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AN 
 
 ORATION 
 
 PRONOUNCED AT 
 
 BOSTON 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 COLONIZATION SOCIETY 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 ANNIVERSARY' OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 
 
 4Jl|riLlI ^9 a©QQa 
 
 By Hon. CALEB GUSHING. 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 L Y C E U ftl P R E S S — G. W. LIGHT & Co 
 1833. 
 
AN 
 
 ORATION 
 
 FHOISODNCED AT 
 
 O S T O N 
 
 BEFORE THE 
 
 COLONIZATION SOCIETY 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS, 
 
 ANNIVERSARY OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE, 
 
 JUL V 4, 18 33. 
 
 BY CALEB CUSHING. 
 
 n 
 
 BOSTON: 
 
 LYCEUM PRESS — G. W. LIGHT & Co, 
 
 1833. 
 

 At a Moetiiig of Ihe Board of Managers of the i^assacjusctts ©olonf^atfou 
 SoctCtl), July 4, 1833, His Honor Lieut. Gov. Armstrong in the Chair, it was 
 
 Resolved, That the thanks of the Board be presented to Mr. Gushing for his 
 
 able and appropriate Address this day, and that a copy thereof be requested for the 
 
 press. 
 
 J. V. C. SMITH, 
 
 Sec. Mass. Society. 
 
 ^W-\^(^..ai Uft^Vw>,. 
 
ORATION. 
 
 Liberty,— liberty of thought, liberty of speech, liberty of 
 action, — liberty in government, liberty in person, — is the master- 
 principle, the predominant idea, the great first motive passion, 
 which, in all times, but most of all in our own, has impelled and 
 agitated the world. Whether in savage or civilized existence, it is 
 alike the cherished desire of the human heart, the potent spring 
 of human life. 
 
 Chasing his prey in the pathless depths of his western 
 wilderness, over savannahs or through forests coeval with 
 creation, — although science, and art, and religion, and whatever 
 else refines and blesses humanity, be unknown to him, — yet man 
 feels that he is free, — free as the luxuriant vegetation, which 
 springs up spontaneously around him fi'om a virgin earth unbroken 
 by the plough, — free as the untamed courser, who divides with 
 him the empire of the desert. It is the one oversvvaying senti- 
 ment, which God implanted in his breast : it inspires him with 
 untutored eloquence in council, it nerves his arm in battle. — 
 Tear him from his native solitudes, and place him in the midst of 
 all that civilization can gather together of splendid, alluring, or 
 wonderful, and he pines to exchange the luxuries of Art for the 
 congenial freedom of Nature. 
 
 Nor is the inextinguishable love of liberty less characteristic of 
 man as a cultivated and intellectual being, as a constituent part of 
 
the complex fabric of political society, to which we belong. To 
 retain it when possessed, to recover it when lost, has been the 
 object of those mighty efforts of the human race, which have res- 
 cued from obHvion, one after the other, successive ages in history, 
 and held up the actors in them to the admiration of posterity. — 
 They are epochs familiar to the memory, they are men whose 
 image is ever present to the mind ; and whether ihey honored the 
 mountains of Greece or Switzerland, the plains of Poland or 
 Lombardy, why should I pause to recount them, when here, amid 
 the scenes of our fathers' sacrifices and our fathers' glory, and on 
 this day, the anniversary of our national independence, we our- 
 selves are assembled in the name and in the holy cause of Liberty ? 
 
 It is, I repeat, in her name and in her cause, that we have as- 
 sembled, and fitly, therefore, upon this proud anniversary, since 
 the day of our emancipation from bondage as a people should be 
 consecrated to the one high principle, which singles it out from its un- 
 distinguished fellovi's in the lapse of time, — the conservation of the 
 genuine theory of universal justice, — the spreading abroad of the 
 great truth that all men are born to equal participation in the bles- 
 sings of life, — the rights and the wrongs of the slave, wherever he 
 may be and of whatev^er clime or complexion, — the cause, in a 
 word, of constitutional Liberty. 
 
 We, indeed, in the land of the pilgrim fathers, the chosen ref- 
 uge of the oppressed, inhale the pure atmosphere of freedom ; we 
 imbue its doctrines with the very being we draw from the maternal 
 breast ; they come to be the first elements of our moral constitu- 
 tion in manhood ; and for us, it is only the abuses of liberty from 
 within, that we have room to apprehend in our New England. — 
 And would to Heaven that it were so in our whole country ; that 
 the curse of involuntary servitude did not still cling to so large a 
 portion of our countrymen, destroying their peace, filling their 
 dwellings with the agonies of perpetual domestic suspicion, sub- 
 jecting their families to massacre, and hanging its dead weight upon 
 their public welfare ; that the chains of the Negro were at length 
 and forever struck from his limbs ; that Liberty, Knowledge, and 
 Christianity, were made equally the unpurchased birthright of the 
 Europ^n and the African, throughout the New World ! 
 
Glorious, in truth, and auspicious will he the day, — glorious 'for 
 our country, auspicious for the human race, — when man shall 
 cease to he the bond slave of man. It matters not what name of 
 sect we of New England may hear, — in what form of association, 
 what combination of party, we may be ranked, — on this point we 
 are of universal accord ; and we are so, — not merely from that in- 
 timate conviction, that prejudice of education, if you will, which 
 has grow^n with our growth, — but on considerations of eternal truth, 
 of justice, of humanity, of religion, of expediency, — of everything 
 which should inform the heart and control the actions of a rational 
 and accountable man, — of a patriot, a philosopher, and a Christian. 
 
 We maintain, and the letter of our Constitution is to us a truth, 
 that men are horn to equal political rights, however the accidents 
 of fortune may interpose to prevent the enjoyment of those rights ; 
 and that personal servitude, therefore, is contrary to the funda- 
 mental principles of political justice. 
 
 We believe that, although the Bible inculcates legal obedience 
 of the subject to the ruler, and of the servant to the master, yet 
 political equality, civil freedom and personal freedom, and of 
 course the doctrines of emancipation, are among the pecuhar and 
 characteristic lessons of the religion of Jesus Christ. 
 
 We know that, however the interest of the master may consult 
 the physical well-being of the slaves in whom his wealth con- 
 sists, yet that for them the moral benefits of life are imperfectly, 
 when at all, enjoyed. They are not educated, lest through 
 education they should learn to appreciate the value of that liberty 
 which they have not, and should acquire the temper, the will, and 
 the means to escape from their involuntary thraldom. That ex- 
 quisite sentiment, which ennobles and sanctifies the relation of 
 the sexes, is not theirs ; for how shall the ties of domestic life, 
 when subject to the caprice, and dependant on the interests and im- 
 providence of a master, possess the highest and holiest of sanctions? 
 The pursuit of riches, rank, or distinction, — the desire of public use- 
 fulness,— the sense of conscious capability to augment the sum of 
 human knowledge, virtue, and happiness, and the will to exert that 
 capability for noble ends,— the divine unction of religious ardor and 
 apostolic zeal, — the noble passion of disinterested well-doing for the 
 
good of our fellows, — ambition of power or fame, — in short, all the 
 strong moral inducements of human action, be they for time or be 
 they for eternity, belong to man as the agent of his own volition : 
 they are the magnificent heritage of the free. We are the creatures 
 of motive, and it is the influence of circumstance upon the springs 
 of action within us, which gives to the soul its energy, and to 
 existence all its beauty and Avorth. I know it is the ordinary 
 common-place of rhetoric and poetry to dwell on this fact ; but it 
 is not the less a truth for its triteness ; and while it has been true 
 of slavery under all its modifications, it is more especially true of 
 slavery as it is liere, where the color of the slave creates a visible 
 and permanent distinction between him and his master, and pre- 
 vents the enslaved race from being gradually absorbed in, and 
 assimilated with, the mass of the free population. 
 
 We are deeply sensible of the pernicious influence of slavery up- 
 on the condition of that portion of our country where it exists, and 
 the character of its free inhabitants. We see that it tends to weaken 
 the spirit of enterprise, and to banish industry by rendering la- 
 bor disreputable ; that it corrupts the morals by promoting idle- 
 ness and affording facilities for vicious indulgence ; and that, strik- 
 ing as these evils are, they are poorly compensated by the livelier 
 sense of the value of freedom and higher tone of honor, which 
 may prevail in a slave-holding community. We see, among the 
 States of the Union, some, which nature has most bounteously favor- 
 ed, comparatively impoverished by the system of slave labor, — ren- 
 dered tributary to the industrious population of the free States, or 
 of foreign countries, for all the comforts and conveniences of Ufe, — 
 unblessed by the signs of universal competency, happiness, and wel- 
 fare, the commodious habitations, the thrifty and well ordered 
 farms, the flourishing manufactories, the ships, the churches, the 
 schools, which are the result and the honor of free labor in the 
 Eastern and Middle States ; — we see all this, the retribution which 
 slavery works out upon itself, we see that monstrous disloyalty to- 
 wards the Union, in certain regions of the South, of which, what- 
 ever may be the pretexts, this undoubtedly is not the least fruitful 
 source ; and in these considerations, even if the right of the slave did 
 not cry to heaven for his ransom, we should find incentives enough to 
 
plead, and labor, and pray for the purification of this plague-spot 
 from our land, for the end of this great drawback in the palmy pros- 
 perity of the Union. 
 
 If any sentiments, differing from these, have obtained among us, it 
 is unknown to me : — I avow these to be the sentiments which I en- 
 tertain, I believe them to have universal currency, throughout New- 
 England. Standing here, on this occasion, by the invitation of the 
 Colonization Society of Massachusetts, to advocate its cause and jus- 
 tify its purposes, and aware of the extraordinary violence of language 
 employed in certain quarters to impugn the motives and abstract doc- 
 trine of prominent members and friends of that Society, I have felt 
 bound to put on record, in the outset, a distinct declaration of 
 creed on this point, at the risk of seeming to argue that, which 
 none disputes, and of illustrating positions too plain to admit of de- 
 nial ; — and I have done this, not so much in respect of my own 
 opinion, as in justice to the good name of the Society. 
 
 For the true questions to be considered are, — What is the ob- 
 ject of the Colonization Society ? Is that object laudable ? Is it 
 pursued by honorable means ? The private motives or personal 
 opinions of any individual who embarks in the cause, whether they 
 be good, or bad, or indifferent, these are a matter concerning him 
 alone, his conscience, or his reputation, — and for which the Socie- 
 ty is no wise responsible. 
 
 What, then, is the object of the Colonization Society ? Is it 
 laudable ? Is it honorably pursued ? 
 
 This object is simple, direct, visible ; there is no concealment of 
 real design, there is no profession of a simulated one : — it is to es- 
 tablish colonies on the western coast of Africa, by means of such 
 free colored persons or emancipated slaves in the United States, as 
 may voluntarily emigrate under the auspices of the. Society. 
 
 Whether this object be a laudable one, depends upon the con- 
 sideration of two facts, namely, the operation of the Society in the 
 United States and its operation in Africa. 
 
 Whhin the United States, the friends of the Colonization Soci- 
 ety conscientiously believe that the association is a useful instru- 
 ment of beneficence, indirectly to the whjtes, but more directly to 
 the blacks themselves, whether enslaved or free. 
 
8 
 
 And, first, as to the enslaved blacks. It is perfectly well under- 
 stood that, in the slave-holding States, many obstacles, arising from 
 the tenor of the laws respecting free negroes, stand in the way 
 of emancipating slaves, and deter the master from doing this, where 
 otherwise his convictions of duty would outweigh the consideration 
 of his personal interest. The Colonization Society presents to 
 such persons a ready method of accomplishing their benevolent 
 purpose. It has actually conveyed to Afiica nearly one thousand 
 manumitted slaves, and needs only augmented means to extend its 
 usefulness in this respect. Here is a definite, practical good, be- 
 yond the reach, it would seem, of controversy or cavil, and suffi- 
 cient, of itself alone, to entitle the Society to unquahfied commen- 
 dation. The Society is also of manifest utility in respect of enslav- 
 ed blacks, because, in addition to its direct agency in conveying 
 them to Africa when emancipated, it tends to promote and encour- 
 age the spirit of emancipation, and, by the information it diffuses, 
 the discussion it elicits, the cultivated and influential individuals 
 in the South, who engage in its cause, gradually to bring to a right 
 conclusion the minds of the slave-holders themselves, through whom 
 alone the abolition of the system of slavery can be peacefully ac- 
 complished. Here, also, is definite, practical good. I am aware 
 that much has been urged as to the incapacity of the Society to 
 transport to Africa all the slave population of the United States, 
 and comparisons are instituted between the periodical increase of 
 the slaves in a given time, and the number of slaves thus far colo- 
 nized under the auspices of the Society. Whether this conclusion 
 be sustained by the premises alleged in its support, I do not now 
 stop to inquire ; it does not, in any event, constitute a sound objec- 
 tion to the Colonization Society, inasmuch as, be the good, which 
 it is capable of accomplishing in this respect, great, or be it small, 
 here is, I repeat, at any rate a good, a definite practical good, actu- 
 ally accomplished by the Society, and a wide field of future useful- 
 ness opened to it in the slave-holding States. 
 
 Secondly, as to the free blacks. It is impossible to deny that 
 the free blacks in the United States labor under disadvantages aris- 
 ing from color, which no system of laws, however just and equal, 
 — no plans of benevolence, however comprehensive, — can remove. 
 
God forbid that 1 should speak of this as matter of reproach : I re- 
 fer to it only as an existing fact, which it would be idle and absurd 
 to keep out of sight, in discussing the means of serving the color- 
 ed population of the United States. Nor does it need that I should 
 enter into the details or extent of the fact ; since it is enough to be 
 aware of its existence. I do not mean to say that the possession 
 of high intellectual and moral qualities by a colored person would 
 not be duly honored among us ; on the contrary, I believe it would 
 be ; and, from a sentiment of compassion toward the race, more hon- 
 ored even than the same degree of merit in the dominant class. 
 Still the fact remains that, whether in polhical or in social relations, 
 full equality does not now exist between the races, and is not to be 
 anticipated in any probable future contingency. Proceeding upon 
 this incontestable fact, the Colonization Society says to the free 
 colored inhabitants of the United States : ' We offer to you a se- 
 cure asylum in a land congenial to your physical constitution, where 
 you will be the dominant race, — where the avenues to wealth, dis- 
 tinction, and usefulness will be yours indisputably ; the land of 
 your fathers ; that Africa from which you or your progenitors were 
 forcibly severed, and whither you may return to be the missiona- 
 ries of civilization and of rehgion ; we. freely offer to you a parti- 
 cipation in the advantages now enjoyed in Liberia by those of your 
 color who have already emigrated ; — if you accept them, it is well ; 
 if you prefer to remain here, the inferior class, it is well ; — it is not 
 our benefit that we have primarily in view, but that of you and your 
 race ; and in proposing to you what we conceive to be a valuable 
 object, we have discharged some portion of that great debt to Af- 
 rica, which we acknowledge to be due from Europeans and from 
 their descendants in America.' Such is the language, which the 
 Colonization Society addresses to the free colored inhabitants of 
 the country ; and I profess that I cannot see in it either cause of 
 reproach on the part of colored persons, or ground of excited feel- 
 ings, or least of all justification for the hostility of caste, which has 
 been industriously propagated in certain quarters in consequence of 
 the establishment and signal success of the Colonization Society. 
 Lastly, as to the whites. While the Colonization Society has 
 not, either in the causes which originally induced its formation, or 
 2 
 
10 
 
 in the management of Its affairs, proposed any advantage to the 
 whites as to tlie main object of its exertions, yet the friends of the 
 Society perceive that it promotes harmonious action upon the sub- 
 ject of slavery in the different sections of the Union ; and they look 
 to it as the instrument of uUimate good to themselves, in so far as 
 it may tend, by peaceable means, to produce the final abolition of 
 the slave-system in the Southern States. 
 
 Within the United States, therefore, I hold it to be demonstra- 
 ble, that the operation of the Colonization Society is beneficial 
 to every class of its inhabitants ; how much so, is not now the 
 question, but at all events beneficial ; — and I think it can be 
 shown also to be beneficial in Africa. 
 
 There was a time when the utility of the Society, as respected 
 Africa, was contingent, w^as matter of speculation ; but it is so no 
 longer. A flourishing colony of emigrant colored persons from 
 the United States, having borne with them the means of educa- 
 tion,— the civilization and the reUgion of the land they left, — 
 now exists in Liberia, to utter its testimony in behalf of the 
 Society, and to constitute the fulcrum, whereby, under the blessing 
 of God, the natives of Africa may be raised to the condition of 
 civilized men and of Christians. When I reflect upon the rapid 
 growth of the Colony of Liberia, and call to mind the painful 
 progress of the first colonies of Virginia and Massachusetts, out of 
 which this great Republic has been permitted to spring, I feel 
 that the prospect, which is thus opened to Africa, is brilliant 
 enough to justify the most ardent enthusiasm in the cause of the 
 Colonization Society. And familiar as this part of my subject 
 may be to many of my hearers, I am unwilling to dismiss it 
 without some brief remarks on the practicability and effects of 
 civilizing the Africans. 
 
 In all ages, the Continent of Africa has constituted a great geo- 
 graphical problem, the debateable ground of science, the fruitful 
 field of doubt, prejudice, and misapprehension. Once, opinion 
 was, that its tropical regions were given up to the dominion of 
 burning heat, intolerant of human hfe, impervious to the footsteps 
 of conquest or commerce. The voyages of the early Portuguese 
 navigators effectually dispelled this false idea, and displayed to us 
 
11 
 
 a coast, obnoxious, of course, to the heats wliich prevail in other 
 tropical regions of the globe, but thronged, at the same time, with 
 a robust and vigorous native population, and as later experience 
 has proved, no more deleterious to Europeans than similar lati- 
 tudes of Asia and America. But the vast interior of the Con- 
 tinent still continued to be the region of mystery, pictured to the 
 imagination as a wide, sandy desert, and known to us only by a 
 few scattered particulars derived from the ancients, by the mea- 
 gre and unsatisfactory accounts of Arabian geographers, by here 
 and there a solitary fact gleaned from the Barbary traders and 
 the slave-merchants of Nubia or Guinea. But what difficulties 
 could withstand, what dangers could deter, the ardor of European 
 thirst of knowledge, European cupidity of gain, European benev- 
 olence ? One after another of the adventurous pioneers of improve- 
 ment fell a victim to his zeal in the cause of knowledge and hu- 
 manity ; Park, Ledyard, Burckhardt, Clapperton, had imparted 
 a melancholy fame to the history of African discovery ; until at 
 last, when the best organized attempts of public bodies had 
 utterly failed of success, it was reserved for obscure individuals, a 
 French mariner and an English domestic servant, to reveal the 
 hidden secrets, the great navigable rivers, the rich soil, the exu- 
 berant vegetation, the numerous population, of the heart of Africa. 
 And the discoveries of CaiUie and Lander seem to have providen- 
 tially chanced at that period of time, when the estabhshment of 
 the American Colony of Liberia, the conquest of Algiers by France, 
 the regeneration of Egypt under the auspices of Mohammed- All 
 and the assured possession of Southern Africa by the English, 
 conspire together at length to promise the redemption of this 
 great Continent from the degradation of ages. 
 
 There yet remains one last, lingering prejudice regarding 
 Africa, to be dispelled by the clear light of truth, to be rebuked 
 by the irresistible voice of experience. Asia has run her long 
 career of glory ; Europe has plucked from her hand the torch of 
 science, the sceptre of empire ; three centuries have sufficed to 
 render America the competitor of the Old World in the march of 
 improvement ; and wherefore shall not Africa thrust in her sickle to 
 the harvest, wherefore not Africa stand up 'redeemed, regenerated, 
 disenthralled,' under the vivifying influences of Christianity? 
 
12 
 
 It is the common idea, I believe, that Europeans, by engaging 
 in the slave-trade, are, in chief part, accountable for the barba- 
 rism of Africa ; but detestable as that traffic has been and is, and 
 heavy as the load of guilt is, which rests upon those who have 
 pursued it, the slave trade is the effect, rather than the cause, of 
 the moral abasement of Africa. There is a conqiiering race in 
 the interior of the Continent, the Arabs, who, like other Mahom- 
 etans, pursue the slave-trade as well in Africa as in Asia, and 
 who, on both continents, serve to aggravate, rather than counter- 
 act, the debasing influences of paganism. Civilization, of Arabs 
 and Africans alike, is the powerful engine by which the slave- 
 trade is to be eradicated from the earth ; and it is from the agency 
 of Christians, or of them primarily, that any rational hope of the 
 civilization of Africa can l)e derived. And who so proper to com- 
 municate the boon of Christianity, and of civilization along with 
 it, to Western Africa, as men of African birth or extraction them- 
 selves, prepared for the noble undertaking by residence among the 
 people of Christendom ? 
 
 To deny that the civilization of Africa is practicable, is to forget 
 all that history tells us of the greatness and glory of ancient Egypt, 
 whither Herodotus, Pythagoras, and Plato, the fathers of Grecian 
 learning and philosophy, repaired for intellectual improvement, as 
 the Romans afterwards did to Athens ; it is to forget the con- 
 quests of Sesostris ; it is to forget the stupendous works of Art 
 still remaining, and capable forever to remain, upon the banks 
 of the Nile, indestructible monuments of the wealth and refine- 
 ment of the Ethiopians and Egyptians, themselves, in the 
 marked physical peculiarities which meet the eye at the present 
 day, of the indigenous races of Africa. 
 
 One other question remains to be disposed of, and that is, 
 whether the o!)ject of the Colonization Society, thus laudable in 
 itself, has been pursued by honorable means ? 
 
 And liere let me premise that I conceive it to be matter of un- 
 speakable regret, that the friends of another association, professing 
 purposes of philanthropy akin to ours, — I mean the Anti-Slavery 
 Society, — should have deemed it needful or proper to commence 
 a deliberate and persevering warfare on the aims of the Colonization 
 
13 
 
 Society. I feel that such hostility was not called for ; 1 think 
 it is unwarranted ; and I perceive that it has already had most 
 injurious effects, — not on the Colonization Society, for that has 
 gained friends by discussion, — but on the feelings of colored per- 
 sons in the free States, and their condition in the slave-holding 
 States. Indeed, when I remember that the jealousies of the free 
 blacks has been causelessly aroused by vehemently denouncing 
 men among the best and purest in this Republic as conspirators 
 against their rights, as embarked in a project of deliberate fraud 
 on the nation, a diabolical scheme, a nefarious plan of deception, — 
 for such is the language applied to this association, — I cannot bul de- 
 plore the misapprehension of facts, delusion, or wickedness, which 
 thus assails the objects and supporlersof a public charity so gen- 
 erous in design as the Colonization Society. In regard of all such 
 general imputations on the motives of the Society, it would neither 
 become the dignity of this occasion, nor the calmness proper to 
 the place, to remark at length ; but there are points of difference 
 between the two associations, which may well be considered here, 
 as being reasonable subjects of discussion between men alike pro- 
 fessing the pursuit of a praiseworthy end. For it is time the fact 
 should be clearly understood, in the free States, and loudly pro- 
 claimed, that Anti- Slavery is not Anti- Colonization ; the sup- 
 posed necessary identity between opposition to slavery and oppo- 
 sition to African colonization is a radical error, whic-h chiefly, as 
 I have reason to believe, has misled conscientious individuals to 
 withhold their countenance from the Colonization Society. Let me 
 inquire then, for a moment, what we can do, and what we ought 
 to do, in respect of the great question of slavery, as existing in 
 the United States. 
 
 All, who have read the Constitution of the United States, know 
 full well, that by the very fundamental conditions of the Union, 
 Massachusetts and Virginia stand, relatively to the question of the 
 slave-system, in the position of foreign States. We have pre- 
 cisely the same means of direct influence over that system in 
 Virginia or South Carolina, as in Cuba, in Jamaica, in Brazil. 
 It is not therefore, by legislation, that we in Massachusetts can 
 effect the emancipation of the slaves in the Southern States, any 
 
14 
 
 more than by po-jitive legh^lation, wc can relieve Ireland from sub- 
 jection to Eiiglnntl, or restore the independence of the Poles. Our 
 means of direct influence in this matter are confined to persua- 
 sion, argument, exhortation, whether written or spoken, addressed 
 either to the colored or the white inhabitants, the governors or the 
 governed, of the slave-holding States. 
 
 By inflammatory publications clandestinely circulated among 
 the slaves of Virginia or Carolina, we have the faculty of in- 
 citing them to insurrection : — in doing which, we commit an in- 
 dictable crime, we wilfully violate our oaths of allegiance to the 
 Constitution, we outrage the commands of God. If, acting thus 
 in defiance of all divine and human laws, we succeed in produ- 
 cing an insurrection of the colored inhabitants, — a servile war,— 
 we shall, to be sure, bring the question of abolition to a sharp and 
 speedy crisis, — a crisis of massacre, of blood, of conflagration, end- 
 ing, if thoroughly prosecuted, in nothing less than the extermina- 
 tion either of the slaves or of their masters. Whoever can coolly con- 
 template such an event, whoever can deliberately set about the 
 production of it, is a portent in the shape of man : — whoever can 
 look to it as a great purpose of benevolence and philanthropy, 
 must have utterly lost the capacity of distinguishing between right 
 and wrong, reason and error, truth and falsehood. Reasoning, as 
 such a inan must reason, to arrive at such a conclusion, the per- 
 petrators of the massacre of Saint Bartholomew's justified the as- 
 sassination of their huguenot brethren, — sacrificing, that is, all 
 consideration of the quality of means in the pursuit of a proposed 
 end, and yielding up the judgment, hoodwinked and fettered, to 
 the dominion of a metaphysical subtlety. And in earnest reality, 
 whilst the attempt to produce the abolition of slavery through the 
 means of insurrection is manifest crime, the scheme itself would 
 be madness and folly. Let a servile war be kindled, by what- 
 ever agency, in either of the slave-holding States, and at that 
 instant the inhabitants of that State would be constitutionally 
 entitled to the whole physical force of the Union, if need were, to 
 effect its suppression ; they would be constitutionally entitled to it, 
 and they would have it ; they would obtain it from the public 
 authorities of the Union for the time being, if they were alive to 
 
15 
 
 their honor and tbeii- duty, if they possessed a tithe of thefirranesg 
 and patriotism exhibited by the present government in suppressing 
 disloyalty among free inhabitants of the South ; and if they did 
 not obtain it from the pubhc authorities of the Union, they would 
 obtain it from the spontaneous sympathy of their fellow citizens 
 in neighboring States. Of course, such an insurrection must 
 fail, and would ultimately tend, as unsuccessful servile wars have 
 generally tended, whether in ancient or modern times, to add ten- 
 fold weight to the chains of the slave, while its immediate effect 
 would be to induce a scene of desolation, of unavaiUng bloodshed, 
 from which the imagination recoils with horror. I trust in heaven, 
 for the honor of our country and our species, that no individual, of 
 sane understanding-, who deliberately desires and would pro- 
 mote a servile war in the Southern States, is to be found in 
 Massachusetts. 
 
 But I will presume, — I feel bound in courtesy to presume, — that 
 all, among us, view in a proper hght the possibility of an insur- 
 rection in the South, and that, therefore, wdien men write or 
 speak of the immediate abolition of the slave system, they intend 
 to act upon the minds of the masters, not of the slaves. Taking 
 this for granted, we are bound then, as rational men, in whatever 
 schemes of benevolence we may agitate, to act with reference to 
 existing facts, and to consider, not only what is just in itself, but 
 what is practicable in operation and beneficial in its consequences. 
 We, in the North, all desire the abolition of the slave-system ; we 
 are anxious to cooperate in effecting this, by our money, our advice, 
 our personal aid. But what shall we do ? What is the specific, 
 definite act to be performed ? English writers, who mean well, 
 perhaps, but who are deplorably ignorant of the nature of our 
 government, and of the feelings of our people, say to us, — Abol- 
 ish slavery at once, by legislation.* This counsel may or may 
 
 *The degree of ignorance on this point, which prevails in England, maj- be judged 
 from the tenor of a recent article on this country iji the Edinburgh Review, the conduc- 
 tors of which cannot be accused of unfriendly spirit towards lis, and whom certainly it 
 is proper to rank among the most inlelligent men in Great Britain. ' We do, therefore, 
 hope,' the reviewer says, ' that the Congress will, while it is yet time, open their eyes 
 to the danger with which the bondage of the blacks threatens the Union; and that they 
 (that is Congress) will provide for their instruction and gradual emancipation.' — 
 No. cxii, p. 478. 
 
16 
 
 Tiot be good ; luit it presents, to us in New England, no visible 
 aim, no tangible object, nothing which we have the physical 
 power to execute. It would be just as reasonable to ask of Great 
 Britain to abolish, b)^ act of Parliament, the despotic authority of 
 the Czar in Russia, or the Mahometan religion in Turkey, or the 
 deadly scourge of the cholera-morbus, or any other of the great 
 mornlor physical evils, which afflict the posterity of Adam. What 
 then, shall we do? — It returns to this: — We may influence the 
 actions of our southern fellow-citizens through their reason, their 
 fears, their conscience ; and thus only can we promote the aboli- 
 tion of slavery in Yirginia or Carolina. 
 
 Here, then, is a great social duty to be discharged towards our 
 fellow-men, namely, to convince the slave-holder that rehgion, 
 justice, expediency, conspire to demand the abolition of personal 
 servitude. Noble duty ! High and holy task ! Whose pen 
 shall be idle, whose tongue shall be silent, when this glorious field 
 of humanity invites the etforts of the philanthropist and the 
 Christian 1 But it is conviction, that we are to produce, in the 
 minds of rational men, who alone have the power to act; and let 
 us proceed to the task as rational men ourselves, by such meth- 
 ods as may afford some prospect of success, not by such as will 
 be sure to occasion total failure. Our southern fellow-citizens, we 
 may suppose, either deny the practicabiHty of abolition, or they 
 deny that it is for their interest, or they deny that conscience and 
 pubhc duty require them to sacrifice their interest for the benefit 
 of their slave population :— what are the arguments, by which we 
 may hope to change their positive opinion upon these points ? 
 
 To solve this problem, to find the answer to this question, we 
 must examine the rights of the South, and the feelings of the 
 South. 
 
 First, as to the rights of the South. By the Constitution, theirs 
 alone is the power to act in this matter : — of it, we have no legal 
 jurisdiction. To legislate, in Congress, upon the slaves of Virginia, 
 is to dissolve the Union. I am free to say that, for myself, and 
 on this point, I feel glad, in my humble sphere, to follow the lead 
 of the great lights of the land. Of the condition of comprom- 
 ise respecting slavery, by which alone the South and the North 
 
17 
 
 are bound together in Union, I am ready to maintain with Joseph 
 Story, that ' He, who wishes well to his country, will adhere 
 steadily to it, as a fundamental policy, which extinguishes some of 
 the most mischievous sources of all political divisions, — those 
 founded on geographical position and domestic institutions.' — I 
 am content to echo the declaration of Daniel Webster, w-hen 
 he said, of the same provisions of the Constitution : — 'It is the 
 original bargain, the compact ; let it stand, let the advantage 
 of it be fully enjoyed ; the Union itself is too full of benefits to 
 be'hazarded in propositions for changing its original basis : — I go 
 for the Constitution as it is, and the Union as it is.* On a ques- 
 tion of constitution, I repeat, whither Webster and Story lead, 
 who need scruple to follow ? — True, we may say to the South : 
 ' Our fathers, the sages of the Revolution, made an improvident 
 bargain, when those of them, who represented the Northern Col- 
 onies, stipulated never to interfere by legislation in the pohtical 
 
 * ' Viewed in its proper V^ght, as a real compromise, in a case of conflicting interests, for 
 the common good, liie provision is entitled to great praise for its moderation, its aim at 
 practical utility, and its tendency to satisfy the people, that the Union, framed by all, 
 ought to be dear to all, by the privileges it confers, as well as the blessings it secures. — 
 It had a material influence in reconcihng the Southern States to other provisions in the 
 Constitution, and especially to the power of making commercial regulations by a mere 
 majorit}', which was thought peculiarly to favor the Northern States. It has sometimes 
 been complained of, as a grievance ; but he, who wishes well to his country, will adhere 
 steadily to it, as a fundamental policy, which extinguishes some of the most mischievous 
 sources of all political divisioi'.s,— those founiled on geographical position, and domes- 
 tic institutions. It did not, however, pass the Convention without objection. Upon its 
 first introduction, it was supported by the votes of nine States against two. In subse- 
 quent stages of the discussion, it met with some opposition; and in one of the State Con- 
 ventions it was strenuously resisted. The wish of every patriot ought now to be, requies- 
 catinpace.' — Story's Comment.\ries, Vol. ii, p. 113. 
 
 ' There is not, and never has been, a disposition in the North to interfere with these in- 
 terests of the South. Such interference has never been supposed to be witlWn the pow- 
 er of government ; nor has it been, in any way, attempted. The slavery of the South 
 has always been regarded as a matter of domestic policy, left with the States themselves, 
 and with which the Federal Government had nothing to do. Certainly, sir, 1 am, and 
 ever have been, of that opinion. * * * I regard domestic slavery as one of thegreatest of 
 evils, both moral and political. But though it be a mal.idy, whether it he curable, and 
 if so, by what means, — or, on the other hand, whether it be the vulnus immedicabile of 
 the social system, I leave it to those whose right and duty it is to inquire and decide. — 
 And this I believe, sir, is, and uniformly has been, the sentiment of the North.'— W^eb- 
 ster's Speeches, p. 380. 
 
 ' We know, sir, that the representation of the States in the other House is not equal.— 
 We know that great advantage, in that respect, is enjoyed by the slave-holding Slates. 
 * * Nevertheless, I do not complain : nor would I countenance any movement to alter 
 the arrangement of representation. It is the original bargain, the compact :•— let it stand, 
 let the advantage of it be fully enjoyed. The Union itself is too full of benefils to be haz- 
 arded in propositions for changing its original basis. I go for the Constitution as it is, and 
 for the Union as it is.' — Ibid, p. 382. 
 
 3 
 
18 
 
 condition of the slaves held by the South ; we do not choose, or 
 our consciences do not permit us, to abide by the terms of that 
 compact, and we must separate unless they be changed.' We 
 may say this ; and who doubts that the hour, when the North 
 should thus address the South, would witness the death-struggle of 
 the Constitution ? And should the Union be dissolved, and upon 
 such a question, the North and the South would then be hostile 
 nations ; our advice would thenceforth be repelled by the people of 
 the South, as the interested counsel of public enemies ; our pro- 
 fessions of philanthropy and appeals to conscience would be treat- 
 ed by them with scorn as emanating from men, who had begun by 
 polluting themselves all over with the violation of a solemn con- 
 tract ; our newspapers, pamphlets, reviews, addresses, books, would 
 be excluded from their borders as contraband goods, or rather 
 as noxious things infected with pestilence and death ; — and when 
 this lamentable state of things should have arrived, where, unless in 
 a war of invasion, would then be our power to better the condition, 
 or promote the emancipation,of the slave-inhabitants of the South? 
 Secondly, as to the feelings of the South. Let it be remember- 
 ed that the task, for us to perform in this matter, is persuasion, — 
 the conversion of rational beings to our faith and o])inion. And 
 how, in any circumstances, do we begin the work of persuasion ? 
 Is it by obloquy, outrage, and insult ? Is it by addressing to the 
 friend, whose judgment we would affect, such personal indignities, 
 as no gentleman could tranquilly submit to for a moment ? We 
 may revile our fellow-citizens in the choicest dialect of newspaper 
 invective ; we may denounce upon them wrath and woe ; but they 
 must be more or less than men, to receive such language as the 
 fitting means of persuasion. In these remarks, I have spoken of 
 men in general, even as we should find them among our own peacea- 
 ble and comparatively phlegmatic citizens. But who does not know 
 that the case is a thousand times stronger in reference to the peo- 
 ple of the South, ardent as they proverbially are, keenly alive to 
 personarreproach, impatient of insult, and on this particular sub- 
 ject peculiarly sensitive, as being fully conscious of their rights, and 
 indignant at the actual or supposed attempts of individuals at the 
 
19 
 
 North to stir up their slaves to insurrection ? To think of induc- 
 ing them to abolish the slave-system, by such language as I allude 
 to, and as I not seldom see or hear used for that purpose, — by lan- 
 guage of menace, dictation, reproach, and general obloquy, — is 
 mere infatuation. 
 
 Practically speaking, therefore, and leaving alone the decision 
 of various abstract questions, and curious points of religious or 
 moral doctrine, which have somewhat unseasonably been mixed up 
 in this controversy, — setting these apart, the considerations, which 
 I have thus briefly suggested, exhibit, as I understand it, the line of 
 discrimination between the policy of the Colonization Society and 
 that of the Anti-Slavery Society, touching the great question of abo- 
 lition. We, who maintain the principles of the Colonization So- 
 ciety, ardently desire the abolition of slavery, whenever, and so 
 soon as, it can be peaceably accomplished ; and herein our anxiety 
 falls not short of that, which actuates the members of the Anti- 
 Slavery Society. But we aim at practical objects by practical 
 means ; and we are at a loss to understand the definite point on 
 which our assailants would lay their hands, and to which they 
 would apply their money, — and still more to conceive how any 
 useful purpose whatever is to be accomplished by such means as 
 they employ. I say our assailants, because extraordinary as the 
 fact is, it is not the less true, that the main immediate object of 
 the Anti-Slavery Society would appear from its publications, al- 
 though not so expressed in its constitution, to be the denouncing 
 and maligning of the Colonization Society, its founders, its mem- 
 bers, its purposes, both in Europe and America. 
 
 Reluctant as I am to trespass upon the indulgence of the Socie- 
 ty, I pass over lesser points of clifierence between the Colonization 
 Society and the Anti-Slavery Society, to advert, in conclusion, to 
 the effect of the spirit and publications of the latter in the free 
 States. That their influence is extremely and entirely pernicious 
 in the slave-holding States, — injurious to the slaves, injurious to 
 the free blacks, injurious to the whites, — calculated to check manu- 
 mission and to def r the period of the final abolition of slavery, at 
 the same time that they ep.gender at the South a most unfortunate 
 
20 
 
 feeling of irritation, resentment, and jealousy towards the North, 
 founded upon the mistaken idea that these publications express the 
 public sentiment of the North, — that such, I say, is their influence 
 in the slave-holding States, appears, as well from general observa- 
 tion, as from positive testimony of the most indisputable character. 
 And their influence in the free States is only less prejudicial than 
 at the South, for the reason that here they have less of inflamma- 
 ble matter on which to act. 
 
 The Anti-Slavery Society has labored to convince the free col- 
 ored persons in the United States, that the whites in general, and 
 especially the Colonization Society, are engaged in some strange 
 conspiracy against their welfare, — a kind of second Popish Plot. 
 Stimulated by the writings of the prominent officers of the Anti- 
 Slavery Society, — writings which tliat Society has adopted as its 
 own, — the colored inhabitants of the free States have occasionally 
 manifested a spirit of hostility towards the whites, fatal to the har- 
 mony of the two races in its immediate effect, and in its remote ef- 
 fect adapted to render the condition of the free blacks doubly un- 
 comfortable, and to discourage and counteract all f)hilanthropic de- 
 sio-ns in their behalf If the obtrusive interruption and disturbance, 
 on a recent occasion, of a public meeting of the friends of coloni- 
 zation in the city of New York by colored persons, may be taken 
 as any indication of the frame of mind which the publications in 
 question have produced among them, and if the honorable and hon- 
 est men, of whom there are so many, among the friends of the Anti- 
 Slavery Society, do not set their faces against all future attempts 
 to enkindle a contention of caste in the free States, — the conse- 
 quences cannot fail to be altogether deplorable. 
 
 The Colonization Society utterly disavows any sentiment or 
 desio'n of ill-will towards the colored citizens of the United States. 
 Our purposes, in respect of them, are dictated by benevolent con- 
 sideration for their welftire. We may, it is true, be mistaken in 
 the means we adopt for their intended good ; all men are liable 
 to err ; but if we err in this matter, it is an error of the head, not 
 of the heart. And for myself, I profess that the emigration from 
 among us of all the colored inhabitants of the country would, in 
 
21 
 
 my opinion, occasion achasm in various walks of industry, which 
 I am at a loss to see how we should supply ;— and therefore I am 
 not prepared to admit that their removal would be for our interest. 
 At the same time I cannot sympathize in any partial scheme of 
 alleged philanthropy, which, out of anxiety for the welfare of the 
 blacks, would totally disregard that of the whites ; I cannot de- 
 sire to see my country plunged into the horrors of a servile insur- 
 rection or of civil war ; nor can I abstain from raising my voice 
 against measures, which, in my apprehension, sap the very foun- 
 dations of the Union. 
 
 But enough, on these topics of disputation. Let me revert, in 
 the conclusion of this discourse, to that, wherein all, it would seem, 
 of a Christian land, must agree. Preeminent, assiu-edly, in the 
 catalogue of the great blessings that we enjoy,— and a blessing as 
 yet unknown to, or repudiated by, so many millions of mankind, 
 
 is the fact that we are a Christian people. If I were asked to 
 
 designate the primary cause of the extraordinary advancement of 
 our age in all the arts of life and the principles of civil polity, I 
 should unhesitatingly declare that it was the influence of the ten- 
 ets, spirit, and religious teachings of Christianity. I speak not of 
 this now as a matter of faith simply ; but in reference, also, to 
 worldly considerations. 
 
 Cast your eyes upon the favored climes of central and further 
 Asia, the cradle of the human family, where thousands of years 
 ago the lights of learning first beamed out upon man, and the 
 charms of civilization gladdened his sight, to be gradually commu- 
 nicated from thence to the younger races of Europe. Wherefore 
 is it that the onward steps of their intellectual improvement were 
 prematurely arrested in the march, and the vital principles of re- 
 finement abruptly extinguished among them, — like the animated 
 beings of mythology changed by supernatural power into stone, or 
 the living body congealed in the instant by the rigors of an arctic 
 sky ? Wherefore is it that the refluent tide of civilization, origin- 
 ally poured f om the East upon the West, is now flowing back 
 again with its accumulated volume of science and truth upon the 
 primeval tutors of the world's unlettered infancy ? Wherefore, but 
 because a dark and fearful superstition has woven the adamantine 
 
22 
 
 chains of spintual lliraldom around the soul of the miserable Par- 
 see or Hindoo, while the heaven-iaught faith of the Christian has im- 
 parted new wings to the intellect of its proselyte, and enabled him 
 to soar upward, in the confidence of his enlightened knowledge of 
 truth, into the highest regions of divine philosophy? 
 
 Looking thus to the effect of Christianity upon the human in- 
 tellect and the social condition of man, I see that through this the 
 social principle acquired that elasticity of spring, which pushes 
 along the perpetual movement of melioration in everytliing apper- 
 taining to human affairs. By this it is that the blessings of civili- 
 zation, like the gradually enlarging circles on the surface of smooth 
 water struck by the fall of a projected body, are made to spread 
 and spread from their European centre, until they approach the 
 limits of the habitable globe, and proceed to embrace in their am- 
 ple scope all the sundered famihes of man. For in respect of the 
 political advantagesof Christianity, it is not the sincerity of convic- 
 tion, whicli distinguishes it from the delusion of the Buddhist or 
 the Brahmin ; since the pagan hugs his debasing superstitions to 
 his bosom with all the eager fondness of a better faith. It is the 
 capacity of Christianity to elevate and enlarge the soul, to extend 
 the sphere of its charities, to exalt the condition and purify the 
 character of the fen^ale sex, to disseminate the peaceful gifts of 
 moral greatness from man to man, and from nation to nation, by a 
 native dignity and energy of principle, — it is this which has con- 
 tributed so wonderfully to the diffusion of modern civilization. 
 
 The Mahometan has, it is true, in past times, advanced the 
 standard of his faith from region to region, but it was only as the 
 banner of conquest and the stimulus to victory, that it waved above 
 his barbaric hosts ; and the lands where he made them to encamp, 
 those gardens of the ancient world, Greece, Asia Minor, Egypt, 
 were changed by his whhering presence into the chosen abodes of 
 ignorance, wretchedne-s, and barbarism. For the Irllliancy of the 
 caliphs of Bagdad was but a transient gleam of sunshine : and it 
 was only in contact and collision with European Christians, that the 
 Arabs of Spain acquired a more durable fame. 
 
 When has an Oriental sage appeared in modern Europe to in- 
 struct her children or inform her philosophers ? When has an 
 
23 
 
 Asiatic, deeply as he may suppose he feels the Importance of liis 
 peculiar dogmas, travelled to the kingdoms of Christendom on a 
 mission of religious persuasion, and sought to bring his faith in com- 
 petition with ours, in order that the true one might prevail by the 
 peaceful victories of reason ? When has a Brahmin established 
 himself among us, in tlie land of strangers, with a train of learned 
 associates and a printing press, — I do not say to communicate to us 
 the knowledge of the worldly science, which he may pretend is 
 concealed in their sacred volumes, but to translate literally 
 his sacred books into our vernacular tongue, and then to say to us, — 
 ' Read, judge, be convinced, abandon the religion you profess, 
 and embrace instead of it the better doctrine, whh which I would 
 enlighten your darkened sense ? ' Never, — no, never. These are 
 the distinguishing triumphs of Christianity, and these are the means 
 by which the nations of Christendom have propagated from shore 
 to shore, not only those religious tenets which are to secure eternal 
 salvation, but those refined principles of social improvement, which, 
 in the luminous track of the Cross, have passed on to America, 
 to be returned back again to Asia and to Africa. 
 
 If, then, Christianity be a reWgiou o^ propagandism, — and I dis- 
 pute not that it is, nay I glory in this its noble quality, since it 
 is the propagation of religion and of social refinement, hand in hand, 
 which signalises its career, — if, I say, it be such, is not ours a 
 plain and visible path of duty ? 
 
 I thank God that he has made us a powerful and a prosperous 
 people ; that he has given us extended territory, and extraordinary 
 natural resources, and all the elements of lasting elevation ; that he 
 has richly endowed us with industry, enterprise, education, religion ; 
 that to all the means, physical and moral, of acquiring wealth and 
 grandeur as a nation, he has added the disposition to minister to 
 the wants of our fellow-men. And I thank God for all this, not in 
 the spirh of boastful n ess or pride, but because, in so doing, he has 
 chosen us to be the almoners of his bounty, that of our abundance 
 we should dispense to the millions, who have not yet entertained 
 his word, and who are still groaning in the bitterness of bondage 
 
24 
 
 and ignorance, destitute of the blessings of civilization which we 
 possess, waiting for the messenger of truth to descend and prepare 
 the waters of life, that they also may approach, and enter, and be 
 saved. Be it our glorious mission to carry the Cross from nation 
 to nation, rallying their tribes, not to the flaming sign of war, but to 
 the bright symbol of peace, — that as Christ, and the Apostles, and 
 holy martyrs, bore it in the olden time from Judsea over the Greek 
 and Roman world, and thus transmitted it through our fathers to 
 us, so also we, emulous of the divine example set us, may take up 
 the sacred emblem, and bear it into the yet benighted regions 
 of Africa. 
 
THE COLONIZATIONIST 
 
 AND 
 
 JOURNAL OF FREEDOM, 
 
 Will be devoted primarily to the exposition and support of the principles and plans of the 
 American Colonization Society, as the former have heretofore bccnmainly declared 
 in the authentic publications of that Society, and th-e latter developed in the course of its 
 history, and the history of the Colony it has founded on the African Coast. Not that an ar- 
 ticle, acceptable in other respects, will be of course excluded from the pages of this Maga- 
 zine, because it may call in question the wisdom of some point in the management, or in the 
 argument, of the Institution — and much less of its numerous private advocates and patrons 
 of various classes, parties, and sections — for, on the contrary, the determination of the edi- 
 tors is, to come up to the discussion of all the great topics readily suggested by a liberal 
 view of the subject, with such a single eye to truth and justice, and to the welfare of all 
 our fellow-citizens and fellow-men, that whatever services they may be able to render to 
 those leading interests, shall, however humble in themselves, at least possess the merit of 
 being as conscientious as they will be cordial. 
 
 Among these topics will be, not merely the Colonization scheme, strictly so called, but 
 the constitution, capacity, condition, and history of the African race, of all classes and all 
 climes — the civilization of the African Continent — the African slave trade — the system of 
 personal servitude in this country and elsewhere — together with all the consequences, of 
 every description, which have arisen or may arise from the extension of the colonial system 
 on the AVestern African Coast. As to slavery in the United States, (to which all New- 
 England, and a large part of the population of the slave-holding States themselves, are 
 equally opposed in principle and in feeling,) the Magazine will pursue that course which 
 the editors deem to b^ at once compatible with the harmony of the Union, and the dignity 
 of free men — a policy of fearless but catholic frankness, blended with the regard due from 
 all citizens and all christians to the existence of circumstances, and especially to the Consti- 
 tution and laws of the country — a policy believed to be not only free from any just charge 
 of fanaticism, but to be the only effectual mode by which any good may be accomplished 
 in reference to that portion of our population now held in bondage. . 
 
 The Magazine will comprise also brief JVotices of all important new works, relating to 
 the subjects in its scope — Intelligence, carefully collected from every quarter of the globe 
 — and a Correspondence, vigorously sustained, expressly for the Magazine, with Liberia 
 direct, and with every section of our own country. 
 
 The work will be issued in monthly numbers of thirty-two pages each, printed on fine 
 paper, at the price of two dollars per annum. Persons becoming responsible for five copies, 
 will be entitled to a sixth gratis. 
 
 GEO, W. LIGHT & Co., 3 Cornhill. 
 

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