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THE WHITE LEAGUE CONSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST FREE UOVERNMENT. 
 
 ^^v^'ASH^^^;' / 
 
We print in full in this morning's Republican the able speech of 
 General Hugh J. Campbell, delivered in Union Chapel on Monday 
 evening last. This speech is a manly and bold exposition of the 
 causes which have led to our present unhappy political position, and 
 is substantiated by an irresistible array of facts and figures. As an 
 oratorical effort it was one of the best of the General's life, and he 
 was listened to by his large audience with undivided attention, and 
 was greeted with frequent burst of applause. General Campbell is 
 a speaker of gi-eat force, and his efforts are always fortified with a 
 strong showing of facts. We have as yet seen no attempt to dis- 
 prove any of the grave assertions which he last Monday evening 
 made concerning the acts and plans of the revolutionary party in 
 this State. We commend this speech of General Campbell's to our 
 readers as a valuable addition to current political literature. 
 
 [New Orleans Republican, Jauuarj' 17. 
 
THE WHITE LEAGUE CONSPIRACY 
 
 AGAINST FREE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 SPEECH OF GENERAL HUGH J. CAMPBELL, 
 
 On Monday Eoening, January 11, 1875, before a Republican Mass 
 Meeting, held in Bethel Chapel, for the purpose of giving 
 the sense of the Republicans of Louisiana as to the 
 correctness of the facts stated in Gen- 
 eral Sheridan's dispatches. 
 
 Mr. Pbesident and Fellow Citizebjs — I thank yon for the honor 
 yon have conferred upon me in asking me to address you at this 
 time. I appear before you with the most solemn impression that 
 we are now standing at the critical point in the fortunes of Repub- 
 licanism in the Southern States. The destinies of the Republican 
 party, and with them those of fhe colored people, and with them 
 those of the white people of this State and of the South, who have 
 been the supporters of the Republican party, are now in the scale, 
 and the scale is literally trembling on its balance. At this very 
 hour, while I am speaking to you, the people of this Union, in every 
 city, town and village ; and in every capital of the States, and every 
 legislative hall; in the capital of the nation itself, and in the halls of 
 Congress, are solemnly, and with intense excitement, deliberating 
 upon the question whether there is anything in Republicanism at 
 the South worthy of preserving it to the nation. They are every- 
 where asking the question to-night: If there are ninety thou- 
 sand Republican voters in Louisiana, what is the reason that the 
 election of 1812 has so long been in doubt? "What is the reason 
 that, ou the fourteenth of September last, three thousand men, with 
 arms in their hands, in thirty minutes, overthrew your State govern- 
 ment and all its forces, and drove your State officials into the Cus- 
 tomhouse for protection ? What is the reason that at the recent 
 election it is now claimed by the Democrats that they carried it, and 
 
carried it by virtue of negro votes, and that thousands of colored 
 men are said by them to have voted the White League ticket?" It is 
 just at this critical juncture that one man, independent in position 
 and character, with the intuition of genius aud the force of a 
 strong and well balanced mind, has gone right straight to 
 the heart of the question and answered it — "Banditti." [Loud 
 applause and long cheers.] That word contains the whole answer; 
 it sums up the volume of eight years of bloodshed, anarchy, 
 massacre and murder. In giving the wings of language to that 
 term, in hurling it like a thunderbolt at the heads of the guilty, 
 coming from his lips as it did, clothed with all the authority and 
 majesty of the solemn oflBcial declaration of the second military offi- 
 cer in rank in the nation; of one of the historical military heroes of 
 our national history; of one of the eight or ten names which 
 stand at the topmost line on the scroll of the world's greatest mili- 
 tary names. General Philip H. Sheridan, has uttered the most fear- 
 ful indictment against a part of the people of this State which has 
 ever been found against any civilized community. Not only through 
 every town and village, not only through every great city, not only 
 in Washington and in Congress, but in Paris, London, Amsterdam, 
 Rome, Berlin, Vienna, and in every civilized capital of the globe has 
 this terrific indictment been read, pondered and judicially weighed. 
 [Applause.] It is to the facts of historical record which none can 
 dii=ipute and which every one knows, upon which this indictment 
 of General Sheridan is based, that I wish to address myself now. 
 
 NINE MASSACBES IN EIGHT TEARS. 
 
 From 1866 to the present time there have been nine great 
 butcheries or massacres for political reasons in the State of Louisi- 
 ana. I give you the list. In 1866, 200 persons were killed, and 
 1 60 were tftken wounded to the Marine Hospital, and this is not 
 counting those dead and wounded whose bodies were carted away 
 by the authorities and dumped in some unknown places. At that 
 massacre, I have the authority of a surgeon in the United States 
 army now on duty in this city for stating that, after these 160 
 wounded were taken to the Marine Hospital, the perpetrators of the 
 massacre, standing in line on the New canal, fired volleys into the 
 hospital itself, the marks of whose bullets were for a long time 
 visible on the walls. 
 
6 
 
 officials of Lincoln parish, two of whom held appointments under 
 the United States, and their murder in cold blood. Not a solitary- 
 conservative newspaper in this State has denounced this atrocity, 
 while several of them have boldly and repeatedly applauded and in- 
 dorsed it. Advice of the most sanguinary character and the most 
 revolutionary lawlessness was given from week to week in the col- 
 umns of the principal newspapers of the State. The Picayune on 
 the sixteenth of September advised that any white man found ad- 
 dressing colored people as I am addressing you should be "shot 
 down like a dog in his tracks." The Bulletin threatened United States 
 soldiers and officers with torn uniforms and punched heads should 
 they interfere with the White Leaguers in their operations, and quoted 
 with approval the resistance to the United States troops in Tennes- 
 see. The Shreveport Times advocated over and over the murder of 
 every Eepublican official who should be found elected by the return- 
 ing officers against the decrees of the White Leaguers, and its chief 
 proprietor recently in this city, before the congressional committee 
 itself, openly and boldly stated that such had been his advice and 
 would continue to be his advice, and that he thought the murders 
 would be committed. Threats of assassination of the Governor, of 
 the returning officers and of the various leaders of the Republican 
 party were made openly thoughoufc the summei', in the newspapers 
 and on the streets, in the hotels and in all places of public resort. 
 Finally the White League conspiracy culminated in the bloody insur- 
 rection of September 14, which for a moment overpowered the State 
 government, and which, next to the Coushatta massacre, had the 
 most powerful influence throughout the whole State in intimidating 
 and deterring negroes from voting. [Applause.] 
 
 TESTIMONY OF THE COLORED PEOPLE. 
 
 There are in this meeting prominent colored citizens, members of 
 the Legislature, and others from all portions of the State. There are 
 also prominent colored gentlemen of the highest social and moral 
 standing in this community; men educated in Paris and other capi- 
 tals of Europe; men who have natural abilities and acquired accom- 
 plishments; men of honor and high standing among their fyllow- 
 citizens; men who are not excelled by the highest toned gentlemen 
 whose names are on the White League rolls. I now appeal to this 
 
Chamber of Commerce, the Board of Trade and these other indig- 
 nant mercantile and theological bodies a question: Gentlemen, did 
 you ever call one single meeting to denounce them in public or 
 private? Were you afraid? [Terriffic applause.] Did your press 
 denounce them, or did it not try to conceal or apologize for them ? 
 Were they afraid? And did not a part of your press boldly justify 
 them? France had one great massacre — St, Bartholomew — and 
 ever since, for hundreds of years, the black cloud of its memory 
 has darkened the fame of that nation. And her savants, her 
 clergy, her business men, her statesmen have solemnly before the 
 world, denounced the horrid crime. England had her massacre 
 in the obscure Scotch valley of G-lencoe. One hundred persons 
 were murdered. England, up to the day of Macaulay, two hundred 
 years afterward, kept repenting for and denouncing the crime be- 
 fore the civilized world. Macaulay has crystalized her repentance 
 in the tearful and indignant confession and rebuke of his immortal 
 history. Louisiana has had nine massacres in eight years, all of 
 them as atrocious as St. Bartholomew; most of them bloodier and 
 with more victims than Glencoe. Gentlemen, merchants and clergy 
 of New Orleans, when did you ever call a meeting to denounce 
 these horrid crimes? Are you afraid ? [Loud applause.] 
 
 And yet you denounce Sheridan as being untrue in his statements. 
 What is untrue ? That these atrocities were committed ? Tou dare 
 not say that! That the men who committed them are 
 
 BANDITTI ? 
 
 You dare not say that! That you have kept silence and refused to 
 condemn them in the same manner that you were so swift to con- 
 demn Sheridan ? Tou dare not say that. 
 
 THE WHITE LEAGUE CAMPAIGN OF 1874, 
 
 The Democratic' and White League campaign of 1874 was a 
 second edition of the White Camelia campaign of 1868. It opened 
 by aa organized, systematic plan, commenced simultaneously 
 throughout the State, for ejecting by violence from their positions 
 the lawfully appointed or elected parish officials, and substituting 
 in their places the so-called McEnery officials. The opening act of 
 this novel political campaign, was the capture by a mob, of six men, 
 
4 
 
 publican voters, not one vote was cast for Grant; in Union, out o^ 
 872 registered Eepublican voters, one vote was cast for Grant; in 
 St. Martin, out of 933 registered Eepublican voters, 25 votes were 
 cast for Grant; in St. Helena, out of 569 registered Republican 
 voters, 136 votes cast for Grant; in Avoyelles, out of 2188 registered 
 Republican voters, 520 votes were cast for Grant; in Catahoula, out 
 of 992 registered Republican voters, 150 votes were cast for Grant; 
 in Caldwell, out of 586 registered Republican voters, 28 votes were 
 cast for Grant; while in those banner Democratic and White League 
 parishes of De Soto with 1403 Republican voters; Jackson with 822 
 Republican voters; Lafayette, with 897 Republican voters; Ver- 
 milion, with 282 Republican voters, and Washington, with 168 Re- 
 publican voters, not one solitary Republican vote for Grant was east 
 in all those parishss. The net result of the Democratic and White 
 Camelia campaign of 1868 was that out of 36,278 Republican votes 
 in twenty-two parishes of the State, through the intimidation, fear 
 and terrorism resulting from the massacres before enumerated, only 
 1118 Republican votes were allowed to be deposited for General 
 Grant. 
 
 CAUSE OF THE ELECTION LAW AND RETURNING BOAED. 
 
 Those facts were the origin and the cause of the peculiar election 
 laws of this State, sometimes styled by our White League friends 
 " infamous." They have, however, no word of similar reprobation 
 for the massacres which made their enactment necessary. These 
 massacres, in which riots were substituted for elections, are what 
 made a Returning Board right and necessary. [Loud cheers.] 
 
 ARE THE INDICiNANT MERCHANTS AND THEOLOGIANS APEAID ? 
 
 These facts have been officially proven before a committee of the 
 General Assembly and before two congressional committees. They 
 are not denied. They have been notorious for years. Now, when 
 General Sheridan characterizes the perpetrators of similar deeds of 
 atrocity in 1874 as 
 
 BANDITTI, 
 
 the Chamber of Commerce, the Board of Trade, the Cotton 
 Exchange, the City Council, the bodies of merchants and a 
 part of the clergy assemble and pass indignant reso- 
 lutions, denouncing his statements as untrue. Let me ask the 
 
The Bossier parish massacre in which over 300 negroes were 
 killed and wouuded, the St. Landry massacre, in which 200 were 
 killed and wounded; the Orleans massacres, in which sixty-three 
 were killed and wounded; the Caddo massacre, in which forty-six 
 were killed and wounded; the Jefferson massacre; in which forty- 
 seven were killed and wounded; the St. Bernard massacre, in which 
 sixty-eight were killed and wounded — all these occurred in the one 
 year 1868. 
 
 In 1873 the Colfax massacre, in which 100 were killed and woun- 
 ded. In 1874 the Coushatta massacre, in which six white men were 
 first captured by a mob and afterward taken out and shot in cold 
 blood. Add to these an estimate given by members of the General 
 Assembly from the different parishes of over 1000 persons since 1869 
 who have been killed for political reasons, and you have the grand 
 total, and by no means an accurate or full one, but such as I have 
 been able to gather hastily together of 2190. You will observe that 
 of these 724 were perpetrated in 1868, in the fall and summer pre- 
 ceding the presidential election. To these 724, which belong to the 
 particular massacres which I have just enumerated, must be added 
 over 300 individual murders, which occurred in that same period, 
 making somewhere over 1000 persons killed in 1868, and for pohtical 
 reasons. 
 
 THE EFFECT ON THE ELECTION. 
 
 Now mark the result. The day of election in 1868 was as peace- 
 able and quiet an election day as ever occurred in this country. 
 Yet in the parish of Orleans where there were from 13,000 to 16,000 
 registered Republican voters, the total vote cast for General Grant 
 was only 270; in the parish of Bienville out of 715 registered Re- 
 publican voters, one vote was cast for Grant; in the parish of Bossier 
 out of 1895 registered Republican voters, one vote was cast for 
 Grant; in Caddo, out of 3134 registered Republican voters, one vote 
 was cast for Grant; in Calcasieu, out of 245 Republican voters, nine 
 votes were cast for Grant; in Claiborne, out of 1293 Republican 
 votes, two votes were cast for Grant. In Morehouse, out of 1330 
 registered Republican voters, one vote was cast for Grant; in Sabine 
 out oi 227 registered Republican voters, two votes were cast for 
 Grant; in St. Bernard, out of 610 registered Republican voters, one 
 vote was cast for Grant; in St. Landry, out of 3641 registered Re- 
 
audience, so constituted, to answer whether I tell the truth or HO 
 when I charge and aver that in the last election in this State all the 
 colored men who voted the Democratic ticket in this State, volun- 
 tarily and through their own preference, and not from fear either of 
 violence to their persons or lives or of being deprived of their daily 
 bread, could be held in this room upon this platform where I am 
 now standing. [Cries of "That is so." Applause.] I charge and 
 aver that the same violence and intimidation which in 1868 abso- 
 lutely barred through terror from the polls 38,000 Republican voters, 
 who desired to vote for Grant, did at this election, in 1874, control 
 ninety-nine out of every one hundred colored votes that were cast 
 for the Democratic party, and did drive thousands away from the 
 polls. [Applause, and cries of that's so.] 
 
 THE WHITE LEAGUE CONSPIKACT. 
 
 I come now to the special function of the White League conspiracy 
 in controlling the late election. The White League organization is a 
 semi-military, semi-political society. It is also a confederated or- 
 ganization, being in sympathy, co-operation and correspondence 
 with organizations of a similar character in the other reconstructed 
 States of the South. Its objective point in all these States is the 
 overthrow of the reconstructed governments as based upon negro 
 suffrage. I aver and charge that as the results of the White League 
 organization open and repeated threats of resistance to the United 
 States arms were made throughout this city and State for weeks 
 and months. I aver tiat the assassination of the Governor, of the 
 returning officers and of other Republican officials were publicly 
 and repeatedly made everywhere. I aver that on the fourteenth of 
 September offers of aid of men and munitions were sent to the 
 League here from other Southern States. I am told by a corre- 
 spondent of one of the Western papers that cannon and munitions 
 of war were sent by the League of this city to Vicksburg. I aver 
 that at the Baton Rouge Convention, in speeches which were after- 
 ward suppressed from the newspapers, both John McEnery and R. 
 H. Marr counseled and threatened violence and revolutionary pro- 
 ceeding against the State government. Robert Toombs, when in 
 his speech last summer he threatened that United States troops on 
 their way to New Orleans should be arrested in Georgia, only said 
 
8 
 
 out openly what all were thinking secretly, and no other one was 
 bold and candid enough to assert. 
 
 Finally I aver and charge that the Colfax and Coushatta massa- 
 cres, the fourteenth of September revolution and the White League 
 conspiracy did for the political campaign of 1874 precisely what the 
 six massacres of 1868 and the Knights of the White Camelia did 
 for the political campaign of 1868; that is they by organized 
 violence, bloodshed, force and intimidation suppressed and drove 
 from the polls the Republican majority. [Applause, and cries of 
 that's so.] 
 
 THE REVOLUTIONARY ATTEMPT TO SEIZE THE GOVERNMENT ON JANUARY 4. 
 
 On the second of January the White League preparations for 
 forcibly revolutionizing the State government were inaugurated by 
 the violent and secret kidnapping and abduction af Mr. Cousin, 
 member from St. Tammany. I aver and charge that in the then 
 state of parties, there being fifty-three Democrats to fifty-three 
 Republicans returned elected to the House, the abduction of Mr. 
 Cousin was as completely revolutionary as if they had abducted all 
 the Republican members. The abduction of one vote, which gave 
 to them the control of the House, was as grave an offense and as 
 much of a revolution as though the Republican majority had been 
 twenty, and they had abducted twenty-one. I further charge that 
 this abduction was a part of the conspiracy, on the part of the 
 Demacrats and White Leaguers, and the first step in its carrying 
 out. I charge that the murder of Fabius McKay Dunn was a crime 
 committed by a mistake of the perpetrators who intended in his 
 place to have murdered Raford Blunt, a Republican Senator. | Cries 
 of " That is so." Applause.] I charge that the sudden appearance 
 \on the street in front of the State House doors of a company of 
 men, with badges as sergeant-at-arms suddenly displayed upon 
 their coats, was another step in the conspiracy. I charge that there 
 was, in the immediate vicinity of the State House, a company of 
 White Leaguers prepared with scaling ladders for the purpose of 
 forcibly entering the State House. The violent seizure by Mr. Wiltz 
 of the Speaker's chair was another step in the conspiracy. I charge 
 that the Senators known as the McEnry Senators, who claim to 
 have been elected in 1872, were all present in the cit}' from their 
 different parishes, and meeting with the Democratic and White 
 
Leag'ue Senators elected at the last election in preparation of a plan 
 to revolutionize the State Senate. I charge that on the floor of the 
 House of Representatives, during the revolutionary proceedings of 
 the fourth, it was openly asserted by White Leaguers that the 
 Kellogg government would be completely overthrown that day. I 
 charge that when General De Trobriand entered the hall of the 
 House there was no legally organized House in session; Mr. Wilt7, 
 was not the Speaker of any House. The body there assembled was 
 a revolutionary mob — nothing more. [Loud cheers and applause.] 
 
 WHITE PEOPLE EEPUDIATE THEIR PLEDGES. 
 
 Finally, I charge that in the White League Coushatta campaign 
 of 1874, in its assassinations arid massacres, in the tone of its press, 
 in its war upon negro children in the schools, in their proposition 
 for restoring star cars, and in the thoroughly proscriptive, vindic- 
 tive and revengeful spirit which they have reawakened in the people 
 and heightened to a fury never known before, the white people of 
 this State have more completely repudiated every principle they 
 professed and every promise they made in 1872 than was ever done 
 by any political party in the history of the world before. In 1872 
 they had adopted Greele}^ and his platform of peace and concilia- 
 tion and the recognition of the legitimate results of reconstruction. 
 In their adoption of the Liberal platform they more expressly and 
 specifically repledged themselves to these principles. In the 
 speeches of all their orators, in the resolutions of all their meetings 
 and in the professions of all their newspaper press they again and 
 again iterated and reiterated these same principles. There is not a 
 single one of these principles that they have not abandoned, re- 
 pudiated, condemned and put under the ban of a terrible prescrip- 
 tion by their course for the last eighteen months. [Loud applause]. 
 
 The massacre of 1866 led to reconstruction; the massacre of 
 1868 led to the election laws, and the enforcement acts of Congress; 
 the massacre of Colfax in 1873 sent a chill over the wave of sympa- 
 thy, which was rising at the North for us, and in my opinion de- 
 feated Mr. Carpenter's bill for a new election; and the massacre of 
 Coushatta, and the White League campaign of 1874, with the riot 
 of September fourteeenth, ending in the revolutionary attempt to 
 overthrow the State government on January fourth, have undone 
 2 
 
10 
 
 all that the Liberal and Conservative men of both parties sought to 
 accomplish in 1872, and have brought the State to the brink of war 
 and desolation. [Applause]. 
 
 WHY REPUBLICANS SUPPORTED THE FUSION OF 1872. 
 
 My friends, I went with the Fusion party of 1812. I did it 
 honestly. I did it without pay. They all can not say that. I did 
 it without bargain or promise of reward. They all can not say 
 that. I did it at much pecuniary and personal sacrifice. I did it to 
 my own political destruction, for I was bitterly assailed by my former 
 political friends, and, at the same time politically ostracised, ignored, 
 and in every way thrown overboard by the people whom I was trying 
 to assist. I did it, clearly and painfully foreseeing all these dis- 
 agreeable consequences to myself; but I did it solely and exclusively 
 for one reason. It was to avert this very conflict that is now upon 
 us. I tried to commit, and did commit, publicly, solemnly, and, as 
 I thought, beyond recall, the white people of this State to such an 
 acknowledgement of the rights of the colored people, and of repub- 
 lican principles, as would iorever prevent them from again drawing a 
 color line; from again proscribing people for political opinions; from 
 again trying to cany an election by fear and threats, by revolvers 
 and knives, by leagues and conspiracies, by murder and massacre. 
 I was content to abandon all hopes of political preference for myself, 
 could I by this course have attained the end. 
 
 I failed, failed more completely and swiftly than ever did any 
 public man who trusted to the public professions of so large a num- 
 bei of people. I failed not from any fault oi my position, but from 
 the deliberate abandonment by the white people of this State of the 
 position taken by them in 18T2, and their going back to the violent 
 and bloody tactics of 1868. In this course they were encouraged 
 and sustained by the Democracy of the country and by the hopes 
 of a Democratic victory in 1816. In the returning sense of the 
 country of the true situation here, and in the continued ascendancy 
 of Republican principles, rests our only hope for salvation fi'om a 
 reign of terror under the second Confederacy, equal in violence to 
 that of the first Confederacy of 1860. 
 
 For those sincere and liberal Conservative and Democratic gentle- 
 men who acted with me in good faith in 1872, and who have extended 
 
11 
 
 to nie so mauy acts of courtesy and kindness, I have no words but of 
 friendliness, adding the hope that we may yet co-operate for the 
 canse of good government in Louisiana. To those able and astute 
 leaders and followers of the Democratic party who accepted the aid 
 of myself and Republican friends with mental reservations, and who 
 afterward repudiated their promises and made themselves merry at 
 the expense of our credulity, I beg leave to return my thanks for 
 the ingenious and useful lesson that they l)ave taught to Republi- 
 cans, and I hope they will pardon me for comforting myself with 
 the words of the quaint old Scotch rhyme: 
 
 He digged a pit, 
 
 He digged it deep, 
 
 He digged it for Jiis brother; 
 
 By his great sin 
 
 Himself fell in 
 
 The pit he digged for "tother. 
 
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