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 QUESTIONS FOR NOV. 4, 1862. 
 
 SHALL THE CONSTITDTION BE MAINTAINED ? 
 
 SHALL ILLINOIS BE AFRICANIZED? 
 
 No people since the dawn of civilization 
 were ever placed in a more critical and dan- 
 gerous position than the people of our once 
 glorious, happy and prosperous country now 
 are. The government is predicated upon the 
 theory, (which we hold to be correct,) that 
 man is capable of self-government. Under 
 the reign of peace and prosperity which has 
 favored us, the highest degree of civilization 
 has been developed, and tliHt a fair and per- 
 fect test of the truth or falsity of the theory, 
 is to be demonstrated by the issue of our 
 troubles, no man who correctly discerns the 
 eigns of the times can doubt. 
 
 The Union of these states is the creature of 
 our constitution, and if the issue shall be de- 
 cided in the field, and by the ballot box, in 
 favor of the constitution, the correctness of 
 that theory will be gloriously and triumphantly 
 vindicated, but if, on the contrary, armed re- 
 bellion in the south shall be a success, and the 
 enemies of constitutional liberty shall succeed 
 at the ballot box, this government and that 
 theory, the hopes of the oppressed and the 
 terror of tyrants, will set in darkness forever. 
 
 It is with a view of aiding in the preserva- 
 vation of that inheritance of every American 
 citizen, that this paper is written, and submit- 
 ted to the consideration of a people who ought 
 to be free. On the \<ot\ day of May, 1861, 
 the republican convention met in the city of 
 Chicago, and adopted a platform enunciating 
 certain principles to which they as a party 
 pledged themselves ; among which they assert, 
 in the fourth resolution : 
 
 "That the maintenance inviolate of the rights of 
 the states, and especially the rights of each state 
 to order and control its own domestic institutions, 
 according to its own judgment, exclusively, is es- 
 sential to that balance ofpower on which the perfec- 
 tion and endurance of our political faith depends." 
 
 And in their sixth resolution : 
 
 " That the people justly view with alarm the reck- 
 less extravagance which pervades every depart- 
 ment of the lederal government ; that a return to 
 rigid economy and accountability is indispensable 
 to arrest the system of plunder of the public treas- 
 ury bv favored partis.ans. while the recent develop- 
 ments of fraud and corruption, at the federal met- 
 ropolis, shoH that un entire change of administration 
 is imperatively demanded." 
 
 And in their eighth resolution : 
 
 "That no person should be deprived of life, ins- 
 ERTT or PROPERTY without duc process of law, and 
 that it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever 
 such legislation is necessary to maintain this pro- 
 vision of the constitution, against all attempts to 
 violate it." 
 
 \ The public speakers of the republican party 
 and their presses, teemed with abuse of the 
 southern people for the reason that American 
 citizjns could not, in the south, express their 
 opinions on the question uf slavery, and very 
 correctly asserted that the suppression of free 
 speech and a free press was contrary to the 
 genius of American liberty; and pledged 
 themselves and their party', unalterably, to 
 the freedom of speech and the freedom of the 
 press. Abraham Lincoln was nominated upon 
 the platform and pledges of which the foreg q- 
 ing are a part, by the republican convention 
 and upon such pledges and platform, he was 
 constitutionally elected president of the Uni 
 ted States. On the 4th of March, 1861, Abra- 
 ham Lincoln was inaugurated, and in his in - 
 augural said : 
 
 i„llffH'"'''\f -^^^ \ ^^^®. ""^ purpose, directly or 
 indirectly, to interfere with the instituUon of sla- 
 very m the states where it exists ; that / believe I 
 Aat'ew LAWFUL right to do so, and have no inclina- 
 tion to do so." 
 
 But a short period of time before, the whole 
 republican delegation in congress, 
 
 Resolved, That neither congress, nor the 'peonle or 
 governmenU of the non-slaoeholding states have a 
 constitutional Hght to legislate upon or interfere 
 with slavery in any slaveholding state of the 
 
 Such were the pledges the republican party 
 made to the American people on going into 
 power. Have they been false to their ple'dges? 
 Have they fulfilled their promises ? It is sin- 
 gular, but nevertheless true, that their leaders 
 have made no pledge to the people that thev 
 have not violated— no promise that they have 
 fulfilled. They assert, as a cardinal point of 
 their faith, "the maintenance inviolate of the 
 rights of the states to regulate their own do- 
 mestic institutions." They resolve, by their 
 members of congress, "that the government 
 the states, nor the people, have the constitu- 
 tional right to legislate or interfere with sla 
 very in any slaveholding state of the Union ; 
 their president declares that he has no lawful 
 right or inclination to do so. They make 
 these pledges, and enunciate these principles, 
 after power is acquired by them, yet before 
 two years have elapsed we find them assuming 
 greater authority than they themselves assume 
 to be constitutional. We find the president 
 issuing a proclamation interfering with the 
 domestic institutions of the slave states, which 
 he declared, on the 4th of March, 1861, he 
 had no lawful right or inclination to do. We 
 
F^C 
 
 find them advocating a suspension of the con- 
 stitution, and pleading in justification the 
 ever ready plea of tyrants, necessity. We find 
 the president, the mere creature of the con- 
 stitution, and without wliich ho never could 
 have been such, senators aud representatives, 
 creatures of the constitution, all claiming to 
 act by an authority higher than their creator ! 
 They pledge the people in their platform 
 that their administration of the finances of the 
 government shall be controlled by the most 
 rigid economy. Senator Hale, of New Hamp- 
 shire, and Representative Dawes, of Massa- 
 chusetts, and other members of the republican 
 party, charged Simon Cameron, secretary of 
 war, with immense frauds, and it is notorious 
 that he speculated upon the miseries of his 
 country. Instead of meeting with the punish- 
 ment that his crimes and his recreancy to 
 public interests merited, he resigns his position, 
 and is appointed by the administration to one 
 of the most important foreign missions. John 
 C. Fremont is appointed commander in the 
 west ; he surrounds himself with all the para- 
 phernalia of royalty ; he lives more like an 
 eastern emperor than an American general ; 
 he rolls in wealth, denies that he owes allegi- 
 ance to "red tape," (meaning the government); 
 he spends immense sums of the money of the 
 people; he is removed from the department; 
 the admistration appoint a commission of men 
 of their own party, of undoubted purity of 
 character, to investigate his proceedings in the 
 department ; their report shows that he is 
 reckless and incompetent ; that millions of 
 dollars were squandered and stolen from the 
 government while he had control of the de- 
 partment ; it impugns his loyalty, and broadly 
 intimates that he is dishonest in the pecuniary 
 management of the military department. In- 
 stead of meeting with the unqualified condem- 
 nation and disgrace that his conduct richly 
 merited, he is assigned to a new and import- 
 ant command, to again exhibit to the world 
 his utter incompetency, at a cost to the gov-- 
 ernment of national honor, the lives of thou- 
 sands of her citizens and millions of public 
 treasure. If the testimony of their own wit- 
 nesses be taken, a reward for incompetency, 
 and a premium for rascality, is the policy of 
 the administration. They enunciate in their 
 platform, as another cardinal point of their 
 faith, that provision of the constitution of the 
 United States that guarantees liberty to the 
 citizen and protection to his property, and 
 declares that no person shall be deprived of 
 life, liberty, or property, without due process 
 of law ; yet before they have held the reins 
 of government for one year, on the mere order 
 of a cabinet officer, without pretence of lawful 
 authority, citizens are dragged from their 
 homes and immured in some distant bastile of 
 the government. U. S. district ? 
 marshals are, by his edict, const T v p q 
 the judge and jury, to decide upoL ' " .- 
 
 of American citizens. Dragged truui i^/,,^. , 
 ptates where there can be no pretence that | 
 
 the civil law cannot be enforced, they are 
 denied the right of trial by jury, or court mar- 
 tial, detained without a knowledge of the 
 crime with which they stand charged ; denied 
 .the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, 
 robbed of liberty, and tainted in reputation, 
 with no knowledge of their accusers, and in- 
 nocent of crime, the subjects of a government 
 founded upon a written constitution which 
 guarantees liberty to the citizen, they are 
 made the victims of despotic usurpations dis- 
 graceful to the age in which we live. Tlie 
 president of the United States subsequently 
 suspends the writ of habeas corjms in all the 
 loyal states. The courts of the country, 
 through such great jurists as Marshall, Story, 
 Taney and others, have decided that the power 
 to suspend the habeas corpus right — a right of 
 freemen to a hearing before imprisonment — to 
 protect them against unjust arrest, rests solely 
 with congress. Aiticle 2, of section9, of the 
 legislative department of the constitution pro- 
 vides that '' The privilege of the writ of habeas 
 corpus shall not be suspended unless when in 
 cases of rebellion and invasion the public 
 safety may require it." The government con- 
 sists of three departments, the legislative, the 
 judicial and the executive. The judicial is the 
 department which expounds the constitution. 
 It is the duty of the president to execute the 
 laws as expounded by them. In suspending the 
 habeas corpus right he arrogates to himself tho 
 authority of the legislative department, and 
 bids defiance to the plain mandates of the 
 constitution, as expounded by the Judicial. 
 The safety of the citizen rests solely upon the 
 fact that each of the departments are a check 
 upon the others, and when either department 
 encroaches upon and assumes the authority of 
 the others it at once becomes absolute and 
 despotic, and all the safeguards of liberty are 
 stricken from existence. All these acts are 
 justified by the plea of "necessity." Indepen- 
 dent of the considerations already presented, 
 has the necessity or has the right existed ? 
 The theory of our government is such that it 
 affords the highest degree of protection to the 
 life, liberty and property of the citizen, and 
 the constitution declares that they shall be de- 
 prived of neither without due process of law. 
 The right of the suspension of the privilege 
 of the writ of habeas corpus can only exist 
 when the civil power is inoperative, for the 
 reason that all ofienses against the government 
 are punishable by the civil courts. There can 
 be no necessity for it while the civil law pre- 
 vails. If a citizen is guilty of crime against 
 the government, all that is required is an affi- 
 davit of the fact before the district court, 
 when a warrant issues for his apprehension 
 and he is held to bail, if the offense is baila- 
 ble, or imprisoned if it is not. These arrests 
 i„ oil ijeen made on the theory that 
 _ d were guilty of treasonable 
 ^ ^ 7 8 J C 1 was the case the same re- 
 — ^ . -t) would have been accom- 
 
 plished by proceeding throngh the courts, and 
 
//''f(^ 
 
 the assumption of the right to arrest citizens 
 in the loyal states and deny to them all civil 
 remedies, is a high-handed and despotic usur- 
 pation, that indicates either madness or a set- 
 tled design upon the part of its author to rob 
 the people of their liberties. 
 
 If an American citizen dissents from the 
 policy of the admiuistratio'a he is met with the 
 crv that you miifit sustain the government. If 
 he disagrees with any one of the public acts 
 of the president, he is again met with the cry 
 that you imist sustain the qovcrntnent ; thus at- 
 tempting to educate the American people in 
 the slavish doctrine that the president is the 
 government, and that his power is absolute, 
 when, in fact, the president is the temporary 
 creature of the constitution, elected by the 
 people as their aervant, to execute the behests 
 of the constitution, and the laws of the legis- 
 tive department, as expounded by the judi- 
 ciary, '^he people are the rulers, and the man 
 who denies the right of an American citizen 
 to dissent from the policy of any president, 
 perhaps does not reflect that, if adhered to ami 
 enforced, that he is building upon the ruins of 
 the constitution and republican liberty an ab- 
 solute despotism, and lorging chains for him- 
 self and posterity. The l.^'aders of the repub- 
 lican party made their political campaign upon 
 the theory that they were especial defenders 
 of free speech and a free press. They stand 
 pledged to it by every avowal of policy during 
 their short existence prior to their acquisition 
 of power ; yet now the freedom of speech is 
 but a name, and American citizens, to insure 
 their personal safety, are compelled to remain 
 quiet and passive, while the very vitals of free- 
 dom are being wrenched from the temple, and 
 the government freemen love, with a patriotic 
 fervor incomprehensible to fanatics, is with- 
 out anchor, drifting at the mercy of fanati- 
 cism, partisan prejudice and personal malice. 
 They have established a censorship of the 
 
 to justify their revolutionary action, wa 
 that it was the intention of the administra- 
 tion to rob the southern people of their slave 
 property. Instead of sustaining the solemn 
 inaugural declaration of the president of the 
 United States that he had "no lawful right" 
 or inclination to interfere with slavery in the 
 slave states — instead of standing by and sus- 
 taining the resolution of congress passed 
 by themselves, which declared that congress, 
 nor the states, nor the people, had the right 
 to interfere -with slavery in the slaveholding 
 states — instead of strengthening the hands of 
 the loyal men in the rebellious states, and 
 aiding them in their effort to overthrow the 
 detestable revolutionary despotism of the 
 southern leaders,by acting in manner to prove 
 that the war was carried on for the preserva- 
 tion of the Union and the maintenance of 
 the constitution, the Trumbulls, Chandlers 
 and Sumners, the Gieelys and the Lovejoys, 
 and the host of radical leaders, commenced 
 a fanatical crusade that knew neither law nor 
 reason, in favor of the freedom of the negro. 
 While the leaders of the rebellion were at- 
 tempting to delude the people of the south 
 in favor of the rebellion, by the argument 
 that their slave property was in danger, the 
 radical leaders were daily furnishing mates 
 rial to sustain their allegations — to aid them 
 in their designs. These radicals abolished 
 slavery in the District of Columbia, they 
 recognized the negro government of Hayti 
 as a national equal, and they proposed to re- 
 duce the rebellious states to a territorial con- 
 dition, and although asserting their belief in 
 the loyalty of the majority of the southern 
 people, they advocated the emancipation of 
 the whole negro race of those states, whether 
 the property of loyal or disloyal masters, and 
 fanatical missionaries were sent among them 
 to teach them murder, rapine, robbery and 
 
 press as degrading as ever maintained in the 
 absolute despotisms of the Old World. One 
 of the great safeguards of American liberty 
 rests in the freedom of the press. When that 
 right is destroyed, and the press of the country 
 becomes the mere mouth-piece of those in au- 
 thority, the servile tool to fawn at the foot of 
 power, then farewell to American liberty. Yet 
 the leaders of this party, which professed to 
 be its especial defenders, have suppressed pub- 
 lic journals when they dared dissent from the 
 policy of the administration, although in so 
 doing, according to their honest judgment, 
 they were battling for the supremacy of the 
 constitution and the maintenance of the 
 Union. 
 
 What has been the result of their action 
 upon the rebellion? Disaster in the field 
 and additional vitality to treason. The lead- 
 ers of the southern rebellion, as is well 
 known by every man acquainted with its 
 history, carried out a majority of the rebel- 
 lious states against the known will of the 
 people. The pretext of the rebel leaders, 
 
 arson — to teach them the virtues of massacre 
 of helpless women and children — of the old 
 and decrepid — loyal or disloyal, and food 
 and raiment were supplied them from the 
 government stores to sustain them in their 
 part of the abolition crusade for negro 
 "liberty! " 
 
 The very temple of American constitutional 
 liberty, the capitol, by their invitation, was 
 desecrated by the unhallowed tread of that 
 arch■^traitor, Wendell Phillips, the man who 
 proclaims the "constitution a covenant with 
 death and a league with hell," and who 
 boasts that he has devoted himself for a 
 quarter of a century to the destruction of 
 the Union. He delivered a harangue in the 
 house of representatives, and was applauded 
 to the echo, by men who had sworn to sup« 
 port the constitution he denounced — by men 
 who were the representatives of the govern- 
 ment he hated, and for years had sought to 
 destroy. In short, they did everything that 
 infernal ingenuity could devise to exasperate 
 the whole people of all the slave states, and 
 
drive those who still clung to the Union into 
 armed rebellion. With these men the main^ 
 tenance of the Union and the preservation 
 of the constitution is nothing ; right of 
 property is nothing. The lives of thousands 
 of patriots, saciificed on the battle-fields, 
 nothing. Their oath of office is nothing. 
 They acknowledge no moral or legal re- 
 straints. They are the fanatical devotees of 
 an idea — they start out to alter the very laws 
 of nature, the one grand design being to 
 elevate the negro to political equality with 
 the white man. They have done more to 
 give vitality and endurance to the rebellion 
 than Jeff. Davis and all the other traitorous 
 leaders of the south. They put a pressure 
 on our generals, when the first army 6i pa- 
 triots assembled for the defense of Washing- j 
 ton. Their theory about the negro then was, 
 that the slaves of the south would rebel against 
 their masters, and that seventy-five thousand 
 men would crush out the rabellion in three 
 months. The halls of congress, from morning 
 till night, resounded witli the cries of freedom 
 to the negro and "on to Richmond." The pa- 
 triots of the country besought them to forget 
 the?jfl(7ro,in the terrible crisis, and sustain the 
 president and the army in their efforts to 
 maintain the Union and the CnustihUion, and 
 vindicate the outraged laws. They were an- 
 swered with the cry of "traitor." The gen- 
 erals, against their better judgment, yielded 
 to the "pressure," the army advanced, the 
 result will never be forgotten. The patriots 
 whose bones are reposing around Bull Run, 
 were the victims of the madness of these 
 men. They were the authors of our first 
 great disaster in the field. Again and again 
 they were appealed to, to forget the negro, 
 but they worshipped him AN'ith an idolatry 
 that bid defiance to reason. They freed the 
 negroes in the District of Columbia, who they 
 deprived of homes or means of support, who, 
 ragged, hungry, helpless, next claimed their 
 sympathies. They appropriated the people's 
 money to feed and clot)ie them, they took 
 them under the especial guardianship of 
 the government, and while American citi- 
 zens are suffering by reason of the calami- 
 ties that surround us, the negro lolls lazily 
 around Washington, fat, jolly and indifferent, 
 the recipient of the bounty of those men, 
 not taken from their own pockets, but from 
 the pockets of the people, from the vaults of 
 the government, to supply the every day in- 
 creasing demands on which the people are 
 being borne to the earth ■with taxation. 
 These fanatical destructives have their espe- 
 cial heroes among the generals of the army. 
 John C, Fremont is one. He freed two ne- 
 groes in Missouri! General Hunter is anoth- 
 er. He took fifty thousand arms to Hilton 
 Head for the purpose of arming negroes, he 
 organized a brigade, he armed them, and 
 clothed them, and filled the trump of aboli- 
 tion fame. Part of his sooty brigade ran 
 
 away without their arms; the balance ran 
 .Bway -with them, and gave them to their rebel 
 masters. A general in the field may be dis- 
 honest, incompetent and disloyal, but if his 
 faith in the negro is strong, all other faults 
 are forgotten by them. A general may be 
 the hero of a hundred fights, his honesty 
 may be unquestioned, his devotion to his 
 country not exceeded in history, yet if he 
 fail to capture and free the negro, and clothe 
 him at the expense of the government, he is 
 denounced by them as a traitor. George B. 
 McClellan was denounced by these destruc- 
 tives as a traitor. Buell is so denounced, and 
 Halleck does not escape theircalumnies. They 
 threatened the president and insinuated 
 that he, too, was a traitor, and put such a 
 " pressure'' on him, that he succumbed to 
 them and issued a proclamation of emancipa- 
 tion, which he declared, but a few days before, 
 would do "no good," "would be "inopera- 
 tive," like " the Pope's Bull against the 
 comet." McClellan before Fiichmond plead for 
 reinforcements. The destructives answered 
 him with the cry of "traitor," and they put 
 a "pressure" on the administration that pre- 
 vented his reinforcement. When his army 
 was overpowered by numbers, oppressed and 
 driven back — although, by common consent 
 of all military men, he exhibited great mili- 
 tary genius in his retreat, and saved an ar- 
 my in the face of superior numbers — when 
 surrounded by almost insurmountable diffi- 
 culties, tliey were possessed by a demoniac 
 .lilarity, and their cry was, "Did not we tell 
 you he was a traitor?" They then put anoth- 
 er "pressure" on the president that resulted 
 in the appointment of Gen. Pope to the 
 command. He was their then chosen chief. 
 He flaunted all the banners of the rad- 
 icals. He fought with proclamations. — 
 His campaign can be briefly written. Ho 
 left Washington with a well disciplined and 
 formidable army. He ridiculed "strategy." 
 He knew no "lines of retreat." He indulged 
 in sounding dispatches. He had no eye to 
 his rear, or "bases of supplies." The enemy 
 found his rear; he was disgracefully outgeu- 
 eraled, and his noble army, dismayed, disor- 
 ganized, demoralized and defeated, for want 
 of a general, was driven back, step by step, to 
 the defenses around Washington. A •■pres- 
 sure" was here, in turn, put upon the admin- 
 istration, by the mortified and chagrined 
 army. They demanded that McClellan be 
 appointed to command them. They had 
 confidence in his loyaltj-^ and his capacity. 
 The government acquiesced, and he was ap- 
 pointed. Washington was besieged ; he had 
 the remnant of a beaten and disorganized 
 army ; he brought order out of confusion ; 
 he went to the field, defeated the whole rebel 
 army, raised the seige of AVashington, and 
 drove them out of Maryland. In every case 
 where abolition "pressure" has been success- 
 ful, disaster and disgrace have followed. 
 
/^y 
 
 Many a patriot home has been desolated by 
 these 'pressures.' Thecountry is being flooded 
 with vagabondn negroes to fill our poor houses 
 and eat out our substance, by these "prcs» 
 sures." Millions of dollars of the money of 
 the people, already groaning under immense 
 burthens, is being spent to clothe and feed 
 the negro, as a result of these "pressures." 
 Abolition "pressures'' have combined the 
 whole people of the rebellious states against 
 the government. Their "pressures" are al- 
 ways "pressures" upon the throat of the 
 government, and the pockets of the people, 
 and if not discontinued, will result in the 
 extinction of the vitality of the one and the 
 utter depletion of the other. The negro is 
 still their cry. They at first contended that 
 he was an element of weakness in the south. 
 They now say he is tlie only element that 
 gives vitality to the rebellion ! They are 
 now the advocates of universal emancipation, 
 with compensation to the loyal masters, if 
 the rebellion is suppressed before the 1st 
 January. They bought the negroes in the 
 District of Columbia, over a year ago. A 
 large number of them are still being fed and 
 clothed by the government, with the money 
 of the people; thousands of rations are 
 daily being issued to negroes, at the different 
 military posts. The cost of feeding the ne- 
 groes already within our lines is enormous, 
 is an immense burthen upon the people. 
 Suppose their policy was carried out, what 
 would be the result 'i There are four millions 
 of slaves in the south. At least one-half of. 
 them, if free, would have to be fed and 
 clothed by the government. Two millions of 
 negroes to be fed and clothed with the money 
 wrung from the hard labor of the people ! 
 It is proper to consider, for a moment, how 
 much it would cost. We now have a million 
 of men in the field. The daily cost of feed- 
 ing and clothing that army is not less than 
 seven hundred and fifty thousand dollars. 
 It would cost as much to feed the negro as 
 the white man. To feed two millions of ne- 
 groes it would cost the people, at least, one 
 million five hundred thousand dollars daily, 
 and what is to become of the otlier two mil- 
 lions ? They cannot live in the south. Ac- 
 cording to the theory of these men the whole 
 south is to be desolated — is to be made "a 
 howling wilderness. " Their theory is to 
 scatter them over the free states, to be ab- 
 sorbed by the great channels of labor in the 
 north, until, at some future time, some negro 
 elysium can be found, and purchased with 
 the money of the people, and then the gov, 
 ernment will spend some thousands of mil- 
 lions more of the people's money, to pay for 
 their deportation. Such are ideas that fill 
 the crazed brains of some of these men, and 
 leaders, too. They would spend for the negro 
 slave, daily, more money than is realized bj' 
 the labor of the whole northwest. They 
 would not only do that, but they would bring 
 
 them to the free states to compete with white 
 labor. They would have the corn-fields of 
 Illinois tilled by free negro labor. They 
 would so cheapen labor that it would not be 
 sufficiently remunerative to the white man 
 to sustain him, and so degrade labor that the 
 sweat of the laboring vrhite man, as it 
 dropped from his brow, would signalize his 
 equality with the negro race. Capital will 
 use that labor which is the cheapest, and 
 white labor, in remuneration, would be at 
 the mercy of free negro labor. 
 
 That it is the object of these men to scat- 
 ter the freed negroes through the free states, 
 to come in competition with the white labor- 
 erers is demonstrated by a thousand acts. 
 Although there is an express provision in 
 the constitution of the state of Illinois pro- 
 hibiting the immigration of free negroes to 
 the state, and although the people of this 
 state, by a vote at the late election on the 
 constitution, by a majority of over 100,000, 
 adopted a clause that provides "that no ne- 
 gro or mulatto shall migrate to or settle in 
 this state after the adoption of this consti- 
 tution," yet we find, the following corress 
 pondence between Secretary Stanton and 
 General Tuttle, the military commandant at 
 Cairo : 
 
 Cairo, Aup;ust 29. 
 To E. M. St-anton, Secretary of War : 
 
 A large lot or negroes arrived here this morninff 
 from Gen. Curtis' arnij', mostly women and chil- 
 dren. I have now at this place over 300 women and 
 children. What shall I do them? They will starve 
 if not fed. J. M. Tuttle, 
 
 Brig. Gen. commanding District of Cairo. 
 
 Washington, August 29. 
 To Brig. Gen. Tuttle : 
 
 It is your duty, and you are directed to issue 
 from the quartermaster and commissary stores, the 
 necessary supplies for the negroes mentioned in 
 your report, and put to work such as are capable 
 of service. You will direct a special account to bo 
 kept of the supplies received and the labor done. 
 Edwin M. Staxton, 
 Secretary of War. 
 
 Secretary Stanton subsequently instructed 
 General Tuttle to send the negroes, at the 
 expense of the government, to dilferent 
 parts of the state, and distribute them among 
 those who were Avilling to take and support 
 them for their labor. Against the expressed 
 will of the people of the state of Illinois, and 
 contrary to the plain provisions of the con- 
 stitution, these men are attempting to force 
 these negroes upon us, and when assailed for 
 it, answer with the ever ready plea of " ne- 
 cessity." It is an outrage upon the dignity 
 of the state, and if continued can but result 
 in seriously affecting her welfare. Illinois 
 has chosen to protect her white laboring clas' 
 ses from this degrading competition, and Sec- 
 retary Stanton should bo advised by your 
 votes nest month, that the people of Illinois 
 will not tolerate it. These men, from their 
 long devotion to the negro, seem to huve forx 
 gotten that this country was made for the 
 benefit of white men. 
 
The special Washington correspondent of 
 the Missouri Democrat, an abolition journal, 
 sent tlie following significant item from head 
 quarters, in a spirit exultation : 
 
 " Over two thousand able-bodied black refugees 
 are employed in the quartermaster's department 
 here and itpon the defenses at Washington, at re- 
 duced wages. The amount saved on the difference 
 between their pay and that of white Isborers, is 
 much more than sufficient to support the five or 
 six hundred colored women and children in gov- 
 ernment hands. This is derived from official per- 
 sons, who say the contrabands are really a source 
 ' of governmeut profit." 
 
 That is, two thousand white American citi- 
 zens are thrown out of employment, with 
 white children and white women depending 
 upon them for their daily bread, to make way 
 for the negro, and all abolitiondom joins in 
 a general hallilujah. They announce, with a 
 flourish of trumpets, that they secure the ne- 
 gro labor at much cheaper rates than the la- 
 bor of the whites, and that negro labor is a 
 source of profit to the government! 
 
 Secretary Stanton subsequently issued the 
 following order to General Tuttle: 
 
 "You will please send no more contrabands, or 
 persons of color to IWmoiSi, until fn.ftker orders.'" 
 
 The impudence of the last order exceeds 
 the effrontery of the first. No apology for 
 the open violation of the constitution of the 
 state. No excuse for insulting and outraging 
 the people of the state. Nothing to justify 
 an open disregard of our fundamental law; 
 but a plain order, which means do not send 
 any more iiegroen to IlUnols, until after the ehc- 
 Hon! Secretary Stanton should be apprised, 
 by their votes, on the 4th November, that the 
 people of Illinois will not tolerate this negro 
 immigration to the state. They Aaw decided, 
 in tones not to be mistaken, that they intend 
 to protect their laboring classes from all such 
 degrading competition. However much it may 
 interfere with crazy and fanatical abolition 
 schemes, they should maintain, at all hazards, 
 their undoubted right to carry it out. 
 
 Their policy is to emancipate and colonize 
 the negro and devastate the south. Tlie dif- 
 ficulties that interpose to prevent the suc- 
 cessful accomplishment of that result, and 
 the disaster that would ensue to the great 
 northwest, as a consequence of it, have never 
 been fuUj'^ appreciated. Before the traitorous 
 fratricidal rebellion had broken out in the 
 south, our countrjf was the wonder of the 
 world. We liad advanced in all the material 
 elements of greatness with a rapidity un- 
 known to history. Our commerce whitened 
 every sea — our armies had triumphed in every 
 contest. The wealth of the country was not 
 concentrated among the few, but was diffused 
 among the many. The title of American citi- 
 zen was a proud one, and commanded the 
 respect of the whole civilized World. The 
 agriculturalist of the northwest reaped a 
 rich harvest for his labor. Money was 
 abundant, and the burdens of government 
 sat lightly upon the shoulders of the people. 
 
 It would be proper to investigate what were 
 the causes that produced such wonderful and 
 such happy results. They proceeded from 
 the fact that we had a diversified system of 
 agriculture, that created for the whole coun- 
 try the most remunerative reciprocal trade 
 the world ever saw. The culture of cotton 
 and tobacco was the most profitable to the 
 south, and the energies of the whole southern 
 people were devoted to it. They raised no 
 breadstuflFs. The great northwest was a 
 grain growing country, and tlie surplus pro- 
 ducts of her soil were sold tc the south to 
 feed her people. As a result of this, the 
 northwestern people were rapidly accumu-. 
 lating wealth. These men propose to exter- 
 minate the southern people, devastate and 
 ruin the south, and deprive her of that labor 
 which produced the money that paid for the 
 products of the northwest. The permanent 
 eifect of the practical application of their 
 ideas to the south can be ascertained by con- 
 trasting the condition of the country now 
 with its condition before the war. The sur- 
 plus grain and the surplus hogs of the north- 
 west demanded remunerative prices. After 
 the rebellion of the southern leaders, trade 
 between tlie two sections was stopped, and 
 what was the result ? The products of the 
 northwest, without a market, are almost val- 
 ueless. The vital element of western pros- 
 perity is stricken from existence. Corn is 
 Iiardlj' wortli the labor that is required to 
 raise it, and hogs scarcely pay for driving 
 them to market. 
 
 Strike from existence the southern people, 
 deprive them of their labor, and the north- 
 west will have to revolutionize her whole 
 system of agriculture, which can only be done 
 gradually,orherpopulation,instead of increas- 
 ing, will decrease; her greatness will dep.art 
 forever. But waiving all considerations of 
 prosperity, are not such projects visionary 
 and impossible of accomplishment ? They 
 propose, with or without their will, to colo- 
 nize four millions of people. 
 
 Let candid men reflect upon it. If there 
 was no opposition offered to it, how long a 
 time would it take to accomplish it — how 
 much would it cost the government, and what 
 would be its result upon the negro ? It would 
 be a most stupendous and absurd undertaks 
 ing. Every man knows that but a small pro- 
 portion of the negro population would go 
 willingly. The forcible deportation of half 
 the negro slaves, independent of the cost of 
 transportation to another country, is an im- 
 possibility. All history teaches its folly. The 
 cost of the atrocious rebellion of the southern 
 leaders would be a mere cypher by the side of 
 it. It would take a standing army as great as 
 the array now in the field years to accom- 
 plish it. Millions might be squandered in 
 such an enterprise, the substance and pros- 
 perity of the white j^eople eaten up and 
 everlastingly destroyed, and the end not yet 
 
''.■^ ^ 
 
 accomplished. Is there any philanthropy or 
 huinanitarianism in it? Abolitionism pro» 
 poses to take these negroes, with or without 
 their consent, to some country with which 
 they are unacquainted, without education, 
 and lacking self reliance or capacity to sus- 
 tain themselves. They would be incapable 
 of forming a government or securing a 
 livelihood. If it be their scheme to sup« 
 port them, as a pauper colony of the 
 of the government, after deportation, they 
 might claim the thanks of the negro. If 
 not, they are certainly his bitterest foe. They 
 propose to devastate the south and extermin- 
 ate the people. Let that be the policy that 
 is to control, and how long would the war 
 continue? If the armies were beaten in the 
 field, the people, having nothing but destruc- 
 tion in store for them, would organize in guer- 
 rilla bands, and destroy the usefulness of the 
 territory now composing the rebellious states 
 for a century. The result of abolition policy 
 would be that the negroes would be diiven 
 out of the south, into the free states, a por- 
 tion to become paupers and vagabonds in 
 society, and another portion to overthrow 
 and revolutionize the labor of the north — to 
 degrade the laboring man to their level, to 
 make labor the victim of capital, and to build 
 up a monied aristocracy, that would trample 
 the laboring man to the dust. Further, the 
 great market of the northwest would be de- 
 stroyed, corn would rot in the cribs, the 
 whole white people of the country would be 
 impoverished, and ruin and devastation 
 would fill the land. That these results would 
 follow from the policy of abolitionism, no 
 man who reflects can doubt. It has put pres- 
 sure upon the president, on generals in the 
 field, and on our armies. This, instead of in- 
 juring the enemy has ever resulted in his ad- 
 vantage, and in disaster to the government. 
 Such pressure has been of a character that 
 the Union, the constitution, the welfare of 
 the whole county and particularlry of the 
 northwest, the security of white labor, 
 and the respectability of the white la" 
 borer, are all to succomb to their mad and 
 crazy schemes. Let "the Union as it was, 
 and the constitution as it is," be the battle- 
 cry of our armies. Let the people at the 
 ballot-box renew their allegiance to both, as 
 has been already gloriously done in Ohio, In- 
 diana and Pennsylvania. Let the loyal peo- 
 ple of the South know that we are not im- 
 pelled in this war by revenge, or a desire 
 for plunder, or to rob them of their liberties; 
 but that, on the contrary, we are fighting for 
 
 the maintenance of the Union, that aflfordec 
 them protection and unparalleled prosperity 
 and for that constitution which has protectee 
 them in the past, and will protect them, a 
 loyal citizens, in the future. Let these aboli 
 tion schemes be repudiated by the indignan 
 voice of a free people. Let the silent and stead 
 determinationof every patriot be that theUn 
 ion and the constitution must and shall b 
 preserved, and the power of .Jeff. Davis, an 
 other wicked southern leaders, will be swep 
 from the land forever. Let every man wh 
 desires the welfare of the country urge tl 
 prosecution of the war against the armed reb 
 els of the south, and make war at the ballot 
 box against the crazy, incendiai'y and destruc 
 tive tendencies of abolitionism, and in a lit 
 tie while peace will spread her gentle mantl 
 around us, and the Union preserved, withou 
 a star erased or a stripe obliterated, wil 
 commence a new and a more vigorous ca 
 reer of glory, and the truth of man' 
 capacity to govern himself will be de 
 monstrated by the highest testimony.— 
 But, on the contrary, let the landmark 
 of the constitution be deserted, let the lib 
 erty of the people be violated, let the publi 
 treasury be plundered, let the cry be "negro 
 negro," instead of Union and constitution 
 and the future is impenetrable. If sue 
 things are to occur, it is perhaps better fo 
 us all that we cannot lift the veil of the fu 
 ture. It would present nothing but miser 
 and devastation. Cast loose from law, au 
 we are on the rapids of anarchy. 
 
 Men of Illinois, if you desire to secure lib 
 terty for yourselves and posterity,TOte agains 
 these men. If you desire to protect tlie la 
 boring classes from degrading competitio 
 with free negroes, vote against these men 
 If you desire to secure freedom of speed 
 and freedom of the press, vote against thes 
 men. If you want protection from enormou 
 taxation, for the benefit of the negro, vot 
 against these men. If you want the countr 
 secure against anarchy, vote against thes 
 men. If you want victory to perch upon th- 
 banners of our armies, vote against thes 
 men. If you want the public treasury secur 
 from plunder, vote against these men. 
 you want the Union preserved, the constitu 
 tion maintained, and the outraged laws vindi 
 cated, vote against these. Their every ac 
 proves their entire want of capacity to goveri 
 the country, and their rule can but result ii 
 the destruction of our liberties and the rui 
 of the nation. 
 
MEN OF ILLn^aj.^i 
 
 The freemen of Pennsylvania, Ohio and In- 
 diana, on Tuesday, October 14th, set you. a 
 glorious example. 
 
 In Pennsylvania^ where Mr. Lincoln had 
 60,000 majority two years ago, such has been 
 the popular disgust and indignation at aboli- 
 tion rule, that they have elected democratic 
 state officers, a democratic legislature, and, 
 but for an infamous gerrymander, by the last 
 abolition legislature of that state, would have 
 elected a majority of the congressmen. As it 
 is, five abolitionists have been driven from 
 their seats, and democrats will supply their 
 places. So much for the Keystone state. 
 
 Ohio, the Empire state of the west, last 
 year gave 54,000 abolition majority, and in 
 the present congress has thirteen abolition 
 members and eight democrats, and so corrupt 
 was her last abolition legislature, that they 
 attempted to stock up the districts so as to 
 give the democrats but two ! The people on 
 Tuesday visited their condemnation upon this 
 unscrupulous party. They elected'democratic 
 state officers by a majority of 15,000 ! and 
 but five abolitionists are elected to congress 
 from the state ! 
 
 Indiana, too, has done noble work. Lin- 
 coln had 23,000 majority two years ago, but 
 now the people have elected democratic state 
 officers, a democratic legislature and a ma- 
 jority of the members of congress chosen are 
 democrats, instead of abolitionists ! 
 
 In Iowa the people made noble fight, but 
 the patronage of the government was too 
 great, while the tyrannical treatment, by ar- 
 rest and imprisonment, of loyal men who con- 
 demned abolition iniquity, inspired a terror 
 among the masses that deterred exertion, 
 which, if put forth, would have secured re- 
 sults similar to those achieved in Pennsyl- 
 vania, Ohio and Indiana. 
 
 It is against such tyranny — such corrupt 
 abuse of power, that you are called upon now 
 to array yourselves, armed with the freeman's 
 great weapon, the ballot. 
 
 Illinoisans, imita 
 set you on Tuesday, 
 that Illinois, top, sf 
 was and the consti 
 man's rights — white 
 
 encroachments of despotic power, and lanauJ^ 
 and degrading efforts to make our glorious 
 state an asylum for negroes, and to so pervert 
 our laws as to give them political and social 
 equality with the white man ! Freeman, 
 speak ! so that corrupt and reckless power 
 may hear, and be forced to heed ! 
 
 ILLINOIS FREEMEN ! 
 
 On the 4th November, go to the polls, and 
 vote the White Man's Ticket: 
 
 For Congress- 
 JAMES C. 
 
 -At Large . 
 ALLEN. 
 
 For State Treasurer : 
 ALEXANDER STARNE. 
 
 For Superintendent of Public Instruction . 
 JOHN P. BROOKS. 
 
 VOTERS OF SANQAMON ! 
 
 In addition to the foregoing, put upon your 
 ballots these names : 
 
 For Congress — %th District : 
 JOHN T. STUART. 
 
 For State Senator : 
 COLBY KNAPP, 
 
 For Representatives : ' 
 
 CHARLES A. KEYES, 
 A. M. MILLER. 
 
 For Sheriff : 
 MILTON HiCKS. 
 
 For Coroner : 
 JAMES T. UNDERWOOD. 
 
 IMJNOIS STATE REQI8TER PRINT, SPRINaFIELD, ILL. 
 
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 ONGBESS 
 
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