formed in France, Growth of which tried to make the Peace of St. Germain the begin- ning of a definite settlement. It was only too clear that the bloodshed which was draining the country of its strength, ruined both parties and brought profit to none but the enemies of France. The more temperate of both sides, Coligny prominent among them, began to see the folly of the struggle, and King Charles himself, who was now of age, inclined to their view. And yet such were the mutual suspicions and animosities, that the effort to remove all cause of quarrel precipitated the most horrible of all the in- cidents of the war, the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. After the Peace of St. Germain, Coligny had come up to Paris and had rapidly acquired a great influence with the king. The young monarch seemed to be disposed to l)ut an end for all time to internal dissension, and to turn the strength of the united country against the old enemy of France, Spain. For this purpose he arranged, as a prelim- The wed- inary step, a marriage between his sister Margaret and j^'g^rv of young Henry of Navarre. Joyfully responding to the in- Navarre and vitation of King Charles, the Huguenots poured in swarms into Paris to attend the wedding of their chief, which was celebrated on August 18, 1572. The wedding seemed to inaugurate an era of Protestant triumphs. Coligny's star, shedding the promise of tolera- tion, was rising steadily ; that of the Guises and their Margaret of Valois. 368 The Modern Period ultra-Catholic supporters, standing for the principle of no-compromise, was as steadily setting. But suddenly the The alliance orthodox party, which, seeing ruin ahead of it, had fallen oiCaJ^a.nn& j^^^^ ^ desperate mood, ready for any undertaking, received Guises an unexpected addition. Catharine de' Medici, originally against hardly more attached to the Guises than to the Huguenots, Loligny. J '^ because primarily solicitous only about her own power, had lately lost all influence with the king. She knew well whither it had gone, and fixed the hatred of a revengeful and passionate nature upon Coligny. Burning to regain her power, she now put herself in communication with the Guises. On August 2 2d, as Coligny was entering his house, a ball, meant for his breast, struck him in the arm. The king, who hurried in alarm to the bedside of his councillor, was filled with indignation and swore to take a summary revenge upon the assassin and his accomplices. The terror of discovery and punishment, which now racked Catharine and the Guises, drove them to devise some means by which they might deflect the king's vengeance. On the spur of the moment, as it were, they The Massa- planned the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. This famous n ^ ?u I ■ massacre is, therefore, not to be considered, as was once Bartholo- ' ' ' mew, 1572, the custom, the carefully laid plot of the Catholic heads of Europe, but rather as the bloodthirsty improvisation of a desperate band. Catharine de' Medici and the Guises were its authors, and the fervidly Catholic population of Paris was the instrument of their will. How the king's consent was got, when all was ready, would be difficult to understand, if we did not know that he was weak and cowardly, and ready fer any measure when hoodwinked and terrorized. On St. Bartholomew's day (August 24), in the early hours of a Sunday morning, the tocsin was sounded from the churches of Paris. At the signal, the Catholic citizens slipped noiselessly from their houses, and The Reformation in France 369 surrounded the residences which had been previously designated by a chalk-mark as the homes of Huguenots. Coligny was one of the first victims of the ensuing fury, Henry of Guise himself presiding at the butchery of his Huguenot rival. That night the streets flowed with blood, and for many days after, the provinces emulated the example of the capital. Henry of Navarre escaped death only by temporarily renouncing his faith. The victims of this fearful exhibition of fanaticism amounted approxi- mately to 2,000 in Paris, and 8,000 in the rest of France. We are helped in understanding the spirit of the time when we hear that the Catholic world, the pope and Philip of Spain at its head, made no effort to conceal its delight at this facile method of getting rid of adversaries. War with all its dreary incidents straightway flamed up again. In 1574 Charles IX. died, out of remorse, as the Huguenots were fain to believe, for his share in the great crime of St. Bartholomew. His brother, Henry III., sue- Henry III., ceeded him on the throne. A new element of interest was "^~ ^' introduced into the struggle only when the death of Henry's last brother, the duke of Alengon, and his own failure to have heirs, involved, with the religious question, the ques- tion of the succession. By the law of the realm the crown would have to pass, Prospect of upon Henry's death, to the nearest male relative, who was *. succes- i J ' > sion of Henry of Navarre, head of the collateral branch of Bour- Henry of bon. But Henry was a Huguenot, the enemy of the faith Navarre, of the vast majority of his future subjects. When there- fore his succession became probable, Henry of Guise and his followers formed the Holy League, which pledged itself to the interests of the Church, even against the king. As the Holy League satisfied the current fanaticism of the day, it became the rallying-point of Catholic France, and before long, Henry III. found at his side a man more 370 The Modern Period The war of the Three Henries. Henry IV. and the League. really king than himself — his former friend and present head of the League, Henry of Guise. In measure as he tried to live up to his royal duty of mediating between the contending factions and establishing peace, he found him- self deserted by the League, which would have no peace. France was, in consequence, soon divided into three camps, the ultras of the two religious parties, headed respectively by Henry of Guise and Henry of Navarre, and between them a moderate party headed by King Henry. There follows the phase of the struggle known as the war of the Three Henries (1585-89), which steeped the country in new confusion. In December, 1588, King Henry, who had tried all possible shifts to secure peace, even to the point of resigning the real power into the hands of the head of the League, indignantly resolved to put an end to his humiliation. He invited Henry of Guise to his cabinet, and there had him treacherously di.spatched by his guard. But the League now turned in horror from the murderer, and Paris and Catholic France declared for his deposition. In his despair the king fled to Henry of Navarre, and was just about to advance with his Huguenot subjects upon his capital, when a fanatical Dominican monk forced admission to his presence and killed him with a knife (August, 1589). Thus the House of Valois had come to an end. The question was now simply between Henry of Navarre, the rightful claimant to the crown, and the League, which would have none of him. The new Henry, Henry IV. , first king of the House of Bourbon, was a brave soldier, an intelligent ruler, and an affable gentleman. He was the idol of his followers, but his followers were only a small part of France. The at- tachment of the Catholic majority he knew could only be won slowly, and certainly not by force. Therefore, he The Reformation in France 371 undertook with wisdom and patience to assure them of the loyalty of his intentions and win their recognition. If the League could only have found a plausible rival for the throne, Henry might have been annihilated ; but his claim was incontrovertible, and that was his strength. For the present no one thought of disarming. Henry won a num- ber of engagements, notably the battle of Ivry (1590), but the League, supported by Philip of Spain, could not be scattered. At last Henry, weary of the interminable struggle, re- Henry solved to take a decisive step. He abjured his faith and p ^^^^ 1.. begged to be readmitted into the Catholic Church (1593). ism. His calculation of the consequences of this measure proved to be correct, for he was almost immediately recognized throughout France, the League fell apart, and the war ceased. In February, 1594, Henry was solemnly crowned at Chartres, and in March he took possession of his capital amidst the unbounded rejoicings of those same Parisians who had clamored, on St. Bartholomew's day, for his head. Opinion has always been much divided on Henry's con- version. But there is no necessity for lingering over it long. It was purely a political measure, and a well-calcu- Henry's lated one, as the result shows, and though Henry professed justification. before the priest that the change was with him a matter of conscience, we know that the conversion sat lightly upon him. " Paris is well worth a mass," was the light-hearted comment he offered his friends to explain his defection. The first important business of the recognized king was to secure his country the benefit of a permanent religious pacification. The edict designed for this end was pub- The Edict lished at Nantes, April, 1598, and although it was not a of Nantes, decree of toleration such as satisfies our modern feeling, it was the best the time could afford. The Edict of Nantes gave the great nobles and the people in certain specified 372 The Modern Period Henry ends also the war with Spain, 1598. Internal government of Henry and Sully. Henry plans to abase the House of Hapsburg. His death. places permission to establish a Protestant worshii); fur- thermore, it placed the Huguenots on a level with the Catholics before the law ; and finally, to reassure the party of the minority, and as a kind of guarantee of its promises, it made over to the Huguenots a number of fortified towns, of which La Rochelle was the most important. It was this last measure that later caused a renewal of the civil war, for it was a dangerous concession and made the Huguenots an independent armed power within the state. In the same year (1598) Henry closed the war with Spain, due to Spanish interference in behalf of the League. Though he was not unwilling to proceed against his med- dling neighbor with all vigor, he saw that his country was for the present in no condition for foreign conquest, and that he would better reserve its strength for the future. So he signed the Peace of Vervins (1598) on the basis of mutual restitutions. Now that France was at peace within and without, Henry seriously set about the task of building up again his ruined country. With the aid of his Protestant minister, the duke of Sully, he re-established the finances, and ad- vanced commerce and industry, and only when, after years of labor, he saw himself in possession of an ordered and flourishing commonwealth, did he again turn his attention to foreign affairs. The House of Hapsburg, governing through its two branches the dominions of Spain and Austria, was still to his mind the great enemy of France. That France and the House of Bourbon must grow at the expense of Spain and the House of Hapsburg became Henry's fixed resolution. In 1610, a local quarrel in Ger- many was just about to furnish him with a desired pretext to interfere against the Hapsburgs, when he was killed by the dagger of a half-insane Catholic fanatic, named Ravaillac. To this day King Henry is dear to the French people, and The Reformation in France 373 his popularity has never been eclipsed by that of any of his successors. At Henry's death his son, Louis XIII. (1610-43), was Regency of but nine years old. A regency was therefore established ?J^j^-^-*^^' under Marie de' Medici, Henry's second wife. As Marie de' Medici was a weak woman, the puppet of favorites, the nobility and the Huguenots, whom Henry had vigorously kept within bounds, again raised their heads, and threatened to involve France in new civil wars. If France was saved from this calamity, it was due, and Richelieu. solely due, to Cardinal Richelieu. When this churchman became the leading minister in 1624, the queen-regent had already been supplanted by the king, but the change had not brought with it an improvement in the situation, owing to the fact that the king was indolent and common-place. Richelieu was confronted by a heavy task. Luckily the king fully appreciated the talents of his minister, and left him in control until his death, a period of eighteen years (1624-42). The extraordinary power enjoyed by Riche- lieu was, on the whole, put by him at the service of an en- lightened patriotism. He set himself two aims : the first, His two to strengthen the national monarchy, for which purpose he aims, must sap the political power of the nobility and the Hugue- nots; the second, to enlarge France territorially, in pur- suance of which end he must renew the wars with his country's old rival, Spain and the House of Hapsburg. The political power of the nobility Richelieu did not He curbs succeed in reducing without resistance. He planned to ^^^ nobles, bring the nobles under the law of the land, and when they protested by means of plots and insurrections, he exe- cuted a number of them and thus frightened the rest into obedience. More serious was the case of the Huguenots. The Edict of Nantes had, in addition to toleration, which was entirely 374 TJie Modern Period He curbs the Hugue- nots. La Rochelle (1628) and the pacifica- tion of 1629. Enmity to Hapsburg. France in the Thirty Years' War. just, given them political power — an ami)- and fortified towns. Since the death of Henry IV. they had frequently created disturbances, and certain of their measures indi- cated that they were planning to secede from France. That Richelieu was resolved not to suffer. He would leave them their freedom of worship — for Richelieu, although a church- man, w^as not a fanatic — but their pretension to independ- ence would have to be surrendered. His campaign against the Huguenots was carefully planned and culminated in the siege of La Rochelle (1628). La Rochelle was the great- est of the Protestant strongholds, and although the Ro- chellese, aided by the English, defended themselves witli heroism, they were obliged in the end to deliver themselves into the Cardinal's hands. Although victorious, Richelieu remained true to his principle of toleration, and signed a peace, first with the Rochellese, and later with the other Huguenots, in which he secured them all the privileges of the Edict of Nantes, barring the exceptional political power. The domestic troubles of France beins; thus smoothed over, and all classes having been brought under the law of the king, Richelieu could turn to the second part of his pro- gramme : the humiliation of the House of Hapsburg. A circumstance most opportune for his policy was that Ger- many was then convulsed by her Thirty Years' War. With the instinct of the statesman Richelieu felt that if he helped the Protestants of Germany against the Catholics backed by the House of Hapsburg (Emperor and Spain), he would sooner or later acquire some permanent advantages for France. His gradual interference finally secured his king the balance of power in the German war, and made France practical dictator of Europe when the Peace of Westphalia (1648) ended the struggle. Richelieu did not live to see this result (he died 1642), but the advantages which stands for absolutism. The Reformation in France 375 France secured on that occasion may be written down to his statesmanUke conduct of the government. Richeh'eu is sometimes called the creator of the absolute Richelieu monarchy in France. That is an exaggeration, for the French kings had for centuries been working toward that end, but though not the creator, Richelieu certainly was the promoter of absolutism. Attention has already been called to his systematic abasement of the nobility. Further he refused to call, and thus permitted to fall into disuse, the States- General, the old feudal parliament of the realm. This body was not assembled from 1614 to 1789, and during that period the king's power was free from very effective check. Thus, although the benefits conferred by Richelieu upon France were great, it is a question whether he is not partially responsible for the ills which, in the eighteenth century, grew out of the unlimited royal pre- rogative. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. CoLiGN'Y AND THE Massacre OF St. BARTHOLOMEW. HaMSStT , Reformalion, pp. 366-75. Translations and Reprints, Univ. of Penn., Vol. III., No. 3 (death of Coligny). KUch'in, History n/ France, Vol. II. Guizot, His- tory 0/ France, 8 vols. See Vol. III., Oh. XXXIII. Dumas, Mar- garet of Valois (novel). 2, The Struggle of Richelif-I- against the Nobility. Wakeman, Europe, 15Q8-1715, pp. 132-53. Macmillan. Lodge, Richelieu, Ch. VIII. Kitchin, History of France, Vol. III., Bk. IV. Perkins, France Under Richelieu and Mazarin, 2 vols. $3.99. Putnam. Bulwer, Richelieu (drama). 376 The Modcr)i Period CHAPTER XXIV THE THIRTY YEARS' WAR AND THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA The relig- ious quarrels in Germany continue. Protestant- ism con- tinues for a time its triumphs. LITERATURE. — Wakeman, Europe, ijgS-iyrj, pp. 39-132. $1.75. Mac- millan. Gardiner, The Thirty Years' IVitr. (Epochs.) $1.00. Scribner. Gindely, The 'Thirty Years' lYar. 2 vols. $3.50. Putnam. Fletcher, Gustavus Aiiolphus. (Heroes.) $1.50. Putnam. Schiller, IValieiistein' s Lager; Die Piccolomini ; Wallenstein's Tod (dramas). The Peace of Augsburg (1555) ended the first religious war of Germany, by an attempt to accommodate the claims of the Catholics and the Protestants, but the attempt did not and could not succeed. The article, called the Eccle- siastical Reservation, which tried to protect the Catholic Church by forbidding all future secularizations of her terri- tory, had hardly been adopted when triumphant Protestant- ism infringed upon it at every point. The Catholics were thus furnished with a standing complaint against their rivals. And other difficulties were not wanting. Shortly after the Peace of Augsburg, Calvinism spread through the south and west of Germany, but as only Lutheranism was mentioned in the Peace of Augsburg, Calvinism had no legal basis. Thus Calvinism led a very precarious existence. It is a wonder that in spite of the incessant quarrels of the three parties, which filled all the Diets with their clamor, the peace was so long preserved. Probably jeal- ousy of one another and fear of the consequences of the sanguinary struggle which would follow, kept them from proceeding to extremes. Meanwhile, the long truce which outlasted the century, proved, at least for a time, favor- able to the Protestants. Lutherans and Calvinists alike The Thirty Years' War 377 were little impeded in their propaganda, and soon the whole German north had become solidly Protestant, while in the south, Austria and Bavaria themselves, states which were looked upon as mainstays of the Catholic faith, were becoming dangerously infiltrated with the heretical poison. It seemed that the Lutherans and Calvinists would only have to cease their mutual bickerings and organize their action, and Catholicism would be driven out of Germany. But organize the Protestants would not, and soon the The Catho- Catholics, arousing themselves from the lethargy into which apJon they had fallen, gathered their forces at the Council of Trent, under the leadership of the Jesuits, and boldly undertook the reconquest of Germany. From the time of Emperor Rudolph II. (1576-1612), a new Catholic vigor became noticeable. The Jesuits made their way to the hearths of the ruling Catholic families, and from the courts of Vienna and Munich, as operating centres, gradu- ally widened the sphere of their influence. They did their work with firm zeal and noiseless caution. They served their princely masters as father-confessors or as ministers of state, and in either case controlled their policy ; they founded schools and colleges ; they sent their missionaries into all hesitating communities, and soon amazed the Prot- estants with the news of the reconversion to Mother Church of princes and whole territories. By the beginning of the seventeenth century, the ten- The Prot- sion had so increased that the more assertive Protestants ^f t?'"^ , Union and established a Union for the purpose of mutual protection the Catholic (1608). This step was answered the next year (1609), ^^^S"®* by a similar organization on the part of the Catholics, which they called the Holy League. Henceforth, Ger- many was divided into the two hostile camps of League and Union, either ready to take the field against the other as soon as the occasion served. Under the circumstances 37^ The Modern Period the opinion was becoming' general that the terrible sus- pense about the endless religious questions ought finally to be terminated, one way or another. From the first, how- ever, this difference between the two religious camps ought to be noted, that, while the Catholics were firmly organ- ized under a capable man, Maximilian, duke of Bavaria, the Protestants, owing to their old divisions, gave their Calvinistic president, Frederick, the count palatine of the Rhine, only a wavering support. The occasion that the two parties were looking for, in The affairs order to begin the war, was at length furnished by o Bo emia. jiQi-^gj-^-^j^. The kingdom of Bohemia, a state inhabited by Slavs (Czechs) and Germans, was a i)art of the possessions of the House of Hapsburg. Lutheranism had got a foot- hold in Bohemia, and after a period of persecution, the Emperor Rudolph had issued (1609) a royal charter in which he agreed to tolerate it. But both Rudolph and his successor, Matthias (1612-19), bore with the Protestants in Bohemia only out of necessity. They continued to vex them even after the decree of toleration, with the result The revolu- that the Protestants lost patience, and in 1618 rose in tion ot 10 18. j.gyQij They invaded the castle at Prague, the residence of the emperor's lieutenants, and laying violent hands upon the persons of their oppressors, tossed them roughly out of the window. Then they set up a government of their own. Thus the challenge that the Protestants and Catholics had been awaiting for years was given ; the Thirty Years' War had begun. The four It is customary to divide the Thirty Years' War, for con- th^Th^rtv venience sake, into four periods — the Bohemian-Palatine Years' Period (1618-23), the Danish Period (1625-29), the *^* Swedish Period (1630-35), and the French-Swedish Period (1635-48). Perhaps the most striking feature of the war is, that, beginning with a local struggle in Bohemia, it The Thirty Years' War 379 should gradually have spread until it included all Europe. The above divisions indicate the widening circles. From Bohemia it first extended over southern Germany (Bohemi- an-Palatine Period) ; then slowly, northern Germany and its nearest Protestant neighbor caught fire (Danish Period); and, finally, country upon country was moved to take part, until the war was no longer a German struggle at all, but assumed, first, the aspect of a general conflict between Prot- estantism and Catholicism, and secondly, the character of a struggle between the two great dynasties, Hapsburg and Bourbon, for the supremacy in Europe. The Bohemian-Palatine Period. — The insurgents at Prague had hardly set up their government, when they appealed to the Protestant Union for help and prepared themselves for war. In the midst of the first campaign the incapable Emperor Matthias died (16 19), and the Haps- burg dominions passed to a man of altogether different mould, Ferdinand 11. Ferdinand II. (1619-37), who had been brought up by Ferdinand the Jesuits, united with a narrow Catholic enthusiasm many ^'•» 1619-37. incontestable Christian virtues. He was acknowledged on his accession in most of his dominions, and the electors of the empire, although three of the seven electors were Prot- estant, so far accepted the time-honored ascendancy of the House of Hapsburg as to choose him emperor. Ferdinand felt that having gained so much, he must now undertake the recovery of Bohemia. He appealed to the Catholic League for help, and Maximilian of Bavaria, its president, readily granted it. Maximilian and Ferdinand had been brought up together Maximilian under the same Jesuit influences, and Maximilian, who was oavana. an exceedingly capable man, was always glad to do some- thing for the Catholic cause. Moreover, the newest devel- opments in Bohemia had greatly stimulated this eagerness. 380 The Modern Period The battle of the White Hill, 1620. The Pala- tinate occu- pied by the Catholics. The situa- tion begins to interest the rest of Europe. In order to strengthen their hand, the Bohemian Protes- tants had just elected (1619) Frederick, count palatine of the Rhine and head of the Protestant Union, king of Bo- hemia; and Maximilian, as head of the League, felt that he could not let his adversary assume this honor unchallenged. In the year 1620 there followed the campaign which de- cided the fate of Bohemia. Frederick, the new king, proved utterly inadequate to his task. At the battle of the White Hill, just outside of Prague, the united forces of the emperor and the League scattered the army of the rebels to the four winds, and drove Frederick himself into exile. Ferdinand and his Jesuits immediately took possession of Bohemia and forced it back to Catholicism. The war would now have been over if the Catholics had been contented with their first success. But urged on by his advisers, the emperor allowed himself to be hurried into a new and larger enterprise. He placed the defeated count palatine Frederick under the ban of the Empire, and com- missioned Maximilian to occupy his territories, which straggled in loose array along southern Germany from the Rhine to Bohemia, and were known under the name of the Palatinate. Even the Lutherans, hitherto indifferent, be- came excited at this outrage, and a number of campaigns were necessary before Maximilian's troops could execute the imperial order. And now a new danger arose. Protestants the world over had expressed their grief at the defeat of their co- religionists in Germany, while the European Catholics cel- ebrated the emperor's victory as their own. Religion, it must be remembered, was still the dominant interest of the day. Thus Frederick's misfortunes gradually won him the sympathies of foreign Protestant monarchs, and especially of James I. of England, whose daughter Elizabeth, Frederick had married. But all the larger states which sympathized The Thirty Years' War 381 with Frederick happened to have their hands full at the time, and thus it happened that the only power which could, for the present, be persuaded to interfere actively in his be- half, was Denmark. The Danish War (1625-29). — In the year 1625, Chris- tian IV., king of Denmark, gave ear to the supplication of the more radical wing of the German Protestants and placed himself at their head. The theatre of war was thus imme- diately transferred from the south to the north. Again, the Catholics won a complete victory, for against the Protestant forces they put into the field two armies, superior in every way to their Protestant rivals. The first Protestant of these was equipped by the Catholic League and com- |-j, fQj-ces manded by Tilly, the victor of the White Hill, while the compared. second had only lately been got together by the personal activity of a Bohemian nobleman, one Wallenstein, who placed it at the service of the emperor. This Wallenstein was destined to play a great role on the imperial side. The emperor, owing to the exhaustion of his treasury, had hitherto waged the war primarily with the Wallenstein troops of the League. Wallenstein now proposed the bold imperial plan of raising an army for him which should cost him army, nothing. His notion was convincingly simple : the army was to live by a system of forced contributions. Wallen- stein's personal magnetism, his promise of large pay and plunder, soon furnished him with a numerous army of ad- venturers, who cared neither for Catholicism nor Protest- antism, and blindly served their chief. In the year 1626, Tilly and Wallenstein completely Victories of scattered their Protestant adversaries, and then proceeded andTilfv^'" to invade Denmark. Christian defended himself for a time as best he could, but in the end had to give way. In the year 1629 he was glad to sign the Peace of Liibeck, upon terms which secured him his territory in return for the 382 The Modern Period promise that he would not again interfere in the affairs of Germany. Wallen- Even before the Peace of Liibeck was signed Wallen- ^edal^ 'laiis ^^^'^^ ^^^^ covered the whole Protestant north of Germany with his troops. His remarkable mind was nursing vast and intricate designs, the gist of them being to destroy the local power of the princes, and to build up a strong united Germany under the emperor, with himself as the power behind the throne. His successes were unchecked till he First defeat arrived at Stralsund, a port of the Baltic Sea. This city, at Stral- sund 1620 although he vowed in his wrath he would have it, " even though it were fastened to heaven by chains of iron," he could not take, and was forced to retire. Next to herself, Stralsund owed her deliverance to the supplies, secretly contributed by a voluntary ally, Gustavus Adolphus, king of Sweden. This monarch had been for some time plan- ning to interfere in the German war, but he was detained by a war which he had begun with Poland. While he was bringing this to a close and preparing to come in person to Germany, a number of events occurred there that greatly facilitated his projects. The Edict In spite of the check at Stralsund, the year 1629 marks the climax of the Catholic successes. The Peace of Lu- tion, 1629. beck had removed Denmark from the struggle ; in the length and breadth of Germany there was no army to resist the emperor ; and Wallenstein and Tilly held both the north and the south. This triumphant situation persuaded Ferdinand II. to strike a decisive blow at the Protestant religion. He published (1629) the Edict of Restitution, by which the Protestants were ordered to give up all Church territories which had been taken into possession since the Peace of Augsburg (1555). As this affected two arch- bishoprics, nine bishoprics, and many monasteries, alto- gether a considerable fraction of German land, it will be The Thirty Years' War 383 understood why all Protestants, even the sluggish Lutherans, were seized with consternation. For a moment differences were forgotten, and all stood firm, ready to renew an op- position which seemed to have been broken by the tide of Catholic victory. Luckily for the Protestants, the emperor himself by his Dismissal very next step frustrated his own policy. Wallenstein's stg^ji^ ^"" savage warfare, above all, his imperial policy, which in- volved the ruin of the princes. Catholic and Protestant alike, had won him their united hatred. At the Diet of Ratisbon (Regensburg, 1630), they fiercely demanded his dismissal. The emperor hesitated for a moment, and then gave way. Wallenstein was forced to take leave of his ar- my at the very moment when there gathered against Ferdi- nand the worst storm which had yet threatened. Swedish Period {i6jo-js). — Wallenstein's retirement Reasons for occurred almost at the same time as the landing in Germany the coming ° -'of Gustavus of an army of Swedes under Gustavus Adolphus. What Adolphus. were the motives of this Swedish king in thus intervening in German affairs? They can still be made out with per- fect ease. First, he was certainly moved by self-interest. Sweden was a Baltic power and had been striving for some time to make of the Baltic a " Swedish lake." The wars which Gustavus Adolphus had directed against Russia and Poland were waged in obedience to this ambitious policy, and had practically secured Sweden the whole Baltic coast as far as Prussia. The attempt of Wallenstein to establish the emperor along the northern coast of Germany might certainly be conceived as a danger by a Swedish patriot, and Gustavus, frightened at Wallenstein's successes, gradu- ally became convinced that the safety of his state depended upon the defeat of the House of Hapsburg. Secondly, he was an ardent Protestant, ready to risk a blow for a cause he loved. It is unnecessary to try to measure mathemati- 384 The Modern Period Attitude of the German princes. Alliance with France. The sack of Magdeburg, 1631. cally, as some historians have attempted to do, which of these two motives was dominant in his mind. Capable men, such asGustavus, who combine ideal aspirations with a sense of the necessities and realities of power, always fol- low a line of action which delicately strikes the balance between a multitude of considerations. In any case, Gus- tavus came as a rescuing angel to the aid of a dying cause, and immediately gave to events that larger proportion, which lifted the brutal struggle of the religious parties momentarily to a higher plane. Gustavus attempted, upon landing in Germany, to se- cure the alliance of the Protestant princes. But this was no easy matter. They were glad enough to have his help, but they had legitimate scruples about handing over Ger- many to a foreigner. While Gustavus was still negotiating with them aid came to him from another quarter. Rich- elieu had now mastered the Huguenots (fall of La Rochelle, 1628), and was determined, like Gustavus, to proceed vigorously against the Hapsburgs. Under the circum- stances it was not unnatural than France and Sweden should form an alliance, which was duly concluded in 1 63 1, and which henceforth determined the course of the war. For the present, however, the part of France was limited to a contribution of money to the Swedish ireasury. All this time Gustavus was in the north, waiting for the Protestant princes to join him. While they were still hes- itating, the army of the League, under Tilly, took, plun- dered, and utterly destroyed the great Protestant city of Magdeburg (1631). The horror of the terrible massacre (20,000 inhabitants were butchered by the soldiery) add- ed to the irritation caused by continued imperial aggres- sions, threw the Protestants, and, above all, the greatest prince of the north, the elector of Saxony, upon the Swedish side. Having secured this important ally, Gus- The Thirty Years' IV ar 385 tavus could now march south against Tilly without fear of an insurrection at his back. At Breitenfeld, near Leipsic, The battle a great battle took place, in which Swedish generalship f i^ 1611"' and discipline astonished the world by utterly defeating the veteran army of Tilly (September, 1631). The victory of Breitenfeld laid all Germany at the feet of Giistavus. Never was there a more complete dramatic change. The Catholics, who, a year before, had held the reins in their hands, were now in exactly the same help- less position in which the Protestants had then found them- Gustavus selves. Gustavus, received everywhere with jubilation by j^ r the Protestants, whom he had delivered, marched, without Protestant opposition, straight across Germany to the Rhine. ermany. In the spring, Gustavus again took the field, aiming straight for Munich and Vienna, the capitals respectively of Maximilian and Ferdinand. Munich fell into his hands, and Vienna seemed likewise doomed, when Ferdinand in his cruel predicament turned once more to Wallenstein Wallenstein for help. That general, since his dismissal, had been the'regrue sulking on his estates. When Ferdinand's ambassador now besought him for aid he affected indifference, but at length he allowed himself to be persuaded to collect an army, upon conditions that practically made his command absolute. Then he floated his standards to the wind, and immediately the old veterans flocked around their beloved leader. In the summer of 1632 Wallenstein and Gustavus, the two greatest generals of their day, took the field against each other. " After long futile manoeuvring around Nurem- berg, in which Wallenstein won some slight advantages, the two armies met for a decisive encounter at Lutzen, not The battle far from Leipsic (November, 1632). The armies of that ^^^^^u^' day were not large ; 20,000 Swedes confronted about as 1632. many Imperialists. After the Swedish army had knelt in 386 The Modern Period Swedes de- feated at Nordlingen, 1634. Murder of Wallen- stein. Richelieu enters the war. Changed character of the war. prayer and the trumpeters had sounded the grand old hymn of Luther, "A Mighty Fortress is our God," Gus- tavus ordered the attack. The combat was long and fierce, but the Swedes won the day ; they won, but at a terrible cost. In one of the charges of horse, the impet- uosity of Gustavus had carried him too far into the ranks of the enemy, and he was surrounded and slain. For a few more years the Swedes, under various lieu- tenants trained in the school of Gustavus, and under the political direction of the Chancellor Oxenstiern, who rep- resented Gustavus's infant daughter. Queen Christine, tried to hold what had been won for them. But in 1634 they were defeated by the Imperialists, under the younger Ferdinand, the emperor's son, at Nordlingen, and had to give up southern Germany. Wallcnstein was, at that time, no longer at the head of the imperial forces. Hav- ing fallen under the suspicion of treachery he was mur- dered by a band of conspirators (February, 1634). At this juncture France entered the war. We have seen that Richelieu had made with Gustavus, on Gustavus's landing in Germany, a treaty limited to money-support. But the battle of Nordlingen establishing the fact that Sweden without its king was no longer a match for the emperor, Richelieu now resolved on more vigorous meas- ures against the House of Hapsburg. In 1635 he declared war against both branches. French-Swedish Period {^1635-48'). — From now on the war was the conflict of the House of Bourbon, allied in Germany with Sweden and in the Netherlands with the Dutch, against the Spanish and the Austrian branches of the House of Hapsburg ; and the theatre of the struggle of these two dynasties for the leadership in Europe was the territory where their interests clashed — the Netherlands, Italy, and, of course, Germany. The Protestant princes, The Thirty Years War 387 mere pygmies in this universal contest, sank more and more out of sight. If the war continued, it was not because of any interests of theirs, but because Richelieu was set upon reducing the Hapsburgs in the world, and would not retire until France and Sweden had gained a firm foothold in Germany. The campaigns of this last period of the war consist, therefore, of a patient forward thrust across the Rhine into southern Germany, on the part of France, and a steady The attack movement southward from the Baltic, on the part of °^ f^I^"*^? „, ■ 1 T , 1 . and Sweden. Sweden. The emperor, aided by subsidies from Spain, but rarely by her troops (for Spain was engaged to the extent of her capacity in the Netherlands and Italy), made what resistance he could, while the Germans looked on, for the most part indifferent, weary to death of the long struggle, and unable to see any further meaning in it. Under these conditions, and especially after the great generals, Turenne and the prince of Conde were put at the head of the French troops, the emperor was steadily pushed back. Year in, year out, Germany was harried by fire and sword. The cities fell into decay, and the country was deserted by the peasants. When the product of labor was sure to become the booty of marauders, nobody cared to work. So the people fell into idleness, were butchered, or died of hunger The long or of pestilence. The only profession which afforded se- s^go^y of Germany. curity and a livelihood was that of the soldier, and soldier meant robber and murderer. Armies, therefore, became mere bands, organized for pillage, and marched up and down the country, followed by immense hordes of starved camp followers, women and children, who hoped, in this way, to get a sustenance which they could not find at home. Finally, defeat upon defeat brought the emperor to terms. Ferdinand II., who had begun the war, having died in the meantime, it was his son and successor, Ferdi- 388 The Modern Period The end of nand III. (1637-57), who put an end to the general misery the war, y^^ signing, after wearisome negotiations, a peace with all his enemies, called the Peace of Westphalia (1648). The Peace of Westphalia is, from the variety of matter which it treats, one of the most important documents in history. First, it determined what territorial corapensa- The main tion France and Sweden were to have in Germany for the Peace of ^'"'^^'^ victories over the emperor ; secondly, it laid a new Westphalia, basis for the peace between Protestantism and Catholicism ; and, thirdly, it authorized an important political readjust- ment of Germany. All these rubrics will be considered separately. As to the first rubric, Sweden received the western half of Pomerania, and the bishoprics of Bremen and Verden. By these possessions she was put in control of the mouths Cessions to of the German rivers, the Oder, Elbe, and Weser. France Sweden and ^^,^ confirmed in the possession of the bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun, which she had acquired under Henry II. (1552), and received, in addition, Alsace, with the exception of the city of Strasburg and a few inconsidera- ble districts. The relig- Under the second rubric, we note that the Peace of ment^^*^*^'^" Augsburg was confirmed, and that the toleration there granted to the Lutherans was extended to the Calvinists. In regard to the bishoprics, which the Edict of Restitution had declared to be Catholic, the victory remained substan- tially with the Protestants, for January i, 1624, was desig- nated as a test day, it being agreed that whatever land had been Protestant at that time should remain Protestant, and vice versa. Disruption Under the third rubric it is necessary to note a variety of Germany. ^^ political and territorial changes within Germany. First, the princes were given a number of new sovereign rights ; among others, the right of forming alliances with each The Thirty Years' War 389 other, and with foreign powers. Therewith the decentral- ization of Germany was completed, and the single states legally declared as good as independent. Furthermore, the elector of Brandenburg received additions of territory, which made him not only the greatest Protestant prince, but the greatest prince altogether in Germany, after the emperor. Brandenburg, thus enlarged, was destined to grow into a kingdom (Prussia), and become in time the Growth of rival and conqueror of Austria, and the recreator of the ^^^"o^"" German political unity of which the Peace of Westphalia made an end. As a last curious item, it may be added that Switzerland and the Dutch Netherlands (seven United Switzerland Provinces), which had once been members of the Empire, jljl'ljrgf. but had long ago won a practical independence, were for- lands, mally declared free from any obligations to that body. The Peace of Westphalia had also a European signifi- The Peace cance. It dealt with so many international affairs, that it Jja closes *" may be said to have been, in a measure, a constitution of the era of Europe, and practically, it was the basis of European public ^a^*°"^ law till the French Revolution. We may also take it to mark a turning-point in the destinies of civilization. From the time of Luther the chief interest of Europe had been the question of religion. Europe was divided into two camps, Catholicism and Protestantism, which opposed each other with all their might. In the Peace of Westphaha, the two parties recorded what they had gradually been learning — which was, that such a fight was futile, and that they would better learn to put up with each other. Almost imperceptibly men's minds had grown more tolerant, even if the laws were not always so, and this is, when all is said, the more satisfactory progress. The best proof of the improved state of the European mind toward the mid- dle of the seventeenth century, is offered by the practical application of this very peace instrument. The toleration 390 The Modern Period The princi- ple of toler- ation. there granted was merely of the old kind — the toleration of the princes, but not of the individuals, expressed by the famous CHjus regie, ejus religio (he who rules the coimtry maysettle its religion) — yet, persecution of individuals was henceforth the exception, and not the rule. It would be an exaggeration to say that the principle of toleration had now been conquered for humanity, or that the squabbles for religion's sake ceased in the world, but it may be as- serted, without fear of contradiction, that toleration had Avon with the Peace of Westphalia a definite recognition among the upper and the cultured classes. During the next one hundred and fifty years, the principle filtered gradu- ally, through the literary labor of many noble thinkers, to the lowest strata of society, and became, in the era of the French Revolution, a possession of all mankind. SPECIAL TOPICS Wallenstein's Policy of German Unification and the Causes of the Failure of that folicv. Gindely, Thirty Years' War, Vol. II., Chaps. Land IV. Gardiner, Thirty Years' War, pp. 98-110 ; 117-30; 151-81. Hausser, Reformation, pp. 428-44 ; 501-14. The Desolation Wroi'cht in Germany by the War. Gardiner, pp. 217- 21. Gindely, Vol. II., Chap. XL SECTION II THE ERA OF ABSOLUTISM AND THE DYNASTIC WARS; FROM THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA TO THE FRENCH REVOLUTION (1648-1789) The reader is again warned that any staking off of a sec- tion of Modern History is entirely arbitrary, and is solely justified on the score of convenience and in the interest of analysis. Now the above so-called Second Section has, like the First, an essential unity, or, to use a musical ex- pression, a leading motive. This motive is found in the circumstance that during the century and a half between the Peace of Westphalia (1648) and the French Revolu- tion (1789), Europe was dominated by the principle of government known as absolutism, and was constantly shaken by the wars of the various absolute dynasties waged for the selfish purposes of territorial aggrandizement. But this once understood, the reader must guard himself against imagining that there was no absolutism and self-aggrandize- ment both before and after our Section II. Of course there was, and all that is meant by this introductory word is that never at any other time did these two closely wedded ten- dencies stand so prominently in the foreground of public affairs. 391 392 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXV ENGLAND IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY. THE STUARTS, THE PURITAN REVOLUTION, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MON- ARCHY UNDER WILLIAM HI. LITERATURE.— Gardiner, The Puritan Revolution. (Epochs.) $i.oo. Scribner. Ga.Tdir\er, History of England {iboz-A^)- lo vols. $20. cx). Longmans. Gardiner, History of the Civil IVar (1642-49). 4 vols. Longmans. (Out of print.) Gardiner, History of the Cotnvtonivcalth and the Protectorate (i64<)-6o). 2 vols. $14.00. Longmans. Carlyle, CromwelVs Letters and Speeches. 2 vols. Of Memoirs on the Restoration see Pepys. Inexpensive edition published by Cassell. $0.60. Gardiner, Constitutional Documents of the Puritan Revolution {xfyiZ-^). $2.60. Clarendon Press. Gee and Hardy, Documents Illustrative of English Church History. $2.60. Macmillan. Reign of James I. {i6oj-2^') Gardiner, Student's History of England, pp. 481-503. Green, Slwrt History of the English People, pp. 474-96. James, the Elizabeth was succeeded upon her death by the next arch 10° " ^^^''^ *^° ^^ crown, James I., the son of Mary Stuart. Great Brit- James, who was already king of Scotland, united in his person for the first time the sovereignty over the kingdoms constituting Great Britain. But it must be understood that the union of England and Scotland which the acces- sion of James established, was, for the present, merely a personal union ; that is, the accession of James gave the two countries a common sovereign, but not, as yet, com- mon laws and institutions. Character of It was unfortunate that at a time when the character of •' ■ the sovereign greatly influenced the government, such a man as James should have been on the throne. His figure England in the Seventeenth Century 393 was almost ludicrously disjointed, and his character was devoid of force and fibre. Under the circumstances his really considerable information was not likely to help him much, whereas his exaggerated idea of his office was sure to do him harm. Concerning this office, he obstinately be- lieved that it was of divine origin, and that its preroga- tives were so extensive as to render him practically abso- lute. The accession of James occurred at a favorable moment. The favor- The defeat of the Spanish Armada (1588) had established ^q^ o°"he' the authority of England without. Within, the Catholics kingdom, were a waning party, and the Anglican Church, which was alone recognized by the law (Acts of Supremacy and Uni- formity, 1559), had, under Elizabeth, acquired solidarity and respect. The Puritan party within the Church, which inclined toward Calvinistic views, was by no means violent, and could be conciliated by a few concessions taking ac- count of their aversion to the surplice, to genuflections, and similar externals of the service. The question was whether James would show the breadth of mind which the solution of this question demanded. Shortly after his accession, in 1604, James met the Puri- James es- tans in a conference at Hampton Court. He there bitterly p ".^^^ *"^ denounced them as the enemies of episcopacy, and com- pletely identified himself with that system of Church gov- ernment. Now the king's charges against the Puritans were far from true. Once more let us remember that the Puritans at this time were not revolutionary ; that they accepted the Church of England and the principle of epis- copacy; and that they demanded only a few liberties, chiefly respecting ceremonial non-essentials. It was, there- fore, extremely unwise on the part of the king to dismiss the Puritan conference grufily, and to order, shortly after, the removal from their livings of those of the clergy who 394 The Modern Period The gun- powder plot. The rights of king and Parliament. refused to conform to every minute prescription of the Anglican service. The Catholic party, too, had expected an alleviation of its position through James's accession. When it found that nothing was done to make its lot lighter, certain desperate men resolved upon vengeance. They deliberately planned to destroy the whole English government, king. Lords, and Commons, by one gigantic stroke. They heaped gunpow- der in barrels in the Parliament cellars, and set November 5, 1605 — the day of the opening in state of a new session — for the monstrous crime. Suspicion, however, had been awakened through a letter of warning, sent by a conspira- tor to a friend who was a member of the House of Lords ; and luckily, on the very eve of the planned disaster, Guy Fawkes, the hardiest of the conspirators, was discovered keeping watch among the explosives. He and his help- mates were arrested and executed, and the English people were once more confirmed in that intense hatred and dis- trust of the Catholic faith which long remained the first article of their religious and political programme. The troubles with the Puritans and Catholics were not the only difficulties which James's policy raised about him. He managed also to quarrel with his Parliament. In the England of that time the rights of king and of Parliament were not accurately determined, and the king's prerogative was necessarily vague. It must be remembered that there was no written constitution, and tliat the legal basis for every political action was found in a mass of frequently conflicting customs and statutes. Under these circumstances a monarch could do a great many things which a Parlia- ment might, on the ground of some ancient ordinance, dis- pute, but which a Parliament, if well-disposed in general toward the monarch, and if convinced that the particular act was wise, would not dispute. England in the Seventeenth Century 395 Now James's finances fell into disorder — a sore matter The ques- with every government. Probably a little clever leading ro'iltr*olled° of Parliament would have brought that body around to a the nation's complete and wholesome reform of the finances, but James P"*"^^* preferred, in his high-handed and stupid way, to order the levy of a number of questionable taxes on his own author- ity, and to trust to luck that Parliament would, after a little haggling, yield him the point. In this he was mistaken. Parliament after Parliament allowed itself to be dissolved rather than take his dictation in this matter. And what was the result? What originally had been merely a practical business question, was soon raised to a matter of principle, and the irritated Commons began to ask themselves if the king had a right to raise any kind of tax at all without their consent. In this way the question, who controlled the nation's purse, was definitely placed before the people, and an answer would have to be found sooner or later, whether by peaceful adjustment or by war. To his unpopularity James's foreign policy contributed. James's His one notion was peace. That was not bad in itself, but pg^ce ° James contrived an impractical course. He tried to asso- ciate himself with Spain, arguing that an understanding between the leading Protestant and the leading Catholic power would secure peace to the world. Unfortunately the Spaniards only hoodwinked him, and the English became thoroughly disaffected by this policy of knuckling down to their ancient foe. Nevertheless the king persisted in his course. In 16 18 he had Sir Walter Raleigh, one of the popular Elizabethan heroes, executed for venturing to attack a Spanish village in South America. And when, in that same year, the Thirty Years' War broke out in Germany, instead of assisting his son-in-law, Frederick of the Palati- nate, who was elected king of Bohemia, he remained an impotent spectator, in the hope that Spain would somehow 396 The Modern Period English coloniza- tion. Ireland. America. India. kindly interfere in his relative's behalf. In the end his son- in-law was driven from Germany. But in spite of the fact that everybody now looked upon a conflict as inevitable, James continued his futile negotiations, and did not pre- pare for war against Spain until within a few months of his death, which occurred in 1625. It is a relief to turn from this chapter of mistaken efforts to the more productive field of James's colonial enterprises. In 1610 occurred the first settlement of Ulster, the North- eastern province of Ireland, with English and Scotch colo- nists. Before James's time Ireland had given to monarch after monarch nothing but trouble, and James hoped that his scheme of colonization would bring the unruly island under his control. However, in order to carry out his pol- icy he had to confiscate the land and crowd the natives back into the marshes. This act of violence, which the Irish took to be nothing less than a crime, stamped an indelible hatred of the English in their souls. In the new world, another and an altogether more happy colonization was un- dertaken. In 1607 the first permanent English colony was planted in Virginia, and in 1620 the first band of radical Puritans, who had separated themselves from the Anglican Church and had at first taken refuge from persecution in Holland, set out across the Atlantic. From the valiant labors of themselves and their Puritan successors in the wilderness of Massachusetts developed in time a prosperous colony, and sprang the germs of that society which became the United States of America. Furthermore, in 161 2, the East India Company, which had been chartered under Elizabeth, secured its first foothold in India. Thus, the victories of Elizabeth's reign having cleared the way, the Anglo-Saxon race planted under James the seeds of its ex- pansion in the east and in the west, and laid the founda- tions of the English commercial supremacy of our day. England in the Seventeenth Century 397 Reign of Charles /. {i62^-4g). Gardiner, 502-60. Green, 496-572. Charles I., who succeeded James in the year 1625, was Character outwardly very unlike his father. His face, familiar to us Charles, from Van Dyck's frequent reproductions, was handsome, and his manner kingly. He was also intelligent and con- scientious, but viewed the royal prerogative like his father, and believed, like him, that a parliament ought not to be conciliated, but cowed. The two main difficulties created by James bore imme- Struggle diate and dangerous fruit in the new reign. James had ^p^^^^" roused the slumbering Puritanism of his subjects and had and king raised the question with his Parliament as to who controlled a°hea.d taxation. Charles, by persisting in James's course of hos- tility to Puritans and Parliament, succeeded, in an incredi- bly short time, in developing the prejudices of his people into a violent opposition to himself, and in rousing the Commons, who had been servilely docile under Elizabeth and, even Avhile protesting, had been deeply re.spectful under James, to the point where they plainly put the ques- tion : who was sovereign in England, Parliament or king ? In the very year of his accession, Charles married Hen- Charles falls rietta Maria, a sister of Louis XIH. of France. This mar- °"^ ^*^^ *^^ Commons in nage with a Catholic was unpopular in England in itself, matters of and was rendered doubly so by the fact that Charles had '■^"Sio"' entered upon an agreement with Louis to offer the English Catholics his protection. Over this concession to a hostile faith the Parliament straightway flew into a passion. It grew still- more excited when the fact became known that the king had lavished favors upon certain Anglican church- men who had publicly attacked the Calvinistic doctrines then held by the majority of Englishmen. There is no doubt that the king meant well enough, and certainly he 398 Tlic Modern Period was far from tlic thought of betraying the cause of Protes- tantism ; hut his rehgious liberahsm bore the character of laxity in the minds of the severe behevers of that day and aroused general suspicion. The Commons, in consequence, adopted an uncompromising Protestant policy. They began to lay niore and more stress on those features of the Anglican Church which were emphatically Protestant, and less and less on those which had been retained from the Catholic establishment. Thus while the doctrines aroused their enthusiasm, they grew increasingly indifferent about the practices and ceremonies. From these latter, however, the king, who had a fondness for outward show, would abate no jot nor tittle. Monarch and Commons, as a result, drifted farther and farther apart on questions of religion; and under the unconscious action of resentment, the people began falling away from their own ceremonial Anglican traditions and edging over to Puritan ground. Charles falls Not satisfied with alienating his people by arousing their out with IS j.g]jgiQ^g animosity, the king also alienated them by his over the war political conduct. The war with Spain furnished him the wi pain. Q(,(,^JQj-i j^g \^r^^ inherited it from his father, and was bent on carrying it on. The Parliament was not unwilling to give him support — for the war with Spain was popular — but to such grants of money as it made, it attached the condition that the war be carried on effectively and under good leaders. This condition Charles, to his misfortune, neglected. He intrusted the conduct of the war to the duke of Buckingham, once his father's favorite and now his own, and Buckingham, who was handsome and dash- ing, but unfit for weighty business, reaped nothing but disaster. Thus an expedition sent in 1625 against Cadiz ended in utter failure. Thereupon, the Commons refused to give the king more money until the duke was removed from the council, and, as the king refused to allow himself England in the Seventeenth Century 399 to be dictated to in the matter of his ministers, there en- sued a deadlock which Charles tried in vain to break by the repeated dissolution of Parliament. In the year 1627 matters grew worse. The king, not Bucking- content with one war upon his hands, allowed himself to and the /^ ' Twar with be driven into a war with France, in behalf of the French France. Huguenots. The Huguenots were being besieged in La Rochelle. As there was no other way of getting money for a rescuing expedition, Charles adopted a perilous device: he forced the rich to make him a loan. But the sums, thus illegally extorted, brought no blessing. A relief exi)edition, which sailed for La Rochelle under Buckingham, failed as miserably as the attack upon Cadiz. As a result ignominy in the war with France was added to the ignominy already incurred in the war with Spain. The Parliament which met in 1628 was therefore justified The Peti- in its outbreak of wrath against the Government. Before U^^u^ ^ o ° Right, 1628. granting another penny it insisted that the grievances of the nation be redressed. Li a document called the Petition of Right, it made a formal assertion of its claims. The Petition of Right declared forced loans illegal, and con- demned a number of practices, such as arbitrary arrests and billeting of troops upon householders. The Petition of Right was firmly announced to be a prerequisite to all further concessions by the Parliament. Charles, who had two wars on his hands and no money, had to give way. The Petition of Right, celebrated as a renewal of Magna Charta, was accepted and became the law of the land (1628). Unfortunately the Petition of Right did not dispose of all the internal troubles. The obnoxious Buckingham was not dismissed ; the excitement, which had permeated all classes, did not subside. Proof of the degree of hatred which the party strife had reached was offered soon enough. While a new expedition to La Rochelle was fitting out 400 The Modern Period Murder of Bucking- ham, 1628. Tunnage and Pound- age, The Crisis of 1629. Eleven years of rule without Parliament. at Portsmouth, a fanatic patriot, John Felton by name, stabbed Buckingham to death (1628). The Icing grieved over the loss of his favorite, but his poHcy remained ob- stinately unchanged. And this at a moment when a strug- gle was threatening with his Parliament greater than any that had preceded ! It was the practice in England to vote certain customs duties, called Tunnage and Poundage, at the beginning of a reign, for the duration of the king's life. These formed the most considerable income of the treasury, and without them the government could not be carried on. Largely by accident the Commons had not voted Tunnage and Poundage for the life of Charles, and now that they had a grievance against him, they resolved not to vote this tax until they had received in return fresh assurances of good government. Charles grew highly excited over their con- duct, which to him seemed mere bickering, and in the session of 1629 the conflict between king and Commons broke out anew. After a few unfruitful negotiations, Charles determined to dissolve Parliament ; but the mem- bers getting wind of it, passed, before the adjournment, amidst a scene unparalleled for excitement in English par- liamentary annals, a number of resolutions, affirming that the levy of Tunnage and Poundage was illegal and that whosoever paid it or brought in religious innovations Avas a traitor. Thus the question of Tunnage and Poundage, added to the religious excitement, brought about virtual war between king and Parliament. But for the next eleven years (1629-40) the king had the upper hand, the exten- sive prerogative acquired by his predecessors giving him at first a distinct advantage over the ambitious Commons. Among other privileges, he was not obliged to assemble Parliament at all, unless he wanted a new subsidy, and as England in the Seventeenth Century 401 anything was better than having Parhament again, he now resolved to get along with the revenues he had. But this plan necessitated economy, and, above all, the termination of the expensive wars with France and Spain. Before the end of 1630, therefore, Charles had made his peace with these two powers. His outlook now was, on the whole, exceedingly hopeful. Tunnage and Poundage, although condemned by the Commons, was regularly paid into the exchequer by a people who were not yet ready to renounce their king, and Tunnage and Poundage, taken together with a number of other taxes which had been regularly pro- vided, were found sufficient for the ordinary expenses of the administration. During these eleven years of practically absolute govern- ment Charles managed matters in Church and state as it suited him. For the affairs of the Church his chief adviser was William Laud, whom, in 1633, Charles appointed arch- Laud and bishop of Canterbury and primate of England. Laud, like ^^^^ ^°^ • Charles himself, laid stress upon ceremony and uniformity, and proceeded with such vigor against the enemies of cere- mony, that in a few years he had either secured the sub- mission of the Puritan element or had ejected it from the Church. For the affairs of state Charles depended in large measure upon Thomas Wentworth, better known by his later title of earl of Strafford. Wentworth, who was a firm be- liever in strong government, supported the king in his stand against Parliament and people, but it is entirely erroneous to make him responsible for all the ill-advised measures of the monarch. Of such measures there were many, all contributing to shake Charles's arbitrary position. Notably was this the case with ship-money. Ship-money was a tax collected by Ship-money. Charles in the year 1634, for the purpose of creating a navy. The ordinary method of getting supplies for such Hampden. 402 The Modern Period an end would have been to appeal to Parliament, but that the king shrank from doing. So he hit upon a subterfuge. In former times monarchs had, when the country was in danger, ordered the counties bordering on the sea to fur- nish ships. Charles issued such an order in the year 1634. A little later he declared his willingness to receive money instead of ships, and further ordained that the inland coun- ties, too, should pay. Plainly, this procedure was, if not totally illegal, at least hazardous and certain to arouse a great deal of opposition. The case of This appeared when a country gentleman, John Hampden Hamoden ^^'^ name, preferred rather than pay his share of the tax to suffer arrest and trial. The court, when the case came up, decided against Hampden, but so wide was the disaffection following upon Hampden's trial that it required only an occasion for England to show that the loyalty which had bound her for ages to her royal house, had suffered fatal impairment. Charles falls That occasion was furnished by Scotland. In the year 1637, Charles, with his usual neglect of popular feeling, ventured to introduce into Presbyterian Scotland the Prayer Book and certain of the Episcopal practices of England. The answer of the Scots to this measure was to rise in in- surrection. They drew up a national oath or Covenant, by which they pledged themselves to resist to the utmost all attempts at changing their religion, and when Charles did not immediately give in, he found that he had a war on his hands. The Scotch There follows the campaign of 1639 against the Scots, war of 1639 ^y]-,j(.|^ jg known as the First Bishops' War. It was a mis- over the ' question of erable fiasco. Owing to want of funds, the king led north- ward a mere ill-equipped rabble, and when he arrived upon the scene, found himself compelled to sign a truce. Be- tween his Scotch and English subjects, whom he had alike out with the Scots Episcopacy. England in the Seventeenth Century 403 alienated, his position was now thoroughly humiliating. In order to avenge himself upon the Scots, he required effective money help from England, and effective money help from England involved calling a Parliament. In one or the other direction he had, therefore, to make conces- sions. Charles fought a hard battle with his pride, but finally, feeling that the Scotch matter was the more press- ing, he summoned a Parliament (1640). Thus the long period of government without a Parlia- The Second ment had come to an end. When, however, the Parlia- 7,1^^^^,^ ' ' War, 1040. ment, known as the Short Parliament, began, instead of voting moneys, to remind the king of the nation's griev- ances, Charles flamed up once more and dismissed it. Once more, in despite of his lack of funds, he conducted a campaign, known as the Second Bishops' War, against the Scots (1640). But when the second experiment had failed as badly as the first, he had to acknowledge himself finally beaten. In the autumn of 1640 he summoned another Parliament, The Long which he knew he should not be able to send home at his j^'q'^'"^" ' will. The Parliament which met has received from his- tory the name of the Long Parliament, and is the most famous legislative body in English annals. The Long Parliament, as soon as it was installed, took The victory the reins into its hands. First the desire for revenge had Commons to be satisfied, and accordingly Strafford and Laud were executed. Then the whole constitution was practically remodelled. Parliament declared everything, the king nothing. It Avas the Parliament's answer to the king's des- potic rule. Could a king of Charles's temperament submit for long to such a terrible abasement ? For a year the king bore with the altered circumstances. Division in But he was watching for his chance, and the first division „^„ " ° ' mons. among the Commons was his signal to strike. The Com- J 404 The Modern Period Charles sides with the Episco- palians. Attempted arrest of the five mem- bers. The king unfurls his banner at Notting- ham. The advan- tage is, at first, with the king. mons had agreed admirably on all the political questions at issue between themselves and the king. Differences ap- peared only when the religious question was presented. The sentiment against the Episcopal system had made a great deal of progress of late years, but a strong con- servative element still supported it. Under the circum- stances Puritans and Episcopalians in the Commons fre- quently came to hard words, and naturally, as soon as this opening in the hitherto solid phalanx of the opposition was apparent, Charles took advantage of it. He threw in his lot with the Episcopalians, and so once more rallied about him a party. In January, 1642, he calculated that he was strong enough to strike a blow at the predominance of Parliament, and attempted to arrest the five leaders, Pym, Hampden, Hazelrigg, Holies, and Strode, in full Parliamentary ses- sion. But the attempt failed, and Charles, always a little timorous, had not the courage to brave the situation which he had himself created. When London rose in arms, Charles fled, and the schism was complete. In Au- gust, 1642, unfurling his banner at Nottingham, he bade all loyal Englishman rally to their king. The Parliament in its turn gathered an army and prepared to take the field. The parties about to engage each other seemed to be very equally matched. The king's party, called the Cav- aliers, held the north and the west, York and Oxford being their chief towns, while the adherents of the Parlia- ment, known derisively as Roundheads, for the reason that many of them cropped their hair close, held the south and the east, with London for their centre. Neither side was well furnished with troops, but the fact that the slashing country gentlemen crowded into the king's service gave the royal side, at first, the advantage. In the early cam- England in the Seventeenth Century 405 paigns the army of the Parhament was steadily driven back, and on one occasion London, the Parhamentary centre, ahaiost fell into the king's hands. It was really not until the year 1644 that the Parliament began to de- velop an efficient army. At the same time there rose into prominence the man who was destined to turn the tables Oliver on the king and bring the war to a conclusion — Oliver ^^^^'^^ • Cromwell. Oliver Cromwell is one of those surprising characters who sum up in themselves a whole period of their nation's history. He was a country gentleman of the east of Eng- land, whose life had become bound up in the Puritan cause. With firmness and strength, he coupled an ex- traordinary amount of practical good sense, which enabled him to see things exactly as they were. Now the great business of the hour was a good army. Gradually, there- fore, Cromwell collected about himself a special troop of men of his own mind — Puritans who had their hearts in the cause ; and this troop soon won for itself the grim title of Cromwell's Ironsides. In the campaign of 1644 Cromwell's Ironsides first Marston prominently showed their metal. They contributed large- °°'^' ^ ^^* ly to the great victory of Marston Moor over Prince Ru- pert, 1 the king's nephew and the dashing leader of his horse. At the battle of Newbury, which took place a few months later, it is probable that the king would have been crushed entirely if Cromwell had not been thwarted by his sluggish and incapable superiors. That winter Cromwell fiercely denounced in Parliament The army the lax method of carrying on war which had hitherto ^ °^^ ' prevailed, and so convincing were his criticisms that the ' Prince Rupert, known as Rupert of the Rhine, was the son of EHza- beth, the daughter of James, who had married Frederick of the Palati- nate. 4o6 The Modern Period The decisive campaign of 1645, Nase- by. Alliance be- tween the Scots and Parliament. Presbyte- rians and In- dependents. Commons now carried out a number of sweeping reforms. By means of certain ordinances the army was completely reorganized and the spirit of Cromwell's Ironsides intro- duced into the whole service. The spring of 1645 found Sir Thomas Fairfax at the head of the reformed forces and Cromwell in command of the horse. The effect of the change made itself felt at once: the campaign of 1645 proved decisive. At Naseby, in the heart of England, the king made his last formidable effort (June 14). The gallant Rupert plunged, as usual, through the squadrons of horse opposite him, but Cromwell in the meantime broke the king's left and centre and won the day. For almost a year the king still held out, vainly hoping relief from this or that small circumstance. In May, 1646, judging that all was over, he surrendered to the Scots, who occupied the English north. The Scots had joined the English Parliament against the king in the year 1643. They had treated the first suggestions of alliance with indifference, and when they finally consented to join the English, they made a very hard condition : they demanded that their own Presby- terian system of church government be established also in England. The stiff Puritan opinion in the Parliament re- volted at first at the thought of a foreign dictation, but as the majority were well disposed to the Presbyterian sys- tem, and the danger from the king was pressing, the al- liance between Scots and Parliament was formally ap- proved on the proposed basis. However, a handful of commoners standing for religious tolerance protested against the treaty to the last. To them the uniformity of belief enforced by the Presbyterian Kirk was no whit less hateful than the uniformity of service de- manded by the Anglican Church. But being a mere hand- ful, they would have been overridden without a word if England in the Seventeenth Century 407 they had not received support from a very important quarter : their religious views had the approval of Crom- well and his Ironsides. Under the circumstances the ma- jority was obliged to proceed with caution, especially while the war continued and the troops had to be kept in good humor. Thus the contention slumbered for a time, but as soon as the battle of Naseby had been won and the enemy scattered, the quarrel between the Presbyterians and the Independents, as the advocates of tolerance were called, assumed a more serious aspect. When the king surrendered to the Scots he was well in- The calcula- formed of these differences of opinion among the victors, Jji" ° ^ and hoped, in his small-minded way, to find his profit in them. Let the army, representing the Independents and their view of tolerance, only fall to quarrelling with the majority of the Parliament, representing the Presbyterians and their uncompromising system of uniformity, and his, the king's, alliance would prove invaluable. Herein Charles calculated both well and ill. In the The Parlia- year 1647 the Scots surrendered him, on the payment of ^e"t offends a good price, to the Parliament. The Presbyterians there- upon tried to hurry through a settlement, while the army offered a different set of terms. Endless intrigues resulted, in which the Scots, too, took a hand, and the consequence was that in the year 1648 there broke out a war among Charles's enemies — the Scots supported by English Pres- byterian influence being pitted against the army. So far Charles had calculated well. In the long run, however, The civil his petty calculations shot wide of the mark, for Fairfax ^^ed'1648 and Cromwell very quickly laid their enemies at their feet. Then the army returned to London to have vengeance upon what it called the bloody authors of the struggle, the Presbyterian majority of the Commons and the king. On December 6, 1648, a troop under the command of Colonel 408 The Modern Period Pride's purge, 1648. The execu- tion of the king, Janu- ary 30, 1649. The break- down of the constitu- tion. Pride expelled the Presbyterian members, to the number of about one hundred, from the House No more than fifty or sixty commoners retained their seats, and these, the mere tools of the army, received the contemptuous name of the Rump Parliament. Next the army turned upon the king, firmly resolved to subject him to a trial. As there were no legal provisions in the constitution for such a step, the now servile Parlia- ment created a special high court of justice to try the king. The end, of course, was to be foreseen. The high court of justice found the king guilty of treason, and on January 30, 1649, he was executed on a scaffold before his own palace of Whitehall. He had never been shaken in the conviction that the right, during the whole course of the civil war, had been with him, and he died bravely in that belief. The king's death had been preceded by the dissolution of the House of Lords because of the refusal of that body to take the army's side. The English constitution, therefore, was now a wreck ; tlie king and Lords had disappeared, the Commons were a fragment. The power lay solely with the army, and the burning question of the day was : Would the revolutionists of the army be able to build a new constitu- tion along new lines? The com- monwealth. T/ie Commomvealth and the Protectorate {164^-60). Gardiner, 561-77. Green, 572-604. On the death of the king, the Rump Parliament voted that England was a commonwealth, and appointed, pro- visionally, a council of state to act as the executive branch of the government. There was work enough ahead for the young republic, for in Ireland and Scotland Charles H. had been proclaimed England in the Seventeenth Century 409 king. The council of state insisting that these kingdoms Cromwell oil r^rt 1 1 o c T r ^ m should not be allowed to go a separate way in politics, j^^^^ (1640) Cromwell was dispatched against them. In 1649 he and Scot- brought the Irish to terms by means of bloody massacres ^ (^ 5 )• at Drogheda and Wexford. This done, the victor turned to Scotland. At Dunbar (1650) Cromwell's soldiers, whose tempers were like the steel with which they smote, scattered one Scotch army ; and when a second army, with Charles II. in its midst, struck across the border in the hope of stirring up an English rebellion, Cromwell starting in pursuit met it at Worcester, in the heart of England, and won the crowning victory of his life (165 1). Charles II. escaped, after various romantic adventures, to the conti- nent ; but the Scots came to terms, and thus the authority of the commonwealth was established throughout Great Britain and Ireland. Now that England had peace, the question of a per- Dismissal of manent government became more pressing. Everybody p^ r""^^t clamored for a settlement. Only the Rump Parliament 1653. was in no hurry, and the fifty or sixty members who com- posed it clung to office, finding power a delightful thing. In April, 1653, Cromwell, despairing of good through such a Parliament, resolved to have done with it. He invaded the Parliament with a detachment of troops and ordered the members home. "Come, come," he shouted in in- dignation, " we have had enough of this. It is not fit you should sit here any longer." Thus the last fragment of the old constitution had vanished. A new Parliament, freely elected by the nation, would have been one solution of the difficulties which now confront- ed Cromwell. But such a Parliament would immediately have called back the king, and Cromwell was ready to try all possible means before he declared that the great cause had failed. After a few vain shifts, he therefore accepted a 4IO The Modern Period Oliver, Pro- tector. The Pro- tectorate a failure at home. England refuses to accept toler- ation. constitution, called the Instrument of Government, which was drawn up by his ofificers, and which named him Lord Protector. By the Instrument of Government, Oliver, the Lord Protector, together with a Council of State, was to exercise the executive, while a Parliament of a single house, from which all partisans of the king were excluded, was to perform the legislative functions of government. The new attempt came nearer than any of the others to being a solution of the political difficulties into which England had been plunged ; but, unfortunately, even this partial success was due solely to the fact that the new constitution prac- tically placed in control an entirely efficient man. The five years (1653-58) of Oliver's rule as Protector were full of difficulties. His first Parliament insisted on revising the Instrument of Government. As that was tantamount to calling the whole settlement in question, Oliver dissolved the Parliament in anger (January, 1655). For awhile now he ruled without a Parliament. There were frequent attempts upon his life, republican con- spiracies, royalist risings, the cares and annoyances insep- arable from power. But his brave spirit was undaunted and he met every difficulty as it arose. As it was better to rule with the nation than without, he called a second Par- liament in the year 1656, and with this he got along more smoothly for awhile. The traditional English conserva- tism governed this assembly, and it tried to get back upon the lines of the old constitution. It even offered to make Oliver king. But he declined the honor, and soon new quarrels arose which led to a new dissolution (February, 1658). In all this time the great principle of toleration for which Oliver stood had made no progress. Oliver's idea had been to give all Protestant Christians, whether they were Episcopalians, Presbyterians, or Puritans, the protection of England in the Seventeenth Century 411 the law. But the fierce religious temper of the time hin- dered the majority from seeing any right outside of their own faith, or feeling any obligation to put up with any other. Oliver, like all men who are ahead of their time, was left without support. The animosities of his antagonists, as well as of his followers, even forced him before long to trench upon his own principles. In 1655 he began per- secuting those who held to the Book of Common Prayer, and long before his end he had the bitter conviction that the government of the Puritan Commonwealth rested on no single principle that had taken root in the nation, and that it lived entirely by the will and vigor of one man. If Oliver was thus reaping failure at home, he added The Protec- triumph to triumph abroad. From 1652 to 1654 there had ^g^ alfroad" been a war with the Dutch caused by the famous Naviga- tion Act. The Dutch had in the seventeenth century got the carrying trade of the world into their hands ; by means of the Navigation Act (165 1) the Parliament planned to bring part of it to England. The Act ordained that im- ported goods be carried in English ships, or else in ships belonging to the country in which the goods were produced. The Dutch declared war rather than suffer this injury, but The first after a few defeats had to accept what they could not alter, r!^* ^^^ . (1052-54). Soon after Oliver entered into an alliance with France (1655) against Spain. Jamaica, in the West Indies, was War with taken from Spain by an English fleet, and Dunkirk, in the ^P^*"- Spanish Netherlands, after a French-English victory over the Spaniards on the Dunes, was surrendered to Cromwell's representatives. Since the days of Elizabeth, the name of England had not enjoyed such respect as it did now. Thus to the end the Protector held the rudder firmly. The death of But his health was broken by his great responsibilities, and *^^ ^'^°^,^*^" ■> ^ >■ ' tor, Septem- on the third day of September, 1658, shortly after a great ber 3, 1658. storm had swept over the island, he passed away. 412 The Modern Period Anarchy. Cromwell's death was followed by a year of pure anarchy. The republic was dead. For awhile, however, Richard Cromwell, Oliver's commonplace son, ruled as Protector (to April, 1659) ; then the soldiers tried their talents ; and finally, even the Long Parliament appeared again upon the scene. Clearly, after all these shifts, Charles II. was the only choice left ; it was but necessary that some strong man should act in the absent king's behalf and order would be restored. The strong man was found in General George Monk. Monk, one of Cromwell's most capable lieutenants, refusing to close his eyes longer to the real situation, de- The Resto- termined to promote the restoration of the Stuarts and the 1660"' ^^' reinvigoration of the old constitution. Charles II. was merely asked to promise a general pardon. This Charles did, and when, a month later, he landed at Dover (May, 1660), he was received with universal shouts of welcome. Some days before a new Parliament had formally restored the ancient constitution, voting that " the government is, and ought to be, by king. Lords and Commons." The Restoration. Charles II. (^1660-85) and James II. (168S-88). Gardiner, 578-648 ; Green, 605-83. The Resto- Charles II. was one of the most iwpular monarchs Eng- ration is a j.jj-|j g^^j. ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^-^^ popularity was due not so much to change in . life and his talents as to his vices. To understand this we must re- member that the Restoration is a complex movement. It marks not merely the break-down of the Puritan experi- ment of government, but also a revulsion from the severe and colorless scheme of life which the Puritans imposed upon society. Like one who had thirsted a long while, the Englishman of the Restoration, therefore, threw him- self greedily upon splendor and distractions. Profligacy manners. England in the Seventeenth Century 413 became the fashion of the day, and Charles, because he satisfied the contemporary ideal in that he was corrupt, witty, and amiable, assumed the position of a sort of popu- lar hero. Now that the monarchy was restored, it was almost as if the revolution had not taken place, for the constitutional questions at issue between king and Parliament were left much as they had been before the war broke out. For the present, however, everybody was so entirely taken up with rejoicing at the restoration of order, that the quarrel about the measure of the king's prerogative dropped from sight. The Cavalier Parliament, as the Parliament elected in The Cava- 166 1 and allowed to hold power for eighteen years, was ^^J^^^ ^^' significantly called, completely expressed this reactionary sentiment of the country : it was more royal than the king. An index of its political sentiment is furnished by its vote that no one could lawfully take arms against the sovereign. In religious matters its stand was even more uncompromis- ing. The Cavalier Parliament stood for the Church of England and nothing but the Church of England, and initiated against all non-Anglicans a severe policy of per- secution. In the year 1661 the Parliament enacted the Corporation The Corpo- Act, which provided that every one who held an office in 155°" ^ ' a municipal corporation would have to take the oath of non-resistance to the king, and receive the sacrament ac- cording to the rites of the Church of England. The meas- ure, of course, turned all non-Anglicans out of the city governments. The next year (1662) there followed a new The new Act of Uniformity, by which every clergyman who did not y-^^ °^ ^"*' accept every prescription of the Book of Common Prayer 1662. was expelled from his living. Hundreds of the Presby- terian and Puritan clergy resigned their cures rather than assent, and from now on men of these faiths, together with 414 The Modern Period The Dis- senters. The real enemy is Cathol- icism. Foreign policy. The first Dutch War of the Res- toration, 1664-67. The friend- ship of Louis and Charles. the adherents of the other sects which had lately arisen, such as the Baptists and the Quakers, were embraced by the common name of Dissenters. It is not probable that the Cavalier Parliament would have insisted on the national creed with such vehemence, if it had not been persuaded that toleration granted to the Dissenters would open a loop-hole for the Catholics. And just then the suspicion against Catholicism was stronger in the land than ever, because of the secret machinations of the court in behalf of this faith. Had the facts that were only whispered in the palace-passages been known at West- minster, there can be no doubt that the religious legisla- tion would have been even more stringent than it was ; for Charles, although afraid to publish the truth, had, not long after the Restoration, secretly embraced Catholicism. A monarch who identified himself so little in religious matters with his people was not likely to serve them in for- eign affairs. In fact, his guidance of England was weak and unintelligent, being determined simply by aversion to the Dutch and affection for Louis XIV. of France. The commercial rivalry between the Dutch and Engli.sh had ever since the Navigation Act (1651) been very in- tense. It is not astonishing therefore that the war of Oliver's time should have been followed soon by another, known as the first Dutch War of the Restoration (1664-67). Both nations proved themselves plucky seamen, and when peace was signed, England relaxed the Navigation Act somewhat in favor of the Dutch, and the Dutch ceded their colony New Amsterdam, which was renamed New York. This was the time in European politics of the ascendancy of France. The leading fact of the general situation was that Louis XIV. was planning to extend his territory at the expense of his neighbors. The logical policy of England as the rival of France would have been to support the vie- England in the Seventeenth Century 415 tim against the aggressor ; but Charles allowed himself to be directed by personal motives. Naturally his riotous life kept him involved in constant money difficulties. Fort- unes were flung away on entertainments or were lavished on courtiers and mistresses. To get money, therefore, became Charles's first object in life, and Louis XIV., who was always a clever manager, was perfectly willing to oblige his brother of England, if he could by this means buy Eng- land's aid, or at least, her neutrality in the conflicts he anticipated. Now the French king began his aggressions in the year 1667, by invading the Spanish Netherlands; but after taking a few towns he was forced to desist, chiefly owing to the energetic protest of the Dutch. No wonder that Louis resolved to have revenge on this nation of traders. By the secret Treaty of Dover (1670) he won Treaty of over Charles, by a handsome sum, to join him in his pro- o^^^> ^ 7°- jected war against the Dutch ; and Charles, in his turn, stipulated to avow himself a Catholic and to accept aid from Louis in case his subjects, on the news of his conver- sion, revolted against him. When, in the year 1672, everything was at length ready, Louis and Charles fell upon the Dutch, engaging in what, in England, is known as the Second Dutch War of the Second Restoration. Just as the war was about to break out, ^f" jj^g Res-*" Charles, not yet daring to announce himself a Catholic, toration published a decree of toleration, the so-called Declaration ^^ ' '^ of Indulgence, which, overriding the statutes of Parliament, The Declar- gave to Catholics and Dissenters freedom of worship. Such indulgence, a declaration invites the sympathy of us moderns, but it is necessary to remember in judging it that its motives were impure. This the people felt, and when Parliament met, its tone became so threatening that the king withdrew his Declaration. When this was done (1673), the war had lost its interest for Charles, and as the English people were 4i6 The Modern Period learning to feel more and more strongly that their real enemy- was the French and not the Dutch, Charles further gave way to popular pressure and concluded peace (1674). Thus the Treaty of Dover came to nothing, except in so far as it involved the Dutch in another heroic combat for life and liberty. So stubborn was their defence under their Stadtholder, William III. of Orange, that Louis XIV. fi- nally followed Charles's example and withdrew from the struggle (Peace of Nimwegen, 1678). The Test But the Parliament was not satisfied with having forced Act, 1073. j.j^g j^jj^g j.^ withdraw his Declaration of Indulgence. To secure the country further against the secret machinations of the court, it added a crowning act to its intolerant re- ligious legislation — the Test Act (1673). 1'^^ Corpora- tion Act (1661) had already purged the municipalities of non-Anglicans ; by the Test Act ^ the exclusion was ex- . tended to office-holders of any kind. The death of Charles died in the year 1685, after a reign of twenty- 68^/ ^^^^ years. On his death-bed he did what he had been afraid to do during his life : he confessed himself a Cath- olic. Charles's reign is marked by an advance in the polit- ical life of the nation which deserves sharp attention. Under him there began to be formed for the first time parties with a definite programme and something like a Creation of permanent organization. These were the parties known arv o^Ttles'- ^^ Whigs and Tories,^ and the chief question on which Whigs and they split was the question of toleration. The Tories, °"^^' who were mostly the small country gentlemen, stood for 'The Test Act is so named because every man, before taking office was tested with regard to his faitli by his wiljingness or unwillingness to take the sacrament as prescribed by the Church of England. 2 These names were originally taunts. Tory is derived from the Irish and signifies robber, ^\'hig comes from Whiggam. a cry with which the Scotch peasants exhorted their horses. Applied as a party name, it was intended to convey the idea of a sneaking Covenanter. England in the Seventeenth Century 417 no-toleration for Dissenters ; the Whigs, on the other hand, whose ranks were filled up largely from the great nobles and the middle classes, wished to promote this act of justice ; both parties, being equally Protestant, agreed in denying toleration to the Catholics. Whigs and Tories from now on play a role of increasing importance in the history of England. James II., who succeeded his brother Charles, was not James is un- only a Catholic, which, of course, raised an impassable bar- P°P" ^^' rier between him and his subjects, but he was also imbued with the same ideas of Divine Right as his father Charles I., and he held to them as stubbornly as ever that monarch had done. Under these circumstances the new reign did not promise well. As James was a Catholic among Protestants, he should at His Cath- the very least, have kept quiet. But he seems to have been ° pohcy. possessed with the idea that he had been made king for the express purpose of furthering the Catholic cause. He did not even trouble himself to proceed cautiously, and in imitation of his brother, published, in the year 1687, a Declara- tion of Indulgence, suspending all penalties against Cath- olics and Dissenters. Regardless of the universal discon- tent he published the next year a Second Declaration, and ordered it to be read from all the pulpits. Most of the clergy refused to conform to this tyrannical order, and The trial of seven bishops presented to the king a written protest, ifili^'^^^^^' James's answer was an order that legal proceedings be taken against them. Immense excitement gathered around the trial, which occurred in June, 1688. These and other irregularities were borne with for a Son born to time, because the next heir to the throne, James's daugh- J^'"^^ ^'• ter, Mary, who was a child of his first marriage and the wife of William of Orange, was a Protestant. When, how- ever, James's second wife gave birth, in June, 1688, to a 41 8 The Modern Period son, who by the English law would take precedence over Mary, consternation seized the whole people. The son, it was foreseen, would be educated in the Catholic religion, and thus the Catholic dynasty would be perpetuated. As the birth of the son and the trial of the seven bishops oc- curred about the same time (June, 1688), England was filled with excitement from end to end. Seizing the op- portunity, a few patriotic nobles invited William of Orange and his wife Mary to come to England's rescue. The Glori- In November, 1688, William landed in England, and tion of 1688. bnmediately the people of all classes gathered around him. The army which James sent against him refused to fight, and James found himself without a supporter. Seeing that the game was up, he sent his wife and child to France, and shortly after followed in person. Perhaps never in history had there been so swift and so bloodless a revolu- tion. The Parliament, which met to deliberate on these events, declared the throne vacant, and offered it to William and Throne Mary as joint sovereigns. As William and Mary were not Wn'l^am'and ^^^^ legitimate heirs, the sovereign of England was by this Mary. act virtually declared to be the nominee of the Parliament, and henceforth, the doctrine that an English king held his office by Divine Right was quietly dropped. The Parlia- ment furthermore fortified its position against the king in Bill of a Bill of Rights (1689), by which it declared the law Rights, supreme over the king. Therewith the conflict between king and Parliament was over, and Parliament had again won. And the new victory was far more satisfactory than the earlier radical victory of Cromwell, for the ancient his- torical constitution was not destroyed ih.\s time, but merely modified in accordance with the national needs. But the "Glorious Revolution" did more; it also paved the way for a religious settlement. On motion of the England in the Seventeenth Century 419 Whigs, Parliament passed, almost simultaneously with the The Tolera- Bill of Rights, a Toleration Act, by which Dissenters were ^^o^ ^ ' given the right of public worship. The repressive legisla- tion indeed was not repealed, and Catholics were treated as harshly as ever, but the Toleration Act satisfied the religious demands of the majority of Englishmen, and religious peace was, by means of it, established in the kingdom. Bill of Rights and Toleration Act inaugurated in England the era of a new and genuine constitutional- ism. The literature of the seventeenth century presents, in The litera- sharp contrast, the two theories of life which combated "'^^' each other under the party names of Cavalier and Round- head. The moral severity, the noble aspirations of Puri- tanism found a poet in John Milton (" Paradise Lost," 1667), and a simple-minded eulogist in John Bunyan ("Pilgrim's Progress," 1675). But the literary reign of these men and their followers was short, for the Restora- tion quickly buried them under its frivolity and laughter. Inevitably literature followed the currents of the contem- porary life, and Milton and Bunyan were succeeded by a school of licentious dramatists and literary triflers. John Dryden (1631-1701), although himself a man of sturdy qualities, became, by the force of circumstances, the leader of the Restoration set. SPECIAL TOPICS Analysis and Comparison of the Petition of Right and of the Bill of Rights. For Petition of Right, see Gardiner, Constitutional Documents, pp. 1-5. For Bill of Rights, see Gee and Hardy, p. 645 ff. Both documents in Stubbs, Select Cliarters. Clarendon Press. See also Taswell-Langmead, Chapters XIII. and XV. The Intolerant Legislation of the Cavalier Parliament: Penal Laws and Tests. Gee and Hardy, p. 594 fif. Taswell-Langmead, Chapter XV. 420 The Modern Period CHAPTER XXVI THE ASCENDANCY OF FRANCE (1643-1715) UNDER LOUIS XIV. The work of Richelieu. Mazarin, Richelieu's successor. LITERATURE. — Wakeman, Europe, 1598-1715. $1.75- Chaps. IX. -XI., XIV., XV. Macmillan. Kitchin, llistoiy of Frame. 3 vols. $7.80. Macmillan. Y\3i%%&\\, Louis XIV. (Heroes.) $1.50. Putnam. Ad&ms, Growth 0/ t/te French Nation. $1.00. Macmillan. The work of Richelieu had cleared the way for the su- l)remacy of France in Europe. By destroying the political privileges of the Huguenots and by breaking the power of the nobility, he had freed the royal authority from the last restraints which weighed upon it, and had rendered it absolute. In foreign matters Richelieu had engaged France in the Thirty Years' War, and had reaped for her the bene- fits of the Peace of Westphalia (1648). But just at this point, as France was about to assume a dominant position, she was threatened once more, and as it proved, for the last time under the old monarchy, by civil war. The government, upon the death of Louis XIII. (1643), passed into the hands of his queen, Anne of Austria, who was named regent for the five-year-old king. At the same time the post of first minister, which had been occupied by Richelieu, fell to the confidant of the regent, another churchman and an Italian by birth. Cardinal Mazarin. Mazarin carried out faithfully the political intentions of Richelieu, but encountered, like his predecessor, the envy of the great nobles, the chief of whom was the famous general, the prince of Cond6. The Peace of Westphalia had not yet been signed, when certain nobles ro.se (1648) against the crown, in the hope that the new minister would prove not to be of the metal of his predecessor. The Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 421 event showed that they were mistaken. Although the Parhament of Pan's joined the high-born rebels, thus giv- ing the new civil disturbances something of the character of a popular movement, the Fronde (1648-53), as the The Fronde, rising against Mazarin was called, was, after the first year, (^*^48-53)- nothing but the struggle of the nobility to recover its feudal privileges. Such a struggle deserved to fail ; and if it now failed it was chiefly because France saw that in a question between king and nobles, her self-interest bound her to the former. The Fronde may be called the death- agony of the nobility as a feudal governing class. From the time of its suppression the nobles gradually transformed themselves into a body of docile courtiers, who were rarely occupied with anything more serious than the dances and spectacles of Versailles. The Peace of Westphalia was signed between France and the Austrian branch of the House of Hapsburg. Because France, in union with the Dutch, had been very successful in the Spanish Netherlands, she was unwilling to draw off and conclude a peace with the Spanish branch of the Haps- burgs without an adequate reward. As this was refused, war with Spain still went on after the Peace of Westphalia The war had composed the rest of Europe. The Fronde occurring ^**^ Spam, at this time, turned the tables and inclined the balance for some years in favor of Spain, but as soon as the Fronde was beaten down, Mazarin was able to win back the lost ground and force Spain to terms. Owing to foreign war and internal revolution, Spain was, in fact, at her last gasp. When she signed with France the Peace of the Pyrenees The Peace (1659), she signed away with it the last vestige of the °'*"^ supremacy which she had once exercised in Europe. 1659. With the glory of the Peace of the Pyrenees still linger- ing around him, Mazarin died (1661). Thereupon the young Louis XIV., now twenty-three years of age, resolved 422 The Modern Period The per- sonal gov- ernment of Louis XIV. Absolutism becomes Divine Right. The king's reforms. Colbert. Colbert establishes the protect- ive system. to take the government into his own hands, and from this forward the business of the French Government was trans- acted practically by himself. It is said that he once stated his political theory in the words: Peiat c' est moi (I am the state). The phrase expresses admirably the spirit of his reign, for he held himself to be the absolute head of the state, and regarded his ministers not as the responsible heads of departments, but as clerks. Absolutism had ex- isted in Europe long before Louis XIV., but Louis XIV. hedged the absolute monarchs around with a new divinity, and gave the doctrine of the Divine Right of kings a more splendid setting and a more general currency than it had ever had before. Louis began auspiciously enough by giving much atten- tion to the improvement of the machinery of government. He reorganized the diplomatic service; he rendered the administration more effective; he enlarged the army and navy; and he purged the finances of disorder and estab- lished them upon a sounder basis. The king's most effi- cient helper in all this was Jean Colbert (1619-83). Col- bert served the king as minister of finance, and merely by putting an end to peculation and applying the principles of business order, he succeeded in turning the annual de- ficit of the state into a surplus. This same Colbert was also a great economic thinker, and is celebrated as the father of the system of j)rotection. He wished to increase the national wealth, and in pursuit of this aim, encouraged exportation, and, as far as possible, discouraged importation. Whether this policy be scienti- fically right or wrong, French manufactures certainly de- veloped greatly under Colbert, and French silks, brocades, and glass captured, and have held to this day, the markets of the world. Colbert also developed internal communi- cations by an admirable system of roads and canals, and Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 423 supported colonial enterprises, settlements being made at this time in the West Indies, Louisiana, and India. Unfortunately Louis's successes turned his head. He Louis was only a young man, and had governed only a few years, conaue^of and now he found himself the cynosure of all Europe. In all truth he could say that he was the first power of the world. But in proportion as he found that his neighbors were no match for him, he began to be tempted by the thought of making them his dependents. It was not a high ambition, this, still it won the day with him. In the year 1667, therefore, Louis entered upon a career of aggres- sion and conquest, which, after a few brilliant results, led to such a succession of disasters that the man whose progress had been attended by clouds of incense, wafted by admiring courtiers, closed his career in ignominy. Four great wars substantially filled the rest of Louis's His wars, life. They were: i, The War with Spain for the posses- sion of the Spanish Netherlands (1667-68) ; 2, the War with the Dutch (1672-78) ; 3, the War of the Palatinate (1688-97); 4, the War of the Spanish Succession (1701- 14). In 1667 Louis suddenly invaded the Spanish Nether- The war of lands. The fact that he tried to justify himself by putting N^ther^"'^^ forth some vague claims of his Spanish wife to these terri- lands, tories, only added hypocrisy to violence. His well-ap- pointed army took place after place. Spain was too weak to offer resistance, and if the Dutch, frightened at the pros- pect of such a neighbor as Louis, had not bestirred them- selves, Louis would have overrun all the Spanish Nether- lands. The Triple Alliance of the Dutch, England, and Sweden, formed by the rapid ingenuity of the republican patriot, John de Witt, who was at this time at the head of the Dutch Government, bade Louis halt. Louis, on occa- sion, could distinguish the possible from the impossible. 424 TJie Modern Period The isola- tion of the Dutch. The House of Orange to the front. The char- acter of William. In answer to the threat of the Triple Alliance, he declared himself satisfied with a frontier strip and retired. The Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle (Aachen) formally secured him in his bold theft (1668). For the next few years I>ouis seemed to be dominated by a single thought — revenge ni)on the Dutch, and the plan he formed was to sever the Dutch from all their friends and allies, and then fall upon them unawares. The diplomatic campaign, preliminary to the declaration of war, was crowned by complete success. Sweden and the emperor were detached from the Dutch by treaties of neutrality ; and Charles II., by the Treaty of Dover (1670), was even pledged to join the forces of England with the French in the proposed war. In the spring of 1672 everything was ready. While the combined French and English fleets en- gaged the Dutch fleet under the celebrated Admiral Ruy- ter in the Channel, the French army, led by Conde and Turenne, invaded the territory of the Seven United Prov- inces by following the course of the Rhine. In a few weeks most of the provinces were in the hands of the French. And now a terrible indignation swept over the alarmed Dutch. They fell upon and murdered the republican leader de Witt whom they blamed for their calamities, and would be satisfied with nothing less than the reinstatement of the House of Orange, which, at the close of the Spanish war, had lost its influence. In an outburst of enthusiasm, William III. of Orange was made Stadtholder and supreme commander on sea and land. This William was far from being a genius, but he was sprung from an heroic race, and the responsibility for a nation's safe-keeping which was put upon him in a stern crisis, brought out liis best (]ualities. The English ambas- sador, on the occasion of the French invasion, invited him to submit, urging that it was easy to see that the Republic Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 425 was lost. " I know one means of never seeing it," he replied, " to die in the last ditch." It was this spirit that now steeled the temper of the little people and ena- bled them to emulate the deeds of their ancestors against Spain. Before Louis could take the heart of the Netherlands, the city of Amsterdam, the Dutch had, at the order of William, cut the dykes and restored their country to the The Dutch original dominion of the waters. Louis had to retreat ; ""^^'' °^" ^ ' comes gen- his opportunity was lost. But Europe was now thoroughly eral. aroused, and before many months had passed, there had rallied to the cause of the Dutch, the emperor, the states of the Empire, and Spain. In the year 1674 the position of LouiscWas still further weakened. In that year the state of English public opinion forced Charles II. to abandon Louis and make his peace with the Dutch. Louis was thereupon left to face a great continental coalition with no ally but remote Sweden. The odds in a struggle with all Europe were patently against Louis, and although the superiority of French organization and French generalship enabled him to win every pitched battle with his foes, he was glad enough to end the war when peace was offered. By the treaty of Nimwegen (1678) he was permitted to incorporate the Franche Comte (the Free County of Bur- gundy) with France. The second war, too, although it had roused a European alliance against Louis, had brought him its prize of a new province. Louis was now at the zenith of his glory. The Louis takes imperious temper he developed is well exhibited by an ^g'si) ""^^ event of the year 1681. In a period of complete peace he fell upon the city of Strasburg, the last stronghold of the Empire in Alsace, and incorporated it with France. A cloud that settled on the spirit of the king at this time prepared a monstrous action. The frivolous, pleasure-loving 426 The Modern Period Madame de Maintenon. The Revo- cation of the Edict of Nantes, 1685. England joins Eu- rope against Louis. Louis, having lately fallen under the influence of a devout Catholic lady, Madame de Maintenon, the governess of some of his children, was suddenly seized with religious exaltation. To Madame de Maintenon the eradication of heresy was a noble work, and Louis, taking the cue from her, began gradually to persecute the Protestants. At first, innocently enough, rewards were offered to voluntary converts; then the government proceeded to take more drastic measures; and, finally, in 1685, two years after Louis had formally married Madame de Maintenon, and had thus become thoroughly enslaved to her policy, he revoked the Edict of Nantes, by virtue of which the Hugue- nots had enjoyed a partial freedom of worship for almost one hundred years. Therewith the Protestant faith was l)roscribed within the boundaries of France. The blow which by this insane measure struck the prosperity of the country was more injurious than a disastrous war. Thou- sands of Huguenots — the lowest estimate speaks of 50,000 families — fled across the border and carried their industry, their capital, and their civilization to the enemies of France — chiefly to Holland, America, and Prussia. The occupation of Strasburg and the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes were events belonging to an interval of peace. But Louis was already planning a new war. When his preparations became known, the emj^eror, the Dutch, and Spain concluded, at the instigation of William of Orange, a new alliance. Happily before the war had well begun, a lucky chance won England for the allies. In 1688 James II. was overthrown by the "glorious revol- ution," and William of Orange became king of England. As the temper of the English people had at the same time become thoroughly anti-French, William had no diffi- culty in persuading them to join Europe against the French monarch. Thus in the new war — called the war of the Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 427 Palatinate, from the fact that Louis claimed the Palatinate — Louis was absolutely without a friend. This third war (1688-97) is, for the general student, The War of thoroughly unmemorable. Battles were fought on land ^ ^^8- and on sea, but no one winning a decisive success, all the 97. combatants from mere exhaustion were glad to sign, on the basis of mutual restitutions, the Peace of Ryswick (1697). The War of the Palatinate was the first war by which The Span- Louis had gained nothing. The fact should have served inherit- him as a warning that the tide had turned. And perhaps he would not have been so utterly scornful of the hostility of Europe if there had not opened up to him at this time a peculiarly tempting prospect. The king of Spain, Charles IL, had no heir, and at his death, which might occur at any time, the vast Spanish dominion — Spain and her colonies, Naples and Milan, the Spanish Netherlands — would fall no one knew to whom. The Austrian branch of Hapsburg had, of course, a claim, but Louis fancied that his children had a better title still in right of his first wife, who was the oldest sister of the Spanish king. The matter was so involved legally that it is impossible to say to this day where the better right lay. Anticipating a struggle with Europe over the coming inheritance, Louis entered into negotiation with his chief adversary, William IIL of England, long before the death of Charles IL had made the inheritance a burning ques- tion. A partition treaty was accordingly agreed on by Louis signs the two leading powers of Europe, as the most plausible f'"'^ rejects settlement of the impending difficulties. But when, on tion treaty, the death of Charles IL, November, 1700, it was found that the Spanish king had made a will in favor of Philip, the duke of Anjou, one of Louis's younger grandsons, Louis threw the partition treaty to the winds. He sent Philip to Madrid to assume the rule of the undivided do- 428 The Modern Period The Grand Alliance. The com- batants compared. The war of the Spanish succession is a world struggle. minion of Spain. The House of Bourbon now ruled the whole European west. " There are no longer any Py- renees," were Louis's exultant words. It was some time before Europe recovered from the shock of its surprise over this bold step, and nerved itself to a resistance. William, of course, was indefatigable in arousing the Dutch and English, and at last, in 1701, he succeeded in creating the so-called Grand Alliance, com- posed of the emperor, England, the Dutch, and the lead- ing German princes. Before the war had fairly begun, however, William, the stubborn, life-long enemy of Louis, had died (March, 1702). In the war which broke out, called the war of the Spanish Succession, 1702-14, his spirit is to be accounted none the less a potent combatant. In the new war the position of Louis was more favorable than it had been in the preceding war. He commanded the resources not only of France but also of Spain ; his soldiers still had the reputation of being invincible ; and his armies had the advantage of being under his single di- rection. The allies, on the other hand, were necessarily divided by conflicting interests. What advantages they had lay in these two circumstances, which in the end proved decisive : the allies possessed greater resources of money and men, and they developed in the English duke of Marlborough and in the Austrian prince Eugene two eminent commanders. Equally gifted, they planned their campaigns in common, with sole reference to the good of the cause, and they shared the honors of victory without the jealousy which often stains brilliant names. Not even the Thirty Years' War assumed such propor- tions as the struggle in which Europe now engaged. It * was literally universal, and raged, at one and the same time, at all the exposed points of the French-Spanish possessions. The details of this gigantic struggle have no place here. Ascendancy of France under Louis XIV. 429 We must content ourselves with noting the striking mihtary actions and the final settlement. The first great battle of the war occurred in 1704, at The victo- Blenheim, near the upper Danube. The battle of Blenheim "fne and"' was the result of a bold strategical move of Marlborough, Marl- straight across western Germany, in order to save Vienna °^°"S • from a well-planned attack of the French. Together with Eugene, Marlborough captured or cut to pieces the French army. In 1706 Marlborough won a splendid victory at Ramillies, in the Netherlands, and in the same year Eugene defeated the French at Turin and drove them out of Italy. These signal successes were followed in the year 1708 and 1709 by the great victories of Oudenarde and Malplaquet. Oudenarde and Malplaquet left France prostrate, and seemed to open up the road to Paris. The road to Paris, however, owing to a number of un- A Tory min- expected occurrences, which utterly changed the face of ^ J ^/j5' European politics, was never taken. In 1710 the Whig Whigs. ministry in England, which had supported Marlborough and advocated the war, was overthrown, and a Tory min- istry, in favor of peace at any price, succeeded. Thus from 1 7 ID on, Marlborough's actions in the field were paralyzed. The next year was marked by still another calamity. In 171 1 the Emperor Joseph died, and was succeeded by The death his brother, Charles VI. As Charles was also the candidate 10^"^*^'^°'^ of the Grand Alliance for the Spanish throne, the death of Joseph held out the prospect of the renewal of the vast em- pire of Charles V. Such a development did not lie in the interests of England and the Dutch, and these two nations now began to withdraw from the grand alliance and urge a settlement with the French. Louis, who was utterly ex- hausted and broken by defeat, met them more than half way. In 17 13, the peace of Utrecht ended the war of the Spanish succession. 430 The Modern Period The peace of Utrecht, 1713- Louis's death. Brilliancy of French civilization. By the peace of Utrecht the Spanish dominions were divided, everybody managing to get some share in the booty. First, PhiHp V., Louis's grandson, was recognized as king of Spain and her colonies, on condition that P^rance and Spain would remain forever separated. Next the em- peror was provided for ; he received the bulk of the Italian po-ssessions (Milan and Naples), together with the Spanish Netherlands (henceforth Austrian Netherlands). The Dutch were appeased with a number of border fortresses in the Austrian Netherlands, as a barrier against France; and England took some of the French possessions in the New World, Newfoundland, Nova Scotia (Acadia) and the Hud- son Bay Territory, together with the Spanish rock of Gib- raltar, which gave her the command of the Mediterranean Sea. The ambitious and dissatisfied emperor refused, at first, to accept this peace, but he was forced to give way and confirm its leading arrangements by the peace of Rastadt (1714)- Shortly after the treaties of Utrecht and Rastadt, Louis XIV. died (September, 1715). The material prosperity that he and Colbert had created in his early years had vanished, and he left a debt-burdened country and a fam- ished population. His disastrous end was a merited pen- alty for a foolish ambition. But to his contemporaries he remained to the day of his death, the grand monarque ; and that title is a good summary of him as he appears in history, for it conveys the impression of a showy splendor which is not without the suspicion of hollowness. The brilliancy which Louis's long reign lent France cast a spell upon the rest of the world. Louis's court, which he established at Versailles, became the model court of Europe, and French civilization was mimicked all the way from London to Moscow. A number of great dramatists, Corncille (died 1684), Racine (died 1699), and Moliere Rise of Russia under Peter tJie Great 431 (died 1673) added literary distinction to Louis's reign, and altogether we cannot fail to recognize that the age of the grant/ monan/ue possessed beneath the artificial polish, genuine dignity and intellectual power. SPECIAL TOPICS 1. Louis XIV. and the Huguenots. Kitchin, Vol. III., Bk. V., Chaps. III. and IV. Perkins, France Under the Regency. $2.50. See Chap, VI. Houghton. 2. The Society and the Court of France at the Time of Louis XIV, Hassall, Louis .\l\'. Guizot, History 0/ France, 8 vols. Vol. IV., Chaps. XLVIII. and XLIX. Lovell. CHAPTER XXVII THE RISE OF RUSSIA UNDER PETER THE GREAT (1689- 1725) AND CATHARINE THE GREAT ( 1 762-96) ; THE DECAY OF SWEDEN LITERATURE.— Wakeman (as before), pp. 297-308. W^L^^sW, Europe, IT I s-iySg. $1.75. Chaps. V., XI., XIII. Macmillan. Rambaud, History of Russia, 3 vols. $6.00. Dana Estes. Morfill, Russia. (Nations.) $1.00. Putnam. Attention has been called in an earlier section to the The early unification of the Russians under the dynasty of Rurik ; to 0^*°^^ their Christianization by Greek missionaries ; to the Mon- gol invasions ; and to the liberation of the people under Ivan III., known as the Great (1480). Ivan IV. (1533- 84), known as the Terrible, added to these triumphs. By the conquest of Astrachan from the Tartars, he pushed the Russian boundary southward to the Caspian Sea. The House of Rurik came to an end in 1598, and for The House the next ten years Russia was in a condition of anarchy, ° Komano . the whole state seeming on the verge of falling a prey to its jealous western neighbors, Sweden and Poland. In 16 13 432 The Modern Period the national party, however, succeeded in putting one of its own number, Michael Romanoff, ui)on the throne, and under the House of tliis prince the state rapidly revived. In a very few decades, the Romanoffs had not only banished the Polish and Swedish influence, but had also acquired the vast territory of Siberia. The access- But the Romanoffs came to particular honor in the per- 1682 ' son of Peter, who succeeded to the throne, together with his older brother Ivan, in the year 1682. As the new Czars were, at that time, still boys, and Ivan little better than an imbecile, the government was exercised for some time by an older sister, Sophia, in the capacity of regent. However, in 1689, Peter, who had then attained his seven- teenth year, resolved to take matters into his own hands, summarily declared the regency at an end, and sent Sophia to a nunnery. As the sickly Ivan (d. 1696) was harm- less, Peter generously allowed him to play the part of a co-ruler for the few more years that he lived. The three In order to understand Peter's programme, it is neces- of Peter's ^^^y ^^ review the chief elements of the political and intel- life. lectual position of Russia at the time of his accession. In the second half of the seventeenth century the Russians were still in life and manners an Asiatic people, who were connected with European culture by but a single bond — their Christian faith. Their political situation seemed, at first sight, more hopeful. But in spite of the vast area of the state, which included the eastern plain of Europe and the whole north of Asia, Russia was so cooped in on the west and south by a ring of great powers, Persia, Turkey, Poland, and Sweden, that she was practically an inland state. Finally, it is necessary to understand the Russian constitution. The Czar was the absolute master, but there existed two checks upon his power — the patriarch, the head of the Church, who exercised great influence in re- Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 433 ligious matters, and the Streltsi, the Czar's body-guard, who, because they were a privileged force, felt inclined to regard themselves superior to their master. This whole composite situation Peter soon seized with a statesmanlike grasp, and admirably moulded it, through the efforts of a long rule, to his own purposes. He set himself in the main, three aims, and met in all a degree of success which is fairly astonishing. These aims were the following : He resolved to make the culture connection between Russia and Europe strong and intimate ; he labored to open a way to the west by gaining a hold on the Black and on the Baltic seas ; and, lastly, he planned to rid him- self of the restraint put upon his authority by the patriarch and the Streltsi. Peter is a difficult person for a modern man to under- stand. One aspect presents him as a murderer, another as a monster of sensuality, and still another as a hero. We Peter's have the key to his character when we remember that he character. was a barbarian of genius — never anything more. With barbarian eagerness he assimilated every influence that he encountered, good and evil alike, and surrendered himself, for the time being, to its sway with all his might. Cer- tainly, his distinguishing characteristic was an indomitable energy : Peter's life burnt at a white heat. Peter's first chance to distinguish himself came in the Peter's first year 1695. The emperor was at that time waging war conquest: against the Turks, who were beginning to show the first symptoms of collapse. Seeing his opportunity, Peter re- solved to make use of the fortunate embarrassment of the Turks to acquire a .southern outlet for Russia. In 1696 he conquered the port of Azov. The future now opened more confidently to him, and before taking another step he determined to visit the West and study the wonders of its civilization with his own eyes. 434 The Modern Period Peter's journey of instruction. The Streltsi disbanded. The Church made de- pendant on the Czar. Peter spent the year 1697-98 in travel through Germany, Holland, and England. The journey was meant purely as a voyage of instruction. Throughout its course Peter was indefatigable in his efforts to get at the bottom of things, at the methods of western government, at the sources of western wealth, at the systems of western trade and manufacture. At Zaandam, in Holland, he hired out for a time as a common ship-carpenter, and every- where he attended surgical lectures, visited paper-mills, flour-mills, printing presses, in short, was untiring in his efforts to assimilate, not a part, but the whole of western civilization. The opportunity for putting the results of his trip to the test of practice came sooner than Peter expected. At Vienna he heard that the Streltsi had revolted. He set out post-haste for home, established order, and then took a fearful vengeance, executing over a thousand of the luckless guards with terrible tortures. Rumor reports that Peter in his savage fury himself played the headsman. Sovereign and executioner — this combination of offices filled by Peter, clearly exhibits the chasm that then yawned between Europe and Russia. But no one will deny that there was method in Peter's madness. The Streltsi had been a constant centre of disaffection, and were now re- placed by a regular army, organized on the European pattern and dependent on the Czar. Peter's reforms now crowded thick and fast. Everything foreign was fostered at the expense of everything national. Thus he introduced western dress and opposed the Russian custom of wearing long beards. But the clergy especially became increasingly suspicious of Peter's policy. As the discontent of the clergy was a danger to the throne and a hindrance to reforms, the Czar resolved to make that order more dependent on himself. When the patriarch died in Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 435 1700, Peter committed the functions of the primate to a synod which he himself appointed and controlled, and thus the Czar became the head of the Church as he already was the head of the state. To enumerate more than a part of Peter's activities in His civiliz- behalf of his state is quite impossible. He built roads and ^ canals ; he encouraged commerce and industry ; and he erected common schools. The fruits of these vast civiliz- ing labors ripened of course slowly, and Peter did not live to gather them. But his efforts at making himself strong through a navy and army, and at extending his territory to the sea, were crowned with a number of brilliant and almost immediate successes. After his return from the west, Peter was more desirous Peter turns than ever of gaining a hold on the Baltic. Azov, on the R*a,ltic Black Sea, was worth little to him as long as the Turks held the Dardanelles. The west, it was clear, could be best gained by the northern route. But the enterprise was far from easy. The Baltic coast was largely held by Sweden, and Sweden, the first power of the north, was prepared to resist any attempt to displace her with all her energy. The rise of Sweden to the position of the first power of The great- n6ss of the north, dates from the time of Gustavus Adolphus (161 1- Sweden, 32). Gustavus extended his rule over almost the whole of the northern and eastern shore of the Baltic, and by his interference in the Thirty Years' War, his daughter Christina, who succeeded him, acquired, as her share in the German booty, western Pommerania and the land at the mouth of the Weser and the Elbe (1648). Sweden was now for a short time the rival of France for the first honors in Europe. Unfortunately, her power rested solely on her military organization, not on her people and her resources, and, as experience proves, no purely military state is likely 436 The Modern Period The league of Denmark, Poland, and Russia, 1700. CharlesXII. of Sweden. The marvel- lous cam- paign of 1700. to live long. But as the Swedish rulers of the seventeenth century were capable men, especially in war, they succeeded in maintaining the supremacy which Gustavus had won. However, they injured and antagonized so many neighbors that it was only a question of time when these neighbors would combine against the common foe. Denmark to the west, Brandenburg-Prussia to the south, Poland and Russia to the east, had all paid for Sweden's exaltation with severe losses, and nursed a deep grudge against her in patience and silence. The long awaited opportunity for revenge seemed at length to have arrived, when in the year 1697, Charles XII., a boy of fifteen, came to the throne. His youth and inexperience appeared to mark him as an easy victim. Therefore, Denmark, Poland, and Russia now formed a league against him to recover their lost ter- ritories (1700). The allies had, however, made their reckoning without the host. Charles XII. turned out, in spite of his youth, to be the most warlike member of a warlike race — a i)erfect fighting demon. But beyond his military qualities he lacked almost every virtue of a ruler. He was Don Quixote promoted to a throne, and though he could fight with admirable fiiry against windmills, he could not govern and he could not build. Before the coalition was ready to strike, young Charles gathered his troojjs and fell upon the enemy. As the forces of Denmark, Poland, and Russia were necessarily widely separated, he calculated that if he could meet them in turn, the likelihood of victory would be much increased. He laid his plans accordingly. In the spring of 1700, he suddenly crossed from Sweden to the island of Seeland, besieged Copenhagen, and obliged the king of Denmark to make peace. The ink of this treaty was hardly dry be- fore Charles was off again like a flash. This time he sailed Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 437 to the Gulf of Finland, where Peter was besieging Narva. Victory of Peter had with him at Narva some 50,000 men, while Charles was at the head of only 8,000 ; but Charles, never- theless, ordered the attack, and his well-disciplined Swedes soon swept the confused masses of the ill-trained Russians off the field like chaff. The Russians now fell back into the interior, and Charles was free to turn upon his last and most hated enemy, August the Strong, king of Poland. Before another year had passed, Charles had defeated Au- gust as roundly as the sovereigns of Denmark and Russia. Thus far the war had been managed admirably ; Charles might have made his conditions and gone home. But ob- Charles's stinate as he was, he preferred to have revenge on August, "Mistake, whom he regarded as the instigator of the alliance, and resolved not to give up until he had fore-id his adversary to resign the Polish crown, and had appointed as successor a personal adherent. Poland was at this time in a condition hardly better than Anarchy in anarchy. The nobles held all the power and were sover- ° ^" ' eign on their own lands. The only remaining witnesses of a previous unity were a Diet, which never transacted any business, and an elected king, who was allowed no power and had nothing to do. In the year 1697, the Poles had even elected to the kingship a foreigner, August the Strong, elector of Saxony. Now when inthe year 1701 King August was defeated by Charles, the majority of the Poles were glad rather than sorry, for August had engaged in the war without asking the consent of the Polish Diet; but when Charles insisted on forcing a monarch of his own choosing on the Poles, a national party naturally gathered around August, who, although a foreigner, was, neverthe- less the rightful king. For many years following the brilliant campaign of 1700 Charles in Charles hunted August over the marshy and wooded plains Poland. 438 The Modern Period The prog- ress of Peter. Pultava, 1709. Russia takes the place of Sweden. of Poland, and though always victorious, he could never quite succeed in utterly crushing his enemy. Even his taking Warsaw and crowning his dependent, Stanislaus Lesczinski, king, did not change the situation. Finally, in 1706, Charles decided on a radical measure. He sud- denly invaded Saxony, to which August had withdrawn, and there wrung a treaty from August, in which that mon- arch acknowledged his rival, Stanislaus, king of Poland. Of course, a peace signed under such conditions was illusory. In fact, August broke it as soon as an opportunity offered. But the peace with August at length set Charles free to act against the Russians. Too much time had been lost already, for since Peter's defeat at Narva, great things had happened. The Czar had indeed fallen back, but he was resolutely determined to try again, and while Charles was, during six long years, pursuing spectres in Poland, Peter carefully reorganized his troops, and conquered half the Swedish provinces on the Baltic. In 1703 he founded on the newly acquired territory the city of St. Petersburg, destined to become the modern capital of Russia. Charles, immediately after having made his peace with August, resolved on a decisive stroke against the Russians. He marched (1708) for the old capital, Moscow, but was overcome by the hardships of the march and the rigors of the climate before he met the enemy. When Peter came u]) with him at Pultava (1709), the Swedes fought with their accustomed bravery, but their sufferings had worn them out. And now, Narva was avenged. The Swedish army was literally destroyed, and Charles, accompanied by a few hundred horsemen, barely succeeded in making his escape to Turkey. The verdict of Pultava was destined to be final. Sweden stepped down from her position as a great power into obscurity, and a new power, Russia, ruled henceforth in the north. Rise of Russia under Peter the Great 439 Charles remained in Turkey for five years, obstinately Charles in set on involving the Turks in a war on his behalf. When ^^' he returned (17 14) to his native country, the Swedish des- tiny was already fulfilled, for the surrounding powers had taken advantage of the king's long absence to help them- selves to whatever part of Sweden they coveted. Charles met them, indeed, with his accustomed valor, but his country was exhausted, and his people ahenated. In i 718, The death while besieging Frederikshald in Norway, he was killed in of C^s^rles, the trenches. His sister, Ulrica Eleanor, who succeeded him, was compelled by the aristocratic party to agree to a serious limitation of the royal prerogative. Then the tired Swedes hastened to sign a peace with their enemies. Den- mark agreed to the principle of mutual restitutions ; the German states of Hanover and Brandenburg acquired pay- The Rus- ments out of the Swedish provinces in Germany; August sianacquisi- the Strong received recognition as king of Poland ; but Peter, who had contributed the most to the defeat of Charles, got too, by the Treaty of Nystadt (1721), the lion's share of the booty : Carelia, Ingria, Esthonia, and Livonia, in fact, all the Swedish possessions of the eastern Baltic except Finland. Peter was now nearing the end of his reign. His rule The execu- had brought Russia a new splendor, but he was not spared V?" ■ defeat and chagrin. For one thing his efforts in behalf of Russian civilization were not appreciated. The extreme nationalists among the Russians objecting to being lifted out of their barbarism, soon fixed their hopes upon Peter's son and heir, Alexis, and Alexis, for his part, shunned no trouble to exhibit his sympathy with a reactionary policy. With a heavy heart Peter had to face the possibility of a successor who would undo his cherished life-work. For years he took pains to win Alexis over to his views, but when his efforts proved without avail, he resolved, for the 440 The Modern Period Catharine II., 1762-96. Catharine plans to destroy Po- land and Turkey. sake of the state, to strike his son down. The resohition we may praise ; the method was terrible. The Czarowitz was tortured in prison until he died (1718), and the prob- ability is that the father presided in person at the execution of the son. When Peter died (1725), it seemed for a time as if Russia would return to her former Asiatic condition. The government fell into the hands of a succession of dissolute, incompetent Czarinas, who had few interests in life beyond their own pleasures. Out of this sorry plight the country was drawn by the accession of a remarkable woman, who had enough good sense to accept the traditions of Peter's reign, and enough power to continue them. This was Catharine II., the wife of Peter III. Catharine, by birth a petty princess of Germany, had married Peter III. when he was heir-apparent. She was not only intelligent and energetic, but also wholly unscrupulous, and shortly after Peter III., who was crotchety and half insane, had as- cended the throne (1762), she had him strangled by two of lier favorites. Although she thus acquired the supreme power by means of a crime, once in possession of it, she wielded it with consummate skill. Being of western birth, she naturally favored western civilization. Peter the Great himself had not been more anxious to found schools, and create industries and a commerce. More important still, she took up Peter's idea of expansion toward the west. With Sweden annihilated by Peter, the only other European powers which pressed npon Russia, were Poland and Turkey. Catharine gave her life to the abasement of these two European neighbors, and before she died she had succeeded in destroying Poland and in bringing Turkey to her feet. The hopeless anarchy of Poland had been brought home to everyone in Europe, when Charles XII. of Sweden sue- Rise of Rtissia under Peter the Great 441 ceeded in holding the country for a number of years with Polish a mere handful of troops (i 702-1 707). The weakness of ^"f ^hy. ^ « / y j_i(,erum veto. the country was due to the selfish nobles and their impos- sible constitution. To realize the ludicrous unfitness of this instrument, one need only recall the famous provision called liberiun veto, which conferred on every noble the right to forbid by his single veto the adoption by the Diet of a measure distasteful to himself. By liberum veto one man could absolutely stop the machinery of government. Under these circumstances Poland fell a prey to internal conflicts, and soon to ambitious foreign neighbors. It is useless to investigate what one person or power is Russia, responsible for the idea of the partition of Poland. The P^'^ssia, and • 1 -1 1 1 I Austria idea was in the air, and the three powers which bordered equally on Poland and benefited from the partition — Russia, Aus- responsible . ^ 'for the par- tria, and Prussia, governed at the time by Catharine, Maria tition. Theresa, and Frederick — must share the odium of the act among them. Diplomatically considered, the First Partition of Poland The First was a triumph for Frederick the Great ; for Catharine was Partition, 1772. counting on pocketing the whole booty, when Frederick stepped in, and by associating Austria with himself forced the Czarina to divide with her neighbors. The First Par- tition belonging to the year 1772 did not destroy Poland. It simply peeled off slices for the lucky highwaymen : the land beyond the Dwina went to Russia, Galicia to Austria, and the Province of West Prussia to Prussia. But the precedent of interference had been once established, and a few years later the fate of Poland was sealed by a Second The Second and a Third Partition (1793 and i7qO. Poland ceased S.^'^^T^^'"'^ ^ '^-^ '^->^ Partitions, to exist as a state, when her last army, gallantly led by 1793, 1795. Kosciusko, went down before the Russians ; but as a peo- ple, she exists to this day, and stubbornly nurses in her heart the hope of a resurrection. 442 The Modern Period Catharine's successes over the Turks. Her signal success over the Poles excited Catharine to increased efforts against the Turks. In two wars (first war, 176S-74 ; second war, 1787-92), she succeeded in utterly defeating the Turks, and in extending her territory along the Black Sea to the Dniester. It was a fair acquisition, but it did not satisfy her ambitious nature. She left the dream of Constantinople as a heritage to her successors, who have cherished it tenderly, and during the hundred years since her death have struggled patiently to push their frontiers to the Bosi)orus. Catharine left Russia at her death (1796) the greatest power of the north. Her life, like that of Peter, is stained with crime and immorality, but these two have the honor of having lifted Russia almost without aid, and often in spite of herself, to her present eminent position. SPECIAL TOPICS The Civilizing Labors of Petek the Great. 'Wakeman, pp. 301-304. Morfill, Ch. VII. Rambaud, History oj Russia, Vol. II., Chap III. The First P..\ktition' ^739- powers becoming involved among themselves, owing to the death of Emperor Charles VI. (1740) and the dispute about his heritage, there followed the war known as the war of the Austrian Succession (1740-4S). As Walpole was unsuited for an enterprise of this nature, and as, moreover, he stood personally for peace, his majority melted away, and, in 1742, he resigned. He had directed the destinies of England for twenty-one years (1721-42). The war of the Austrian Succession was, as far as England is concerned, entirely inconclusive, and, when the Peace of Aix-la-Chapelle was signed, left matters as they were. The one incident associated with the war which is now 464 The Modern Period The inva- sion of the Young Pre- tender, 1745- The Re- gency in France. The War of the Polish Succession, 1733-35- remembered In England, was the attempt of Charles Ed- ward, son of the Pretender, and known as the Young Pre- tender, to win back his kingdom. In July, 1745, he landed with only seven men, in the Highlands of Scotland, and the Highlanders flocking to him in crowds, he was soon enabled to take Edinburgh. For a moment now the gov- ernment at London lost its head, but it was soon found that the wild courage of feudal clans was of no avail against the discipline of a trained army. On Culloden Moor (April, 1746) the Highlanders were defeated with fearful slaughter by the king's second son, the duke of Cumber- land. Prince Charlie, after many romantic adventures, made his escape ; but he lived ever afterward in indolence abroad, and gave no further trouble (d. 1788). His fail- ure marks the last Stuart attempt to recover the throne. While England, under Walpole, was preparing to as- sume the industrial leadership of the world, France was doing little or nothing to recover from the disasters of the War of the Spanish Succession. When Louis XIV. died, in the year 1715, he was succeeded by his great-grandson Louis XV. (1715-74). As Louis XV. was but five years old at the time, the government during his minority was exercised in his name by the nephew of Louis XIV., Philip, duke of Orleans. The regent Orleans, although a man of intelligence, Avas utterly debauched and succeeded only in plunging France into deeper misery. Nobody grieved when he died in 1723. The great event of Louis XV's reign is, of course, the struggle with England for colonial empire in the Seven Years' War. Chronologically, however, that event is sub- sequent to two others which must be briefly recorded. From 1733 to 1735 France waged war with Austria, because of a difference over a Polish royal election, the war of the Polish Succession, and in this Avar France rapidly worsted England and France in flic Eighteenth Century 465 Austria and won the duchy of Lorraine. This turned out to be the last gain that France made from Germany under the old regime, and rounded off the long list of conquests that had been begun by the acquisition almost two centu- ries before of Metz, Toul, and Verdun by Henry II. (1552). The other war, the war of the Austrian Succession (1740- The War of 48) effected no territorial change in France, the Peace of the Austrian Succession Aix-la-Chapelle being concluded, as we know, upon the 1740-48. basis of mutual restitutions. Toward the middle of the eighteenth century, the great question for France became : would she hold her own in the increasing maritime and colonial rivalry with England. Rivalry These two powers, indisputably the greatest in the world, F^rance"and had begun to clash in America, India, and on all the seas, England, and, as the settlement of their conflicting claims by means of amicable negotiations was out of the question, it be- came plain that the disputants would have to resort to arms. We have already seen, in treating of Frederick the Great, how this rivalry got subtly bound up with the question of supremacy in Germany that had risen between Prussia and Austria, and we have also seen how the outbreak of the French-English struggle was preceded by a diplomatic rev- olution. This revolution came to a head in 1756, and The diplo- leagued England and Prussia together against France and V^^. ""^^O" Austria. The Prussian-Austrian phase of this world-con- 1756. flict, called the Seven Years' War (1756-63), has already been studied. We turn now to the French-English phase of it, and therewith to a struggle which is properly the most important contest of the century, for it determined whether America and India were to be French or English. France made great sacrifices in the Seven Years' War to The Seven maintain her power. She sent an army over the Rhine to Years' War, . 1756-63. co-operute with the Austrians against the Prussians and the English, and she prepared to defend herself with might in 466 The Modern Period America and on the sea. Unfortunately she was governed by an ignorant and vicious king, who was too feeble to persist in any policy, and who was no better than the puppet of his courtiers and his mistresses. The real direc- tion of French affairs during the war lay in the hands of Madame de Pompadour, While government was thus being travestied in France, the power in England fell into the hands of the capable and Pitt, captain fiery William Pitt, who is known in history as the Great of England. English victories. Commoner, and who now organized the strength of Eng- land as no one had ever organized it before. Fleets and armies were equipped and dispatched in accordance with a simple and comprehensive plan to all parts of the world. Under these circumstances, victory necessarily fell to Eng- land. The French army in Germany was badly beaten by Frederick the Great at Rossbach (1757), and later held in effective check by the English and Hanoverian forces under Ferdinand of Brunswick. But the most signal advantages of the English were won, not in Euroj^e, but on the sea and in the colonies. First, the French were driven from the basin of the Ohio (1758).' In the next year Wolfe's capture of Quebec secured the course of the St. Lawrence, and there- with completed the conquest of Canada. Furthermore, in India, the celebrated Lord Clive (victory of Plassey, 1757), crowded out the French and established the English influ- ence, while the great maritime victories (1759) of Lagos and Quiberon confirmed England's ancient naval greatness. In the year 1760, while the war was at its height, George II. died, and was succeeded by his grandson. ' The French hail claimed the whole Mississippi basin, and in order to shut out the English had built a fort on the upper Ohio. In 1755 Gen- eral Braddock was sent out to destroy the French fort, but refusing to be guided by the advice of the V'irginian officer, George Washington, was badly beaten. When the French fort was finally taken, it was re-baptized Pittsburg, in honor of England's great minister. England and France in the Eighteenth Century 467 George III. (i 760-1 820). George III. had one leading George III., idea, which was to regain for himself the place in the gov- 1700-1820. ernment which had been usurped by the Parliament. So completely was he absorbed by this policy, that the war had only a secondary interest for him. He therefore dis- missed Pitt, who was identified with the war, from office (1761), and shortly after ordered Lord Bute, a minister of his own independent appointment, to conclude peace with France. Although the English negotiators, in their haste to have done, occasionally sacrificed the English interests, the great results of Pitt's victories could not be overturned. By the Peace of Paris (1763) England acquired from Peace of France, Canada and the territory east of the Mississippi Pa"s, 1763. River, and reduced the French in India to a (qw trading posts. If the Seven Years' War is the greatest triumph of Eng- The Ameri- land in history, she was visited soon afterward with her severest disgrace. In the year 1765 the British Parliament levied a tax upon the American colonies, called the Stamp Act. When it became known that the tax aroused discon- tent, it was wisely withdrawn, but at the same time the principle was asserted and proclaimed that the British Par- liament had the right to tax the colonies. As the Ameri- cans would not accept this point of view, friction grew apace and soon led to mob violence. The British minis- try, which was under the direction of a very high-spirited king, resorted to military force, and the answer of the Americans to this measure was the resolution to revolt (Declaration of Independence, 1776). In 1778 the colo- nists, through their agent, Benjamin Franklin, made an alliance with France, and from this time on the English were hard pressed by land and by sea. Finally, the sur- render of Yorktown (1781) to the American hero of the war, George Washington, disposed the English to peace. can Revolu- tion, 1776. 468 The Modern Period The Peace of Ver- sailles, 1783. Renewal of agitation in Ireland. The Act of Union, 1800. Ill the peace of Versailles (1783) England made France a few unimportant colonial concessions, but the really mem- orable feature of the peace was the recognition of the inde- pendence of the American colonies. This American success once more stirred the Irish to action. Ever since the brutal confiscations of the time of William III. they had borne their ills in silence ; they were crushed. But now they began an agitation for Legislative Independence or Home Rule, with the result that the min- istry at London, intimidated by the American calamity, yielded the point (1782). The troubles in the island, however, did not cease ; bloody encounters between the Catholic natives and the Protestant colonists were common occurrences; and in 1800 the younger Pitt, who held the post of Prime Minister, resolved to make an end, and passed an Act of Union which destroyed the independence of Ire- land for good and all, and incorporated the Irish Parlia- ment with the British Parliament at London. Since then Ireland has been ruled in all respects from the English capital. The Act of Union did not greatly occupy the pubhc mind. For when it was passed the French Revolution, though it was now in its twelfth year, was still holding the attention of all Europe riveted upon it. SPECIAL TOPICS The Regent and the Regency. Perkins, France Under the Regency. Chap. X. ff. Guizot, History of France, Vol. V., Chap. LI. The Struggle ovek India. Story, Building of the British F.vipire. (Na- tions.) 2 vols. $3.00. Putnam. Seeley, The Expansion of England, $1.75. Little, Brown. Perkins, France Under Louis XV. Vol. I., Chaps. IX. and X. The Stuart Attempts to Recover the Throne. Green, Bk. VIII., Chap. IV. (passim). Dictionary of National Biography. Macmillan. Sec articles James and Charles Edward. Thackeray, Henry Esmond (novel). Scott, Waverky (novel). SECTION III REVOLUTION AND RECONSTRUCTION; FROM THE FRENCH REVOLUTION TO OUR OWN TIME (1789-1900) Our third section begins with the French Revolution, which gave general currency to those essentially modern principles, the sovereignty of the people and national unity. As these principles were opposed to the principles of absolutism in vogue during the seventeenth and eigh- teenth centuries, there arose a struggle, which, under the form of liberalism versus conservatism, has continued throughout the nineteenth century. The end, however, was the victory of liberalism, resulting in the very general establishment throughout Europe of constitutional or lim- ited monarchies on a national basis. CHAPTER XXX THE FRENCH REVOLUTION AND ERA OF NAPOLEON (1789-1815) LITERATURE.— Stephens, Europe, 1789-1815. $1.40. Macmillan. Rose, The Revolutionary and Napoleonic Era (tySg-rSrs)- $1.25. Mac- millan. L,owc\\, Eve 0/ the French Revolution. $2.00. Houghton. Tains, T/ie Ancient Regime. $2.50. Holt. K\%q The French Revolution, 3 vols. $7.50. A.\so The Modern Regime. 2 vols. $5.00. Stephens, French Revolution. 2 vols. $5.00. Scribner. Carlyle, French Revolution. $3.75. Scribner. Von Sybel, French Revolution. 4 vols. Murray. London. (Out of print.) Sloane, Napoleon. (In Century Magazine of 1896 and 1897.) Translations and Reprints, University of Penn. Vol. I., No. 5 {Rights of Man, Jacobin Club) etc. Vol. II., No. 2 {Treaties, Continental System). Vol. IV., No. 5 (Cahiers of lySg). Vol. V., No. 2 ( Taxation under A ncient Regime). If the seventeenth century, which recalls the names of Richelieu, Colbert, and Louis XIV., was the period of the 469 470 The Modern Period The condi- tion of France at the end of the eigh- teenth cen- tury. Decay due to system of govern- ment. The king is the state. Louis XV. expansion of France, the eighteenth century, associated with such names as the Regent Orleans, Louis XV., and Madame de Pompadour, proved the period of French de- cay. We have just seen that the Seven Years' War all but completed the ruin of the kingdom, for the defeats of the armies of France in Germany destroyed her military pres- tige, and her maritime disasters overthrew her naval power and deprived her of her colonies. But the loss of her great position was not the worst consequence of the Seven Years' War. France found herself, on the conclusion of the Peace of Paris (1763), in such a condition of exhaustion, that it was doubtful, even to patriots, whether she would ever recover health and strength. The case, at first sight, seemed anomalous. Here was a country which, in point of natural resources, had the advantage over every other country of Europe ; its popula- tion, which was estimated at 25,000,000, was greater than that of any rival state ; and the mass of the nation had no cause to fear comparison with any other people as regards industry, thrift, and intelligence. If this people so con- stituted tottered in the second half of the eighteenth cen- tury on the verge of disruption, that circumstance cannot be ascribed to any inherent defect in the nation. It was due solely to the break-downi of the system of government and of society, which bound the nation together. The reader is acquainted with the development of the absolute power of the French king — he had absorbed, gradually, all the functions of government. In fact, as Louis XIV. himself had announced, the king had become the state. Now it is plain that such extensive duties devolving on the king, only a very superior monarch was capable of holding and giving value to the royal office. Louis XIV. never failed at least in assiduity. But his suc- cessor, Louis XV., who was weak and frivolous, and The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 471 incapable of sustained work, shirked the exercise of the powers which he none the less claimed as his due. The result was that the business of governing fell to a greedy horde of courtiers and adventuresses, who were principally concerned with fattening their fortunes, and who sacrificed, with no more regret than is exi^ressed by a shrug of the shoulders and a laugh, every interest of the state. If under Louis XV. the centralized monarchy progres- sively declined, the whole social fabric which that mon- archy crowned, exhibited no less certain signs of decay and disruption. French society, like that of all Europe, had its starting-point in the feudal principle of class. In feudal times there had been recognized two great ruling cla.sses, the clergy and the nobility, which in return for the services they rendered as the provincial government, enjoyed exemption from taxation. In the eighteenth century the central government was performing those local services, but the clergy and nobility still enjoyed exemption. What for ? Plainly the arrangement was iniquitous, for it divided France into privileged and un- privileged cla.sscs, or into subjects who pjaid and subjects who did not pay. But the social inequality did not end here, for the privileged classes had also a monopoly of the honors and emoluments. No least lieutenancy in the army, which the money of the commoners supported, was open to a son of a commoner, and neither the Church nor the government, except in rare instances, admitted into their high places the man of humble birth. The membership of the two orders, to whom these ex- tensive privileges were reserved, was not very large. The noble families numbered 25,000 to 30,000, with an aggre- gate membership of perhaps 140,000 ; and the clergy, including the various religious orders and the parish priests, had an enrolment of about as many names. These two The feudal orders become privileged orders. The num- bers and the wealth of the privi- leged. 4/2 The Modern Period castes between them owned about half the land of France, so that it could be fairly claimed by the indignant people that the principle of taxation which obtained in their country was: to relieve those who did not need relief, and to burden those who were already overburdened. The prog- The commoners, or members of the Third Estate (tiers ••pec c\\ f" h P Third Es- etat), who were shut out from the places of authority re- tate. served to the first two estates of the realm, were reduced to finding an outlet for their energy in the field of business enterprise or else in literature. They succeeded in piling up wealth both in Paris and in the cities of the provinces, until their resources, constantly increased through thrift and hard work, far exceeded those of the nobility, who con- cerned themselves only with elegantly spending what they had and what they could borrow. Thus the bourgeoisie had long been better off than the nobility ; and now they proceeded to surpass the nobility in other respects. For increase of wealth had brought increase of leisure and of the desire and power to learn and grow. So it happened that in the progress of the eighteenth century, the Third Estate had fairly become the intellectual hearth of France. The misery But if the bourgeoisie was doubtlessly prospering, the ine- da^s * ^^^^ ^^^^ different with the vast majority of French subjects, who are often called the Fourth Estate, and who embraced the two utterly wretched classes of the urban proletariat and the peasants. The proletariat was composed of the artisans and day-laborers, and was, owing to the fact that the middle class controlled the commercial and industrial situation by means of close corporations called guilds, com- pletely under the heel of its richer fellow-citizens. But The misery still worse off than the working people were the peasants, oe t ^^^ ^^^^^^ obligations exceeded all justice and reason. The lord of the manor exacted rent from them ; the Church levied tithes ; and the king collected taxes almost at will. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 473 The result was that the peasants did not have enough left over from their toil to live on. And if these regular taxes did, by any chance, leave anything in their hands, that little was constantly jeopardized by certain remaining feu- dal obligations. Thus the lord of the land had the sole right to hunt, and the peasant was forbidden to erect fences to shut out the game from his fields. If the caval- cade from the chateau dashed over the young wheat in the spring, the peasant could do nothing but look on at the ruin of his year, hold his peace, and starve.' A government struck with impotence, a society divided The demand into discordant classes — these are the main features of the °*^ ^^ °^^' picture we have just examined. French public life in the eighteenth century had become intolerable. Dissolution of that life, in order that reform might follow, was patently the only possible escape out of the perennial misery. This the educated people began to see more and more clearly, and a school of writers, known as the philosophers, made themselves their mouthpiece. The eighteenth century is the century of criticism. The intel- Men had begun to overhaul the whole body of tradition in y^Jjj."* ^^' state, Church, and society, and to examine their institu- tional inheritances from the point of view of common-sense. If things had been allowed to stand hitherto, because they were approved by the past, they were to be permitted hence- forth only because they were serviceable, and necessary to the present. Reason, in other words, was to be the rule of life. This gospel the philosophers spread from end to end of Europe. They opened fire upon everything that ran counter to reason and science — upon the intolerance of the Church, upon the privileges of the nobility, upon the abuse 1 Other vexatious feudal dues were the corvees (compulsory mending of the roads), bridge-tolls, and the obligation to grind corn in the mill of the lord, and bake bread in his oven. 474 The Modern Period The centre of the intel- lectual re- volt is France. of the royal power, upon the viciousness of criminal justice, and a hundred other things. Although the revolt against the authority of tradition was universal in the eighteenth century, the leading names among the philosophers are those of Frenchmen, and of all the French philosophers, Voltaire ' and Rousseau^ carried on the most effective agitation. By means of their work and that of their followers, it was brought about that long before the Revolution of 1789, there had occurred a revolu- tion in the realm of ideas, by which the hold of the exist- ing Church, state, and society on the minds of men had been signally loosened. All that the material Revolution of 1789 did was to register this fact in the institutions and in the laws. A society which has become thoroughly discredited in the minds of those who compose it, is likely to fall apart at any moment, and through a hundred different agencies. The agency which directly led up to the French Revolu- tion, and gave the signal, as it were, for the dissolution of the ancient regime, was the state of the finances. The debts of Louis XIV. had been increased by the wars and extravagances of Louis XV., and by the middle of the eighteenth century France was confronted by the difficulty of a chronic deficit. As long as Louis XV. reigned (1715- The chronic 74), the deficit was covered by fresh loans. Although the device was dangerous, it did not arouse any apprehension in that monarch's feeble mind. " Things will hold to- deficit. 'Voltaire (1694-1778) excelled in the use of mockery. He made the contemporary world ridiculous to itself. Because his writings were so specifically addressed to his own time, they have not retained all their savor. Perhaps his most valuable production is " I'Essai sur las Mix'urs." *^Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712-78) was a Genevan by birth. In his " Emile ' (a work on education) and his " Contrat Social " (a work on so- ciety), he preached the return from artificiality to nature. Voltaire and Rousseau differed in many important respects, but were both eloquent in their demand for civil and religious liberty. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 475 gether till my death," he was in the habit of saying com- placently, and Madame de Pompadour would add, non- chalantly : " After us the deluge. ' ' When Louis XVI. (1774-92) succeeded his grandfather. The acces- the question of financial reform would not brook any fur- fi??,°^^°"\^ AVl. (1774). ther delay. The new king was, at his accession, only twenty years old, and was honestly desirous of helping his people, but he had, unfortunately, neither the requisite energy nor the requisite intelligence for developing a pro- gramme, and carrying it through, in spite of opposition. His queen, Marie Antoinette, the daughter of Maria Theresa of Austria, was a lovely and vivacious person, but as young and inexperienced as himself. The fifteen years from Louis's accession to the outbreak Attempts at of the Revolution (1774-89), constitute a period of unin- ^"^.ncial termitted struggle with the financial distress. The problem was how to make the revenues meet the expenditures, and plainly the only feasible solution was reform : the lavish expenditure of the court would have to be cut down and the privileged orders would have to give up their exemptions. For the consideration of these matters Louis at first called into his cabinet a number of notable men. xA.mong his ministers of finance were the economist Turgot (1774-76), and the banker Necker (first ministry, 1778-81; second ministry, 1788-90). But although these men labored earnestly at reform, they could make no headway owing to the opposition of the nobles, and toward the end of the eighties the king stared bankruptcy in the face. Since he was absolutely without further resource, he now resolved to appeal to the nation. The determination was in itself a Appeal to revolution, for it contained the admission that the absolute the nation (1789). monarchy had failed. In May, 1789, there assembled at Paris, in order to take council with the king about the national distress, the States-General of the realm. 4/6 The Modern Period The States- General formerly controlled by the feudal orders. The ques- tion wheth- er the States-Gen- eral were to be an an- cient or a modern body. The States-General were the old feudal Parliament of France, composed of the elected representatives of the three orders, the clergy, the nobles, and the commons. As the States-General had not met for one hundred and seventy- five years, it was not strange that nobody was acquainted with their mode of procedure. So much was certain, however, that the assembly had formerly voted by orders, and that the action of the privileged orders had always been decisive. The first question which arose in the assembly was whether the feudal orders should be allowed this traditional suprem- acy in the new States-General. Among the members of the Tliird Estate, as the commons were called in France, there was, of course, only one answer. These men held that the new States-General were representative, not of the old feudal realm, but of the united nation, and that every- body, therefore, must have an equal vote. In other words, the Third Estate maintained that the vote should not be taken by order, but individually. As the Third Estate had been permitted to send twice as many delegates (six hun- dred) as either clergy or nobility (three hundred each), it was plain that the proposition of the Third Estate would give that body the preponderance. The clergy and nobil- ity, therefore, offered a stubborn resistance ; but, after a month of contention, the Third Estate cut the knot by boldly declaring itself, with or without the feudal orders, the National Assembly (June 17). Horrified by this act of violence the king and the court tried to cow the com- mons by an abrupt summons to submit to the old procedure, but when the commons refused to be frightened, the king himself gave way, and ordered the clergy and nobility to join the Third Estate (June 27). Thus, at the very begin- ning of the Revolution, the power passed out of the hands of the king and feudal orders into the hands of the people. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 477 The National Assembly (^i'/8g-(pi^ The National Assembly, which was thus constituted to The Nation- regenerate France, was composed of very intelligent men fntellf^ent who were animated by a pure enthusiasm to serve their but unprac- country. But a fatal defect more than counterbalanced this ^^^ ' generous disposition. The Assembly was composed of theorists, of men who were inexperienced in the practical affairs of government, and was, therefore, calamitously prone to treat all questions which arose as felicitous occa- sions for the display of parliamentary eloquence. Out of this immense body of 1,200 legislators there grad- ually came to the front a number of men of whom Lafay- ette, Robespierre, and Mirabeau are the most important. Lafayette. The marquis de Lafayette had won a great name for himself in the American Revolution, and though a noble, sympathized with the people. Robespierre, a lawyer by Robes- profession, was vain and narrow-minded, but fanatically P^^'"''^' attached to the principles of democracy. Head and shoul- ders above these two, and above all his colleagues, rose the count de Mirabeau, for he was a born statesman, perhaps Mirabeau. the only man in the whole Assembly who instinctively knew that a government was as natural and gradual a growth as a plant or a child. He wished, therefore, to keep the in- herited monarchy intact, with just such reforms as would re- store it to health and vigor, but unfortunately, he never suc- ceeded in acquiring a guiding influence. In the first place, he was a noble, and therefore subject to suspicion ; then his early life had been a succession of scandals, which now rose up and bore witness against him, undermining confi- dence in his honor. The primary business of the National Assembly was the making of a new constitution. It was of the highest im- portance that this work should be done in perfect security, 478 The Mediccval Period Degenera. tion of the Revolution due to the mob. The insur- rections of Paris. The storm- ing of the Bastille (July 14. 1789). Formation of the National Guard. free from the interference of popular passion and violence. As the National Assembly represented the propertied in- terests, there seemed to be every chance of calm and sys- tematic procedure ; but unfortunately the Assembly soon fell under the domination of the mob, and that proved the ruin of the Revolution. The growth of the influence of the lower elements, who interpreted reform as anarchy, is the most appalling concomitant of the great events of 1789. If we understand this fact, we have the key to the awful degeneration of what certainly was, at its outset, a generous movement. For this degeneration the king and the National Assem- bly are both responsible, for, instead of working together in harmony, they tried to injure each other as much as they could. In consequence the people were kept agitated with rumors of court plots, and were ever ready to rise in insur- rection against the monarch whom the orators designated as " the tyrant." Thus, on July 14, the populace of Paris threw itself in a rage upon the Bastille, an ancient state prison in the heart of Paris, and after a bloody en- counter with the royal troops, razed it to the ground. The king at Versailles did not misread the lesson which the episode of the Bastille pointed. If he had had any thought of employing arms against the Revolution, he now abandoned it, and tried to make his peace with the people. And the citizen class, too, adopted temporarily, at least, a more conciliatory attitude. Resolved to have done with violence, they organized for the maintenance of order a militia, called the National Guard, and made the popular Lafayette commander. The question now was whether the national guard understood its duty, and was strong enough to repress the lawless elements which were con- stantly growing more bold and more numerous. The test came soon enough. In October the rumor of The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 479 another court plot tremendously excited the people. It The insur- was said that "the tyrant" was once again scheming to October^q put down the Revolution with troops ; and it was further and 6. said that he and none other had caused the dreadful famine in the city by buying up all the grain in the land. On the morning of October 5th, 10,000 women, fierce and hag- gard from long suffering, set out for Versailles to fetch the king to Paris. The transfer, they were brought to believe, would somehow inaugurate a reign of plenty. Naturally enough as they straggled along, all the male and female riff-raff of the city joined them. But where were the au- thorities? Where was Lafayette, the commander of the National Guard ? His duty in the face of this popular up- rising was plain, but certain it is that he did nothing to break up the rioters, probably because he himself sympa- thized with their aim to bring the king to Paris. Only long after the. insurgents he set out for Versailles, where, on his arrival, he found everything in the greatest confusion, but where, by his timely intercession, he saved the lives of the royal family. However, if the mob spared the king and queen, it declared firmly, at the same time, that it would be satisfied with nothing short of the removal of the king and the royal family to the capital. What could the king do but give his consent? On the 6th, the terrible maenads. The king indulging in triumphant song and dance along the road, es- ^°"^ucted corted the royal family to the Tuileries at Paris. The Tuileries. National Assembly, of course, followed the king, and was quartered in the riding-school, near the palace. The events of October 5 and 6, in literal truth, ruined The mob the monarchy, and Lafayette cannot escape the charge "^"^^^fo^th of having contributed in large measure to the result. The king at the Tuileries, indeed, if that was what La- fayette wanted, was now practically Lafayette's prisoner, but Lafayette himself, even though it took him some 480 The Modern Period The clubs. The Jaco- bins. The aboli- tion of privileges, August 4. months to find it out, was henceforth the prisoner of the mob. What greatly contributed to the power of the mob was the excitement and vague enthusiasm which possessed all classes alike. We must always remember, in order to un- derstand the tremendous pace at which the Revolution de- veloped, that the year 1789 marks an almost unparalleled agitation of public opinion. Leading symptoms of this agitation were the innumerable pamphlets and newspapers which accompanied the events of the day with explana- tory comment, but a still more unique witness of the exal- tation of men's minds was offered by the clubs. Clubs for consultation and debate became the great demand of the hour ; they arose spontaneously in all quarters ; in fact, every coffee-house acquired, through the passion of its frequenters, the character of a political association. Of all these unions the Jacobins soon won the most in- fluential position. Beginning moderately enough, they offered a meeting-point for the constitutional and educated elements, and rapidly spread in numberless branches or so-called daughter-societies over the length and breadth of France. Unfortunately, however, this club, too, soon fell under the domination of the extreme revolutionary tenden- cies. Lafayette and Mirabeau, whose power was at first dominant, were gradually displaced by Robespierre ; and Robespierre, once in authority, skilfully used the club as a means of binding together the radical opinion of the coimtry. Throughout the years 1789 and 1790, the National As- sembly was engaged with providing for the government of France, and in making a constitution. The great question of the privileges, which had proved unsolvable in the early years of Louis XVL, caused no difficulties after the Na- tional Assembly had once been constituted. On August The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 481 4, 1789, the nobility and clergy, in an access of magna- nimity, renounced voluntarily their feudal rights, and de- manded that they be admitted into the great body of French citizens on a basis of equality. August 4 is one of the great days of the Revolution. In the intervals of the discharge of the current business, The charac- the Assembly deliberated concerning the future constitution ^^^ consti- of France. Of course it is not possible to examine it here tution. in any degree of detail, but if we remember that it was the work of men Avho had suffered from an absolute executive, we shall understand its principal feature, which was that the legislative branch of the government was made superior to the executive branch. The legislative functions were entrusted to a legislature of one house elected for two years. Mirabeau, the great statesman of the Revolution, fought hard to preserve the king that measure of power which an executive requires in order to be efficient ; but he was un- appreciated by his colleagues and in almost all important matters met defeat. Broken down by disappointment and The death reckless excesses he died (April, 1791), prophesying in his of Mirabeau, last days, with marvellous accuracy, all the ulterior stages 1791. of the Revolution. The death of Mirabeau, the supporter of monarchy, The uncom- greatly weakened the king's position. Ever since October ^gv e 6, Louis had been the virtual prisoner of the populace, and the king, ever since that time he was being systematically deprived of his authority by the National Assembly. The constitu- tion, which in the spring of 1791 was nearing completion, he regarded as impracticable, and since the death of Mirabeau destroyed the hope of an effective revi?:ion, it is not strange that he should have meditated flight. The flight of the king and the royal family was arranged The at- with the greatest secrecy for the night of June 20. A fl^"]F/^j little less delay at the post stations, or a little more care 20, 1791. 482 The Modern Period on the part of the king to keep himself in conceahiient, would have crowned the venture with success. But the king was recognized at Sainte Menehould, and a little farther on at Varennes, where the change of horses was accidentally prolonged, the travellers found themselves hemmed in by the mob, and arrested. A few days after their departure the fugitives were brought back to Paris as prisoners. Division of The flight of the king divided opinion in Paris sharply. opinion. 'Y^ j.]^g constitutional monarchists it gave their first inkling that they had gone too far, for a monarch was necessary to their constitutional fabric, and here they beheld their chosen monarch refusing to serve their plan. They began in consequence to exhibit suddenly for the captive and disarmed Louis a consideration which they had never ac- corded him in the days when he still had favors to dis- pense. The democrats, on the other hand, such as Danton and Robespierre, regarded the flight as a welcome jn-etext for proclaiming the republic. A struggle followed (July 17, 1 791), the most ominous which Paris had yet witnessed; but the monarchists were still a majority, and by ordering out the National Guard against the rioters, won a victory. The king The Assembly, on hearing from the king that he had never reinstated. nieant to leave the soil of France, solemnly welcomed him back to office ; and Louis, in return, to mark his recon- ciliation with his subjects, accepted and swore to observe The Assem- the constitution. On September 30, 1791, the last ar- bly dis- tistic touches having been added to the constitution, the solves itself, * 1791. assembly dissolved itself, and retired from the scene. Its strenuous labors of two years, from which the enthusiasts had expected the renovation of old Europe, culminated in the gift to the nation of the completed liberal constitution. The question now was : would the vaunted constitution at length inaugurate the prophesied era of peace and happiness? The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 483 The Legislative Assembly (October i, lygi, to September 21, I7g2). The answer to the above question would depend largely Inexperi- upon the First Legislative Assembly, which, elected on newlee-isfa- the basis of the new constitution, met the day after the ture. National Assembly adjourned. By a self-denying ordi- nance, characteristic of the mistaken magnanimity which pervaded the National Assembly, that body had voted the exclusion of its members from the Legislative Assembly. The seven hundred and forty-five new legislators of France were, therefore, all men without experience. That alone constituted a grave danger, which was still further in- creased by the fact that the prevailing type of member was that of the young enthusiast, who owed his political elevation to the oratorical vigor he had displayed in his local Jacobin Club. The dangerous disposition of the Assembly became ap- Republican- parent as soon as the members grouped themselves in par- ties. Only a small fraction, called the Feui Hants, under- took to support the constitution. The two most influential parties, the Gironde^ and the Mountain, 2 favored the establishment of a republic, and, from the first day, set de- liberately about destroying the monarchy. The stages by which they accomplished their work of ruin we need not here consider, but the supreme blow against the king was delivered when he was forced to declare war against Austria, and except for this declaration, which marks a new mile-stone in the Revolution, we can almost forget the Legislative Assembly entirely. ism of the assembly. ' So called from the fact that the leaders of the party hailed from the department of the Gironde (Bordeaux). 2 This party owes its name to the circumstance that its members took their seats in the Assembly upon the highest tiers of benches. 484 The Modern Period War against Austria, April 20, 1792. The war destined to become gen- eral. French defeats. The declaration of war against Austria was the result of a variety of circumstances. In the first place, monarchical Europe, the natural head of which was the Emperor Leo- pold, the brother of Marie Antoinette, had begun to exhibit hostility to the Revolution ; then the French no- bility which had migrated and lived chiefly along the Rhine, where it was organized under the leadership of the count of Artois, brother of Louis XVL, exasperated the French by its threats of revenge; finally, the Gironde desired war in tlie expectation that war would overthrow the monarchy. The interaction of these various motives and circumstances, led the Assembly in an access of passion to declare war against Austria (April 20, 1792). Unfortunately, the capable Leopold had died a month before the declaration was made, and it was his incapable son, Francis IL (i 792-1835), who was called to do battle with the Revolution. But Leopold had before his death made some provision against the eventuality of war with France. In February, 1792, frightened by the dangers to the cause of monarchy lurking in the Revolution, he had persuaded Frederick William II. of Prussia to ally himself with him. The declaration of April 20 brought, therefore, not only Austria, but also Prussia, into the field. Thus began the revolutionary wars which were destined to carry the revolutionary ideas to the ends of the earth, to sweep away landmarks and traditions, and to lock old Europe in death-grapple with new France, for over twenty years. There can be no doubt that the republican Girondists, who were the real originators of the war, expected an easy victory. They saw, in a vision, the thrones of the tyrants shaking at the irresistible onset of the revolutionary ideas, and themselves hailed everywhere as the liberators of the human race. But the first engagement brought a sharp dis- Tlie French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 485 appointment. The undisciplined French forces, at the mere approach of the Austrians, scampered away without risking a battle, and when the summer came it was known that the Austrians and Prussians together had begun the invasion of France. At this unexpected crisis wrath and terror filled the republicans in Paris. They began to whis- per the word treason, and soon their orators dared to de- nounce the king publicly, and in the vilest language, as the author of the French defeats. Every day brought the Prus- sian van nearer Paris ; every day added to the excitement of the frightened citizens. When the duke of Brunswick, the Prussian commander-in-chief, threatened, in a senseless ^ proclamation, to wreak vengeance on the capital, if but a hair of the king's head were injured, the seething pas- Blame put sion burst in a wave of uncontrollable fury. In the early °" *"^' morning of August 10, the mob, organized by the republi- can leaders, marched against the Tuileries to overthrow the man whom the orators had represented as in league with foreign despots against the common mother, France. With his regiment of Swiss mercenaries, who alone could be depended upon, Louis might have made a brave resist- ance. But he was not the man to be moved by a heroic impulse. If there had ever been one settled determination in his breast, it was that no French blood should flow for him in civil war. At eight o'clock in the morning, seeing August 10, that the mob was making ready to storm the palace, he ^'792- abandoned it to seek shelter in the Legislative Assembly. The Swiss guard, deserted by their leader, made a brave stand, and only on the king's express order gave up the Tuileries, and attempted to effect a retreat. But the odds were against them, and most of them were butchered in the streets. Meanwhile the Assembly was engaged in putting its offi- cial seal to the verdict of the mob. With Louis himself 486 The Modern Period Break-down of the mon- archy and the constitu tion. The govern- ment in the hands of the dema- gogues. The Moun- tain defends France. present, the members voted the suspension of the king, and ordered the election of a National Convention to consider the basis of a new constitution. The present Assembly was to hold over till September 2 1 , the day when the new body was ordered to meet. Thus perished, after an existence of ten months, the constitution which had been trumpeted forth as the final product of the human intellect. The suspension of the king left the government legally in the hands of the Legislative Assembly and of the ministry which the Assembly appointed. But as the capital was in the hands of the mob and the machinery of government paralyzed, it was found impossible to keep the real power from falling into the hands of the demagogues, who, on August 10, had had the courage to strike down the king. These victorious demagogues were identical with the Moun- tain party in the Assembly, and with the "patriots," who had just possessed themselves, by means of violence, of the city council or commune. The most prominent figures of this dread circle were Danton, Marat, and Robespierre, and these and their henchmen were the feal sovereigns of France during the interlude from August 10, the day of the over- throw of the monarchy, to September 2 1 , the day of the meeting of the National Convention. It was plain that the first need of France in this crisis was to beat back the invasion. The Mountain, therefore, made itself the champion of the national defence. The fatherland was declared in danger ; all occupations ceased but those which provided for the necessaries of life and furnished weapons of defence; finally, the whole male pop- ulation was invited to enlist. Whatever we may think of this system of government by violence and frenzied enthu- siasm, it certainly accomplished its end: it put an army into the field composed of men who were ready to die, and so saved France. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 487 Slowly the republican recruits checked the Prussian ad- Prussians vance. Finally, on September 20, General Kellermann valmv Sen- inflicted a defeat upon the Prussians at Valmy, whereupon tember, King Frederick William lost courage, and gave the order '^ to retreat. A few weeks later not a Prussian was left upon French soil. This really great achievement of the radical democrats The Sep- was unfortunately marred by a succession of frightful crimes, gacre" Sen' To understand why these were perpetrated, we must once tember 2, 3, again picture to ourselves the state of France. The country ^° ^* was in anarchy ; the power in the hands of a few men, reso- lute to save their country. They were a thoroughly un- scrupulous band, the Dantons, the Marats, and their col- leagues, and since they could not afford to be disturbed in their work of equipping armies by local risings among the supporters of the king, they resolved to cow the constitution- alists, still perhaps a majority, by a system of terror. They haled to the prisons all to whom the suspicion of being de- voted to the king attached, and in the early days of Septem- ber they emptied the crowded prisons again by a deliberate massacre of the inmates. An armed band of assassins, re- gularly hired by the municipality, made the round of the prisons, and in the course of three days dispatched about two thousand helpless victims. Not a hand was raised to stop the hideous proceedings. Paris, to all appearances, looked on, stupefied. The National Convention {September 21, 17Q2, to October 26, I79S)- This short interlude of government by terror came to an France end temporarily when the National Convention met (Sep- reoublk ^ tember 21) and assumed control. The first act of this body was to declare the monarchy abolished. As the de- feat of the Prussians at Valmy, which occurred about this 488 The Modern Period time, was followed soon after by the repulse of the Aus- trians from the walls of Lille, France was freed from all immediate danger from without. Thus the Convention could turn its attention to internal affairs. TheGironde In the precarious condition in which France then found and the herself, everything depended upon the composition of the new governing body. It was made up of almost eight hundred members, all republicans; but they were republi- cans of various degrees of thoroughness. There were the two parties of the Gironde and the Mountain, known to us from the Legislative Assembly ; and between them, voting sometimes with the Gironde, sometimes with the Mountain, but definitely attached to neither, was the Plain. The Girondists dreamed of a new Utopia, which was to be straightway realized by legislation ; they wished to end the l^eriod of murders, and thus wipe away the stains which were beginning to attach to the name of liberty. The Mountainists were men of a more fierce and practical mood ; they thought primarily of saving France from the foreigners, and were willing to sacrifice liberty itself to further that great end. That the chasm between the Gironde and Mountain was absolutely unbridgeable was exhibited on the Convention's Trial and taking up the trial of the king, who, ever since August death of the ^^ j^^^ been confined with his family in the prison of king. Jan- ' -' ' uary 2i, the Temple. In December the deposed monarch was sum- ^'^^" moned before the bar of the Convention. The Girondists were anxious to save his life; but the Mountainists, backed by the threats of the mob, carried the Convention with them, and the citizen Louis Capet, once Louis XVI., was condemned to death. On January 21, 1793, he was exe- cuted by the guillotine. The execution of the king raised a storm of indignation over Europe, and a great coalition, which every state of The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 489 importance joined, sprang to life for the purpose of punish- The first iwii the regicides of the Convention. Thus the war with ^°^-* ^?" D ° against Austria and Prussia promised to assume immense propor- France, tions in the coming year, and under these circumstances, the question of the defence of French soil became again, as it had been in the summer of 1792, the supreme question of the hour. It was plain that, in order to meet her ene- mies, who were advancing from every point of the com- pass, France would be required to display an almost super- human vigor. The new crisis quickly developed the animosities between Overthrow Gironde and Mountain into implacable hatred. There can p- j be no doubt that both sides were equally patriotic, but it was not now primarily a question of patriotism between them, but of the most practical means for meeting the threatening invasions. The philosophers of the Gironde insisted on presenting moral scruples, on spinning out end- less debates ; and because the case would not wait upon scruple or debate, the fanatics of the Mountain resolved to strike their rivals down. Mobs were regularly organized by Marat to invade the Convention, and howl at its bar for the heads of the Girondist leaders. Finally, on June 2, 1793, thirty-one of them, among whom were the brill- iant orators Vergniaud, Brissot, and Gensonne, were de- clared under arrest. The fall of the mild-mannered Girondists meant the re- moval of the last check upon the ferocity of the Mountain. The government now lay in its hands to use as it would, and the most immediate end of government, the Moun- The Moun- tain had always maintained, was the salvation of France nrpmp from her enemies. To accomplish that great purpose, the Mountain now deliberately returned to the successful sys- tem of the summer of 1792 — the system of terror. The phase of the Revolution, which is historically famous as the 490 The Modern Period Reign of Terror (La Terreur) — it may profitably be called the Long Reign of Terror in order to distinguish it from the Short Reign of Terror of August and September, 1792 — begins on June 2, with the expulsion from the Conven- tion of the moderate element, represented by the Gironde. The Reign of Terror {June 2, ijgj, to July 27, iyg4). The Com- The Short Reign of Terror of the summer of 1792 was p'brc° marked by two conspicuous features: first, an energetic Safety. defence of the French soil, and, secondly, a bloody re- pression of the opposition elements in Paris. The Long Reign of Terror reproduces these elements developed into' a system. What is more likely to secure an energetic de- fence than a strong executive? The Mountain, therefore, created a committee of twelve, called the Committee of Public Safety, to which it intrusted an almost unlimited executive power. As the most conspicuous, though cer- tainly not the most capable figure of this committee was Robespierre, the rule of the Committee of Public Safety is generally identified in people's minds with his name. The executive having been thus provided for, it remained to systematize the repression of the anti -revolutionary ele- The machin- ments. The machinery of the Terror, as this system- ^y of the atization may be called, presented, on its completion, the following constituents : First, there was the Law of the Suspects. By this unique measure the authorities were authorized to imprison any and every body who was de- nounced to them as " suspect." The iniquitous Law of the Suspects soon taxed the prisons to the utmost. To empty them was the function of the second element of the terror- ist machinery, called the Revolutionary Tribunal. This was a special court of justice, created for the purpose of trying the suspects with security and dispatch. At first the Revolutionary Tribunal adhered to certain legal forms. Robes pierre. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 491 but gradually it sacrificed every consideration to the de- mand of speed. The time came when prisoners were haled before this court in companies, and condemned to death with no more ceremony than the reading of their names. There then remained for the luckless victims the third and last step in the process of the Terror ; they were carted to an open square, called the Square of the Revolution, and amidst staring and hooting mobs, who congregated to the spectacle every day, as to a feast, their heads fell under the stroke of the guillotine. Before the Terror had well begun, one of its prime in- Marat and stigators, Marat, was overtaken by a merited fate. Marat rnrdav ^ was the mouth-piece of the utterly ragged and abject ele- ment of Paris. His savage thirst for blood had aroused the aversion of all decent people, and finally awakened in the breast of a beautiful and noble-minded girl of Nor- mandy, Charlotte Corday, the passionate desire to rid her country of this monster. On July 13, 1793, she succeeded in forcing an entrance into his house, and stabbed him in his bath . She knew that the act meant her own death ; but her exaltation did not desert her for a moment, and she passed to the guillotine a few days after the deed with the sustained calm of a martyr. The dramatic incidents associated with so many illus- Death of trious victims of the Terror can receive only scant justice f^-^'^^f*. q here. In October, Marie Antoinette was summoned be- tober, 1793. fore the Revolutionary Tribunal. A number of untenable charges were trumped up against her by the prosecuting attorney; she met them with noble dignity, and on receiv- ing her death-verdict, mounted the scaffold with all the stanchness befitting a daughter of the Caesars.' 1 Marie Antoinette left two children, a princess of fifteen years, and the dauphin, Louis, aged eight. The princess was released in 1795, but be- fore that mercy could be extended to the boy, he had died under the in- 492 The Modern Period The duke of Another victim was the duke of Orleans, perhaps the eans. niost despicable character of the Revolution. He was head of the secondary branch of the House of Bourbon, but he had deserted the cause of monarchy and had sunk so low as even to vote for the death of his relative the king. Madame A person of a very different type was Madame Roland, Koiand. ^^.j^^ ^^^ animated with the vague and generous republican enthusiasm which we know to have been the characteristic possession of the Girondists. To this party she had been naturally drawn, and, because of her intimacy with it, she was compelled to mount the scaffold. But the rule of the Terror was, perforce, exceptional. Disruption Sooner or later there was bound to occur a division among inevi^table^^'^ ^^^ supporters, and when division came the terrorists were sure to rage against each other, as they had once raged in common against the aristocrats. And in the autumn of 1793, unmistakable signs of the disintegration of the party of the Terror began to appear. The most radical wing, which owed its strength to its hold on the government of the city of Paris, and which followed the lead of one He- bert, had turned its particular animosity against the Catho- lic faith. To replace this ancient cult, despised as aristo- cratic, there was proclaimed the religion of Reason ; and, finally, in order to hurry the victory of this novel faith, the Hebertists in the municipality decreed the closure of all End of the ])laces of worship in Paris. As this ultra-revolutionary Hebertists, ^ ^^,^ ^^^^^ ^^ alienate the affections of the sincere be- IVl arrh Jlr\A ' lievers, who were still very numerous, Robespierre took the earliest opportunity to denounce Hebert and his whole ilk before the Jacobins. Finally, in March, 1794, the last March, 1794. human treatment of his jailers. The systematic torturing to death of the poor daupliin, who is reckoned as Louis XVII., is one of the most hide- ous blots upon the Revolution. The French Rcvohition and Era of Napoleon 493 thread of his patience having snapped, he abruptly ordered the whole atheistic band to the guillotine. The overthrow of Hebert was followed by that of Dan- ton and his friends, although for an altogether different reason. No man had done more than Danton to establish the reign of the Mountain. A titanic nature, with a claim to real statesmanship, he had exercised a decisive influence in more than one great crisis ; France had primarily him to thank for her rescue from the Prussians in the summer of 1792. But now he was growing weary. The uninter- rupted flow of blood disgusted him, and he raised his voiqe in behalf of mercy. Mercy, to Robespierre and his young follower the arch-fanatic. Saint Just, was nothing less than treason, and in sudden alarm at Danton's " moderation," they hurried him and his friends to the guillotine (April 5, 1794). Thus Robespierre was rid of his last rival. No End of the wonder that it was now whispered abroad that he was plan- AnrU T^ol' ning to make himself dictator. And between Robespierre and a dictatorship there stood, in the spring of 1794, only one thing — his own political incapacity. That he had the Jacobins, the municipality of Paris, the Convention, and the Committee of Public Safety in his hands was proved by their servile obedience Robes- to his slightest nod. On May 7th he, the deist, who bor- P'^^''^ ^ J I ' supreme. rowed his faith, as he borrowed his politics, from the writ- ings of Jean Jacques Rousseau, had the satisfaction of wresting from the Convention a supreme decree. Thereby the worship of Reason, advocated by the atheists, was over- thrown, and the Convention declared that the French people recognized a Supreme Being and the immortality of the soul ; and on June 8, 1794, the ludicrous religion of Introduces the Supreme Being was inaugurated by a splendid festival, ^^^ religion at which Robespierre himself officiated as high priest. Supreme Two days later, he showed in what spirit he interpreted ^^'"S- 494 ^^^'^ Modern Period his new spiritual function, for he succeeded, by regular decree, in having the Revolutionary Tribunal stripped of its last vestiges of legal form (June to). Now only it was that the executions in Paris began in a really wholesale manner. During the forty-five days before the reorgani- zation of the Tribunal, the numbers of those guillotined in Paris amounted to 577 ; during the forty-five days after its adoption, the victims reached the frightful figure of 1,356. No government office, no service rendered on the battle- field secured immunity from arrest and death. At last, the Terror gathered like a cloud over the Convention itself, and, paralyzed by fear, that body submitted for a time to the unnatural situation. But when the uncertainty con- nected with living perpetually under a threat of death had become intolerable, the opponents of Robespierre banded together in order to crush him. With his immense foUow- Fall of ing among the people he could doubtless have anticipated Robes- 1^1 enemies, but instead of acting, he preferred to harangue pierre, 9th ' o' 1 o Thermidor. and denounce. On the 9th of Thermidor (July 27), • he and his adherents were outlawed by the Convention and executed the next day. T/ic Rule of the Thennidorians {July 2J, I7g4, to October 26, I7QS)- The fall of Robespierre put an end to the Terror, not so much because he had created it, but because the system ' The Convention, guided by its hatred of the royalist past, had intro- duced a new system of time reckoning. Since the birdi of the Republic was regarded as more important than the Ijirth of Christ, September 22, 1792, the first day of the Republic was voted the beginning of a new era. The whole Christian calendar was at the same time declared to be tainted with aristocracy, and a new calendar devised. The chief feature of the new revolutionary calendar was the invention of new names for the months, such as : Nivose, Snow month ; Pluviose, Rain month ; Ventose, "Winil month, for the winter months. Germinal, Budding month ; Flo- real, Flower month ; Prairial, Meadow month, for the spring months, etc. It is worthy of notice that the Convention introduced one change which has become popular. It supplanted the old and complicated system of weights and measures by the metrical system. counsels. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 495 had, after a year of frightful ravages, become thoroughly discredited, and further, because the Thermidorians, many of whom had been the most active promoters of the Terror, Return to were politic enough to bow to the force of circumstances. °^ They therefore heaped all the blame for the past year on the dead Robespierre, and impudently assumed the character of life-long lovers of rule and order. Slowly the bourgeoisie recovered its courage, and rallied to the support of the Thermidorian party; finally, a succession of concerted blows The Ther- swept the fragments of the Terror from the face of France.. dest*roTthe The municipality of Paris, the citadel of the rioters, was dis- instruments solved ; the Revolutionary Tribunal dispersed ; the func- terror tions of the Committee of Public Safety restricted ; and, to make victory sure, the Jacobin Club, the old hearth of dis- ^ order, was closed. During the next year — the last of its long lease of power — the Convention ruled France in full accord with the moderate opinion of the majority of the citizens. But if the Terror fell, its overthrow was due also to the Progress of fact that it had accomplished its end. Its excuse, as we have seen, was the danger of France, and whatever else be. said of it, it had really succeeded in defending France against the forces of a tremendous coalition. On this defence the reader must now bestow a rapid glance. In the campaign of 1793 the French had just about held their own, but, in 1794, the splendid power of organization exhibited by Carnot, the military expert of the Committee of Public Safety, and his gift for picking out young talent, enabled the revolution- ary army to carry the war into the territory of the enemy. In the course of this year Jourdan's army conquered Bel- gium, and shortly after Pichegru occupied Holland. Bel- gium, as a part of the Austrian dominions, was quickly annexed to France, but Holland was merely modelled, after the example of France, into the Batavian Republic, and, for the war. 49^ The Modern Period Peace with Prussia and Spain, 1795. The Con- vention completes its constitu- tion. Bonaparte protects the Convention, October, 1795. The Consti- tution of the year III. the present, confirmed in its independence (1795). These astonishing victories prepared the disruption of the coali- tion, and as the Thermidorians, for their part, had no de- sire to continue the war forever, they entered, on receiving information of the favorable disposition of Prussia and Spain, into negotiations with these governments, and in the spring of 1795 concluded peace with them at Basle. By these treaties the position of France was made very much more simple ; of the great powers, England and Austria alone were now left in the field against her. Meanwhile, the Convention had taken up the long-neg- lected task for which it had been summoned : in the course of the year 1795 it comi)leted a new constitution for re- publican France. This constitution was all ready to be pro- mulgated, when, in October, the Convention had to meet one more assault of tlie lawless elements. But somewhat more courageous of late it resolved to defend itself, and in- trusted the task to a committee, which in turn entrusted it to a young officer, present in Paris by chance. Napoleon Bonaparte. This young officer had already creditably dis- tinguished himself at Toulon, and wanted nothing better than this opportunity. When the mob marched against the Convention on October 5, young Bonaparte received them with such a volley of grape-shot, that they fled precip- itately, leaving hundreds of their comrades dead upon the pavement. It was a new way of treating the Parisian mob, and it had its effect. Henceforth, in the face of such resolution, the mob lost taste for the dictation which it had exercised unquestioned for six years. Thus the appearance on the scene of Bonaparte and his soldiers meant the dawn of a new era of order. The Convention could now perform its remaining busi- ness without fear. On October 26 it dissolved itself, and the new constitution went immediately into effect. This The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 497 constitution is called the Constitution of the year III., from the year of the republican calendar in which it was com- pleted. It established an executive of five members, called the Directory, while it entrusted the legislative functions to two houses — a significant departure from the constitution of 1 79 1, the single legislative house of which had proved a failure — called, respectively, the Council of Five Hundred and the Council of the Ancients. The Directory (//pj-pp). The Directory wished to signalize its accession to power The Direc- by a brilliant victory over the remaining enemies of France °^J^:^"^ * ■' ■' ° campaign — England and Austria. But an attack upon England was, against because of the lack of a fleet, out of the question. With Austria, the case was different, and Austria the Directory now resolved to strike with the combined armies of France. In accordance with this purpose, "the organizer of victory," Carnot, who was one of the Directors, worked out a plan by which the Austrians were to be attacked simultaneously in Germany and Italy. Two splendid armies under Jour- dan and Moreau were assigned to the German task, which was regarded as by far the more important, while the Italian campaign, undertaken as a mere diversion, was intrusted to a shabbily equipped army of 30,000 men, which was put under the command of the defender of the Convention, General Bonaparte. But by the mere force of his genius, Bonaparte upset completely the calculations of the Direc- tory, and gave his end of the campaign such importance that he, and not Jourdan or Moreau, decided the war. Bonaparte's task was to beat, with his army, an army of Bonaparte Piedmontese and Austrians twice as large. Because of the VIqa superiority of the combined forces of the enemy, he natu- rally resolved to meet the Piedmontese and Austrians sepa- rately. Everything in this plan depended on quickness, 498 The Modern Period The Peace of Campo Formio, 1797. Bonaparte creates two republics in Italy. and it was now to appear that quickness was Bonaparte's great military merit. Before the snows had melted from the mountains, he arrived unexpectedly before the gates of Turin, and wrested a peace from the king of Sardinia-Pied- mont, by the terms of which this old enemy of France had to surrender Savoy and Nice (May, 1796). Then Bona- parte turned against the Austrians, and before May was over, he had driven them out of Lombardy. The Pope and the small princes, in alarm, hastened to buy peace of France by the cession of territories and of works of art, while the Austrians tried again and again to recover their lost posi- tion. But at Areola (November, 1796) and Rivoli (Jan- uary, 1797), Bonaparte, by his astonishing alertness, beat signally the forces sent against him. Then he crossed the Alps to dictate terms under the walls of Vienna. This sudden move of Bonaparte's determined the emperor Francis II. to sue for peace, and out of the negotiations which ensued there grew the Treaty of Campo Formio (October, 1797). By this Treaty Austria ceded her Bel- gian provinces to France, recognized the French political creations in Italy, and promised to use her influence to get the empire to accept the principle of the Rhine boundary. In return for these concessions, she received from France the republic of Venice, which Bonaparte had just occupied. The French political creations in Italy which Austria recognized by the Peace of Campo Formio were the per- sonal work of Bonaparte, having been established by him out of the conquests of the war. They were the Cisalpine republic, identical, in the main, with the old Austrian province of Lombardy, and the Ligurian republic, evolved from the old republic of Genoa. Both these republics were modelled upon the republic of France, and were made entirely dependent upon their prototype. When Bonaparte returned to France he was greeted as The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 499 the national hero, for he had at last given France the peace Bonaparte which she had been so long desiring. And while renewing p ^ ° peaceful relations between her and the Continent, he had won for her terms more favorable than her greatest monarch had ever dreamt of. A man who had in a single campaign so distinguished himself and his country naturally stood, from now on, at the centre of affairs. That Napoleon Bonaparte should obtain a position of Bonaparte's pre-eminence in France, before he had reached the age of thirty, would never have been prophesied by the friends of his youth. He was born on the island of Corsica on August 15, 1769. It so happened that at the time of his birth, France, which had just obtained this Italian island by cession from the small state of Genoa, was engaged in es- tablishing her rule there, and though the Corsicans resisted this act of aggression, they had in the end to yield. One curious consequence of this struggle between the French and the Corsicans was, that the boy Napoleon learned to detest the French so bitterly that he was dominated by this hatred throughout the period of his early manhood. Only very gradually did he make his peace with the conquering nation, and chiefly through the agency of the French Rev- olution. The French Revolution opened a career for talent, and thus enabled him, who had adopted the military profession, to rise rapidly from grade to grade, and satisfy his passionate dream of ambition. It was only when Bona- parte had been seduced by the opportunities extended by revolutionary France, that he consented to forget his native land. First at the siege of Toulon, and then at Paris, he had won distinction. Now the Peace of Campo Formio lifted him head and shoulders above all rivals. With the continent at peace with France, the Direc- England tory had cause to congratulate itself. It had beaten down ^ ? j^ *" all the enemies of France with the exception of Eng- 500 The Modern Period England attacked in Egypt, 1798. Battle of Abukir Bay. The failure of the Egyptian campaign. land, but England still showed no disposition to yield to the Republic. Therefore, in the year 1798, the Directory planned against England a great action in order to bring her to terms. As the lack of a fleet put a direct attack upon the island-kingdom, now as ever, out of the question, it was resolved to strike England indirectly, by threatening her colonies. With due secrecy an expedition was prepared at Toulon, and Bonaparte given the command. Nelson, the English admiral, was, of course, on the watch, but Bonaparte succeeded in evading his vigilance, and in May, 1 798, set out for Egypt. Egypt was a province of Turkey ; since then, as now, it was the key to the Orient, Bonaparte by establishing himself on the Nile, could threaten the con- nection of England with India and the East. It was for this reason that Nelson immediately gave chase when he got wind of Bonaparte's movements, and although he arrived too late to hinder the French from landing near Alexan- dria, he just as effectually ruined the French expedition, by attacking the French fleet on August i, at Al)ukir Bay, and destroying it utterly. Bonaparte might now go on conquering Egypt and all Africa — he was shut off from Europe and as good as imprisoned with his whole army. Thus the Egyi)tian campaign was lost before it had fairly begun. Napoleon could blind his soldiers to the fact but he hardly blinded himself. Of course he did what he could to retriev'e the disaster to his fleet, and by his brilliant victory over the Egyptian soldiery, the Mamelukes, in the battle of the Pyramids (1798), he made himself master of the basin of the Nile. The next year he marched to Syria. The seaport of Acre, which he besieged in order to estab- lish communication with France, repulsed his attack ; the plague decimated his brave troops. Sick at heart Bona- parte returned to Egypt, and despairing of a change in his The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 501 fortunes, suddenly resolved to leave his army. On Aug- ust 22, 1799, he contrived to run the English blockade, and on October 9 he landed with a few friends at Frejus. Though the army he had abandoned was irretrievably lost/ that fact was forgotten amid the rejoicings with which the conqueror of Italy was received in France. The enthusiastic welcome of France, which turned Bona- The Second ,,. ..r)--^ i.- 11 Coalition, parte s journey to Fans into a triumphal procession, was j^_g i^gg, due partially to the unexpected reverses which the Direc- tory had suffered during the young general's absence. Bonaparte was hardly known to have been shut up in Egypt, when Europe, hopeful of shaking off the French ascendancy, formed a new coalition against the warlike republic. Austria and Russia, supported by English money, renewed the continental war, and the year 1798 was marked by a succession of victories which swept the French out of Italy and Germany. No wonder that the hopes of the nation gathered around Napoleon, the dashing military leader. What other French general saviour, had exhibited such genius as Bonaparte, had won such glory for himself and France? Besides the executive of the five Directors, unable to maintain even the show of harmony, was beginning to lose its grip. So evidently had disorder set in that the royalists came out of their hiding- places, and negotiated openly about the return of the le- gitimate king. In short, in October, 1799, France was in such confusion that everybody turned spontaneously to Bonaparte as toward a saviour. Bonaparte was hardly apprized of this state of public Bonaparte opinion, when he resolved to overthrow the government, overthrows . . ° the Direc- The only resistance which he encountered was from the tory, 1799. Chamber of Five Hundred, and that body was overcome ' The army surrendered to the English a year later. 502 The Modern Period Bonaparte gives France a new consti- tution. Napoleon again in Italy. by the use of military force. The ease with which Bona- parte executed the coup d'etat of November 9, 1799 (i8th Brumaire), proves that the Constitution of Year III. was dead in spirit, before he destroyed it in fact. The Consulate {1799 to 18 04). Bonaparte was now free to set up a new constitution, in which an important place would be assured to himself. Rightly he divined that what France needed and desired was a strong executive, for ten years of anarchic liberty had prepared the people for the renewal of despotism. Thus the result of Bonaparte's deliberations with his friends was the Consular Constitution, by which the government was practically concentrated in the hands of one official, called the First Consul. Of course, the appearances of popular government were preserved. The legislative func- tions were delegated to two bodies, the Tribunate and the Legislative Body, but as the former discussed bills without voting upon them, and the latter merely voted upon them without discussing them, their power was so divided that they necessarily lost all influence. Without another coup d'etat, by means of a simple change of title, the Consul Bonaparte could, when he saw fit, evolve himself into the Emperor Napoleon. But for the present, there was more urgent business on hand, for, as France was at war with the Second Coalition, there was work to be done in the field. The opportune withdrawal of Russia, before the beginning of the campaign, again limited the enemies of France to England and Aus- tria. The situation was, therefore, analogous to that of 1796, and the First Consul resolved to meet it by an anal- ogous plan. Concentrating his attention upon Austria, he sent Moreau against her into Germany, while he himself went to meet her, as once before, in Italy. By a dramatic TJic French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 5^3 march in the early spring over the Great St. Bernard Pass, he was enabled to strike unexpectedly across the Austrian line of retreat, and to force the enemy to make a stand. In the Battle of Marengo, which followed (June 14, 1800), he crushed the Austrians, and recovered all Italy at a stroke. Again Francis II. had to admit the invincibility of French arms. In the Peace of Luneville (1801), he reconfirmed all the cessions made at Campo Formio, and as the empire became a party to the Peace of Luneville, there was no flaw this time in the cession of the left bank of the Rhine. It is this feature of the Rhine boundary which gives the Peace of Luneville its importance. As the Peace, further- more, re-delivered Italy into Bonaparte's hands, to do with as he pleased, he now re-established the Cisalpine and Ligurian Republics in their old dependence upon France. Again, as in 1798, the only member of the coalition which held out against France, was England. How hum- ble the great sea-power? Bonaparte's naval power was as inadequate now as ever, and, in no case, did he have any desire to renew the Egyptian experiment. Being at the end of his resources, he opened negotiations with the cabi- net at London, and in March, 1802, concluded with Eng- land, on the basis of mutual restitutions, the Peace of Amiens. France was now, after ten years of fighting, at peace with the whole world. The moment was auspicious, but it re- mained to be seen whether she could accumulate the strength within, and inspire the confidence without, which would enable her to make the year 1802 the starting-point of a new development. Certainly Bonaparte showed no want of vigor I'n engag- ing in the tasks of peace, although even a strong man might have been discouraged by the chaotic aspect of the country. It is not too much to say, that in consequence of the whole- Peace of Luneville, 1801. The Rhine boundary. Peace of Amiens, 1802. France at peace with the world. Bonaparte undertakes the recon- struction of France. 504 The Modern Period A central- ized admin- istration. Reconcilia- tion with the Church, 1801. sale destruction and careless experimentation of the last de- cade, there was not, when Bonaparte assumed power, a principle nor an institution of government which stood unimpaired. The work before the First Consul during the interval of peace which followed the treaties of Luneville and Amiens was, therefore, nothing less than the recon- struction of the whole of France. But this reconstructive labor Bonaparte now undertook, and a good deal of it survives to this day, constituting his best title to fame. First to consider is Bonaparte's system of administration. The internal administration of France had, during the last ten years, fallen into complete anarchy. To remedy the disorder in the departments, Napoleon invented a system of prefects and sub-prefects, who, appointed directly by himself, ruled the department like so many "little first consuls." This meant, ofcour.se, the abandonment of the ideas of self-government developed by the Revolution, but it meant also order, and that was all the people wanted for the present. Next Nai)oleon gave back to France her religion and her Church. The Revolution had consistently antagonized the Catholic Church ; it had confiscated its property, and bad attempted to make its ministers officials of the state. Napoleon knew that the restoration of the Church would win him the gratitude of the people, and, therefore, soon after his advent to power he opened negotiations with the Pope which ended in a peace called the Concordat (1801). P.y the terms of the Concordat, the Church, on the one hand, resigned its claims to its confiscated possessions, but the state, in return, assumed the maintenance, on a liberal basis, of the priests and bishops. Besides, the government reserved to itself the nomination of these latter. Thus the Church was re-established, but in very close dependence on the state. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 505 But Bonaparte's greatest creation was the reconstruction Return of of the French courts and laws effected by the Code Na- •'^f^'^^y poleon. The juridical confusion reigning in France, before Napoleon. the Revolution, is indescribable. By the Code Napoleon (1804), all France received a common book of laws and at common system of justice, whereby the handling of law- suits was made rapid, cheap, and reliable. No labor of a similar degree of perfection had been performed since the great codification of Roman laws under the Emperor Justinian. If Bonaparte had sincerely attached himself to the policy of peace, heralded by the above creations, it is not im- probable that he would have succeeded in consolidating the results of the Revolution. But the works of peace and the duties of a civil magistrate could not long satisfy his boundless hunger for action and his love of glory, which led him to aspire to the splendor of a conqueror like Alex- ander, or to the majesty of an emperor of the sway of Au- gustus. In 1802 he had himself elected consul for life. Napoleon The step brought him within view of the throne, and in ^^°^"ir May, 1804, he dropped the last pretence of republicanism, emperor and had himself proclaimed emperor of the French. Fi- i iSoT^ nally, in December of the same year, amidst ceremonies recalling the glories of Versailles, he crowned himself and his wife Josephine at the Church of Notre Dame, at Paris. The Empire {1804 to 181^). The change of France, from a republic to a monarchy, naturally affected the circle of subject-republics with which she had surrounded herself. Their so-called "freedom" had been the gift of France, and could not logically stand when France herself had surrended hers. At a nod from Napoleon, the Batavian Republic now changed itself into the Kingdom of Holland, and thankfully accepted Louis 5o6 The Modern Period Napoleon king of Italy, May, 1805. Renewal of the warwith England. The Third Coalition. Austerlitz, 1805. Bonaparte, Napoleon's brother, for king. In like manner, the Cisalpine Rei)uLlic became the Kingdom of Italy ; but in Italy, Napoleon himself assumed the power, and in May, 1805, was formally crowned king of Italy at Milan. Even before these momentous changes, the confidence with which the European governments had first greeted Napoleon had vanished. Slowly they began to divine in him the insatiable conqueror, who was only awaiting an opportunity to swallow them all. As early as 1803 con- tinued chicaneries between him and England had led to a renewal of the war. Napoleon now prepared a great naval armament at Boulogne, and for a year, at least, England was agitated by the prospect of a descent upon her coasts; but the lack of an adequate fleet made Napoleon's project chimerical from the first, and in the summer of 1805 he unreservedly gave it up. He gave it up because England had succeeded in arrang- ing with Austria and Russia a new coalition (the third). No sooner had Napoleon got wind of the state of affairs, than he abandoned his quixotic English expedition, and threw himself upon the practical task of defeating his con- tinental enemies. At Austerlitz, in Moravia, he inflicted a decisive defeat upon the combined Austrians and Russians (December 2, 1805). Again Emperor Francis II. was re- duced to bow down before the invincible Corsican, and at the Peace of Pressburg (December 26, 1805) he gave up Venice, which was incorporated with the Kingdom of Italy, and the Tyrol, which was incorporated with Bavaria. At the same time, the small South German States, Bavaria and AVurtemberg, were recognized as kingdoms. This last provision of the Peace of Pressburg made a full revelation of Napoleon's German policy ; clearly he wished to increase the lesser states of Germany to the point where they could neutralize the power of the two great states, Aus- The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 507 tria and Prussia. For this reason he lavished favors upon them, and made them so dependent upon his will, that they could offer no resistance when he proposed to them the idea of a new political union. This union was the Con- Napoleon federation of the Rhine, which all the important German r^onfedera- states, with the exception of Austria and Prussia, agreed tionofthe finally to join. Napoleon himself assuming the guidance of * ^' ° ' it, under the name of Protector (1806). Naturally the Confederation of the Rhine effected a revo- lution in the old German political system. With southern and western Germany acknowledging allegiance to a new union of French origin, what room was there for the old empire? Having been deserted by its supporters, it was actually at an end. Therefore, at the news of the new Confederation, the Emperor Francis II. resolved to make The end of a legal end of it as well, and formally resigned. Thus Roman Em- perished the Holy Roman Empire, which had stood in the pire. world since the times of the great Augustus. Never was there an institution so long in dying. Centuries ago it had lost its efficacy, and its very venerability had become an aggravation of its weakness. Certainly no German had any cause to shed a tear at the passing away of such a national government. As for Francis II., he consoled himself for his loss by adopting the unhistorical title of emperor of Austria. The interference of Napoleon in Germany brought about Relations of next, the ruin of Prussia. Ever since 1795 (Treaty of prussia. Basle), Prussia had maintained toward France a friendly neutrality, and all the persuasion and threats of the rest of Europe had not induced her to join the Second and Third . Coalitions. But now that Napoleon had set himself the aim of conquering Europe, and had already reduced Aus- tria, Italy, and Germany to terms, peace with Prussia was no longer in accordance with his plans. He therefore 5o8 The Modern Period Prussia de- clares war, 1806. The cam- paign of 1806. Campaign against Russia, 1807. Peace of Tilsit, Prussia humbled. deliberately provoked Prussia, until the obsequious govern- ment of King Frederick William III. (i 797-1840), could sink no lower and had to declare war (1806). The campaign of 1806 was the most brilliant that Na- poleon had yet fought. In a few weeks he had defeated the Prussians at Jena, entered Berlin, and practically ruined the monarchy of Frederick. With a bare handful of trooi)S Frederick William III. fled eastward, in order to put him- self under the protection of Russia. All central Europe now lay in Napoleon's hand, but he was not yet content. In order to humiliate the presump- tuous ally of Prussia, the Czar Alexander (1801-25), Napo- leon now set out for Russia. But having in June, 1807, won the splendid victory of Friedland (East Prussia), he magnanimously accepted Alexander's overtures of peace. The Czar Alexander had long felt a secret admiration for the great Corsican, and now, when he met him under romantic circumstances, on a raft moored in the river Niemen, he fell completely under the spell of his person- ality. The consequence of the repeated deliberations of the emperors, to which Frederick William of Prussia was also admitted, was the Peace of Tilsit (July, 1807). By this Peace Russia was restored without loss, but Prussia was thoroughly humiliated and condemned to the sacrifice of half her territory. The Prussian provinces between the Elbe and the Rhine were made into a Kingdom of West- phalia for Napoleon's brother Jerome, and the Prussian spoils of the later Polish partitions were constituted as the Grand-duchy of Warsaw, and given to the elector of Sax- ony, whom Napoleon in pursuance of his established Ger- man policy, created king. Thus Prussia was virtually re- duced to a secondary state. But the most important feature of the Treaty of Tilsit was, perhaps, the alliance between France and Russia, The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 509 which was developed from the simple peace. The gist of Alliance it was that Napoleon and Alexander should divide Europe Napoleon between them, Napoleon exercising supremacy in the west ^"^ , . , , . , Alexander, and Alexander in the east. The Peace of Tilsit carried Napoleon to the zenith of Napoleon at the his career. He was now emperor of the French and king zenith of his of Italy; he held Germany as Protector of the Confeder- career. ation of the Rhine, and Switzerland as Mediator of the Helvetic Republic ; and in certain scattered territories, which he had not cared to absorb immediately, he ruled through subject-kings of his own family : through his brother Louis in Holland, through his brother Jerome in Westphalia, through his brother Joseph in Naples. Cen- tral Europe lay prostrate before him, while in the east Russia was his ally. To a man of Napoleon's imperious- ness it was an intolerable indignity that one nation still dared threaten him with impunity — England. The war with England, renewed in 1803, had been War practically settled, when in October, 1805 — Napoleon gwl^nd • being then on his march to Vienna — Nelson destroyed the the Conti- allied French and Spanish fleets off Trafalgar. The great ^^^ ^ Nelson perished in this engagement, at the moment of victory. Since then fighting on the seas had ceased. Though Napoleon might strike the inhabitants of Vienna and St. Petersburg with fear, his power, being military and not naval, ended with the shore. In the dilemma in which he found himself he now hit upon a curious device in order to bring England to terms. He resolved to ruin her commerce and sap her strength by the so-called Continen- tal System. As early as November, 1806, he sent out from Berlin a number of decrees enforcing the seizure of English goods, and ordering the cessation of English traffic in all French and allied ports ; and at Tiisit he had, with the consent of Alexander, declared the commercial breach 5IO The Modern Period The Continental System prepares Napoleon's downfall. Napoleon occupies Portugal. Napoleon gives Spain to his broth- er Joseph, 1808 with England incumbent on all Europe. As England iiii- mediatcly responded with a blockade of all the continental ports, the conflict between England, dominant on the seas, and Napoleon, dominant on the Continent, now took the form of a vast struggle between the sea power and the land power. The Continental System may fairly be called the begin- ning of Napoleon's downfall, for it marks the point where the great genius overreached himself. By means of the Continental System trade was ruined and misery and fam- ine systematically created. More and more the people of Europe became incensed at their oppressor, and more and more did the subject-nations incline to revolt from him. But if ever the nations of Europe rose of one accord what chance was there for Napoleon's loose-jointed, cosmopol- itan empire ? The first protest against the Continental System was made, curiously enough, by little Portugal. In order to close its ports against the English, Napoleon occupied it with an army, November, 1S07. The resistance offered at first was small, and the royal family fled to Brazil. For the same purpose. Napoleon next occupied Spain. The relations between France and the Spanish Bourbons had, since the peace of 1795, been exceedingly friendly ; Napo- leon and Charles IV. of Spain had even become allies, and the latter had exhibited his good faith by sacrificing his fleet, for Napoleon's sake, at Trafalgar. Nevertheless, Napoleon now deliberately planned to deprive his friend of his kingdom. Taking advantage of a quarrel between the king and his son Ferdinand, he invited the royal pair to France, to lay their quarrel before him, and then, in- stead of adjudicating between them, he forced both to re- sign their rights to the throne (May, 1808). Spain was thereupon given to Napoleon's brother Joseph, who, in The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 5 1 1 return, had to hand over his kingdom of Naples to Napo- leon's brother-in-law, the great cavalry leader Murat. This unexampled violation of law and justice occasioned The Span- a terrible excitement among the Spaniards. Spontaneously '^ ^^^^ ' the various provinces of the proud nation rose in revolt against the foreign usurper, and attacked him not with a professional army but in guerilla bands. The result was that the summer of 1808 brought Napoleon a harvest of small calamities, and to make things worse, England be- gan, gradually, to take a hand in Spanish affairs. Having waited in vain for Napoleon to seek her on the sea, she found and seized this opportunity to seek him on the land, and in the summer of 1808 dispatched an English army into Portugal for the purpose of supporting the Portuguese England and Spanish national revolts. When Napoleon, angered "^'P^ Spain, by the check received by his political system, appeared in person on the scene (autumn, 1808), he had no difficulty in sweeping the Spaniards into the hills and the English to their ships, but he was hardly gone when the Spaniards again ventured forth from their retreats, and the English forced a new landing. Napoleon had now to learn that a resolute people can- Successes of not be conquered. The Spanish war swallowed immense ja^ds and'of sums and immense forces ; but Napoleon, as stubborn in Wellington, his way as the Spaniards, would give ear to no sugges- tion of concession. Slowly, however, circumstances told against him. The revolts showed no signs of abating, and when, in 1809, a capable general, Sir Arthur Wellesley, known by his later title of duke of Wellington, took com- mand of the English forces, and foot by foot forced his way toward Madrid, Napoleon's Spanish enterprise became hopeless. Of course, that was not immediately apparent ; but what did become very soon apparent was that the enslaved states of central Europe were taking the cue from 512 The Modern Period Failure of the Austrian revolt, 1809. Napoleon and Czar Alexander dra^v aAvay from one another. Napoleon seeks an alliance with Aus- tria. Napoleon divorces Josephine. the Spaniards, and were preparing, in a similar manner, a popular struggle to the knife with their oppressor. In the year 1809, Austria, encouraged by the Spanish successes, was inspired to arouse the Germans to a national revolt. But the result proved that the effort was premature. At Wagram (July, 1809) Napoleon laid Austria a fourth time at his feet, and in the Peace of Vienna which followed, forced her to make further cessions of territory. It is not improbable that Napoleon would now have made an end of Austria altogether, if he had not been forced at this time to provide for a complete change of his political system. The fact was, that Czar Alexander was getting tired of the arrangements of Tilsit. The Peace of Tilsit practi- cally shut Russia off from the west, and made it incumbent upon the Czar to accept before-hand every alteration in that part of Europe which Napoleon chose to dictate. Then the Continental System, to which Alexander had pledged himself, was proving in Russia, as elsewhere, a heavy burden. Napoleon noticed the diminishing heartiness of the Czar, and resolved to secure himself against defection by allying himself with Austria. Austria was, after the war of 1809, in no position to refuse the proffered friendship, and when Napoleon further demanded, as a pledge of good faith, the hand of the emperor's daughter Marie Louise, that request, too, had to be granted. In consequence of these changed political plans, Napoleon divorced his first wife, the amia- ble Josephine Beauharnais, and in April, 1810, celebrated his union with a daughter of the ancient imperial line of Hapsburg. When, in the succeeding year, there was born to him a son and heir,' he could fancy that his throne had finally acquired permanence. ' Known as king of Rome and styled Napoleon II. He died young (1832), at the court of his grandfather, the emperor of Austria. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 513 The breach between Napoleon and Alexander became The cam- definite in the course of the year 181 1. Both powers, igrf " ° therefore, eagerly prepared for war, and in the spring of 181 2, Napoleon set in movement toward Russia the great- est armament that Europe had ever seen. A half million of men, representing all the nationalities of Napoleon's cos- mopolitan empire, seemed more than adequate to the task of bringing the Czar under the law of the emperor. And the expedition was, at first, attended by a series of splendid successes. In September Napoleon even occupied Moscow, the Russian capital, and there calmly waited to receive Alexander's submission. But he had underrated the spirit of resistance which ani- mated the empire of the Czar, Here, as in Spain, a de- termination to die rather than yield possessed every man, woman, and child, and Napoleon was destined to receive, at the very culmination of a triumphant campaign, a terri- ble witness of the popular aversion. He had hardly ar- The burning rived in Moscow when the whole city was, in accordance O' ^^oscow. with a carefully laid plan on the part of the retreating Rus- sians, set on fire and burned to the foundations. The burning of Moscow meant nothing more nor less than the loss of the campaign, for Moscow gone, there was not the least chance of finding adequate winter quarters in Russia. What was there left to do ? Napoleon, with The retreat, heavy heart, had to order the retreat. The rest of the campaign can be imagined, but not told. The frost of a winter unexampled even in that northern climate ; the gnawing hunger, which there was nothing to appease, but occasional horseflesh; and, finally, the fierce bands of en- veloping Cossacks racked that poor army, till its disci- pline broke and its decimated battalions melted into a wild heap of struggling fugitives. Napoleon was unable to stand the sight of the misery and ruin, and, on December 514 The Modern Period Europe prepares to rise. The revival of Prussia. Prussia de- clares war, 1813. First half of the cam- paign of 1813. 5, deserted the army, and hurried to Paris. Only late in December the remnant of the so-called grand army dragged itself across the Niemen into safety. The loss of his splendid army in Russia was, in any case, a serious calamity to Napoleon. But it would become an irremediable catastrophe, if it encouraged central Europe to proclaim against him a national revolt, and created new complications at a juncture when he required all his strength to repair the unique disaster of his life. Unluck- ily for Napoleon, patriots everywhere felt this fact instinc- tively. Here was a moment of supreme importance, offer- ing to all the conquered peoples of Europe the alternative of now or never, and at the call of the patriots, they rose against their military master and overthrew him. But the honor of having risen first belongs to Prussia. The Peace of Tilsit had indeed ground Prussia into the dust, but it had also prepared her redemption. A number of sober and patriotic men, notably Stein, Hardenberg, and Scharnhorst, had, after the overthrow at Jena, gained the upper hand in the council of the weak king, and had carried through a series of reforms, such as the abolition of serf- dom and the reorganization of the army on a national basis, which, as by some process of magic, rejuvenated the state. When this renovated nation heard of Napoleon's ruin on the Russian snowfields, it was hardly to be con- tained for joy and impatience. All classes were seized with the conviction that the great hour of revenge had come ; no debate, no delay on the part of the timid king was suf- fered, and resistlessly swept along in the rising tide of en- thusia.sm, he was forced to sign an alliance with Russia and declare war (March, 18 13). The disastrous campaign of 18 12 would have exhausted any other man than Napoleon. But he faced the new situation as undaunted as ever. By herculean efforts he The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 515 succeeded in mustering a new army, and in the spring of 1813 he appeared suddenly in the heart of Germany, ready to punish the Prussians and the Russians. At Liitzen (May 2), and at Bautzen (May 20), he maintained his ancient reputation. But clearly the day of the Jenas and Friedlands was over, for the allies after their defeat fell back in good order upon Silesia, and Napoleon had to confess that his victories had been paid for by such heavy losses that to win, at this rate, was equivalent to ruin. On June 4 he agreed to an armistice in order to reorganize his troops. Both parties now became aware that the issue of the Second half campaign depended upon Austria ; so delicately adjusted °[ campaign were the scales between the contestants that the side upon which she would throw her influence would win. In these circumstances Metternich, Austria's minister, un- dertook, at first, the role of mediator, but when Napoleon indignantly rejected the conditions for a general peace which Metternich proposed, Austria threw in her lot with the European coalition, and in the autumn of 1813 there followed a concerted forward movement on the part of all the allies : Prussians, Russians, and Austrians crowded in upon Napoleon from all sides. Having the smaller force Battle of (160,000 men against 255,000 of the allies), he was grad- ^^'P^**^- ually outmanoeuvred, and at the great three days' battle of Leipsic (October i6-i8) crushed utterly. With such remnants as he could hold together he hurried across the Rhine. Germany was lost beyond recovery. The ques- tion now was merely : would he be able to retain France ? If the alhes had been able to think of Napoleon in any other way than as a conqueror, it is very probable that they would not have pursued their advantage beyond Leip- sic. But Napoleon, as the peaceful sovereign of a re- stricted France, was inconceivable, and therefore, after a moment's hesitation on the shores of the Rhine, the allies 5i6 The Modern Period invaded the French territory, resolved to make an end of their enemy. Still Napoleon, always fearless, held out. Military men regard his campaign of the winter of 1814 Campaign of as worthy of his best years, but he was now hopelessly 1814. Napoleon abdicates. The Con- gress of Vienna. outnumbered, and when, on March 31, the allies forced the gates of Paris, even Napoleon's confidence received a shock. As he looked about him, he saw the whole east of France in the hands of his enemies of Leipsic, while the south was as rapidly falling into the power of Wellington, who having signally defeated the army of Marshal Soult in Spain, was now pursuing it across the Pyrenees. On April 6, 1814, Napoleon declared at his castle of Fontainebleau that all was over, and offered his abdication. The allies conceded him the island of Elba, as a residence, and then gave their attention to the problem of the future of France. Not from any enthusiasm for the House of Bourbon, but merely because there was no other way out of the diffi- culties, they finally gave their sanction to the accession to the throne of Louis XVIII. , brother of the last king. As regards the extent of the restored kingdom, it was agreed in the Peace of Paris that France was to receive the boundaries of 1792. This important work being completed, a general con- gress of the powers assembled at Vienna to discuss the reconstruction of Europe. The modern age has not seen a more brilliant gathering, all the sovereigns and statesmen who had stood at the centre of public attention during the last momentous years being, with few exceptions, present. But before the Congress of Vienna had ended its labors, the military coalition, which the congress represented, was once more called upon to take the field. For, in March, 181 5, the ne\A^ reached the sovereigns at Vienna, that Napoleon had made his escape from Elba, and had once more landed in France. The French Revolution and Era of Napoleon 517 The resolution formed by Napoleon in February, 18 15, Napoleon's to try conclusions once more with united Europe was a des- jpiua" ""^ perate measure. On March i he landed unexpectedly near Cannes, and no sooner had he displayed his banners, than his former soldiers streamed to the standards, to which they were attached with heart and soul by innumerable glorious memories. Marshal Ney, who was sent out by Louis XVIII. to take Napoleon captive, broke into tears at sight of his old leader, and folded him in his arms. There was no resisting the magnetic power of the name Na- poleon. Louis XVIII. again fled across the border, and the hero of the soldiers and the common people entered Paris amidst the wildest acclamations. The Hundred Days, as Napoleon's restoration is called, The Hun- form a mere after-play to the great drama of the years 1812, A P^^-^~7 ^ J ^ J 'an historical 1813, and 1814, for there was never for a moment a chance interlude, of the emperor's success. The powers had hardly heard of the great soldier's return when they launched their excom- munication against him, and converged their columns from all sides upon his capital. That Napoleon might under the circumstances win an encounter or two was undeniable ; but that he would be crushed in the end was, from the first, certain as fate. The decision came in Belgium. There Wellington had gathered an English-German army, and thither marched to his assistance Marshal Bliicher with his Prussians. These enemies, gathered against his northern frontier. Napoleon resolved to meet first. With his usual swiftness he fell upon Bliicher on June 16 at Ligny, before Wellington could effect a junction, and beat him roundly. Leaving Marshal Grouchy with 30,000 men to pursue the Prussians, he next turned, on June 18, against Wellington. Wellington, who had taken a strong defensive position The battle near Waterloo, resolutely awaited the French attack. All the P^ Water- ■' loo, June 18, afternoon Napoleon hurled his infantry and cavalry against 1815. $i8 The Modern Period the iron duke's positions ; he could not dislodge his enemy, and when, toward evening, the Prussians unexpectedly made their appearance on his right, he was caught between two fires, and totally ruined. Precipitately he fled to Paris, and there abdicated a second time. Deserted by all in his misfortunes, he now planned to escape to America, but on Napoleon being recognized as he was about to embark, he was taken sent to St. , , , ,. , , ^ Helena. prisoner, and by the verdict of the European coalition con- veyed, soon after, to the rocky, mid-Atlantic island of St. Helena.' The Bour- At Paris, meanwhile, the allies were celebrating their Don Restor- ation. victory by again raising Louis XVIII. to the throne (Sec- ond Peace of Paris). SPECIAL TOPICS , Privileged and Unprivileged Classes under the Ancient Regime. Lowell, £vt' of tht French Revolution. Von Hoist, Frenck Revolution, a vols. Callaghan, Chicago. $2.00. See Vol. I. Taine, A mieitt Regime. The Philosophers of the Eighteenth Centirv. Lowell and Taine as in preceding topic. Morley, Rousseau, 2 vols. Macmillan. Also Vol- taire ; also Diderot aud the Ettcyclopadists, 2 vols. MiRABEAU AS A Man AND STATESMAN. Von Holst. Especially Vol. II. Willert, mirabeau (Statesmen). $1.00. Macmillan. The Character of Napoleon. Seeley, Napoleon I. $1.00. Roberts Bros. Madame de R6musat, Memoirs. Sampson Low. Taine, Modem Ri&ime. Vol. I., Bk. I. •At St. Helena Napoleon died {1821), after a captivity of six years. The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of 18^0 519 CHAPTER XXXI THE HOLY ALLIANCE AND THE REVOLUTIONS OF 1830 LITERATURE.— Fyffe, History of Modcr/i Europe (1792-1878). Popular edition. $2.75. Holt. Ch. XII. -XVI. Miiller, History of Recent Tunes. $2.00. Harper. Periods I. and II. Seignobos, Political History of Europe Since 1S14. $3.00. Holt. Of these three narrative histories, Seignobos is the latest and most scientific. Andrews, The fiistorical Development of Modern Europe, 2 vols. $5.00. Putnam. Excellent, but useful rather as a commentary than as a narrative text. Translations and Reprints. Univ. of Penn. Vol. I. No. 3 {JThe Charte Holy Alliance, etc.). .1 The battle of Waterloo having rung down the curtain on the great Napoleonic drama, the plenipotentiaries at Vienna could, in all peace of mind, bring their deliberations to a close. These were embodied in the Final Act of the Con- gress of Vienna, and, than this, no political treaty has ever been more universally condemned, because of the hide- bound conservatism which is its informing spirit. But all things taken into consideration, it was not so very un- natural that governments, which had suffered so severely from revolution, as the governments represented at Vienna, should have inclined toward a reactionary policy. Since revolution had proved an unmitigated evil, the best thing possible was to return to the pre-revolutionary conditions, and to restore the pre-revolutionary sovereigns or their heirs. This dominant principle of the Congress received the name of " legitimacy," and its most fanatical champion was the Austrian minister, Metternich. Now such a principle certainly had its excuse, but the Congress at Vienna made the mistake of applying it blindly and in direct contravention, in frequent cases, to The Con- gress of Vienna ruled by conserva- tive princi- ples. Metternich and " legit- imacy." Extrava- gance of the reactionists. 520 The Modern Period The territo- rial recon- struction of the great powers. the rights of nationahty and to the popular demand of free institutions. Only the overmastering longing for rest, which had come over Europe after the unparalleled agitation of the last twenty-five years, explains why the very arbitrary arrangements of the Congress were accepted without pro- test. Sooner or later, however, a protest was sure to be made. The various peoples of Europe would remember the national and liberal ideas, which had been made common property by the Revolution, and then the narrow, reac- tionary policy of the Congress would become the subject of criticism and attack. In fact, the substance of the history of the nineteenth century may be said to be the conflict between the reactionary policy adopted by the governments at the Congress of Vienna and the expanding national and liberal ideas of the people themselves. The Congress of Vienna concerned itself, first of all, with the restoration of the great powers. The two Ger- man powers, Prussia and Austria, acquired a territory as extensive, but not identical with that enjoyed before the era of Napoleon. Though they gave up their claims to some of their Polish provinces, they received ample com- pensation, Austria in Italy, and Prussia in western Ger- many. The Polish provinces surrendered by Austria and Prussia were given to Czar Alexander, who formed them into a new kingdom of Poland, with himself as king. England was rewarded for her share in the victory over Napoleon by a number of French and Dutch colonies, notably South Africa (the Cape) and Malta. Thus each one of the great powers, which had contributed to the overthrow of the Corsican conqueror, was not only restored to its former condition, but received a substantial increase. The Congress encountered its greatest difficulties in ar- ranging the affairs of Italy and Germany. As regards Italy, these difficulties were finally met by the application, The Holy Alliance and the Revolutions of i8jo 521 in a loose way, to the Italian situation of the principle of The "legit- legitimacy. The kingdom of Naples (also called the \^iL^ -_. kingdom of the Two Sicilies) was restored to the " legit- stored in imate" Bourbon king; the pope got back the States of ^^' the Church ; Tuscany was returned to its legal sovereign, a younger member of the House of Hapsburg ; Piedmont, increased by the Republic of Genoa, was restored to the king of Sardinia ; and Lombardy and Venice, far and away the richest provinces of Italy, were delivered over to Austria. There were also established a number of smaller states — for instance, Parma, Modena, Lucca — but it will be seen at a glance that the dominant power of the peninsula, on the basis of these arrangements, was Austria. As for Germany, the Napoleonic wars had been a blessing Instead of in disguise. To note only one result : they had destroyed Jj^nv eets the old impotent empire, and had reduced the number the Bund, of sovereign states from over three hundred to thirty-eight.' Certainly this last revolution had vastly improved the chances for a new German unity. But the obstacles in the way of such a movement were still too great to be immedi- ately overcome. From century-old habit the thirty-eight states looked upon each other with ill-favor, and even if the lesser ones could have mastered their mutual distrust, there still remained as a barrier to union the ineradicable jealousy between Austria and Prussia. Under these untoward cir- cumstances, the utmost concession of the sovereign states to the popular demand for unity was a loose confederation called Bund. The constitution of the ^w;?^ provided for a Diet at Frankfurt, to which the governments of the thirty- eight states were invited to send delegates, but as the con- ' The thirty-eight states may, for convenience sake, be divided into three groups : i, large states, Austria and Prussia ; 2, middle states, Ba- varia, Saxony, Hanover, Wurtemberg, all raised to the rank of king- doms by Napoleon ; 3, small states, Hesse, Weimar, etc. 522 The Modern Period The Holy Alliance. Reaction in Spain fol- lowed by revolution. stitution carefully omitted giving those delegates any nota- ble functions, the Diet could enact no laws to speak of, and the ^//;/ o u " M r- t-t tA r - c o<- ° O b( b/;S ■3 2a* bfl c -g U c u t/i nj O O " ^'3 1) uw!5 be bt c c u:2 bflO -o c 3 60 CO - lA c ^ - rt _|s«_ •£.£■3 o o,_ :b'^ o U'^ bo o c bfl;-; o vQ^o bO Q 1- 'x ^§ bo -J3 - 3 i c * : « 1!. o b« c 3 -o . b« , -fe°2 •OT3 2 3 C< m t— 1 fc4 *-• rt hn c « to X: ri c -^ ^ 3 3 1< Q H'^ a tq rT ri3 -yi -'(A eric 1 (Aus •34- U rt •a « eber ustr -48. ebal ustr -55- ■aa i- -■v< ;,- "•0 in u u z <: a H O CO US Q M o .0 9 rt a < II- ^ bi W.5 o Ui B . 4)-— N o rn C I '5. „ c ■ _b« bs V M 1^ . 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U T3 " O ► ^ f^ o •s i; °-o Is .t I-. ^ r -n in •a M fii 'ii - 4) •5 Cliroiioloijical and GcncaloQ-ical Tables 597 z w X o H h w C o o < « o w H O a V a. •o V 3 o U 1 m 6 N o u » -3 -P a II 3 ir .° K c c "J -< o m (1) C ,:>: M 3 P. n O Oi •o nl o e f^3 •T3 — t- o o c CD m 3 3 J3 ■s f^ ^ o s c o ■< (IS J J ■T3.il "» 3 . PR 3 + o c o \ m VO 13 ■* 1 f^ M M ■d- > •^ >, t-4 u > ~ C ~ >> X C 11 u s rt u [K <4-l O u _c 'u \ a N ^ \ \ CD ho ^3 O '- ■'a V " «7 •V. " - j- u ? 3 o\ a < (ii E- > " J^ II- •o c CI J3 > c •o 3 a 3 O a V u •o + t3 C §.■3 . ^ 0. a u o H (J oT ^ 5 " 1 (11 5 .".CJ W — p « OOP to ^ ,3 .• in H . •0 C cJ ^ .U Zi s 3 H •0 C < ^ c t/. -- 3 o 3 «•= u c § J=' - a\ 6 c-if.S 2 u h o\ T3 rt "" rt u (*« o •a c 3 e •a 2 S " ■5 + . s-g — w 0-3 0) 1) 1- ■n 5; j= U CO W -^ s =« • oil 1 3 p m — II 2 ^■2 •a " 'oJ o. OJo ""^^ u g 3 598 Chronological and Genealogical Tables o H U z o u oi I— I X H O o ac > O < Q CO ci o Q H b O OT tn o K K H E o c •a c s - M 3 O a >, in a o « 4) i. c- ^ •- 6 u O >o ?0- ■ *o ?. -< - V E - a •o " -rt J, o o > a i II— rt -io c 2S M o J2 ^S CD o to f. t) o E t^ (d ^-^ •-1 u — a a < in no ^ bl t^ 0) M •n + c •n L. 1, -3 -1 o (-1 .-" tag u O O II .-3 re "^ IS I fw.S oo INDEX Aachen, 94 Abbassides, 188 Abelard, 146, 168, 198 Absolutism, growth of, in Europe, 279 Abu Bekr, 184, 188 Abukir Bay, battle of, 500 Acco, siege of, 200; taken by Mo- hammedans, 203 Act of Settlement, 459 Act of Supremacy, 331 ; abolished, 336 ; restored, 340 Act of Uniformity, 340, 413 Adelaide, 97 Adolph of Nassau, 249 Adrianople, battle of, 23 ; peace of, .Alfred the Great, 70-72 ^thelberht, king of Kent, 31 .-Ethelred the Redeless, 73 f. ^thelstan, 72 ^thelwulf, 70 ^.tius, 25 ; defeats Attila, 26 Agincourt, battle of, 239 Aix-la Chapelle, peace of, 424, 451, 46s Alamanni, 25, 44 Alaric, 23 f. Alberic, 98 Albigenses, 161, 162, 224 Albornoz, 221 Alcuin, 56 Alexander 11., Pope, 80, 13S f. Alexander III., Pope, 152-6 Alexander V., Pope, 271 Alexander VI., Pope, 273, 292 Alexander I. (Czar), 508 ff.; 530 Alexander II. (Czar), 569, 572 Alexander of Battenberg, 571 Alexis (son of Peter), 439 Alexius, 105, 195 Ali Khalif, 184, 188 Alsace, cession of, 388 ; to Ger- many, 558 Alva, duke of, 352 ff. American Revolution, 467 Amiens, Peace of, 503 Andrew of Longjumeau, 208 Angelo, Michel, 266 Angles, 28 Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, 72 Anglo-Saxons, 28 ff. ; missionaries, 127 Anne, queen of England, 460 f. Anne of Austria, 420 Anne Boleyn, 329 ; proclaimed queen, 330 ; execution of, 333 Anne of Cleves, 333 Anselm, 80, 83 Antioch, 124, 195, 203 Antoine, king of Navarre, 364, 367 Arabic civilization, 189 ff. Arabs, 182 ff. Arcadius, 21 Architecture, Arabic, 190 Areola, battle of, 498 Arianism, 33 Aristotle, 190 Armada, Spanish, 322, 345 Arnold of Brescia, 156 ff., 198 Arnold of Winkelried, 251 Arnulf, 67, 91 599 ooo Index Art, Byzantine, 37 Assembly, National. 477 ft".; Legis- lative, 483 ft: Assize of Clarendon, 234 Athanasius, 174 Athaulf, 173 Athens, University of, 38 Attila, 25 f. Augsburg, Diet of, 306 ; Confession of, 306 ; Religious Peace of, 309 August the Strong (Poland), 437 Augustine, sent to England, 31 Augustine, St., 174 Austerlitz, battle of, 506 Austrasia, 45, 46 Austria, 48, 248 ; Seven Years' War, 452 ft".; War of Austrian Suc- cession, 449 ft". ; and French Revo- lution, 484, 496, 497. 506, 512, 515 ; territorial reconstruction of, 520 ; revolution of 1S48 in, 537, 542 ft".; war of 1S66, 544 Austrian Succession, war of, 449 ff. Austro-Hungary, 559 Avars, 41, 48 Avignon. 228, 270 f. Azov, Port of, acquired by Peter, 433 Bacon, Francis, 347 Bagdad, seat of KhJifate, i38 Baldwin I., 194, 196 Balkan Peninsula, 567 fF. Bannockburn, battle of, 237 Barneveld, 357 Bastille, fall of, 478 Batavian Republic, 495 Battle of the Spurs, 327 Bavaria, in Thirty Years' War, 379 ff. ; favored by Napoleon, 506 Bavarians, 42, 54 Beaconsfield, Lord, 570 Bede, 31 f. Bedford, Duke of, 239, 242 Becket, Thomas, 235 Begg;us (in Netherlands) 353 Begging Friars, 167 Belgium, 255 f ; ceded to France, 498 ; revolution in, 528 f. Belisarius, 40 Benedict II., 269 Benedict of Anianc, 176 Benedict of Nursia, 175 f. Benedictine rule, 176 f. Renevento, Duchy of, 42, 96 Beowulf, 28 Berengar of Friuli, 67 Bernard of Clairvau.v, 144, 199 Bertha of Kent, 31 Besan(,xin Episode, 148 ff". Bill of Rights, 418 Bishoprics, established by Karl the Great, 48 ; by Otto I., 96 Bishops' Wars, 402 f Bismarck, Otto von, 553 ft"., 577 ft". Black Prince, 238 Bl.mche of Castile, 225 Blenheim, battle of, 429 Blucher, Marshal, 517 Boemund, 105, 194 fF. Boethius, 72, 190 Bohemia, 48, 96, 99, 250, 252 ; and Thirty Years' War, 378 f. Bonaparte, Jerome, 50S Bonaparte, Joseph, 510 Bonaparte, Louis, 505 ; see Na- poleon Boniface, 127 ff., 176 Boniface VIII., 228. 268 f. Book of Common Prayer, 334. 340 Bosnia, revolt of, 569 Boso, 67 Bosworth, battle of, 245, 295 Bothwell, Earl of, 344 Bourbon, House of, in Civil \\'ars. 364 ; restoration of, 516 Bouvines, battle of, 224 Boyne, battle of the, 458 Braganza, House of, 323 Brandenburg, growth of, 389 ; see Prussia Brazil, 283 Index 60 1 Breitenfeld, battle of, 385 Bretigny, Treaty of, 239 Hrille, taking of, 354 Brissot, 489 Britannia, 28 Bruce, David, 238 Brunhilda, 45 Brunswick, duke of, 485 Buckingham, duke of, 398, f. ; mur- der of, 400 P>ulgaria, 569, 571 I'ulgarians, 41 Bund, the (German), 521, 545 Bunyan, John, 419 Burgundians, 24 f I5urgundy, 45, 67, 101, 253, 256; House of, 348 Bute, Lord, 467 Cabot, John, 284 Caedmon, 28 Cairo, 189 f. Calais, loss of, 337 Calendar (republican), 494 Calvin, 313 ff. Calvinism, spread of, 314 Cambray, peace of, 306 Campo Formio, peace of, 498 Canning, 524 Canossa, 141 Capetian dynasty, 87 Cappel, battle of, and peace of, 312 Caracalla, 8 Cardinals, 134 ; college of, 135, 142 Carnot, 495, 497 Cassiodorus, 176 Castlereagh, Lord, 561 Catalaunian Fields, 26 Cateau-Cambresis, peace of, 351 Catharine 11., of Russia, 440 f ; 455 Catholic Relief Bill, 562 Catholicism in England, 340, 414, 417 Cavaliers, 404 Cavour, 548 ff. Charles Albert of Sardinia, 540 Charles Edward (Pretender), 464 Charles L (Eng. ), 397 ff. ; flight from London, 404 ; surrender to Scots, 406 ; beheaded, 408 Charles IL (Eng.), 412 ff. ; and Louis XIV., 414; death of, 416 Charles the Bald, 63 ff. Charles the Bold, 246, 253, 256 Charles the Smiple, 84 f Charles L, of Roumania, 571 Charles II., of Spain, 427 Charles IV., of Spain, 510 Charles V., Emperor, king of Spain, 254, 295, 319 ; French-Spanish Wars, 305 ; crowned Emperor, 306 ; war in Germany, 308 f ; ab- dicates, 310; and the Netherlands, 349 f- Charles IV., of Bohemia, 250 Charles IV., of France, 231 Charles VI., Emperor, accession, 429 ; death of. 448 Charles VI., France, 239 Charles VII., France, 239 ff. Charles VIII., France, 222, 246 Charles IX., France, 3^, 367 f. Charles X., France, 526 Charles XII., .Sweden, 436 ; in Po- land, 437 f. ; Pultava, 438 ; death of, 439 China, 582 Chioggia, battle of, 219 Chivalry, 119 Chlodvvig, 44 ft Christian IV. (Denmark), 381 Christianity, 3 ff. ; legalized, 19 f ; in Ireland, 30 f. ; m England, 31 ff. ; in Hungary, 257 ; in Poland, 257 f. Christina of Sweden, 386 Christopher Columbus, 282 Church, under Gratian, 21; Con- stantine and, 20; under Justinian, 37 ff. ; in England. 31 ; and Chlod- wig, 44 ; under Karl the Great, 51, 58 f. ; under Otto I. , 96 ; under Henry 111., 103 f. ; and feudalism, 602 Index III, 120; organization of, 123; conquest of the West, 126 f. ; worldliness of, 173 ; and Louis IX., 227; and Wyclif, 243; in Middle Age, 261 ; States of the, 292, 541 Cisalpine Republic, 498, 506 Cities, 117; growth of, 209 ff. ; in Germany, 215 f. ; in Netherlands, 255 f. ; in Italy, 217 ff. Civil Wars, England, 404 ff. ; 407 Clarendon, constitutions of, 234 Clement III., 155 f. Clement V., 228 ; at Avignon, 270 Clergy, 120 ; celibacy of, 142 ; regu- lar and secular, 177 Clermont, first crusade, 193 Clive, Lord, 466 Cluniac reforms, 98, 102, 177 f. Code Napoleon, 505 Colbert, Jean, 422 Colet, John, 325 f. Coligny, Gaspard de, 364 ; murder of, 369 Colonies, Spanish, 283 ; English, 284 ; French, 285 ; Dutch, 285 Cqlumba, St., 30 Commerce, 206 f., 211 Committee of Public Safety, 490 ff. Commonwealth, creation of, 408 Commune of Paris, 559 Concordat, the (French), 504 Conde, Prince of, 364 Confederation of the Rhine, 506 Congress of Berlin, 570 f. Congress of Laibach, 523 Congress of Troppau, 523 Congress of Verona, 523 Congress of Vienna, 516, 519 Conrad I., 92 Conrad II., loi Conrad III., 144 f. , 199 Conrad IV., 168 Conradino, i68 f Constance of Sicily, 154 Constance, Treaty of, 154 Constantino, 19 ff Constitution of the year III., 496 Consulate, the (French), 502 Continental system, 509 ff. Convention (French), 487 ff. Corday, Charlotte, 491 Corn Laws, repeal of, 563 f. Corporation Act, 413 Corsica, 499 Cortez, 320 Cosenza, 23 Council of Blood, 353, 355 Council of NicEea, 125, 158 ; of Alt- heim, 92; of Sutri, 102; of Sar- dica, 125 ; of Constantinople, 125 ; ofChalcedon, 125; of Pavia, 131; of Worms, 138 ; of Clermont, 193 ; of Constance, 222, 252, 272 ; of Pisa, 271 ; of Basel, 272 ; of Trent, Counter-Reformation, 315 ff. Cranmer, Archbishop, 330, 334, 337 Crecy, 238 Crete, 581 Crimean War, 547 f. Cromwell, Oliver, 405 ff ; Protector, 410 ; death of, 411 Cromwell, Richard, 412 Cromwell, Thomas, 330, 332 Crusade, Frederic I., 155, 199 f. ; first, 193 ff ; second, 198 f. ; third, 199 f ; of Henry VI., 200; fourth, 201 ; Children's, 202 ; last, 203 Crusaders, 193 f. ; motives of, 194 Crusades, 193 ff. Curials, 9 ff. Curia Regis, 233 Custozza, battle of, 540, 551 Cuthbert, St., 30 Cyprus, 200, 203 Dagobbrt, 46 Damascus, 188, 199 Danelaw, 71 Danes, 13, 70 ff. ; 99 f. Danton, 486 ; death of, 493 Index 603 Darnlcy, Lord, 344 Declaration of Independence, 467 Declaration of Indulgence, 415, 417 Denmark, 256 ; accepts Lutheran- ism, 311 ; league with Poland and Russia, 436 ; and Schleswig, 538, 553 Desiderius, 48 Diocletian's reform, 18 f. Dionysius Exiguus, 126 Directory, 497 ff. Dissenters, 414 Domesday Book, 232 Dominic, St., 179 Dominicans, 179 Don John of Austria, 323, 356 Do nothing kings, 46 Dover, treaty of, 415, 424 Dresden, peace of, 450 Dryden, John, 419 Dual Alliance, 578 Dunstan, 73 Dutch, in Netherlands, 348 ff.; wars with England, 411, 414, 415 f ; and Louis XIV., 424 ff. Dutch Colonies, 285, 360 Dutch Republic, origin of, 356 Eadgas Atheling, 81 Eadmund, 70, 72 Eadmund Ironside, '74 Ecclesiastical Reservation, 309 Ecgberht, 28, 69 f. Edessa, 196 f. Edict of Restitution, 382, 388 Edict of Worms, 303 Edward the Elder, 72 Edward the Confessor, 75 Edward I., 237 Edv/ard II., 237 Edward III., 231, 237 f. Edward IV. and V. , 239 Edward VI., 333 f. Egmont, Count, 351, 353 Egypt, Napoleon in, 500 Einhard, 60 Ekkehard, 99 Eleanor of Aquitaine, 223 Elizabeth, character, 338 f. ; religious policy, 339; and Mary Stuart, 341 ff. Elizabeth of the Palatinate, 380 Elizabeth of Russia, 455 England, 28, 33 ; and the Norse- men, 69 ff.; after 1070, 232 ff; under the Tudors, 296 ; establish- ment of Church of, 334, 339 f. ; ex- pansion of life, 347 ; in seventeenth century, 395 ff. ; Commonwealth and Protectorate, 408 ff. ; restora- tion, 412 ff. ; under William and Mary. 457 ff. ; seven years' war, 452 ff., 465 f ; and Ireland, 458, 564 f.; war of Spanish Succession, 428 {., 460; union with Scotland, 461 ; and Napoleon, 499 ff. ; a world empire, 565, 574 f. Enzio, 167, 169 Erasmus, 299 Esthonians, 15 Eugene, prince of Savoy, 428 Europe, physical character of, 56 fE Fairfax, 406 Fatima, 189 Fawkes, Guy, 394 Ferdinand and Isabella, 294 Ferdinand I. (Emperor), 310 Ferdinand II. (Emperor), 379 f. Ferdinand III. (Emperor), 387 f. Ferdinand (Brunswick), 466 Ferdinand (Coburg), 571 Ferdinand (Naples), 523 Ferdinand VII. (Spain), 522 Feudal armies, 113 ; dues, 113 f. justice, 115 ; society, 116 ; castles, 120 Feudalism, 107 ; origin of, 108 ; and the Church, in ; terms, in ; and serfs, 116; chivalry, 119; clergy, 120 ; decay of, 121 Fief, III 6o4 Index Finnic-Turkish tribes, 15 f. Floddcn Field, battle of, 327 Florence, 220 f., 291 France, 64 ; cities of, 209 fT. ; after 1108, 223 ff. ; English wars with, 237 ff. ; army of, 244 ; unification of, 245, 293 ; reformation in, 362 ff. ; under the Guises, 363 ff. ; war of the three Henries, 370 ; under Richelieu, 373 ff. ; in Thirty Years' War, 384, 386 ; under Louis XIV., 421 ff. ; Seven Years' War, 452 ff. , 465 f. ; in eighteenth century, 469 ff. ; revolution, 475 ff. ; under Louis Philippe, 532 ff.; Second Republic, 535 ; under Napoleon IIL, 546 ff.; third republic, 558 Francis L (France), 361 ; French- Spanish wars, 294, 305 f.; rivalry with Charles V., 361; a persecu- tor, 362 PVancis II. (Emperor), 484, 503 Francis II. (Naples), 550 Francis II. (France), 363, 365 Francis Joseph, 544, 560 Francis, St., 178 f Franciscans, 178 f., 270 Franco-Prussian W^ar, 557 ff. Franks, 13, 28, 44 ff. Fredegondc, 45 Frederick I. (Emperor), 145 ff. Frederick II. (Emperor), 158 ff., 230 ; crowned, 163 ; and the pa- pacy, 163 ff. ; in Sicily, 164 ; char- acter of, 167 ; on crusade, 163, 20i Frederick L (Prussia), 446 Frederick William, the Great Elec- tor, 444 ff. Frederick the Great, 448 ff. ; and Voltaire, 452 ; Seven Years' War, 453 ff- Frederick William I. , 446 f. Frederick William II., 484 Frederick William III., 508, 514 Frederick William IV., 539, 544, 553 Frederick of the Palatinate, 378 ; King of Roliemia, 380 ; and |ames I.,38of. Fricdland, battle of, 508 P'rondc, the, 421 Gambetta, 558 Garibaldi, 542, 550 Gaul, invasions of, 24 ff. Gefolge, 13 f. , 109 Geiseric, 24 Geneva, 313 ff. Genoa, 219 George I., 461 George II., 463 ■* George III., 467 Gepidaj, 42 Gerbert, 100, 191 German Empire, Constitution of, 558 German, order of knights, 180 German Parliament, 537 ff , 544 f Germans, 12 ff. ; reaction against, 35 ff. Germany, 52 f. , 64 ; expansion of, 96 ; great interregnum in, 248 ; cities of, 215 f., 285 f ; reformation in, 298 ff. ; Thirty Years' War, 376 ff ; and Congress of Vienna, 521 ; ef- fect of July revolution, 529 ; revo- lution of 1848 in, 537 ff ; unifica- tion of, 553 ff. Ghengis Khan, 189 Ghibclline.s, 145, 154, 218 Gibraltar, 530 Gironde, 483, 484, 488 f. Gladstone, 565 Godfrey of Bouillon, 194, 197 Godwin, Earl, 75 Golden Bull, 250 Goths, 12 Goths, East, 24 ; invade Italy, 27 ; kingdom destroyed, 27 f. Goths, West, 23 f. Gratian and the Church, 21 Gravelotte, 557 Index 605 Greek Revolution, 524 f. Gregory I., 31, 176 Gregory II., 130 f. Gregory VII., 89, 105, 131, 136 ff., 177, 198 Gregory IX., 165 Gregory X., 203 Gregory XI., 271 Grimoald, 46 Grouchy, Marshal, 517 Guelfs, 145, 154, 157, 218 Guido of Spoleto, 67 Guilds, 210, 213, 215 Guise, duke Francis of, 363, 366 Guise, Henry of, 368, 370 Guizot, 533 f. Gunhild, 74 Gunpowdc'r Plot, 394 Gustavus Adolphus, 383 ff. Guthrum, 71 Haurfan I., 59 Hadri.in IV., 147 ff. Hampden, John, 402, 404 Hanover, House of, 459 Hapsburgs, 248 ff. ; two branches, 310; and Richeheu, 374,378,386, 388 Hardenberg, 514 Harold, elected king of England, 76; and William, 80 f. Hebertists, 492 Hegira, 184 Heliand, 100 Henrietta Maria, 397 Henry I. (I-Lngland), 232 f. Henry II., 127, 233 ff , and Beket, 235 Henry III. , 236 i. Henry IV., 237, 239 Henry V., 237, 239 Henry VI., 237, 239 Henry VII., 245, 296 Henry VIII., 325 f. ; foreign policy, 327 ; marriages, 328, 333 ; head of church, 330 f ; protestantism of, 331 Henry I. (France), 88 £ Henry II., 362, 363 Henry III., 369 ff. Henry IV. (Henry of Navarre), 367, 369 ff. ; abjures Protestantism, 371 ; and House of Hapsburg, 372 ; assassinated, 372 Henry I. (Germany), 92 f. Henry II., loi Henry III., 102 f , no; and papacy, 131 f. ; died. 134 Henry IV., 103, 105, 134 ff. Henry V., 143 Henry VI., 155 ff. , 200 Henry VII., 249 Henry the Lion, 145, 153 ff. Hermits, 173 Ilildebrand, 133 ff. ; Pope, 136 Hohenfriedberg, battle of, 450 Hohenzollern, 252. See Prussia Holland, 255, province of, 356 f. ; becomes Batavian republic, 495 ; and Napoleon, 505 ; a breach with Belgium, 528 Holy Alliance, 522 Holy League, 289 ; (France), 369 ; (Germany), 377 Holy Roman Empire, 285 ; disrup- tion, 388 ; end of, 507 Honorius, Emperor, 21 Ilonorius III., Pope, 163 House of Commons, beginning of, 237 ; separated from House of Lords, 241 Hubertsburg, 455 Hugo Capet, 86 f. Huguenots, 363 ff. ; and Edict of Nantes, 371 ; curbed, 373 Humanists, German, 299; English, 32s Hundred Days, the, 517 Hundred Years' War, 237 ff Hungary, 95 f., 253, 257 f. ; in 1848, 543 ; in 1867, 559 Huns, 15, 23, 25 f. Huss, John, 252, 271 Hutten, Ulrich von, 299 6o6 Index Il,LYUI.\, 23 Independents, rise of, 406 IndiiV, English win, 466 f. Indulgences, 300 Innocent II., 144 Innocent III., 158 ff., 201, 236 Innocent IV., 176 ff., 268 Inquisition, in Spain, 295 ; first organized, 318 ; in the Nether- lands, 350 f. Interregnum in Germany, 170, 248 lolanthe, 163 lona. Isle of, 30 Ireland, 30 f., 127, 235 ; colonization of Ulster, 396 ; subdued by Crom- well, 409; Act of Union, 468; relation to England, 458 f., 564 f. Irene, Empress, 50 f., 58 Irish Missionaries, 30, 127 Ironsides, 405 Isabella, 255 Italy, in time of Otto I., 97 f. ; and Normans, 103 ; to 1494, 217 ff. ; and Renaissance, 267, 288 ff. ; and Holy Alliance, 520 f. ; July revolution in, 529 f. ; revolution of 1848 in, 5S9 ff. ; unification of, 548 ff. Ivan III., 258 Jacobins (club), 480 James I. (England), 392 ff. James II., 417 ff. ; in Ireland, 458 James (Pretender), 462 Jane Grey, 335 Jeanne D'Arc, 240 f. Jena, battle of, 508 Jerome, St., 174 Jerusalem, 124 ; taken by Crusad- ers, 196 f., 199, 202 Jesuits, 316 f. John of England, 163, 235 I. John XII. (Pope), 98 Joseph I. (Emperor), 429 Josephine (Empress), 505, 512 Jourdan, 495, 497 Jubilee of 1300, 269 Julius II., 273, 292 July Revolution, 326/. Justin I., 35 Justin II., 42 Justinian, 27, 35 ff. Jutes, 28 Karlings, origin of, 46 ; last of, 92 Karl the Great, 48 ff. ; as lawgiver and builder, 55 ; and learning, 56 f. ; and the Church, 57 f. ; and Ecgberht, 69 ; and feudalism, 108 f. ; and the papacy, 130 ; and the cities, 209 f. Karl the Fat, 67, 91 Karl Martel, 47, 128, 130 Kaunitz, 452 Kellermann, 487 Kelts, II f., 37 Kerbogha, 195 f. Khaliffs, 188 Knights of St. John, 180, 203 Knights Templars, 180, 228 Knights, German Order of, 180 f. Knox, John, 342 Knut, 74 Kolin, battle of, 453 Koran, 186 Kossuth, 543 Kunersdorf, battle of, 454 Lakavette, 477, 478, 479 Lamartine, 535 Lanfranc, 80 Langton, Stephen, 160, 236 La Rochelle, siege of, 374 Lateran Council, i6i Laud, 401, 403 Law of Suspects, 490 Laws, Anglo-Sa.xon, 28, 72; codifi- cation of Roman, 36 League, Hanseatic, 216 ; Rhenish, 248 ; of Schmalkalden, 306, 308 ; Suabian, 216 Lefebre, 362 Index 607 Legislative Assembly (French), 483 f. Legitimacy, principle of, 519 Legnano, battle of, 154, 217 Leicester, Earl of, 357 Leipsic, battle of, 515 Leo I., the Great (Pope), 126, 131 Leo III., 49 f., 62, 135 Leo IX., 104, 132 Leo X., 273, 292 Leo III. (Emperor), 130 Leofric of Mercia, 75 f. Leopold II. (Emperor), 484 Leopold of Belgium, 529 Leopold of HohenzoUern, 556 Lepanto, battle of, 322 f. Lesczinski, Stanislaus, 438 Letts, 15, 170 Leuthen, battle of, 454 Leyden, siege of, 355 Ligny, battle of, 517 Ligurian Republic, 498, 503 Lindesfarne, 30 Lissa, battle of, 551 Literature, of Middle Age, 261 ; Arabic, 191 ; in Germany, 99 Liutprand, 99 Lombard League, 153 Lombards in Italy, 42 ; and Karl, 48; and the papacy, 130 Lombardy, 97, 145, 218, 220; ac- quired by Italy, 549 Lorraine, 64 ; acquired by France, 465; by Germany, 558 Lothaire, 86 Lothar, 63 ff. Lothar the Saxon, 143 f. Louis II., the Stammerer, 66 Louis III., 66 Louis IV. (d'Outremer), 86 Louis VI., 90, 198, 223 Louis VII., 198, 223 Louis VIII., 225 Louis IX., 203, 215, 225 ff., 231 Louis XI., 222, 246 Louis XI 1., 294 Louis XIII., 373 Louis XIV., accession, 421 ; per- sonal government of, 422 ; wars of, 423 ff. Louis XV. , 464 f , 470 Louis XVI., accession of, 475 ; calls States-General, 475 ; death, 488 Louis XVII., 491, n. Louis XVIII., 516, 525 Louis Napoleon, 536 Louis Philippe, 527, 532 ff. Loyola, Ignatius, 315 f. Lubeck, Peace of, 381 Ludwig of Bavaria, 249 f. , 270 Ludwig the Child, 91 f. Ludwig the German, 62 ff. Ludwig the Pious, 62 f. Luneville, Peace of, 503 Luther, Martin, 300 ff. Lutzen, battle of, 358, 515 Machiavelli, 265 MacMahon, Marshal, 557, 559 Magdeburg, 95 ; sack of, 384 Magellan, 282 Magenta, battle of, 549 Magna Charta, 236 Magyars, 15, 93 ff., 170 Maintenon, Madame de, 426 Major Domos, 45 f. Malplaquet, battle of, 429 Manfred, 68 Marat, 486, 491 Marco Polo, 208 Marengo, battle of, 503 Margaret of Valois, 367 Maria Theresa, 448 ff. Marie Antoinette, 475 ; death of, 491 Marie Louise (Empress), 512 Marignano, Vjattle of, 294 Marlborough, duke of, 428 f Marston Moor, battle of, 405 Mary of Burgundy, 253, 256 Mary of England, 335 ff , character of, 337 Mary Stuart, 341 ff. ; execution of, 345 6o8 Index Mathematics, 190 f. Matilfia of England, 233 Matilda of Scotland, 233 Matilila of Tuscany, 139 Matthias, Emperor, 378 Maurice de Nassau, 358 Maurice of Saxony, 308 f. Maximilian I., 253, 256, 285 ff. Maximilian, duke of Bavaria, 379 f. Maximilian, Emperor of Mexico, 556 Mayfields, 53 Mazarin, 420 f. Mazzini, 542 Mecca, 183, 185. Medici, 221 ; Eorenzo de', 221, 291 Medici, Catharine de', 363, 365, 368 Medici, Marie de", 373 Merovingian kings, 44 ff. Metternich and Napoleon, 515, 519, 523 Mexico, French in, 556 Milan, 146; destroyed, 152; rebuilt, 153 ; after 1300, 218, 220, 289 ; rises against Austria, 540 Milton, John, 419 Mirabeau, 477 ; death of, 481 Missi Dominici, 54 Missionaries, Anglo-Saxon, 127; Irish, 30, 127 Mohammed, 182 ff. Mohammedanism, 185 ff ; Turkish, 187 ; in Spain, 189 ; m Africa, 189 Mohammedans, and Karl, 48 f ; in Sicily, 96 ; and Venetians, 201 ; reconquer Syria, 203 ; in Spam and Portugal, 254 ff ; in Balkan Peninsula, 258 f. Molhvitz, battle of, 449 Moltke, von, 554, 557 Monasteries, suppression of, 331 Monasticism, 172 ff ; Cluniac pro- gramme, 177 ; benefits and faults of, 179 f. ; military monkish or- ders, 180 f. Monk, George, 412 Monte Casino, 175 Montenegro, 570 Moors, 254 f. , 294, 324 More, Sir Thomas, 326, 331 Moreau, 497, 502 Morgarten, battle of, 251 Moscow, burning of, 513 Mountain, the, 483, 486, 489 Muhlberg, battle of, 308 Murat, 511 Nancy, battle of, 253 Nantes, edict of, 371 f. ; revocation of, 426 Naples, 222, 257 ; university, 167, 289 ; revolution in, 523 ; acquired by Italy, 550 Napoleon Bonaparte, and conven- tion, 496 ; in Italy, 497 f. ; P'irst Consul, 502 ; centralized adminis- tration, 504 ; Emperor, 505 ; and Prussia, 508 ; and Alexander, 508 f. ; abdication of, 516 ; return from Elba, 517 Napoleon II., 512 n. Napoleon III., 546 ff., 555 ff. Narses, 42 Narva, battle of, 437 Naseby, battle of, 406 National Assembly (French), 476 ff National guard (French). 478 National workshops, 535 f. Navarino, battle of, 524 Navigation Act, 411 Necker, 475 Nelson. 500. 509 Netherlands, 255 f. ; under House of Burgundy, 348 ; revolt of, 351 ff. ; seven united Provinces, 356 ff. ; Thirty Years' War, 358 ; declared free, 389 Netherlands, Spanish, 360 ; war with Louis XIV., 423 Neustria, 45 f Ney, marshal, 517 Nibelungen lied, 24, 57 Index 609 Nicasa, council of, 58 f. , 125 ; siege of, 195 Nice, 550 Nicholas I., Pope, 131 Nicholas II., 104, 134 f. Nicholas, Czar, 524, 531, 547, 568 Nimwegen, treaty of, 425 Noricum, 23 Normandy, 79 Normans, in England, 75 ff. ; in It- aly, 104 flf. North German Confederation, 555 Northmen (norsemen), in West Frankland, 66, 84 ; invade Eng- land, 69 f. ; pirates, 77 f ; charac- ter of, 77 ; in the East, 78 ; in the West, 79 ; in France, 79 Northumberland, duke of, 334 f. Norway, 256 f. Norwegians, 13 Nystadt, Treaty of, 439 O'CoNNELL, Daniel, 562 Odo, 67, 84 Odovaker, 22, 26 f. Olaf, 73 Omar, khalif, 184, 188 Ommeiades, 188 f. Orange, house of, 353, n. ; rein- statement of, 424, 528 Orestes, 22 Orleans, regent, 464; duke of,492,527 Osman Pasha, 570 Othman, khalif, 184, 188 Otto I., 94 ff. ; importance of his reign, 99 f ; and the papacy, 131 Otto II., 100 Otto III., 86 f., 100; and the papacy, 131 Otto IV., 167 f. Otto, king of Greece, 525 O.xenstiern, chancellor, 386 O.xford reformers, 267, 325 f. Pacification of Ghent, 355 Palatinate, and Thirty Years' War, 380 ; war of, 427 Pannonia, 26, 27, 42 Papacy, ninth and tenth centuries, 96 f. ; reformed by Henry III., 102 ; and William the Conqueror, 83 ; and the Normans, 104 f ; origin and growth of, 123 ff. ; struggle with emperors, 134 ff. ; under Gregory VII., 136 ff. ; and Frederick I., 148 ff. ; concordat of Worms, 143 ; character changed, 162; and Frederick II., 163; in- fluence of crusades, 205 ; at Avig- non, 270 ; secularization of, 221 ; struggle with Ludwig of Bava- ria, 249 f. ; after 1250, 268 ff. ; schism, 271 f. ; conciliar idea, 271 f. Paris, peace of, 467. 516, 548 Parlement, 227 ff. Parliament, 237, 241 ff. ; under Eliz- abeth, 339 ; under James, 394 ; under Charles, 397 ff. ; long, 403 ff. ; cavalier, 413 ff. ; ascend- ency, 460 Parma, duke of, 356, 358 Partition treaty, the, 427 Patriarch, office of, 124 Patrick, St. 30 f Paulus Diaconus, 56 Pavia, 42 ; battle of, 305 Peasants' revolt (Germany), 304 f. Persia, 41 Peter the Great, 432 ff. ; at Nerva, 437 ; at Pultava, 438 Peter III. (Russia), 455 Peter the Hermit, 193 Peter of Pisa, 56 Petition of Right, 399 Petrarch, 265 Philip II. (France), 199, 223 f., 167 ; and John, 235 f. Phihp III., 227 f. Philip IV., 228 ff. ; and Boniface, 268 f. ; and Clement V., 270 Philip V. 231 Phihp VI. 231 f., 238 6io Index Philip of Anjou, 427 ; as Philip V., of Spain, 430 Philip II. (Spain), 320 ff. ; war with Dutch, 322, 350 ff. ; armada, 322, 345 ; acquires Portugal, 323 Philip 111., 324 Philip of Suabia, 159 Pichegru, 495 Piedmont, and Napoleon, 498; re- stored to Savoy, 521 Pippin, 47, 128 ; and the papacy, 130 Pippin the elder, 46 Pippin the younger, 467 Pitt,William, Earl of Chatham, 466 f. Pitt, William, the younger, 468 Pius IX., 5+1 f. Plague, 241 Plevna, battle of, 570 Podesta, 218 Poictiers, battle of, 238 Poland, 257 f. ; anarchy of, 437, 441; partition of, 441, 456; revolution in, 530 f. Polish Succession, war of, 464 Pompadour, Madame de, 466, 475 Portugal, 255; falls to Spain, 323; and Xnpoleon, 510 Pragmatic Sanction, 448 Presbyterianism, origin of, 314 Pride's Purge, 408 Privileged orders, in France, 471 Protestantism ; see Reformation Prussia, 96, 252 ; increase in power, 444 ff. ; and French Revolution, 484, 496; and Napoleon, 507 f. ; revival of, 514 ff. ; war of 1866, 554 ; war of 1870, 556 ff. Prussians, 15 Pultava, battle of, 438 Puritans, origin of, 340 ; and James I., 393 f. ; and Charles I., 397, 406 Pym, 404 Pyrenees, treaty of, 421 QuKBKC, capture of, 466 Quiberon, battle of, 466 Rastadt, peace of, 430 Ratger, 24 Ravenna, 43 Raymond, Count of Toulouse, 194, 196 Reform Bills (England), 562 f. Reformation: in Germany, 298 ff. ; in France, 362 ff. ; in Switzerland, 312 ff.; in Scandinavia, 311; in England, 330 ff. Reichstag, 559 Rembrandt, 360 Renaissance, in England, 245, 267 ; in Italy, 262 ; in France, 267, 278 Requesens, 354 f. Restoration, the (English), 412 ff. Reuchlin, 299 Revolutionary Tribunal, 490, 494 Richard I., 157, 189 f., 235 Richard II., 237, 239 Richard III., 244 f., 267 Richelieu, 373; enters thirty years' war, 386 Rienzi, 221 Rizzio, murder of, 344 Robert I. (France), 85 Robert II., 88 Robert the Strong, 84 Robert Guiscard, 104 f., 134, 142, 195 Robert II. of Sicily, 144 Robespierre, 477 ; and Jacobins, 480 ; and Committee of Public Safety, 490 ; fall of, 494 Roland, Madame, 492 Rolf, the Norman, 79 Roman Empire, 8 ff. ; government divided, 21 Romanoff, house of, 431 Rome, sacked by West Goths, 23 f. ; church at, 124 f.; sack of, 305; republic, 540; acquired by Italy, 557 Romulus Augustulus, 22 Roncaglian Diet, 145, 151 Rossbach, battle of, 453 Index 6ii Rou mania, 569, 570 f. Roundheads, 404 Rousseau, 474 Rudolf, count, 67, 85 Rudolf I. (Hapsburg), 248 f. Rudolf II., 377 Rugians, 27 Rugilas, 25 Rump Parliament, 408 f. Rupert, 252 Rupert, Prince, 405, 406 Rurik, 78 Russia, 258 ; under Peter, 433 ff. ; under Catharine II. ; 440 f ; and French Revolution, 508, 512 ; and Greek Revolution, 525 ; and Po- land, S30 f. ; and Crimean War, 547 ; and Balkan Peninsula, 568 ff. Ryswick, peace of, 427 Sadowa, battle of, 554 St. Bartholomew, massacre of, 368 f. Saint Germain, peace of, 366 St. Germain-en-Laye, treaty of, 446 St. Just, 493 Saladin, 189, 199 San Germane, 164 San Stephano, treaty of, 570 San Yuste, 310 Saracens in Sicily, 103 Sardinia, 540 ; under Victor Em- manuel, 548 ff. Savonarola, 222, 291 Savoy, 218, 292 ; acquired by France, 550 Saxons, 28, 48 Schamhorst. 514 Schism, 271 f. Schleswig-Holstein, 538, 545, 553 Scotland 30, 327 ; and Mary Stuart, 341 ff. ; and Charles I.. 402 f. ; subdued by Cromwell, 409 ; union with England, 392, 461 Sebastopol, 548 Sedan, battle of, 557 Sempach, 251 Senators, 9 Separatists, origin of, 341 September massacres, 487 Serfs, 116 Servia, 569, 570 f. Seven Years' War, 453 ff. , 465 ff. Sforza family, 220 Shakespeare, 347 Ship-money ordinances, 401 f. Sicilian Vespers, 268 Sicily, under Saracens, 103 ; under Normans, 104 ff. ; and Henry VI., 157 ; under Frederick II., 164 f. Sigismund, 252 Silesia, Frederick invades, 449 Simon de Montfort, 237 Slavs, 14 f., 48 f., 56, 96, 143, 170 Socialists (French), 533, 535 f. Soissons, 47, 85 Solferino, battle of, 549 Solyman II., 257 Somerset, duke of, 333 f. Sophia (Hanover), 459, 461 Sophia, St., church of, 37 Soult, marshal, 516 Spain, 23, 254 f. ; unification of, 294; under Charles I., 319 ; under Philip II., 320 ff. ; and Napoleon, 510 f. ; revolution in, 522 Spanish colonies, 283 f. Spanish Succession, war of, 427 ff. , 460 Spinoza, 360 Spoleto, 42, 96 f. States of the Church, 292 States-General, 229, 375, 475 f. Stein, 514 Stephen of Blois, 193, 233 Stephen IV., 62 Stephen VI., 97 Strafford, earl of, 401, 403 Stralsund, siege of, 382 Streltsi, the, 434 Suevi, 24 Suger, 223 Sully, 372 6l2 Index Supreme Being, religion of, 494 Sweden, 256 ; accepts Lutheranism, 311 ; in Thirty Years' War, 383 ff. ; under Charles XII., 435 ff. Swedes, 13 Swein, 74 Swein of Denmark, 82 Swiss guards, 485 Switzerland, 250 f. , 253 ; reforma- tion in, 312 ; independence of, 389 Sword Brothers, i8i Syagrius, 44 Sylvester II., 100 Tancred, 156 f. Tancred, 194 f. Tchuds, 15 Terror, reign of, 490 ff. Test Act, 416; repealed, 561 Tetzel, 300 Teutonic Knights, 180 f. Thanes, 22 Theoderick the Great, 27, 190 Theodora, empress, 40 Theodore of Tarsus, 32 Theodosius, 21, 23 Thermidoreans, rule of, 494 Thiers, 533. 534, 559 Third coalition, 506 Third Estate, 230, 472 f. Thirty-nine articles, 334, 340 Thuringia, 45 Tilly. 381, 38s Tilsit, peace of, 508 f. Togrul Beg, 188, 193 Toleration Act (England), 419 Tories, origin of, 416 Tours, battle of, 47 Tower of London, 82 Trafalgar, 509 Transvaal, 579 Trent, council of, 307, 317 Tribonian, 36 Triple Alliance, 577 Tunnagc and Poundage, 400 f. Turanians, 15 Turgot, 475 Turks, 188, 192 f. , 202, 258 f.; and Venice, 290 ; in Germany, 207 ; war with Philip II., 322 f. ; war with Catharine, 490 ; war with Greeks, 524 f.; wars with Russia, 525. 568 ff. Union, Protestant, 377 Union of Utrecht, 356 Ural-Altaic peoples, 15 Urban II., 142, 193, 205 Urban III., 156 Urban VI., 271 Utopia (More), 326 Utrecht, peace of, 430 Valens, 23 Valmy, battle of, 487 Vandals, 24 Varennes, flight to, 482 Vasa, house of, 311 Vasco da Gama, 281 Vassalage, 107 Vassy, massacre of, 366 Vatican library, 273 Venetians, 105, 201 f. Venice, 201 f., 219, 290 ; rises against Austria, 540 ; acquired by Italy, 551 Verdun, treaty of, 63 f. Vergniaud, 489 Versailles, peace of, 408 Vervins, peace of, 372 Victor Emmanuel II., 540, 548 ff. Vienna, congress of, 516, 519 f. Vinci, Leonardo da, 266 Visconti family, 220 Voltaire, 452, 474 Voyages of discovery, 280 ff. Wagr.\m, battle of, 512 Wales, 237 Wallenstein, 381, 386 Walpole, Sir Robert, 462 Index 613 Wars of the Roses, 244 f. Warsaw, grand duchy of, 508 Washington, 466, n. , 467 Wat Tykr's Rebellion, 242 Waterloo, battle of, 517 f. Wedmore, treaty of, 71 Wellington, duke of, 516 ; in Spain, 511 ; at Waterloo, 517 f., 561 f. Wentworth, Sir Thomas, 401 Westphalia, peace of, 388 f. Whigs, origin of, 416 ; rule of, 462 Whitby, council of, 31 White Hill, battle of, 3S0 Widukind, 99 William I. , the Conqueror, 80 ff., 89, 138, 142, 232 William II., 232 William of Holland, emperor, 167 William of Orange, 351. 353 ff.; death of, 357 William III., accession, 424 ; cham- pion of Europe, 426. See William and Mary Willfam I. (Prussia), 553 ff. ; em- peror, 558 William and Mary, 418, 457 ff.; con- stitutional developments under, 460 Witenagemot, 73, 232 Witt, John de, 423, 424 Wolfe, 466 Wolsey, Thomas, 327, 330 Worcester, battle of, 409 Worms, Council of, 138 ; concordat of, 143 ; diet of, 302 ; edict of, 303 Wyclif, John, 243, 271 York, House of, 295 Yorktown, 467 Zacharias, pope, 47 Zenki, 197, 199 Zeno, 22, 35 Zorndorf, battle of, 454 Zwingli, Ulrich, 312 Longitude West lt>V»'om Greentrich. 10 £0)1. t F^ ^^^/^i./^iv^ 5^^ \ fnj^^ After 507 the Kingdom of the AVest Goth? in Gat imited to a small soulhern strip (Seplininnia). Longitude E-.rnt & - from Ik I .\'- Loni/itude UVsf ^t'/rom Greenwich i)^ Longitude Eaut ._> from Grct'Tiuieh \' ^ T L A IK Tic y)'^ AXooiMoiJ- OCEAN LA MAR CHE % LIMOUSIN Lyons. PERIGORD Ql'ERCY : Ul'VERGJjE „, N E .T O ViyARAIS UZES u ;,--t5' USE <:-i^-> ^"{•■^V (' A S C O N Y PTiXfrouse '.' 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