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 LINCOLN MEMOIRS 
 
 From the Log Cabin to 
 the White House 
 
 / 
 MARY M. HARRIS - 
 
 Copyright 1908 by M. M. Harris 
 
 PHILLIPS BROS.. PRINTERS 
 
 SPRINGFIELD, ILL. 
 
u4b' i 
 
 T feel that I cannot succeed 
 without the Divine bless- 
 ing, and on the Almighty Being 
 I place my reliance for support. 
 
 ylbraham Lincoln. 
 
 t CI. A 283080 
 
 C/. 
 
To the colored people of America who have shown a 
 just appreciation of their opportunities and responsibili- 
 ties, this book is respectfully dedicated. 
 
 MARY M. HARRIS. 
 
LINCOLN 
 
 A new century lias come, since Lincoln gave up his life 
 for his country. All the conditions with which he was 
 familiar have changed. America has become a world 
 power, with all the responsibilities that the term implies. 
 
 All thi]igs have become new. The bitter animosities, 
 extreme partisanship and sectional hatred that was so 
 long a part of public life, have given way to the resist- 
 less spirit of progress. Those who were once bitter foes, 
 meet to day in the world of business as friends. Nor is 
 the love of gain the only incentive to this new relation- 
 ship. 
 
 Lincoln has won for himself a place in the hearts of 
 the people, who look back to those days, darkened by 
 their passions, and see with a clearer vision the greatness 
 of the work he wrought. 
 
 They know now that it was not Lincoln's war, but 
 their own. Time has proven to them that after all the 
 great leader was their best friend. 
 
 Calmer reasoning has convinced his critics that when 
 Lincoln became president he put aside all thought of 
 self and lived only for his stricken country. By the will 
 of the people he became the head of the nation, the com- 
 mander-in-chief of the army and navy and the arbitrator 
 of eighty millions of people at the most trying period of 
 the nation's history. 
 
 How well he discharged the duties of his sacred office 
 the past hfty years have shown. Lincoln neither sought 
 nor desired the presidency. There were others, he said, 
 better fitted for that exalted station than he. But his 
 
6 
 
 friends aiid admirers thought otherwise. He had made 
 tlie race for Congress with Douglas, but at the end of 
 tlie cam}iaign he found himself at the head of affairs 
 when each day but added to the soul crushing responsi- 
 bilities of those in power. 
 
 With reluctance he faced a future where unknown 
 dangers lurked at every turn. Overzealous friends 
 argued "peace at any price," while those who opiDosed 
 him. watchd with unsleeping vigilance for the first sign 
 of breakdown. 
 
 To those who knew him it was plain that to him the 
 long, bloody war was a horror unspeakable. His heart 
 went out to the brave men, north and south, who were 
 willing to die for a princii)le. 
 
 In spirit he marched beside them. At night his sad 
 face gazed at them from out the smoke of their camp 
 fires. He, too, was a soldier; and he sympathized with 
 them in their hardships and privations. It must have 
 eased somewhat his awful burden when he heard them 
 singing as they tramped through the valleys and forests, 
 over the mountains and rivers, "we are coming Father 
 Abraham, a hundred thousand strong." 
 
 Though he prayed that ''this awful scourge of war 
 might quickly pass away," he showed no sign of weak- 
 ness, but with the patience that characterized him, waited 
 for the end. Perhaps he heard the same voice that spoke 
 to Moses in the wilderness telling him to "go forward." 
 
 Freedom for the slaves was a dream dear to the heart 
 of Lincoln, but he put even that aside as he plead with 
 them "come back, come back." He believed that every 
 man, regardless of race, color or creed, had a God-given 
 right to liberty and happiness. 
 
 But he would not plunge the country into war nor pro- 
 long the struggle a single day to gain his ends. He felt 
 that in His own time the Lord would answer the fervent 
 prayers that arose from these lowly people. 
 
Lincoln had faith in the negro. He believed that the 
 colored man would work without a master. He knew that 
 the habits of two hundred years would not be quickly set 
 aside; that the characteristics that had made a faithful 
 servant would make a good soldier, a good citizen. 
 
 We might quote from Mr. Greeley's ''American Con- 
 flict," which describes at length the instant change that 
 took place among the freedmen. "From the very first," 
 ]\Ir. Greeley says, ''it was an evident fact that the black 
 man would not become a public burden. Their first 
 thought, strange at it may seem, was to provide schools 
 for their children. They showed a spirit of thrift and 
 progress that has astonished the whole world. 
 
 They seemed to realize that they must make up for 
 lost time. In their two hundred years of close associa- 
 tion with the white race they had learned much that was 
 good, and when the time came they were ready to put 
 into practice the knowledge thus gained. Another char- 
 acteristic that gave hope to their friends was, they har- 
 bored no spirit of ill will against those who had wronged 
 them. 
 
 They put the past behind them with the determination 
 to forget slavery and all its associations. Mr. Greeley 
 says, "they showed no vengeful or retaliatory spirit. On 
 the contrary, they seemed to feel themselves obligated to 
 work and care for the dead master's widow and children 
 who, by the death of father and husband and the loss of 
 the slaves, were left helpless and destitute. Hundreds of 
 these would have perished except for the loyal servants 
 that refused freedom that would separate them from 
 those who needed them so sorely. Thus was laid forever 
 the ghost that had haunted the white man's j)illows. A 
 "negro uprising" there never was at any time, danger 
 to the people of the south from the slaves. 
 
 Some one has written a story that fully illustrates the 
 real condition between the races in the south that has 
 never existed anywhere else before and never will again. 
 
8 
 
 Two men, master and slave, had grown up together. Each 
 was without family ties and each was dependent on the 
 other. When the white man was down with the fever, 
 the colored man was kept on the go, day and night ; noth- 
 ing pleased the master, but after a time the sick man re- 
 covered and the black man took the fever and now it was 
 the master's turn to bring water from the northeast 
 corner of the well; and turn the pillows forty times a 
 day. 
 
 The colored man would chuckle gleefully and say, ''De 
 bottom rail on top at las'." When both were well and 
 summer had come with its long sunny days, there might 
 have been seen under cover of the darkness, two figures 
 stealing away from the "big house." It was the master 
 and his slave running away together. 
 
 Of course, there are two sides to every picture, and 
 Harriet Beecher Stowe has shown the world both sides. 
 Life at the St. Glair's was a j^erpetual picnic. On the 
 other hand, it was the Legree type of slave owner that 
 made the slave trade a horror unspeakable; a condition 
 that not even Dante could portray. 
 
 Tn his "Man with the Hoe," Mr. Markham has shown 
 what ceniuries of toil, ])Overty and igiiorance will do by 
 way of reducing man to the level of the brutes. But this 
 was not true of the emancipated slaves. The first school 
 privileges enjoyed by the poor whites of the south was 
 secured to them by the freedmen. The greatest educator 
 the world has ever seen, was born a slave. 
 
 In every community there are honest, upright colored 
 citizens. On the tax lists, on the census returns the names 
 of colored people represent millions of dollars. All these 
 go to show that Lincoln's faith and hope in the colored 
 man was not without foundation. It shows, too, that the 
 colored people have proven themselves able to fend for 
 themselves. They have not proven a burden, but on the 
 contrary, have added millions to the nation's wealth. 
 
9 
 
 The colored people have advanced faster and have 
 made greater progress than any race under similar con- 
 ditions. Only two generatians from slavery, yet they 
 are far in advance of other alien people. In competitive 
 examinations, they more than hold their own. In the 
 professions they are every where represented, while in 
 the industrial field they have proven far more active and 
 enterprising than the white man of the same class. To 
 sum up the negro as he is today, fifty years after free- 
 dom, he stands on a firm foundation of his own building. 
 He is the proud possessor of houses and lands, money and 
 mules. He is a taxpayer and law maker. He is in every 
 way a part of the great commonwealth of America. 
 
 In freeing the slaves Mr. Lincoln did the south a 
 greater favor than they realize even yet. The slave popu- 
 lation had outgrown its territory. The north refused to 
 admit them; so that what was already a great problem 
 would soon have become a greater one. Then, again, 
 under free labor conditions, the south has enjoyed greater 
 prosperity than would ever have been possible under the 
 old order of things. The people are no longer divided 
 by party lines. AVhen they met at Lincoln's tomb on the 
 one hundredth anniversary of his birth they thought of 
 him only as the great benefactor of mankind; the man 
 who had saved his country and his flag; who had freed 
 two races; one from the galling chains of slavery, the 
 other from an environment no less degrading. 
 
 Those who look back at those trying times know now 
 whatever mistakes they might have made then, that he 
 acted for the best. In taking the oath of office he became 
 president of the south as well as the north and that in 
 bringing them back into the Union he was only doing the 
 work he had been elected to do. 
 
 Be that as it may, he gave every man justice. For this 
 the world honors him. People think that for the smallest 
 favor they should be rewarded, but Lincoln neither looked 
 
10 
 
 for or expected reward, other than the success of his 
 efforts. 
 
 With the passing of slavery, America parted forever 
 with things primeval. Up to that time the forms of 
 government established by the colonists had been suffi- 
 cient, but the time had come for a change. The first half 
 of the nineteenth century marked the end of the forma- 
 tive period in American history. Slavery had been an 
 incubus that sapped the energy of the people. It hung 
 over the land like a pall. It dwarfed, crippled and blinded 
 its friends and its foes. 
 
 The people of America who for two hundred years had 
 lived in a land "half free, half slave," had been like a 
 man who starts to run a race with one foot shackled. 
 That all absorbing question, "slavery or freedom," was 
 ever present. It sat a grim spector at their feasts, it 
 haunted their dreams at night. A malign influence that 
 finally drove men forth to drench the land with blood, to 
 burn and destroy. "War was the extreme sacrifice offered 
 by the American people to atone for the sin of slavery. 
 And Lincoln ended the solemn ceremony by laying his 
 own body on the funeral pyre, that his country might be 
 born again to better things, and God has answered his 
 prayer a thousand fold. 
 
 Those who kept the siege before the gates of Troy of- 
 fered their lives to gain the favor of the gods. But they 
 were myths. They lived only in the songs of the poets 
 or the declamatory efforts of our school days. Lincoln 
 the real hero, came to us from the infinite spaces where 
 God dwells, crowned with the wisdom of the ages, and 
 able to see beyond the confines of his own time and realize 
 that somewhere in the future the north and the south 
 would bury forever old differences and antagonisms and 
 meet again, a reunited people, in perfect reconciliation. 
 
 Even now the people are beginning to know the emanci- 
 pator and to realize what his life and his death means to 
 the world. But a more gifted pen than mine shall tell 
 the real storv of Lincoln. M. M. Harris. 
 
11 
 
 Booth, the Great Actor of His Day 
 
12 
 
 EXTRACTS FROM LINCOLN'S SPEECHES 
 
 The following Speeches and Poems 
 are used by courtesy of Mr. 
 Oldroyd, and are taken from his 
 "Album Immortelles." 
 
13 
 
 LINCOLN'S FIRST POLITICAL ADDRESS WHEN 
 A CANDIDATE FOR THE ILLINOIS LEGIS- 
 LATURE IN 1832. 
 
 "Gentlemen, fellow citizens, I presume you know wlio 
 I am, I am humble Abraham Lincoln, I have been soli- 
 cited by many friends to become a candidate for the 
 Legislature. jMy politics can be briefly stated. I am in 
 favor of the internal improvement system, and a high 
 protective tariff. Those are my sentiments and political 
 principles. If elected, I shall be thankful ; if not, it will 
 be all the same." 
 
 EXTRACT FROM MR. LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT 
 GALESBURG, ILLINOIS, OCTOBER 7, 1858. 
 
 ''I have all the while maintained that in so far as it 
 should be insisted that there was an equality between the 
 white and black races that should produce a perfect social 
 and political equality, it was an impossibility. This you 
 have seen in my printed speeches, and with it I have said 
 that in their right to "life, liberty and the pursuit of 
 happiness," as proclaimed in that Declaration, the in- 
 ferior races are our equals. And these declarations I 
 have constantly made in reference to the abstract moral 
 question, to contemplate and consider when we are legis- 
 lating about any new country which is not already cursed 
 with the actual present of evil— slavery. I have never 
 manifested any impatience with the necessities that 
 spring from the actual .presence of black people 
 among us, and tlie actual existence of slavery among us, 
 where it does already exist, but I have insisted that, in 
 
14- 
 
 THE LINCOLN FAMILY. 
 
 This picture is familiar to most people. It shows Lincoln as 
 his old friends and neio'hhors knew him, in his home in Spring- 
 field. 
 
 One may well imagrine the love and pride the great emanci- 
 pator took in his three boys, Robert, William and Thomas. Had 
 they all lived to do their life work, histor.v would have read 
 different to what it reads todav. 
 
15 
 
 Jegislating for new countries, where it does not exist, 
 there is no just rule, other than that of moral and abstract 
 right. With reference to those new countries, those 
 maxims as to the right of a people to "life, liberty and 
 the pursuit of happiness" were the just rules- to be con- 
 stantly referred to. There is no misunderstanding this 
 except by men interested to misunderstand it. I take it 
 that I have to address an intelligent and reading com- 
 munity, who will pursue what I say, weigh it and tlien 
 judge whether I advance improper or unsound views, or 
 whether 1 advance hypocritical and deceptive a^nd con- 
 trary views in different portions of the country. I be- 
 leive myself to be gnilty of no such thing as the latter, 
 though, of course, I can not claim that I am entirely free 
 from all error in the opinions I advance. 
 
 I have said once before, and I will repeat it now, that 
 Mr. Clay, when he was once answering an objection to 
 the colonization society, that ultimate emancipation of 
 the slaves, said that "those who would repress all ten- 
 dencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, must do 
 more than put down the benevolent efforts of the coloni- 
 zation society — they must go back to the era of our 
 liberty and independence, and muzzle the cannon that 
 thunders its annual joyous return— they must blot out 
 the moral light around us— they must penetrate the hu- 
 man soul and eradicate the light of reason, and the love 
 of liberty" and I do think— I repeat, though I said it on 
 a former occasion that Judge Douglass and whoever, like 
 him. teaches that the negro has no share, humble though 
 it may be, in the Declaration of Independence, and so far 
 as in him lies, muzzling the cannon that thunders its an- 
 nual joyous returns; that he is blowing out the moral 
 lights around us, when he contends that whoever wants 
 slaves has a. right to hold them; that he is penetrating 
 so far as lies in his power, the human soul, and eradicat- 
 ing the I'ight of reason and love of liberty, when he is in 
 every possible way preparing the public mind, by his 
 
16 
 
 vast influence, for making the institution of slavery per- 
 petual and national. 
 
 And now, it only remains for mo to say tliat it is a very 
 grave question for tlie people of this Union to consider 
 whether, in view of this fact, that this slavery question 
 has been the only one that has ever advanced our Repub- 
 lican institutions— the only one tliat has ever threatened 
 or menaced a dissolution of the Union— tliat has ever dis- 
 turbed us in such a way as to make us fear for the per- 
 petuity of our liberty— in view of these facts, I think it 
 is an exceedingly interesting and important question for 
 this people to consider whether we shall engage in the 
 policy of acquiring additional territory, disregarding al- 
 together from our consideration, while obtaining new ter- 
 ritory, the question how it may effect us in regard to this, 
 the only endangering element to our liberties and national 
 greatness. The Judge's view has been expressed; I, in 
 my ansv.er to his question, have expressed mine. I think 
 it will become an important and practical question. Our 
 views are before the public. I am willing and anxious 
 that they should consider them fully— that they should 
 turn it about and consider the importance of the ques- 
 tion and arrive at a just conclusion as to whether it is 
 or is not wise in the people of this Union, in the acquisi- 
 tion of new territory, to consider whether it will add to 
 the disturbance that is existing among us— whether it 
 will add to the one only danger that has ever threatened 
 the perpetuity of the Union, 01 of our own liberties. 
 
 T think it is extremely important that they shall decide 
 and rightly decide that that question before entering that 
 Tooiicv. . 
 
 EXTRA^^T FROM MR. LINCOLN'S SPEECH AT 
 
 QUINCY, ILLTNOTS/OCTOBER 13, 1858. 
 
 T was awai'e. when it was first agreed that Judge 
 
 Douglas and I were to have these seven joint discussions, 
 
 that they were the successive acts of a drama— perhaps 
 
17 
 
 I should say, to be enacted not merely in the face of 
 audiences like this, but in the face of the nation, and to 
 some extent, by my relation to him, and not from any- 
 thing in myself, in the face of the world— and T am 
 anxious that they should be conducted with dignity and 
 in good temper, which would be befitting the vast audi- 
 ences before which it was conducted. I was not entirely 
 sure that I should be able to hold my own with him, but 
 T at least had the purpose made to do as well as I could 
 upon him; and now I say that I will not be the first to 
 cry "hold." I think it originated with the Judge, and 
 when he quits I probably will. But I shall not ask any 
 favors at all. He asks me, or he asks the audiences, if 
 J ^dsh to push this matter to the point of personal diffi- 
 culty! I tell him,no. He did not make a mistake, in 
 one of his early speeches, when he called me an amiable 
 man, though perhops he did when he called me an "in- 
 telligent'' man. It really hurts me very much to suppose 
 that I have wronged anybody on earth. I again tell him 
 no. T very rnuch prefer, when this canvas shall be over, 
 however it may result, that we at least part without any 
 bitter recollections of personal difficulties. 
 
 We have in this nation this element of domestic slavery, 
 Tt is a matter of absolute certainty that it is a disturbing 
 element. It is the opinion of all the great men who have 
 expressed an opinion upon it that it is a dangerous ele- 
 ment. We keep up a controversy in regard to it. That 
 controversy necessarily springs from differences of 
 opinion, an dif we can learn exactly — can reduce to the 
 lowest elements— what that difference of opinion is we, 
 perhaps, shall be better prepared for discussing the dif- 
 ferent system of policy that we would propose in regard 
 to that disturbing element. I suggest that the difference 
 of opinion, reduced to its lowest terms, is no other than 
 the difference between the men who think slavery is a 
 wrong and those T\'ho do not think it wrong. We think 
 it is a wrong not confining itself merely to the jiersons 
 
18 
 
 or the states where it exists, but that it is a wrong in its 
 tendency, to say the least, that extends itself to the 
 existence of the whole nation. Because we think it wrong 
 we propose a course of policy that shall deal with it as a 
 wrong. We deal with it as with any other wrong, in so 
 far as we can prevent its growing any larger, and so deal 
 with it that in the run of time there may be some promise 
 of an end to it. We have a due regard to the actual 
 ])resence of it among us and the difficulties of geeting rid 
 of it in any satisfactory way, and all the constitutional 
 obligations thrown about it. I suppose that in reference 
 both to its actual existence in the nation and to our 
 constitutional obligations, we have no right at all to dis- 
 turb it in the states where it existes, and we profess that 
 we have no more inclination to disturb it than we have 
 the rigM to do it. We go farther than that, we don't 
 propose to disturb it where, in one instance, we think the 
 constitution would permit us. We think the constitution 
 would permit us to disturb it in the District of Columbia. 
 Still, we do not propose to do that, unless it should be in 
 terms which T don't suppose the nation is very likely 
 soon to agree to— the terms of making the emancipation 
 gradual and compensating the un-willing owners. Where 
 we suppose we have the constitutional right, we restrain 
 ourselves in reference to the actual existence of the in- 
 stitution and the difficulties thrown about it. We also 
 oppose it as an evil so far as it seeks to spread itself. 
 We insist on the policy that shall restrict it to its present 
 limits. We don't suppose that in doing this we violate 
 anything due to the actual presence of the institution, or 
 anything due to the constitutional guaranties thrown 
 around it. 
 
19 
 
 
 hio 
 
 «2 
 
20 
 
 SPEECH BEFORE THE LEGISLATURE OF PENN- 
 SYLVANIA, AT HARRISBURG, FEBRUARY 
 
 22, 1861. 
 
 1 have alread}- gone tlivoiigh one exceedingly interest- 
 ing scene this morning, in the ceremonies at Philadelphia. 
 Under the high condnct of gentlemen there I was for the 
 first time allowed the privilege of standing in old Inde- 
 pendence Hall, to have a few words addressed to me 
 there, and ojiening np to me an opportunity of express- 
 ing, witli much regret, that I had not more time to ex- 
 press something of my own feelings, excited hy the oc- 
 casion, somewhat to harmonize and give shape to the feel- 
 ings that had been really the feelings of my whole life. 
 Besides this, our friends there had provided a magniti- 
 cent flag of our country; they had arranged so that I was 
 given the honor of raising it to the head of the staff. And, 
 when it went up I was pleased that it went to its p^ace 
 by the strength of my own feeble arm, when, according 
 to the arrangements, the cord was pulled, and it floated 
 gloriously to the wind, without an accident, in the light, 
 glowing sunshine of the morning, I could not help hoping 
 that there was in the entire success of the beautiful cere- 
 mony at least something of an omen of what is to come. 
 How could I help feeling, then, as I often have felt? In 
 the whole of that proceeding I was a very humble instru- 
 ment, I had not provided the flag, I had not made the 
 arrangemients for elevating it to its place; I had applied 
 but a very small portion of my feeble strength in raising 
 it. In the whole transaction I was in the hands of the 
 people who had arranged it, and, if I can have the same 
 generous co-operation of the people of the nation, I think 
 the flag of our country may yet be kept flaunting glor- 
 iously. It is not with any pleasure that I contemplate 
 the possibility that a necessity may arise in this country 
 for the use of the military arm. While I am exceedingly 
 gratified to see tlie manifestation upon your streets of 
 your military force here and exceedingly gratified at your 
 
21 
 
 promise here to use that force upon a proper emer- 
 gency— while I make these acknowledgements I desire 
 to repeat, in order to preclude any possible misconstruc- 
 tion, that I do most sincerely hope that we shall have no 
 use for Ihtm. Most especially never to shed fraternal 
 blood. 1 promise tliat, so far as T may have wisdom to 
 direct, if so painful a result in anywise be brought about, 
 it sha!l be tlirous'h no fault of mine. 
 
 SPEECIL xVT ALTON, ILLINOTS, OCTOBER 15, 1858. 
 
 On this subject of treating slavery as a wrong, and 
 limiting its spread, le tme say a word. Has anything 
 ever thr.^atehed the existence of this Union save and 
 except this very institution of slavery ? What is it that 
 we hold most deai* among us ! Our own liberty and pros- 
 perty. What has pver threatened our liberty and pros- 
 perity, save and except this institution of slavery ? If 
 this is true, liow do you pro})ose to improve the condition 
 of tiiin,gs by enlarging slavery? By spreading it out and 
 making it bigger! You may have a wen or cancer upon 
 your person, and not be able to cut it out lest you bleed 
 to death, but sui-ely it is no way to cure it to ingraft it 
 and spread it over your whole body — that is no proper 
 way of treating what you regard a wrong. You see, this 
 peaceful way of dealing with it as a v\'rong— restricting 
 the spread of it, and not allowing it to go into new coun- 
 tries where it has not already existed that is the ])eace- 
 ful way, the old-fashioned way. the way in wliich the 
 fathers themselves set us the example. 
 
 "Is slavery wrong?' That is the real issue. That is 
 the issue that will continue in this counti'y, when these 
 poor tongues of Judge Douglas and myself shall be 
 silent. It is thi? eternal struggle between these two ])rin- 
 ciples— right and wrong— throughout the wor'd. They 
 are two principles that have stood face to face from the 
 beginning of time, and will ever continue to strugo-le. 
 
99 
 
 The one is the common right of hmnanity, and the other, 
 the divine right of kings. It is the same principle in 
 whatever shape it developes itself. It is the same spirit 
 that says, "You work and toil and earn bread, and I'll 
 eat it." No matter in what shaj^e it comes, whether from 
 the mouth of a king, who seeks to bestride the people of 
 his own nation and live by the fruit of their labor, or 
 from one race of men as an apology for enslaving an- 
 other race, it is the same tyrannical principle. 
 
 I do not claim, gentlemen, to be unselfish ; I do not pre- 
 tend that I would not like to go to the United States 
 Senate; I make no such hypocritical pretense; but I do 
 say to you, that in this mighty issue, it is nothing to the 
 mass of people of the nation whether or not Judge Doug- 
 las or myself shall ever be heard of after this night, it 
 ma ybe a trifle to either of us, but in connection with this 
 mighty question, upon which hangs the destinies of the 
 nations, perhaps, it is absolutely nothing. 
 
 FROM MR. LINCOLN'S SPEECH .YT COLUMBUS, 
 OHIO, SEPTEMBER, 1859. 
 
 Public opinion in this country is everything. In a na- 
 tion like ours this popular sovereignty and squatter sov- 
 ereignty have already wrought a change in the public 
 mind to tiie extent I have stated. There is no man in this 
 crowd who can contradict it. Now, if you are opposed 
 to slavery honestly, as much as anybody, I ask you to 
 note that fact and the like of which is to follow to be 
 plastered on, layer after layer, until very soon you are 
 pi'epared to deal with the negro everywhere as with the 
 brute. If public sentiment has not been debauched al- 
 ready to this point, a new turn of the screw in that di- 
 rection is all that is wanting; and this is constantly being 
 done by the teachers of this insidious popular sovereign- 
 ty. You need but one or two turns further until your 
 minds, now ripening under these teachings, will be ready 
 
23 . 
 
 for all these things, and you will receive and support or 
 submit to the slave trade, revived with all its horrors, 
 a slave code enforced in our territories, and a new Dred 
 Scott decision to bring slavery up into the very heart of 
 the free north. This, I must say, is but carrying out 
 those words prophetically spoken by Mr. Clay, many, 
 many years ago— 1 believe more than thirty years— when 
 he told his audience that if they would repress all ten- 
 dencies to liberty and ultimate emancipation, they must 
 go back to the era of our in dependence and muzzle the 
 cannon which thunders its annual joyous return on the 
 Fourth of July; the}' must blow out the moral lights 
 around us; they must penetrate the human soul and 
 eradicate the love of liberty; but until they did these 
 things, and others eloquently enumerated by him, they 
 could not repress all tendencies to ultimate emancipation. 
 I ask attention to the fact that in a pre-eminent degree 
 these popular sovereigns are at this work, blowing out 
 the moral lights around us, teaching that the negro is no 
 longer a man, but a brute; that the Declaration has noth- 
 ing to do with him ; that he ranks with the crocidile and 
 the reptile ; that man with body and soul, is a matter of 
 dollars and cents. 
 
 LINCOLN HEADING THE EMANCIPATION PROC- 
 LAMATION TO HIS CABINET,. SEPT. 22. 
 
 Gentlemen— I have, as 3^ou are aware, thought a great 
 deal about the relation of this war to slavery, and you 
 will remember that several weeks ago I read to you an 
 order I had prepared upon the subject, which on account 
 of objections made by some of you, was not issued. Ever 
 since then my mind has been much occupied with this 
 subject, and I have thought all along that the time for 
 acting on it might probably come. I think the time has 
 come now. Iwish it was a better time. I wish that. we 
 were in a better condition. The action of the army 
 
24 
 
 against th§ rel)eis has not been quite what I should have 
 best liked, but they have been driven out of Maryland, 
 and Pennsylvania is no longer in danger of invasion. 
 
 When the rebel army was at Frederick, I determined 
 as soon as it should be driven out of Maryland to issue 
 a proclamation of emancipation, such as I thought most 
 likely to be useful. I said nothing to any one, but I made 
 a promise to myself and (hesitating a little) to my 
 Maker. The rebel army is now driven out, and I am 
 going to fulfill that promise. I have got you together to 
 hear what 1 h.ave written down. I do not wish you to 
 advise about the main matter for that I have determined 
 myself. This, I say, without intending anything but re- 
 spect for any one of you. But I already know the views 
 of each of you on this question. They have been hereto- 
 fore expressed, and T have considered them as thoroughly 
 and carefully as I can. What I have written is that which 
 my reflections have determined me to say. If there is 
 anything in the expressions I use, or in any minor metter, 
 which any one of you think had best be changed, I shall 
 be glad to receive your suggestions. One other observa- 
 tion I will make. T know very well that many others 
 might, in this matter, as in others, do better, than I can, 
 and if T was satisfied that the public confidence was more 
 fully possessed by any one of them than by me, and 
 knew of any constitutional way in which he could be put 
 in my place, he could ha\^ it. I would gladly yield to him. 
 But though I believe T have not so much of the confidence 
 of the i^eopel as T had some time ago, I do not know that, 
 all things considered, another person has more; and, 
 however this may be, there is no way in which I can 
 have any other man put where I am. T am here; I must 
 do the l>est T can, and bear the responsibility of taking 
 the course which T feel I ought to take. 
 
25 
 
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26 
 
 EMANCIPATION PROCLAMATION, JANUARY 1, 
 
 1863. 
 
 ^Vliereas, on tlie 22d day of September, in the year 
 of our Lord, 1862, a proclamation was issued by the Presi- 
 dent of the .Ignited States, containing, among other 
 things, the following, to-wit : That, on the first day of 
 January, 1863, all persons held as slaves, within any 
 state or designated part of a state, the people whereof 
 shall then be in rebellion against the United States, shall 
 be thenceforth and forever free, and the executive 
 government of the United States, including the military 
 and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain 
 the freedom of such persons ; and will do no act or acts 
 to repress such persons, or any of them, in any effort 
 they may make for their actual freedom, that the execu- 
 tive will, on the first day of January, aforesaid, issue a 
 proclamation, designating states and parts of states, if 
 any, in which the people therein, respectively, shall be in 
 rebellion against the United States, and the fact that any 
 state or the people thereof shall, on that day, be in good 
 faith represented in the Congress of the United States 
 by members chosen thereto at elections wherein a ma- 
 jority of the qualified voters of such states shall have 
 participated, shall, in the absence of strong countervail- 
 ing testi^nony, be deemed conclusive evidence that such 
 states and the people thereof are not in rebellion against 
 the United States. 
 
 Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln^ President of the 
 United States, by cirtue of the power vested in me as 
 commander-in-chief of the army and navy, in a time of 
 actual armed rebellion against the authority of the 
 government of the United States, as a fit and necessary 
 war measure for suppressing said rebellion, do, on this 
 first day of January, in the year of our Lord, 1863, and in 
 accordance with my purpose so to do, publicly proclaimed 
 for the full period of one hundred days from the date of 
 the first above mentioned order, designate as the states 
 
27 
 
 and parts of states therein, the people whereof, respec- 
 tively, are this day in rebellion against the United States, 
 the following, to-wit: Arkansas, Texas and Louisiana 
 (except the parishes of St. Bernard, Plaquemine, Jeffer- 
 son, St. John, St. Charles, St. James, Ascension, Assump- 
 tion, Terrebome, La Fourche, St, Mary, St. Martin and 
 Orleans, including the city of New Orleans), Mississippi, 
 Alabama, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, North Caro- 
 lina and Virginia (except the forty-eight counties desig- 
 nated as West Virginia, and also the counties of Berkley, 
 Accomac, North Hampton, Elizabeth City, York, Prin- 
 cess Anne and Norfolk, including the cities of Norfolk 
 and Portsmouth), which excepted parts are for the 
 present left precisely as if this proclamation were not 
 issued; and by virtue of the power and for the purpose 
 aforesaid, I do order and declare that all persons held as 
 slaves witiiin designated states, or parts of states, are, 
 and henceforward shall be free, and that the executive 
 government of the United States, including the military 
 and naval authority thereof, will recognize and maintain 
 the freedom of the said persons; and T hereby enjoin 
 upon the people so declared to be free, to abstain from all 
 violence, unless in necessary self-defense, and I will 
 recommend to them that, in all cases where allowed, they 
 labor faithfully for reasonable wages ; and I further de- 
 clare and make known that such persons of suitable con- 
 ditions will be received into the armed service of the 
 United States, to garrison forts, positions, stations and 
 other places; and to man vessels of all sorts in said ser- 
 vice. And upon this, sincerely believed to be an act of 
 justice, warranted by the constitution upon military 
 necessity, T invoke the considerate judgment of mankind. 
 And the gracionus favor of Almighty God. 
 
 In witness -^yhereof T have hereunto set my hand and 
 caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. 
 
28 
 
 Done at the city of Washington, this first clay of Janu- 
 ary, in tlie year of our Lord, 1863, and of the Inde})en- 
 dence of the United States of America, the eighty- seventh. 
 
 Abeaham Lincoln. 
 
 ADDRESS OP ABRAHAM LINCOLN TO TPIE CITI- 
 ZENS 01' SPRIN(iFIELD ON HIS DEPARTURE 
 FOR WASHIxYGTON, FEBRUARY 11, 1861.- 
 
 My Friends : No one. not in my position, can appre- 
 ciate the sadness I feel at this parting. To this people 
 I owe all that I am. Here I have lived more than a 
 quarter of a century; here my children were born and 
 here one of them lies buried. I konw not how soon I shall 
 see you again. A duty devolves upon me which is, per- 
 haps, greater than that which devolved upon, any other 
 man since the days of Washinoton. He never would 
 have succeeded except by the aid of Divine Providence, 
 upon which he at all times relied. I feel that I can not 
 succeed witliout the same Divine aid which sustained him, 
 and on the same Almighty Being I place my reliance for 
 support, and I hope you, my friends, will pray that I may 
 receive that Divine assistance, without which I can not 
 succeed, but with which success is certain. Again I bid 
 vou an affectionate farewell. 
 
 A great man, tender of heart, strong of nerve, of 
 boundless patience and broadest sympathy, with no mo- 
 tive apart from his country, he could receive counsel from 
 a child and give counsel to a sage. The simi^le ap-. 
 proached him with ease and the learned approached him 
 with deference. Take him for all in all, Abraham Lincoln 
 was one of the noblest, wisest and best men I ever knew. 
 
 Fred. K. Douglas, 
 
 Oldroud's Album, Washington, 1880. 
 
29 
 
 This chair was part of the parlor furniture in the Lincohi home, 
 and is now owned by Mr. Gunther, of Chicago. 
 
30 
 
 LINCOLN'S FAVORITE POEM. 
 
 Oh! Why should the spirit of mortal be proud? 
 
 Like a swift fleeting meteor, a fast flying cloud, 
 A flash of the lightning, a break of the wave. 
 
 He passed from life to his rest in the grave. 
 
 The leaves of the oak and the willow shall fade. 
 Be scattered around and together be laid ; 
 
 And the young and the old and the low and the high, 
 Shall molder to dust and together shall lie. 
 
 The infant, a mother attended and loved; 
 
 The mother, that infant's affection who proved; 
 The husband, that mother and infant who blest, 
 
 Each, all, are away to their dwelling of rest. 
 
 The maid, on whose cheek, on whose mrow, in whose eye. 
 Shone beauty and pleasure — her triumphs are by, 
 
 and the memory of those who loved her and praised. 
 Are alike from the minds of the living erased. 
 
 The hands of the king that the scepter hath borne. 
 The brow of the priest that the miter hath worn. 
 
 The eye of the sage and the heart of the brave, 
 Are hidden and lost in the depth of the grave. 
 
 The peasant whose lot was to sow and to reap, 
 
 The herdsman who climbed with his goats up the steep. 
 
 The beggar who wandered in search of his bread, 
 Have faded away like the grass that we tread. 
 
 The saint who enjoyed the communion of heaven. 
 The sinner who dared to remain unf or given. 
 
 The wise and the foolish, the guilty and just. 
 Have quietly mingled their bones in the dust. 
 
 So the multitude goes like the flower or the weed. 
 That withers away to let others succeed: 
 
 So the multitude comes — even those we behold, 
 To repeat every tale that has often been told. 
 
31 
 
 For we are the same as oud fathers have been ; 
 
 We see the same sights our fathers have seen; 
 We drink the same stream, we view the same sun, 
 
 And run the same course our fathers have run. 
 
 The thoughts we are thinking, our fathers would think; 
 
 From the death we are shinking our fathers would shrink. 
 To the life we are clinging, they also would cling. 
 
 But it speeds from us all like a bird on the wing. 
 
 Thev loved — but the story we can not unfold -. 
 
 They scorned— but the heart of the haughty is cold; 
 They grieved — but no wail from their slumber will come ; 
 
 They joyed— but the tongue of their gladness is dumb. 
 
 They died — aye, they died — we things that are now, 
 That walk "on the turf that lies over their brow, 
 
 And make in their dwellings a transient abode, 
 
 Meet the things that they met on their pilgrimage road. 
 
 Yea ! Hope and despondency, pleasure and pain, 
 Are mingled together in sunshine and rain. 
 
 And the smile an dthe tear, the song and the dirge, 
 Still follow each other like surge after surge. 
 
 'Tis the wink of an eye— 'tis the draught of a breath, 
 From the blossoms of health to the paleness of death ; 
 
 From the gilded saloon to the bier and the shroud. 
 Oh ! Why should the spirit of mortal be proud ? 
 
 Lincoln Memorial Album, Oldroyd. 
 
 EEPLY TO A COMMITTEES OF LOYAL COLORED 
 
 PEOPLE OF BALTIMOEE, PRESENTING THE 
 
 PRESIDENT WITH A BIBLE COSTING 
 
 $580. 
 
 October, 1864. 
 
 I can only say now, as I have often said before, that it 
 
 has always been a sentiment with me that all mankind 
 
 should be free. So far as I have been able, or so far as 
 
 came within ray sphere, I have always acted as I believed 
 
32 
 
 was right and just, aud have done all I could for the good 
 of mankind. I have in letters and documents sent forth 
 from this office expressed myself better than I can now. 
 In regard to the Great Book I have only to say that it is 
 the best gift which God has given to man. All the good 
 from the Savior of the world is communicatedto us 
 through this book. But for this book we could not know 
 right from wrong. All those things desirable to man are 
 contained in it. 
 
 ADDRESS ON THE BATTLEFIELD OF GETTYS- 
 BURG, NOVEMBER 19, 1863. 
 
 Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought 
 forth u}:»C!n this continent a new nation, conceived in 
 liberty and dedicated to the proposition that all men are 
 created equal. Now we are engaged in a great civil war, 
 testing whether that nation or any other nation, so con- 
 ceived and so dedicated, can long endure. We are met 
 on a great battlefield of that war. We are met to dedicate 
 a portion of it as the final resting place of those who 
 gave their lives that that nation might live. It is alto- 
 gether fitting and proper that we should do this. 
 
 But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate, we can not 
 consecrate, we can not hallow this ground. The brave 
 men, living and dead, who struggled here have conse- 
 crated it far above our power to add or detract. The 
 world will little note, nor long remember what we say 
 here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is 
 for us, the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the un- 
 finished work that they have thus far so nobly carried on. 
 It is rather for us to be here dedicated to the great task 
 remaining before us— that from these honored dead we 
 take increased devotion to the cause for which they here 
 gave the last full measure of devotion— that we highly 
 resolve that all the dead shall have not died in vain— that 
 the nation shall, under God, have a new birth of freedom, 
 and that the government of the people, by the people and 
 for the peo|)le shall not perish from the earth. 
 
NANCY HANKS LINCOLN. 
 
 Those who knew Mr. Lincoln often heard him say, "All that 
 I am or ever hope to be, I owe to my angel mother." From his 
 own lips the Avorld heard the story of her life of self-sacrifice and 
 devotion. How she took into her mother heart the lonely neg- 
 lected boy and taught him by precept and example those high 
 ideals that were in after life to make the vast difference between 
 Lincoln and his conferees. 
 
34 
 
 MARY TODD LINCOLN. 
 
 Mary Todd Lincoln belonged to one of the oldest and wealthiest 
 families in Illinois, and was a great help to Lincoln, both socially 
 and politically. She always regarded him as a great man. It 
 was no snrprise to her when he was elected president. It was 
 the death knell to her own futnre hope and happiness when she 
 said, "They have shot the president." 
 
35 
 
 INAUGURAL ADDRESS DELIVERED ON THE 
 FOURTH DAY OF MARCPI, 1861. 
 
 Apprehension seems to exist among the people of the 
 southern states that by the accession of a Republican ad- 
 ministration their property and their peace and personal 
 security are to be endangered. There has never been any 
 reasonable cause for such apprehension. Indeed, the 
 most ample evidence to the contrary has all the while 
 existed and been open to their inspection. It is found in 
 nearly all the published speeches of him who now ad- 
 dresses 5^ou. I do but quote from one of those speeches 
 when I declare that ''I have no purpose, directly or in- 
 directly, to interfere with the institution of slavery in the 
 states where it exists. I believe I have no lawful right to 
 do so, and I have no inclination to do so." Those who 
 nominated and elected me did so with full knowledge that 
 I had made this and many similar declarations, and had 
 never recanted them. 
 
 Before entering upon so grave a matter as the destruc- 
 tion of our national fabric, with all its benefits, its 
 memories and its hopes, would it not be wise to ascertain 
 precisely why we do it? Will you hazard so desperate 
 a step while there is any possibility that any portion of 
 the ills you fly from have no real existence? Will you, 
 while the certain ills you fly to are greater than all the 
 real ones you fly from— will you risk the commission of 
 so fearful a mistake! 
 
 Physically speaking, we can not separate. We can not 
 remove our respective sections from each other, nor build 
 an impassable wall between them. A husband and wife 
 may be divorced, and go out of the presence and beyond 
 the reach of each other, but the different parts of our 
 country can not do this. They can not but remain face 
 to face, and intercourse, either amicable or hostile, must 
 continue between them. Is it impossible, then, to that 
 intercourse more advantageous or more satisfactory 
 after sej-aration than before! Can aliens make treaties 
 
36 
 
 easier than friends can make laws! Can treaties be more 
 faithfully enforced between aliens than laws can amon^ 
 friends I Suppose you go to war, you can not fight 
 always ; and when, after much loss on both sides, and no 
 gain on either, you cease fighting, the identical old ques- 
 tions, as to terms of intercourse are again upon you. 
 
 The chief magistrate derives all his authority from the 
 people, and they have conferred none upon him to fix 
 terms for the separation of the states. The people them- 
 selves can do this also if they choose; but the executive, 
 as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty is to adminis- 
 ter the present government as it came to his hands, and 
 to transmit it unimpaired by him, to his successor. 
 
 Why should there not be a patient confidence in the 
 ultimate justice of the people? Is there any better or 
 equal hope in the world! In our present differences is 
 either party without faith of being in the right! If the 
 Almighty Euler of nations, with His eternal truth and 
 justice, be on your side of the north, or yours of the south, 
 that truth and that justice will surely prevail, by the 
 judgment of this great tribunal of the American people. 
 
 By the foi'm of the government under which we live, 
 the same peo]ile have wisely given their public servants 
 but little power for mischief ; and have with equal wisdom 
 provided for the return of that little to their own hands 
 at very short intervals. While the people retain their 
 virtue and vigilance, no administration, by any extreme 
 of wickedness or folly can Yery seriously injure the 
 government in the short space of four years. 
 
 My countrymen, one and all, think calmly and well 
 upon this whole subject. Nothing valuable can be lost by 
 taking time. If there be an object to hurry any of you in 
 hot haste to a step which you would not take deliberately, 
 that object will be frustrated by taking time; but no good 
 can be frustrated by it. Such of you as are now dissatis- 
 fied still have the old constitution unimpaired, and, on 
 the sensitive point, the laws of your own framing under 
 
37 
 
 it; while the new administration with no immediate 
 power, if it would, to change either. If it were admitted 
 that you who are dissatisfied, hold the right side in the 
 dispute, there still is no single good reason for precipi- 
 tate action. Intelligence, patriotism, Christianity and a 
 firm reliance on Him who has never yet forsaken this 
 favored land, are still competent to adjust, in the best 
 way, all our present difficulty. 
 
 Tn your hands, my dissatisfied fellow countrymen, and 
 not in mine, is the momentous issue of civil war. The 
 government will not assail you. 
 
 You can have no conflict without being yourselves the 
 aggressor's. You have no oath registered in Heaven to 
 destroy the government, while I shall have the most 
 solemn one to '^preserve, protect and defend" it. 
 
 I am loathe to close. We are not enemies, but friends. 
 "We must not be enemies. Though passion may have 
 strained, it must not break our bonds of affection. 
 
 The m^/stic cords of memory, stretching from every 
 battlefield and patriot grave to every living heart and 
 hearthstone all over this broad land, will yet swell the 
 chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they 
 will be, by the better angels of our natures. 
 
38 
 
 TOLLING. 
 
 Tolling, tolling, tolling ! 
 
 All the bells of the land! 
 Lo ! the patriot martyr 
 
 Taketh his journey grand. 
 Travels into the ages, 
 
 Bearing a hope, how dear! 
 Into life's unknown vistas, 
 
 Liberty's great pioneer. 
 
 Tolling, tolling, tolling! 
 
 See, they come as a claud. 
 Hearts of a mighty people, 
 
 Bearing his pall and shroud. 
 Lifting up like a banner 
 
 Signs of loss and woe ; 
 Wonder of breathless nations, 
 
 moveth the solemn show. 
 
 Tolling, tolling, tolling ! 
 
 Was it, oh man beloved, 
 Was it thy funeral only 
 
 Over the land that moved? 
 Veiled by that hour of anguish, 
 
 Borne with the rebel rout. 
 Forth into utter darkness, 
 
 Slavery's corse went out. 
 
 — Lucy Lareom, Oldroyd's Memorial Album. 
 
39 
 
40 
 
 LINCOLN'S FUNERAL. 
 
 For ten days a large number of men and women worked 
 almost night and day in decorating the State House. The 
 whole building was draped in mourning on the exterior, 
 and the rotunda and Representatives' hall on the in- 
 terior, and the entrance of the Governor's room, the 
 rooms of the Secretary of State, Auditor of State and 
 Superintendent of Public Instruction. Part of the time 
 there were one hundred and fifty persons at work. The 
 ladies of Springfield bore their full share in these arduous 
 labors. I have been furnished with the following figures 
 by a prominent citizen of this city who prepared some of 
 the designs for decoration. I shall not attempt a de- 
 scription of tlie ornamental work, but wnll give a few 
 facts by Vv-hich some idea of their gorgeous beauty may be 
 conveyed. About fifteen hundred yards of black and 
 white goods were used in the decoration, exclusive of the 
 catafalque. In its construction and decoration black 
 cloth, black velvet, black, blue and white silk and crape, 
 with silver stars and silver lace and fringe, were used in 
 the greatest profusion. The canopy of the catafalque 
 was made of velvet, festooned with satin and silver fringe. 
 It was lined on the under side with blue silk, studded with 
 silver stars. Three hundred yards of velvet and mourn- 
 ing goods and three hundred yards of silver lace and 
 fringe, besides a vast quantity of other materials, were 
 used in its construction. Each of the six columns was 
 sumounted with a rich plume. 
 
 Evergreens and flowers, interspersed with crape, hung 
 in festoons from capitols, columns and cornices in all 
 parts of the building. Two hundred vases of natural 
 flowers in full bloom, emitted their fragrance throughout 
 
41 
 
 the edifice. Nearly all of tliem were furnished free of 
 cost by Michael Doyle, horticulturalist, of Spring-field. 
 Mottoes and inscriptions were displayed at various 
 places about the hall, but I can only give place to two of 
 them : 
 
 "WashIng"ton, the father, Lincoln the savior." 
 "Rather than surrender that principle I would be 
 assassinated on this spot." 
 
 The Governor's mansion, the old Lincoln residence, 
 the military headquarters of Gen. Cook and Gen. Oakes, 
 were decorated, externally, similar to the State House. 
 Of twenty thousand dollars appropriated by the city 
 of Springfield, to be expended in preparations for the 
 funeral, less than fifteen thousand were used. Part of it 
 was expended in building the temporary vault on the 
 new State House grounds, paying railroad charges on 
 some carriages from Jacksonville, the hearse from St. 
 Louis, and the expenses of musicians and the orator, but 
 much of the largest portion of the whole amount was laid 
 out in decorating the buildings above mentioned. This, 
 however, was only a small part of the money thus ex- 
 pended, for the whole city was draped in mourning, busi- 
 ness houses, private residences and all, and in many in- 
 stances they were as richly decorated as the public 
 buildings. 
 
 It was well known that the hotels could not accommo- 
 date a tithe of the strangers who would be in attendance, 
 and private families who could do so, made preparations 
 and invited to their houses such as could not otherwise 
 be provided for. The six organizations of Free Masons 
 in Springfield, viz : four lodges, one chapter and one com- 
 mandery, made equal appropriations from their several 
 treasureies, procured one of the largest halls in the city, 
 filled it with tables ,and kept them supplied with well 
 cooked food prepared by the families of their members. 
 This dining hall was intended to be free to Masons only 
 
42 
 
 who should be in attendance, but many others partook 
 of their bounty also. As for sleeping, there was not much 
 of that done in Springfield on the night the remains of 
 Lincoln were exposed to view. 
 
 Strangers who were in the city on this occasion for the 
 first time, almost invariably visited the former residence 
 of Abraham Lincoln, at the northeast corner of Eighth 
 and Jackson streets. 
 
 As already stated, it was elaborately and tastefully 
 decorated with the national colors and insignia of sorrow. 
 The committee of escort from Chicago, numbering one 
 hundred, although business engagaments prevented part 
 of their number visiting Springfield— assembled near the 
 residence and had their photographs taken in a group in 
 connection with the house, to be preserved as a memorial 
 of their mournful visit. The photograph was by an 
 artist from Chica^go, who accompanied the escort to 
 Springfield for the purpose of taking views of the State 
 House, the closing scenese at Oak Eidge, and other ob- 
 jects of interest. 
 
 From the time the coffin was opened, at ten o'clock on 
 the morning of May third, there was no cessation of visi- 
 tors. All through the still hours of the night, no hmnan 
 voices were heard except in subdued tones ; but the tramp, 
 tramp of busy feet, as men and women filed through the 
 State House, up one flight of stairs and through the hall, 
 and down another stairway, testified the love and venera- 
 tion of Abraham Lincoln in the hearts of his old friends 
 and neighbors. A'V^iile the closing scenes were being 
 enacted, a choir of two hundred and fifty singers, accom- 
 panied by Lebrun's Washington band, of twenty per- 
 formers, from St. Louis, assembled on the steps of the 
 capitol, and, under direction of Professor Meissner sang 
 ''Peace Troubled Soul." 
 
 The coffin was closed at ten o'clock on the morning of 
 May 4th, and while it was being conveyed to the hearse. 
 
43 
 
 o 
 
 m 
 
 Q 
 
44 
 
 the choir sang Pleyel's Hymn, "Children of the Heavenly 
 King. ' ' 
 
 The funeral procession was then formed in the follow- 
 ing order, under the immediate direction of Major Gen- 
 eral Joseph Hooker, marshal-in-chief: 
 
 Brig. Gen. John Cook and staff, Brig. Gen. James 
 Oakes and staff, military, funeral escort. 
 
 First I>ivision-Col. C. M. Provost, 16th Reg. V. R. C, 
 marshal. Aides: Lieut. Thomas B. Beach, A. A. A.; Gen. 
 Maj. Horace Holt, 1st Mass. Heavy Artillery; Capt. J. 
 C. Remison, 15th N. Y. Cavalrv; Capt. E. C. Raymond, 
 124th HI. Inf.; Capt. Eddy, 95th 111. Inf.; Lieut. H. N. 
 Schlick, 1st N. Y. Dragoons. 
 
 This division consisted entirely of infantry, cavalry 
 and artillery. 
 
 Second Division— Maj. F. Bridgman, Pay Department 
 U. S. Army, marshal. Aides: Maj. R. W. McClaughry 
 and Maj. W. W. White. 
 
 This division was composed of officers and enlisted men 
 of the army and navy, not otherwise assigned, officers 
 in uniform and side arms. Maj. Gen. John A. McCler- 
 nand was the marshal of the civic department of the pro- 
 cession. Aides : Lieut. Col. Schwartz, Capt. Henry Jayne, 
 Capt. R. Rudolph, Capt. Benjamin Ferguson, Hon. 
 Charles Keys, W. M. Springer, E. E. Myers, Ed. L. Mer- 
 rit, N. Iliggins. 
 
 Third Division — Col. Dudley Wickersham, of the 1st 
 Army Corps, marshal. Aides: Joshua Rodgers, Isaac 
 A. Hawley, W. F. Kimber, J. B. Perkins. 
 
 Marshals of Sections— Col. W. S. Barnum, Capt. A. J. 
 Allen, Col. S. N. Hitt, Clinton L. Conkling, Robert P. 
 Officer, W. Smith and Capt. T. G. Barnes. 
 
 Orator of the day and officiating clergymen— Rev. Dr. 
 Simpson, Bishop of the M. E. Church and orator of the 
 day; Rev. Dr. Gurley, Rev. Dr. N. W. Miner, Rev. Dr. 
 Harkey, Rev. Albert Hale, Rev. A. C. Hubbard and others. 
 
45 
 
 The house in Washington where Lincohi died. Now occupied by 
 Mr. OldroA'd and the Lincohi Museum. 
 
46 
 
 Surgeons and physicians of the deceased. 
 
 Hearse. 
 
 Pall Bearers— Hon. Jessie K. Dubois, Hon. S. T. Lo- 
 gan, Hon. Gustavus Koerner, James L. Lamb, Esq., Hon. 
 S. ?I. Treat, Col. John Williams, Erastus Wright, Esq., 
 Hon, J. N. Brown, Jacob Bunn, Esq., C. W. Matheny, 
 Esq., Elijah lies, Esq., Hon. John T. Stuart. 
 
 '^Old Bob" or ''Old Bobbin," the horse formerly rid- 
 den by Abraham Lincoln in his political campaigns and 
 law practice, off the lines of railroad. He was about six- 
 teen years old, and was led by two colored grooms. 
 
 Guard of honor in carriages, as follows : Brevet Brig. 
 Gen. E. D. Townsend, Brevet Brig. Gen. Charles Thomas, 
 Brig. Gen. A. B. Eaton, Brevet Maj. Gen. J. G. Barnard, 
 Brig. Gen. G. D. Ramsey, Brig. Gen. A. P. Howe, Brevet 
 Brig. Gen. D. C. McCallum, Maj. Gen. 1). Hunter, Gen. 
 J. C. Caldwell, Brig. Gen. Elkin, Rear Admiral C. H. 
 Davis, Capt. W. R. Taylor, U. S. Navy, Maj. Th. Field, 
 IJ. S. Marine Corps. 
 
 Relatives and family friends in carria,ges. 
 
 Fourth Division— Col. Speed Butler, marshal. Aides: 
 Maj. Robert Allen, Capt. Louis Rosette and Capt. Albert 
 Williams. 
 
 Marshals of Sections— William Bennet, H. W. Ives, 
 Philip C. Latham, William V. Roll, K. H. Richardson, 
 J. E. Williams and J. D. Crabb. 
 
 Senate— Hon. Messrs. James W. Nye, of Nevada; 
 George H. Williams, of Oregon; Henry S. Lane, of In- 
 diana; John B. Henderson, of Missouri; Lyman Trmn- 
 bull and Richard Yates, of Illinois ; Howe and Doolittle, 
 of Wisconsin; Foote, of Vermont; Chandler, of Michigan; 
 and George T. Brown, Sergeant-at-Arms of the U. S. 
 Senate. 
 
 House of Representatives— Hon. Schupler Colfax, 
 Speaker; Hon. Messrs. Pike ,of Maine; Rollins, of New 
 Hampshire; Baxter, of Connecticut; Harris, of New 
 
47 
 
 York; Cowan, of Pennsylvania; Farnsworth, Washburn, 
 Cook, Norton and Arnold, of Illinois; Morehead and 
 Bailey, of Pennsylvania ; Sloan, of AVisconsin ; Wilson, of 
 Iowa; Farqiihar, of Indiana; Clarke, of Kansas; Shan- 
 non, of California; Phelps, of Maryland; Hooper, of 
 Massaclmsetts ; Ferv3% of Michigan; Newell, of New 
 Jersey: Whaley, of West Virginia; Schenck, of Ohio; 
 Smith, of Kentucky; Hitchcock, of Nebraska; and S. G. 
 Ordway, Sergeant-at-Arms of the IT. S. House of Repre- 
 sentatives. 
 
 Territorial Representatives— Hon. Messrs. Bradford, 
 of Colorado, and Weed, of Dakota. 
 
 A portion of those who are named among the congres- 
 sional delegation did not attend, but of those who were 
 certainly with the funeral coretge from the beginning to 
 the end of the journey were the Hon. Messrs. Wiliams, 
 of Oregon ; Nye, of Nevada ; Washburn, of Illinois ; More- 
 head, of Pennsylvania; Hooper, of Massachusetts; and 
 Schenck, of Ohio. 
 
 Some of the members of Congress in the Illinois dele- 
 gation—Governor R, J. Oglesby, Hons. Jesse K. Dubois, 
 Shelby ]\I. Cullom and D. L. Phillips, Adjt. Gen. Isham 
 N. Ilavnie, Col. J. H. Bowen, W. Hanna, E. F. Leonard, 
 Dr. S.'h. Melvin, Hon. 0. M. Hatch, Col. John Williams. 
 
 Governors of states with their suites and governors of 
 territories— Oglesby, of Illinois; Bramlette, of Kentucky; 
 Morton, of Indiana ; Fletcher, of Missouri ; Stone, of 
 Iowa; Pickering, of Washington Territory; and Wallace, 
 of Idaho Territory. 
 
 Members of the Illinois Legislature. Kentucky dele- 
 gation. Chicago Committee of Reception and Escort. 
 
 Fifth Division— Hon. George L. Huntington, marshal. 
 Aides: Dr. S. Babcock, George Shepherd, Charles Bidg- 
 ley, George I;atham, Moses B. Condell. 
 
 This division was composed of the municipal authority 
 of Springfield and other cities. 
 
48 
 
 Sixth Division— Hon. W. H. Hemdon,. marshal. Aides: 
 P. P. Enos, C. S. Zane, Dr. T. W. Dresser, John T. Jones, 
 William G. Cochrane, James Rayborne, Charles Vincent, 
 Edward Beach, John Peters, C. W. Eeardon, R. C. 
 Huskey. 
 
 Marshals of Sections- Thomas L3^on, B. T. Hill, 
 
 Geore;e Birge, Henry Yeakel, Jacob Half en, 
 
 Sweet, Dewitt C. Hartwell, Hamilton Hancy, Fred B. 
 Smith. 
 
 The sixth division was composed of christian, sanitary 
 and other commissions, aid societies, etc., and delegations 
 from universities, colleges and other institutions of learn- 
 ing. 
 
 Reverend clergj^, not officiating for the day. 
 
 Members of the legal profession. 
 
 Members of the medical profession. 
 
 Representatives of the press. 
 
 Seventh Division— Hon. Harmon G. Reynolds, marshal. 
 Aides: George R. Tindale, John A. Hughes, James 
 Smith, P. Fitzpatrick, Henry Shuck and Thomas 
 'Conner. 
 
 ]\[arshals. of Sections— Capt. Charles Fisher, Frank 
 "W. Tracy, M. Conner, Frederick Smith, M. Armstrong, 
 Richard Young. 
 
 This division was composed of various bodies of Free 
 Masons, Odd Fellows and other kindred fraternities and 
 the tiremen. 
 
 Eighth Division— Hon. John W. Smith, marshal. 
 Aides: Capt. Isaac Keys, S. H. Jones, Hon. John W. 
 Priest, 0. A. Abel, Maj. H .X. Alden, Wm. P. Crafton, 
 G. A. Kimber, John W. Poorman, Henry Ridgley, J. H. 
 Crow, Joim Davis, Presco Wright, N. V. Hunt, Georsre 
 Dalby, Alfred A. North, Hon. J. S. Bradford, Samuel P. 
 Town send. 
 
49 
 
 This division was composed of citizens generally, and 
 all who had not been assigned to some other place in the 
 procession, bringing n]> the rear with the colored people. 
 
 The procession tlins formed received the corpse at the 
 north gate of the State House square, and moved east on 
 Washington street to Eighth, south on Eighth, passing 
 the Lincoln residence at the corner of Jackson and 
 Eighth, to Cook, west on Cook to Fourth, north on Fourth, 
 passing between the (lovernor's mansion— then the home 
 of Govei'uor Oglesby— and the fine residence of ex-Gover- 
 nor Matteson, to Union, west on Union to Third, north on 
 Third to the east entrance to Oak Ridge cemetery, one 
 and one-half miles from the State House. 
 
 On arriving at the cemetery, the remains were placed 
 in the receiving tomb. The choir then sang the Dead 
 March in Saul : 
 
 "ITnveil thy bosom, faithful tomb. 
 
 Take this new treasure to thy trust," etc. 
 
 Rev. Albert Hale, pastor of the Second Presbyterian 
 church, of Springfield, then offered a fervent and ap- 
 propriate prayer, after which the choir sang a dirge com- 
 posed for the occasion by L. W. Davis^ music by George 
 F. Root: 
 
 ''Farwell, Father, Friend and Guardian." 
 
 A portion of the scripture was then read by Rev. N. W. 
 Miner and the choir sang: 
 
 *'To Thee, 0, Lord, I Yield My Spirit." 
 
 President Lincoln's inaugural address of March 4, 
 1865, was then read by Rev. A. C. Hubbard. A dirge was 
 performed by the choir, and then followed the funeral 
 oration by Rev. Dr. Simpson, Bishop of the Methodist 
 Episcopal church. 
 
 It was a review of the life of Abraham Lincoln, more 
 particularly that part from the time he left Springfield, 
 
50 
 
 Badge worn by citizens of Springfield at Lincoln's funeral. 
 
51 
 
 Feb. 11, 18G1, until his death. In drawing the contrast 
 between his departure and return, the Bi-shop said : 
 
 "Such a scene as his return to you was never known 
 among the events of history. There was one for the Pa- 
 triarch Jacob, which come up from Egypt, and the Egyp- 
 tians wondered at the evidences of reverence and filial 
 affection which came up from the hearts of the Israelites. 
 There was mourning when Moses fell upon the heigths of 
 Pisgah, and was hid from human view. There has been 
 mourning in the kingdoms of the earth when kings and 
 princes have fallen, but never was there in the history of 
 man such mourning as that which accompanied this 
 funeral procession. 
 
 Far more eyes have gazed upon the face of the de- 
 parted than ever looked upon the face of any other de- 
 pai-ted man. More eyes have looked upon the procession 
 of sixteen hundred miles and more, by night and by day, 
 by sunlight, dawn, twilight and by torchlight, than ever 
 before watched the progress of a procession." 
 
 In illustration of the universal feeling of sorrow, the 
 orator said: 
 
 "Nor is this mourning confined to anyone class or to 
 any district or country. Men of all political parties and 
 all religious creeds, have united in paying this mournful 
 tribute. The Archbishop of the Roman Catholic church 
 in New York an a Protestant minister walked side by 
 side in the sad procession. A Jewish Rabbi performed 
 part of the solemn services. 
 
 But the great cause of this mourning is found in the 
 man himself. Mr. Lincoln was no ordinary man; and I 
 believe the conviction has been growing on the nation's 
 mind, as it certainly has been on mine, especially in the 
 last years of his administration, that by the hand of God 
 he was especially singled out to guide our government 
 in these troubled times. And it seems to me that the hand 
 of God may be traced in many of the events connected 
 with his historv. 
 
52 
 
 Booth on the Scaffold. 
 After the Trap was Sprung. 
 
53 
 
 T recognize this in his jjhysical education, which pre- 
 pared him for enduring herculean labors. In the toils 
 of his boyhood and the labors of his manhood, God was 
 giving him an iron frame. Next to this was his identi- 
 fication- with the lieart of the great people, understanding 
 their feelings because he was one of them, and connected 
 with them in their movements and life. His education 
 was simple. A few months spent in the school house 
 gave him the elements of an education. He read Bun- 
 yan's Pilgrims' Progress, Aesop's Fables and Life of 
 Washington, which gave the basis to his character, and 
 which partly moulded his style. His early life, with its 
 varied struggles, joined him indissolubly to the working 
 masses, and no elevation in society diminished his respect 
 for the sons of toil. He knew what it was to fell the tall 
 trees of the forest and to stem the current of the broad 
 Mississippi. His home was in the growing west— the 
 lieart of the Pejuiblic— and invigorated by the winds that 
 swept over its i)rairies, be learned lessons of self reliance 
 tliat sustained him in scenes of adversity. 
 
 His genius was soon recognized as the true genius 
 always will be, and he was placed in the Legislature of his 
 adopted state. Already acquainted with the principles 
 of law, he devoted his thoughts to matters of public in- 
 terest and began to be looked upon as the coming states- 
 man. As early as 1839 he presented resolutions in the 
 Legislature asking for emancipation in the District of 
 Columbia, while, with but rare exceptions, the whole pop- 
 ular mind of his state was opposed to the measure. From 
 that hour he was a steady and uniform friend of human- 
 ity, and was preparing for the conflict of later years. 
 
 It was not, however, chiefl}^ by his mental faculties that 
 he gained such control over mankind. His moral power 
 gave him pre-eminence. The convictions of men that 
 Abraham Lincoln was an honest man, led them to yield 
 to his guidance. As has been said of Cobden, whom he 
 greatly resembled, he made all men feel a kind of sense 
 
54 
 
 of himself — a recognized individuality— a self-relying 
 ])ower. They saw in him a man whom they believed 
 would do what was right regardless of consequences. It 
 was this moral feeling which gave him the great hold 
 upon the people and made his utterances almost ocular. 
 
 But the great act of the mighty chieftain, on which his 
 power shall rest long after his fame shall moulder away, 
 is giving freedom to a race. We have all been taught to 
 rever the sacred scriptures. We have thought of Moses, 
 of his power, and the prominence he gave to the moral 
 law; hoYv it lasts, and how his name towers high among 
 the names in heaven, and how he delivered those millions 
 of his kindred out of bondage. And yet we may assert 
 that xVbraham Lincoln, by his proclamation, liberated 
 more enslaved people than ever Moses set free— and 
 those not his kindred. God has seldom given such op- 
 portunity to man. Allien other events shall have been 
 forgotten ; when this world shall become a network of re- 
 publics ; when every throne shall be swe]>t from the face 
 of the earth ; when literature shall enlighten all minds ; 
 when the claims of humanity shall be recognized every- 
 where, this act shall still be conspicuous on the pages of 
 history. And we are thankful that God gave to Abraham 
 Lincoln the decision and wisdom and grace to issue that 
 proclamation, which stands high above all other papers 
 which have been penned by inspired men. 
 
 Tjook over all his speeches— listen to all his utterances 
 —he never spoke unkindly of any man. Even the rebels 
 received no word of anger from him, and the last day of 
 his life illustrated in a remarkable manner his forgiving 
 disposition. A dispatch was received that afternoon that 
 Thompson and Tucker were trying to escape through 
 Maine, and it was proposed to arrest them. Mr. Lincoln, 
 however, preferred to let them quietly escape. He was 
 seeking to save the very men who had been plotting his 
 destruction; and this morning we read a proclamation 
 offering $25,000 for the arrest of these men as aiders and 
 
55 
 
 abettors of his assassination ; so that in his expiring acts, 
 he was saying: 'Father, forgive them, they know not what 
 thev do.' As a ruler, I doubt if any president ever 
 showed such trust in God, or, in public documents, so 
 frequently referred to Divine aid. Often did he remark 
 to friends and delegations that his hope for our success 
 rested in his convicUon that God would bless our efforts 
 because we were trying to do right. To the address of 
 a large religious body he replied, ' Thanks be unto God, 
 who, in our national trials, giveth us the church.' To a 
 minister who said he 'hoped the Lord was on our side,' 
 he replied that it 'gave him no concern whether the Lord 
 was on our side or not' and then added 'for I know the 
 Lord is always on the side of right,' and with deep feel- 
 ing continued: 'But God is my witness that it is my con- 
 stant anxiety and prayer that both myself and this na- 
 tion should be on the Lord's side.' " 
 
 After the oration or eulogj^ a requiem was performed 
 by the choir, a prayer offered by the Rev. Dr. Harkey, 
 followed by the singing of 
 
 "Peace, troubled soul." 
 
 Eev. Dr. P. D. Gurley then arose, made a few remarks 
 and the closing prayer, after which the following funeral 
 hj^mn, composed by him for the occasion, was sung: 
 
 Rest, noble martyr, rest in peace; 
 
 Rest with the true and brave. 
 Who, like thee, fell in freedom's cause. 
 
 The nation's life to save. 
 
 Thy name shall live while time endures. 
 
 And men shall say of thee. 
 He saved his countiy from its foes, 
 
 And bade the slave be free. 
 
 These deeds shall be thy monument. 
 Better than brass or stone ; 
 They leave thy fame in glory's light 
 Unrivaled and alone. 
 
56 
 
 Flag That Caught Booth's Spur. 
 
57 
 
 Booth Jumping- from the Box. 
 
58 
 
 This consecrated spot sliall be 
 
 To freedom ever dear ; 
 And freedom's sons of every race 
 
 Shall weep and worship here. 
 
 0, God, before whom we in tears 
 
 Our fallen chief deplore, 
 Grant that the cause for which he died 
 
 May live forever more. 
 
 The services closed by the choir singing the Doxology, 
 and the benediction by Dr. Gurley, when the vast multi- 
 tude melted away and sought the railroad depots, from 
 which the trains bore them to their homes in all parts of 
 the nation— east, west, north and south. Thus ended the 
 most grand and sublime funeral pageant the world ever 
 saw. The injunction so often repeated on the way— 
 
 "Bear him gently to his rest," 
 
 was reverently obeyed, and Mr. Lincoln's own words, 
 
 ''The heart of the nation throbs heavily at the portals 
 of the tomb," 
 
 were realized with a force of which he little tliought at 
 the time they were spoken. 
 
 In the largest number of places where the escort 
 stopped to give an opportunity for public honors, the 
 local authorities provided guards to relieve the guard of 
 honor detailed by the Secretary of War, but in no in- 
 stance did they all leave the remains. They were acting 
 under orders to guard the body of Abraham Lincoln until 
 it should be deposited in its final resting place at Spring- 
 field, Illinois, and during all the journey there was not a 
 moment but one or more of these veteran officers with 
 bronzed visages and gray hairs could not be seen near the 
 body. 
 
 According to the special order issued from the War 
 Department, April 18, 1865, all arrangements by state or 
 municipal authorities for doing honor to the remains 
 
59 
 
 The chair in which Lincohi was sitting when he was shot. 
 
60 
 
 were to be under the direction of the military commander 
 of the division, department or district in which the pro- 
 posed demonstrations were to take place. In order to 
 see that the provisions of this order were carried out, 
 Major General Cadwallader, commander of the depart- 
 ment of Pennsylvania, joined the cortege at the state line 
 between Maryland and Pennsjdvania. He continued with 
 the funeral party until it reached Jersey City, when he 
 was relieved by Major General John A. Dix, commander 
 of the department of New York. General Dix traveled 
 with the cortege through New York and across the 
 northern end of Pennsylvania. Major General Joseph 
 Hooker, commander of the dei^artment of the' Ohio, re- 
 lieved General Dix at Wicklitfe, Ohio. General Hooker 
 continued with the funeral cortege until the closing cere- 
 monies at Springfield, Illinois. 
 
 I have omitted to niention the estimates given in the 
 papers of the number who viewed the remains at different 
 points, but summing tliein all up at the close, I feel justi- 
 fied in saying that more than one million men and women 
 must have looked upon the dead face of Abraham Lincoln, 
 an event which has no parallel in the history of the world. 
 
 In the course of the entire journey there can not be a 
 line or even a M^ord found on record urging the people 
 to turn out in honor of the deceased. The assembling of 
 such multitudes was, in all cases, spontaneous. Day and 
 night, cold or warm, rain or shine, for twelve long days 
 and nights, it was only necessary for the people to know 
 the time the cortege was expected to arrive at any given 
 point to bring them together in great numbers. 
 
 The annexed table will exhibit the distance traveled by 
 the funeral train that bore the remains of Abraham Lin- 
 coln from Washington City to Springfield, Illinois. The 
 distance is also ^given between the different points at 
 which the remains were taken from the train in com- 
 pliance with the desire of the people to do honor to tlie 
 memory of the martyred president : 
 
61 
 
 Miles. 
 
 From Washington to Baltimore 40 
 
 From Baltimore via York to Harrisburg 84 
 
 From TTarri.^bnrg to Philadelphia 107 
 
 From Philadelphia via Trenton to New York 87 
 
 From New I'ork to Albany 142 
 
 From Albany via Schnectady, Utica, Syracuse, 
 
 Rochester and Patavia to Bulfalo 296 
 
 From Buffalo via Dunkirk and Erie to Cleveland-. . . 183 
 From Cleveland via Crestline and Delaware to 
 
 Columbus 138 
 
 From Columbus via Urbana, Piqua, Greenville, 
 
 Richamond and Kingston to Indianapolis 188 
 
 From Indianaolis via Lafayette and Michigan City 
 
 to Chicago 212 
 
 From Chicago via Joliet, Chenoa and Bloomington 
 
 to Spring-fteld 185 
 
 Total 1,662 
 
 It is but natural that the very best that could be written 
 would appear in those papers of Mr. Lincoln's own way 
 of thinking in politics ; but some of the finest articles ap- 
 peared in papers that had always been opposed to him 
 politically. The Daily Register, a Democratic paper pub- 
 lished at Springfield, in its issue of Saturday evening, 
 April 15, 1865. after relating the news of the assassina- 
 tion says : 
 
 "Just in the hour when the crowning triumph of his 
 life awaited him: when the result which he had labored 
 and prayed for four years with incessant toil, stood 
 almost accomplished, when he could begin clearly to see 
 the promised land of his lon,ging— the restored Union — 
 even as Moses from the top of Pisgah, looked forth upon 
 the Canaan he had for forty years been striving to attain, 
 the assassin's hand puts a rude period to his life and to 
 his hopes. As Moses of old, who had led God's people 
 through the gloom and danger of the wilderness, died 
 when on the eve of realizing all that his hopes had pic- 
 
THE LINCOLN MONUMENT. 
 
 Unveiled and dedicated October 15, 1874. Dimensions, 72i/2 
 feet by 119^/4 feet square and 100 feet high. Designed and 
 modeled by Larkin E. Mead. Cost $212,000. 
 
 Emblematical of the constitution of the United States. Presi- 
 dent" Lincoln standing, coat of arms with the infantry, navy, 
 artillery and the cavalry marshalled around him, v^^ields all for 
 holding the states together in a perpetual bond of union, w^ithout 
 which we could never hope to effect the great enemy of human 
 freedom. 
 
63 
 
 tured, so Lincoln is cut off just as the white wing of 
 peace begins to reflect its silvery radiance over the red 
 billows of war. It is hard for a great man to die, but 
 doubly cruel that he should be cut off after such a career 
 as that of him whom we mourn to day. ' ' 
 
 And the same paper of April 18th says : 
 
 '^History has recorded no such scene of bloody terror. 
 The murder of monarchs has been written. Caesar was 
 slain in the Senate chamber; Gustavus was butchered in 
 the ball room ; but these were ursurpers and tyrants, not 
 the chosen heads of a people, empowered to select their 
 rulers. And, Oh horrible! that he should have been 
 assassinated when his best efforts to tranquilize the fears 
 and furj^ of his people were so nearly realized. We are 
 dumb with sorrow." 
 
 The Illinois State Journal, at Springfield, the oldest 
 paper in the state, north of Edwardsville, was the first 
 in which Lincoln's name ever appeared in connection with 
 any office —he having been aimounced as a candidate for 
 Representative of Sangamon county, in its issue of March 
 15, 1832. It was then Whig and is now Republican in 
 politics and supported Lincoln every time he was ever a 
 candidate. The Daily Journal of Saturday morning, 
 April 15, 1865, gave the telegraphic announcement of his 
 assassination, without comment. Monday morning, the 
 17th, it said : 
 
 ' ' Abraham Lincoln is dead. ' ' These portentious words 
 as they sped over the wires throughout the length and 
 breadth of the land on Saturday morning last, sent a 
 thrill of agony through millions of loyal hearts, and 
 shrouded a nation, so lately rejoicing in the hour of 
 victory, in the deepest sorrow. The blow came at a mo- 
 ment so unexpected and was so sudden and staggering— 
 the crime by which he fell was so atrocious and the man- 
 ner of it so revolting, that men were unable to realize the 
 fact that one of the purest citizens, the noblest of patriots, 
 the most beloved and honored of presidents, the most 
 
64 
 
 forebearing and magnanimous of rulers, had j^erislied at 
 the hands of an assassin. The horrofying details recalled 
 only the scenes of blood which have disgraced barbaric 
 ages. People were unwiling to believe that, in our own 
 time, there could be found men capable of a. crime so 
 utterly fiendish and brutal. * * * ji^j^^ y^t this is 
 called chivalry. 
 
 President Lincoln died at the hand of slavery. It was 
 slavery that conceived the fearful deed. It was slavery 
 that sought and found the willing instrument and sped 
 the fatal ball ; it is slaveiry alone that will justify the act. 
 Henseforth men will lok upon slavery as indeed 'the sum 
 of all villanies." 
 
 The same paper of Saturday morning, the 22d, says : 
 "A week ago tliis morning the intelligence first startled 
 the nation that a crime of the most fearful character had 
 been perpetrated in Washington. The spirit of our 
 honored and beloved president, the most genial, patient 
 and forebearing of men, but the victim of the most 
 atrocious assassination, was then taking its flight to the 
 'God who gave it.' 
 
 "One week has passed and such a week was never 
 known in this or any other land. The popular sorrow, 
 instead of abating by time, has gi'own even more intense, 
 as the people have been gradually enabled to comprehend 
 the terrible facts. The heart of the nation has been 
 moved as it was never moved before. Every village and 
 city of the land, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, have 
 joined in the most heartfelt demonstrations of grief in 
 view of the national loss. Today the sorrowful cortage 
 accompanying the remains of our l^eloved president is 
 at last approaching the home whence, four years ago, he 
 set out with many misgivings, but strong in the sense of 
 duty, to assume the reins of government to which the 
 sufferages of the people had called him. The eyes of 
 the whole nation are upon it, and wherever that dark and 
 
65 
 
 sorrow burdened train appears it is attended by the 
 lamentations of the people." 
 
 Friday morning, the 28th, the Journal announced the 
 death of the assassin and said: 
 
 "Retribution, swift and sure, has fallen upon his 
 murderer ! J. Wilkes Booth, the author of that atrocious 
 deed, lies as lifeless as Abraham Lincoln. * * * Jt 
 is no compensation for the loss to the nation of such a 
 man as Jkbraham Lincoln, that judgment has overtaken 
 his murderer. * * * xhe only satisfaction we feel is 
 that justice has been done." 
 
 The Journal for Wednesday morning, May 3d, says : 
 
 ''Today all that is mortal of Abraham Lincoln comes 
 back to us to be deposited among a people with whom he 
 spent so many years of his life, and among whom he 
 hoped, his w^oi'k being done, to spend the evening of his 
 days. ' ' 
 
 The Journal, Thursday, May 4th : 
 
 "Today we lay him reverently to rest, amid the scenes 
 he loved so well. Millions will drop a tear to his memory^ 
 and future generations will make pilgrimages to his tomb. 
 Peace to his ashes." 
 
66 
 
 aBiifefcgLi-JiiiiiiiiiiiBi^MBB^^^^BBI^M 
 
67 
 
 THE STEALING OF THE BODY. 
 
 In the autmnn of 1876, P. D. Tyrrell, the chief operative 
 of the United States secret service for tlie district iu 
 which Chicago is situated, had his suspicions that a cer- 
 tain drinking- saloon in that city was a rendezvous for 
 counterfeiters. He could not learn anything by going 
 there himself, because some of the men whose presence 
 excited his suspicions knew him personally, and for him 
 to appear would put them on the alert. In order to ob- 
 tain the desired information, he emjiloyed a young man, 
 unknown to those parties, and instructed him in the 
 manner he should proceed to gain their confidence. He 
 was first to convince them that he was the same kind of 
 man they were, which he ,did, by gradual approaches, so 
 thoroughly that they revealed to him the fact that they 
 were not only engaged in putting counterfeit money in 
 circulation, but were then preparing for a speculation on 
 a much larger scale. They told him tl*at they expected 
 to steal the remains of President Lincoln from the monu- 
 ment in Springfield, bury it in some secure place, and 
 then dis]:»erse, probably leave the United States, and 
 watch the accounts in the newspapers for a favorable 
 time to enter into negotiations for the return of the body. 
 They expressed the utmost confidence that they could in 
 that way obtain at least two hundred thousand dollars 
 and the release of a celebrated counterfeit engraver who 
 was serving a ten years' sentence in the Joliet peniten- 
 tiary for engraving and printing counterfeit money. 
 Wishing to avail themselves of the remarkable shrewd- 
 ness of the young man, whose acquaintance they were 
 thus forming, they proposed that if he would join and 
 assist, he might have a share in the profits. 
 
68 
 
 As lie had only started out to obtain information about 
 their counterfeiting operations, this discovery was quite 
 startling to liini. Me made some pretext for time to con- 
 sider, and at the earliest opportunity reported to the 
 officer who employed him, and asked for instructions. 
 The officer then authorized and instructed him to accede 
 to their proposition, join them and keep with them in 
 every movement and report to him daily, or more fre- 
 quently, as circumstances seemed to indicate. The young 
 man did not lose much time in letting the conspirators 
 know that he would take x>art ^\dth them. After that he 
 was at every meeting of the gang, numbering several 
 others besides the two whose confidence he first gained. 
 It was at length decided that the stealing should be done 
 Tuesday night, November 7, 1876, the night after the 
 day on which the presidential election was to be held. 
 
 That time was chosen for the reason that if they were 
 seen out unusually late, each party would be likely to 
 conclude that the other was in search of election news, 
 and in that way they hoped to disarm suspicion. 
 
 The two conspirators and the young man who had 
 been sent to ferret out their counterfeiting operations, by 
 which he was led to the discovery of the plot, started 
 from Chicago at fline o 'clock on the evening of November 
 6th, by the Cliicago, Alton and St. Louis railroad. The 
 operative of the secret service was kept fully posted, and 
 with two assistants boarded the rear sleeping car of the 
 same train as it moved out of the depot. 
 
 All parties arrived in Springfield at six o'clock on the 
 morning of November the 7tli, the train being two hours 
 behind time. The day was spent by the conspirators in 
 perfecting their plans, and by the operative of the secret 
 service and his assistants by watching the conspirators 
 and perfecting their plans also. Meanwhile balloting for 
 president 'of the United States was going on over the en- 
 tire nation. At five o'clock that afternoon the train 
 brought two other assistant detectives from Chicago, one 
 
69 
 
 of them an ex-cliief of the United States secret service for 
 the whole nation. Tliere was not a ray of sunshine 
 reached the earth in central Illinois that day, and in con- 
 sequence of the thick clouds, night came on early. About 
 six o'clock the operative of the secret service, with four 
 trained detectives, including the ex-chief, also a reporter 
 from a Chicago paper, ax>proached the monument, two 
 miles noitli of the city. They were admitted to the 
 memorial hall at the south end by the writer as custodian 
 of the jnonument. The outer door was then locked and 
 the entire party conducted through the back door to a 
 point where lights could not be seen from the outside. 
 Tliere lamps were lighted and one man placed inside 
 against the solid wall, opposite the sarcophagus at the 
 north end of the monument. He was instructed to remain 
 in that position rmtil he heard sounds as if work was be- 
 ing done on the sarcophagus. In that event he was to 
 find his way back to memorial hall— lighted lamps having 
 been placed as guides — and report to the officers. The 
 five officers and the writer kept their positions, in dark- 
 ness that could almost be felt, from two and a half to 
 three hours, when footsteps were heard approaching the 
 outer door, which is closed by two shutters, one of wood 
 and glass, the other of iron rods. Two men appeared, one 
 bearing a lighted bull's eye, or dark lantern. They soon 
 found that both doors were locked, and seemed satisfied 
 that there was not any person about the monument. 
 They then went around to the north end, one hundred and 
 twenty feet distant, and by sawing and filing broke the 
 padlocks to the grated door at the entrance to the cata- 
 comb, and commenced taking the marble sarcophagus to 
 pieces. The man who was placed inside to listen, passed 
 through among the labyrinth of walls to memorial hall, 
 and reported that he could hear the conspirators at work 
 on the sarcophagus. For several minutes hurried and 
 excited whisperings were going on between the five offi- 
 cers in the hall. The writer was greatly puzzled to know 
 why they did not go out and move upon the enemy at 
 
70 
 
 Levi Johnson kept a meat market in Springfield at the time 
 Lincoln lived there and furnished meat tO' the Lincoln family during 
 their stay in Springfield. 
 
71 
 
 oiK;e. It subsequently transpired that the officers never 
 expected to go out on the report of the one who was 
 listening inside. Placing him there was merely an extra 
 precaution that they might know when the work com- 
 menced. The young man who had discovered the plot 
 in Chicago, was with the conspirators, under instructions 
 from the operative of the secret service who was in the 
 hall that he was to remain with the conspirators until the 
 door was forced and they began to work on the sarco- 
 phagus. Then he was to go round outside and give a 
 signal at the entrance of memorial hall. The officers ex- 
 pected then to leave the hall, move quickly around to the 
 catacomb and capture the miscreants at their work. 
 
 Tt was afterwards learned that when the lock was 
 forced, and before they commenced work on the sarco- 
 phagus, the conspirators pushed the young man into a 
 corner of the half circular catacomb and gave him the 
 lantern to hold. He at once recognized the movement to 
 mean that they would shoot him dead should he attempt 
 to dispose of the light and pass out of the door. There- 
 fore, he could no less than to hold it until they had taken 
 the marble sarcophagiis apart and drawn the wooden and 
 lead coffin', with the body partly out, that they might con- 
 veniently take it up and carry it away. The conspira- 
 tors then stepped outside and started the young man off 
 for a horse and wagon to haul the body away. They 
 agreeing to remain at the door until his return. He had 
 not secured a team, but made them believe he had one at 
 the east gate. He started in that direction as though he 
 was going for Ihe team, but the night was cloudy and 
 exceedinlgy dark, and as soon as he had passed from 
 their sight, he turned to the right, ran to the door of 
 Memorial Hall and gave the signal agreed upon. The 
 officers went quickly around, expecting tO' capture the 
 conspirators, but they had escaped. They were too 
 shrewd to remain at the door of the catacomb lest others 
 might be looking for them, and so withdrew about thirty- 
 five yards from the monument, and lay down by a small 
 
72 
 
 oak tree, from wliieli they saw the officers enter the cata- 
 comb, and heard their exclamations of disappointment. 
 Tliey afterwards told the young man that they then 
 thought it would be more prudent for them to make their 
 escape. For ten days the conspirators could not be found. 
 At the end of that time the young man having retained 
 their confidence, informed the officers that the two were 
 together at the same drinking place where he entered into 
 the scheme with them. The officers entered the saloon, 
 one or two at a time, until they were in sufficient force to 
 overpower and handcuff them in a few seconds- They 
 were brought to Springfield, tried and sent to peniten- 
 tiary for one year. Only one year because there was no 
 law in Illinois that made the stealing of a dead body a 
 penitentiary offense. A law was enacted and approved 
 May 21, 1879, which came into force July 1st of the same 
 year, under which a party convicted of the crime is sub- 
 ject to a penalty of not less than one nor more than ten 
 years in the penitentiary. 
 
 After the attempt to steal the body of President Lin- 
 coln, in November, 1876, it was secretly taken from the 
 sarcophagus and carried through Memorial Hall to the 
 interior of the monument, where it lay on timbers be- 
 tween two rough walls until November, 1876, when it 
 was moved to dryer part of the interior and buried. This 
 was done for protection against any other attempt that 
 might be made. A few nights after the death of Mrs. 
 Lincoln, in July, 1882, her body was secretly taken from 
 the crypt where it had been publicly deposited, and 
 buried by the side of her husband. April 14, 1887, the 
 twenty-second anniversary of the assassination of Presi- 
 dent Lincoln, both bodies were exhmned, the coffin con- 
 taining the remains of Lincoln was opened, and the body 
 was fully identified. Both bodies were then buried in the 
 catacomb. The history of the attempt to steal the re- 
 mains of Lincoln and the transactions of the Linclon 
 Guard of Honor from a separate volume will appear. 
 
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74 
 
 The following are a few of tlie mottoes carried in pro- 
 cession at the funeral : 
 
 "With tears we resign thee 
 To God and history." 
 
 ''The purposes of the Almighty are perfect and must 
 prevail, ' ' 
 
 "Our guiding star has fallen, our nation mourns." 
 
 At Chicago four hundred colored citizens marched in 
 line bearing the mottoes : 
 
 "We mourn our loss" and "rest in peace with the 
 nation's tears." 
 
 Over the door of the court house, Chicago, was the in- 
 scription : 
 
 "Illinois clasps to her bosom her slain and glorified 
 son. ' ' 
 
 Over the north door was : 
 
 "The beauty of Israel is slain upon her high places." 
 
 There were hundreds of mottoes displayed, of which 
 the following are a few : 
 
 ''In sorrowing grief the nation's tears are spent. 
 Humanity has lost a friend and we a president." 
 
 "Bear him gently to his rest." • 
 
 "We loved him much, but now we love him more." 
 
 "Ours the cross— thine the crown." 
 
 "Freedom's noblest sacrifice." 
 
 Emancipation Proclamation— "Upon this act I invoke 
 the considerate judgment of mankind, and the gracious 
 favor of Almighty God." 
 
 "To Union may our heartfelt call 
 And brotherly love attune us all." 
 
 "Nations swell thy funeral cry." 
 
75 
 
 "Young, old, higli and low, 
 The same devotion show." 
 
 ''And over the coffin man planteth hope." 
 
 "Though dead, yet he speaketh." 
 
 "He won the wreath of fame. 
 
 And wrote on nuemory's scroll a deathless name." 
 
 "Look how honor glorifies the dead." 
 
 "Know ye not that a great man has fallen this day in 
 Israel." 
 
 "The great emancipator." 
 
 "He left us sustained by our prayers. 
 He returns embalmed in our tears." 
 
 At Indianapolis the colored Masons, in their appro- 
 priate clothing, and colored citizens generally, turned out 
 in procession and visited the remains in a body. At the 
 head of the procession they carried the Emancipation 
 Proclamation. At intervals banners were seen bearing 
 among others, the following inscriptions : 
 
 "Colored men always loyal." 
 
 "Lincoln, martyr of liberty." 
 
 "He lives in our memories." 
 
 "Slaveiy is dead." 
 
 Among the mottoes displayed at Michigan City, Ind., 
 were the following: 
 
 "Noblest martyr to freedom, sacred thy dust, hallowed 
 thy resting place." 
 
76 
 
 Annie Wilson \'antrice was a school girl at the time of Lincoln's 
 burial : she sang- at his funeral. 
 
77 
 
 COLORED PEOPLE AT LINCOLN'S FUNERAL. 
 
 At the time of Lincoln's deatli there was a great many 
 colored people scattered throughout the north. These 
 had been away from slaveiy long enough to make some 
 degree of progress in education and advancement. In all 
 the large cities of the north they had formed Masonic 
 lodges from the charter they had obtained from the 
 Grand Master of England. In every city where public 
 funerals were held, these lodges turned out in full regalia. 
 
 In Washington at the time of the assassination there 
 was gathered a great many colored troops waiting for the 
 grand review. While the body lay in state in the Wliite 
 House, members of the United States colored cavalry 
 were placed on guard. 
 
 The funeral was held in the capitol and the long pro- 
 cession was led b}" a detachment of colored troops. 
 Hundreds of colored people brought up the rear of the 
 procession. 
 
 At the station where the funeral cortege boarded the 
 train for Mr. Lincoln's old home in Springfield, Illinois, 
 was two thousand colored troops drawn up in line beside 
 the track. They stood with arms reversed and heads 
 bowed and we eping like children at the death of a father. 
 Their grief was of such undoubted sincerity as to effect 
 the whole vast multitude. Dignified governors of states, 
 grave senators and scarworn army officers, who had 
 passed through scenes of bloodshed unmoved, lost their 
 self control and melted to tears in the presence of such 
 unaffected sorrow. 
 
 In New York City five thousand colored people had 
 made arrangements to march in funeral procession, but 
 
78 ' 
 
 the city authorities gave them to iinderstand that their 
 presence was not desired. Wlien the committee on 
 funeral arrangements heard of this they sent out mes- 
 sages to the colored people urging them to turn out and 
 told them they should have every protection, but only 
 three hundred answered the call. 
 
 Tn Philadelphia where the body rested in Independence 
 Hall, an old colored woman approached the committee of 
 arrangements with a large wreath in her hand and with 
 tears in her eyes requested that it miglit be placed on the 
 coffin. When her request was granted her countenance 
 beamed with satisfaction. The wreath bore this inscrip- 
 tion: "The nation mourns his loss ;" "he still lives in the 
 hearts of the people." 
 
 The baimer carried by the colored people had been 
 prepared by the ladies of Henry Ward Beecher's church 
 and was inscribed on one side: "Abraham Lincoln, our 
 Emancipation," on the other side, "To millions of bonds- 
 men he liberty gave." This banner was carried by four 
 freedmen just from the south. 
 
 In Springfield the colored Free Masons and school 
 children turned out in procession and a long line of 
 colored people stood at the entrance of the cemetery and 
 as the hearse passed them bearing the body of the dead 
 President, they fell on their knees in the muddy street. 
 It was their farwell to Lincoln. 
 
 AMien the first call was made for contributions toward 
 the building of a monument for the great leader, the 
 colored people were the first to respond. A colored Sun- 
 da}^ school in Cairo was among the first to respond The 
 colored soldiers, not yet disbanded, gave large sums, 
 large for them. The 73rd Regiment United States 
 colored troops, sent $1,437, a larger amount than was sent 
 by any other individual or organization, except the state 
 of Illinois. An aged colored woman, Charlotte Scott, 
 who had received her freedom by the Emancipation Proc- 
 lamation, was living at Marietta, Ohio, when President 
 
James Young was steward at the Leland in Springfield at the 
 time of the attempt to steal Lincoln's body. After the att_empt, 
 the casket containing the body was opened and the state officials 
 and monument association viewed the remains, so they might be 
 able to say that it contained Lincoln's body. By special invita- 
 tion, Mr. Young accompanied them, and was the last colored man 
 to look upon the face of Lincoln. 
 
80 
 
 Lincoln was assassinated. She at once said, "Tlie colored 
 people have lost their best friend on earth. Mr. Lincoln 
 was our best friend and I will give five dollars of my 
 wages toward building a monument." Tliis circumstance 
 being related in the Missouri Democrat of May 2, 1865, 
 caused more than sixteen thousand dollars to be raised 
 by the colored people. The fund was held in St. Louis 
 by Tlon. James E. Yeatman for several years, but was 
 pledged to the National Lincoln Monument Association 
 at Washington City. 
 
 When the monument was finished, it was dedicated 
 October 15, 1S74, and the body of Lincoln was laid to rest 
 in the }>lace that had been prepared for him. The exer- 
 cises were opened by Bishop Wayman of the A. M. E. 
 church. He came from Baltimore to be present on the 
 occasion, by special invitation by Governor John L. 
 Palmer. 
 
 ^A'lien the news of Lincoln's death reached the outside 
 world, condolences came in from countries far and near; 
 from China, Japan and the gold coast of Africa. From 
 the islands of the sea. All nations and people were for 
 once in accord, each and all expressed deep sorrow at the 
 untimely death of the great emancipator. As a sample 
 of the many condolences received from the colored people 
 of other lands.^ we quote three of the six resolutions from 
 liberia : 
 
 Resolved, By the President of the Republic of Liberia 
 and his cabinet, in council, that it is withsincere regret 
 and pain, as well as with feelings of horror and indigna- 
 tion, the government of Liberia has heard of the foul 
 assassination of Abraham Lincoln, late President of the 
 United States. 
 
 Resolved, That the government and people of Liberia 
 deeply sympathize with the government and people of the 
 United States, in the sad loss they have sustained by the 
 death of so wise, so just, so efficient, so vigorous and yet 
 so merciful a ruler. 
 
Norsis Donnegan was for many years laundress at the Lincoln 
 home. Fifty cents was the price of a day's work in those days, 
 but Lincoln thought the work worth more than that, so every 
 week he waited for Norsis on her way home and gave her an 
 extra quarter. 
 
 When the newly elected president left Springfield for Washing- 
 ton, she delivered to them a dozen new shirts that Lincoln had 
 had made to order. No doubt he was buried in one of those 
 ver.v shirts. The mother of the Donnegans, Mrs. Knox, was a 
 friend of Mrs. Lincoln's people in Kentucky. 
 
82 
 
 Resolved, That while with due sorrow the government 
 and people of Liberia weep with those who mourn the 
 loss of so good and great a chief, they are, nevertheless, 
 mindful of the loss they themselves have experienced in 
 the death of the great philanthropist whose virtues can 
 never cease to be told as long as the Republic of Liberia 
 shall endure ; so long as there survives a member of the 
 negro race to tell of the chains that have been broken, of 
 the griefs that have been allayed, of the broken hearts 
 that have been bound up by him who, as it were a new 
 creation, breathed life into four millions of that race 
 whom he found oppressed and degraded. ' ' 
 
 ^Vliile the colored people had sentered all their hopes 
 on Lincoln and anxiously watched his every move, there 
 were others who were devoting their lives to the great 
 abolition movement. Sumner in the Senate was giving 
 his whole time and attention to the civil rights bill and 
 other measures that would in some measure ameliorate 
 the black man's conditions. Lovejoy, of Illinois, gave up 
 his life for the same principle; John Brown went to a 
 disgraceful death because of his freedom theories. Each 
 one who came to the front as a leader had a large follow- 
 ing. These were sure that they were right, but they had 
 only one view point, and that was to free the slaves at 
 any price. They were extremists who could see no gain 
 in waiting. They beseiged the Wliite House with advice 
 and petitions. There was even delegatians from foreign 
 countries. But Mr. Lincoln, better versed in international 
 law, knew that to free the slaves in the earlier years of 
 the war would be placing the north in the wi'ong and 
 giving the south a chance to enlist England and possibly 
 other foreign countries as her allies. He knew that the 
 hour had not come. With the fate of the Union and fu- 
 ture welfare of seventy milions of people resting on him, 
 he would not, could not be precipitate amid the storm of 
 conflicting o]^inions that met him at every turn. He 
 steered a straight course and came out at last victorious. 
 
William Donnegan spent the greater part of his life in Spring- 
 field, and Avas well thought of by the better class of white people. 
 In his younger days he was an expert shoemaker and made many 
 pairs of shoes for the president. He was the only shoemaker in 
 town who could fit Mr. Lincoln's feet, which were not mates. 
 
 He was killed by the mob in his own house where his widow 
 still lives. 
 
84 
 
 J 
 
85 
 
 Joseph Loman was for many years a servant in the Grand 
 Central hotel in Chicago. 
 
 During Mrs. Lincoln's long sojourn at that hotel, Joe waited 
 on her. He was the only servant that she would have. When 
 displeased with him she would ask him if he remembered who 
 freed him. Joe Avould look at her with tears in his eyes and 
 say, "Mrs. Lincoln, I can't never forget who freed me." 
 
 Augustus Johnson was a soldier in the civil war. He belonged 
 to the 8th Heavy Artillery, "Co. H. " He, with others, stood 
 guard over the murdered president, for which service he is pre- 
 sented with a medal each year by the state fair officials. 
 
86 
 
 To the south Lincoln represented the whole north. He, 
 plainer than any other man, had told them of their sins 
 and was hated and feared accordingly. 
 
 Tt was from hearing the white folks talk that the colored 
 people learned to look on him as their friend and to re- 
 gard him as their only hope of salvation. From the very 
 first they have been ready at all times to show their love, 
 loyalty and veneration for the name and memory of Lin- 
 coln, indeed, so deep is tliis feeling in the hearts of some 
 of them, they feel it no sacrilige when they think it was 
 Christ himself who came out from the mysterious ob- 
 scurity and gave his life anew to save them. 
 
87 
 
 LINCOLN THE SEER. 
 
 Perhaps the greatest event in history, ancient and modern, was 
 the liberating of the slaves. The transition from the depths of 
 slavery to the rights and responsibilities of citizenship was a 
 change frought with many dangers. 
 
 The Abolition party, a small minority, was looked upon as 
 fanatics and criminals. John Brown payed for his freedom 
 theories with his life. 
 
 To free the slave was a dr^m, dear to the heart of Lincoln. 
 Even though this is true, he was slow to make use of the oppor- 
 tunity that came to him. He had treasured this thought all his 
 life, yet at the last moment while he waited pen in hand he plead, 
 "Come back, come back." This phrase of his showed the true 
 brotherhood, fatherhood and real humanity that were the greatest 
 characteristics of the great emancipator. 
 
 Of those who laughed at his quaint sayings or who found fault 
 with him because of his eeming disregard of serious questions, 
 few realized that there was often a world of meaning in his 
 "jokes." 
 
 One Saturday night he went into the barbership of Preston 
 Donnegan to be shaved. He was well known to the colored 
 man who had listened to many of his speeches and had come to 
 regard him as a real friend of the race. When Donnegan had 
 finished shaving him and was brushing the future president's hat 
 and coat, he asked, "Mr. Lincoln, if you were to be president of 
 this here LTnited States, would you free the slaves?" Mr. Lincoln 
 answered, "Why, Preston, I thought you knew that if were presi- 
 dent and a bill to free the slaves came up before me, I Avould be 
 the last man to sign it." He put on his hat and Avalked out, leav- 
 ing the barber very downcast. 
 
 A week later he went back for another shave. There was a 
 decided chill in Mr. Donnegan 's manner and he was vey deliber- 
 ate in his movements. But the shaving and brushing were 
 
finally accomplished, then he said in a tone that showed how 
 deeply he wan hut, "I don't like you as well as I did, Mr. Lin- 
 coln." "Why," said Mr. Lincoln, "What is the matter, Preston?" 
 "I'll tell you," answered Preston, "You said the other day that 
 if you was president you wouldn't free us poor colored folks." 
 Lincoln explained to him that a bill must go to the president to 
 sign before it becomes a law. 
 
 Forty years may bring about many changes, but the most san- 
 guine could hardly have foreseen the very remarkable difference 
 in thought, feeling and conditions of that day and this. 
 
 Those of the south, who felt only hatred and aversion for the 
 man who opposed them, have come to share with the north in 
 the feeling of love and veneration that is expressed everywhere 
 for the great president. 
 
 They have a clearer understanding of those words that were 
 the keynote of Lincoln's life. "With malice toward none, but 
 charity for all." 
 
 As the years pass they will be more and more ready to ac- 
 knowledge that Lincoln was every man's friend. 
 
 When President Lincoln took the responsibility of freeing the 
 slaves, did he look forward with true prophecy and see the 
 colored man come up from the cotton fields and sugar plantations 
 of the southland and take his place in the grand processional 
 of the ages, still willing as he had always been to share the white 
 man's burden. 
 
 From a life long study of the negro character, Lincoln was 
 better able, perhaps, to judge a people that offered so many con- 
 tradictory traits. He looked beneath the surface and saw a truer 
 manhood, a more earliest, devoted womanhood than would seem 
 possible to one who looked only on the surface. 
 
 It is true that Lincoln had little opportunity to know the negro 
 under other environments than slavery, but early in life he had 
 formed his opinion regarding this iniquitous system that was so 
 degrading to white and black alike. To Lincoln, who was the 
 very soul of truth, there was something especially revolting in 
 the idea of America's posing as the land of the free, yet have 
 within her borders five million slaves which, tho' confined to one 
 section, were fast reaching out and threatening to invade the 
 whole land. 
 
 To Lincoln war and slavery was not a new thought, but no 
 just and thinking man will doubt for a moment that Lincoln's 
 first and dearest wish was for the Union, rather than freedom. 
 
89 
 
 Still, one may readily realize that at first faintly, then more 
 and more clearly, he heard the same voice bidding him "go for- 
 ward." As the commander in chief of a great army and navy 
 he found himself ;in arbitrator who should decide the destiny of 
 a great nation, who. north and south, east and Avest, were his own 
 people. So wisely and so well he perfoi-med the duties of his 
 sacred otifice th.-it the nations of the earth have come to regard 
 with wonder and admii-ation the American people who have 
 buried all differences and met as blood brothers at the grave of 
 the beloved Lincoln, who. in the storm and stress of battU'. loolvcd 
 forward to this dav of reconciliations. 
 
H 33