^ CJ> I : 685 .S52 Copy 1 I'he Purposes of tlie Republican Party Hurtful to the Rights and Interests of the People, and Most so to those of the North ! / S I* B E O H Horatio Seymour At the Utica OrEKA House, WEDNESDAY EVENING, SEPT. 15, 1880. UTICA, N. Y. Grove & Bailey, Printeks, Observer Office. 1880. 7; i.* YIqbs The Purposes of the Kepnhlican Party Hnrtftil to the Rights and Interests of the People, and Most so to those of the North ! ''It must not be forgotten that this Government is no longer the simple machinery it teas in the ecirhj clays of the Be2nibUc. l.hc hucolic age of America is over. The interests the Government has to deal vith are no longer those of a small ommher of agricnltiiral conimnnitlis, u^ith here and there a commercial toion. 2'hey are the interests of nearly ffty millions of people, spread over an im- mense surface, with occupations, p>arsmts and industries of endless variety and great -magnitude; large cities icith elements of pop)u- lation scarcely hi0207i here in the early days, and cdl these pro- ducing aspircltions and interests so ^>?y67t//oicerful and complicated in their nature, and so constantly ajipcaling to the Government, rightfully or wrongfully, that the requirements of statesmanship demanded in this age are far different from those wh icli sufficed a century ago.'''' Those arc not my words. If I had uttered tliein, it wouUl he t'clt tliat I was making a liarsh charge against the Administration. They are the statements put forth by one of its oihcials, wlio speaks from liis experience as a member of the Cabinet, and as one who formerly had a seat in the Senate. This (U'rhiration, made by Mr. Schurz, is official in cliaracter. It will be so viewed in otlier countries, and will rejoice the enemies of our (loyern- ment, while it mortifies the American i)eople. The speecli from wliich this extract was taken was made as a leading one hi this canvass, witli a view of directing its discussions. It was received with api)lanse by the journals of tlie Republican party, and by leading members of that organization. Its startling declarations force upon our minds the question: Are the disorders, the ten\i>t- ations and the confusion which press upon our (Government, due to its character and structure, or to the manner in whicli it is administered? No other siibject so grave and so urgent is in- volved in the pending contest. If it is true that the difficulties in the way of an honest conduct of our affairs are so great, that there must be other qualifications for the Presidencj- of the United States than those of intelligence, honesty and patriotism; if our Government can onh^ be carried on by an exceptional man, who may not always be at our command, then we have undergone a revolu- tion. When we are told that a statesman is essential in the con- dition of our affairs, it disturbs our minds as Avhen we are told that a ]:)hysician of unusual skill is needed in our families. It means disease and danger. They are usually the words we hear but a little while before the crape upon our doors informs our neighbors of the sad result. If our Goverment is so incumbered with the confusion growing out of fifty millions of people and their varied interests and pursuits, it is clear that when that pop- ulation, within the lifetime of many before me, shall have grown to one hundred millions, and the complicated interests of our country are multiplied four fold, that our Government must be overwhelmed or there must be marked reform in its conduct. This is not a remote or uncertain danger. It is one that we must confront now; it already taxes our industry and endangers our prosperity. EVILS NOT DUE TO THE CONSTITUTION. Is this state of affairs due to the structure of our Government, or to the way it has been administered? Let us tui-n to tlie Con- stitution, which not only sets forth the powers and limitations, but also displays the genius of our social and political institutions. It is not only an expression of the public opinion at tlie time it was formed, but also the result of tendencies born ujion oui- soil, Avliicli s])i-uiig up A\ it1i the first settlement of the country. Tliose who gave it form did not discovei- its ])rincii)les; they acted under inlhieiu'cs g(Mier;ited by tlie condition of our jyeojjle, which grew ill i)0\vc:- until tlieygave shape to our Government. In the Gon- Aention there Mere able men who had theories which they urged with elo(juence and force, l)ut these were overcome by accustomed moihs of tliuiiglit and ;icriou wliirli wci'c iiati\r iicre, and whic-h still, in marki'd ways, display themselves in t)ur social structure and in itublic and i)i'ivate action. Tlie first settlers of this coun- try were tlirown U]ion their jn'rsoiial ell'orts for success. Tliey became self-reliant. The societies which grew up arouml tlicni were imbued with the same sentiments. When they united with others of a like character to form more extended organizations, each retained the usages and riglits which concerned themselves, and only gave to tlic larger organizations jurisdiction over mat- ters of common interest, each keeping their home rights and taking care of their home interests. The great truth that the spirit of our governments Mas of American origin, is shown by the fact that the several colonies, although founded under differ- ent circumstances, and in some cases by different nationalities, assumed common aspects, although they were separated by dis- tance. At the outset there was little intercourse between them. When the revolutionary struggle began, it Avas found that the Germans upon the Mohawk, remote from the English settlements and cut off from all communication by different language, had gained the same views that prevailed in other colonies. We must not, therefore, look upon our Constitution merely as an instru- ment devised at the time of its adoption, as a means of forming the Union, but as a result whose roots had struck deep into our soil, as the expression of living truths, and Avhich now exist in their full vigor, and which influence the social and political action of our people in a ineasure far beyond what is supposed by those who have not studied the sources and currents of public events. It is not necessary at this time that we perplex ourselves with (pu'stions about tlie way our Constitution Avas adopted. Whether it was formed by a compact between the States, or by the peojde in tlicir primary imlividual capacity, it is enough for our puri)ose that it is an indissoluble bond of union; that it makes a general o-overnment, and that it recognizes the rights of States and of ))ersons; that all of these are equally sacred; the dissolution of the Union, destruction of States, usurpation of poAver, or the Aviping out of lines Avhich limit tlieir respective jurisdictions, would each be equally revolutionary and disastrous. AVIii'u we read the Constitution, Ave find it makes the most conservative gov- erinnent in existence; that beyond any other system it protects the rights of persons and of minorities. It measures out with cui-eful terms the jurisdiction of Congress. It gives to each citi- zen riyhts of person, of property, of conscience and of speech, so well uuanletl that a single man may, with regard to them, defy the Government, although it may act under the impul^ses of every citizen but himself. It places the I'resident and Congress and States under the supervision of the Jiicliciar}'. This is to act as an impartial arbiter betAveen them, and upon all questions which concern the jurisdiction or the rights of cither. This method of defining and securing the rights of all the departments and the liberties of the people, is unknown elsewhere iu the world's his- tory. Even in Britain, proud of Avliat it calls its constitutional law and of the protection which is thrown around its citizens. Parlia- ment can, if it will, unjustly destroy life, liberty and property; there is no power to resist its decrees. The judiciary itself is but an instrument to carry out its decrees, however destructive of what they term their constitutional principles. Here, an uncon- stitutional laAV is a dead law. DISTRIBUTION OF POLITICAL POWERS. But it is in the distributions of political power, that the con- servatism of our Government is shown in the strongest light. To save the different States and sections from the calamities which would follow legislation affecting subjects or communities with regard to which the Congress cannot be duly intelligent, the great questions of social order and safety, of intelligence and virtue, are left to the control of the local authorities. Passing from smaller divisions up to State Governments, we find as a rule that they are under many restraints as to their jurisdiction over their towns and counties. The spirit of our people, which had its origin in self-reliance growing out of the conditions of the iirst settlements, instead of waning, grows stronger. Amend- ments are nu\de to State Constitutions, cutting oft" the j)Owcr of Legislatures to act upon local subjects, and referring them to the communities most intelligent with regard to them, and most interested iu tlieir wise and honest management. EveryAvhere we see proofs of this growing feeling to keep political affairs under the eyes and control of those Avho have the deepest interest in their successful conduct. This recognition of the value of dis- tribution of political power, of the desire to keep it from concen- trating at one point, or preventing any of its governments from absorbing or usurping more tlian Avas demanded liy tlie objects for Avliich it Avas formed, is seen in every provision of tlie Consti- tution. When, therefore, (juestions arise as to the authority of tlie General Government, they slionld be decided by tlie letter of tlie law. Tf this does not solve the problems, they should be turned over to tlie State authorities, if they are eompetent to ilral Avith them. Instead of tliis rule, we find a disposition to disre- gard its spirit, and if i)Ossil)le to torture its language in ways to give power to Congress whieh is hurtful to the people, injurious to tlie morals of the legislators, corruitting otfioials, and, in the language of Mr. Schurz, surrounding the Capitol of the Union hy "all those producing aspirations and interests, so pushing, power- ful and complicated in their nature, and so constantly appealing to the Government, rightfully or wrongfully, that the require- ments of statesmanship demanded in this ago arc different from those which sufficed a century ago." ABUSES CAUSED BY THE REPUBLICANS. Here, then, we find the sources of the evils and ahuses which aiHict our General Government, and through it the people of this country. Until Avithin the past twenty years, the Executive, the Legislative, the Judicial Departments, gave honest constru(!tion to the Constitution. They did not seek to usurp power by strained definition. They sought to carry out its spirit. They did not summon crowds of men with schemes, w^lio Avere pushing, right- fully or wrongfully, to get at the public treasury, hy calling this a Nation, and teaching the false doctrine that Ave shouM folloAV the usages of other and not the constitutional laAv of our own Government. WHAT DO REPUBLICAN OFFICIALS PROPOSE ? As to the evils, corruptions and abuses Avhich are set forth by Mr. Schurz, let ns see the positions held by leading Republicans Avith regard to them. What are those doing Avho have been entrusted with the duties of administration and Avho seek to hold poAVcr ? We have seen that the metliods of those Avho have con- trolled public affairs, and not the Constitution of the United States, have caused the dangers AA'hich threaten us. In the first place, the candidate of the Republican party openly exi)ressed his joy that Congress has thus enlarged its jurisdiction, and, to use his OAvn phrase, he is glad '■Hhat it gravitates tcmards more poicer.^'' He not only Avishes the Government to gain this, but he is willing that it should do so by indirection and subtle construction. He docs not say, as he should do, if he seeks a change in the charac- ter of our Government, that it should be made by open and direct aiiiciidinoiits, but lie tries to bring it al)Out by the use of doubtful plirascs. I speak particularly about his position, as he is now the exponent of the great party which has placed him in nomination for the Presidency. The leaders in the canvass on that side are those who hold places as Senators or as Cabinet Ministers, or im- portant positions under the present Administration. All of them, in fact and in some form, ask that their ]iowers should be increased by taking from the people some of their iiome rights. They say, in effect, give to us your rights of making laws for yourselves; \vc can take care of your interests better than you can. Every demand for jurisdiction for the General Government is a demand for the surrender of riglits by the people in their tOAvns, their counties or their States. Mr. Garfield openly expresses his satis- faction and his desire, if he is elected President, that the Govern- ment should have more power than it had when Washington and Adams and Jefferson and Jackson filled the executive chair. He says there has been a gain, and that there will be more by force of gravitation ; not by the popular will, not by changes in the Constitution in a regular way, but that authority, patronage and power Avill add to themselves; will by their own weight increase and grow, until they are up to the full measure of his desires. He rejoices to see this done in a way against which George Washington warned you in his farewell address, which was sub- mitted to Alexander Hamilton and other statesmen before he gave it to the American people: "It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted wdth its admin - tration to confine themselves within their resj^ective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one depart- ment, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever tlie form of government, a real des- potism. A just estimate of that love of power and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human Iieart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of tiiis position. The necessity of recip- rocal cliecks in tlie excicisc of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against in\ asion I)y the others, has been evinced by expei'iments, ancient and modern; some of them in our own country and \inder our own eyes. To preserve tlicm must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitu- tional poAvers 1)0, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation; for though this, in one in- stance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield." If I had not stated that these wei'e the words of Georere Washington, it would be thought I was indulging in a personal attack on Mr. Gai-field, so severe are they upon his methods and the precedents he would make. Prominent as a Republican leader is Mr. Schurz. When he told of the state of affairs at Washing- ton, Ave looked for a demand for strong and stern dealings Avith public evils. But he glides off into a suggestion more hurtful to Mr. Garfield in the minds of thoughtful men than any attack made upon him by his j^olitical opponents. lie intimates that as Mr. Garfield has been at Washington where these corruptions liaA'c grown up, that he has become a statesman, and is the best man to deal with them. Another member of the Cabinet, Mr. Sherman, Secretary of the Treasury, takes a different view of the state of affairs from that given by his colleague. He dAvells upon the business prosperity of our country. Overlooking the industry of our people, the favorable seasons that have rewarded their labors Avith ample liarA-ests, the demands for our products from other countries, he claims for the Administration the gratitude of our people for all their blessings. I haA^e no unkindly feeling for Mr. Sherman; I regret that he does himself a wrong when he is ungrateful to God and unjust to the laborer of the land. It was not the statesman- ship of the cabinet, but the statesmanship of the plow, blessed by a fruitful season, that gives us our growing wealth. Not the skill of the Treasury Department, but of mechanics and manu- facturers, that make the springs of our prosperity; not the talk in Congress, but the toil of labor in all its varied fields. In another respect he does himself a wrong. He does not warn our people of the danger Avhich the change of seasons may make. He does not, as he should, admonish them that at this time, when money is abundant, men should throw off the burdens of debt and extri- cate themselves from positions of peril if times should change. B 10 He teaches the false and mischievous doctrine that government policies and not honest toil and frugal care; that the schemes of the brain, not the sweat of the brow, give competence to men. Much has been said about the absurdity of fiat money. How much more absurd are Mr. Sherman's teachings of fiat prosperity ? In this direction Mr. Sherman oustrips Denis Kearney. NATIONALISM. The points most conspicuous in the speeches and journals of the Republican party, are, first, that this is a Nation, and next, this election is a contest between the Northern and Southern States, in which a victory Avill be a great gain to the former party. We charge that the denunciations of the South are used to mask their designs to get jurisdiction over all the Union, and mainly over the interests and people of the North, as they are the most important and varied; that the term Nation is selected because it is a word of obscure and indefinite meaning, and if it is substi- tuted for the legal and proper title of Government, it will enable them to make changes in its character hurtful to the rights of the people and disastrous to the prosperity of their business and in- dustrial pursuits; that the mischiefs it will create will not be for the remote future, but that they are pressing upon us now, and will be felt in their full force from this time on, unless they are averted by the results of the pending election. It is a marked and conspicuous fact in the political discussions of the past four years, that the Republican leaders have sought to bring into use the words Nation and Nationalism when speak- ing of our country. These have been heretofore used without any special significance, as terms generally applied to different divisions of the human race into communities governed by some forms of law, and in this sense we have used it to avoid the repe- tition of the term Union, United States or General Government. But they have now been made the shibboleths of the Republican party, and of all who have schemes for wliich they wish to gain public support at the seat of government. While the men who use these terms never define them, their very obscurity serves the purpose of covering their ultimate objects, and at the same time allowing all who have political theories inconsistent with our Constitution to feel that they favor their views. In its primary sense, the word Nation means those of common origin, and ap- 11 plies most aptly to the smaller divisions of tribes or of those of common lineages. In this more correct significance, it is certainly not api)licable to our country, whose population is made up of mixed races from all quarters of the world. In its more common use, it signifies political divisions ranging from the lowest to the most elevated political organiz:ition. When, therefore, it is said we are a Nation, the term gives no idea of the character of our own (Tovernment, but it leaves every one to infer Avhat he pleases of its significance. Obscure and unmeaning as it is, it was adopted, with the solemnity of a Congressional resolution, as a term which told of the power of our General Government. In 187G, a resolution was offered, which declared, among other things, that the people of the United States constitute one Na- tion. All of the Republican members voted for this, as if it threw some light upon the character of our Union. So far is it from doing this, that it simply tends to make that obscure which Avas clearly stated in our Constitution. There is something in the words United States, the Union, the General Government, which is in conflict with the purposes of Mr. Garfield and his friends. Tliey do not tell us distinctly what they aim at, but Ave find that all those who seek for more jurisdiction use the term Nation or Nationality w^henever they have occasion to speak of the juris- diction at Washington. We always find that the men avIio use the word, and many, like Senator Blaine, love to call it a Sover- eign Nation, are in favor of a different construction of the Con- stitution than has heretofore prevailed. Mr. Garfield openly states this, when he says the views held by Mr. Hamilton are growing in strength, and he rejoices that our Government is gravitating to more poAver. We find, too, that they favor the plans of the same distinguished statesman of gaining jurisdiction by constructions put upon the Avords of the Constitution. As they do not like, at this moment, to develop all their plans, Avhich Avould excite alarm particularly at the North, to mask their jtur- poses and to divert attention by exciting passions and prejudices, they use the Avord as far as they can in connection Avith sectional controversies, so that it may be felt they only have in vIoav the strength of the Union. It is this idea Avhich gives their phrases a measure of favor Avith the Republican party. They also take great pains in their discussions to carry the idea that Nationality means something favorable to the interests of the North. AVc charge that the purposes of the Republicans leaders are in con- 12 flict with the Constitution; that they endanger the peace, the order and the safety of the Union. They draw to the National Capital hoards of men who have selfish and corrupt objects, who tempt officials to violate duty from motives of ambition and greed for gold. They impair tlie interests and prosperity of different sections of our Union, by law^s framed by men ignorant of the subjects upon which they act, and by legislation not only in con- flict with the letter of the Constitution, but with its sj)irit and tlie genius of all our political institutions, both local and general. I have already briefly sketched the history and features of the Constitution. I have set forth, in the language of Mr. Schurz, the evils which now jDrevail about the Capitol, growing out of the various and complicated subjects w^hich are improperly carried there for legislation. I have stated that the Republican leaders seek to increase this evil state of things, by widening the juris- diction still more, so that the increase of our poinilation, the growtli of its business interests, so far from giving to us greater security, will only create more complication, more disorder, more difliculties. We charge that those who seek covertly to bring about those results are animated by selfish purposes of ambition, love of power or lust for gain, which make them indifferent to future consequences if they can reach the object of their desires. Beyond the reasons founded upon the character of our political institutions, I wish to present to you some of the results of this Nationalism, so that you may see and feel that it is a present in- jury, and not merely a remote danger, which we fear in view of our political theories. REPUBLICAN DEMANDS HURT THE NORTH. When we give jurisdiction to the General Government, we take it from the people, acting in one and give it to them in another relationship: from the people as citizens of States to the people a* citizens of the Union. Tliese relationships differ in purposes and in forms of action; and the question about the Avisdom of placing powers with each organization, should be governed by the fact which will be most beneficial to the public. When the Union was formed, the small States feared that the larger would use their power to meddle with home and local interests. To allay these fears, the Senate Avas organized in a way which gives to the minority a disproportionate representation. This was wise as a 13 measure of defense to the small States. It is full of danger when it is changed into a power to harm the majority, or to exercise jurisdiction not granted by the Constitution, or not demanded for the purposes of the Union. We charge that the Republican leaders seek to gain personal power when they induce the Gen- eral Government to do this injustice to the majority of the people. In many ways they wrong them now by this policy. To keep this truth from the public, they try to excite sectional pas- sions and hates. .They have impressed their followers with the idea that all jurisdictions given to the General Government are advantages gained over the South; that in some Avay they make our Union more strong and lasting. Tliis is the reverse of the truth. They will harm the people of all the States, and most of all those of the North. They will weaken the bonds of the Union, because they lessen its beneficence. Why, then, is Na- tionality urged upon us ! I will tell you. To Mr. Garfield, and to other oflficials, it is pleasant and profitable. It gives to them power and patronage, and ministers to their ambitious views. They hold ofiices which gain importance with every increase of power by the General Government. The Senate is now the con- trolling branch. The civil list has swollen to more than seventy thousand, not including soldiers or sailors. This array mainly hold their place, directly or indirectly, by virtue of Senatorial confii-mations. The largest share of those who draw pay from the Treasury are confirmed by the Senate, or hold imder those who were made officials by its action. On the fourth of March next, Mr. Garfield will take his seat for six years as a Senator for Ohio. In common with others I have named, he seeks higher honors. To gain this, they all sacrifice the interests of the States to which they owe their political or personal fortunes. In the language of George Washington: "A just estimate of that love of poxoer and proneness to abuse which p>redominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this p)Osition.'''' Ambition dazzles the eyes of its victims, and blinds them to their own position. Influenced by passion for present gains, they dare not forecast the future. They seek to hide from themselves, and from their followers, the ends to which their pathways lead. We have only to interpret in plain words what tlicy say in obscure and double-meaning terms to sliow this. u Mr. Garfield and others say to the people of New York, Ohio, Indiana and other States, this is a Nation; it slioiild have more power; that they are glad to see that events gravitate towards it; that the views of Hamilton in favor of centralization were right; that senators and other officials should hold for life. Ask them if in the General Goveranraent there is equal representation ? if the people of their own States have power in proportion to popu- lation? — they must answer no! That in the Senate one-quarter of the citizens have more members than the remaining three- quarters, so that one-quarter can prevent the passage of a good law or the rej)eal of a bad one, when they are demanded by the interests of three-quarters of the American people. The major- ity, living in nine States, have only eighteen Senators out of seventy-six. If Mr. Garfield and the other officials are asked what the North is to gain over the South by increasing the jurisdiction of the Government, they will be forced to admit that it loses comparative power. If you press them more, and inquire which section will give up home rights and place the greatest and most sacred interests luider the control of this " Nation " with imequal representations, they must say the North. Then as to taxation, which section pays the greatest relative share? Their si>ceches in Congress prove that they charged that the North pays more than twice its real pi-oportion. It follows, then, that every jurisdiction that we are called upon to yield up beyond the requirements of the Constitution, is mostly at the expense of the North; and what is more, the increased cost is made a tax upon persons, pursuits, manufactures, and not on property; not taken from men of the largest fortunes, but the largest families. But, uro-es the Repiiblican orator, if the Democrats succeed they will pay Southern war claims, and this is said in the face of the fact that they seek to give the Government the jurisdiction to do this, while we try to keep it within its limits, and cut off its power td do anything of the kind. Why is it that men of ability, versed in the discussion of public questions, involve themselves in so many inconsistent arguments ? It is because the speeches do not tell what the speakers mean, that they seek to raise clouds which will mislead the iniblic as to the ends at which they aim. They are the inconsistencies which are always involved in covert purposes. It is also urged that the Democrats in power would do what 15 the Republicans have done. This is llic most severe charge brought against us. It is certain we can do no worse, and that we cannot do as badly without violating all our principles and pledges. On the other hand, the Republicans Mill violate their pledges if they do not do as they have done. In addition, "by gravitating to more power," in the words of Mr. Garfield, they must in its exercise add to the cost of Government, the injustice of unequal taxation to be imposed by a Congress where the States are unequally represented in its leading branch. Good Republican friends, we i)ray you do not indulge in sec- tional hates; but if you will be led into such warfare, at least look and see that you are to suffer more than those you seek to injure. Do not shut your eyes to tlie fact that, while the advo- cates of Nationality have much to gain, you have much to lose by their policy. You will find they are talking for themselves, and that the contest with the South is a feigned issue, under cover of which you are warred upon. Even Mr. Blaine, who represents one of the small States as to population, endangers the position of his constituents when in the Congressional resolutions of 1876, which he supported, he asserts " that the Constitution was framed by the peojile acting in their primary and individual capacity through their representatives thereto duly constituted." By these words he repels the idea of any agreement between States, or that these are in any way or in any degree parties to the Constitution. If they are not, he has laid the foundation for the argument that the people, in their primary and individual capacity, through their delegates duly constituted, can change the Coftstitution in the way they made it. They can do this without regard to States if these are not parties to the Constitution, for then thej^ have no right to comi)lain of anything done, although the Constitution is changed in any way set fortli in its provisions, or in any other way the people, " in their pri- mary and individual capacity," may see fit to take. Ncav York suffers most by the rule of Senatorial Representatives, but we im- plore the smaller States not to sanction such teachings by their Representatives. We want the Constitution as our fathers framed it. We pray you will not convert tlie unequal power you enjoy for defense into a power for offense. Do not tempt the majority of our people, living in one-quarter of the States, to assert equal rights of representation, by upholding the conduct of those who 16 seek to change the character of our Government in ways that will make your privileges unjust and oppressive to the mass of our population. THE INJURY WHICH NATIONALISM DOES TO COMMERCE AND TO THE PRODUCING STATES. It must not lie thought that the changes which men seek to make in the character of our Govei-nment hy tlie use of the words Nation and Nationalism, and l)y the constructions which they mean to put upon them, relate only to the theory of politics; that their influences arc too uncertain and remote to be of immediate concern. They affect us now. They not only threaten but work disastrous results to the commerce of our country, to the interests of the farmers of the Western States, and to the business pros- perity of the whole country. We know that cheap transporta- tion has led to the sale of our farm products in Europe, and has lifted all kinds of business from the depression which a short time since was felt by all pursuits. The ability to send what we make and raise to the markets of the world at cheap rates, is of more importance to the North than to the South. The products of the latter are of a kind that do not suffer from the competition of other countries. Europe must have the cotton of the South. Increated cost of transportation does not prevent their sale; it adds to their cost to the consumer. The farmers and manufac- turers of the North have to compete with those who make or raise the same products in the markets which we seek to gain. A small difference in the cost of carrying will prevent our grain and provisions from going abroad. But a few years since, these charo-es were such that we could not export 'many things which we can now sell at a profit. Whoever will examine the rates for carrying eight or ten years ;igo, will see how they cut off all sales in a large way to European countries. COMMERCIAL ADVANTAGES OF NEW YORK. This State has certain advantages given to it by nature — a grant for commercial prosperity set forth in clear Avays by the valleys, rivers and lakes of this continent. The Hudson gives it the only tide-way through the Alleghanies. From the head of its navigation, the valley of the Mohawk stretches westward until it reaches the margins of the jilains of the West, and the level of 17 the great inland seas of the interior of this continent. At the close of the last century, our citizens improved this natural route until it became tlie patlnvay along wliicli tlio peo})le of the At- hmtic States and Europe poured into tl\e West. A little later, animated not only by purposes to improve their own State, but to make a channel of trade whicli should give ])rosperity to the val- ley of the Mississippi, the ])eopIe of New York undertook what was in its daythe most bold work of internal communication then known. Carrying forward at their own cost and hazard its sys- tem of internal improvements at a cost of more than eighty millions, they gave prosperity not oidy to the State, but other portions of the Union. At lengtli railroads were introduced. Their many advantages led the i)ublic to think the usefulness of water roiites had passed away. Ibit it was found aft(>r a time that they did not in all ways servo the country as well as the water i-outes from the West, through the Great Lakes and our Canals, to the Seaboard. In 1870, eflforts were made to cut down the tolls of this State on its canals. This Avas gradually done to the extent of reducing them to one-sixth of their former rates, re- taining only enough to keep in repair Avorks that had cost so many millions. This liberal policy has proved of the utmost A-alue to the Avhole country. Not only has it cheapened transi)or- tation upon tlie canals, but it has reduced the cost upon all com- peting routes. When canals are opened, railroads reduce their rates; Avhen canals are closed, tlut raih-oads juit uj) tlu'ir charges. At no time iji the history of our country have these Avater chan- nels been of such benefit to the producers of the West, to com- mercial men, to mechanics and manufacturers, by making a de- * mand for their Avork. At this juncture Ave have practical i)roof of Avhat Nationalism means. For nearly a century, no (me doubted the exclusive control of the laAvs of our State over its own AVorks. ]iut Avithin a fcAV months there have been manifesta- tions threatening the A-ery existence of the canals of our Stat(% and denying its exclusive rights over the creations of its OAvn en- terprise, cost and public spirit. Tlie Avay jurisdictions creep along is shoAvn in a striking light by the judicial decisions and action Avith regard to our Avater routes. Less than thirty years ago, it Avas not thought that maritime law aj>plied even to our great in- land seas. There Avere many reasons in law and justice Avliy it should be extended to them. This Avas done Avith many doubts by a divided court. Since then jurisdiction has crept up our c 18 rivers, find Avith'in a few months one of the Courts of tlie General Government decides that maritime Law applies to the Erie canal. One step has been taken after another, until the judge felt com- pelled to take the final one and dccLare that collisions between canal boats were maritime affairs. I suppose it will soon be held that a tangled tow-line and vicious mules are dangers of the sea. I am not disposed to criticise judicial decisions. I regret that a question so grave and far reaching should have been decided upon a case involving only trivial damages, and in a case where this State had no one to represent its rights, or to speak for its claims growing out of its natural and acquired facilities for com- merce. I think all citizens of all parties will read with regret the single sentence with which the judge disposes of the rights and jurisdictions of one of the States which formed this Union, and which took a leading part in those amendments whicli limited the powers of the General Government and reserved to the States or the people thereof other powers. The following sentence is the only notice taken of the grave questions of the rights of New York: ''^JSfor, as it scans to oyie^is there any force in the suggestion that this 2'>')'02yosilion intrenches upon the rightful power and jurisdic- tion of the State through lohose territory and by lohose kms in force for the time heing the canal is so op>ened and iised. ]3ccansc the exercise of this jurisdiction does not in any way, and in itself, im]»air or affect the rights of the State, whatever that right may bo, to with(li-:uv or terminate that dedication of its property to the i)ublic uses of commerce." We have the ]H)or consolation of knowing we can abandou our canals and dost r<\y the commercial advantages of the AVest and New York. This is an end aimed at by rival routes and rival i 111 crests. T dare say the decision will l>e upheld by what is hereafter to be known as the "National Judiciary," for so far it has never l.ikeii a steji backwards with regard to its jurisdiction. I do not <|uesli()u till- ability or integrity of its judges, but we must bear ill mind most of them have been selected from one party, during a period of ]>()lilleal exeilement. The effects of this decision threaten disasters not alone to canal commerce, but that of the wlioUs country. It is a grave evil when ;i jii! istliet i(»u is suddenly extended ovi'r great and varied 19 interests, where it lias lieretolore been uuknowii siucu the estab- lishment of our Government. It does not merely tiivi' itowt'r lo new Courts or only embarrass l)y itroeeedin^s with whiih business men are not familiar, but it makes a sudden c'hani;;e in ihc laws whieh alfeet rights and jjroporties. It is ti-ue that uur Courts retain a concurrent jurisdiction, but in case of dill'erenccs in con- struction of the law, they must yield to those of the (icncral Government. But maritime law now established thangis tlic legal rights of persons and of ])ropcrty. By the laws of this State, chattel mortgages can be made Avhich give liens upon boats, securing the claims of the holders. This has been of the utmost importance to the commerce of the canals. Many thousaiul boats are needed to carry the property through these channels. A large class of our citizens arc engaged in building them. They are sold to boatmen avIio are able to make a partial i)ayment, aiul who secure the balance by a lien until they are able, by their earnings, to redeem their vessels from such incundjrances. When they are thus paid for, they make securities by Avhich the boatmen <-an raise money needed for the prolitable pursuit of their business. The lien laws have been of great value to this commerce, and Avhen they are impaired, it is not only an injury to many thou- sands engaged upon our public works, but it ])ecomes a disaster to the whole country. By maritime law, certain claims can bo made by those in charge of vessels Avhich take precedence to all prior liens. For example, it has been held that if the person in charge, of the boat did not pay its towage from Albany to New York, it could be proceeded against in the Admiralty Court. In such cases the suit is against the vessel. Notice is usually given by some form of advertisement. If the lien hohler does not know of this proceeding, and the boat is sold, he loses his rights. A case of this kind is now actually pending in the Circuit Court of this district. The liability to have their liens destroyed in this way, impairs the security, and Avill cause serious end>ar- rassments Avith our canal commerce. It is a great evil, Avhen interests so great and varied are suddenly subjected to laws un- knoAvn and to proceedings unfamiliar to those engaged in tlieni. Nationalism will not, I think, be so i)leasing to our numerous Republican friends along the many huiulred miles of our canals, when they see it in this aspect, as it Avas when they thought it Avas something that gave them an advantage over their felloAV citizens of the South. 20 CONGRESSIONAL INTEllFERENCE WITH THE CANALS. But the evils of tlio decision subjecting our canals to maritime law does not stop there. It makes a foundation for a claim that Congress lias a right to interfere in their management. Other and rival States can thus, through the greater number of repre- sentatives at AVashiugton, interfere with rights growing out of the course of commerce through lakes and rivers and eauals. A movement in that direction is not merely to be feared, it has already been made. In March last, Senator Cameron, of Penn- sylvania, a distinguished Republican leader, offered a joint resolu- tion in Congress, that a Commission be appointed, to be made up of three Senators and three members of the House, to inquire what Congress should do with regard to transportation among the States by land or w\ater routes. He said : " The relations of the JVational Government to the internal commerce of this country is attracting a large share of public attention^ He asserts in terms that the Constitution gives to Congress " All the powers necessary to control in entire independence of " tlie States, the Lake service and the navigation of rivers." He also asserts that "the railroads and the canals, as highways of "State intercourse, have come as legitimately within the coni- " mercial power of the National Government as the rivers, the " lakes, and the seas." In speaking of transportation by canal, by lake or river, he says: "They are an essential element in the "rivalry, and no examination can be complete or satisfactory " unless it embraces the whole question of tlie internal commerce " of the State and the Nation." It Avill be noted that the words Nation and National run through the speech of Mr. Cameron, as they do through all the arguments of those who seek to give a construction to the Constitution by the use of vague and uncon- stitutional terms. What is the scope, then, of this speech and resolution? It means that Congress intends to seize upon the control of the free competing routes by lakes and canals. Now combinations for rates of carrying can only be formed by corpora- tions. The lakes, canals and rivers are free for the use of all, .and tliis fact has, by competition, kept down the charges to that degree that we are able to export our farm products to Europe. But there is a lurking purpose in some Avay to destroy this free competition. The plan shadowed out by Mr. Cameron calls the agents of the great corporations to Washington to be cxamiued. 21 They thus nrc to be Lrou_c?ht in contact with Congress, willi all their abiHty, knowledge and cajntal. We knoAV what that means. We know that Avhen a law is passed in terms regnlating them by Congress, that it means that they have regulated Congress. Under this device, a grand pool or i-ombination is to be formed into which carrying npon the lakes, canals and rivers arc to be forced by legislation, which is to regulate all cliarges. What Avill the people of the great States of the West, or business and commercial men in all jtarts of the Union, think of these phases of nationalism ? If the ]{epublican party succeed at this election, Mr. Gariield Avill point to his speeches, the Senators will refer to their action in ways like this of Mr. Cameron, and will claim that the public has indorsed their ^•iews of nationalism, and they will go on and assert further rights of jurisdiction. AVhere will the weight of this fall? Not so much on the south, with its agricul- tural })ursuits, and Avith jiroducts where tliey have a mono2)oly in the markets of the world, but upon the varied, extended and com- plicated piirsuits of industry and commerce of the Northern and AVestern States. Beyond this, as has already been stated, the cost of all their violations of the Constitution are to be borne, by the declaration of the Republican Senators, almost entirely by the people living at the West and North. now REPUBLICANS ARE MISLED. To make clear the truth that many Republicans arc sacrificing their owai interests and right while they feel they arc putting down the South, I Avill take up the case of St. Lawrence, the strongest Republican county in the State. If any amendment is proposed to the Constitution of this State, with a view of im- proving our canals, it is vehemently opposed by its peoi»le. When Congress appropriates much larger sums for internal im- provements in other parts of the United States, we hear no pro- tests. Let us compare the cost to them. Taxes in this State are imposed upon property. They are ])aid into its Treasury and are paid back to the counties about in proportion to the i)oi)ulation. Our canals gave to the city of New York and the towns along its lines their wealth. The taxes on this wealth lifts off the burdens from other parts of the State. The State tax for these purposes falls upon the wealth thus created. This helits to pay the taxes upon property at a distance from these lines, so that they gaiu from the prosperity of other sections. 22 But how is it with the millions imposed at Washington ? That is, in fact, upon population. The citizens of St. Lawrence would l»e indignant if it was said they were not up to the average con- dition of the people in this country. We find on the basis of the taxation of one million by our State for the bencht of its popula- tion, St. Lawrence w^ould pay about -^8,000. It pays to make internal improvements by the General Government, many of Avhich are designed to turn commerce away from New York, the sum of *24,000. To prove this statement that the taxes of the General Govern- nient fall more heavily upon the County of St. Lawrence and tipon the farmers of the State, than those imposed by New York, I (y'lxe you the following statistics: I take the records of 18'77, as I made some time since a table based upon taxation at that time. This State raised that year for the support of common schools, about 13,000,000. The city of New York paid more than 81,500,000, or about one-half of the whole amount. The County of St. Lawrence paid about ;^23,000. When the distribu- tion was made from the Treasury, it was according to population. The city of New York got back ^543,000, or about one-third of Avhat it had paid; the County of St. Lawrence received nearly $00,000, almost three times its taxation. Now this Avas right, because the canals of our State have built up the property along their lines and at their tei-minations. A million of dollars spent in u;ivino- one foot more of water to our canals Avould add to their value and would increase the wealth of the toAvns along theii- line This would help St. LaAvrence and other counties remote from them, by lessening their share of State taxes. But they make great opposition to this improvement, although they are to be thus benefited by the general prosperity. In the meantime, the General Government makes large appropriations for internal im- provements. Last year they were about -^8,000,000. One-tenth of the population of our country is in our State. We pay about one-eighth of the taxes. This is due to the fact that the climate and condition of the Northern States and its pursuits make them larf>-er consumers of articles upon wdiich the Ignited States raises revenues than upon the people living in the Avarmer South. I do not agree Avith the statements made by Republicans that the North pays almost all the taxes, but I think it is safe to say that our State pays about one-eighth. It pays, then, this year, about $1,000,000 to make internal improvements by the General Goa"- 23 Gvnmcnt, works mostly in other parts of the Union, some of •which are meant to turn commerce away from us and to check our growth in McaUh. As this tax is upon wliat men use for clotliing and other articles, it falls upon persons, not property. It is a burden upon the largest family, not the largest fortune. For this the people of St. Lawrence, in proportion to their popula- tion, will have to pay about !*5'24,000, or about three times as much as for a State tax, for they Avould be rightfully indignant if it AV^ere said their average condition was below that of the people of our country. Yet we hear no protests against this action by the General Government. The amount i)aid by our State would make the needed permanent improvements upon our canals, but the taxes by the General Government will be imposed every year and will be increased hereafter. To what is this inconsistency due on the part of the intelligent citizens of Northern New York? It is due to the fact that they are so largely Kcimblicans, their minds have been so inflamed against the i)eople of the South, that they have been made to believe that every jurisdiction they give to the General Government will harm those they hate, and will in some way help themselves. They have l)een so blinded by their prejudices, that they listen with favor to those sjieakcrs who war upon home rights, and they do not see that they, and not the peoj)le of the South, will be the victims when jurisdiction is taken away from their own State and given to ofiicials at the remote Cai>ital of the Union. They do not stop to think, that their own State has the smallest representation in the Senate of the UuIIcmI States, far less than those of New England or of the South. If Mr. Garfield and other IJcjuiblican ollicials should come befori> them and in plain terms tell what they sought ; that they want(>(l their heai'ers to give uj) their home rights and put tlu'ni into tin- hands of the speakers, and that these would tax tluMU more tlian they pay when the ju'ople manage their own alTairs, these speakers would be met with derision. Yet that is what they seek. Tliey hide their objects and make up feigned issues, and jiersuadt' the Republican i)arty that they are only conducting a contest between the Northern and Southern States. In the above statement, to make it clear, T have shown only the relative sums ])aid upon a tax of ^1,00(),()0() when imposed by the State or General Government. "NVe must bear in mind that last year the expenses of the General Government, after deducting all that was i)aid for pensions, or for interest, or principal of the 24 public debt, was more than $120,000,000. This was for the ordi- nary expenses of Government. This great increase of expenses has grown out of its increase of jnrisdiction over subjects Avhicli can be more wisely and economically managed by the poojdc at their homes. With all the confessed difficulties set forth by Mr. Schurz, growing out of the pushing and varied interests at Wasls- iiigton, and in tlic face of increased taxation, the Repnldican leaders are nrging more jurisdiction with more taxation and more confusion. The Avays in which the (Tovcrnment collects its reve- nues conceal tlicir full sums from those avIio jiay them, but they tell none the less in their results upon their property. You will find these taxes on the sugar in your teacup, in the clothing of your family, in the medicines of your sick, in the varnish on the coffins of your dead. By general consent, they are levied npon articles of consum})tion. This has the advantage of giving i)ro- lection to home industries, if it is not carried too far. If they arc made too burdensome, they destroy home productions, as they add to their cost. While we cheerfully pay in this way for all necessary objects of goverimient, we protest against making them needlessly expensive. Already the amount paid by New York for its support is about tAvice the cost of the State Govern- ment. In making this statement I do not take into account any sums for pensions, or for payment of interest and principal of tlie ])ublic debt. The expenses at Washington, after making these deductions, are, as nearly as I can learn, more than twice the cost of the thirty-eight States of the Union; yet Mr. Garfield and other Republican officials seek more jurisdiction, more cost, more taxation under the shadowy phrase of Nationalism. They ask tliat they shall be entrusted with more power, more i>atronage, and the distribution of larger sums of money drawn from the people in une(pial proportions and by expensive metliods. NATIONALISE! AVILL MAKE OUR GOVERNMENT WEAK, NOT STRONG. We find that many fair minded men receive the terms Nation and National with favor, because tliey have vague ideas that they will give more strength to the General Ciovernment and security to our Union. AVc all seek to make our Govermnent strong. We all pray tliat our Union may stand forever. But it is a fatal error to su]>posc that the strength of a Government grows out of the amount and uot the beuelicencc of its power. 25 There is truth iu the maxiin that tlic Government is hest ^vhic•]l governs least. That Avliicli gives the hxrgest measure of freedom, rights of conscience, of ])ersons and of property. Tliat govern- ment is tlic most enduring wliich lifts up its citizens into a sense of the right and duties of their positions; which trains tliem to Avatch and guard the puhlic welfare; wliich makes them bold, free and enterprising, and imbues them with the proud feeling that government belongs to tliem and not they to government. Let us turn our eyes from this system, which thus gives strengtli and duration, to the despotisms of the world, where all jurisdic- tions are in the hands of monarchs, upheld by all the powers of the State, its treasures and its armies. The thrones which topple iu civilized Europe are tliose wliicli are overloaded by jurisdiction. The monarcli who liolds unlim- ited sway over the greatest Empire; who commands vast armies; Avho claims control over the lives, liberties and conscience of men, is the one who dares not walk the streets of liis capital. lie trembles for his life in the recesses of his palace. The dread of assassination or revolution does not grow out of personal defects of character, but from the principles of government which con- stantly bring him in collision with the conscience, the aspirations and the interests of liis subjects. In marked contrast witli lliis, we find another great Empire that is governed by a woman, wliose appearance in the streets of her capital is hailed with acclama- tions of loyalty and affection. But her juridiction is divided with Parliament, and shielded from prejudice and passion by dis- tribution of powers. It is not true that any power given to a government, which brings it in conflict Avith any class of the citi- zens, or any section of its domain, gives it strengtli. It was on account of this truth that our enemies in Euroi)e predicted at llu^ outset that our Union could not stand, ])ecause it had to deal with territories so broad and interests so varied. It has been the marvellous wisdom Avhich distributed jurisdiction between dif- ferent local departments, that has carried it safely and triumj)]!- antly through the first century of its existence. Our great i.olit- icaldutyis to keep it strong, by saving it from the exercise of jurisdictions which shall excite hostility towards it. Its strengtli must ever lie in the affections of our people. Its duration will deitend upon the fact that its actions will be beneficent to all and hurtful to none. 26 toE POSITIONS OF GARFIELD AND HANCOCK COMPARED. I beg our Kepublican friends to look at tlie attitude of Mr. Gariickl with regard to the Constitution, and see if it is one that shows loyalty to its provisions. It is the bond of our Union. It is the charter of our rights and liberties. He has on many occa- sions sworn to uphold it. On tlie fourth of March next, he will as a Senator from Ohio take a solemn oath to support its pro- visions. The Senate was organized to assert and defend the letter and its spirit. Does the conduct of Mr. Garfield accord with these oatlis ? He avoids the use of tlie titles it gives the Govern- ment. These were selected to show its character and object, lie uses in a marked way words the framers of the Constitution rejected, and shuns those they selected. What could be thought of a clergyman who should substitute for the grand, clear tones of tlie Bible, vague and unmeaning words which obscure the law of Christian life V Yet in this Avay Mr. Garfield treats the law Avhicli makes the life of our Union. In view of his efforts to change the Constitution, by substituting construction for its lan- guage, you doubt if, in his oath of ofiice, he swears for or at the Constitution. You wonder what he seeks, which is rebuked by the title of "United States," the "Union," the " General Govern- ment." What leads him to dwell upon the words " Nation," or " Nationalism," m hich are weak, obscure and trivial '? Let us see how Mr. Garfield looks at his interest and position. We can give his ideas almost in his own Avords when he communes with him- self, lie says: "I am to be a S'»nator from Ohio for six years. " Hamilton Avas right when he said that Senators should hold for " life. I am glad that his opinions groAV in favor. He did not " like our Constitution, but said everything depended \ipon the " way it was construed. This heavy volume on my table, called "the civil list, shows the names of more than seventy thousand " men paid from the Treasury. This does not include the soldiers " or sailors. ^ I am glad to see ice are gravitati)iuiucy " Adams once Avrote some poetry in -whifh he put in the uioulh " of Mr. Jefferson tlieso lines: " ' If we cannot change tlie things, I sicear ice'll cJuinge their names, sir.' "The troublesome terms in the Constitution ai-e the "United " States," the " Union." They tell of States and other rights than " those controlled by Congress. I do not like tlie words General "Government, as it tells of other Governments and States; there " are some terms, such as Xation and National, Avhich those who "made the Constitution Avould not have in it. They were kept "out by unanimous vote. They are vague and do not show what " is meant by their use. I want them for the very reason that led " the convention to strike them out. If Ave get our people to use " them, they will fall into the habit of looking to other govern- "ments than our OAvn for usages and laws. We have got this "practice under way. In 1876, all our i)arty in the House of " Ilepresentatives voted for a solemn resolution that ours was a "sovereign nation. We all Avore grave faces when Ave did this. "It taught us as much about our Government, as if to show " the prerogatives of the President, Ave had Avith e