HISTOM.Y OF NEW-YOBK. Distrid of NeTv-York, ss. BE it remembered, that on tlie thirtieth day of July, in tlie thirty-ninth year of the Independence of the United States of Ameiica, Ryer Scherinerhorn, of the said district^ has deposited in this office the title of a Book, the right whereof he clainiij as proprietor, in the words and figures following, to wit : " History of New-York, from tlie first discovery to the year m.dcc.xxxii. To which is annexed, a description of the country, with a short account of the inhabitants, their reli- gious and political state, and tlie constitution of the courts of justice in that colony. " Lo ! swarming o'er tlie new discover'd world, " Gay colonies extend ; the calm retreat " Of undeserv'd distress Thomson. " Nee minor est virtus, quam quarerc, parta lueri. " By William Smith, A. M With a continuation, from the year 1732, to the commence- ment of the year 1814." In conformity to tha act of the Congress of the United States, entitled " An act for the encouragement of learning, by securing the copies of maps, charts and books to the authors and proprietors of sucli copies, during tlie time therein mentioned." And also to an act, entitled " an act supplementary to an act, entitled an act for the encouragement of learn- ing, by securing the copies of maps, charts, and books to the authors and proprietors of such copies, during the times therein mentioned, and extending thr benefits thereof to Ihc arts of designing, engraving and etc liing historical and olher prints." THEROlN RUDD, Clerk of the District of i\ew-York. AD VER TISEMENT. JIN point of wealth, resources and importance, the state of New- York is second to none in the Uni(m. She has been the theatre of interesting transactions since her first colonization. 1 he ambitious views of the aspiring court of France, while it controuled the Cana- das, were frequently directed to her subjugation : and. in repelling the incursions of tlie French and Indians, inucti of her blood has been drawn, and much of lier treasure dissipated. Tlie history of the founders oC this state is crouded with striking incidents. WithIY LORD, i BEG your favourable acceptance of this short account of tlie ancient and present state of the province of Ps ew-York. It is not pieseutcd for your lordship's information. All the world knows that the aft'airs of the British colooies have beeu, for several years past, under your principal direction : and the wisdom of the mea- sures pursued for their prosperity and defence, are indisputable argu- ments of your acquaintance with their condition. 'Not am I induced to inscribe these pages to your lordship by inte- lest, the common motive to addresses of this kind. Being, therefore, uninfluenced by the principle, I shall not follow the example, of dedi- cators ; but suppress those sentiments coDcerning your lordship, vhiclt would, nevertheless, give offence only to yourself, and to those who envy your talents ami your virtues, and are enemies to their effects, your reputation, and your power. My lord, your ardent attention to the American plantations, and as- siduous labours for their protection and growth, have laid us under the most indispensable obligations to gratitude. Your lordship will, therefore, excuse me for embracing this opportu- nity to make a publick declaration of the deep sense I have of your kind offices to my country, and to do myself the honour of testifying, that I am, my lord, your lordship's Most obedient and most humble servant, WILLIAM SMITH. New- York, June 15, 1756. FREFACE. Whoever considers the number and extent of the British colonies, on this continent ; their climates, soil, ports, rivers, riches, and numberless advantages, must be convinced of their vast importance to Great Britain ; and be at a loss to account for the ignorance concerning them, Avhich prevails in those kingdoms, whence their inhabitants originally sprang. The mer- chants indeed, by profitable experience, have not been altogether unacquainted Avith our trade and our growth — and some gentlemen of an inquisitive turn, by the help of their correspondents, have obtained the know- ledge of many other particulars equally important*. But the main body of the people conceive of these plantations, under the idea of wild, boundless, inhos- pitable, uncultivated desarts ; and hence the pimish- ment of a transportation hither, in tlie judgment of most, is thought not much less severe, than an infa- mous death. Nay, appeaUng to facts, Ave may safely assert, that even the publick boards, to whose care these extensive dominions have been more especially committed, attained but lately, any tolerable acquain- tance with their condition. This is the more to bo wondered at, as it is natural to imagine, that the king's governours have statedly transmitted full accounts of 2 X Preface. their respective provinces. The case has been qnite otherwise. Governments were heretofore too often bestowed upon men of mean parts, and indigent cir- cumstances. The former were incapable of the task, and the latter too deeply engrossed by the sordid views of private interest, either to pursue or study our common weal. The worst consequences have result- ed from these measures. Perpetual animosities being engendered between the governours, and the people subjected to their authority ; all attempts for conciliat- ing the friendship of the Indians, promoting the fur trade, securing the command of the lakes, protecting the frontiers, and extending our possessions far into the inland country, have too often given place to par- ty projects and contracted schemes, equally useless and shameful. The conduct of the French has been just the reverse : in spite of all the disadvantages of a cold climate, a long and dangerous navigation up the river of St. Lawrence, a rough, barren, unsettled* country, locked up from all communication with the ocean, the greatest part of the year ; I say, notw^ith- standing these difficulties, they have seized all the ad- vantages which we have neglected. The continent, for many hundred leagues, has been th(iroughly ex- plored, the main passes fortiiied, innumerable tribes of Indians, either won over to their interest,! subdued or bridled, the fur trade engrossed, a comnmnication maintained between the extremes of New-France, the British colonies restricted to scant limits along the sea * " Encore moins peuple." Charlevoix. t " Notre nation, la seule, qui ait eu le secret de gagaer raffeclion des Amcriquains." Charlevoix. Preface. xi shore, and nothing left remaining for the establishment of a vast empire, but to open a free >vater passage to the ocean, by the conquest of the provhice of New- York. If the governours of these plantations had formerly been anhnated by the same generous and extensive views, which inspired I\Ir. Burnet ; the long projected designs of our common enemy might, with the aid of Great Britain, have been many years ago supplanted, or at least defeated, at a trifling expense. But alas ! little, too little, attention has been had to these impor- tant affairs, till the late encroachments on the river Ohio, in the province of Pennsylvania, gave the alarm, and the ministry were apprised of the French machi- nations, by the seasonable representations of General Shirley ; and if the colonies have now attracted the notice of his majesty and his parliament, their grateful acknowledgments are due principally to the noble lord, to whom these sheets are dedicated, for his laud- able enquiries into their state, and his indefatigable zeal and industry for tlieir defence and prosperity. At present our affairs begin to wear a more smiling aspect. AVe are under the guardianship of a sovereign who delights in the welfare of his people ; are respect- ed by a parliament, affected with a generous sympa- thy for the distresses of their fellow subjects, in all their dispersions ; and by a wise improvement of the British aids, it is hoped, we shall be able to retrieve the ill consequences of our long, reproachful, and in- sensible security. Formerly the colonies were at home disregarded and despised, nor can any other reason be assigned for it, than that they were unknown. Tliis is, in a great sii Pj-ffacc. degree, to be imputed to ourselves. If our govemours \s ithlield those infonnations, which their duty required Ihem to have given, persons of private character ought to have undertaken that useful and necessary task. But, except some accounts of the settlements in the ^Massachusetts Bay and Virginia, all the other histo- ries of om- plantations upon the continent are little else than collections of falsehoods, and worse than none. That this charge against those published con- cerning tliis province, in particular, can be fuliy sup- ported, I persuade myself, will incontestably appear from the following summary, concerning which I shall bay a few words. Having, been formerly concerned, according to an appointment by act of assembly, in a review and di- gest of our provincial laws, it was the duty of myself, and my partner in that service, to peruse the minutes of the council, and the journals of the general assem- bly, from the glorious revolution, at the accession of king William, to the year 1751 : and as an acquaint- ance with our publick tran:;actions, was a branch of instruction, of which a student for the profession of the law ou2;ht not to be ignorant, I have since re- examined those entiles, beginning with the first min- utes of count .'J, and read over many of the records in the secretary's office. From these authentick ma- terials, the f(;llowuig pages were, in a great measure, compiled. For many of those parts, which concern our affairs with the French and the Indians, antece- dent to the peace of RysA\ick, in 1697, I am bound to make liberal ackno\^ledgments to Dr. Golden, the au- thor of the history of the Five ^S ations. ?'Ir. Alexander; a gentleman emiiient in the law^ Preface. xiii and equally diningiii^hed for his humanity, generosi- ty, ffi'eat abilities, and honouiable stations, supplied Die with some useful papers ; and has left behind hbn a collection, that will be veiy serviceable to any gentleman who may hereafter incline to continue this narrative, through the administrations of Mr. Cosby, and Lieutenant-Governour Clarke. The draught of this work was unfinished, at the time of Mr. Alexan- der's decease •* and therefore, as it never passed un- der his examination, many important additions are lost, which his Ions: and intunate acquaintance with the atlaii's of tliia province would have enabled him to supply. When I beofan to fi-ame this digest, it was only in- tended for private use ; and the motives which now induce me to publish it, are the sjatification of the present thirst in Great Britain after American intelli- gences : contributins:, as far as this province is con- cerned, to an accurate history of the British empiref in tliis quarter of the world ; and the prospect of do- ins: some small service to my comitrA', by layino; be- fore the publick a sunmiary account of its first rise and present state. Influenced by these views, I am not so regardless of the judgment of others, as not to wish it may Ix-. in •^ He (lied on the 2d of April, 1756. t As the provinces are different in their constitutions, and with respect to government, independent of each other ; no general history of America can be expected, till gentlemen of leisure will draw up particular account* of the respective colonies with which thev are EcoaaiDted- 3Liv Preface. s^rtme measure, acceptable. To please all sorts of rea- der? I know ii impossible : he who writes with such hopes, is a stranger to human nature, and will be in- fallibly disappointed. 3It design is rather to uifonu than please. He who delights cmly in pages shining with illustrious characters, the contentions of amiies, the rise and fall of empkes, and other grand events, must have recourse to the great authors of antiquity. A detail of the little transactions, which concern a co- lony, scant in its jurisdiction, and still struggling with the tlifficulties naturally attending its infant state, to gentlemen of this taste, can furnish no entertainment. The ensuing narrative, (for it deserves not the name of a history, though for b^evit^''5 sake I have given it that title; presents us only a regular thread of simple facts i and even those unembellished with reflections, because they themselves suggest the proper remarks, and most readers will doubtless be best pleased with their own. The sacred laws of truth have been in- fringed neither by positive assertions, oblique, insidious, hints, wilful suppressions, or corrupt misrepresenta- tion. To avoid any censure of the kind, no reins have been given to a wanton imagination, for the invention of plausible tales, supported only by light probabili- lies ; but choosing rather to Ije honest and dull, than agreeable and false, the true import of my vouchei= hath been strictly adhered to and regarded. With respect to ili: style, the criticks, in that branch of literature, are at full liberty to condemn at their pleasure. The main use of languaofe is to express our ideas. To write in the gay, pleasing, pomp of diction, is above my capacity. If any are disposed to blame me for beintc too verbose, let it be remembered that this is ihe indefeasible right of my profession, founded upK'Q immemorial prescription. Perspicuity is all I have en jeavoured to maintain, nor am I at leisure to study any higber attainments in language. HISTORY OF NEW-YOBK. PART I. From the Discovery of the Colony to the Surrender ill 1GG4. Christopher COLUMBUS, a Genoese, em- ployed bv Ferdinand and Isabel, king and queen of Castile, was the first discoverer of America.^ He sailed from St. Lucar in August, 1492, and made !;i2;ht of one of the Bahama islands on the eleventh of October following. Newfoundland and the main con- tinent, were discovered five years after, by Sebastian Gabato, a Venetian, in the service of Henry TIL of Ens^land, from the 38th to the 68th degree of north latitude. On the tenth of x\prD, 1606, king James I. for plant- ing two colonies, passed the great north and south Virginia patent. To Sir Thomas Gates and others, leave was given to begin a plantation, at any place on the continent, thev should thiiik convenient, between * Some authors alledge, that Columbus first oJTered his services io the republick of Genoa ; theo to John II, of Portugal, and afterwards to our king Henry VII ; but this disserees wi;h Lord Bacon's ac- count, who informs us, that Christoplier CoUimbus sailed, bf^fure his brother Bartholomew had laid the project before the king, which wa» owing to his falling isto Ae hands of pirate? «d hi'5 ^av to Englpnd- 18 History of New-York. (he 34th and 41st degrees of latitude : and all the landi^ extending fifty miles, on each side, along the coast, one hundred miles into the coimtry, and all the islands within one hundred miles opposite their plantations, were granted in fee, to be called the first colony. By the same patent, a like quantity was granted to Tho- mas Henham, Esq. and others, for a plantation between 38 and 45 degrees of latitude, under the name of the second colony. The first began a settlement in the great bay, (Chesapeake) in 1607. The latter was plant- ed at Plymouth, in New-England, 1620. Henry Hudson, an Englishman, according to oin- au- thors, in the year 1608,* under a commission from the king his master, discovered Long Island, New-York, and the river A\hich still bears his name ; and afterwards sold the country, or rather his right, to the Dutch, Their writers contend, that Hudson was sent out by the East-India company in 1609, to discover a noilh west passage to China ; and that having first discovered Del- aware bay, he came hither and penetrated up Hudson^s river, as far north as the latitude of 43°. It is said, however, that there was a sale, and that the English ob- jected to it, though they for some time neglected to oppose the Dutch settlement of the country. In 1610, Hudson sailed again from Holland to this country, called by the Dutch, New-Netherland ; and four years after, the States General granted a patent to sundry merchants, for an exclusive trade on the North * Charlevoix, a French Jesuit, author of the General History of New-France, thinks tliis discovery was ia 1609, vol. I. 12mo. edititn, p. 221. But Stith, Douglas, Oldniixon, and ether Englli-h writers Rgree that Hudson's fu-st voyage was iu the preceding year. Hislory of Nnv-Yorlc. 19 Kivcr, who in 1614 built a fort, on the west side, near Al- bany, whifii was first conunandedby Henry Cliristiaens. Captain Ar^al was sent out by sir Thonras Dale, go- vernour of yiri^,inia, in the same year, to dispossess the French of the two towns of Port-Royal and St. Croix, lying on each side of the bay of Fundy in Acadia, then claimed as ])ail of Virgiiiia*. In his return, he visited the Dutch on Hudson's river, who being unable to re- sist him, prudently submitted for the present to the king of England, and undr him to the governour of Vir- ginia. The very next yeai-, they erected a fort on the south-west point of the island Manhattans, and two oth- ers in 1623 : one called Good-Hope, on Connecticut river, and the other Nassau, on the east side of Dela- ware bay. Tiie author of the account of New-Nether- landf asserts, that the Dutch purchased the lands on both sides of that river in 1632, before the English were settled in those parts ; and that they discovered a Ihtle fresh river, farther to the east, called Varsche Riviertie, to tlistlnguish it from Connecticut river, known among thfin, by the name of Varsche Rivier, which Vander- donk also claims for the Dutch. * Charlevoix places this transaction in 1613. Vol. I. Hist, of New- France, in 12ino, p. 210. But Stilh, uhom I i'olknv, being a clcrgy- niitn in Virginia, had greater advantages of knowing ihc truth than th»; French Jesuit. t The pamphlet is entitled, " Beschr} viiighe van Virginia, Neiinv Nederland," 6zc. and was printed at Amsterdam in 1051. It contains two descriptions of the Duicii possessions. The lirst is a copy of that published by John De Laet, at Leydcn. The sec()n'Liliam Beekman to purchase Cape Hin- lopen from the natives, and to settle and fortify it< which, for want of goods, was not done till the succeed- ing year. In the year 1650, fresh troubles arose from the INIary- land claim to the lands on South River; and in Septem- ber Colonel Nathaniel ITtie, as commissioner from Feu- dal lord Baltimore's governour, arrived at iSiewer Am- stel from ^Maryland. The country was ordered to be evacuated, lord Baltimore claimmg all the land, be- tween 3o and 40 degi'ees of latitude, from sea to sea. Beekman and his council demaixied evidence of his lordship's right, and offered to prove the States General's grant to the West-India company, theu* payment to them for the land and possession ; and upon the whole proposed to r, by virtue of a commission given to me, by my lords, the high and jnighty States General, to be gover- nour general over New-Holland, the Isles of Curacoa^ Bonaire, Aruba, with their appurtenances and depen- dencies, bearing date the 26th July, 1646. As also by virtue of a grant and cominission, given by my said lords, the high and jnighty States General, to the West- India company, in the year 1621, with as much power and as authentick, as his said majesty of England hath given, or can give, to any colony in America, as more fully appears by the patent and commission of the sai4 lords, the States General, by them signed, registered, and sealed with their great seal, which were shewed to your deputies. Colonel George Carteret, Captain Ro- bert Needljam. Captain Edward Gioves, and 3Ir. Tho- 38 Hislert/ of New-York. mas Delavall ; by which commission and patent, to- gether (to deal frankly with you) and by divers letters, signed and sealed by our said lords, the Stales General, directed to several persons, both English and Dutch, in- habiting the towns and villages on Long Island, (which without doubt, have been produced before you, by those inhabitants) by which they are declared and ac- knowledged to be their subjects, with express com- mand, that they continue faithful unto them, under penalty of incurring their utmost displeasure, which makes it appear more clear than the sun at noon day, that your first foundation, viz. (that the right and title of his majesty of Great Britain, to these parts of Amer- ica is unquestionable) is absolutely to be denied. More- over, it is without dispute, and acknowledged by the world, that our predecessors, by virtue of the com- mission and patent of the said lords, the States General, have without controul and peaceably (the contrary ne- ver coming to our knowledge) enjoyed Fort Orange, about 48 or 50 years, the Manhattans about 41 or 42 3^ears, the South River 40 years, and the Fresh Water Hiver about 36 years. Touching the second subject of your letter, viz. " his majesty hath commanded me, in his name, to require a surrender of all such forts, towns, or places of strength, which now are possessed by the Dutch, under your command ;" we shall answer, that we are so confident of the discretion and equity of his majesty of Great Britain, that in case his majesty were informed of the truth, which is, that the Dutch came not into these provinces, by any violence, but by virtue of commissions from my lords, the States Gene- ral, first of all in the years 1614, 1615 and 1616, up the North River, near Foil Orange, where, to hiader the Hisiorif of Netv-York. 2^9 invasions and massacres, commonly commiUcd by the savages, they built a little fort, and after, in the year 1622, and even to this present time, by virtue of com- mission and grant, to the governours of the West-[ndia company ; and moreover, in the year 1650, a grant to the honourable the burgomasters of Amsterdam, of thg South River ; insomuch, that by virtue of the above- said commissions from the high and mighty States Gene- ral, given to the persons interested as aforesaid, and others, these provinces liave been governed, and con- sequently enjoyed, as also in regard of their first dis- covery, uninterrupted possessions, and purchase of the lands of the princes, natives of the country, and other private persons (though gentiles) we make no doubt, that if his said majesty of Great Britain, were well in- formed of these passages, he wouhl be too judicious to grant such an order, principally in a tmie when there is so straight a friendship, and confederacy, between our said lords and superiors, to trouble us in the demanding and summons of the places and fortresses, which were put into our hands, witli order to maintain them, in the name of the said lords, the States General, as was made appear to your deputies, under the names and seal of the said high and mighty States General, dated the 281h of July, 1646. Besides what had been mentioned, there is little probability, that his said majesty of Englan^ (in regard to the articles of peace are printed, and were recommended to us to observe seriously and exactly, by a letter written to us by our said lords, the State* General, and to catise them to be observed religiously in this country) would give order touching so danger- ous a design, being also so apparent, that none other than my said lords, the States General, have any right 4t> History of New-York. to these provinces, and consequeiilly, ought to corii* mand and maintain their subjects, and in their absence, we the governour general are obliged to maintain their rights, and to repel and take revenge of all threaten- ings, unjust attempts, or any force whatsoever, that shall be committed against their faithful subjects and iniiabilants, it being a very considerable thing, to affront so mighty a state, although it were not against an ally and confederate. Consequently, if his said majesty (as it is fit) were well informed, of all that could be spoken upon tliis subject, he would not approve of what expressions were mentioned in your letter ; which are, that you are commanded by his majesty, to demand in his name, such places and fortresses as are in tlie pos~ session of tlie Dutch under my government ; which, as it appears by my commission before mentioned, was given me by my lords, the high and mighty States Gen- eral. And there is less ground in the express demand of my government, since all tlie world knows, that about three years ago, some English frigates being on the coast of Africa, upon a pretended commission, they did demand certain places under the government of our said lords, the States General, as Cape Vert, River of Gambo, and all other places in Guyny, to them belong- ing. Upon which, our said lords, the States General^ "^y virtue of the articles of peace, having made appear the said attempt to his majesty of England, they receiv- ed a favourable answer, his said majesty disallowing all guch acts of hostility, as might have been done, and besides, gave order, that restitution should be made, to the East-India company, of whatsoever had been pillag- ed, in the said river of Gambo ; and likewise restored them to their trade, which makes us think it necessary^ History of New- York. 41 that a more express order should appear unto us, as ii isufficient wan-ant for us, towards my lords, the high and mighty States General, since by virtue of our said com- mission, we do in these provinces, represent them, aa belonging to them, and not to the king of Great Britain, except his said majesty, upon better giounds, makes it appear to our said lords, the States General, against which they may defend themselves, as they shall think' fit. To conclude : We cannot but declare unto you, though the governours and commissioners of his majes- ty have divers times quanelled with us, about the bounds of the jurisdiction, of the high and mighty the States General, in these parts, yet they never question- ed their jurisdiction itself ; on the contrary, in the year 1650, at Hartford, and the last year at Boston, they treated with us upon this subject, which is a sufficient proof, that his majesty hath never been well informed of the equity of our cause, insomuch as we cannot ima- gine, in regard of the articles of peace, between tlie crown of England and the States General, (under whom there are so many subjects in America, as well as Eu- rope) that his said majesty of Great Britain woidd give a commijjsion to molest and endamage the subjects of my said lords, the States Genera], especially such, as ever since fifty, forty, and the latest thirty-six years, have quietly enjoyed their lands, countries, forts, and' inherhances; and less, that his subjeets would attempt any acts of hostility, or violence against them : and in case that you will act by force of arms, we protest and declare, in the name of our said lords, the States Gen- eral, before GOD and men, that you will act an unjust violence, and a breach of the articles of peace, sO solemnly sworn, agreed upon, and i-atiliad b)^ his majci?-' 6 42 History of New-York. iy of England, and my lords, the States General^ and the rather, for that to prevent the shedding of blood, in the month of Fel^ruary last, we treated with Captain John Scott, (who reported he had a commission from his said majesty) touching the limits of Long Island, and concluded for the space of a year ; that in the mean time, the business might be treated on between the king of Great Biitain, and my lords, the high and mighty States General : and again, at present, for the hindrance and prevention of all differences, and the spilling of innocent blood, not only in these parts, but also in Europe, we ofler unto you, a treaty by our deputiep, Mr. Cornelius Van Ruyven, secretary, and receiver of New-Holland, Cornelius Steenwyck, biugoni aster, Mr. Samuel Megapolensis, doctor of physic, and Mr. .lames Cousseau, heretofore sherilf. As touching the threats in your conclusion we have nothing to answer, only that we fear nutliing, but what God (who is as just as merciful) shall lay upon us ; all things being in his gracious disposal, and we may as well be preserved by hmi, with small forces, as by a great army, whicli makes us to wish you all happiness and prosperity, and re- commend you to his protection. My lords, your thrice . humble, and affectionate servant and friend, signed, P, Stuyvesant. — At the fort at Amsterdam, the second, of September, new style, 1664." While the Dutch governour and council were contend- ing with the burgomasters and people in the city, the English commissioners publislied a proclamation* in. * It -was in these words : " Forasmuch as his majesty hath sent us by commission under the great seal of Ensiand, amongst other things, lo expel, or to reduce to his majesty's obedience, ail fciuch foreigner?, History of New-York. 43 (he country, encouraging the inhabitants to submit, and promising them the king's protection and all the privi- leges of subjects ; and as soon as they discovered by Stuy vesant's letter, tirat he was averse to the surrender, officers were sent to beat up for volunteers in Middle- borough, Ulissen, Jamaica, and Hempsted. A warrant was also issued to Hugh Hide, who commanded the squadron, to prosecute the reduction of the fort ; and an Englisli ship then trading here, was pressed into the service. These preparations induced Stuyvesant to write another letter, on the 2r)th of August, old style, wherein, though he declares that he would stand the storm, yet to prevent the spilling of blood, he had sent John De Decker, counsellor of state, Cornelius Van Kuyven, secretary and receiver, Cornelius Steenwyck, major, and James Cousseau, sheriff, to considt, if possi- ble, an accommodation. Nicolls, who knew the dispo- sition of the people, answered immediately from Graves- end, that he would treat about nothing but a surrender. The Dutch governour, the next day, agreed to a treaty as ■without his mpjeffy's leave and consent, have seated themselves nmonj^st any ofliis dominions in America, to the prejudice of his ma- jesty's subjects, and diminuiion of his royal dignity ; we his said ma- jesty's commissioners, do declare and promise, thr.t vhosoever, of vliat nation soever, will, upon kriowledge of this proclamation, acknow- ledge and testify themselves, to snhniit to tliis his majesty's government, as his good snbject?, shall be protected in his majesty's laws and jus- tice, and peaceably enjoy whatsoever God's blessing, and their owa honest industry, have furnis^hed them wi!h ; and all other privileges, with his majesty's English subjects. We have caused this to be pub- lished, that we might prevent all inconvenicncies to others, if it w^ere possible ; however, to clear ourselves from the charge of all those mise- ries, that may any way befall such as live here, and will [not] acknow- ledge bis majesty for tkoir sovcreijjn, whom God preserve." 44 History of New-York. and surrender, on condition the English and Dutch lim- its in America, were settled by the crown and the States General. The English deputies were Sir Robert Carr, George Carteret, John Winthrop, governour of Connecticut, Samuel Wyllys, one of the assistants or council of that colony, and Thomas Clarke, and John Pynchon, commissioners from the general court of the Massachusetts' bay, who, but a little before, brought an aid from that province. What these persons agreed upon, Nicolls promised to ratify. At eight o'clock in the morning, of the 27th of August, 1664, the commis- sioners, on both sides, met at the governour's farm, and there signed the following articles of capitulation. These articles following were consented to by the persons here under subscribed, at the governour's bow- ery, August the 27th, old style, 1664. I. " We consent, that the States General, or the West-India company, shall freely enjoy all farms and houses (except such as are in the forts) and that within six months, they shall have free liberty to transport all such arms and ammunition, as now does belong to, them, or else they shall be paid for them. II. " All publick houses shall continue for the uses wliich they are for. III. " All people shall still continue free denizens, and shall enjoy their lands, houses, goods, wheresoever they are within this country, and dispose of them as they please. lY. " If any inhabitant have a mind to remove him-; self, he shall have a year and six weeks from this day, to remove himself, wife, children, servants, goodS;, arid to dispose of his lands here. History of Nen-York. .40 V. " If any officer of state, or publick miniiter of state, have a mind to go for England, they shall he transported fraught free, iji his majesty's frigates, when ^ese frigates shall return thither. VI. " It is consented to, that any people may freely come from the r^\-thcrlands, and plant in this colony, and that Dutcii vessels mav freelv come hither, and anv of the Dutch may frrely return home, or send any sort of merchandize home, in vessels of their awn country. VII. " All ships from the Netherlands, or any other place, and goods therein, shall be received here, and sent hence, after the manner ',vhich formerly they were before our coming hither, for six months next ensuing. VI II. " The Dutch here shaU enjoy the liberty of their consciences in divine wor^liip and church disci- pline. IX. " No Dutchman here, or Dutch ship here, shall upon any occasion, be pressed to •serve in war against any nati« n whatsoever. X. " That the townsmen of the ^Manhattans, shall not have any soldiers quartered upon them, without be- ing satisfied and paid for them by tiieir officers, and that at tliis present, if the fort be not capable of lods^- ing all the soldiers, tlien the burgoiuaster;, by their offi- cers, shall appoint some houses capal»le to receive tliem. XI. " The Dutch iiere ^hall enjoy their own customs concerning their inlieritances. XII. " All publick writings and records, which con- cern the inheritances of any jx^ople, or the reglement of the church or poor, or orphans, shall bo caitfuUy kept by iiio«e in whose hands now they are, and such >mt- ings as particularly concern the States Geiieral, may at any time be sent to them. 46 History of New-York, XIII. " No judgment that has passed any judicature here, shall be called in question, but if any conceive that he hath not had justice done him, if he apply him- self to the States General, the other party shall be bound to answer for the supposed injury. XIV. " If any Dutch, living here, shall at any time desire to travel or trafiick into England, or any place, or plantation, ia obedience to his majesty of England, or with the Indians, he slrall have (upon his request to the governour) a certificate that he is a free denizen of this place, and liberty to do so. XV. " If it do appear, that there is a publick en- gagement of debt, by the to\yn of Manhattoes, and a way agreed upon for the satisfying that engagement, it is agreed, that the same way proposed shall go on, and that the engagement shall be satisfied. XYI. " All inferior civil officers and magistrates, shall continue as now they are, (if they please) till the customary time of new elections, and then new ones to be chosen by themselves, provided tliat such new cho- sen magistrates shall take the oath of allegiance to his majesty of England, before they enter upon their ©ffice. XVII. " All differences of contracts and bargains made before this day, by any in this country, shall be determined, according to the manner of the Dutch. XVIII. " If it do appear, that the West-India com- pany of Amsterdam, do really owe any sums of money to any persons here, it is agreed that recognition, and other duties payable by ships going for the Netherlands, be continued for six months longer. History of Nm-YorL 47 XIX. " The officers military, and soldiers, shall march out with their arms, drums beating, and colours flyhig, and ligl^ted matches; ancJiif any of them will plant, they shall have fifty acres of land set out for tliem ; if any of them will serve as servants, they shall continue with all safety, and become free denizerw afterwards. XX. " If at any time hereafter, the king of Great Britain, and the States of the Netherlands do agree that this place and country be redelivered into the liands of the said States, whensoever his majesty will send his commands to redeliver it, it shall immediately be done. XX f. " That the town of Manhattans shall choose deputies, and tliose deputies shall have free voices in all publick a{laiis,asmuch as any other deputies. XXII. " Those who have any property in any houses in the fort of Aurania, shall (if they please) slight the fortifications there, and then enjoy all their houses, as all peoi)le do w here there is no fort. XXIII. " If there be any soldiers that will go into Holland, and if the company of West-India in Amster- dam, or any private persons here, will transport them into Holland, then they shall have a safe passport from Colonel llichard Xicolls, deputy governour under his royal highness, and the other commissioners, to defend the ships that sliall transport such soldiers, and all the goods in them, from any surprizal or acts of hostility, to he done by any of his majesty's ships or subject.^. That the copies of the king's grant to his royal high- ness, and the copy of his royal highness' commission to Colonel Ricliard Nicolls, testified by two commis- sioners more, and Mr. Winthrop, to be true copies, shall be delivered to the honouiable Mr. Stuyvesaut, tho 4^ Hisiorij of New-York. present governou'r, on iMonday next by eight of tbe clock in the morning, at the Old Miin, and these articles con- sented to, and signed by Colonel Richard Nicoll^, de- puty governour to his royal highness, and that within two hours after the fort and town called New- Amsterdam, upon the isle of Manhattoes, shall be delivered into tiie hands of the said Colonel Richard Nicolls by the service bf siich as shall be by him thereunto deputed, by his band and seal. " John De Decker, Nich. Yerleett, Sam. Megapolen- sis, Cornelius Steenwyck, Olotie Stevens Van Koitlant, James Cousseau, Robert Carr, Geo. Carteret, John Winthrop, Sam. \V illys, Thomas Clarke, John Pyn chon. *' I do consent to these articles, Richard JSicoih,''' These articles, favourable as they were to the inha- bitants, were however very disagreeable to the Dutch governour; and he therefore refused to ratify them, till two days after they were signed by the comniii&sioners. The town of New- Amsterdam, upon the reduction of the island Manhattans, took the name of New-Yoj'k.^'' It consisted of several small street s, laid out in the year" 1656, and was not inconsiderable for the number of its houses and inhabitants. The easy terras of tiie capitu- lation, promised their peaceable subjection to the new government ; and hence we find, that in two days aftej* the surrender, the Boston aid was dismissed, with the thanks of the commissioners to the general court. Ilud- son's and the South River were, however, still to be reduced. Sir Robert Carr comi«anded tbo expedition ® Vide cond'asloa ef this To'.iuaC" History of New- York. 49 on Delaware, and Carteret was commissioned to sub- due the Dutch at Fort Orange. The garrison capitu- lated on the 24th of September, and he called it Alba- ny, in lionour of the duke. While Carteret was here, he had an interview with the Indians of the Five Na- tions, and entered into a league of friendship with them, which remarkably continues to this day.* Sii' Kobert Carr was ecpially successful on South River, for he compelled both the Dutcli and Swedes to capi- tulate and deliver up their garrisons the first of Octo- ber, 1 664 ; and that was the day in which the whole New-Netherlands became subject to the English crown. Very few of the inhabitants thought proper to re- move out of the country. Governour Stuyvesant himself, held his estate, and died here. His remains were interred in a chapel, which he had erected on his own form, at a small distance from the city, now possessed by his grandson, Gerardus Stuyvesant, a man of probity, who has been elected into the ma- gistracy, above thirty years successively. Justice obliges me to declare, that for loyalty to the pre- sent reigning fiimily, and a pure attachment to the protestant religion, the descendants of the Dutch planters are perhaps exceeded by none of his ma- jesty's subjects. * The Dutch were sensible of the importance of preserving an uniat terrupted amity with those Indians, for they were both very numerous and warlike. The French pursued quite different measures, and the irruptions of those tribes, according to their own authors, have oftei* reduced Canada to the brink of ruin. HISTOBT OF NEW-YOBK. PART ir. From the Surrendfr in 1661, to the Settlement at the devolution. IJrCHART) NICOLLS being now possessed of the country, took the govermnenl upon him, under the style of " deputy governour under liis royal highness the duke of York, of all his territories in America." During his short continuance here, he passed a vast number of grants and confirmations of the ancient Dutch patents, the profits of which must haye been ye- ry considerable. Among these, no one has occasioned more animated contention, than that called the Eliza- bethtown grant, in New-Jersey ; which, as it relates to another colony, I should not haye mentioned, but for the oppoi-tunity to caution the reader against a repre- sentation of that controversy contained in Doujilass' aummary. I haye sufficient reasons to justify my charg- ing that account with })artiality and mistakes ; and for proofs, ref^r to the printed answer in chancery, publisli- of\ in the year 1T51. Besides the chief command of this province, Nicolls had a joint power * with Sir Robert Carr, Carteret, and •■ The commission from kinj; Chniks II. was ilatcd the 26th of April, 1(361. ATiev a recital of di?puic3 concerning limits in New- 52 History 0/ New-York. Maverick, to settle the contested boundaries of certain great patents. Hence we find, that three of them had a conference with several gentlemen from Connecticut, respecting the limits of this and that colony. The re- sult was an adjudication, in these words : " By virtue of his majesty's commission, we have heard the difference, about the bounds of the patents granted to his royal highness the duke of York, and his majesty's colony of Connecticut, and having deliberate- ly considered all the reasons alledged by Mr. Allen, sen. Mr. Gold, Mr. Richards, and Captain Winthrop, ap- pointed by the assembly held at Hartford, the thirteenth of October, 1664, to accompany John AVinthrop, Esq ; the governour of his majesty's colony of Connecticut to New-York, and to agree upon the bounds of the said colony, why the said Long Island should be under the government of Connecticut, which are too long here to be recited, we do declare and order, that the southern bounds of his majesty's colony of Connecticut, is the sea, and that Long Island is to be under the govern- ment of his royal highness the duke of York, as is ex- pressed by plain words, in the said patents, respectively, and also by virtue of his majesty's commission, and the consent of both the governours and the gentlemen above- named. We also order and declare, that the creek, or river called Mamaroneck, which is reputed to be about thirteen miles to the east of Westchester, and a line England, and that addresses had been sent home from the Indian na- tives, complaining of abuses received from the English subjects ; tlie commissioners, or any three or two of them, of which Nicolls was to be one, were authorised to visit the New-England colonies, and deter- mine all complaints military, civil and criminal, according to their (lis- "cretioD, and such instructions as they might receive from the crown. History of New-York, i>!i drawn from the east point or side, wliere the fresh wa- ter falls into the salt, at high water mark, north north- west to the line of the IMassachusetts, be the western bounds of the said colony of Connecticut, and all plan- tations lying westward of that creek and line so drawn, to be under his royal highness' government ; and all plantations lying eastward of that creek and line, to be under the government of Connecticut. Given under our hands, at James' fort in New- York, on the island of Manhattan, this first day^ of December, 1664. Richard NicoIIs, George Carteret, S. aiaverick." " We the governour and commissioners of the gen:» eral assembly of Connecticut, do give our consent to the limits and bounds abovementioned, as witness owr hands, Gold, John Winthrop, jiui. John Winthrop, sen. Allen, sen. Richards." At the time of this determination, about two thirds of Long Island were possessed by people from New- England, who had gradually encroached upon the Dutch. As to the settlement between New- York and Connecticut, on the main, it has always been considered by the former, as founded upon ignorance and fraud.* The station at Mamaroneck was about thirty miles from New- York, from Albany one hundred and fifty. * Tlie town of Rye was settled under Connecticut, and the grant from that colony is bounded by this line of division. ^4 Histoiy of New-York. The general course of the river is about noilh 12 or 15" east : and hence it is evident, that a north noi1h-west line will soon intersect the river, and consequently leave the Dutch country, but a little before surrender- ed to Colonel Carteret, out of the province of New- York. It has been generally esteemed that the Con- necticut comnnssioners in this affair, took advantage of the duke's agents, who were ignorant of the geography of the country. About the close of the year, the estate of the West- India company was seized and confiscated, hostilities being actually commenced in Europe as well as Ame- rica, though no declarations of war had yet been pub- lished by either of the contending parties. A great dispute between the inhabitants of Jamaica on Long Island, which Avas adjusted by Colonel Nicolls, on the second of January, 1665, gave rise to a salutary insti- tution, which has in part obtained ever since. The controversy respected Indian deeds, and thenceforth it was ordained, that no purchase from the Indians, with- out the governour's licence, executed in his presence, should be valid. The strength and number of the na- tives rendered it necessary to purchase their rights ; and to prevent their frequent selling the same tract, it was expedient that the bargain should be attended with some considerable solemnity. Another instance of Colonel Nicolls' prudence, was his gradual introduction of the English methods of go- vernment. It was not till the 12th of .Time, this year, that he incorporated the inhabitants of New-York, un- der the care of a mayor, five aldermen, and a sheriff. Till this time, the city was ruled by a scout, burgo- masters, and schepens. History of New-York. fw In March preceding, tliere was a great convention, before the governour at Hempsted, of two depnties from every town on Long Island, empowered to bind their constituents. The design of their meeting Avas to arrjiist the limits of their townships for the preservation of the publick peace. The war being proclaimed at London, on the fourth of this month, Nicolls received the account of it in June, willi a letter from the lord chancellor, informing him, that De Huyter, the Dutch admiral, had orders to visit New-Vork. His lordship was misinformed, or the admiral was diverted from the enteiprize, for the Eng- lish peaceably held the possession of the country dur- ing the whole war, which was concluded on the 21st of July, 16G7, by the treaty of Breda. Some are of opin- ion, that the exchange made with the Dutch for Surii- nam, which thev had taken from us, was advantaiireous to the nation ; but these judges do not consider tiiat it would have l)een impossible for the Dutch to have pre- served tliis colony against the increasing strength of the people in New-England, IMaryland, and Virginia. After an administration of three years, Nicolls re- turned to England. The time during his short resi- dence here, was almost wholly taken up in confirming the ancient Dutch grants. lie erected no courts of justice, but took upon himself the sole decision of aU controversies whatsoever. Complaints came before him by petition ; upon which he gave a day to the i)artie«, and after a summnry hearing, pronounced judgment. His determinations were called edicts, and executed by the sheriffs he Lad appointed. It is much to hishonouj-. that notwitlistanding all this ])lenltude of power, he gov- erned the province with integrity and moderntion. A M Hislory of Nerv- York. representation from the inhabitants of Long Island, t© the general court of Connecticut, made about the time of the revolution, commends him as a man of an easj and benevolent disposition ; and this testimonial is the more to be relied upon, because the design of the wri- ters, was by a detail of their grievances, to induce the colony of Connecticut to take them under its immedi- ate protection. Francis Lovelace, a colonel, was appointed by the duke, to succeed Nicolls in the government of the pro- vince, which he began to exercise in May, 1667. As he was a man of great moderation, the people lived very paceably under him, till the re-surrender of the colony, which put an end to his power, and is the only event, that signalized his administration. The ambitious designs of Louis XIY. against the Dutch, gave rise to our war with the States General in 1672. Charles IL a prince sunk in pleasures, profligate, and poor, was easily detached from his alliance with the Dutch, by the intrigues and pecuniary promises of the French king. Tiie following passage from a fine wri- ter*, shews that his pretences for entering into the war, were perfectly groundless and trifling. " The king of England, on his side, reproached them with disrespect, in not directing their fleet to lower the flag before an English ship ; and they were also accu- sed in regard to a certain picture, wherein Cornelius De Witt, brother to the pensionary, was painted with the attributes of a conqueror. Ships were represented in the back ground of the piece, either taken or burnt. Cornelius De Witt, who had really had a great share in * Voltaire's age ef Lewis XIT. History of New- Yorlc. 57 the maritime exploits against England, had permitted this trifling memorial of his glory : but tlie picture, which was in a manner unknown, was deposited in a chamber wherein scarce any body ever entered. The English ministers, who presented the complaints of their king against Holland, in writing, therein mentioned cer- tain abusive pictures. The states, who always translat- ed the memorials of ambassadours into French, having rendered abusive, by the words fautifs trompcurs, they replied, that they did not know what these roguish pic- iurcsy (ccs tableaux trompcurs) were. In reality, it never in the least entered into their thoughts, that it concerned this portrait of one of their citizens, nor did they ever conceive this could be a pretence for declar- ing war." A few Dutch ships arrived the year after on the 30th of July, under Staten Island, at the distance of a few miles froin the city of New-York. John Manning, a captain of an independent company, had at that time the command of the foil, and by a messenger sent down to the squadron, treacherously made his peace with the enemy. On that very day the Dutch ships came lip, moored under the fort, landed their men, and en- tered the garrison, without giving or receiving a shot. A council of war was afterwards held at the stadt house, at which were present Cornelius Evertse, lun. > ^ , T , T^ , •' I Commodores^ Jacob Benkes, ) Anthony Colve, ^ Nicholas Bowes, > Captains, Abm. Ferd. Van Zyll, ) All the magistrates and constables from East Jersey, liong Inland, Esopus, and Albany, were inunediptely 8 58 Hklori) of Sov-Yorh. summoned to Xe^v-York ; and the major part of tlieiii swore allegiance to the States General, and the prince of Orange. Colonel Lovelace was ordered to depart the province, but afterwards obtained leave to return to England with Commodore Benkes. It has (;fteD been insisted on, that this connuest did not extend to the whole province of iVew-Jersey; but upon Avhat foundation I cannot discover. From the Dutch records it appears, that deputies were sent by the people inlia- biting the country, even so far westward as Delaware River, who in the name of their principals, made a de- claration of their submission ; in return for which, cer- tain privileges were granted to them, and three judica- tories erected at Niewer Amstel, Upland, and Hoer Kill. Colve's commission to be governour of this coun- try is worth printing, because it sliews the extent of the Dutch claims. The translation runs thus : " The honourable and awful council of war, for their hidi mightinesses the States General of the United Netherlands, and his serene highness the prince of Orange, over a squadron of ships, now at anchor in Hudson's River, in New-Netherlands. To all those who shall see or hear these, greeting. As it is necessa- ry to appoint a fit and aljle person, to cany the chi:f command over this conquest of New-Netlierlands, with all its appendencies and dependencies, from Cape Hin- lopen on the south side of the South or Delaware bay, and fifteen miles more southerly, with the said bay and South River included ; so as they were formerly pos- sessed by the directors of the city of Amsterdam, and after by the English government, in the name and right of the duke of York ; and further from the said €ape Hinlopen, along the Great Ocean, to the east end History of Sen- York, 59 of Lons: Inland, and Shelter Island ; from thence west- ward to the middle of the Sound, to a town called Greenwich, on the main, and to run landward in, north- erly ; provided that such line shall not come within ten miles of iVorth River, conformable to a provincial trea- tiy made in 1650, and ratified by the States General, February 23, 1656, and January 23, 1664 ; with all lands, islands, rivers, lakes, kills, ci-eeks, fresh and salt waters, fortresses, cities, towns, and plantations tlierein comprehended. So it is, that we being sutiicientlv as- sured of the capacity of Anthony Colve, captain of a company of foot, in the service of tlieir hisch niisjhtiness- es, the States Ge'ieral of the United ^Netherlands, and his serene tdglmess the prince of Orange, «icc. Bv vir- tue of our commission, granted us by their before men- tioned high mightinesses and his highness, have appoint- ed and qualified, as we do by these presents appoint and qualify, the said Captain Anthony Colve, to govern and rule these lands, with the ap^^ndencies and depen- dencies thereof, as goveraoiu- general ; to protect them from all invasions of enemies, as he shall judg^e most ne- cessary ; liereby charging all high and low officers, jus- tices, and mai^istrates, and others in authority, soldiers, burghers, and all the inhabitants of this land, to acknow- ledge, honour, respect and obey, the said Anthony Colve, as govemour general ; for such we judge necessary, for the service of the country, waiting tlie approbation of oiu- principals. Thus done at tort William Heudrick, the 12tli day of August, 1673. " Sigiied by Jacob BerJves, Cornelius Evertse, jun."' ' The Dulcli governoiu- enjoyed liis otlice but a very short season, for on tiie 9th of Febru.uy, 16T4, die trea- 60 History of New- York. ty of peace between England and the States General was signed at Westminster ; the sixth article of which, restored this country to the English. The terms of it were generally, " That whatsoever countries, islands, towns, ports, castles, or forts, have or shall be taken on both sides, since the time that the late unhappy war broke out, either in Europe or elsewhere, shall be res- tored to the former lord and proprietor, in the same con- dition they shall be in, when the peace itself shall be proclaimed ; after which time, there shall be no spoil nor plunder of the inhabitants, no demolition of fortifi- cations, nor carrying away of guns, powder or other military stores, which belonged to any castle or fort, at the time when it was taken." The lenity which began the administration of Colonel Nicolls was continued under Lovelace. He appears to have been a man, rather of a phlegmatic than an enter- prising disposition, always pursuing the common road, and scarcely ever acting without the aid of his council. Instead of taking upon himself the sole determination of judicial controversies, after the example of his prede- cessor, he called to his assistance a few justices of the peace. This, which was called the court of assizes,* w'as the principal law judicatory in those times. The legislative power under the duke, was vested entirely in * This was a court both of law and equity, for the trial of causes of ^Ql. and upwards, and ordinarily sat but once a year. Subordinate to this, Avere the town courts and sessions ; the former took cognizance of actions under 51. and the latter, of suits between that sum and 201. se- ven constables and overseers were judges in the first, and in the last the justices of the peace, with a jury of seven men. The verdict jp£ the majority was siiiiiciento History of New- York. 6 J the governoiir and council. A third estate miglit then be easily dispensed with, for the charge of the province was * small, and in a great measure defrayed by his royal highness, the proprietor of the country. Upon conclusion of llie peace in 11374, the duke of York, to remove all controversy respecting his proper- ty, obtained a new patent f from the king, dated the 29th of June, for the lands granted in 1604, and tvro days after commissioned major, afterwards Sir Edmond An- dross, to be governour ofhis territories in America. Af- ter the resignation of this province, which was made to him by the Dutch possessors, on the 31st of October following, he called a court martial, to tiy Manning for his treacherous and cowardly surrender. The articles of accusation exliibited against him, were in substance. * The manner of raising publick money, was esfablithed by Colonel Kicolls, on the fust of June, 1065, and was Uiiis : The high t-heriff is- sued a ^varrant annually, to the high con&(:.blcs of every district, and they sent theirs to the petty constables ; who, with the overseers of each town, made a list of all male persons above sixteen j'-ears of age, with an estimate of their rent and personal estates, and (hen taxed them according to certain rates, prescribed by a law. Af- ter the assessment was returned to the higli sheritr, and approved by the governour, the constables received warrants for levying the taxes by distress and sale. t Some are of opinion that the second patent was unnecessaiy, the duke being revested per post liminium. This matter has breu often disputed in the ejectments between the New-Jersey proprietors and the Elizabethtown patentees. In New- York the right of posiliminy was disregarded, and perhaps unknown ; for there are many instances, es- pecially on Long Island, of new grants from Sir Edmond Andross, for lands patented under NicoUs and Lovelace, by wliich the quitreuts have been artfully enlarged.- 62 History of Xcii-York. I. That the said IMaiining, on the 28th of July, 1673, having notice of the approach of the enemy's tleet, did not endeavour to put the garrison in a postiu-e of de- fence ; but on the contrarv', slighted such as otfered thek assistance. II. That while the fleet was at anchor under Staten Island, on the 30th of July, he treacherously sent on board to treat with the enemy, to the great discourage- ment of the garrison. III. That he suffered the fleet to moor under the fort, forbidding a gun to be fired on pain of death. rV. That he permitted the enemy to land, without the least opposition. T. That shortly after he had sent persons to treat with the Dutch commodores, he struck his fiaof, even before the enemy were in sight of the garrison, the fort being in a condition, and the men desirous, to fight. VI. And lastlv, that he treacherously caused the fort gates to ]ye opened, and cowardly and basely let in the enemy, yielding the garrison without articles. This scandalous charge, which Manning on his trial confessed to be true, is less surprising, than the lenity of the sentence pronounced against him. It was this, that though he deseixed death, yet because he had since the surrender been in England, and seen the king and the duke, it was adjudged that his sword should be broke over his head in publick, before the city hall, and himself rendered incapable of wearing a sword, and of serviuif his majesty for the future, in any publick trust in the govermnent. This light censure, is however no proof that Sir Ed- mond was a man of a merciful disposition ; the histo- rians of IVew-Ensland, where he was aflenvards gover- History of X(n-- York. 63. nour, junly ti-ansmit him to posterit v, under the odious chaiacter cf a sycopbanlick tool to the duke, and an arbitrary i\Tant over th-e -people committed to his c-are. He knew no law, but the v ill of his ma£ter, and Kirk and Jefferies wei-e not fitter in=tnunent« than he to ex- ecute the despotick projects of Jame^ II. In the year 1675, ^kicholas Renslaer, a Ihitch cler- gnkinan, arrived here. He claimed the manor of Rens- laenvvck, and was recommended by the duke to Sir Ed'n-»nd Andro?? for a livincr in one of the churches at New- York or Albany, probably to serve the popish cause.* Niewenh^t, minister of the church at Albany, disputed his right to administer the sacraments, because be had received an Episcopal ordination, and was not approved by the^ classis of Amsterdam, to which tlie Dutch churches here hold themselves subordinate. In this controversy tlie crovemour took the part of Rens- laer, and accordin<:ly summoned Niewenhyt before him, to answer for his conduct. Thi» minister was treated with such singular contempt, and so fi^quently harrassed, by fiuitless and exp»ensive attendances before the council, that the dispute became interesting, and the greater part of the people resented the usage he * Another reason is aswgned for the favour he met wilh from the crown. It is said ihat while Charles II. was an exi •:, he preecial direction from the king, and is the most liberal in the privileges it sraots ©f aay oae in the province- 64 History of New- York. met with. Hence we find, that the magistrates of Al- bany, soon after imprisoned Renslaer, for several dubi- ous words, (as they are called in the record) delivered in a sermon. The governour, on the other hand, or- dered him to be released, and summoned the magis- trates to attend him at New- York. Warrants were then issued to compel them to give security in 5000/. each, to make out good cause for confining the minis- ter. Leisler, who was one of them, refused to comply with the warrant, and was thrown into jail. Sir Ed- mond, fearful that a great party would rise up against him, was at last compelled to discontinue his ecclesias- tical jurisdiction, and to refer the controversy to the determination of the consistory of the Dutch church at Albany. It is perhaps not improbable, that these po- pish measures sowed the seeds of that aversion to the duke's government, which afterAvards produced those violent convulsions in the province under Leisler, at the time of the revolution in favour of the prince of Orange. If Sir Edmond Andross' administration at New- York appears to be less exceptionable than while he com- manded at Boston, it was through want of more oppor- tunities to shew himself in his true light. The main course of his publick proceedings, during his continu- ance in the province, was spent in the ordinary acts of the government, which then principally consisted in passing grants to the subject, and presiding in the court of assize, established by Colonel Lovelace. The pub- lick exigencies were now in part supplied by a kind of benevolence ; the badge of bad times ! This appears in an entry on the records, of a letter of May the 5th, 1676, from Governour Andross;, to several towns on History of Xen-TorJt. ^ Lon^ Island, desiring to know what sums they would contribute towards the war. Near tlie close of his ad- ministration he thou2:ht proper to quarrel with Philip Carteret, who in 1680, exercised the government of East Jersey, under a commission from Sir George Car- teret, dated the 31st of July, 1675. Andross disputed his right, and seized and brought him prisoner to New- York ; for which it is said he lost his own goTemment ; but whoever considers that Sir Edmond was immedi- ately preferred to be governoiu" of Boston, will rather believe tliat the duke superseded him for some other reasons. Before I proceed to the succeeding administration, in which our Indian ajiairs be poration of the Tuscaroras, a people driven by the in- habitants of Caroluia from tiie frontiers of Y irginia, they consisted of live confederate cantoiis.f What in par- ticular gave rise to this league, and when it took place, are questions which neither the natives, nor Eucx^peans, * By the Dutch called Maquaas, by the French Iroquois, aod by us. Five Natious, Six Nalioiis, and lately the Coulederates. They are »reat^ h' diminished, and consist now only of about fweive hundred fighting men. + The Tuscaroras were received upon a supposition that they iref^ wigiually of the same stock with the Fiv« Nations, because tJi«jr« i? some similitude between theii languages- 9 6& History of Neiv-York. pretend to answer. Each of these nations is divided into three families, or clans, of different ranks, bearing for their arms, and being distinguished by the names of the tortoise, the bear, and the wolf/* No people in the world perhaps hare higher notions than these Indians of military glory. All the surround- ing nations have felt the effects of then- prowess ; and many not only became their tributaries, but were so subjugated to their power, that without their consent, they durst not commence either peace or war. Though a regular police for the preserration of har- mony withm, and the defence of the state ao-ainst inva- sions from without, is not to be expected from the peo- ple of whom I am now writing, yet, perhaps, they have paid more attention to it than is generally allowed. Their goTernment is suited to their condition. A peo- ple whose riches consist not so nmch in abundance, as in a freedom from want ; f who are circumscribed by no boundaries, who live by hunting, and not by agriculture* must always be free, and therefore subject to no other authority, than such as consists w ith the liberty necessa- rily arising from their circumstances. All their affah's, whether respecting peace or war, are under the duec- tion of their sachems, or cliief men. Great exploits and publick vu-tue procure the esteem of a people, and qual- ify a man to advise in council, and execute the plans con- certed for the advantage of his country : thus whoever * Their instruments of conveyances are signed by signatures, winch they mj^ke with a pen, representlDg these anifrals. t Ath^ndian, in answer to his question, Wliat the white people meant by covetoiisness ? was told by another, that it signified, A desire of more than a man had need of. That's strange ! said the querist. History of Neii- York. 67 appears to the Indians in this advantageous light, com- mences a sachein without any other ceremony. As there is no other way of arriving at this dignity, so it ceases, unless an uniform zeal and activity for the common good, is uninterruptedly continued. Some have thought it hereditary, but that is a mistake. The 6on, is indeed, respected for his lather's services, but without personal merit, he can never share in the gov- ernment ; which, were it otherAvisc, must sink into per- fjcl disgrace. The children of such as are distinguish- ed for their patriotism, moved by the consideration of their birth, and the perpetual incitements to virtue con- stantly inculcated into them, imitate their fathers' ex- ploits, and thus attain to the same honours and influence ; which accounts for the opinion that the title and pow- er of sachem are hereditary. Each of these republicks has its own particular chiefs, who hear and determine all complaints in council, and though they have no officers for the execution of justice, yet their decrees are always obeyed, from the general reproach that would follow a contempt of their advice. The condition of this people exempts them fi'om fac- tions, the common disease of popular governments. It is impossible to gain a party among-^t them by indirect means ; for no man has either honour, riches, or power to bestow.* * The learned and judicious author of tlie SpiiU of Laws, speakino: of a people ivfio have a fixed property in lands, observes, "■ That if a chief would deprive them of their liberty, they would immediatf ly go and seek it under another, or retire iuto the woods, and live there with their families." The Five Nations cau never be enslaved, till they §row rich by agriculture and commerce. Property is the most perma- 68 History of New- York. All affairs which concern the general interest are de- termined in a great assembly of the chiefs of each can- ton, usually held at Onondaga, the centre of their coun- try. Upon emergencies they act separately, but no- thing can bind the league but the voice of the general convention. The French, upon the maxim, divide cl impera, have tried all possible means to divide these republicks, and somethnes have even sown great jealousies among them. In consequence of this plan, they have seduced many families to withdraw to Canada, and there settled them in regular towns, under the command of a fort, and the tuition of missionaries. The manners of these savages are as simple as their government. Their houses are a fcAv crotched stakes thrust into the ground, and overlaid with bark. A fire is kindled in the middle, and an aperture left at the top for the conveyance of the smoke. Whenever a considerable number of those huts are collected, they have a castle, as it is called, consisting of a square with- out bastions, surrounded with palisadoes. They have no other fortification ; and this is only designed as an asylum for their old men, their wives and children, while the rest are gone out to war. They live almost entirely without care. While the women, or squaws, cultivate a little spot of ground for corn, the men em- ploy themselves in hunting. As to clothes, they use a blanket girt at the waist, and thrown loosely over iheu' shoulders ; some of their women, indeed, have^^ went basis of power. The authority of a sachem depending only upon his reputation for wisdom and courage, must be weak and precarigua, ^ad therefore safe io the people. History of Nav-YorJc, G9 bo«ide;< thi^, a sort of a petticoat, and a few of their men wear ^hii-ts ; but the greater part of them are gen- erally half naked. In winter their legs are covered with stockinii:s of blanket, and their feet witli socks of deer skin. Many of tliem are fond of ornaments, and their taste is very singiihir. I have seen rings aflixed, not only to their ears, but to their noses. Bracelets of silver and brass round their wrists, are very common, The women plait their hair, and tie it up behind in a bag, perhaps in imitation of the French beaux in Cana- da. Tliough the Indians are capable of su^^taining great hardships, yet they cannot endure much labour, being rather fleet, than strong. Their men are taller than the Europeans, rarely corpulent, always beardle^s,"^ straight limbed, of a tawny complexion, and black uncurled hair. In their food they have no manner of delicacy, for tho' venison is theii- ordinary diet, yet sometimes they eat dogs, bears, and even snakes. Their cookery is of two kinds, boiled or roasted ; to j)erform tlie latter, the meat is penetrated by a short sharp stick set in the ground, inclining towards the fire, and turned as occasion re- quires. They are hospitable to strangers, though few Europeans would relish their highest favours of this kind, for they are very nasty botli in their garments and food. Every man has his own wife, whom he takes and leaves at pleasure : a plurality, however, at the same time, is by no means admitted amOi)g them. They have been generally commended for their chastity, but I am informed by good authority, that tliey are very * Because tlicy pluck out the hairs. The French Avriters, Avho say they have naturally no beards, are nustaken ; and the reascos ibfy as- *}ga for it arc ridiculous» 70 History of New-York. lascivious, and that the women, to avoid reproach, fre- quently destroy the foetus in the womb. They are so perfectly free, that unless theii' children, who general- ly assist the mother, may be called sei-vants, they have none. The men frequently associate themselves for conversation, by which means they not only preserve the remembrance of their wars, and treaties, but difiiise among their youth incitements to military glory, as well as instruction in all the subtilties of Avar. Since they became acquainted with the Europeans, their warlike apparatus is a musket, hatchet,* and a long knife. Their boys still accustom themselves to bows and arrows, and are so dexterous in the use of them, that a lad of sixteen, will strike an English shilling five times in ten at twelve or fourteen yards distance. Their men are excellent marksmen, both with the gun and hatchet ; their dexterity at the latter is very extra- ordinary, for they rarely miss the object, though at a considerable distance. The hatchet in the fiigiit per- petually turns round, and yet always strikes the mark with the edge. Before they go out, they have a feast upon dogs* flesh, and a great war dance. At these, the warriours, who are frightfully painted with vermilion, rise up and sing their own exploits, or those of their ancestors, and there- by kindle a military enthusiasm in the whole company. The day after the dance, they march out a few miles in a row, observing a profound silence. The procession being ended, they strip the bark from a large oak, and * Hence, to take up the hatchet, is, with them, a phrase signify ing to declare war ; as, on the contrary, to bury it, denotes the establishment of peaee* History of New- York. 71 paint the design of their expedhion on the naked trunk. The figure of a canoe, with the number of men in it, de- termines the strength of their party ; and by a deer, a fox, or some other emblem painted at the head of it, we discover against what nation they are gone out. The Five Nations being devoted to war, every art is contrived to diffuse a military spirit through the whole body of their people. The ceremonies attending the return of a party, seem calculated in particular for that purpose. The day before they enter tbe village, two heralds advance, and at a small distance set up a yell, which by its modulation intimates either good or bad news. If the former, the village is alarmed, and an entertainment provided for the conquerours, who in the mean time approach in sight : one of them bears the scalps stretched over a bow, and elevated upon a long pole. The boldest man in the town comes out, and re- ceives it, and instantly flies to the hut where the rest are collected. If he is overtaken, he is beaten unmer- cifully ; but if he outruns the pursuer, he participates in the honour of the victors, who at theii' first entrance receive no compliments, nor speak a single word till the end of the feast. Their parents, wives, and children then are admitted, and treat them with the profoundest respect. After these salutations, one of the conquer- ours is appointed to relate the whole adventure, to which the rest attentively listen, without asking a ques- tion, and the whole concludes with a savage dance. The Indians never fight in the field, or upon equal terms, but always sculk and attack, by suiprise, in small parties, meeting every niglit at a place of rendezvous. Scarcely any enemy can escape them, for by the dispo- sition of the grass and leaves, they follow his tract Avilk 72 Hislory of Nav-York. great speed any where but over a rock. Tlieir barbar- ity is shocking to hiunan nature. Women and children they generally kill and scalp, because they would re- tard their progress ; but the men they carry into cap- tivity. If any woman has lost a relation, and inclines to receive the prisoner in his stead, he not only escapes a series of the most inhuman loitures, and death itself, but enjoys every immunity tliey can bestow, and is es- teemed a member of the family into which he is adopt- ed. To part with him would be the most ignominious conduct and considered as selling the blood of the de- ceased ; and for this reason it is not without the great- est difficulty that a captive is redeemed. When the Indians incline to peace, a messenger is sent to the enemy with a pipe, the bowl of which is made of soft, red marble ; and a long reed, beautifully painted, and adorned with the gay plumage of birds, forms the stem. This is his infallible protection from any assaidt on the way. The envoy makes his propo- sals to the enemy, who, if they approve them, ratify the preliminaries to the peace, by smoking through the pipe, and from that instant a general cessation of arms takes place. The French call it a calumet. It is used, as far as I can learn, by all the Indian nations upon the continent. The rigiits of it are esteemed sacred, and have been only invaded by the Flat Heads ; in just in- dignation for which, the confederates maintained a waF with them for near thirty years. As to the language of the Five Nations, the best ac- count I have had of it, is contained in a letter from the Reverend i\Ir. Spencer, who resided amongst them in the year 1748, being then a missionary from the Scotch society for propagating Christian knowledge.^ He writes thus : History of Netv-York, 73 «' Sir, *^ Tliough I was very desirous of learning the Indian tongue, yet through my short residence at Onough- quage, and the surly disposition of my interpreter, I confess my proficiency was not great. " Except the Tuscaroras, all the Six Nations speak a language radically the same. It is very masculine and sonorous; abounding with gutturals and strong as- pirations, but without labials. Its solemn grave tone is owing to the generosity of its feet, as you will ob- serve in the following translation of the Lord's prayer, in which I have distinguished the time of every sylla- ble by the common marks used in prosody.^^ Soungwaunehu, cauroQnkyilwga, tehsEetaroan, sauhsoneyousta, esa, sawaneyou, okettauhsela, ehneauwoung, na, caurounkyawga, nughwonshauga, neattewehnt;sS.lauga, taugwaunautoronoantoug- sick, toantaugweleewlieyoustaun?;, chenceyeut, chaquatautehwhe- youstaunna, toughsaii, taugwaussareneh, tawautottenaugaloughto- tingga, nasawne, sacheautaugwass, coantehsaltihaunzaickaw, esa, sawaunneyou, esa, sashailtzta, esa, soungwasoung, chenneaiihaung- wa, auwcn. " The extraordinary length of Indian words, and the guttural aspirations necessary in pronouncing them, render the speech extremely rough and difficult. The verbs never change in their terminations, as in Latin, Greek and Hebrew, but all their variations are prefix- * If we had a good dictionary, marking the quantity as well as em-, phasis of every syllable in the English language, it would conduce to an accuracy and uniformity of pronunciation. The dignity of style, 80 far as the ear is concerned, consists principally in generous feet ; and perhaps it may be a just remark that no sentence, unless in a dialogue, ends well without a full sound. Gordon and Fordyce rarely swerve from this rule, and Mr. Mason, an ingenious author, has lately written with great applause, ©u this attribute of style. 10 74 History oj NtiV-Ym'k. ed. Besides the singular and j^lural, they have also the dual number, A strange transposition of syllables of different words, euphonio' graiia, is very common in the Indian tongue, of which I will give an instance ■ — bgilla signifies fire, and caivaunna, great, but instead of joining the adjective and substantive to say great Jire^ cawaiinna bgilla, both words would be blended in- to this one, co-gilla-ivamina. The dialect of the Oney- das, is softer than that of the other nations ; and the reason is, because they have more vowels, and often supply the place of harsh letters with liquids. Instead of R, they always use L : Rebecca, would be pronounc- ed Lequecca, The art of publick speaking is in high esteem among the Indians, and much studied. They are extremely fond of method, and displeased with an irregular har- angue, because it is difficult to be remembered. When they answer, they repeat the whole, reducing it into strict order. Their speeches are short, and the sense conveyed in strong metaphors. In conversation they are sprightly, but solemn and serious in their messages relating to publick affairs. Their speakers deliver themselves with surprising force and great propriety of gesture. The fierceness of their countenances, the flowing blanket, elevated tone, naked arm, and erect fBtature, with a half circle of auditors seated on the ground, and hi the open air, cannot but impress upon the mind, a lively idea of the ancient oratours of Greece and Rome, At the close of every important part of the speech, ratifying an old covenant, or creating a new one, a belt is generally given^ to perpetuate the remembrance History of Nav-York. 75 of the transaction. These belts are about four inches wide, and thirty in length. They consist of strings of conque shell beads fastened together.* With respect to religion, the Indians may be said to be under the thickest gloom of ignorance. If they liave any, which is nmcli to be questioned, those who atiirm it, will find it difficult to tell us wherein it consists. They have neither priest nor temple, sacrifice nor altar^r Some traces, indeed, appear of the original law written upon their hearts ; but they have no system of doc- trines, nor any rites and modes of publick worship. They are sunk, unspeakably, beneath the polite pagans of antiquity. Some confused notions, indeed, of beings superiour to themselves, they have, but of the Deity and his natural and moral perfections, no proper or tolerable conceptions ; and of his general and particu- lar Providence they know nothing. They profess no ol)ligations to him, nor acknowledge their dependence upon liim. Some of them, it is said, are of opinion, that tliere are two distinct, powerful beings, one able to help, the other to do them har;n. The latter they venerate most, and some alledge, that they address him by a kind of prayer. Though thore are no publick moniunents of idolatry to be seen in their coimtry, yet the missionaries have discovered coarse imagery in Avooden trinkets, in the hands of their jugglers, which the conveils deliver up as detestable. The sight of * Those beads, whicli pass for money, are called by the Indians, wampum, and by the Dutch, sewant : six beads -were formerly vahied at a stiver. There are always several poor families at Albany, who support themselves by coining this cash for the tx'aders. 7^ History of New- York. them would remind a man of letters of the lares and penales of the ancients, but no certain judgment can be drawn of their use. The Indians sometimes assemble in large numbers, and retire far into the wilderness, where they eat and drink in a profuse manner. These conventions are called kenticoys. Some esteem them to be debauched revels or Bacchanalia j but those, who have privately followed them into these recesses, give such accounts of their conduct, as naturally lead one to imagine, that they pay a joint homage and supplication to som.e invisible being. If we suppose they have a re-- ligion, it is worse than none, and raises in the generous mind, most melancholy ideas of their depraved condi- tion. Little has been done to illuminate these dark corners of the earth with the light of the Gospel. The French priests boast indeed of their converts, but they liave made more proselytes to politicks than religion. Q,ueen Anne sent a missionary among them, and gave iiim an appointment out of the privy purse. He was a man of a good life, but slow parts, and his success very inconsiderable. The reverend Mr. Barclay afterwards resided among the Mohawks, but no suitable provision being made for an interpreter, he was obliged to break up the mission. If the English society for propagating the Gospel, that truly venerable body, instead of main- taining missionaries in rich Christian congregations along the continent, expended half the amoimt of their annual contributions on evangelists among the heathen, besides the unspeakable religious benefits that would, it is to be hoped, accrue to the natives, such a proceed- ing would conduce greatly to the safety of our colo» jiies, and his majesty's service. Much has been wri^teia History of Nen-York. 77 upon this «iil>jf' ft in America ;* and why nothing to purpose has yet been attempted in Eni^land, towards so laiidahle a design, can only l)e attributed to tlie amaz- ino; fiilsehoods and misrepresentations, by which some of the missionaries have long imposed upon benevolent minds in Great Britain.f As to the history of the Five nations, before their ac- quaintance with the Europeans, it is wrapt up in the darkness of antiquity. It is said that their first residence was in the country about Montreal ; and tliat the supc- riour strength of tlie Adirondack s, whom tJie French call Algonquins, drove them into their present posses- sions, lying on the south side of the Mohawks river, and * See Mr. ITobart's letters to the Episcopalians in I^CAv-England. The accounts of the Scotch mission at Stockbiiflge. Douglass' Sum- mary, ifec. t This is nolorious fo all who give themselves the trouble of pemsing the abstracts of their accounts published in England. It would be a very agreeable office to me, on this occasion, to distinguish the inno- cent from the guilty, but that such a ta^k would infallibly raise up a host of enemies. Many of the missionaries are men of learning and cxamplary morals. These in America are known and honoured, and cannot be prejudiced b)' an indiscriminate censure. Their joining in a representation for distinguishing the delinquents, who are a disgrace to the cloth, will sei-ve as a full vindication of themselves to the society. 3Ir. Ogilvie is, I believe, the only person now employed by that char- itable corporation among the Indians, and the greatest part even of his charge is in the city of Albany. All the Scotch missionaries are among the heathen, and their success has been sufficient to encourage any fu- ture attempts. There is a regular society of Indian converts in New- Jersey ; and it is worthy of remark, that not one of them has aposta- tized into heathenism. Some of them have made such proficiencies in practical religion, as ought to shame many of us, who boast the illumi- nating aids of our native Christianity. IS'ot one of thc.^e Indians has heen concerned in those barbarous irruptions, Avhich have lately delug- 78 History oj New-York. the great lake Ontario.* Towards the close of those disputes, which continued for a great series of years, the confederates gained advantages over the Adiron- dacks, and struck a general terrour into all the other Indians. The Hurons on the north side of the lake Erie, and the Cat Indians on the south side, were totally conquered and dispersed. The French, who settled Canada in 1603, took umbrage at their success, and be- gan a war with them, which had well nigh ruined the new colony. In autumn 166.3, Mr. Courcelles, the governour, sent out a party against the Mohawks. Through igno- rance of the country, and the want of snowshoes, they were almost perished, when they fell in with Schenec- ed the frontiers of the south westeru provinces, with the blood of seve- ral hundred innocents of every age and sex. At the commencement of these ravages, they flew into the settlenicuts, and put themselves un- der the protection of the government. These Indians no sooner be- came Christians, than they openly professed their loyalty to king George; and therefoi-e to contribute to their conversion, v.as as truly politick, as nobly Christian. Those colonies which have done most for this charitable design, have escaped best from the late distressing calamities. Of all the missionaries, Mr. David Braincrd, who recover- ed these Indians from the darkness of paganism, was most successful. He died the 0th of October, 1 747, a victim to his extreme mortifica- tion and inextinguishable zeal, for the prosperity of his mission. Those %fho are curious to enquire particularly into the effects of his indefatig- able industry, may have recourse to his journal, published at Philadel- phia, by the American correspondents of the Scotch society, in whose service he was employed. Dr. Douglass, ever ready to honour his native country, after remarking that tliis self'denying clergyman rode about 400 miles, in the year 1744, Avith an air of approbation, asks, " Is there any missionary, from any of the societies, for propagating the G jspel in foreign parts, that has reported the like." * Charlevoix, in partiality to the French, limits the country of the Pive Nations, «n the north, to the 4'lth degree of latitude ; according History of Nav-York. 7^ tady. And even there the Indians wonld have sacrific- ed them to their barbarous rage, had not Corlear, a Dutchman, interposed to protect them. For this sea- sonable liospitality, the French governour invited liim to Canada, bnt he Avas unfortunately drowned in his pas:^agc through the lake Champlain. It is in honour of tliis man, wlio was a favourite of the Indians, that the governours of New-York, in all their treaties, are ad- dressed by the name of Corlear. Twenty light compa- nies of foot, and the whole militia of Canada, marched the next spring into the country of the Mohawks ; but their success was vastly unequal to the chai-ge and la- bour of such a tedious march of 700 miles, through an uncultivated desart ; for the Indians, on their approach, retired into the woods, leaving behind them some old sachems, wiio preferred death to life, to glut the fury of their enemies. The emptiness of this parade on the one hand, and the Indian fearfulness of fire arms on the other, brought about a peace in 1667, which continued for several years after. In this interval, both the Eng- lish and Fiench cultivated a trade with the natives very profitable to both nations. The latter, however, were most politick and vigorous, and filled the Indian to which, all the country on the north side of lake Ontario, and the river issuing thence to iMontre;il, together with a consideraf)le tract of land on the south side of that river, belongs to the French. Hen- nepin, a recollect friar, has more regard to truth than the Jesuit ; for he lells us in ejfect, that the Iroquois possessed the lands on the north, as well as on tlie south side of the lake, and mentions several of their villages in 1679, viz. Tejajahon, Kenle, and Ganneousse. Tlie map in his book agrees with the text*. Charlevoix is at variance with his geographer; for Mr. Bellio, besides laying down these towns in tlie map, contained in the fifth volume, writes on the north side of tlie protraction of lake Outario, les Iroquois " The Senecas, Cayugas, Onondagas, Oneydoes, an 1 Mohawks, have robbed and abused all tlie traders that were passing to the Illinois and iVlia;nies, and other In- dian nationj^, the children of iny kinij^. They have acted, on these occasions, contrary to the treaty of peace with my predecessor. I am ordered, therefore, to demand «atii?f^ction, and to tell them, that in case of refusal, or their phmdering us any more, I have ex- press orders to declare war. This belt confirms my words. T}ie warrionrs of the Five Nations liiive con- ducted the English into the lakes, which belong to (he king, my master, and brought the English among the nations that are his cliildren, to destroy ihe trade of his subjects, and to withdraw thsse nations from him. They have carried the English tiiitlier, notwitlistanding the prohibition of the late governour ofiNew-York, who foresaw the risque that botii they and you would rim. I am willing to forget those things, but if ever tlie like Siiall happen for the future, I have express orders to de- clare war against you. This belt confirms my words. " Your warriours have made several barbarous in- cursions on the Illinois and Mia-nies ; they have massacred men, women, and children, and have made many of these nations prisoners, who thouglit theai- selves safe in their villages in time of peace : these people, who are my king's children, must not be your slaves ; you must give them their liberty, and send them back into their own country. If the Five Nations shall refuse to do this, T have express or- ders to declare war against them. This belt conlirms my words. " This is what T have to say to Garrangula, that he may carry to the Senecas, Onondagas, Oneydoes, Cay- 86 History of Nen-TorJc. vigas, and Mohawks, the declaration which the kin^, my master, has commanded me to make. He doth not wish them to force him to send a great army to Cadar- ackiii fort, to begin a war, which must be fatal to them. He would be sorry that this fort, that was the work of peace, should become tlie prison of your warriours. We must endeavour, on both sides, to prevent such misfortimes. The French, who are the l)rethren and friends of the Five Nations, will never trouble their re- pose, provided that the satisfaction, which I demand, be given ; and that the treaties of peace be hereafter ob- served. I shall be extremely grieved, if my words do not produce the etfect which I expect from them ; for then I shall be obliged to join with the governour of New-York, who is commanded by his master, to assist me, and burn the castles of the Five Nations and de- stroy you. This belt confirms my words." Garrangula heard these threats with contempt, be- cause he had learnt the distressed state of the French army, and knew that they were incapable of executing the designs with which they set out ; and, therefore, af- ter walking five or six times round the circle, he an- swered the French governour, who sat in an elbow ehair, in the following strain : " YONNONDIO, " I honour you, and the warriours that are with me likewise honour you. Your interpreter has finished your speech ; I now begin mine. My words make haste to reach your ears ; hearken to them. " Yonnondio, you must have believed, when you left Quebec, that the sun had burnt up all the forests, which render our country inaccessible to the French, or that the lakes had so far overflown the banks, that they Histori/ of Neii-York, 87 had surrmmded our castles, and that it Avas impossible for us to get out of them. Yes, Yonnondio, surely you must have dreamt so, and the curiosity of seeing so gieat a wonder, has brouglit you so far. Now you are undeceived, since that I and the warriours liere pre- sent, are come to assure you, that the Senecas, Cayu- gas, Onondagas, Oneydoes, and Mohawks, are yet alive, I thank you, in their name, for bringing back into their country the calumet, which your predecessor received from their hands. It was liappy for you, that you left under ground that murdering hatchet that has been so often dyed in the blood of the French. Hear, Yonnon- dio, I do not sleep, I have my eyes open, and the sun, which enlightens me, discovers to me a great captain at the head of a company of soldiers, who speaks as if he were dreaming. He says, that he only came to the lake to smoke on the great calumet with the Ononda- gas. But Garrangida says, that he sees the contrary, that it was to knock' them on the head, if sickness had not weakened the arms of the French. " I see Y onnondio raving in a camp of sick men, whose lives the Great Spirit has saved, by inflicting this sickness on them. Hear, Yonnondio, our women had taken their clubs, our children and old men had carried their bows and arrows into the heart of your camjs if our warriours had not disarmed them, and kept iiiem back, when your messenger, Ohguesse, came to our castles. It is done, and I have said it. Heai-, Yonnon- dio, we plundered none of the French, but those that carried guns, powder, and ball to the Twiglitwies and Chictaghicks, because those arms might have cost us our lives. Herein we follow the example of the Jesu- its, who stave all the kesi;s of rum broudit to our ca?- '88 History of New-York. ties, lest the drunken Indians should knock them on the head. Our warriours have not be\'er enough to pay for all these arms that they have taken, and our ol^l men are not afraid of the war. T])is belt preserves my words. ' We carried the English into our Jakes, to trade there w ith the Utawawas and Quatoghies, as the Adi- rondacks brought the French to oiu' castles, to carry on a trade, wliich the English say is tiieirs. We are born free ; we neitlier depend on Yonnondio nor Corlear. *' We may go v« here we please, and carry with us whom we please, and buy and sell what we please : if your allies be your slaves, use them as such, command them to receive no other but your people. This belt preserves my words. " W^e knocked the Twightwies and Chictaghicks on the head, because they had cut down the trees of peace, which were the limits of our country. They have hunted bevers on our lands : they have acted contra- ry to the customs of all Indians ; for they left none of the bevers alive, they killed both male and female. They brought the Satanas * iiito the country, to take part with them, after they had concerted ill designs against us. W^e have done less than either the English or French, that have usurped the lands of so many In- dian nations, and chased them from their own country. This belt preserves my words, " Hear, Yonnondio, what I say, is the voice of all the Five Nations ; hear what they answer ; open your ears to what they speak. The Senecas, Cayugas, On- ondagas, Oneydoes, and Mohawks say, that when tiiey * Bj the French called SauouQons,. History of New-York. 89 buried the hatchet at Cadarackui (in the presence of your predecessor) in the middle of the fort; they plant- ed tlie tree of peace in the same place, to be there carefully preserved, that, in place of a retreat for sol- diers, that fort might be a rendezvous for merchants : that in place of arms and ammunition of war, beavers and merchandise should only enter tliere. " Hear, Yonnondio, take care for the future, that so great a number of soldiers as appear there do not choke the tree of peace planted in so small a fort. It will be a great loss, if, after it had so easily taken root, you should stop its growth, and prevent its covering your country and ours with its branches. I assure you, in the name of the Five Nations, that our warriours shall dance to the calumet of peace under its leaves, and shall remain quiet on their mats, and shall never dig up the hatchetj till their brother Yonnondio or Corlear shall either jointly or separately endeavour to attack the country, which the Great Spirit has given to our ancestors. Tiiis belt preserves my words, and this other, the authority ^vhich the Five Nations have given me." Then Garrangula, addressing himself to monsieur La Main, said " Take courage, Ohguesse, you have spirit, speak, explain my words, forget nothing, tell all that your brethren and friends say to Yonnondio, your governour, by the mouth of Garrangula, who loves you, and desires you to accept of this present of beaver, and take part with me in my feast, to which I invite you. This present of beaver is sent to Yonnondio, on the part of Use Five Nations." Enraged at this bold reply, De la Barre as soon as the peace was concluded, retired to Montieal, and in- 12 90 Bistory of New-York, gloriously finished an expensive carnpaia^n, as Doctor •Colden observes, in a scold with an old Indian. De la Barre was succeeded hy the uiarquis De Non- vijle, colonel of the drao;oous, who arrived with a rein- fi! I cement (*f troops, in 168/3. Tlie marquis was a man of courao;e and an enterprising spirit, and not a little animated by the consi- deration, that he was sent over to repair the disgrace which his predecessor had brought upon the French colony. The year after his arrival at Quebec, he wrote a letter to the minister in France, recommending the scheme of erecting a stone fort, suf- ficient to contain four or five hundred men, at Ni- aiiara, not only to exclude the English from the lakes, but to command the fur trade and subdue the Five I^ations. Dongan, who was jealous of liis designs, took umbrage at the extraordinary supplies sent to foit Frontenac, and wrote to the French governour, signifying tb.at if he attacked the confederates, he would consider it as a breach of the peace subsisting between the two crowns; and to prevent his building a fort at ISiagaia, he protested against it, and claimed the coun- try as dependent upon the province. De Nonville, in his answer, denied that he intended to invade the Five iSiations, tho' the necessary preparations for that pur- pose were then carrying on, and yet Ciiarlevoix com- mends him for tiis piety and uprightness, *' (gakment estimable (says the Jesuit) ^owr sa valtury sa droHuTc <^^ sa picUr Colonel Dongan, who knew the iuiportance of our Indian alliance, placed no couiklence in the de- clarations of the marquis, but exerted himself in pre- paring the confederates for a war; and the French au- tlior, just mentioned, does him lionour, while he com- plains of him as a perpetual obstacle in the way of the History of New- York. 91 execution of their schemes. Our allies were now tti- umphino- in their success o\rer the Chictajj^liics, and nie- ditutin}^ a war with the Twightwies, wh > ha 1 disturhc;.! them in their beaver hunting. De Nonville, to prevent the interruption of the French trade with th .' Twiuht- wies, determined to divert the Five Nations, and carry the war into tiieir country. To that end, in 16B7, he collected two thousand troops and six himlred Indians at Montreal, and issued orders to all the officers in the- inore westerly country, to meet hi>n with additional succours at Niaa;ara, on an expedition against the Sen- ecas. An English party, under one M'Gregory, at the same time, was gone out to trade on the lakes, but the French, notwithstanding the peace then sul)sisting be- tween the two crowns, intercepted them, seized tlieir etiects, and imprisoned their persons. Monsieur Fon- ti, commandant among the Chictaghics who was com- ing to the general's rendezvous at Niagara, did the like to another English [)arty, whicli he met witii in lake Erie.* The Five Nations, in the mean time, were preparing to give the French army a suitable recep- tion. Monsieur Companie, with two or three hundred Canadians, in an advanced party, surprised two villages of the confederates, who, at tiie invitation, and on tue faith of the French, seated themselves down about eight leagues from lake Fadarackui or Ontario. I'o pre- vent their escape with intelligence to their countrymen, they were carried to the fort, and all but thirteen died in torments at the stake, singing with an heroick spirit, * Botli these attacks were open inaactioiis of (he treaty at Whitehall, executed in November, 1686; by wliich it was agreed that the Indiau trade in America should be iVec to t!ic Etiglish aud freach. 92 History of New-York, in their expiring moments, the perfidy of the French* The rest, according to the express orders of the French king, were sent to the galleys in Europe. The mar- quis having embarked his whole army in canoes, set out from the fort at Cadarackui, on the 23d of June, one half of them passing along the north, and the other on the south side of the lake ; and both arrived the same day at Tyrondequait, and shortly after set out on their march towards the chief village of the Senecas, at about seven leagues distance. The main body was composed of the regulars and militia, the front and rear of the Indians and traders. The scouts advanced the second day of their march, as far as the corn of the village, and within pistol shot of live hundred Senecas, who lay upon their bellies undiscovered. The French, who imagined the enemy were all fled, quickened their inarch to overtake the women and old men. But nq sooner had they reached the foot of a hill, about a mile from the village, than the Senecas raised the war shout, and in the same instant charged upon the whole army, both in the front and rear. Universal confusion ensu- ed. The battalions divided, fired upon each other, and flew into the wood. The Senecas improved the disor- der of the enemy, till they were repulsed by the French Indians. According to Charlevoix's account, which may be justly suspected, the enemy lost but six men, and had twenty wounded, in the conflict. Of the Senecas, he says, sixty were wounded and forty-five slain. The marquis was so much dispirited, that he could not be persuaded to pursue the enemy that day ; which gave the Senecas an opportunity to burn their Tillage and get off". Two old men remained in the castle to receive tlie general, and regale the barbarity of his Hialory of Nnv-York. 93 Indian allies. After deslroyinfij the corn in this and seve- ral other villacjes, the army retired to the banks of the lake, and erected a fort with four bastions on the south- east side of the streights at iViagara, in which tliey loft one hundred men, under the command of Le Chevalier de le Troye, with eight months provisions ; but tlio^c being close blocked up, all, except seven or eight of them, who were arcidentaily relieveil, jierislied throiigh famine.* Soon after this expcditioi!, colonel Dongan met the Five INations at Albany. To what intent, ap- pears from the speech he made to them on the T^th of August, whicli I choose to lay before the reader,, to shew his vigilance and zeal for tiie interest of his mas- ter, and the commonweal of the province committed to his care. *• Brethren, " I am very glad to see you here in this house, and am heartily glad that you have sustained no greater loss by the French, though 1 believe it was their inten- tion to destroy you all, if they could have surprised you in your castles. " As soon as I heard their design to war with you, 1 gave you notice, and came up hither myself, that 1 might be ready to give all the assistance and advice that so short a time would allow me. '" Nothing can bo more perfidious and unjust than this attack upon our confederates. The two crowns had but just concluded a treaty lor the preservation of the peace : La Hontaii, one of tlie French his- torian?, censures De Nonville's conduct, and admits the British title to the command of tlie lakes, but Charlevoix blames liim, as he treat ■with any fcireign nation, it not lying in your power. You have brought this trouble upon yourselves, and, as I believe, this is the only reason of their falling on you at this time. " Brethren, 1 took it very ill, that ajter you had put your stives into the number of the great king of England's suhjects, you should ever offer to make peace or war, without my consent. You know that we can live with- out you but you cannot live without us ; you never found that I told you a lie, and I ofllered you the assis- tance you wanted, provided that you would be advised by me ; for 1 know the French better than any of you do. IJi story of Niiv-YorJc. 95 ** Now since there is a war begun upon you by the ^ovcrnour of Tanada, I liope \M*thout any jHovocali n by }ou given, I desire and couiinnnd you, that you he.rken to no treaty but by my advice ; which if you f -How, yon shall have the benefit of the great chain of flic fidship between the great king of England, and the king of France, which came out of England the other day, and whicli I have sent to Canada by Anthony le .lunard ; in the mean time, I will give you such advice as will be for your good ; and will supply you with such necessaries as you will have need of. ** 1st, My advice is, as to what prisoners of the French you shall take, that you draw not their blood, but bring them home, and keep them to exchange for your peo- ple, which they have i)risoners already, or may take hereafter." " 2dly, That if it be possible, that you can order it so, I would have you take one or two of your wisest sa- chems, and one or two of your wisest captains, of each nation, to be a council to manage all affairs of the war. They, to give orders to the rest of tlie officers what they are to do, that your designs may be kept private ; for after it comes among so many people, it is blazed abroad, and your designs are often frustrated; and those chief men should keep a correspondence with me by a trusty messenger. " .idly, The great matter under consideration with the brethren, is, how to strengthen themselves, and weaken their enemy. My opinion is, that the breth- ren should send messengers to the Utawawas, Twight- w ies, and the farther Indians, and to send back likewise some of the prisoners of these nation*, if you have any left, to bury, the hatcliet, and to make a covenf ture in Boston. Sir Edmond Andross, vvha was per- fectly devoted to the arbitrary measures of king James, by his tyranny in New-England, had drawn upon himself the universal odium of the people, an- imated with tlie love of liberty and in the defence of History of Ncn-YorJr. 103 it resolute and (•()ura2;eoiis ; and, therefore, when they could no hinder endure his desy)otic'k rule, they seiz- ed and iiiiprisoned him, and afterwards sent liini to Eno;land. Tlie ojoverninent, in the mean time, was vest- ed in the hands of a committee for the safety of the people, of which Mr. Bradstreet, was chosen presi- dent. ITpon the news of this event, several captains of our militia convened themselves to concert mea- sures in favour of the prince of Orange. Among th( se, .Tacob Leisler, was the most active. He was a man in tolerable esteem among the people, and of a moderate fortune, but destitute of every qualifica- tion necessary for the enterprise. Wilborne, his son in law, an Englishman, directed all his councils, whihi Leisler as absolutely influenced the other offi- cers. The first thing tliey contrived, was to seize the garrison in NcAv-York ; and the custom, at that time, of guarding it every night by liic; militia, gave Leis- ler a fine o])j)ortunity of executing the design. He entered it with forty-nine men, and determined to hold it till the whole militia should join him. Colo- nfd Dongan, who Avas about to leave the province, then lay embarked in the bay, having a little be- fore resigned the government to Francis IN'icholson, the lieutenant goveinour. The council, civil officers, and magistrates of the city, were against Leisler, and therefore many of his friends were at first fear- ful of openly espousing a cause disapproved by the gentlemen of figure. For this reason, Leisler's first de- claration in favour of the prince of Orange, was sub- scribed only by a few, aiUong several companies of the trained bands. While the people, for lour days 104 History of New-YorL successively, were in the utmost perplexity to deter- mine wiiat part to choose, being solicited by Leisler on the one hand, and threatened by the iieutenanl governour on the other, the town was alarmed Avitii a report that three sliips were coming up with or- ders from the prince of Orange. Tliis falseJiood was very seasonably propagated to serve the interest of Leisler; for, on that day, tlic 3d of June, 1089, his party was augmented by the addition of six captains and four lumdied men in Nevr-York, and a compa- ny of seventy men from East Chester, who all subscrib- ed a second declaration,* mutually covenanting to hold the fort for the prince. Colonel Dongan continu- ed till this time in the harbour, waiting the issue of these commotions ; and Nicholson's party being now unable to contend Avith their opponents were totally dispersed, the lieutenant governour himself absconding, the very night after the last declaration was signed. * I have taken an exact copy of it for the satisfaction of the reader, " Whereas our intenfioD, tended only but to the preservation of tlje protestant religion, and the fort of this citty, to the end that we may avoid and prevent, the rash judgment of the world, in so just a design ; ^yee have thought fitt, to let every body know by these publifk pro- clamation, that till the safe arryvc!! of the ships, that wee expect eve- ry day, from his royrd iiighness the prince of Orange, with orders for the government of this country in the behalf of such person, as the said royal highness had cliosen, and honoured with the charge of a gover- nour, that as soon as the bearer of the said orders, shall have let us see his power, then, and without any delay, we shall execute the said or- ders punctually ; declaring that we do intend to submit and obey, not only the said orders, but also the bearer thereof, committed for (he ex- ecution of the same. In witness hereof, we have signed these ore- sents, the third of Xune, 1 689. History of Nov-Yorh 105 Leisler being now in complete possession of the fort, sent home an ackhess to kiny God's assistance, to keep and preserve for the behoof of their majesties William and Mary, king and queen of Eng- land, as we hitherto have done since their proclamation ; and if you hear, that they persevere witli such inten- tions, so to disturl) tlie inhahitants of this county, that you then, in the name and behalf of the convention and inhal»itants of the city and county of Albany, pictest agaijist the said Leisler, and all such persons that shall make attempt, for all losses, damages, bloodshed, or whatsoever mischiefs may ensue thereon ; w hich you are to communicate with all speed, as you perceive their desio;n." Taking it for granted, that Leisler at New-York, and the convention at Albany, w^ere equally affected to the revolution, nothing could be more egregiously foolish, than the conduct of both parties, who, by their intestine divisions, threw the piovince into convidsions, and sowed the seeds of mutual hatred and animosity, which, for a long time after, greatly embarrassed the publick affau's of the colony. AVhen Albany declared for the prince of Orange, there was nothing else that Leisler could properly require : and rather than sacri- fice the publick peace of the province, to the tiifling honour of resisting a man who had no evil designs, Al- bany ouglit in prudence to have delivered the garrison into his hands, till the king's definitive orders should ar- rive. J3ut while Leisler, on the one hand, was inebri- ated with his new gotten power, so on the other, Bay- ard, Court land, Schuyler, and others, could not brook a submission to the authority of a man, mean in his abilities, and inferiour in his degree. Anhnated by >iiO History of New-York. these principles, botli parties prepared, the one to re- duce, if I may use the expression, the other to retain, the garrison of Albany. IMr. Livin^^ston, a principal agent for the convention, retired into Connecticut, to solicit the aid of that colony for the protection of the frontiers against the French. Leisler suspecting that they were to be used against hiin, endeavoured not on- ly to prevent these supplies, but wrote letters, to have Livingston apprehended as an enemy to the reigning powers, and to procure succours from Boston, falsely represented the convention as in the interest of the French and king James. Jacob Milborne was commissioned for the reduction of Albany. Upon his amval tliere, a great number of the inhabitants armed themselves and repaired to the fort, then commanded by Mr. Schuyler, while many others followed the other members of the convention to a conference with him at the city hall. IMilborne, to proselyte the crowd, declaimed mucli against king James, popery, and arbitrary power ; but his oratory was lost upon the hearers, who, after several meetings, still adhered to the convention. IMilborne then ad- vanced with a few men up to tlie fort, and 3Ir. Schuy- ler had the utmost difficulty to prevent both his own men, and the Mohawks, who were then in Albany, and perfectly devoted to his service, from firing upon Mil- borne's party, which consisted of an inconsiderable number, In these circumstances, he thought proper to jetreat, and soon after departed from Albau}'. In the spring he commanded another party upon the same er- rand, and the distress of the country upon an Indian irruption, gave him all the desired success. No sooner was he possessed of the garrison, than most of the prin- History of New- York, lit tipal members of the convention absconded. Upon which, their e fleets were arbitrarily seized and confis- cated, which so liighly exasperated tiie sufferers, that their posi«'rity, to tliis day, cannot speak of tliese trou- bles, without the bitterest invectives against LeLsler and all his adherents. In the midst of tlK)se intestine confusions at New- York, the peoj)lc of New-England, were engaged in a war with the Owenagungas, Ourages, and Penocoks. Between these and the Schakook Indians, there w as then a friendly communication, and the same was suspected of the oNjohawks, among whom some bf the Owenagun- gas had taken sanctuary. This gave rise to a confer- ence between several commissioners from Boston, Ply- mouth, and Connecticut, and the Five Nations, at Al- bany, in September, 1089, the former endeavouring to engage the latter, against those eastern Indians, who were then at war with the New-England colonies. Tahajadoris, a Mohawk sachem, in a long oration, an- swered the English message, and, however improbable it may seem to Europeans, repeated aU that had been said the preceding day. The art they have in assisting their memories is this. The sachem who presides, has a bundle of sticks prepared for the purpose, and at tlie close of every princii>al article of the message delivered to them, gives a stick to another sachem charging him with remembrance of it. By this means the oratour, af- ter a previous conference witli the Indians, is prepared to repeat every part of the message, and give it its pro- per reply. This custom is invaiiably pursued in all their publick treaties. The conference did not answer the expectation of the people of New-Englajid, tiie Five Nations discovering. 112 History of Nov- York. a great disinclination to join in the hostilities against the eastern Indians. To atone for which, they gave the highest protestations of their willingness to distress the French, against whom the English had declared war, on the 7th of May preceding. That part of the speech ratifyins; their friendship with the English colonies, is singuhirly expressed. " We promise to preserve the chain inviolably, and wish that the sun may always bhine in peace over all our heads that are comprehend- ed in this chain.^ We give two belts. One for the Sim, and the other for its beams. We make fast the roots of the tree cjf peace and tranquility which is plant- ed in this place. Its roots extend as far as the utmost of your colonies ; if the French should come to shake this tree, we would feel it by the motion of its roots, which extend into oiu- country. But Ave trust it will not be in the governour of Canada's power to shake this tree, which has been so firmly, and long planted with us." XSotliing could ha'>ebeen more advantasjeors to these colonies, and especially to ^^'^ew-York, than the late suc- cess of the Five ISations against Canada. I'he mise- ries to which the French were reduced, rendered us secure against theu inioads, till the work of the revo- lution was in a great measure accomplished ; and to their distressed condition, we must principally ascribe the defeat of the French design, about this time, to make a conquest of the province. De Callieres, Avho * The Indians' conception of the league between them and ii?, is couched under the idea of a chain extended from a ship to a tree ; and every renewal of this league they call brighteniug the chain. History of Xen- York. 1 1 3 •went to France in 1G88, first projected the scheme ;* and the troubles in England encouraged the' French court to make the attempt. Caffiniere cqmmanded the ships wliich sailed for that purpose from Rochefort ; subject, nevertheless, to the count De Frontenac, who was general of the land forces, destined to march from Canada by the rout of Sorel river and the lake Cham- plain. The fleet and troops an-ived at Chebucta, the place of rendezvous, in September : from whence the count proceeded to Quebec, leaving orders with Caf- finiere to sail for iS'ew-York, and continue in the bay, in siglit of the city, but beyond the fire of our cannon, till the 1st Deceml^er : when, if he received no intelli- gence from liim, he was ordered to return to France, af- ter unlading the ammunition, stores, and provisions at Port-Royal.T The count was in high spkits, and fully determined upon the enterprise, till he arrived at Que- bec ; where the news of the success of the Five Nations against Montreal, the loss of his favourite fort at lake Ontario, and the advanced season of the year, defeated his aims, and broke up the expedition. De NonvDle, who was recalled, canied the news of this disappoint- ment to the courtof France, leaving the chief command of the country in the hands of count Frontenac. This * Cliarlevoix has published an citr^ct of the memorial presented to the French king. The force demaiu'ed for this enterprise was to consist of 1200 regulars, and 300 Canadians. Albany was said to be fortified only by an inclii?ure of stockadoes and a Utile fort with fuur bastions; and thnt it cont lined but 150 soldiers and 300 inhabitants. That I^ew-York, the capital of the province, was open, had a ston' T^rt with four bastions, and about four huudicd inh^biianfes, di\ided iatQ eight companies. T XoTT Annapolis. >5 114 Hislory of New- York. gentleman was a man of courage, and well acqiiahiled with the affairs of that country. He was then in the 6(Jth year of his age, and yet so far from consulting his ease, that in a few days after he landed at Quebec, he re- embarked in a canoe for Montreal, where his presence was absolutely necessary, to animate the inhabitants and regain their Indian alliances. A war, between the English and French crowns, being broke out, the count betook himself to every art, for concluding a peace be- tween Canada and the Five Nations ; and for this pur- pose, the utmost civilities were shown to Taweraket and the other Indians, who had been sent to France by De INonville, and were how returned. Three of those Indians, who doubtless were struck with the grandeur and glory of the French monarch, were properly sent on the important message of conciliating the friendsliip of the Five Nations. These, agreeable to our alliance, sent two sachems to Albany, in December, with notice that a council for that purpose \^ as to be held at Onon- daga. It is a just reflection upon the people of Albany, that they regarded the treaty so slightly, as only to send four Indians and the interpreter with instructions, in their name, to dissuade the confederates from a ces- sation of arms ; while the French, on the other hand, had then a Jesuit among the Oneydoes. The council began on the 22d of .January, 1690, and consisted of eighty sachems. Sadekanaglitie, an Onondaga chief, opened the conference. The whole was managed with great art and formality, and concluded in sliowij g a disposition to make peace with the French, wilhoul per- fecting it ; guarding, at the same time, against giving tiie least umbiage to the English. History of Nm-York. J 15 Ainono- other measures to detach the Five Nations from the British interest, and raise tlie depressed spirit of the Canaflians, the count De Frontenac thou2;ht pro- per to send out several parties against the En<2;Iisii col- onies. D'Aillebout, JJe Mantel, and Le Moyne, com- manded that against New-York, consisting of about two hundred French and some Caghnuaga Indians, who, be- ing prosLdytes from the Mohawks, were perfectly ac- quriinted with that coiuitry. Their orders were, in gen- eral, to attack New-York ; but pm'suing the advice of the Indians, they resolved, instead of Albany, to sur- prise Schenectady, a village seventeen miles northwest from it, and about the same distance from the Mohawks. The people of Sclienectady, tliough they had been in- formed of the designs of the enemy, v> ere in the great- est security ; judging it impracticable for any men to march several hundred miles, in the depth of w inter, through the snow, bearing their provisions on theii' backs. Besides the village was in as much confusion as the rest of the province ; the officers who were posted there, being unable to preserve a regular watch, or any kind of military order. Such Avas the state of Schenectady, as represented by colonel Schuyler, who was at that tune mayor of tiie city of Albany, and at the head of the convention. A copy of his letter to the neighbour- ing colonies, concerning this descent upon Schenecta- dy, dated 15th of February, 1(389-90, I have nowlvinsr before me, under his own hand. After two and twenty days march, the enemy fell in with Schenectady, on the 8th of February ; and were reduced to sucli streights, that they had tlioughts of sur- renderhig themselves prisoners of war. Jiut their scouts, who were a day or tw o in the village entiiely unsuspect- 116 History of New-York. ed, returned with such encouraging accounts of the ab- solute security of the people, that the enemy deter- mined on the attack. They entered on Saturday night about eleven o'clock, at the gates, \^hich were found linshut ; and, that every house miglit be invested at the same time, divided into small parties of six, or seven men. The inhabitants were in a profound sleep, and unalarmed, till their doors were broke open. IS ever were people in a more wretched consternation. Before they were risen from their beds, the enemy entered their houses, and began the perpetration of the most in- human barbarities. No tongue, says colonel Schuyler, can express the cruelties that were committed. The whole village was instantly in a blaze. Women with child ripped open, and their infants cast into the flames, or dashed against the posts of the doors. Sixty persons perished in the massacre, and twenty seven were carri- ed into captivity. The rest fled naked towards Albany, through a deep snow which fell that very night in a ter- rible storm ; and t\\ enty-five of these fugitives, lost their limbs in the flight, tlirough the severity of the frost. The news of this dreadful tragedy reached Albany about break of day ; and universal dread seized the in- habitants of that city, the enemy being reported to be one thousand four hundred strong. A party of horse was immediately dispatched to Schenectady, and a iew Mohawks, then in the town, fearful of being intercepted, were with difficulty sent to apprise their own castles. The Mohawks were unacquainted with this bloody ^eene, till two days after it happened ; our messengers being scarce able to travel through the great depth of snow. The enemy, in the mean time, pillaged the 'town of Schenectady till noon the next day ; and the« History of New-York, 111 went off with their plunder, and about forty of their best horses. The rest, with all the cattle tliey could find, lay slau