Mk^ LIBRARY OF CONGRESS. UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 9 / NAPOLEON BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN Napoleon Bonaparte's First Campaign it]} Comments BY HERBERT H. SARGENT FIRST LIEUTENANT SECOND CAVALRY, UNITED STATES ARMY CHICAGO A. C. McCLURG AND COMPANY /d-^fO'Z \>( V 9 rP Copyright By Herbert H. Sargent A.D. 1894 TO VICTOR M. GORE THIS BOOK IS DEDICATED BY THE AUTHOR IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE DAYS OF OUR BOYHOOD TOGETHER IN ILLINOIS. '* 'There is no genius like the genius of labor. There is re-TV ard like that ^-which comes from energy, system, and no perse-uerance PREFACE. ^T^HE matter contained in this book has been obtained from mihtary histories, and by a study of the art and science of war as set forth in the writings of others. My thanks are due to Professor A. S. Hill, of Harvard College, to Professor George L. Andrews, Colonel (retired) U. S. Army, and especially to Jos. B. Batchelor, Jr., First Lieutenant Twenty- fourth Infantry, U. S. Army, for suggestions and criticisims in the composition of this book. H. H. S. Fort Bowie, Arizona, September 29, 1894. CONTENTS. Page Introduction 15 CHAPTER I. montexotte 19 Comments 27 CHAPTER II. LoDi 38 Comments 43 CHAPTER III. LONATO AND CASTIGLIONE 47 Comments 51 CHAPTER IV. Bassano and San Georgio 63 Comments 68 CHAPTER V. ARCOLE 'J'j Comments 85 CHAPTER VI. RiVOLI 96 Comments 107 1 2 CONTENTS. CHAPTER VII. Face The Tagliamento 123 Comments 144 CHAPTER VIII. General Comments 167 Index 223 LIST OF MAPS TO ILLUSTRATE Facing Page First Part of Campaign 28 Battle of Arcole 86 Battle of Rivoli 106 Last Part of Campaign 144 INTRODUCTION. ' "Nothing is attained in war except by calculation. Dur- ing a campaign, whatever is not profoundly considered in all its details is without result. Every enterprise should be conducted according to a system ; chance alone can never bring success." — Napoleon. 'T^O obtain a knowledge of the science of war, the military student should study the cam- paigns of great commanders. *' Alexander," says Napoleon, "made eight campaigns; Hannibal, seventeen, one in Spain, fifteen in Italy, and one in Africa; Caesar, thirteen, of which eight were against the Gauls and five against the legions of Pompey ; Gustavus Adolphus, three ; Turenne, eighteen; Prince Eugene of Savoy, thirteen; Fred- erick, eleven, in Bohemia, Silesia, and on the banks of the Elbe. The history of these campaigns, written with care, would be a complete treatise on the art of war. From this source the principles which ought to be followed, in offensive as well as in defensive warfare, could at once be obtained." 1 6 INTRODUCTION. Again he says : " Read and meditate upon the wars of the greatest captains. This is the only means of rightly learning the science of war." Nearly one hundred years ago, Napoleon Bona- parte's military achievements amazed the world. To-day, when his campaigns and battles are studied by us, their brilliancy and completeness strike us with wonder. The strategy that he exhibited in these campaigns, and the wonderful battle tactics that he employed, strongly impress us with his ^military greatness. His combinations, his rapid marches, his concentration of masses upon the vital points of his enemy, his victory upon victory, his wonderful power of foreseeing the results of these victories and of appropriating to himself all the advantages to be derived from them, show not merely that he was a genius in war, but that he was the greatest soldier in modern times, and one of the greatest masters of the military art that the world has ever known. Bonaparte's campaign in Italy in 1796-97, though conducted on a less stupendous scale than many other campaigns in his remarkable career, was surpassed by none in brilliancy, in completeness, in rapidity of movement, and in strategical com- binations. Here he first gained his renown as a soldier. Here, at the age of twenty-six, he took the first great step in his immortal career, and. INTRO D UCTION, I / with one small army, in a single campaign, de- feated six Austrian armies sent successively against him. Since Napoleon's time many changes in tactics and in tactical formations have resulted from the inventions of man, from the use of steam, and from discoveries in electricity; but no material changes in strategy have resulted from these causes. Im- proved weapons and improved methods of trans- portation may, in some cases, slightly modify strategical movements and strategical combinations ; but the principles of strategy, the great principles of war, are the same to-day as in the days of the great Napoleon. To divide the forces of the enemy and beat them in detail, to manoeuvre upon inte- rior lines, to concentrate an overwhelming mass upon the vital point of the enemy, — these are principles that do not change, however rapid the fire of modern guns, however quick the movements of troops, or however swift the dispatch of orders. *'The application of strategical principles," says Dufour, '' is the same at all times and in all places." To the military student this campaign is, therefore, from a strategical point of view, a very interesting study. H. H. S. Fort Bowie, Arizona, November^ 1894. NAPOLEON BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. CHAPTER I. M O N T E N O T T E. TT THEN in March, 1796, Bonaparte took com- ' ' mand of the Army of Italy, he found it in a destitute condition and paralyzed for the want of financial means. He found that many soldiers were without food and sufficient clothing. He addressed the army in these words: ''Soldiers, you are naked and ill fed ; I will lead you into the most fruitful plains in the world. Rich provinces, great cities, will be in your power. There you will find honor, fame, and wealth." The situation was as follows. In Northwestern Italy, the Alps on the west and the Apennines on the south divided the opposing forces. To the west and south of these mountain ranges were the French ; on the opposite sides, the Austrians and Sardinians. Along the Alps, two armies of about twenty thousand each were holding each other in 20 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. check. As these two armies neutralized each other during the active operations in the vicinity of the Apennines, they may for the present be omitted from the description of this part of the campaign. Bonaparte's army, known as the Army of Italy, which was about forty thousand strong, and which had only twenty- four cannon of small calibre, extended from Genoa to Nice along the narrow strip of land between the Apennines and the sea. Upon Bonaparte's right, at Genoa, a British fleet, which was hostile to the French, held possession of the sea. The allied armies on the north side of the Apennines and immediately opposed to Bonaparte, were commanded by Beau- lieu, the Austrian general, and consisted of thirty thousand Austrians and twenty thousand Sardin- ians, the latter under General Colli. They had two hundred cannon. They were facing the passes of Col di Tenda, Ormea, Savona, and Bochetta, which led from their position to that of Bonaparte. The positions in detail of Bonaparte's forces were as follows. His left was at the pass of Tenda, which was held by seven thousand soldiers ; Serrurier's division of seven thousand held the pass of Ormea; Augereau with eight thousand was at Mont San Giacomo ; Massena with eight thousand was at Cadibona; and La Harpe with eight thousand was at Savona, having one of MONTENOTTE. 21 Ill's brigades at Voltri. In the pass of Savona, near Montenotte, works had been constructed and were occupied by the French. On the north side of the Apennines these passes become valleys, and are separated from each other by spurs run- ning out from the main chain. Though these valleys were closed by the fortifications of Coni, Mondovi, and Ceva, which were held by the Sar- dinians, yet the French divisions, by descending from the passes of the Apennines to the north, could, before arriving at the fortifications, pass from one valley to another over the spurs, and could in this w^ay easily communicate with one an- other ; while on the south side they could still more easily communicate by the Nice-Genoa road. The allies, who were attempting to guard all the valleys by occupying them all, had their forces greatly subdivided and separated. They held the fortresses and fortified towns of Coni, Mondovi, Ceva, Alessandria, Tortona, Voghera, Turin, and Ivrea. The Sardinians extended from Coni on their right to Millesimo on their left. The Aus- trians occupied Sassello, Ovada, Voltaggio, Genoa, and the Bochetta pass. The Sardinians were com- manded by Colli ; the Austrian right or allied centre, by Argenteau ; the Austrian left was under the immediate command of Beaulieu, the general in chief of the allied armies. 22 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. The line of communication of Bonaparte's army was by the road from Savona to Nice, and thence to its base of operations in France ; that of the Austrian army was by two roads, — one through Alessandria and Pavia, and one through Novi and Placentia, — to its base of operations upon the Mincio ; that of the Sardinian army was by the roads through Fossano, Cherasco, and Alba, to its base of operations at Turin. Since the Republic of Genoa, though occupied by the Austrians, was considered neutral territory, Bonaparte asked of the Senate of Genoa permis- sion to conduct his army through Genoa, and thence through the Bochetta pass. Should this permission be granted, his plan was, while holding with small forces the passes of the Apennines, to debouch with his principal army from the Bochetta pass so as to throw his forces upon the Austrians with his front parallel to their communications, and to take in reverse the Sardinians and their fortifica- tions. Should this permission be refused, he ex- pected the Senate to inform Beaulieu of their refusal. In that case he expected the latter to move his forces towards Genoa in anticipation of an attack from that quarter. By so extending his left, Beaulieu would still more scatter his ^ forces and weaken his centre, and thus give Bona- parte an opportunity to throw his masses upon MONTENOTTE. 23 this isolated centre, defeat it, and separate the allies. On the other hand, Beaulieu, who had probably heard of Bonaparte's request and of the extension of his right wing to Voltri, was expecting an attack in force by way of Genoa. He resolved to antici- pate this movement. His plan was to meet it by moving his left wing through Genoa to attack Bonaparte in front, while his centre, commanded by Argenteau, was to advance upon Savona, cut off the French right wing from its communica- tions, and together they were to capture this wing, or envelop it and drive It into the sea. By adopting this plan, he expected an additional axivantage; namely, that of establishing commu- nication with Nelson, who was in the waters of Genoa with an English squadron. Such was the situation of the opposing forces, and such were the plans of the two commanders, when, on April loth, Beaulieu began active opera- tions. He moved his left, about one third of his entire army, through the Bochetta pass upon Genoa and Voltri ; and ordered his centre, con- sisting of ten thousand men under Argenteau, to move at the same time from Sassello upon Savona. Beaulieu reached Voltri the next day, and made two unsuccessful attacks upon the brigade there. Argenteau was also unsuccessful ; he was stopped 24 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, on the nth by the works in the pass near Monte- notte; for though these works were defended by only twelve hundred men, and though he attacked with great fury all day, he did not succeed in carrying the position. On the I ith of April, while these two small forces — the brigade at Voltri and the twelve hundred men in the pass — were engaged with superior num- bers, Bonaparte was active in making preparations to crush Argenteau. He gave orders to his divis- ion commanders as follows : Massena was to leave Cadibona, march to Cairo, then cross the ridge towards Argenteau and be ready to fall on his flank and rear; Augereau, to march from San Giacomo to Cairo and be ready to hold back the Sardinians ; La Harpe, to recall his brigade from Voltri, then march with his whole division to the pass near Montenotte and post it behind the works there. During the day and night of the nth, these movements were all successfully ac- complished; and on the morning of the I2th Bonaparte directed La Harpe to attack Argenteau in front, and Massena to attack him on the flank and rear. Argenteau was defeated. His army was routed, and the remnants and stragglers rallied at Dego. By this battle, known as Montenotte, the centre of the allies was broken. The first step in Bona- MONTENOTTE. 25 partc's plan had been accomplished. Bcaulicu was still south of the Apennines. He advanced from Voltri, but, finding no enemy and hearing the guns of Montenotte, he halted for information; and on the morning of April 13th, having learned of the defeat of his centre, he faced about his own columns and ordered them to concentrate at Dego. While Beaulieu was retracing his steps, Bona- parte was preparing to attack the left of the Sar- dinians, who were divided into two armies. One, under Colli, was at Ceva; and the other, under Provera, at Millesimo. Bonaparte ordered La Harpe to Sassello to hold back any Austrians in that direction, and ordered Serrurier to make false attacks from Ormea to Ceva against Colli, so as to keep him occupied and prevent his re- enforcing Provera. Then, at the head of Masse- na's and Augereau's divisions, he marched against Provera at Millesimo, defeated him, and on the morning of the 14th captured his army. On the same day, Bonaparte, leaving Augereau in front of Colli to aid Serrurier, conducted the divisions of La Harpe and Mass^na upon Dego, drove back and defeated the Austrians there, and also defeated, the next day, a corps of Beaulieu's army that was attempting to reach Dego. Beau- lieu, learning of Bonaparte's success at Dego, now 26 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. attempted to concentrate his scattered troops at Acqui. Thus in four days Bonaparte had crushed the centre of the alHes, captured a Sardinian army upon his left, and forced back the Austrians threat- ening his right. Now, with his divisions perched upon the spurs of the Apennines, with his whole army in a central position and his right well ex- tended between the wings of the allies, he was preparing to move against the Sardinians, to crush them if he could, or to drive them back upon Turin and detach them from the alliance, so as to leave himself free to meet the Austrians single-handed upon the fertile plains of Northern Italy. Ac- cordingly, he ordered La Harpe to San Benedetto to watch Beaulieu, and either to protect the French rear should the Austrians move by Cairo, or to prevent the junction of Beaulieu with Colli by way of Alba; he also ordered a brigade to remain at Cairo in order to protect the French communi- cations with Savona. These dispositions having been made, Bonaparte with Massena's, Augereau's, and Serrurier's divis- ions attacked the Sardinians at Ceva and Mondovi, and drove them towards Turin. The Austrians attempted to join the Sardinians at Alba; but Bonaparte united his divisions there, and thus destroyed Beaulieu's last hope of a junction with MONTENOTTE. 27 his ally. The French continued their advance on Turin. The Sardinians then treated separately for peace, and gave up to the French the fortresses of Alessandria, Coni, Tortona, and the citadel of Ccva. By these manoeuvres, Bonaparte's lines of com- munication with Nice by the passes of Savona, Ormea, and Tenda, and directly with France by the much shorter route of Mont Cenis, were secured. Thus it appears that Bonaparte made his first movement against the allies on April nth; and that the armistice of Cherasco was signed with the Sardinians on April 28th. In eighteen days he had turned the Apennines, driven back the allies, won six victories captured or killed more than twelve thousand men, taken more than forty can- non, detached the Sardinians from the Austrians, compelled the former to make a separate peace, and had acquired, as a base for future operations against the Austrians, the three fortresses of Coni, Tortona, and Alessandria, with their artillery, mag- azines, and stores. COMMENTS. For a proper concentration for battle, not taking into account obstacles such as mountains, rivers, and fortifications, the front of an army of one 28 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. hundred and fifty thousand men or less should not be more than thirty miles. However, in this case it is to be noticed that both armies, at the outset, had much longer fronts, — that of the French ex- tending from Tenda to Savona, a distance of about fifty miles; that of the allies, from Coni to Vol- taggio, about seventy-five miles. But the Apen- nines, which were intervening obstacles, were favorable to Bonaparte, who could with small forces easily hold the passes, and could quickly concentrate his army at any point upon his front by the road south of them. During this concen- tration, his forces would be perfectly protected by the mountains from the attacks of the allies. The Apennines, therefore, allowed him to extend his front with safety beyond thirty miles. On the other hand, the allies were not only more extended than the French, but they had their principal forces at the ends of their long line. Furthermore, these forces themselves were sepa- rated into parts by the spurs of the Apennines, which made it difficult to re-enforce any portion of their front without the danger of being struck in flank by Bonaparte's divisions issuing from the passes of the Apennines. Upon the principle that ** an army in motion should always be able to con- centrate for battle within a single day," it is safe to say that the front of the allies should not have been MONTENOTTE. 29 longer than thirty miles. But it was more than twice this distance ; they had scattered their forces; they had weakened their line in proportion as they had extended it, and had thus allowed their adver- sary to break through and divide their army, so as to force them to choose between retreating, and fighting with only a part of their forces. Why did the Austrian general so scatter his forces? Why did he make this fatal mistake? At this time, and also in after years, the Austrian gen- erals, in making war, seemed to believe in a di- vision of forces. They made war by detachments. Their main army was invariably divided into two or three armies, and these were often subdivided. Under this system they expected to hold all the parts of their front by occupying them all. But there was another reason for the separation of the Austrian and Sardinian armies. Beaulieu was anxious about his lines of communication, and in order to protect them he separated his forces. This anxiety, even though it led to error, was natural ; for the lines of communication of an army are always of the utmost importance to its safety. In every manoeuvre, combination, and battle of a campaign, the commanding general should give the most careful consideration to his communica- tions, — to their direction, extent, and protection. In order to fight, soldiers must have food and 30 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. ammunition. The loss of an army's communica- tions almost always leads to immediate disaster. *' While the distant spectator," says Hamley, " im. agines a general to be intent only on striking or parrying a blow, he probably directs a hundred glances, a hundred anxious thoughts, to the com- munications in his rear, for one that he bestows upon his adversary's front." Now, the Sardinians at Ceva and Millesimo directly covered their communications with Turin. The Austrians at Ovada and Voltaggio covered their communications back through Pavia to their base on the Mincio. Beaulieu, being anxious ■about his communications, had therefore divided his forces ; and as they fell back along these diver- gent lines of communication, they of necessity became more and more separated. That it was an error to attempt, by separating these two armies, to cover directly their communications, is shown by the victor, Napoleon himself, in his criticism of the allies' position. He says : — " But the army under the orders of Colli, instead of moving upon Millesimo, should have supported itself upon Dego. It was an error to suppose that, in order to cover Turin, Colli must station himself directly upon the road to that city. The united armies at Dego would have covered Milan, because they would have been astride of the high road of Montferrat; they would have covered MONTENOTTE. 3 1 Turin, because they would have been near the road to that place. United, the two forces would have been superior to the French army ; separated, they were lost." Though the disposition of the forces of the Aus- trian commander-in-chief were faulty in so many particulars, it is interesting to note how very near he came to being successful. Had his centre, under Argcnteau, succeeded in the assaults of the earthworks in Savona pass, the Army of Italy, instead of the allies, would have been cut in two. By means of these works, a handful of men were enabled to repulse the furious assaults of many times their number, and thus give to Bonaparte time to make his dispositions for the destruction of Argenteau. Though these insignificant works played for a few hours an important part in the campaign, it is worthy of notice that the strong fortresses which were held by the allies, and which were on the direct line of Bonaparte's operations, did not stop his advance for a moment; even though, on account of having no siege artillery and only a few cannon of small calibre, he could not com- pletely invest them. He pushed forward past them to decide, if possible, their fate upon the open battle-field. *' It is upon the open field of battle," said Napoleon thirteen years afterwards, *' that the fate of fortresses and empires is decided." 32 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN: As soon as Beaulieu learned of the defeat of his centre, he turned back for fear of losing his own communications, and to avoid meeting single- handed Bonaparte's victorious army. Upon this point, Hamley comments as follows : — " Upon the defeat of Argenteau at Montenotte, Beau- lieu was compelled to pause. For though he was pre- pared to attack the French in front of him, yet it was on the assumption that Argenteau would co-operate by an attack on their flank and rear ; and this was only possible on condition that the French should be concentrating towards Voltri. Therefore, when Beaulieu found that they had retired from that point, he knew they must be either beyond the reach of Argenteau, by retreating west- ward beyond Savona, — in which case he would presently be apprised of it by the advance-guard of his colleague issuing from the pass, — or that they had concentrated for an attack, in which case he might, if he should advance, find himself single-handed in the presence of a victorious enemy, as would indeed have been the case. Therefore, as soon as he was certified of disaster to his colleague, he hastened to recover his communications, which he might else find to be endangered." Thus far I have said nothing about the French and Sardinian armies in the Alps, for the reason that they neutralized each other, and had no immediate effect upon the results. It will now be noticed, that, when Bonaparte was advancing upon Turin, both of the Sardinian armies were between MONTENOTTE. 33 him and Kellcrman, the commander of the French army in the Alps. The Sardinian general could, therefore, have left a small containing force ^ be- fore Kellcrman and have massed against Bona- parte, thus playing the same game against him that he had played against BeaulieUo Upon this point Hamley says: — " It was to guard against such a contingency that Bonaparte, on the 2 5lh, from Fossano pressed the com- mander of the right of Kellerman's army to issue from the Alps towards him. But it is to be observed, first, that, even when thus combined, the Sardinians would have been inferior to Bonaparte in numbers, having been only equal to his single army at the outset ; and, secondly, that the distance from Mont Cenis to Turin is so short that Kellerman, unless strongly opposed, might reach in a single march and enclose their armies while he seized their capital." The Sardinians fought hard. Before they treated for peace, they were defeated in several battles. This was due in a great measure to the plan of campaign which Bonaparte adopted. When he threw his forces against the Sardinians, they fell back after each battle upon their communications with Turin, rallied their scattered troops, and 1 *' Containing force. A body of troops charged with the dut}' of holding in check a body (generally numerically superior) of the enemy, while the main efforts of the army are directed against another portion of the hostile forces.'' — Wagner. 3 34 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. were ready in a short time to fight again. Had Bonaparte held the passes of the Apennines with small forces, issued with his principal army from the Bochetta pass with his front parallel to the Austrian communications, and attacked success- fully, he would in all probability have decided the campaign in a single battle ; for a defeat of the Austrian army, or of both armies combined, meant a loss of the Austrian communications, — in other words, meant ruin to the Austrian army. Had the Austrians alone been defeated, the Sardinians would hardly have been able, single-handed, to cope successfully with Bonaparte, and v/ould in all probability have treated for peace. Under cir- cumstances very similar to this supposititious case, Bonaparte, in the Marengo campaign, debouched from the St. Bernard pass, threw his army from the north upon these same Austrian communica- tions, and in one battle decided the fate of the whole Austrian army. But there were several reasons for not adopting this plan besides the one already given. First: Beaulieu was expecting an attack in force from Bonaparte's right, and was prepared for it. Second : The allies by extending their front had weakened and isolated their centre. Third : An attack by the right must necessarily cause a concentration of the allies, and this was the very thing that Bona- MONTE NOTTE. 35 parte wislicd to prevent. L^ourth: Besides these military reasons, there was also a political one, which appears in the instructions given to Bona- parte by the Directory, as follows : *' The Aiis- trians, as was shown in the last campaign, trouble themselves very little about the disaster of the allies, and, in moments of danger, far from seek- ing effectually to protect them, immediately sepa- rate from them and are concerned only to cover the country which belongs to themselves." This fact, taken in connection with the fact that the lines of communication of the two armies back to their bases of operation were divergent, was another strong reason for striking at the centre and separating the allies. Fifth: If Bonaparte really had any serious doubts as to which was the better plan of campaign, the offensive move- ment in force by Beaulieu upon Genoa and Voltri decided the question in favor of an attack upon the centre. Beaulieu's movement was a fatal one; by it he extended still more his front, separated himself more and more from Argenteau, and, by his fruitless march against an almost imaginary enemy, took from the field of action one third of his entire army. When Bonaparte saw this, he immediately took advantage of it, and struck with the rapidity of lightning. In four days he gained four victories. Before Beaulieu's return, 36 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Montenotte, Milleslmo, and the two battles of Dego had been fought and won. Operating upon interior Hnes from his central position, Bonaparte could concentrate his divis- ions much more rapidly than the enemy, who was operating upon exterior or double lines. Dur- ing these actions, with one division, sometimes two, as a containing force, he held back a portion of the allies, and then concentrated an overwhelm- ing mass upon their remaining forces at some decisive point. Though the allies outnumbered him, yet he invariably brought a superior force against them upon the battle-field. At Monte- notte, La Harpe and Massena had sixteen thou- sand, Argenteau only ten thousand ; at Millesimo, Massena and Augereau had nearly sixteen thou- sand, Provera several thousand less; at Dego, La Harpe and Massena engaged about six thousand Austrian soldiers, and the next day about six thousand more ; at Mondovi, Bonaparte had three divisions — Serrurier's, Augereau's, and Massena's — for an attack against the remnant of the Sar- dinian army, about eight thousand strong. So to manoeuvre as to divide the forces of the enemy and beat them in detail, so to manoeuvre as always to bring an overwhelming mass upon the. vital point of the enemy, so to manoeuvre with forty thousand soldiers against fifty thousand as to MON TENO TTE. 3 7 outnumber the enemy upon every battle-field, — this is generalship, this is strategy; it is more, it is victory. Victory is the aim of all strategy. This much of the campaign, Bonaparte's first, was very similar to the Waterloo campaign, his last. In the first, he was opposed by the Sardinians and Aus- trians ; in the last, by the English and the Prussians. In each case, the armies opposed to him had diver- gent lines of communication. In each case, he used his own army as an entering wedge to separate the allies ; and when, after defeating the Prussians, he detached a containing force to hold them in check while he massed his force against the English, he was repeating the manoeuvre that nineteen years before had made him victorious in the beginning of his matchless military career. CHAPTER II. LODI. T3EF0RE entering upon a detailed description of this part of the campaign, it will be well to describe in a few words the nature of the country in which the French and Austrians during the re- mainder of the year 1796 conducted their opera- tions ; and also to point out the sources from which both sides obtained supplies for their men and animals. Northern Italy was the theatre of war.^ Between the Tyrolese Alps, in the extreme northern part of Italy, and the Ligurian and Adriatic Seas, the country is fertile and the climate mild. The rivers Sesia, Ticino, Adda, Oglio, and Chiesa run south- eastward from the Alpine region of the north and join the Po, which, running eastward through most of its course, collects their waters into one body 1 *' The theatre of war comprises all the territory upon which the parties may assail each other, whether it belongs to them- selves, to their allies, or to weaker states who may be drawn into the war through fear or interest. . . . The theatre of war may thus be undefined, and must not be confounded with the theatre of operations of one or the other army." — Jomini. LODL 39 and pours thcni into the Gulf of Venice. The Mincio, which is the outlet of Lake Garda, flows south to the fortress of Mantua, at this time held by the Austrians, and then flows southeast into the Po. The Adige, which is deep and unford- able, flows south along the east side of Lake Garda till opposite the south end of the lake, and then southeast into the Gulf of Venice. Up- on the east bank of this river, at the point where the mountains end and the plains begin, is the fortified town of Verona; and on the same bank, thirty miles nearer the mouth, is the fortified town of Legnago. The Brenta rises in the Tyrol near Trent, and flows southeast, past the town of Bas- sano and near the town of Padua, into the Gulf of Venice. Along the line of the Alps are a number of lakes. The largest of these is Garda, wdiich is thirty miles long and tw^o to eight miles wide. Its northern end extends well into the mountains ; its southern end, into the plains of Italy. In this \vell-watered and fertile country, Bona- parte found supplies in abundance for his army. When he took command of the Army of Italy, his soldiers were suff"ering for the necessaries of life. Upon the barren rocks of the Apennines nothing would grow. The bread and wine necessary to hold body and soul together came mostly from 40 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. France. But as soon as his soldiers descended the mountains into the fertile plains of Italy they found plenty of food for themselves and plenty of forage for their animals. By levying contributions upon the invaded territory Bonaparte collected these supplies. Thus from the very start he made war support war. Money, clothing, food, forage, wine, — in fact all the supplies needed for his army ex- cept ammunition, which came from France, — were obtained from the invaded and conquered territory. With the money and supplies thus obtained, he established in Italy magazines and hospitals, which, with the fortresses he had already acquired, formed a secondary base of operations for the further prosecution of the war. The Austrians obtained their ammunition from Austria and their suppHes from Italy; but as soon as they were pushed back into the Alps, they were compelled to obtain the greater portion of their supplies also from Austria. The situations of the opposing forces were, therefore, in many respects similar. Behind the French army were the Apennines and French Alps ; behind the Austrian army were the Tyrol- ese and Swiss Alps. As each army advanced into the valley of the Po, supplies were obtained in abundance ; as each fell back into the mountains, suppHes were obtained with difficulty. These LODI. 41 facts should be kept in mind by the reader that he may understand thoroughly the succeeding movements. The Sardinians, having been defeated by Bona- parte, had, by the armistice of Cherasco, left him free to proceed against the Austrian arm}\ Bona- parte with about forty thousand soldiers was at Alessandria. Beaulieu with about thirty thousand was occupying Valeggio, and had in addition twelve thousand at Mantua. The French lines of communication extended from Alessandria, through the passes of the Alps and the Apennines, into France. The Austrian lines of communication extended through IMilan and Pavia, around the south end of Lake Garda, and thence along the high-road to Austria, which penetrates the Tyrol by the valley of the Upper Adige. Bonaparte, by causing to be inserted in the ar- mistice of Cherasco a stipulation that he should be allowed to cross the Po at Valenza, and by moving his troops towards that place, had led the Aus- trian commander to expect him there. But he did not intend to cross at that point On May 6th he took his cavalry, three thousand five hundred gren- adiers, and twenty-four pieces of cannon, as an advance-guard, and marched rapidly down the Po to Placentia. In thirty-six hours he marched forty 42 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. miles. His main army followed him in echelon by divisions. At Placentia he forced a crossing, but, having no pontoon train, he had to build a bridge for the passage of the main army, and on this account his divisions were considerably delayed. He advanced with what force he hdd, attacked the Austrians at Fom.bio, defeated them, and drove them before him. Expecting to find the Austrian main force between the Ticino and the Adda, he stationed one division on the Lower Adda to protect his right, and one at Pavia to protect his left, while with his main force he ascended the Adda towards Milan. Upon his arrival at Lodi, he found that Beaulieu, having crossed the Adda with his main army, had made good his escape ; but that he had left a force of twelve thousand at the bridge of Lodi to defend it. This force was the Austrian rear-guard. Bona- parte formed his grenadiers, ordered an attack, and, with Lannes and himself at the head of the attack- ing column, carried the bridge after a desperate fight and a great loss of life on both sides. The Austrians retreated behind the MIncio, and there halted in a strong position, with Lake Garda on their right and Mantua on their left. Bonaparte with his victorious columns then made a triumphal march into Milan, which he entered just one month and* three days after the battle of LODI. 43 Montenotte. But he did not remain there long. After investing the citadel of Milan, in which Beau- lieu had left a garrison of two thousand Austrians, Bonaparte hastened with his main army to the Mincio to drive the Austrians out of Italy. His purpose was to attack the Austrian centre at Bor- ghetto. In order to deceive the Austrians as to the real point of attack, he caused a demonstration to be made against Peschiera. Then, on May 29th, he hurled his cavalry under Murat upon Borghetto. He supported it with artillery and infantry. The French were victorious. They car- ried the bridge there, broke through the Austrian line, drove the Austrian army into the Tyrol, and separated this army from Mantua with its twelve thousand combatants. The first Austrian army was defeated. Bonaparte now marched to the Adige, took pos- session of Verona and Legnago, and on June 14th beean the investment of Mantua. COMMENTS. When Bonaparte crossed the Po at Placentia, he expected to throw his whole army upon the Austrian communications, to envelop their army, and compel its surrender; but, having no pontoon train, he was delayed at the crossing, and this 44 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, delay gave to Beaulieu the opportunity to make his escape. '* If I had had a good pontoon equipage," said Bonaparte, speaking of this passage of the Po, " the fate of the enemy's army had been sealed." And, judging from what in after years he accom- plished at Marengo and Ulm, where, by manoeu- vres similar to this, he threw his army upon his enemies' communications, we cannot avoid the belief that, had it not been for the delay, he would have here captured the entire Austrian army. If he had attempted to cross, or had crossed, the Po at Valenza, as he had purposely made the Aus- trians believe he would do, the two armies would have been facing each other with their lines of communication (and, in this case, their lines of retreat) perpendicular to their fronts. In this situ- ation, the advantages of victory and the disad- vantages of defeat would have been the same or nearly so to each of the two armies. Neither would have had the advantage in position, and in case of defeat either could have retreated with little or no danger of losing its communications. But it was to avoid this, and to give the advantage to the French, that Bonaparte made his flank movement. For this reason he placed his army on the north side of the Po with his front parallel to the Austrian communications. In this position, the Austrians, in order to give LODI. 45 battle; must form front to a ilank,^ and if defeated must lose their communications. On the other hand, the French if defeated could fall back across the To with little or no danger of losing their communications. In the march down the Po to gain this position upon the Austrian flank, the French army had of necessity to expose its own flank to the enemy. The river, however, in a measure protected the French from a flank attack ; but Bonaparte took further precautions : he marched rapidly, and re- quired his divisions to march in echelon with the leading division farthest from the river. By this means they supported one another, and, in case the leading division had been attacked in flank, the rear divisions could in turn have struck the Austrians in flank. When Bonaparte arrived before Lodi, Beaulieu had already crossed the Adda with his main army. The Austrian force at Lodi was simply Beaulieu's rear-guard, vvhich he had left there to protect his re- treat. For these reasons, Bonaparte's victory there had but little efl"ect upon the result of the cam- paign. From a strategical point of view, therefore, the battle at the bridge of Lodi was unimportant. Nevertheless, it gave to Bonaparte the opportunity 1 An ?iX\ri\' forms front to a flank when it operates on a front parallel to the line communicating with its base. 46 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. to show his soldiers that he himself was brave and fearless, and it covered Lannes with glory. Jomini, writing of this battle in his Life of Napo- leon, puts into Bonaparte's mouth these words : " " The occasion furnished an opportunity for stamping by some bold stroke the character of my individual actions, and I did not let it escape. The affair might be attended with the loss of a few hundred men ; but even should I be defeated, it could not have the least influence on the result of the campaign. . . . This was merely an affair of a rear-guard, but still it was a brilliant one." On April nth, Bonaparte made his first move- ment against the Sardinians and Austrians from the narrow strip of land between the Apennines and the sea. On May 29th, he crushed the Austrians at Borghetto, and drove them into the Tyrol. In less than two months, he had compelled th-e Sardinians to make peace, and had driven the Austrians out of Italy. Could he hold Italy? This was now the problem. CHAPTER III. LONATO AND CASTIGLTONE. A USTRIA became alarmed at Bonaparte's pro- ^ ^ grcss. She determined to make a great effort for the rehef of Mantua and for the recovery of Italy. The Austrian army in the Tyrol was increased to sixty thousand men. Marshal Wurm- ser, an old man, but a brave soldier, who had dis- tinguished himself in several Austrian campaigns, received the command of this army. Besides these sixty thousand there were twelve thousand Austrian soldiers shut up in Mantua. Bonaparte had altogether forty-five thousand soldiers. Serrurier's division, ten thousand strong, was besieging Mantua; Augereau with eight thou- sand was at Legnago ; Massena with fifteen thou- sand was at Verona and Rivoli; Sauret with four thousand was at Salo ; and in the rear of these divisions about eight thousand were in reserve. From Trent, where the Austrian army was assembled, three direct routes led to Bonaparte's position. One route was by the road from Trent to Riva, and thence along the west side of Lake Garda 48 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. to Brescia. This road, which passed through a mountainous country, was impassable for artillery. The other two routes were by the two roads from Roveredo down the Adige, — one to Rivoli by the right bank of the river, and the other to Verona by the left bank. These two roads were passable for artillery. Marshal Wurmser divided his forces into two armies : one, twenty-five thousand strong, com- manded by Quasdanovich, marched on the west side of Lake Garda; the other, thirty-five thou- sand strong, commanded by Wurmser himself, de- scended the Adige in two columns, one on each side of the river. His plan was to have these two columns make simultaneous attacks upon Rivoli and Verona, and, while these attacks were being made, he expected Quasdanovich to de- bouch by Salo on the French line of communi- cations. In this way Wurmser expected to envelop and capture the whole French army. Bonaparte, not being strong enough to take the offensive, had no plan. He was waiting for de- velopments. On July 30th he learned that the Austrians were advancing on both sides of the lake. He learned that Massena had been driven back from Rivoli, and that Sauret had been driven back from Salo. Already the Austrians were debouching on his rear; in a few hours at most LON'ATO AND CASTIGLIONE. 49 they would sever his communications. His situa- tion was critical and time was precious. He hastily called a council of war. All his generals except Augereau advised retreat; but nevertheless Bona- part decided to fight, and immediately formed his plan. It was to raise the siege of Mantua and to concentrate at once all his available force at the lower end of Lake Garda, where, from his central position, he could fall with almost his entire force on one and then on the other of the two Austrian armies. By this means he hoped to defeat them separately, and to prevent them from uniting on the Mincio. On the same day that the council of war was assembled, Bonaparte gave his orders to his divis- ion commanders. The next day, July 31st, was a day of concentration. Massena fell back across the Mincio. Augereau left Legnago and marched to join Massena. At the crossings of the Mincio, both division commanders left rear-guards to watch the march of the enemy. On the same day Ser- rurier raised the siege of Mantua, spiked his guns, burned his carriages, buried his projectiles, and began his march to join Massena and Auge- reau. Meanwhile, Wurmser, having united his two columns, was approaching the Mincio. On the afternoon of the same day, and on the next day, Bonaparte with Mass6na's and Augereau's 4 50 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, divisions attacked and worsted Quasdanovich at Lonato, Brescia, and Salo, without doing him a great amount of damage. On August 1st Bonaparte halted on the Chiesa. He had succeeded in placing Massena's and Augereau's divisions between Wurmser and Quas- danovich. He had forced back the latter into the mountains upon the west side of Lake Garda; and, having advanced to the Chiesa, he found that his communications with Milan were safe. In order still to maintain his central position, and to be ready to meet Wurmser, whom he Avas expecting from the direction of the Mincio, he turned back his columns and marched towards Lonato and Castiglione. During these maniDeuvres, Wurmser crossed the Mincio and directed one of his divis- ions on Lonato and one on Castiglione, but with the main part of his army continued his march on Mantua. Meanwhile, Quasdanovich, having seen the necessity of uniting with Wurmser, was ex- tending his left towards Lonato. On August 2d Bonaparte, having received a part of Serrurier's division, directed Massena upon Lonato, and Augereau upon Castiglione. On the same day, Wurmser arrived at Mantua, revictualled the garrison, and then marched out in the direc- tion of Castiglione to find Bonaparte. On August 3d Massena fought the battle of LONATO AND CASTIGL/ONE. 51 Lonato, and Augcrcau fought the battle of Cas- tighonc. After hard fighting both were victorious. Ouasdanovich was pursued and badly cut up. He retreated on Riva. Bonaparte, having disposed of Quasdanovich, now turned his attention to Wurmser, who was marching on CastigHone. On August 4th he ordered all his available force to concentrate at this place, and on August 5th he fought the sec- ond battle of Castiglione. Massena and Augereau attacked Wurmser in front, while Serrurier at- tacked his left flank. Wurmser was beaten and driven across the Mincio. Bonaparte followed up his victory, attacked again at Peschiera, and drove the Austrians into the Tyrol. TJie second Austrian army was defeated. The French divisions were again established on the Adige, and Mantua was again invested. In six days Bonaparte had cap- tured, killed, or wounded nearly twenty thousand Austrians, and lost but seven thousand French. In six days he had fought and won three pitched battles, had almost annihilated Wurmser's army, and had for the second time driven the Austrians out of Italy. COMMENTS. In this part of the campaign, sixty thousand Austrians were marching down upon Bonaparte, 52 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. and twelve thousand in Mantua were in his rear; yet with only forty-five thousand soldiers he suc- ceeded in winning every battle and in utterly rout- ing the Austrian forces. How did he accomplish this? It was not that the Austrians lacked cour- age ; for they are a brave people, and fought hard, even desperately. How, then, did he win such success? The answer is, that he won it by his marches, by his concentrations for battle, by util- izing every available French soldier, by bringing upon every battle-field a stronger force than his adversary, and by taking advantage of the errors made by the Austrian commander. In advancing upon the French on both sides of Lake Garda, Wurmser committed a great error. With Lake Garda separating his two armies, neither could support the other. This error allowed Bona- parte to place almost his entire force at the foot of the lake, where he could bring a superior force against either army. To separate the forces of his enemy at the beginning of a campaign was one of Bonaparte's first endeavors. It was one of his master strokes. In order to separate his enemy's forces, he had, at the beginning of his career in Italy, fought the battle of Montenotte, But in the case before us no battle was necessary to accom- plish this object. Wurmser, by separating his forces, did the very thing that Bonaparte wished LONATO AND CASTJGLIOISrE. 53 him to do. It is remarkable that Wurmser should have made this movement; for he certainly knew that Bonaparte's success in the Montcnotte cam- paign had been gained against the Austrians and Sardinians by overwhelming the centre of the allied armies, by separating them and keeping them sep- arated till, by concentrating a superior force against one and then the other, he had succeeded in defeating both. In advancing on the east side of Lake Garda in two columns separated by the river Adige, Wurmser committed another error. These two columns, by following the two roads down the Adige, one to Rivoli and the other to Verona, were, as they approached these places, separated by an unforda- ble river and by impassable mountains. But the French, who were occupying both places, had easy communication between them by the bridge over the Adige at Verona. Thus it is seen how a small containing force could have checked the advance of one column, while a concentration was being made against the other. Such a plan surely offered great chances of victory to Bonaparte. Other con- siderations, however, which will be discussed later, led him to adopt a different plan. In going to relieve Mantua before he had de- feated the French army, Wurmser made a third great error. While Bonaparte was hotly engaged 54 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, with Quasdanovich, Wurmser was making a fruit- less march into Mantua. Had he crossed the Mincio and connected with Quasdanovich a day or so before the battles of Lonato and Castiglione, and brought upon these battle-fields thirty thou- sand fresh troops, as he could easily have done, Bonaparte would probably have been defeated. Here, Wurmser had the opportunity of rectifying his errors; but, instead of doing so, he continued still to blunder on with that persistency in error that seemed to follow nearly all the Austrian com- manders throughout the campaign. It is, however, very easy to criticise Wurmser after the event ; but it was not so easy for him to see clearly at the time what to do. Being anxious to relieve Mantua, he needed but the opportunity. His soldiers there were in a critical condition and needed supplies. This fact undoubtedly made a strong impression on his mind. To the accomplish- ment of the relief of Mantua everything seemed favorable; for, when he reached Rivoli, Mas- sena retreated towards Milan; Augereau, too, marched towards Milan and crossed the Mincio ; and even Serrurier, after raising the siege of Man- tua, marched in the same direction. Knowing all this, Wurmser thought the French were retreating on Milan. He therefore concluded that he would revictual Mantua before starting in pursuit of Bona- LONATO AND CAS7IGLJ0NE. 55 parte. This conclusion was a very natural one ; still he should have known that Bonaparte would not yield Italy without a battle ; he should have known that the victor of Montenottc, of Dego, of Mondovi, of Millesimo, and of Lodi would not seek safety in retreat without at least making one great effort to hold what he had conquered. Napoleon has passed judgment upon this part of the campaign as follows : — " Wurmser's plan was defective ; his three corps were separated by two large rivers (the Adige and the Mincio), several mountain chains, and Lake Garda. He ought either to have debouched with all his forces between Lake Garda and the Adige, or to have advanced with his united army by the Chiesa upon Brescia. In the execution of his plan, he committed an error which cost him dear : he wasted two days in marching to Mantua. He should, on the contrary, have thrown two bridges over the Mincio at Peschiera, hastily crossed this river, joined his right at Lonato, Desenzano, and Sale, and thus, by rapidly uniting his divided forces, have repaired the defects of his plan." While Wurmser was marching and counter- marching with half of his command to no purpose, Bonaparte was taking advantage of every moment of time, and using every one of his available men. At no time does Wurmser bring half of his force upon the battle-field, while on August 3d and on August 5th Bonaparte concentrates there nearly 56 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. the whole of his army. By a superiority of force tip oil the battle-fields i he won these victories. The energy that he infused into this part of the cam- paign is something wonderful. On July 30th he learned that the French were being driven back on both sides of Lake Garda. On the same day he called a council of war and then issued his orders. In the next twenty-four hours he concentrated for battle, drove back the Austrians from Desenzano and Salo, and recovered his communications. For six days he was fighting almost constantly. With the rapidity of lightning he struck blow after blow. Though he had but a handful of men, his grena- diers seemed to be everywhere. They were always in the right place at the right time. They marched by night and fought by day. He himself was everywhere, tireless and indomitable. " In a few days," says Thiers, "■ he had killed five horses ; he would not intrust any one with the execution of his orders ; he was determined to see everything, to verify everything, to animate all by his presence." In order to understand this Lonato-Castiglione part of the campaign from a strategical point of view, let us notice the positions of all the forces on July 29th, the day before Bonaparte decided to concentrate. The Austrian right wing, twenty-five thousand strong, was before Salo ; the Austrian centre, LONATO AND CASTIGLIONE. 57 eighteen thousand strong, before Rivoli ; the Aus- trian loft wing, seventeen thousand strong, before Verona ; and twelve thousand were at Mantua. The French left wing, four thousand strong, commanded by Sauret, was at Salo ; their centre, fifteen thousand strong, commanded by Massena, was at Verona and Rivoli; their right, eight thou- sand strong, commanded by Augereau, was at Legnago ; about eight thousand were in reserve ; and Serrurier had ten thousand before Mantua. The time had arrived when Bonaparte had either to retreat or to fight. He decided to fight. He could adopt any one of the following plans : he could fall back with all his forces and cover Man- tua; or he could concentrate against the Austrian left wing at Verona, or against the Austrian centre at Rivoli, or against the Austrian right at Lonato. Let us examine each one of these plans in the order named, that we may see which one would probably have procured him the greatest advantages. First : Had he fallen back from his position on the Adige to cover Mantua, he could not have taken advantage of the errors that Wurmser had made in separating his columns by impassable obstacles ; for as soon as the Austrian armies in their advance had passed Verona, Rivoli, and Lake Garda, there would have been no further obstacles to prevent their uniting against Bona- 58 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. parte. In this case he would have had the whole Austrian army in his front, and twelve thousand in his rear. As ten thousand of his own soldiers were necessary to hold Mantua, he would have had but thirty-five thousand Frenchmen with whom to oppose sixty thousand Austrians. Second : Had he made his principal attack at Verona, he would have concentrated near that place and would have crossed the Adige with the greater part of his forces. Undoubtedly he would have been victorious against the Austrian left ; but as he had only sufficient force to act offensively against one column at a time, the Austrian right and centre, consisting of forty-three thousand sol- diers, and the garrison at Mantua, consisting of twelve thousand, could meanwhile have united upon his rear. Such a movement would have cut off his retreat on Milan, and would have led, in all probability, to the annihilation of his army. Third : There are several strong reasons why the concentrated attack upon the Austrians should have been made at Rivoli. The French army could have been united near there just as easily as at Mantua, Verona, or Lonato. A concentrated attack there would have hopelessly separated the other two Austrian columns. As Verona was a fortified town, a small force could have easily held the place for a few days, which would have given LONATO AND CASTIGLIONE. 59 sufficient time for a concentration and attack at Rivoli. And, besides, as a battle-field Rivoli offered many advantages to Bonaparte. It was here that, a few months afterwards, he fought and won, with inferior forces, a great battle, — one of the greatest tactical battles mentioned in history. Let us suppose that Bonaparte had chosen to attack the Austrians at Rivoli, and had issued orders as follows : the reserve to march on Rivoli ; Augereau to leave two thousand soldiers at Leg- nago and to ascend the south bank of the Adige towards Rivoli ; Massena to withdraw all his force from Verona, except four thousand to hold the town, and to march to Rivoli ; Serrurier to raise the siege of Mantua, to guard the crossings of the Mincio with part of his division, and with the other part to fall back on Peschiera ; Sauret to fall back on Peschiera, to remain there till relieved by Serrurier, and then to join Bonaparte at Rivoli. In twenty-four hours Bonaparte could in this way have concentrated twenty-nine thousand soldiers with whom to attack the Austrian centre, eighteen thousand strong. Then, by transferring this army to Verona, he could have had the same superiority of numbers there. In three or four days he could have disposed of both the Austrian centre and left. Meanwhile, Quasdanovich would have marched to Mantua, or would have attempted to force the 60 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. crossings of the Mincio in Serrurier's front. In either case Bonaparte would have had Sauret's, Massena's, Augereau's, and Serrurier's divisions (probably thirty-five thousand after deducting the cavalry sent in pursuit of the Austrian left and centre) with which to attack Quasdanovich. This plan offered to Bonaparte greater advantages than any of the others. In this way, and in this way alone, could he fight each Austrian column sepa- rately, and prevent the junction of the other two columns while he was engaged with the third. Fourth : By concentrating against the Austrian right, he allowed the Austrian centre and left to unite ; and, as we have seen, had Wurmser taken advantage of the opportunity offered he could have united his forces to those of Quasdanovich before Lonato. Why then did Bonaparte choose to con- centrate and attack here instead of at Rivoli, where the advantages for securing victory would have been so much greater? The answer is, that he looked not so much to the advantages for securing victory as to the results of defeat. Other things being equal, he would naturally wish to attack first the army that was most endangering his com- munications. But the principal reason for this choice of attack was his anxiety to preserve his line of retreat on Milan in case he were defeated. Had he attacked at Rivoli and been defeated, LONATO AND CASTIGLIONE. 6 1 nothing could have saved him ; for he would then have had a victorious army in his front and twenty-five thousand on his rear. On the other hand, had he been defeated by Quasdanovich, he could have fallen back on Milan. The results of defeat were more important to him than the advantages for securing victory. Notwithstanding the fact that he seemed always to take great chances in his military career, seemed often to stake everything on the fate of a single battle, seemed almost to burn his bridges behind him so certain was he of success in action, yet a careful analysis of his campaigns shows that no great military commander has ever looked with more anxiety to his lines of retreat than this great master of the art of war. At Marengo, where he seemed to stake his fate upon a single battle, and where defeat apparently meant ruin, he had care- fully arranged a line of retreat by the St. Gothard. At Austerlitz, where he allowed the enemy to envelop his right and cut off his retreat on Vienna, and where he was so certain of success that he issued a proclamation in advance explaining the manoeuvre by which victory would be obtained, yet even here he had provided for a retreat into Bohemia in case of defeat. The Austrians are a brave people ; they fought well in this campaign, but courage availed them 62 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. nothing; they had a superiority of numbers, but numbers availed them nothing ; they tried a new commander, confided in the genius of one of their oldest and most trusted soldiers, but his genius availed them nothing. Everywhere they were defeated and routed ; were for the second time driven out of Italy ; were in six days hurled back to the mountains from which they had issued. And by whom ? By a boy of twenty-six ; by one who seemed to violate all their known rules of war, and yet, in spite of this, met with success in every movement. Such genius must have seemed strange to them. It must have seemed strange to their old white-haired marshal, who had won his spurs in many a hard-fought and victorious cam- paign. It was strange; it seems strange to us, even when we know that this boy of twenty-six was one of the greatest masters of the art of war that the world has ever known. It will seem stranger still, when we learn how in the next few months he hurled back, routed, and destroyed three more large Austrian armies. CHAPTER IV. BASSANO AND SAN GEORGIO. A GAIN the Austrains were re-enforced. Again ^ ^ they attempted to reheve Mantua and to drive the French from Italy. With that fatal per- sistency in error that Wurmser had exhibited in the previous campaign, he divided his forces ; leaving Davidovich with twenty thousand men separated into several detachments in the Tyrol, while with the remainder of his army, twenty-six thousand strong, he was preparing to descend the valley of the Brenta. The two roads that led from the Tyrol, one to Rivoli by the right bank of the Adige, and the other to Verona by its left bank, we have already described. From Trent a third road led into the valley of the Brenta, thence followed the river's course as far as Bassano, and then, leaving the river, passed through Vicenza into the valley of the Adige at Verona. On this last road Wurmser was advancing with his army. His plan was to cross the Adige if possible between Verona and Legnago, and relieve 64 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, Mantua ; or in case the French advanced into the Tyrol, to fall upon their rear, cut off their retreat, and, while Davidovich was attacking them in front, to pen them up in the narrow gorges of the Adige and compel their surrender. Having received a re-enforcement of several thousand, Bonaparte had altogether about forty- two thousand soldiers. He thought himself strong enough to make an offensive movement. His plan was to penetrate the Tyrol, drive back the Austrians, and effect a junction with the Army of the Rhine, which was then engaged in fighting another Austrian army along the upper course of the Danube. He left three thousand soldiers in Verona, where the fortifications would enable them to hold out for at least two days against greatly superior numbers. He left eight thousand before Mantua. He directed Vaubois, who was at Salo with his division, to march by Riva upon Roveredo ; and, with Massena's and Augereau's divisions, he himself ascended the Adige. Early in September he united these three divisions, numbering about thirty thousand, near Roveredo, attacked Davidovich, defeated him at Roveredo and Caliano, drove him into the Tyrol, and gained possession of Trent. Trent was an important point, in that it opened to the French the valley of the Brenta and allowed them to debouch BA^SANO AND SAX CEORGIO. 65 directly upon Wurmser's rear. Until Bonaparte reached this point, he was not aware of Wurmser's departure down the 15renta. He therefore unex- pectedly found himself in a favorable position. The Austrian right wing had been overthrown, the left isolated and turned, and he was on its line of retreat. With thirty thousand soldiers he was directly between Davidovich and Wurmser, and the former had already been defeated. It was a splendid opportunity for a soldier of Bonaparte's genius. He at once renounced his original plan of uniting with the Army of the Rhine, and decided to march rapidly down the Brenta, in order to overtake and crush Wurmser before he should reach Mantua. Accordingly, Bonaparte left Vaubois in the Tyrol to hold back Davidovich, while with Massena's and Augereau's divisions he hurried forward to overtake the Austrians. Marching fifty miles in two days, he came up with them at Bassano. At Bonaparte's appearance, Wurmser knew not which way to turn. He had expected to find the French in his front ; he found them in his rear. He had expected to destroy their communications ; he found himself trembling for the safety of his own. He was in a critical situation. Furthermore, one of his divis- ions had been directed upon Verona a day or so before, and could not be recalled in time to take S 66 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN: part in a battle. This gave to the French a numerical superiority and greatly increased Bona- parte's chances of victory. Wurmser, however, could not escape ; he had either to surrender or fight, and like a brave man he decided to accept battle. He was defeated. Quasdanovich's divis- ion was nearly cut to pieces, and several thousand Austrians were captured. By this battle, known as Bassano, the Austrian forces were separated : Quasdanovich with the remnants of his division retired into the mountainous district of Friuli, while Wurmser himself with the remainder of his army, numbering about twelve thousand, marched for Mantua by way of Legnago. At Legnago he rested his troops one day, and left a garrison of two thousand soldiers to hold the place. These twelve thousand Bonaparte tried hard to capture. He ordered Massena to cross the Adige at Ronco, and Augereau to march by way of Padua and Legnago. At the same time he sent orders to Sahuguet, who was commanding Serrurier's di- vision, to destroy all the bridges and prevent the Austrians from reaching Mantua. Bonaparte's measures seemed to be well taken. Wurmser's •delay of one day at Legnago should have been fatal to him. But Massena, on account of having no pontoon train, was delayed in crossing the Adige ; and Sahuguet, who had failed to destroy BASSANO AND SAN GEORGIO. 6/ all the bridges, allowed Wurmser with ten thou- sand Austrians to slip through into Mantua. Meanwhile, Massena and Augereau had closed in on Legnago, and captured the garrison of two thousand Austrians left at that place. This hav- ing been accomplished, Bonaparte united his three divisions and advanced to meet Wurmser, who, having united his forces to the garrison at Mantua, had marched out of the works to San Georgio to meet Bonaparte. Bonaparte attacked Wurmser, defeated him in the battle of San Georgio, and drove him within the walls of Mantua. The advance movements on both sides had begun simultaneously early in September. On the 13th, the commander-in-chief of the Austrian forces, with nearly one fourth of his army, was shut up in the fortress of Mantua. In less than two weeks the third Austrian army was defeated. It had lost in killed, wounded, and prisoners more than fifteen thousand soldiers; the French, about eight thousand. At the beginning of this part of the campaign, Wurmser, with his army of forty- six thousand men, had hoped to drive the French from Italy, and to raise the siege of Mantua. At the end, his army was scattered, routed, almost annihilated. Part was in the Tyrol, part in Friuli ; ten thousand were shut up in Mantua, and fifteen thousand had been, killed, wounded, or captured. 6S BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. COMMENTS. At the outset, the situation was as follows. The Austrians had forty-six thousand soldiers in the Tyrol and ten thousand in Mantua. Wurmser was free to move with these forty-six thousand against the French upon any of the roads leading from the Tyrol to the Po. The French had forty-two thousand, composed of four divisions: one before Mantua, two at Rivoli and Verona, and one at Salo. One of these divisions it was necessary to keep before Mantua, in order to maintain the siege there. Bonaparte, therefore, had but three divisions with which to manoeuvre and fight. And, even with these three divisions, he was not free to move against the Austrians in every direction; for he had to ma- noeuvre in such a way as always to protect the division at Mantua, and prevent it from being iso- lated and overwhelmed by superior numbers. The fact that Bonaparte was tied to Mantua, while Wurmser was free to move upon any point, and the additional fact that Bonaparte had but thirty-four thousand soldiers with whom to engage forty-six thousand, gave to Wurmser a great ad- vantage. These numbers are given on the suppo- sition that the forces about Mantua neutralized BASSAXO AND SAN GEORGIO. 69 each other. If \vc take them into consideration, we have forty-two thousand French opposed to fifty-six thousand Austrians. In other words, a ratio of 3 to 4 in favor of the latter; but in the Lonato-CastigHone part of the campaign the ratio had been 5 to 8 in favor of the Austrians. The inequahty in this part of the campaign was so much less that Bonaparte felt strong enough to take the offensive. He beheved in the offensive. • To win victories, as he had thus far always done, | by bringing a superior force upon the battle-field, / the offensive is more favorable than the defensive. \ On the offensive, a general can follow his own j plan ; on the defensive, he must conform to that I of his adversary. On the offensive, the parts of an army can be concentrated, and the enemy may be surprised and defeated before he can unite the necessary force to repel an attack; on the defen- sive, the parts of an army must be kept separate, in order to guard all the threatened points till the enemy's point of attack is developed. The Aus- trian commander also believed in the offensive, but there was one great difTerence between Bonaparte and Wurmser. Bonaparte believed in it as a means to an end, as a means of uniting his scat- tered army; but Wurmser left this point entirely out of the problem. Bonaparte united his forces as he advanced to attack; Wurmser separated his 70 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN; forces the moment he commenced an offensive movement. Bonaparte, with his forces at the base of a triangle, moved towards the apex and there won his victory; Wurmser at the apex, moved towards the base and there met defeat. Bona- parte, beginning active operations with divided forces, united them, and step by step gained more and more momentum, till at last he overcame all opposition and was victorious everywhere ; Wurm- ser, beginning active operations with united forces, separated them, and step by step became weaker and weaker, till at last he found himself a prisoner, his army defeated, scattered, and routed. Though at the outset the advantages were greatly in Wurm- ser's iavor, yet this part of the campaign, from the beginning to the end, was one continual triumph for Bonaparte. He united his three divisions at the head of Lake Garda, outnumbered Davidovich and defeated him at Roveredo and Caliano ; then like a thunderbolt fell upon Wurmser's rear at Bassano, outnumbered him, broke his army in two, and hurled a part of it back into the mountains of Friuli; then again, without a pause, he rushed upon the remnant of the Austrian army, pursued it, concentrated, and outnumbered his adversary for the fourth time, defeated him at San Georgio, and drove him within the walls of Mantua. If we glance at the positions of the opposing BASSAA^O AND SAN GEORGIO. 7 1 forces ill this and the preceding part of the cam- paign, we shall find that the French were scattered before the commencement of active operations and united at the close ; that the Austrians were united before the commencement and scattered at the close. At the end of each victorious campaign, Bonaparte scattered his forces to collect his sup- plies, hold his line, protect his communications, and intimidate his adversary. Genius in the art of war cojisists in knowing when to scatter yonr forces and when to unite them. This maxim Napoleon carried to a perfection never equalled. It had been necessary for Bonaparte to station Vaubois's division at Salo, in order to prevent the Austrians from advancing upon the French com- munications by the road on the west side of Lake Garda. Though the lake intervened between this division and the other two at Rivoli and Verona, yet in twenty-four hours Vaubois could have joined Bonaparte at Rivoli by the road around the south end of the lake. Though Bona- parte had but these three divisions with which to manoeuvre and fight, and though at the outset he was necessarily weakened by the separation of Vaubois's division from the other two, nevertheless he was determined to take the offensive. At the earliest opportunity, he desired to unite all three divisions at Roveredo. In only two ways could 72 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGNS this be done : Vaubois could either march around the south end of the lake by way of Peschiera, or march around the north end by way of Riva. Had the first plan been adopted, the French com- munications in the vicinity of Brescia would have been left unguarded. Furthermore, the distance to Roveredo by this route was nearly three times as far as the other. Bonaparte, therefore, ordered Vaubois to march directly upon Roveredo by way of Riva. Though this plan of concentration, on the whole, perhaps involved less risk to Bonaparte than the other, yet the chances of victory offered to Wurmser at this time are worthy of notice. He was in the Tyrol with forty-six thousand sol- diers. Had he proceeded to the upper end of Lake Garda, there detached a containing force often thousand to hold Vaubois in check, and then fallen with the remainder of his army upon Mas- sena and Augereau, the chances of victory would have been greatly in his favor. He would have had not only superior numbers, but also the advan- tage of position. In this way, he would have sep- arated Bonaparte's forces, and would have placed his own army in a central position, from which he could have acted advantageously against the French upon either side of the lake. By such a manoeuvre he would have played the same game against the French that Bonaparte, in the previous part of BASSANO AND SAJV GEORGIO. 73 the campaign, had played against the Austrians. Here was offered to Wurmser a great opportunity : the opportunity of attacking with superior numbers an army which was separated into two parts by an impassable obstacle. Had Wurmser even kept his army united till after the concentration of the French at Roveredo, he would have had forty-six thousand Austrians with whom to oppose thirty thousand French. The chances of victory would still have been greatly in his favor. But at the very outset he began to separate his forces. He repeated the errors that had before caused his own defeat, and also that of his predecessor. Experience taught him nothing. Brave, fearless, and stubborn, he continued to blunder on, neither able to see his own past errors, nor able to comprehend the stra- tegical combinations of his brilliant adversary. After Bonaparte had defeated the Austrian right and gained Trent, he was between the two Aus- trian armies with his three divisions. To march aeainst the Austrian left w^ith all this force would have been a hazardous move; for the Austrian ridit could then have taken Trent and cut off his retreat, which would have enclosed him betw^een the two Austrian armies, where, if defeated, his army would have been captured or annihilated. Bonaparte, therefore, left one division in the Tyrol 74 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. to hold the Austrians there in check, and to pro- tect his Hne of retreat; and with the other two divisions he marched against Wurmser. This movement, too, was in one sense a hazardous one ; for Bonaparte knew that he might meet superior numbers. He had but twenty thousand ; Wurm- ser, twenty-six thousand. To overcome this ad- vantage, Bonaparte trusted to his own skill on the battle-field, and to the feeling of his soldiers that they had been victorious so often that they could not be defeated. If, however, he should be de- feated, he could fall back, unite with Vaubois, and still present a formidable front. Fortunately for him, when he struck the Austrians at Bassano, one division of Wurmser's army had been detached against Verona ; and though it was recalled, it did not return in time to participate in the battle. It might seem that, while the French were in the valley of the Brenta directly on Wurmser's communications, he could have neutralized this advantage by rapidly marching to Rivoli, where he would have been directly on Bonaparte's com- munications ; but Verona barred the way. This place was occupied by three thousand soldiers, who could easily have held out against superior numbers for two or three days ; that is, until Bona- parte would have been upon Wurmser's rear. But even if Verona had not been occupied by the BASS A NO AND SAN GEORGIO. 75 French, Wurmscr would not, in all probability, have attempted this movement upon the French communications. In accordance with a maxim of war which has been proved by experience, he v/ould have abandoned any intended attack upon his adversary's communications, in order to fight for the recovery of his own. This maxim is stated by Hamley as follows: "When two armies are manoeuvring against each other's communications, that army whose communications are most easily threatened will abandon the initiative and conform to the movements of its adversary." And he adds further these words: '' The importance of this fact [meaning the maxim just quoted] is immense; for the commander who finds himself on his enemy's rear, while his own is still beyond his adversary's reach, may cast aside all anxiety for his own com- munications, and call up every detachment to the decisive point, certain that the enemy will abandon his own designs in order, if possible, to retrieve his position." Wurmser's delay of one day at Legnago should have been fatal to him, and it would have been if Massdna had not been delayed in crossing the Adige at Ronco. Here, as at Placentia, Bonaparte's want of a pontoon train saved an Austrian army. Thus far in his military career, Bonaparte was remarkably successful. Part of this success was "J^ BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. due to his own genius, and part to his adversary's errors. Circumstances, moreover, over which he had no control, seemed to favor him. Well aware that the goddess of fortune smiled on his undertakings, he often spoke of his *' lucky star." We see instances of his good fortune in the move- ments just described. It was fortunate that he was not attacked before he had united his divisions at Roveredo ; it was fortunate that he was not attacked by the whole Austrian army after he had united them there; it was still more fortunate that Wurmser's army was divided, and that an Aus- trian division was absent from the battle of Bas- sano. Thus far, fortune had favored him ; but in his next struggle it was to be against him. At Arcole we shall see him driven back and almost overwhelmed by numbers ; we shall see his sol- diers discouraged, and his generals without hope ; we shall see the very elements themselves united for his destruction: but amidst the turmoil and the strife we shall see him, by the force of his genius, still unconquerable, still victorious. CHAPTER V. ARCOLE. TIJ^OR the fourth time the Austrian government ■^ deterniined to make an effort for the posses- sion of Italy. The outlook was favorable to the Austrians. Two French armies along the Upper Danube had met with reverses, and had been driven back. Epidemic fevers among the French troops about Mantua were rapidly diminishing their numbers, and Bonaparte, who now greatly felt the need of more soldiers, was asking in vain for re-enforcements. By the middle of October, the Austrian forces outside of Mantua were increased to fifty thousand men. Davidovich with twenty thousand was in the Tyrol, and Quasdanovich with thirty thou- sand was in Friuli. General Alvinzi, who had succeeded Wurmser as commander-in-chief, was with Quasdanovich. Wurmser with twenty thou- sand Austrians was shut up in Mantua. To oppose these forces, Bonaparte had barely forty thousand men, situated as follows : Kilmaine with eight thousand was besieging Mantua ; Mas- 78 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, sena with ten thousand was at Bassano; Auge- reau with nine thousand, at Verona; and Vaubois with ten thousand, on the Lavis, near Trent. The French had also two or three thousand cavalry in reserve. Alvinzi and Bonaparte had each a plan of cam- paign. Alvinzi's plan was that Davidovich should attack Vaubois on the Lavis, while Quasdanovich attacked Massena at or near Bassano. By reason of his superior numbers, Alvinzi calculated that the French would be defeated ; and that Davido- vich and Quasdanovich could advance, the former down the Adige to Verona, and the latter along the road from Bassano to Verona. From Verona, with his forces united, Alvinzi purposed to advance to the relief of Mantua. Bonaparte's plan was to repeat from right to left against Alvinzi the same manoeuvre that he had made from left to right against Wurmser in the preceding part of the campaign. In other words, while Vaubois was holding Davidovich in check, Bonaparte intended to attack Alvinzi in force at or near Bassano and defeat him if pos- sible ; then to ascend the Brenta and unite with Vaubois for a combined attack against Davidovich. Early in November Davidovich advanced from his base of operations in the Tyrol to attack Vaubois at Trent, and at the same time Alvinzi ARCOLE. 79 advanced from his base of operations in Friuli to attack Massena at Bassano. Vaubois was driven back towards Corona and Rivoli, and Massena retreated towards Verona. By reason of these manoeuvres, Alvinzi could now communicate with Davidovich by the valley of the Brenta along the direct road between Bassano and Trent. By means of this road, he could quickly re-enforce Davidovich's army by a detachment from his own. He did not, however, take advantage of this opportunity; but continued to act separately against the French with his two armies. Bonaparte, having directed Vaubois to prevent the further advance of Davidovich, advanced with Massena's and Augereau's divisions to meet Al- vinzi on the Brenta. He attacked and obtained a partial success, and intended to renew the attack the next day; but, just at this time learning that Vaubois was closely pressed, he renounced his plan and fell back on Verona. Meanwhile, Vau- bois, having lost a third of his force in killed, wounded, and prisoners, was driven back to Co- rona. Bonaparte himself hastened there, and harangued Vaubois's troops for the purpose of stimulating their courage. Then he hurriedly returned to Verona. Meanwhile, Alvinzi had advanced on the Bas- sano-Verona road as far as Caldiero, where he had 80 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. taken up a strong position. Again Bonaparte with Massena's and Augereau's divisions advanced to attack him. The attack was vigorous ; but the enemy's strong position, his superior numbers, the muddy roads, and a severe wind and hail storm in the face of the French soldiers during the attack, were disadvantages that Bonaparte could not over- come. He was repulsed with loss. He was now in a critical condition. The two Austrian armies were closing in upon him ; already their plan of campaign seemed about to be real- ized, already their cannon could be heard at Verona. It seemed almost impossible to hold Mantua, and at the same time to prevent the junc- tion of the two Austrian armies. If they united, they could relieve Mantua in spite of anything Bonaparte could do. To save his army, retreat seemed almost a necessity. He had been severely repulsed ; his force was too weak ; his generals were losing hope ; his men were murmuring and complaining; even the elements themselves, which had so often been favorable to his undertakings, now seemed to be united for his destruction. In this critical condition he wrote to his govern- ment as follows : — " All our superior officers, all our best generals, are hors de combat. The Army of Italy, reduced to a handful of men, is exhausted. The heroes of Millesimo, of Lodi, of A R COLE. 8 1 Castiglione, of Bassano, have died for their country, or are in the hospital. Nothing is left to the corps but their reputation and their pride. Joubert, Lannes, Lamare, Victor, Murat, Chariot, Depuis, Rampon, Pigeon, Menard, Chabrand, are wounded. We are abandoned at the ex- tremity of Italy. The brave men who are left me have no prospect but inevitable death, amidst chances so contin- ual and with forces so inferior. Perhaps the hour of the brave Augereau, of the intrepid Massena, is near at hand. If I had received the 83d, numbering three thousand five hundred men known to the army, I would have answered for the result. Perhaps in a few days forty thousand may not be enough." Though he complained thus bitterly to his government, he affected in the presence of his soldiers the utmost assurance. He encouraged them. He told them that one m.ore effort must be made. He told them that they must not, could not, be beaten. " From the smiling, flowery biv- ouacs of Italy," said he, ''you cannot return to the Alpine snows." Rather than yield an inch he decided to risk everything. He resolved to throw his army on Alvinzi's flank and rear. This was a hazardous move ; but it was the only hope left, and if success- ful it v/ould show that he could conquer with numbers and even fortune against him. Alvinzi, who was advancing on the road to Verona, had this fortified city in his front. On 6 82 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. his right were impassable mountains. On his left was the river Adige, deep and unfordable. Directly to his rear was the defile of Villa Nova, which he had already passed, and which was the only outlet by which he could retire. To his left and rear was the river Alpon, which rises near Villa Nova and flows south into the Adige. On the left bank of the Alpon, about three miles from its mouth, is the village of Arcole, from which this battle takes its name. The ground between the Adige and the Alpon was marshy. Two causeways crossed the marsh: one, leaving the Adige at Ronco, led to Porcil ; the other, leaving Ronco, led to the bridge of Arcole. Before proceeding to execute his plan, Bona- parte ordered Kilmaine to withdraw from Mantua with two thousand soldiers, to take command at Verona, and to hold it to the last. Then, on November the 14th, Bonaparte, with Massena's and Augereau's divisions and the reserve of cavalry, in all about twenty thousand soldiers, marched out of Verona by its west gate, descended the Adige, and threw a bridge across the river at Ronco opposite the defile of Villa Nova. On the 15th he crossed the river and began the celebrated battle of Arcole. Massena advanced upon the causeway towards Porcil, and Augereau upon the one towards Arcole. The attacks were vigorously A R COLE. 83 made and vigorously repulsed. Bonaparte had his eye on Villa Nova. As it was the only out- let for Alvinzi's army he was anxious to gain possession of it. By so doing he would enclose Alvinzi's army, and might be able to destroy it But before he could gain the defile, it was neces- sary to carry the bridge at Arcole. He therefore redoubled his efforts ; he urged forward his troops again and again, — even placed himself at their head, where he nearly lost his life by being thrown from the causeway into the marsh. But his efforts were ineffectual; his soldiers were repulsed; the Austrians held the bridge. At night he crossed back with his army to the right bank of the Adige. Meanwhile, Alvinzi, who had already begun to fear that his retreat might be cut off, was with- drawing his army through Villa Nova. Bonaparte saw this movement, he saw the hope of great results slipping from his grasp. Still he was not discouraged ; he could still act advantageously upon Alvinzi's flank. Alvinzi re-enforced his troops at Arcole, and near there, on the left bank of the Alpon, drew up his main army ready for battle. On the i6th Bonaparte again crossed the Adige and attacked Alvinzi along the causeway leading to Arcole. He was again repulsed. At night he again recrossed 84 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. to the right bank of the river. Here he learned that Vaubois had been driven from RivoH, but was retiring slowly and in good order. He realized that he must now retreat, or at once force back Alvinzi. On the 17th he crossed the Adige for the third time, and after vigorous fighting succeeded, with a part of his force, in driving back the Austrians who had advanced beyond Arcole. With the other part, he crossed the Alpon near its mouth and took Arcole in reverse. This was the critical period ; the Austrians were taken by surprise, and gave way. Then Bonaparte debouched upon the open plain with all his force, and drove them back towards Bassano. After having fought for three days more desperately than he had ever fought before, he was again victorious. Bonaparte had expected to follow Alvinzi ; but, learning that Vaubois was hard pressed, he sent the French cavalry to pursue Alvinzi, and with Massena's and Augereau's divisions' hastened through Verona to re-enforce Vaubois. He entered the city by the east gate three days after having left it by the west gate. Massena and Augereau joined Vaubois, and together they drove Davidovich into the Tyrol. Meanwhile, Alvinzi, who had found out that he was pursued by cavalry only, was again advancing ARCOLE. 85 towards Verona; but learning that Davidovich had been defeated, he faced about his columns and retired behind the Brenta. Alvinzi was beaten at all points. The fighting on both sides had been desperate, the loss heavy. In prisoners, killed, and wounded the Austrians had lost about thirteen thousand ; the French, about the same number. During the three days of fighting at Arcole, Wurmser remained quiet at Mantua. Alvinzi did not expect to arrive before the place till Novem- ber 23d, and had asked Wurmser not to make a sortie till then. Before that time, Kilmaine was again besieging Mantua; before that time this part of the campaign was ended, and the fourth Austrian army defeated. COMMENTS. At the outset, the Austrians had thirty thousand soldiers in Friuli, twenty thousand in the Tyrol, and twenty thousand shut up in Mantua. If on our map we connect by three straight lines the three Austrian armies, we shall find that Bonaparte had, within the triangle thus formed, all the divisions of his army. Massena was at Bassano ; Augereau, at Verona; Kilmaine, before Mantua; and Vaubois, at Trent. The French, thus centrally situated, 86 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. could concentrate more rapidly than the Austrians. At the outset, therefore, they had the advantage of interior Hnes. But during the campaign this advantage did not always remain with the French. In fact, as we proceed, we see that, owing to pe- culiarities in the topography of the country, the advantage of interior lines changed several times from one side to the other. Communication between Bassano and Trent by the direct road along the Brenta was of course much more speedy than by the circuitous route through Verona. The country enclosed by these two roads is mountainous, and Impassable for sol- diers. As long as the French occupied Bassano and Trent, there could not, therefore, be any direct communication, by either of these roads, between Alvinzi in" Friuli and Davidovich in the Tyrol. But, at the start, the French were driven from Bassano and Trent, and these places were occupied by the Austrians. By these simple movements Alvinzi had changed strategically the relative posi- tions of the opposing forces. Occupying Bassano with one army and Trent with the other, he could concentrate by the direct road along the Brenta more quickly than could Bonaparte, who in his operations was restricted to the longer road through Verona. The Austrians now had the advantage of interior lines. ARCOLE. Sy Here was offered to Alvinzi an opportunity which, if he had boldly seized it, would undoubt- edly have brought success to his arms. He should have recalled ten thousand soldiers from Trent to Bassano by forced marches, and should have left Davidovich in the Tyrol with the remaining ten thousand to act against Vaubois. Then, with his own army thus increased to forty thousand, he should have marched rapidly against Bonaparte. To oppose these forty thousand, Bonaparte could not have had more than twenty thousand soldiers. By adopting such a plan, Alvinzi would have been almost certain of success. With ten thousand less, he came within a hair's breadth of victory. With ten thousand less, he drove Bonaparte from Bas- sano, almost crushed him at Caldiero, and amid the marshes of Arcole repulsed him again and again. But instead of uniting both armies when the opportunity was offered, he continued to act sep- arately against the French along two roads, which were separated by impassable mountains. And Bonaparte at Verona, where these two roads met, had again the advantage of interior lines. From his central position he was enabled to repeat the manoeuvre that had brought him victory at Mon- tenotte and Millesimo, at Lonato and Castiglione; to throw a strong force against Alvinzi, then against Davidovich, and, finally, to defeat both. 88 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. In his letter to his government asking for re- enforcements, Bonaparte said : " If I had re- ceived the 83d, numbering thirty-five hundred men known to the army, I would have answered for the result. Perhaps in a few days forty thousand may not be enough." These words show clearly what Bonaparte thought. In his mind victory was certain if he could receive this re-enforcement; it was doubtful, if he could not receive it. With such a small addition to his force as this would have been, it seems strange to us that he should have been so confident of success. What disposi- tion could he have made of this re-enforcement that would have changed doubtful success to cer- tain victory? Though this question does not admit a categorical answer, there are neverthe- less good reasons for believing that Bonaparte would have used this re-enforcement to strengthen Vaubois. Vaubois's division, which was attempting to hold Davidovich in check, was not strong enough to perform this duty. It fought hard, it lost nearly a third of its strength in killed, wounded, and pris- oners ; but it was compelled to fall back from position to position. When Bonaparte attacked Alvinzi at Bassano, he expected that Vaubois would be strong enough to hold Davidovich in check. But at the very time that Bonaparte ARCOLE. 89 was succeeding against Alvinzi, Vaubois was fall- ing back before Davidovich. Bonaparte, having learned that Davidovich was likely to overthrow Vaubois and raise the siege of Mantua, saw that a complete victory over Alvinzi would under these circumstances have little or no effect upon the result of the campaign. He saw, too, that his own communications were already endangered, and therefore fell back on Verona. The direct cause of his retreat was the weakness of Vaubois. Un- doubtedly, then, if Bonaparte had received the re-enforcement that he so urgently asked for, he would have used it to strengthen Vaubois. Let us suppose that it had been received and so used. This re-enforcement, added to the ten thousand that Vaubois had at Trent, would have increased his force to thirteen thousand five hun- dred. With this force we believe that, by acting on the defensive, and by taking advantage of the mountainous country, the defiles, and the passes, he could have maintained himself there. Let us suppose that he could have done so, and was doing so, when Bonaparte made his successful attack against Alvinzi at Bassano. Let us suppose that Bonaparte had attacked the next day, and had been again successful. Alvinzi's army would then have retreated to its base of operations in Friuli. Then, we can imagine Bonaparte giving these 90 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. orders : '' Augereau to watch Alvinzi ; Massena to join Vaubois at Trent by forced marches." Massena's division of ten thousand and Vaubois's division of thirteen thousand five hundred would have given Bonaparte*twenty-three thousand five hundred with which to attack Davidovich's army of twenty thousand. Who can doubt what the result would have been, when we remember that Napoleon never lost a battle in which he was superior to his adversary in numbers? At Verona, after the battle of Caldiero, Bona- parte might have taken any one of four courses. First: He could have remained at Verona. Had he shut himself up in the fortified town of Verona, he could in all probability have held out as long as his provisions lasted. In this case Alvinzi, who was already at the gates of Verona, would undoubtedly have laid siege to the place. By taking such a course Bonaparte could have prolonged the conflict; but it would have been only a question of time when he would be com- pelled to surrender. He refused to shut himself up in Verona; and in this connection it is worthy of notice that during all of his military operations he never allowed himself to be besieged in any place. When the commander of an army is hard pressed, and there is near at hand a strongly fortified place ARC OLE, 91 with outlying works of great strength, and provis- ions and water within, the temptation is great to seek security there. Second rate generals accept such opportunities, but in doing so they make fatal mistakes. The great masters of the art of war manoeuvre for position, and become themselves the besiegers ; or decide upon the open battle-field the fate of their fortresses and their armies. Second : He could have united with Vaubois to attack Davidovich. Had he united his forces with those of Vaubois, he could easily have defeated Davidovich; but meantime Alvinzi could have crossed the Adige and relieved Mantua, or could have fallen on the French communications with Milan. In either case the difficulties surrounding Bonaparte would have been greatly increased. Third: He could have retreated with all his forces. To follow this course would have been to yield up Mantua, to give up the greater part of Italy, and to acknowledge himself beaten. Fourth : The course he chose, namely, to attack Alvinzi in flank, was the only course left in which there was any hope of success. When he threw his army upon Alvinzi's flank and rear, he hoped to gain possession of the defile of Villa Nova before Alvinzi should withdraw his army through 92 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. it towards Bassano. Had Bonaparte succeeded in doing this, he would have been directly on Alvinzi's communications, and would have held the only outlet for his army. Once in possession of this outlet, he expected to annihilate or capture Alvinzi's army. But, in order to gain such com- plete success as here set forth, three conditions must be fulfilled. First, that during the flank movement Kilmaine should hold Verona. Other- wise, Alvinzi could unite with Davidovich, which was the very thing that Bonaparte was fighting to prevent. Second, that, until Bonaparte had destroyed Alvinzi, Vaubois should hold Davido- vich in check. Bonaparte's anxiety on this point led him, after each day's unsuccessful attack at Arcole, to cross the Adige to the right bank. He wished to be where he could, if necessary, march to Vaubois's assistance ; and he was unwilling to be enclosed in the marshes about Arcole, which might happen if Vaubois should be driven back and Davidovich should gain possession of the crossing at Ronco. Third, that Bonaparte should reach Villa Nova in time to cut off Alvinzi's retreat. The conditions were not all fulfilled. The three days' fighting at Arcole allowed Alvinzi to with- draw his army through Villa Nova. In this way he preserved his communications, and saved his ARCOLE. 93 army from capture or annihilation ; but he could not save it from defeat ; nor could he stay the progress of that genius who, though having infe- rior numbers, brought to his aid the mountains and the marshes, the defiles and the causeways, and with these as re-enforcements marched on to victory. The battle of Arcole as planned shows in a re- markable way what extraordinary confidence Bona- parte had in his own military abilities. While his generals were ready to give up Italy, while his soldiers were murmuring and complaining, he was unyielding, courageous, and decided. While every- thing around him seemed to portend his destruc- tion, he, with an extraordinary assurance of victory, was planning Alvinzi's defeat ; nay, more, was plan- ning the capture or annihilation of his army. Hitherto in this campaign, Bonaparte, though inferior to his adversary in numbers, had never- theless succeeded in bringing superior numbers upon every battle-field. At Montenotte, Millesimo, the two Degos, Mondovi, the second Castiglione, Roveredo, Caliano, the first Bassano, and San Georgio, he outnumbered his adversary. At Lodi, though he may not have attacked with a force superior to that of the Austrians, he had practi- cally the whole of his army close by and ready for action at a moment's notice. At Lonato and the 94 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. first CastigHone, which were fought on the same day, though at times the Austrians outnumbered the French, yet he had superior numbers near at hand with which by rapid manoeuvring he won these battles. But in the part of the campaign now under consideration, the odds between the opposing forces were much greater than before. Here, for the first time, Bonaparte was outnum- bered upon every battle-field. No combination was possible by which he could bring a superior, or even an equal, force against Alvinzi. He asked for re-enforcements, but received none. He left only eight thousand soldiers before Mantua. He gave to Vaubois only ten thousand with which to hold back twenty thousand in the Tyrol. Even then, he had only twenty thousand with which to oppose the thirty thousand on the Brenta. Such odds were too great. He fell back from Bassano ; was driven from Caldiero. Though almost sur- rounded, almost crushed by numbers, still he did not despair. In the midst of surroundings so dark and gloomy, he saw one chance for success. His mind grasped every detail of the situation. He saw how the marshes, the defiles, and the cause- ways could be turned to his advantage. He with- drew two thousand soldiers from Mantua, and in this way strengthened his small force as much as he could. Then he marched down the Adige; ARCOLE. 95 plunged Into a swamp, and fought along the cause- ways, where victory depended upon the bravery of the heads of his columns, and where the supe- riority of his adversary was almost totally annulled. After three days of desperate fighting, the French eagles were victorious. The battle of Arcole was won. In no other battle has Bonaparte shown himself a greater master of the art of war. In no other battle has he fought more desperately, or shown greater personal courage. In no other battle, among all his splendid victories, has he added greater lustre to his name. CHAPTER VI. RIVOLI. T70UR Austrian armies had been defeated and ^ hurled back into the mountains of FriuH and the Tyrol ; still, the Austrians persevered and hoped for success. Mantua still held out; and twenty thousand starving Austrians there hoped for a victory that would open the gates and allow them to march forth. By the ist of January, 1797, Alvinzi's forces in Friuli and the Tyrol were increased to forty-five thousand soldiers ; and he determined to make another effort for the relief of Mantua and the possession of Italy, His forces consisted of two corps : the first, seventeen thousand strong, com- manded by Provera, was in Friuli ; the second, twenty-eight thousand strong, commanded by Ah vinzi in person, was in the Tyrol. In the previous part of the campaign Alvinzi had, from his base in Friuli, made his principal attack upon the French in the vicinity of Verona; this time he purposed to try a new plan. It was to advance with his main force, the second corps, RIVOLL 97 from his base in the Tyrol down the Adige upon Rivoli, while Provera with the first corps advanced from his base in Friuli upon Verona and Legnago. Both corps were to be entirely independent, and each was to strive, by defeating the French in its front, to reach Mantua. By this plan Alvinzi cal- culated^ that, while the first corps was attacking the Frdich on the line of the Adige from Verona to LegrSago, the second corps would defeat Bona- parte, ndar Rivoli, cut off his communications, and open the gates of Mantua. Accordingly, on the lOth of January, Alvinzi began to descend the Adige with twenty-eight thousand men; while Provera, having divided his corps of seventeen thousand men into two parts, marched upon Ver- ona and Legnago. Bonaparte had forty-four thousand soldiers. His divisions occupied the following positions : Serru- rier with ten thousand soldiers was besieeing- Mantua ; Augereau with ten thousand was on the Adige from Verona to Legnago ; Massena with ten thousand, at Verona ; Joubert with ten thousand, at Corona and Rivoli ; and a reserve of four thousand, commanded by General Rey, was at Desenzano. Bonaparte, informed that the Austrians were about to take the offensive, hastened to Verona. He had at the time no definite plan of operations; but was awaiting developments in order to learn, 7 98 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. if possible, at what point Alvinzi would make his main attack. On January 1 2th Provera, having approached Verona with one division of his corps, was attacked and repulsed by Massena's division. Nearly one thousand Austrian prisoners were captured. The ease with which the Austrians were repulsed con- vinced Bonaparte that Alvinzi was not making his main attack from this direction. On the afternoon of the next day, January 13th, Bonaparte learned that Joubert was hard pressed and had been com- pelled to fall back from Corona upon Rivoli. On the same day Rey sent word from Desenzano that no Austrians had been seen on the west side of Lake Garda, and Augereau sent word from Leg- nago that there appeared to be only a small force of the enemy in that direction. These facts con- vinced Bonaparte that the main Austrian attack would be made down the Adige. He at once made his plans accordingly. He knew the advan- tages that the plateau of Rivoli possessed for a battle-field, and he determined to hold it with Joubert's division, and concentrate other forces there as soon as possible. He sent orders to Joubert to hold the plateau at all hazards. Having already sent orders to Rey to march to Castel Novo, he now sent him orders not to delay there, but to continue his march upon Rivoli. Bonaparte RIVOLI. 99 himself, having left two thousand soldiers of Mas- sena's division to hold Verona, set out with the remainder of this division for Rivoli. At midnight Bonaparte's orders reached Joubert, then in full retreat. He immediately retraced his steps, and by daybreak of the 14th reoccupied the plateau of Rivoli. This plateau, which was to be the memorable battle-field of Rivoli, is on the right bank of the Adige between the river and Lake Garda. On the north side of the plateau is Monte Baldo and a chain of mountains and hills, part of the main chain that extends eastward from Lake Garda to the north of and beyond Verona. The Adige cuts through these mountains just before arriving opposite the plateau of Rivoli, flows past the town of Rivoli, and thence past Verona and Legnago towards the sea. The two main roads on which Alvinzi marched lie on opposite sides of the Adige, cramped by the mountains within narrow spaces. Between the river and Monte Baldo several roads and trails, impassable for artillery, lead over the mountains, separated from the main road on the right bank by the heights of San Marco. This road leaves the river at Incanale, just above Rivoli, ascends the series of hills that at this point rise abruptly from the river's bank, and passes on over the plateau of Rivoli towards Verona. 100 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Owing to these facts, and in accordance with his plan of battle, Alvinzi had, before passing the mountains, divided his forces into six parts. By his numerical superiority he had forced Joubert to retire from position to position. He expected, however, to find the French strongly posted at Rivoli, and he intended to give battle there and to defeat them. He gave orders that Vukassovich, with about five thousand men, should descend the Adige along the road on the left bank of the river, and attack any French columns on that side; that Quasdanovich, with nine thousand men and the greater part of the artillery and cavalry, should follow the road along the right bank of the river, ascend the heights to the plateau of Rivoli, and attack the French right; that three other columns, unencumbered with artillery or wagons, should pass over the mountain roads and trails and attack the French front ; that a sixth column, four thousand strong, commanded by Lusignan, should march around the western slope of Monte Baldo and attack the French left and rear. By examining these several positions on the map, we see that Vukassovich and Quasdanovich were separated by the Adige; that the three columns forming the Austrian centre were separated from Quasdano- vich's column on their left by the heights of San Marco, and from Lusignan's column on their RIVOLI. 10 1 right by Monte Baldo itself. By these disposi- tions Alvinzi expected to surround the French, and, by making simultaneous attacks upon their front and both flanks, to overwhelm and crush them. On January 13th these fractions of Alvinzi's army were marching towards Rivoli. They camped that night within sight of the battle-field. Vukas- sovich and Quasdanovich camped on the river; the other columns, on the southern slope of the Monte Baldo mountains. During the night, while the Austrians were sleep- ing, Joubert was returning to occupy the plateau ; Massena and Rey were hurrying forward ; and Bonaparte himself, having pushed ahead of Mas- sena's column, was riding rapidly towards Rivoli. He arrived there after midnight; he saw the lights from the six Austrian camps ; he saw that Alvinzi had separated his columns by impassable obstacles ; and he saw that, if he could collect his own forces and hold the plateau, he could probably prevent the Austrian columns from arriving simultaneously upon the battle-field, and, by so doing, could de- feat them in detail. In his front were twenty-eight thousand Austrians. He had only Joubert's divis- ion of ten thousand ; but Massena would soon bring eight thousand more upon the battle-field, and perhaps Rey might arrive with his four thou- 102 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN: sand in time to take part in the struggle. At once Bonaparte began to arrange the troops and artil- lery for battle. Early in the morning Joubert advanced. The Austrians in his front having no artillery, he succeeded at first in driving them back ; and, by directing a part of his artillery upon Quas- danovich's column, he held it in check. But the Austrians soon rallied; the fighting became des- perate. An Austrian column attacked furiously the French left and succeeded in turning it. Bona- parte himself rearranged his shattered left, then hurried to the town of Rivoli to bring up Mas- sena's division which had just arrived there. These troops were hurried forward, and Massena hurled them against the Austrian right, drove it back, and succeeded in re-establishing the French left. But the French right was still hotly engaged. Quas- danovich, after hard fighting, had overcome the resistance in his front and was urging his column up the winding road to the battle-field. Already his advanced troops were deploying on the plateau. Lusignan, too, could be seen in the distance de- ploying upon Bonaparte's rear. In fact, Bona- parte was surrounded; twenty-eight thousand Aus- trians were advancing upon him. He had but eighteen thousand soldiers. For a moment suc- cess seemed impossible, defeat inevitable ; but his clear eye took in the whole field : he saw that ■ RIVOLI. 103 none of the Austrian columns had yet united ; he saw at a glance where the blow must be struck in order to turn disaster into victory; and, with remarkable coolness, he gathered his troops and prepared to throw them, in succession, against the several Austrian columns. Joubert, in advancing against the Austrian cen- tre, had passed with his right beyond the ascending road over which Ouasdanovich was marching to reach the plateau. Bonaparte ordered Joubert to face about his troops and charge Quasdanovich in flank. The latter was overwhelmed ; he retreated in confusion down the hill. Bonaparte then hurled the troops of Massena's and Joubert's divisions against the Austrian columns in their front, routed them, drove them into the mountains and captured many prisoners. Meanwhile, Lusignan, knowing that Bonaparte was surrounded, and believing that the Austrians were already victorious, was advan- cing to take part in the capture of the French forces. But Bonaparte, having disposed of the Austrians in his front, faced about a part of his victorious troops and advanced to attack Lu- signan. Meanwhile, Rey, who was just arriving from Castel Novo, finding Lusignan in his front, also attacked him from that side. At the very time that Lusignan believed the French to be surrounded, he found himself entrapped. Between I04 BONAPARTE'S FIRST- CAMPAIGN, the two fires he could not escape. He was com- pelled to surrender his entire force as prisoners of war. On all sides the Austrians were defeated. Al- vinzi's army was almost destroyed. On January 14th nearly eight thousand Austrians were killed, captured, or wounded ; and on the next day Jou- bert, who was sent in pursuit of Alvinzi's army, captured nearly seven thousand more. Out oT twenty-eight thousand Austrians with whom Ah vinzi began the battle, he had left, on the night of the 1 6th, but thirteen thousand two hundred and thirty soldiers. Thus ended the battle of Rivoli, which by military men is pronounced to be one of Bonaparte's greatest tactical battles. Even this astonishing success did not satisfy Bonaparte. Though he had just gained the most remarkable tactical victory in his already remarka- ble career, still nothing escaped him. His eye took in the whole theatre of operations. He was anxious about his right, anxious for Augereau, anxious that Provera should not reach Mantua and attack Serrurier on one side, while Wurmser, issu- ing from the gates of Mantua, should attack him on the other. In fact, while these operations were taking place at Rivoli, Provera with eight thousand Austrians, about half of his corps, forced the centre of Auge- RIVOLI. 105 reau's line along the Adige, and crossed the river a few miles above Legnago. Augereau, however, fell upon the rear-guard of this force before it crossed the river, cut it to pieces, and captured two thousand prisoners. Provera with the remain- der of his force marched rapidly towards Mantua, arid Augereau followed in pursuit. The battle of Rivoli had scarcely ended when Bonaparte learned that Provera had crossed the Adige. Leaving Joubert and Rey to pursue Alvinzi, Bonaparte started at once with Massena's division for Mantua. Though this division had been marching and fight- ing continuously for the last twenty-four hours, still, under Bonaparte's direction, it marched all night on the 14th, and the whole of the next day, and on the morning of the i6th was ready for battle in front of Mantua. Provera arrived before Mantua on the 15th, and the next morning began to attack Serrurier; while Wurmser, issuing from the gates of Mantua, at- tacked him from that side. But Bonaparte's divis- ions were near at hand ; while Serrurier was driv- ing Wurmser back, Bonaparte closed in upon Provera. The latter, attacked on one side by Serrurier and on the other by Massena and Auge- reau, could not escape, but was compelled to sur- render his entire force. In this battle, known as La Favorita, more than I06 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. five thousand Austrians surrendered. Nearly fif- teen thousand had been killed, wounded, or cap- tured at Rivoli; nearly one thousand had been captured by Massena near Verona, and two thou- sand by Augereau near Legnago. In three days Bonaparte had, therefore, captured or destroyed more than half of Alvinzi's army. Meanwhile, Wurmser at Mantua was in a critical condition. For days the garrison of twenty thou- sand there had been living on horse flesh. Over seven thousand were sick, many had already died, many more were dying. Even the horses were almost consumed. Wurmser could hold out no longer. The victories of Rivoli and La Favorita had destroyed his last hope. He had long and heroically held Mantua, but was at last by force of necessity compelled to yield. He signed the capitulation of the fortress, and on February 2d the starving garrison surrendered. Thus ended this part of the campaign, in which Bonaparte with only forty-four thousand soldiers killed, wounded, or captured nearly forty-three thousand Aus- trians. The fifth Austrian army was annihilated. For the first time Mantua was in possession of the French. Bonaparte was at last complete master of Italy. RIVOLL 107 COMMENTS. ** To invade a country," says Napoleon, " with a double line of operations is a faulty combination." Alvinzi, defeated on a double line of operations at Arcole, repeated the same error in this part of the campaign. His own corps, having its base in the Tyrol, marched down the Adige to attack at Rivoli. Provera's corps, having its base in Friuli, marched from Bassano to attack Verona and Legnago. Impassable mountains separated the two corps, so that after the movement began there could be no communication between them. This was Alvinzi's greatest error. It gave to Bonaparte the advantage of interior lines, and allowed him to concentrate his forces in succes- sion against the two Austrian corps. Alvinzi could, at the start, have easily avoided this error. In fact, there were two plans, either of which would have been better than the one he adopted. Had he left a small force to act on the defensive against Joubert along the upper Adige, and united the rest of his army at Bassano by the direct road along the upper Brenta, he could then have made an attack on the lower Adige which would have had great chances of success. By so doing he would have adopted a single line of operations, and his forces would have been united I08 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. into one powerful army, which would have greatly outnumbered the forces that Bonaparte could, by any possibility, have brought against it. Had Alvinzi left ten thousand to act against Joubert, he could then have concentrated thirty-five thou- sand at Bassano. As Serrurier's division was absolutely necessary before Mantua, and Joubert's division absolutely necessary at Rivoli, the only troops that Bonaparte could have united to oppose such an army coming from Bassano would have been Augereau's and Massena's divisions and Key's force of four thousand. With these forces Bona- parte would have had an army of only twenty-four thousand with which to hold Verona and to oppose Alvinzi's army of thirty-five thousand. The odds against Bonaparte would, in this case, have been greater than they were at Arcole. Such a plan, to say the least, offered Alvinzi great chances of success. But the other plan which Alvinzi might have adopted offered also great chances of success. He might have left a containing force of ten thousand at Bassano to act against Augereau, and united the remainder of his army for an attack down the Adige upon Rivoli. Such a plan would likely have been successful: for with twenty-eight thou- sand the result at Rivoli for a time seemed doubt- ful ; perhaps with thirty-five thousand men Alvinzi RIVOLL 109 would have won the battle. Had he adopted this plan, Bonaparte could not have concentrated a o-reater force at Rivoli than he did actually con- centrate there on January 14th; for to withdraw Serrurier from Mantua would have allowed Wurm- ser to escape, and to withdraw Augereau from the lower Adige would have allowed Serrurier to be crushed between Provera and Wurmser. Further on it will be shown that Alvinzi at Rivoli with twenty-eight thousand soldiers should have been victorious, and would have been, had he not com- mitted error upon error. There is therefore good reason for believing that with thirty-five thousand he would have overwhelmed and crushed Bona- parte. This plan had one great advantage over the plan previously discussed. An Austrian victory at Rivoli would have left Alvinzi within a short march of the French communications. By march- ing to the Mincio he could have intercepted the remaining French forces, and by so doing could have ended the campaign. This advantage, how- ever, was more than counterbalanced by the dis- advantages which this line of operations offered. The upper Adige flows through a mountainous country, which becomes more mountainous to- wards Rivoli. In marching down the Adige Alvinzi was compelled to follow the two roads no BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. which are separated by the river, and which are confined by the mountains within a narrow valley. In this mountainous country, especially near Rivoli, there was not room to manoeuvre a large army. In fact, it was with the greatest difficulty that troops could be deployed at all, and then only in such a way that impassable obstacles necessarily inter- vened between the several organizations. On the other hand, a small force acting on the defensive could, by taking advantage of the moun- tains and defiles, hold in check a greatly superior force. These topographical peculiarities, therefore, made this route difficult for offensive operations, and excellent for defensive ones. From these facts it follows that, though an Austrian victory at Rivoli promised great results, yet so great were the difficulties there that only under the most favorable circumstances could a victory be expected. But the other route from Bassano towards the lower Adige, lying in an open country where a large army could be easily deployed, is excellent for offensive operations and difficult for defensive ones. Though a victory here would not have al- lowed Alvinzi to cut Bonaparte's communications, and would not therefore have led to such great results as a victory at Rivoli, yet the advantages RIVOLI. 1 1 1 here outbalanced all other considerations, and should have led Alvinzi to choose this route for his main attack. He did choose it in the Arcole part of the campaign, and, though he committed many errors, he came within a hair's breadth of victory. In none of these campaigns did the Austrians come so near victory as at Arcole ; in none did they experience such a crushing defeat as at Rivoli. In this connection it is worthy of notice, that, when the commander of an invading army has two lines of operations offered to him, one promis- ing great results under great difficulties and the other offering great promise of an early victory, it is better to select the latter, because a first success encourages the soldier to greater effort. Nothing rouses his enthusiasm like victory. Ob- stacles, which might at the beginning of a cam- paign seem insurmountable, appear, after several victories, insignificant to him. His hopes .rise, his blood quickens, he feels that hf can overcome all difficulties, and, in the future as in the past, march on to victory. "The defects of Alvinzi's plan," says Derrecagaix in criticising this campaign, " had given to Bonaparte one of his most brilliant triumphs. Again the latter had manoeu- vred upon interior lines of operations, while his enemies followed two exterior lines. Nor was this their only mis- 112 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. take. They made their principal attack in a mountainous region abounding in strong positions favorable for defence, while upon the lower Adige they would have deprived the French of this advantage. " Moreover, the march of Provera's corps could have led to no profitable result. A victory for Alvinzi at Rivoli would have sufficed, indeed, to save Mantua; his defeat, on the contrary, made certain the loss of Provera, without the possibility of bringing any advantage in return. "The direction which the Austrians should have fol- lowed was quite plain. It was that which Prince Eugene adopted against Catinat in 1701, and which Napoleon himself, indeed, afterwards pointed out in referring to the march of Wurmser upon the Brenta. They ought then to have left only a detachment at the entrance to the Tyrol, and have debouched upon the lower Adige with the entire army." In choosing a double line of operations Alvinzi not only committed the errors which have been pointed out, but in the execution of his plan he continued to multiply mistakes. In his march down the Adige, just before arriving at Rivoli he separated his army into six columns. He in- tended to have them arrive simultaneously upon the plateau of Rivoli, where he expected to find the French strongly posted. When it is remem- bered that the Adige separated Vukassovich's column from Quasdanovich's column, that the heights of San Marco separated the latter from the Austrian centre, and that Monte Baldo sepa- RIVOLL 113 rated the centre from Lusignan's column, the absurdity of these movements becomes apparent to every soldier. Under the most favorable circumstances, it is an error to separate an army even into two columns just before a battle; for so many unforeseen con- ditions arise, or may arise, that it is almost impossi- ble for the columns to attack simultaneously, and only by attacking simultaneously can success be expected from such a plan. Muddy roads, high water, rough country, mountains, defiles, and vari- ous other obstacles may delay one column, and by the time it arrives on the battle-field the other column will probably have been defeated. If a commanding general could always foresee all the conditions which would arise, he could so arrang-e the marches that his columns would arrive simul- taneously upon the battle-field ; but this being an impossibility, it has come to be a maxim in war that, unless absolutely unavoidable, an army in the face of an enemy should never be separated into parts by impassable obstacles. This, being true of two columns, applies with still greater force to more than two. As the number of columns separated by impassable obstacles increases, the chances for simultaneous attacks decrease in a very rapid ratio. But this was not Alvinzi's only error. He 114 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. ordered five thousand soldiers under Vukasso- vich to march on the east side of the Adige, where they were unable to take part in the bat- tle. In fact, they could not by any possibility reach the battle-field. They were witnesses to Alvinzi's defeat, without being able to raise a help- ing hand. They pointed their guns in the direc- tion of the battle, and fired a few shots, which had no effect whatever upon the result. They might better have been in the Tyrol, where they would at least have been safe from capture. Alvinzi made another error in requiring his cavalry and artillery to march with Quasdano- vich's column along the river road, where they were enclosed by the mountains on one side and by the river on the other. In this situation, his •cavalry could not be deployed, nor his artillery be brought into action. As a result, Alvinzi, who needed cavalry badly, was for the want of it com- pletely ignorant of the whereabouts of the French forces, and the Austrian centre for the want of artillery could make no headway against Joubert's division. Notwithstanding all these errors, had Alvinzi on the night of January 13th gained possession of the plateau of Rivoli, he would still have had great chances of success. He could easily have done this ; for his columns were camped within an RIVOLI. 1 1 5 hour's march of the plateau which Joubert had already abandoned. Having once gained posses- sion of this plateau, Alvinzi would have been past the critical point in his march ; he would have had room to manoeuvre his army; his columns could have united ; his artillery could have been distributed to the different organizations, and his cavalry moved to the front and flanks, where it belonged. In fact, he could, by an hour's march, have reached a strong position for battle, where Bo- naparte with his inferior numbers would hardly have dared to attack him. That Alvinzi did not seize upon this position was his greatest error. It was the crowning act of that series of errors which together caused his defeat at Rivoli, — one of the most crushing defeats ever experienced by Aus- trian arms. It is easy to point out Alvinzi's mistakes after this battle ; but owing to the unfavorable situation of his army, and to the obstacles in its immediate front, it is not so easy to set forth in detail the exact manoeuvres which he should have made in his advance down the Adige upon Rivoli. At one day's march from the plateau of Rivoli, where he expected to meet the French in force, his army of twenty-eight thousand was confined within a nar- row valley; Monte Baldo and a chain of moun- tains were in his front, and the only road leading Il6 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. directly to Rivoli was through a long and narrow- defile. The problem before him was to reach this plateau and unite his forces there before the French could occupy it ; or in case it was already occupied, then so to manoeuvre in his advance as to present a united front to the enemy. His cav- alry should have been sent forward in advance of his army, and should have received orders to seize if possible the plateau of Rivoli. The greater part of the cavalry should have marched by the trails between Monte Baldo and the Adige, while a small column might have marched around the western slope of Monte Baldo, and a still smaller column ' — a mere scouting party — should have marched by the river road. Following these troops, Alvinzi should have sent a small column of infantry down the Adige, and should have pushed forward his infantry and artillery along the trails and over the hills between Monte Baldo and the river. Having adopted such a plan, his cavalry could have seized the plateau, and the infantry and artillery follow- ing could have occupied it ; his front would at all times have been protected by cavalry ; his right, by Monte Baldo and a column of cavalry ; his left, by the Adige and a column of infantry ; and, what is still more important, his forces would have been united during the advance. To this plan it may be objected that the country RIVOLI. 1 1 7 between Monte Baldo and the Adige was so hilly, and the trails were so few, that this route was im- passable for cavalry and artillery. In a measure this is true ; still, by dismounting the cavalry and by hauling the guns by hand, the obstacles could easily have been overcome. These obstacles, which seemed impassable to Alvinzi, would not have hindered Bonaparte's advance an hour. To a soldier " impassable " is a relative term ; to mediocrity it means much; to a genius it means little. A hill is impassable to an Alvinzi ; the Alps themselves are not impassable to a Napoleon. In this discussion it is a pleasure to turn from the mistakes of Alvinzi to the brilliant operations of Bonaparte. " It is an easy matter," says Captain Wagner, *' to criticise military operations after the event; but it should be borne in mind that the conditions and relative positions of the forces, always set forth with clearness by a good historian, are matters of doubt to the commanders while the operations are in progress." These words are particularly applicable to the case now before us. When the Austrians began their advance Bonaparte was completely in the dark as to where their main attack would be made. He did not know whether the stronger Austrian column was advancing from the Tyrol upon Rivoli, Il8 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. or from Bassano upon the lower Adige. In fact, he was not certain that an Austrian column was not advancing on the west side of Lake Garda. It was of the utmost importance that he should know at the earliest possible moment where the main Austrian attack would be made, in order that he might concentrate his forces to meet it. Every moment of uncertainty increased Alvinzi's chances of success. Bonaparte realized this, and was there- fore in a very anxious state of mind. Couriers were riding rapidly from every part of his scattered army to his headquarters. All kinds of informa- tion — rumors, facts, the reports of spies and deserters, the opinions of his marshals and his subordinates — were laid before him. He learned that no Austrians had been seen on the west side of Lake Garda; that Massena had succeeded in repulsing an Austrian attack from Bassano, and that Joubert had been driven back upon Rivoli. At once he concluded that the main Austrian attack would be made at Rivoli. When it is remembered that a commander nearly always attempts to deceive his adversary, that the information received at headquarters is often un- reliable, that it is frequently made up of rumor, hearsay, and facts, all jumbled together, it is remarkable that Bonaparte should have been so uniformly correct in his deductions and conclu- RIVOLI. 119 sions. Not only at Rivoli, but at Montenotte, Castiglione, and Arcole, his. unerring mind de- duced from the mass of uncertain information at hand the true movements of his adversary. In the choice of the plateau of Rivoli for a battle-field, Bonaparte displayed excellent judg- ment. Though he was in Verona at the time, he had previously passed through Rivoli, and the peculiarities of the surrounding country had pho- tographed themselves indelibly upon his mind. He realized the importance of the position. He could see in the surrounding hills, in the defile, in the river, and in the plateau, the advantages which they offered for tactical manoeuvres. The faculty of seeing and remembering the features of a country through which he passed, and of understanding their value from a military point of view, was one of the distinguishing peculiarities of Napoleon's mind. At Rivoli, he realized that an hour's delay might lose him the battle-field and the victory. For this reason, every moment of time was utilized in rap- idly concentrating his troops. Again, after the battle, he saw the necessity of arriving before Mantua at the earliest possible moment, in order to prevent Serrurier's division from being crushed between Provera and Wurmser. Accordingly, Massena s division, which had marched all night and fought all day at Rivoli, was required to march I20 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN'. all the next night and all the next day. The min- utes and hours which Bonaparte gained in these forced marches, decided the conflict in his favor. Time with him was equivalent to re-enforcements. In every mihtary undertaking, it was an important factor in his calculations. In these forced marches, the exertion of his soldiers was almost beyond their endurance ; but the hope of victory and the presence of Bonaparte himself at their head urged them on. Under his eye they could endure almost any "hardship and march almost any distance. The enthusiasm which he could instil into the minds of his men was remarkable. He had that magnetic power which filled his soldiers with enthusiasm and cour- age, and which in an emergency could call forth all their reserve energy. In this respect he sur- passed every one of his subordinate commanders, if not every master of the art of war that the world has ever known. As we have previously stated, Alvinzi's errors in separating his forces at the outset gave to Bona- parte the advantage of interior lines, by which he could easily keep the Austrian columns separated, and at the same time could combine against each column in succession. In carrying out this plan two of his divisions acted on the defensive, while with the remainder of his army he acted offensively RIVOLL 121 and in force against Alvinzi at Rivoli. It was one of Bonaparte's maxims to take the offensive only on one point at a time. But every exertion was made to collect at this point every spare man. To bring in the shortest possible time upon the vital point — the battle-field — as great a superiority of force as he possibly could, was his great endeavor. He could not by any possibility bring superior numbers upon the battle-field of Rivoli ; but by his tactical manoeuvres and combinations he placed his adversary at a disadvantage, and overcame his great superiority in numbers. His tactical manoeuvres at Rivoli were very similar to his strategical manoeuvres within the theatre of operations. In both cases he brought a stronger force against his adversary at the vital point, while he held back with small forces the enemy's isolated columns. The strategy and tactics which Bonaparte dis- played in these three days' fighting in Italy give us, perhaps, a clearer insight into his system of war than any other single campaign in his remark- able career. His divisions were centrally situated. Strategically, the Austrians almost surrounded him ; twenty-eight thousand were marching from the Tyrol upon Rivoli, seventeen thousand from Bas- sano upon the lower Adige, and twenty thousand were in his rear at Mantua. Having decided that 122 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. the main Austrian army was approaching Rivoli, he concentrated there his available forces, took the offensive, and, though actually surrounded upon the battle-field, succeeded by his superior tactics in crushing Alvinzi's army; then, before the smoke of battle had died away, he led his weary but heroic troops towards Mantua, where he con- centrated once more his forces, took again the offensive, overwhelmed and captured Provera's army, drove Wurmser within the walls of Mantua, and forced him to capitulate. Such was the end of these remarkable manoeu- vres, which for brilliancy and completeness remain unsurpassed by any single military operation in history. Manoeuvres such as these are the foun- dation of Napoleon's military glory. Not isolated and occasional were they, but repeated again and again in this campaign, till five Austrian armies were successively hurled back before his victorious eagles. Such deeds call forth the admiration of every military student and every soldier. They should encourage us to greater exertion, and to deeper study of our profession, in order that we may gain a better knowledge of those great prin- ciples of war which, if correctly applied, would to-day be as certain in their strategical results as they were at Montenotte, Arcole, and Rivoli a hundred years ago. CHAPTER VIL THE TAGLIAMENTO. T3EF0RE entering upon a detailed description of this part of the campaign, it is necessary to point out the important topographical features of the theatre of operations. In general terms, the theatre of war embraced Northern Italy and a large part of Austria. The theatre of operations for both armies extended north from the Adriatic to the upper Inn, upper Salza, and upper Mur, and east from Lake Garda to a few miles beyond the eastern slope of the Julian Alps. Except along the shores of the Adriatic, the country which is comprised within this theatre of operations is very mountainous. These moun- tains belong to the great chain of the Alps. Over a wide country they spread out in an irreg- ular way into a great number of smaller chains and spurs. , Near the water-sheds formed by these mountains several rivers rise; some flow south into the Adriatic, others north and east into the Danube. In the Tyrol these mountains are 124 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. known as the Tyrolese Alps; farther east, in Northern Friuli, as the Carnic Alps; and still farther east, as the Julian Alps. Between Italy and Austria these three chains form a barrier which is impassable for soldiers except through the passes where the great highways have been constructed. Within this territory are the rivers Adige, Brenta, Piave, Tagliamento, Isonzo, upper Drave, and their tributaries. The Adige and the Brenta we have already described. The Piave, Taglia- mento, and Isonzo rise in the Carnic Alps, and flow south into the Gulf of Venice. Their courses, which are about thirty miles apart, are nearly parallel with one another. The Drave rises in the eastern part of the Tyrol, and flows almost due east along the foot of the northern slope of the Carnic Alps. From Verona on the lower Adige three roads lead into Austria. The first, on the left, is the great highway of the Tyrol. This road ascends the Adige, passes through Trent and Brixen, crosses the divide at Brenner Pass, descends upon Innspruck, and thence passes into the val- ley of the Danube. The second, in the centre, passes through Vicenza and Udine, crosses the Carnic Alps at Pontebba, descends upon Villach in the valley of the Drave, and thence passes THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 25 through Klagenfurt, Judenberg, and Leoben to- wards Vienna. The third, on the right, passes through Vicenza, Treviso, Goricia, and Adels- berg; thence, turning towards the north, it passes through Laybach and Krainberg to Klagenfurt. Between the last two roads just described an important cross-road passes along the narrow valley of the Isonzo from Goricia through Capo- retto to Tarwis. Another important cross road leaves the highway of the Tyrol at Brixen, passes through Brunecken, crosses the divide near In- nichen, descends on Lienz in the valley of the Drave, and thence passes down the valley to Villach. Such are the general topographical peculiari- ties of the country in which the French and Aus- trians were, for the last time in this campaign, to struggle for the mastery. The fall of Mantua had alarmed Austria. Thus far, Bonaparte had shown himself irresistible in war. Neither numbers, nor obstacles, nor for- tune itself, seemed to stop for a moment his progress. He had crossed the Apennines and passed over Italy like a cyclone. Might he not cross the Alps and advance to the very gates of Vienna.^ Would the Alps be insurmountable to the veterans of Montenotte, Arcole, and Rivoli? These questions Austria was pondering. She 126 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. realized her danger, and determined to re-enforce her soldiers in Italy, and to send her ablest gen- eral to command them. The Archduke Charles ^ was given command of these forces. He established his headquarters at Innspruck, and asked that forty thousand soldiers be sent to re-enforce the remnants of Alvinzi's army in Italy. Bonaparte concluded from this that the Archduke intended to assemble his 1 The Archduke Charles (Louis de Lorraine) of Austria, son of the Emperor Leopold IL, was born at Florence, in 1771. Already at the age of twenty-two he had acquired a high military reputa- tion under the Prince of Coburg, in the campaign of 1793. In 1796 he was made Field-Marshal of the German Empire, and took command of the Austrian army on the Rhine. When he was sent against Napoleon, in 1797, the latter remarked to Maesfield : " Your cabinet has sent against me three armies without generals ; now it sends a general without an army. " After the campaign of 1799, the Archduke was, by intrigue, removed from the army, and sent into Bohemia in a kind of honorable exile. After the disas- ters of Hohenlinden and Marengo, he was recalled to favor and placed at the head of the War Department. In 1805 he opposed Massena in Italy, but was absent from Germany at the overthrow of the Austrian monarchy on the field of Austerlitz. In the campaign of 1809, he commanded the Austrian army and was wounded at the battle of Wagram. He was afterward made Governor and Captain General of Bohemia, and retired to the country. He was the ablest of all the generals that opposed Napoleon. His many virtues and noble character endeared him even to his enemies. Napoleon always spoke of him in terms of high admiration. He ranks high as a military writer. His " Prin- ciples of Strategy," illustrated by the campaigns of 1796 and 1799, were published in Vienna in 1813 and 18 19, in seven volumes, with valuable maps and plans. — Biographie UniverseUe. THE TAGLIAMENTO. 12/ forces in the Ty;;ol, and from that point make his principal attack against the French. But the Austrian government, failing to see the advan- tages of this plan, ordered the Archduke to con- centrate the greater part of his forces in Friuli, in order to protect the seaport of Trieste and preserve that section of country from invasion. On February nth, 1797, there were under arms in the Tyrol ten thousand Austrian soldiers and ten thousand Tyrolese militia, and on the Piave twenty-two thousand Austrian soldiers. On the same date the Archduke Charles arrived on the Piave. The following re-enforcements were to have joined him : twenty-four thousand five hun- dred soldiers from the Austrian Army of the Rhine, thirteen thousand from the various Aus- trian provinces, eight thousand exchanged Mantua prisoners, and thirteen thousand five hundred recruits. These re-enforcements, added to the forces already in the Tyrol and on the Piave, would, if we include the ten thousand Tyrolese militia, have increased his army to more than one hundred thousand soldiers. A few words here in regard to the Archduke Charles will not be out of place. During the time that Bonaparte was contending against Wurmser and Alvinzi in the brilliant engage- ments already described, the French and Aus- 128 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. trians were fighting each other in the vicinity of the upper Danube and the upper Rhine. The French Army of the Rhine, commanded by Moreau, and the French Army of the Sambre and Meuse, commanded by Jourdan, were op- posed to the Austrian Army of the Rhine, which was commanded by the Archduke Charles. In this campaign the Archduke Charles had been successful. He had defeated both French armies and had driven them across the Rhine. He had already shown himself to be a great soldier. He was a young man, — younger even than Bona- parte, — and his views upon war were largely the outgrowth of his own successes. He was not wedded to the past. He saw the errors to which in Italy the Austrian commanders had so firmly clung, and he perceived the reasons for many of Bonaparte's brilliant triumphs. In short, he was an able soldier, well worthy to try the fortune of war against Bonaparte as an adversary. Before the capitulation of Wurmser at Mantua, Bonaparte had conceived a plan for future opera- tions against the Austrians. From the Mincio as a base of operations, he purposed to march against the Austrians, to defeat them, cross the Alps, and invade Austria. For the accomplish- ment of this undertaking, he calculated that he would need a re-enforcement of thirty thousand THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 29 soldiers. With this re-enforcement and the co- operation of the armies of the Rhine and the Sambre and Meuse, he believed that he could carry the war into the very heart of the Austrian dominions. Accordingly, he wrote to the Di- rectory, explained his plan, and asked for a re- enforcement of thirty thousand soldiers. The Directory ordered Delmas's division from the Army of the Rhine, and Bernadotte's division from the Army of the Sambre and Meuse, to cross the Swiss Alps and join Bonaparte. These two divisions, which numbered a little more than twenty thousand, increased the Army of Italy to seventy thousand soldiers. Before the commencement of active operations, two facts caused Bonaparte to weigh carefully his chances of success. First: His army was too small for a successful invasion of Austria. The re-enforcements which he received were nearly ten thousand less than the number for which he had asked. Second : The political state of affairs in Italy was unfavorable to the undertaking. The revolutionary governments which he had favored, the opinions which he had disseminated, and the contributions which he had levied in Italy, had caused much discontent in several of the Italian states. Thus far during the cam- paign, the discontented states had been com- 9 130 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. pelled to submit to his will; but it was plain that, upon the least reverse to his army, they would not only be willing, but anxious, to take up arms against him. The governments of Turin, Genoa, Naples, Tuscany, Rome, and Venice were all more or less dissatisfied; and the last two, in particular, felt very bitter towards Bonaparte. In fact, the Papal soldiers had risen against the French, and had planned to attack the rear of the French army. These facts being disclosed to Bonaparte, he at the head of several thousand troops set out, immediately after the fall of Mantua, to march upon Rome in order to chas- tise the Pope. In the face of the French soldiers the Pope was compelled to yield, but his hatred of Bonaparte and of his opinions remained no less bitter than before. But the Republic of Venice gave Bonaparte the greatest uneasiness. He was unable to con- clude a treaty of alliance with her. She hated the French. She had sufficient population to maintain a large army, and was already organiz- ing and arming her soldiers. Moreover, Bona- parte's line of communication with France, his only line of retreat, passed directly through her territory. Surely, if he should be defeated be- yond the Alps, Venice would declare war against him. Nothing could then save him. These THE TAGLTAMENTO. 131 facts did not dishearten him, but they caused him to exercise great caution in carrying out his undertaking. Early in March, while the Alps were still covered with snow, Bonaparte began his advance. The disposition of the Austrian forces at this time was as follows: in the Tyrol behind the rivers Noss and Lavis there were ten thousand Tyrolese militia, and seventeen thousand Aus- trian soldiers commanded by Generals Kerpen and Laudon ; at Feltre, three thousand com- manded by General Lusignan; and on the Piave, twenty-two thousand commanded by the Arch- duke Charles. It will be seen that the Archduke had altogether in position forty-two thousand Aus- trian soldiers and ten thousand Tyrolese militia. Inasmuch as the latter, however, were organized for the defence of their firesides, and fought only on their mountains, they should not be considered as forming a permanent part of the Austrian army. In her instructions to the Archduke Charles, Austria had insisted that he should take posi- tion on the Piave with the main portion of his army, so as to cover the seaport of Trieste. This position was faulty, and was difficult to defend. Owing to these instructions, he had not been able to form a plan of campaign in accordance 132 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. with his own views, but was compelled to carry out, as best he could, the erroneous views of his government. Moreover, Austria was slow in sending forward the promised re-enforcements. Only a few thousand had arrived in the Tyrol ; most of the remainder were on their way to join the Archduke; but as they were still north of the Alps, and had to march by way of Klagenfurt, Villach, and Pontebba, it would still take some time for them to arrive. Upon these facts the Archduke Charles based his plans. He purposed to act on the defensive. His object was to delay matters as long as pos- sible, so as to give time for his re-enforcements to arrive. On the other hand, Bonaparte, not being able to form an alliance with Venice, determined to leave Generals Victor and Kilmaine in Italy with eighteen thousand soldiers in order to protect his rear, and with the remaining fifty-two thousand to take the offensive against the Austrians before their re-enforcements should arrive. He had the choice of two lines of operations. He could advance either to the north through the Tyrol, or to the east through Friuli. But as both of these lines were occupied by the Austrians, he could not confine himself to either one without exposing his rear to an attack from the enemy THE TAGLIAMENTO. 133 occupying the other. He therefore decided that he would send a strong force into the Tyrol to hold the enemy there in check, while with the main portion of his army he would advance by way of Friuli to attack the Austrians on the Piave. His plan was to attack the right of the Archduke, throw his army back towards Laybach or drive it into the sea; then, to march rapidly towards the north, cross the Carnic Alps at Pontebba or Tarwis into the valley of the Drave, unite his divisions there, and march on Vienna. Accordingly, he sent the divisions of Delmas and Paraguay d'Hilliers to join Joubert's divis- ion in the Tyrol, and on the lOth of March took the field in person with the divisions of Massena, Serrurier, Guyeux, and Bernadotte. The three divisions in the Tyrol numbered eighteen thou- sand, and the four under Bonaparte's imme- diate command thirty-four thousand. Bonaparte gave the command in the Tyrol to General Jou- bert, and ordered him to hold the Austrians in check at all hazards; and, if possible, to drive them beyond the mountains which separate Brixen from Innspruck. He directed Massena' s division, ten thousand strong, to march on Feltre in order to drive back Lusignan; and with the remaining three divisions he advanced towards the Piave. 134 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Upon the arrival of Massena at Feltre, Lu- signan fell back on Longaro, where, on March 13th, Massena attacked and defeated him. In this engagement nearly one thousand Austrians, among whom was General Lusignan, were cap- tured. Having thrown back the remainder of the Austrian division upon Cadora, Massena then marched towards Spilimbergo, near which place he crossed the Tagliamento on the i6th. After crossing the river he marched by way of Gemona upon Pontebba, so as to threaten the Archduke's right wing and cut off his retreat in this direction. On the 13th of March, the same day that Mas- sena defeated Lusignan, Bonaparte crossed the Piave with his three divisions. The Archduke retreated towards the Tagliamento, and Bo- naparte followed him by way of Valvasone, where he arrived on the morning of the i6th of March. Opposite this town on the left bank of the Tagliamento, the Austrians were drawn up for battle. The river at this point is fordable. Leaving Serrurier's division in reserve at Val- vasone, Bonaparte ordered the divisions of Ber- nadotte and Guyeux to ford the river and attack the enemy. These two divisions tried to surpass each other in acts of bravery. They forded the river under fire, attacked the Austrians furi- THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 35 ously, defeated and routed them, and took five hundred prisoners. This battle, in which Bona- parte and the Archduke Charles met for the first time, is known as the Tagliamento. Meanwhile the remnants of Lusignan's division, which at this time was commanded by General Ocskay, had succeeded in forcing their way across the mountains to Pontebba; but Massena, arriv- ing soon afterwards in the gorges of the Alps near that place, attacked and routed them, and drove them back upon Tarwis. After the battle of the Tagliamento, the Arch- duke divided his forces. Falling back upon Gradisca . with the bulk of his command, he directed Bayalitsch with his division, twenty-five cannon, and a convoy containing a large part of the material for the Austrian army, to march by Cividale and Caporetto upon Tarwis, hoping that he might anticipate Massena, and, by uniting with Ocskay, be strong enough to hold the passes at Pontebba and Tarwis. The possession of these passes was very important to the Archduke Charles ; for the re-enforcements on their way to join him had either to cross the Alps at these points, or to take the circuitous route by way of Krainberg, Laybach, and Adelsberg. Upon the crossings of the Isonzo the Arch- duke attempted to make a stand. The town of 136 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Gradisca, which was intrenched, covered his left. Against this place Bonaparte directed his prin- cipal attack. He ordered Bernadotte to assault the intrenchments, and ordered Serrurier to cross the Isonzo below the town in order to cut off the retreat of the garrison. The movement was successful. The garrison of three thousand sur- rendered, and the Archduke retreated across the river. Bonaparte then manoeuvred against the left wing of the Archduke, so as to push him into the valley of the Isonzo. The Archduke, seeing the danger of falling back into the valley, re- treated towards Laybach by way of Adelsberg. Bonaparte sent Bernadotte in pursuit. He then directed Guyeux to march by way of Cividale and Caporetto in order to overtake Bayalitsch, and set out himself, at the head of Serrurier's divis- ion, to ascend the Isonzo. Meanwhile Massena had advanced from Pon- tebba towards Tarwis, and after a brief action had gained possession of the pass there. The posses- sion of this pass closed the only outlet by which Bayalitsch' s division, ascending the narrow valley of the Isonzo, could reach Villach. The Archduke was in a critical condition; his forces were greatly scattered. The greater part of his own immediate command, pursued by Ber- THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 37 nadotte, was retreating upon Laybach ; Ocskay was in front of Massena; and Bayalitsch was enclosed in the narrow valley of the Isonzo, where, with Massena in his front and Bonaparte with the divisions of Guyeux and Serrurier in his rear, he could hardly hope to escape capture. The Archduke had not yet learned that Massena held the pass of Tarwis, but he anticipated that such might be the case; for he knew that Ocskay was not sufficiently strong to hold it unless his numbers had already been increased by the re-enforcements that should, by this time, have reached that vicinity. He realized, too, that as the large convoy accompanying Bayalitsch would cause him to march slowly, Massena would have plenty of time to attack and drive back Ocskay before the arrival of Bayalitsch. On the possession of this pass now depended the safety of a division of the Archduke's army, and that of a large part of his cannon and material of war. He therefore determined to make every effort to hold the pass ; or to recapture it, if it was already in Massena's possession. Accordingly, giving orders for his troops to follow him as rapidly as possible, he hurried forward by way of Laybach and Krainberg to Villach, where his re-enforce- ments were just beginning to arrive. Upon his arrival at Villach he hastily collected 138 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. five or six thousand fresh troops that had just arrived there, united them with Ocskay's division, and attacked Massena at Tarwis. In this engage- ment the Archduke was successful; he drove back Massena and gained possession of the pass. But the latter, realizing the importance of this point, collected his entire division and returned to attack the Archduke. The battle was furi- ously fought on both sides. It took place on Mount Tarwis, above the clouds and amidst the snow and ice of the Alps. Both sides realized that great results depended upon the success or failure of the battle. Both commanders showed great personal courage, but the Archduke was compelled to yield to his stubborn adversary. Massena held the pass. Bayalitsch, attacked in front by Massena and in rear by Guyeux and Serrurier, was forced to surrender. His division was doomed ; about four thousand Austrians were captured, together with twenty-five cannon and an immense amount of baggage and material of war. Bonaparte had reached the summit of the Alps. The first great step in his undertaking was ac- complished. He was on the point of entering Austria. At the start the four divisions under his immediate command had numbered thirty- four thousand. By casualties they had been con- THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 39 siderably reduced, so that for this momentous undertaking he had only about thirty thousand soldiers. Such an army was too small. The Austrian re-enforcements were rapidly arriving; in fact, several thousand had already arrived. In a few days he might find himself outnumbered, even overwhelmed, at the very threshold of the Austrian dominions. Bonaparte had foreseen all this before he crossed the Alps. In fact, from the very start, he had calculated that, in case he succeeded in defeating the Archduke, and Joubert succeeded in driving the Austrians from the Tyrol, he would order Joubert to join him in the valley of the Drave. Accordingly, after the battle of the Taglia- mento, when Bonaparte began to see his way clear for the accomplishment of his plans, he sent Joubert orders to march, by way of Brunecken, Lienz, and the valley of the Drave, upon Villach, at which place Bonaparte expected to unite Jou- bert's divisions with the divisions of Massena, Guyeux, Serrurier, and Bernadotte. As the execution of this plan depended as much upon the success of Joubert as upon the success of Bonaparte, we will, for the present, leave the latter in the midst of his victorious troops, while we describe the operations of his lieutenant in the Tyrol. 140 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Joubert ascended the Adige with his three divisions, and, upon crossing the Lavis, found that the Austrians were occupying both sides of the Adige. He pushed forward, attacked them on March 20th at St. Michael, and defeated them. In this battle he killed and captured more than three thousand five hundred of the enemy. The Austrians, followed by Joubert, retreated up the Adige. On March 22d he attacked them again at Neumark, captured one thousand more pris- oners, and forced Generals Laudon and Kerpen to separate their commands. The former fell back to the left on Meran; the latter, to the right towards Brixen. Joubert followed Kerpen, who, being re-enforced by a division from the Rhine, made a stand at Klausen, where Joubert defeated him and forced him still farther back towards Sterzing. At Mittenwald Kerpen was re-enforced by a second division from the Rhine. Again he made a stand ; again Joubert defeated him, and drove him across the divide towards Innspruck. Joubert, having disposed of Kerpen, faced about his columns and marched to Brixen. At this place he learned that Bonaparte had reached the valley of the Drave. Joubert could now fall back and crush Laudon ; but as this would take several days, and as it was already the beginning THE TAGLIAMENTO. I4I of April, he thought it time to carry out Bona- parte's instructions. He therefore set out to join Bonaparte by way of Brunecken, Lienz, and Villach. The Tyrol being now evacuated by the French, Kerpen set out to join the Archduke by way of Innspruck, Rattenberg, the valley of the Salza, and Murau; and Laudon, being joined by the Tyrolese militia, descended the Adige, over- threw the few French detachments in his front, and advanced towards Verona in order to join his forces to the Venetian insurgents. Bonaparte had grave cause for anxiety. After crossing the Alps he learned that the Venetians had risen in arms against the French, and that the two French armies along the Rhine had made no advance into Austrian territory. This news was discouraging. With his communications threatened, Bonaparte could hardly hope to reach Vienna unless supported by the armies along the Rhine. Nevertheless, he determined to put on a bold front. If he could not enter the Austrian capital at the head of his victorious soldiers, he might, perhaps, succeed in making a treaty of peace which would redound to his own and to their glory. With this end in view, on March 31st he wrote a letter to the Archduke Charles, in which he deplored the calamities of war and 142 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. suggested a treaty of peace. The Archduke replied that he had no authority to make treaties. He did not, however, let the matter drop there, but forwarded Bonaparte's letter to the Emperor at Vienna. From the summit of the Alps Bonaparte descended into the valley of the Drave. On March 31st he was at Klagenfurt, at which place he wrote the letter to the Archduke Charles. At this time Joubert was about to leave the Tyrol in order to unite his forces with those of Bonaparte; and Bernadotte, who had marched by way of Laybach in pursuit of the Archduke's forces, was approaching Klagenfurt by way of Krainberg. On the road to Vienna, a few miles north of Klagenfurt, the Archduke had assembled his army. That part of it which had marched by way of Laybach and Krainberg had succeeded in passing Klagenfurt before the arrival of Bona- parte; so that the Archduke had the greater part of his forces well in hand, prepared to dispute the advance of Bonaparte into Austria. On March 31st Bonaparte set his columns in motion. On the morning of April ist he attacked the advance-guard of the enemy at St. Veit and overthrew it. On the same day he encountered the enemy in force at Neumark. Here the Arch- THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 43 duke had assembled all the remnants of his army, together with four divisions just arrived from the Rhine. Both sides fought furiously. The Austrians were stubborn, the French impetuous. Finally, after losing about one thousand in killed, wounded, and prisoners the Archduke was com- pelled to retreat. At Unzmark he again made a stand, but, after losing about one thousand more of his command, was again overthrown. He fell back on the road to Vienna. Bonaparte followed him, and on April 7th entered Leoben. Meanwhile, at Vienna the Imperial Court was in consternation. The Emperor himself was alarmed. In less than a month Bonaparte had driven the Austrians from Friuli and the Tyrol ; had crossed the Alps and invaded Austria; and now, at the head of his victorious army, was rapidly approaching the Austrian capital. The onward rush of these impetuous soldiers was enough to strike terror to the strongest mind and stoutest heart. The Emperor, realizing the danger, believed the time had come when he should treat for peace. He had already received Bonaparte's letter, which encouraged him to believe that proposals for peace would be favorably received. With this end in view he sent two Austrian officers to Bona- parte's head-quarters at Leoben to ask for a sus- 144 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN: pension of arms for ten days. Bonaparte granted an armistice of five days, at the end of which time Generals Bellegrade and Meerfeld arrived with instructions to sign preliminaries for a definitive peace. On April i8th these preliminaries were signed; the campaign was ended. During these events Victor and Kilmaine, who were fighting in Italy the Venetian insurgents and Laudon's forces from the Tyrol, had suc- ceeded in preserving Bonaparte's communica- tions. After the armistice of Leoben, Laudon retired into the Tyrol, and the Venetian insur- gents were speedily overthrown. Thus ended Bonaparte's first campaign. In less than a month, more than twenty thousand Austrians had been killed, wounded, or captured. The sixth Austrian anny, commanded by the ablest sol- dier Austria has ever produced^ had been beaten in every battle. COMMENTS. From a strategical point of view the operations which we have just described are well worthy the study of every military man. The abilities of the opposing commanders, the peculiar topographical features of the country in which the operations were conducted, and the situations of the opposing ^ ? T H n T ^ L Y THE TAGLIAMENTO. 145 armies with respect to each other, give to this part of the campaign an unusual interest. At the outset the two principal parts of the Austrian forces were widely separated. The sev- enteen thousand in the Tyrol were more than fifty miles distant from the twenty-two thousand on the lower Piave, and between the two, at Feltre, was a small Austrian division of three thousand. Along- the lower Adige, in the vicinity of Verona and Legnago, Bonaparte had fifty-two thousand to oppose these forces. The line of communication with Austria for the force in the Tyrol extended towards the north in the direction of Innspruck; that for the force on the Piave extended towards the northeast across the Alps in the direction of Vienna. These two lines of communication were therefore divergent. Several rivers and mountain chains separated the Austrians in the Tyrol from those on the Piave. The only communication between them was by the road along the Piave to Feltre, thence by Primolano and the upper Brenta to Trent on the Adige. But as this road was in front of the Aus- trian line, it could not be used by the Austrians after Bonaparte began his advance. At the very commencement of active operations, therefore, the two principal Austrian forces became hopelessly separated. Moreover, as they were forced back 10 146 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. towards Austria along divergent lines of communi- cation, they became farther and farther separated. In fact, each was a separate army, having its own line of operations and its own line of retreat. From the nature of the country which separated the army in the Tyrol from that on the Piave, and from the plan of campaign which Austria adopted, it is evident that she' intended that these two armies should act independent^. Why did Austria separate her forces into two armies? Why did she station one in the Tyrol and the other on the Piave? What are the advan- tages and disadvantages of such an arrangement? A discussion of the situation should enlighten us on these points. To prevent Bonaparte from Invading her terri- tory was the problem before Austria. Neither of the two Austrian armies w^as strong enough to take the offensive. Until their numbers should be greatly increased, Austria could not expect to drive Bonaparte from Italy. She might stop his further progress ; but she could not expect to do more than this, for aided by superior numbers and the possession of Mantua she had not been able even to hold Italy. By two routes only could Bonaparte invade Austria. One was by the great highway of the Tyrol to the valley of the upper Danube; the THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 47 other was by several roads across the Alps to Klagenfurt, thence by the single road to Vienna. By stationing one army in the Tyrol and another on the Piave, so as to cover these two routes, Austria expected to prevent the advance of Bona- parte. There was also an additional reason for this arrangement. The army on the Piave covered the roads which lead directly to Trieste. This place was the only important Austrian seaport. It was a large and flourishing city, surrounded by a fertile country. As a considerable part of the supplies for the Austrian forces came from this city, it was important that it should be protected. Furthermore, an army on the Piave, if defeated, could fall back first on the Tagliamento and then on the Isonzo, and there find good defensive positions. - Did these reasons justify Austria in such an arrangement of her forces? Were the two armies advantageously situated for preventing the invasion of her territory? This arrangement was certainly faulty ; in adopting it, Austria committed many errors. First: Had the two Austrian armies been united, they would have constituted a strong force ; sepa- rated, they were both weak. Second : With an Austrian army in the Tyrol and another on the Piave, Bonaparte could with a 148 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN small force hold one in check, while he brought an overwhelming force against the other. Third : As soon as active operations began, Bonaparte could re-enforce Joubert in the Tyrol, or Joubert could re-enforce Bonaparte on the Taglia- mento, by the road through Feltre and Trent, while neither of the Austrian armies could re- enforce the other by the strength of a single man. Fourth: As a division of only three thousand soldiers covered the direct road into Austria by way of Pontebba pass, Bonaparte could, by de- feating this division, easily gain possession of this important point. Fifth : It was impossible for the Austrian re- enforcements, coming from the upper Danube, to join the army on the Piave without making a cir- cuitous march by way of Klagenfurt. Had the two armies been united in the Tyrol, these re- enforcements could have arrived there two weeks earlier. Sixth : Instead of allowing the Archduke Charles to form his own plan of campaign, the Austrian government insisted that he should carry out plans which were faulty, and which he did not approve. He was hampered by the instructions of his gov- ernment, and committed from the start to a system of errors sufficient to discourage the ablest soldier. He was well worthy the confidence of his govern- THE TAGLIAMENTO. 149 ment, had already proved this, and should have been allowed to conduct the entire campaign in his own way. Seventh : To prevent Bonaparte from invading Austria by way of Klagenfurt it was not necessary to station an army directly on this route. The Austrian forces united into one army in the vicinity of Trent would have answered the same purpose ; for in that case Bonaparte could not advance eastward beyond the Adige without ex- posing his flank and rear. Bonaparte would never have attempted to invade Austria by way of Kla- genfurt while the entire Austrian army at Trent remained undefeated. Such a manoeuvre would have carried him from, instead of towards, his enemy; would have lengthened and weakened his line of communications; and would have exposed his flank and rear to the enemy's attack. Such a manoeuvre would have been the height of folly, and would in all probability have resulted in the capture or annihilation of the Army of Italy. The efl'ect produced by stationing an army on the Piave was, then, exactly contrary to what the Austrian government expected. An army there did not prevent invasion, but encouraged it. For similar reasons it was not necessary, in order to protect Trieste, for the army on the Piave to cover the roads which lead to that city. In fact, 150 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. an army of forty-two thousand in the Tyrol would have protected Trieste more effectually than the same army could have done had it covered the roads which lead directly to that place. Perhaps this paradoxical statement needs proof. It will be conceded, for the reasons given above, that Bona- parte would not have advanced upon Trieste while an Austrian army of forty-two thousand remained undefeated in the Tyrol. In either case, then, whether the Austrian army were on his flank in the Tyrol, or directly in his front covering Trieste, it would be necessary to defeat it before advancing. But the Tyrol was favorable for defence. For this purpose, the rivers, mountains, and defiles gave to it great strength. Moreover, an army there would directly cover its communications with Austria. If defeated, it could fall back to another good posi- tion, fight again, and still present a formidable front. The reverse of this was true for an army covering Trieste. The country was more open and the rivers were fordable. Moreover, as in this position the communications would extend to the right and rear of the Austrian army, Bonaparte could, by defeating the right wing, cut off and seize these communications. In this connection it is worthy of notice that when a government sends forth an army to pro- tect a capital, a portion of country, a large city, THE TAGLIAMENTO. 151 or an important seaport, it is not always neces- sary that the army should cover the roads which lead directly to the place; in fact, it is often ad- vantageous to take up a flanking position where the communications of the army are protected, and where it can attack the flank of the enemy if he advances. But these questions should be decided by the commander of the army, and not by the government. The best results will invariably be obtained by leaving the diagnosis of disease to doctors, politics to politicians, and military mat- ters to military men. We have pointed out with considerable detail the errors due to the arrangement of the Aus- trian forces. Was there no advantage arising from such an arrangement? As the situation of the two Austrian armies compelled Bonaparte to divide his forces, it might seem that this was an advantage to the Austrian side ; for in dividing his army he must necessarily have weakened his side. This is true ; nevertheless, after the division of his forces, he still had the advantage of interior lines; so that the disadvantage to him arising from a division of his forces was not so great as the disadvantage to the Austrians arising from the same cause. It is evident from what has already been said that the two Austrian armies should have been united 152 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. in the Tyrol. The plan of campaign should have been to act on the defensive till the Austrian re- enforcements arrived ; then to take the offensive against Bonaparte, either down the Brenta towards Arcole, or along the west side of Lake Garda towards Brescia. Had this plan been adopted, the Austrian re-enforcements could have joined the Archduke two weeks earlier than they did; and while awaiting their arrival, the ten thousand Tyrolese militia would have materially strength- ened the Austrian army. By the middle of March the Archduke could have been ready to take the offensive with an army of more than eighty thou- sand soldiers. To oppose such an army Bonaparte had but seventy thousand. The advantages would have been with the Archduke ; and though he would probably have been defeated and driven back into the Tyrol, yet even then he might have saved Austria from invasion. Starting from the vicinity of Verona and Leg- nago on the Adige, Bonaparte had the choice of two lines of operations. As previously stated, he could operate towards the north against the Aus° trians in the Tyrol, or towards the east against the Archduke Charles in Friuli; but if he confined himself entirely to either line, the Austrian army occupying the other could fall upon his rear. He was, therefore, compelled to divide his forces. He THE TAGLIAMENTO, 153 decided to send a strong force into the Tyrol to hold the Austrians there in check, while he marched in person with the main part of his army against the Archduke. Three reasons led him to choose the route through Friuli as his principal line of operations. First: The shores of the Adriatic were better suited for offensive opera- tions ; a large army there could be easily manoeu- vred. On the other hand, the Tyrol was better suited for defensive operations ; a containing force there could operate to advantage. Second : As the line of communications of the Archduke's army was to the right and rear of his right wing, Bona- parte could, by defeating it, seize the Archduke's line of retreat, and by so doing might be able either to capture his army or drive it into the sea. Third: This route led directly towards the Austrian capital. To an invading army the possession of the capital of a country is always of the utmost importance; as a rule, when it is taken the war ends. " A capital city," says Dufour, " is a stra- tegic point of great importance, because it regu- lates or greatly influences the public opinion of the nation, contains abundant resources of every kind, the loss of which may greatly paralyze the enemy; and to the minds of a large portion of the people all hope of successful defence is lost when an invading army has reached the heart of the state." 154 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Having noticed the reasons why Bonaparte chose this route for his main line of operations, we will now point out some of the distinguishing features of this part of the campaign. For the first time since taking command of the Army of Italy Bona- parte was stronger numerically than his adversary. Omitting for the present the eighteen thousand French soldiers left in Italy to protect the French rear, and also the re-enforcements on their way to join the Austrian armies, there remained at the beginning of active operations fifty-two thousand French soldiers with whom to oppose forty-two thousand Austrians and the Tyrolese militia. Though the militia numbered ten thousand, only a part joined the Austrians at the beginning of active operations. Moreover, the value of the militia as a fighting force, for reasons already given, was considerably less than that of the same number of Austrian soldiers. At the outset, Bona- parte had, therefore, a numerical superiority of several thousand. To this superiority in numbers is due the absence of those brilliant combinations and manoeuvres which were such distinguishing features in the operations previously described. It will be noticed, however, that, had Bonaparte been hard pressed at this time, his forces were favorably situated for concentrating overwhelming numbers against either Austrian army. On March THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 55 13th, the day Massena attacked Lusignan, the opposing forces were situated as follows : Bona- parte on the Piave had twenty-four thousand soldiers, and the Archduke Charles in his front had twenty-two thousand; Massena at Longaro had ten thousand to oppose Lusignan's division of three thousand ; and Joubert in the Tyrol had eighteen thousand to oppose seventeen thousand Austrians and ten thousand militia. In this situa- tion Bonaparte's army consisted of two strong wings and a centre. Had Joubert been hard pressed, Massena could have joined him. This junction would have given Joubert twenty-eight thousand soldiers with whom to oppose seventeen thousand Austrians and ten thousand militia. Had Bonaparte been hard pressed, he could have called Massena to him ; and would then have had thirty- four thousand soldiers with whom to oppose twenty- two thousand Austrians. In fact, though not at all hard pressed, he exercised the caution of hav- ing Massena near him at the battle of the Taglia- mento. It will be noticed that, on the very day of this battle, Massena crossed the Tagliamento near Spilimbergo only a short distance from the battle- field. Though his objective at that time was the pass at Pontebba, yet he so regulated his marches that, had it been necessary, he could have' joined Bonaparte before the battle. In the detailed orders 156 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. sent on the afternoon of March 13th by Bonaparte to Massena are the following paragraphs bearing upon this point: — " The enemy is retiring, and appears to have decided to take position behind the Tagliamento. The general- in-chief hopes to deliver a blow which shall decide the fate of the camj)aign, and cover the Army of Italy with new laurels. He is certain that Prince Charles commands. . . . " The general- in-chief orders General Massena to set out to-morrow for Belluno, and move towards the Tagha- mento ; he desires him to be at Aviano to-morrow even- ing, where he will receive new orders. . . . "Although the general-in-chief presumes that the forces which he has at this moment are sufficient to insure victory, he may think it well to delay his attacks for a day in order that the brave Masse'na division may participate.'' When Bonaparte began his advance against the Archduke, the latter fell back towards Trieste. Undoubtedly, the orders of his government caused him to retreat in this direction. Had he taken a position directly covering the roads to Klagen- furt by way of Pontebba and Tarwis, he would have been better able to prevent the invasion of Austria. His right flank could not then have been so easily turned ; and though he must have been defeated, he could have fallen back across the Alps, and could have held the passes at Pen- THE TAGLIAMENTO. 157 tebba and Tarwis with strong detachments long enough to receive the greater part of the Austrian re-enforcements. Had the Archduke united in this way all his available forces near Villach, and held at the same time the passes, Bonaparte would have found great difficulty in forcing his way across the Alps ; and even had he succeeded in doing this, the Archduke was still in a position to defeat the heads of the French columns as they debouched from the passes into the valley of the Drave. It is evident, too, that, if this plan had been adopted, Bonaparte would not have attempted to invade Austria by way of Laybach and Krain- berg; for the moment he passed the Isonzo, the Archduke could have descended from Pontebba and Tarwis upon the French rear, and could have cut off their communications without in the least endangering his own. After the battle of the Tagliamento, the Arch- duke Charles divided his army. He sent Baya- litsch's division by way of Udine and Caporetto towards Tarwis, while with the remainder of his army he fell back on the Isonzo so as to cover Trieste. When the Archduke detached this di- vision, he expected that it would gain the pass at Tarwis and hold it, thus insuring the retreat of his immediate command by the valley of the Isonzo. 158 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN: Bonaparte saw in this situation a chance to entrap his adversary. He directed Massena to seize the pass at Tarwis, and then with Serrurier's and Ber- nadotte's divisions he crossed the Isonzo below the Archduke, and manoeuvred to turn him into the valley of the Isonzo. Had Bonaparte suc- ceeded in doing this, the Archduke could not have escaped. Enclosed within this narrow valley by Massena's division in his front and by Berna- dotte's, Serrurier's, and Guyeux's divisions in his rear, the Archduke would have been compelled to surrender his army. Fortunately for him he saw the danger in time to avoid it by retreating towards Laybach. It was at this time that he hurried to Villach in order to collect a force to attack the pass at Tar- wis. The possession of this pass had become of the greatest importance. In fact, it was the key to the situation. If the pass were held by Mas- sena, Bonaparte could not only destroy Baya- litsch, but he could also debouch from the pass upon Villach with the divisions of Massena, Ser- rurier, and Guyeux, drive back the Austrian re- enforcements, gain possession of Klagenfurt, and in this way cut off, capture, or destroy the Austrian forces marching by way of Laybach and Krain- berg. On the other hand, if the pass were held by the Archduke, he could unite his scattered forces THE TAGLIAMENTO, I 59 in the vicinity of Tarwis or Villach, and present a formidable front to Bonaparte's advance. More- over, Bayalitsch would escape capture, and the immense amount of supplies and material of war with him would be saved to the Austrian army. It is to the credit of the Archduke Charles that he comprehended the situation, and hurried to Tarwis to fight for the possession of this important point. It is to his credit that, under such unfavorable cir- cumstances, he fought so desperately and showed such personal courage. Though he could not save Bayalitsch, nor stop the progress of Bona- parte, he had the satisfaction of knowing that this battle, fought so furiously, delayed his ad- versary long enough to allow the Austrian divis- ions coming from Laybach to escape capture or annihilation. Though at the start Bonaparte had in his mind the plan of drawing Joubert to him by the valley of the Drave, yet this movement depended not only on Bonaparte's success in Friuli, but also on Joubert's success in the Tyrol. Had not Bona- parte crossed the Alps, Joubert would not have entered the valley of the Drave. There was, in fact, but one distinct line of operations; for the force in the Tyrol under Joubert was essentially a containing force. Joubert's object was not to in- vade Austria, but to protect the rear of the Army l60 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. of Italy. As Bonaparte advanced farther and farther into Austria, it became of the utmost im- portance that Joubert should hold in check the Austrians and militia in the Tyrol. For this pur- pose Bonaparte had given him eighteen thousand soldiers. There were at this time in the Tyrol seventeen thousand Austrians and ten thousand Tyrolese militia. Though the result showed that Joubert was stronger than his enemy, yet at the beginning of active operations there was nothing to indicate that he would win such success against such odds. In fact, Bonaparte himself was doubt- ful whether Joubert could hold in check the forces of the enemy in the Tyrol. This fact is clearly shown in the following orders : ~ " Headquarters, Sacile, March 15th, 1797. '^To General Joubert: — In order to form a junc- tion of the divisions which are in the Tyrol and those in Friuli, it is necessary for the latter to cross the Tagliamento, seize the position at Osoppo, force the passes of Ponteb- bana (Pontebba), and reach the valley of the Drave. "The Tyrol divisions should arrive at Brixen and drive the enemy beyond the high chain of mountains separating Innspruck from Brixen. But events may occur which the contingencies of war require should be provided for in advance. " First : The Tyrol divisions may be beaten and obliged to fall back upon the Mori line, or even that of THE TAGLTAMENTO. l6l Rivoli ; be forced into the intrenched can:ip of Castelnuovo (Castel Novo), and reduced to the defence of the Mincio ; or even be compelled to shelter thenaselves in Mantua. " Second : The enemy may endeavor to penetrate by Feltre and Primolano, in an attempt to break our com- munications j this, in the present condition of things, appears to me very difficult. " Third : It may happen that, by one movement or another, the divisions which are in Friuli may be out- flanked on the right or left, and that a head of column of the enemy may hence gain the Piave, and even the Brenta, before the Friuli divisions. " Should the first hypothesis prove correct, but only in this case, you will make use of the order which I send you, giving you command of the divisions located in the district of Mantua, as well as in Lombardy and the whole of the country comprised between the Oglio and the Adige. " In every case, you must provision and hold Peschiera, Porto-Legnago, Mantua, and Pizzighettone ; place your- self between Mantua and the Po, in a position to supply yourself by this river and to fall upon the rear of the enemy if he dare to advance into the Milanese ; inform General Sahuguet that he is to concentrate all his forces in the castle of Ferrara. I shall give you, moreover, as the exigencies of events demand, all necessary instruc- tions, not doubting that, under all circumstances, you will act conformably to the spirit of the war which we are now waging. " You understand that it is essential, in case you are beaten, to dispute every position, and to make use of all resources of art, and of all natural features of the ground, II 1 62 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. in order to give the Friuli divisions time to take proper measures. "You will find enclosed herewith, Citizen General, detailed instructions upon the different cases which may arise. ^' Prepare to attack Botzen by the most convenient direction, taking the snows into consideration. " To-morrow we shall make a crossing of the Taglia- mento, which it is said the enemy intends disputing. I desire you to begin your movement on the 27th or 28th. If the weather continues as fine as to-day, and fortune favors us, I calculate upon being in the defiles of Pon- tebbana (Pontebba) on the 30th ; that is, upon the road leading from Udine to Klagenfurt. I shall write from Udine in greater detail. " You will find enclosed instructions for your future government, should you succeed in seizing a part of the Tyrol. " Bonaparte." Says Derrecagaix : — " In his combination, Bonaparte seemed to adopt two lines of operations : one through Friuli, the other through the Tyrol and the Pusterthal. But this was only in ap- pearance. The line indicated to Joubert was to be fol- lowed only in case of the success of the main forces. It extended through a country impracticable for the enemy, and was to be connected by means of Massena's division with the operating line of the principal army. "We should not, moreover, forget that in moving toward the Noric and Julian Alps, Bonaparte had upon his left a hostile corps, established in the midst of the THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 63 Tyrol, and ready to cut his communications by the valley of the Adige, aided by the warlike inhabitants of this country. Joubert's corps had then a special mission. It was a necessary detachment, but it was only a detach- ment. The line of operations was that pursued by the bulk of our forces. " In reality, the decisive movement, that of the army proper, was to take place upon a single line of operations, the line in Friuli." Though Bonaparte was everywhere successful in his combinations, he has nevertheless been severely criticised for having adopted in this part of the campaign two distinct lines of operations. In his own language he has stated these criticisms and his replies to them as follows : — ''Was not the march into Germany by two lines of operations, those of the Tyrol and Pontebba, a violation of the principle that an army should have but one line of operations? Was not the union of these two corps in Carinthia, so distant from the point of departure, contrary to the principle of never joining columns in the face of the enemy? Would it not have been preferable to have left from seven thousand to eight thousand men before Trent upon the defensive, and to have collected ten thousand or twelve thousand more upon the Piave? This plan would have avoided the necessity of carrying on the war in the Tyrol, a difficult theatre ; it would not have been exposed to chances unfavorable for a junction of the columns ; and at the outset of the campaign all the forces would have been concentrated. 1 64 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. " Neither of the principles above cited has been violated. If only eight thousand men had been left with Joubert upon the Avicio (Lavis), he would have been attacked, and the corps of Davidovich (Kerpen's and Laudon's forces) would have reached Verona before the French army arrived at Villach. For 'the purpose of maintaining himself upon the Avicio, Joubert required at least four- teen thousand men. It seemed preferable to leave his forces undiminished, thus giving him a numerical supe- riority which would enable him to defeat Davidovich, shatter and demoralize him, and drive him beyond Jhe Brenner. The Tyrol is a difficult region, but it is fatal to the conquered. The French troops had acquired a great superiority over the Germans. " Germany was not entered by two lines of operations, since the Pusterthal is on this side of the crest of the Alps, and as soon as Joubert had passed Lienz, the line of operation was that of Villach and Pontebba. Junction of the two corps was not made in front of the enemy, for when Joubert left Brixen to move to the right upon Spittal by the Pusterthal or the valley of the Drave, the main army had arrived at Klagenfurt, and had patrols as far as Lienz. The Archduke, then, could devise no manoeuvre to prevent this junction. Joubert, up to the time of the battle of the Tagliamento, remained upon the defensive. After this battle he attacked, beat, and destroyed the greater part of David ovich's corps, and threw it back beyond the Brenner ; all this without risk, since, had he been beaten, he would simply have fallen back from position to position in Italy. When he learned that the army had passed the Juhan Alps and the Drave, he made his junction movement by way of the THE TAGLIAMENTO. 1 65 Pusterthal, which was also without inconvenience. This operation, rapidly executed, was indeed conformable to all rules ; it should have had, and indeed did have, every •kind of advantage.'' Everywhere victory had crowned the Army of Italy. Bonaparte had crossed the Alps ; Joubert was about to join him. With all his available forces about to unite into one army, Bonaparte was ready to march on the Austrian capital. His generals were confident of further success; his soldiers were filled with enthusiasm. In an army where all had tasted victory, none dreamed of defeat. Bonaparte alone saw the difficulties of the undertaking. He knew that his rear was in danger; he knew that his line of communication was weak, and would become weaker and weaker the farther he advanced towards Vienna; he knew that the armies of the Rhine and the Sambre and Meuse could not co-operate with him in his bold undertaking. It seemed almost folly to march into the heart of the Austrian dominions, and expect to conquer the Austrian monarchy at the head of only fifty thousand soldiers. Moreover, as he advanced, his army was constantly diminishing in * numbers, while the Austrian army was being con- tinually re-enforced. The Hungarians were about to rise and join their forces to those of the Arch- duke Charles. Volunteers for the defence of the 1 66 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Austrian capital were already organizing. Soon, Bonaparte would find himself in the presence of superior numbers ; soon, he might be crushed by overwhelming odds. Against odds sufficiently great, the greatest must eventually fall. Under these circumstances, Bonaparte offered peace ; he agreed to the armistice, and signed the preliminaries for a treaty of peace. His caution decided him in this course. His caution caused him to halt his victorious army almost within sight of the Austrian capital. His caution ena- bled him to end with brilliancy one of the most wonderful campaigns ever planned and fought. Had he been as cautious in after years, he might have died Emperor of^France, " in the midst of the French people whom he loved so wf 11." ^ Had he been as cautious in after years, he might never have fallen at Waterloo, — might never have been banished to that lone rock made famous by his great name. 1 " It is my wish that my ashes may repose on the banks of the Seine, in the midst of the French people whom I have loved so well." — The will of Napoleon. CHAPTER VIII. GENERAL COMMENTS. A T the beginning of this campaign the outlook ■^^^ was most unfavorable to Bonaparte. Tak- ing command of the Army of Italy when it was ill fed and ill equipped, when it was deficient in siege artillery, in pontoon equipage, and means of transportation, he surmounts all these diffi- culties, crosses the Apennines in the face of his enemies, drives the Austrians before him, and defeats them again and again. Yet his ambi- tion is not satisfied. More marvellous purposes crowd upon his brain. He will cross the Alps. He vv'ill carry the French eagles into the Aus- trian dominions. Proud Austria shall tremble for the security of even her hereditary posses- sions. In these marvellous successes the odds against which he successfully contended will perhaps be better appreciated by referring to the following table, which gives the strength of the opposing forces, and the losses on both sides. 1 68 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Parts of Campaign. Forces. Forces. 1st. Montenotte . French, 40,000. . . Allies, 50,000. 2d. Lodi .... French, 40,000. . . Austrians, 42,000. 3d- Lonato and Castiglione . French, 45,000. . . Austrians, 72,000. 4th. Bassano and San Georgio French, 42,000. . . Austrians, 56,000. Sth. Arcole . . . French, 40,000. . . Austrians, 70,000. 6th. 7th. Rivoli . . . The Taglia- French, 44,000. . . Austrians, 65,000. mento . . . French, 70,000. . . Austrians, 72,000. Average strength to fall of Mantua French, 42,000. . . Allies, 60,000. Average strength during campaign . French, 46,000. . . Allies, 61,000. Loss during cam- French, Allies, paign about 40,000. . about 120,000. These numbers include the French soldiers left in Italy to protect the French rear, and the re- enforcements that joined the Austrian armies after the battle of the Tagliamento. The losses include killed, wounded, and captured on both sides, but not the Austrian soldiers who died in the fortress of Mantua. By a reference to the above table it will be seen that the average strength of the French forces prior to the capitulation of Mantua was forty-two thousand, while that of the opposing forces was sixty thousand, — a ratio of seven to ten. During this time more than one hundred thousand Austrians were killed, wounded, or cap- GENERAL COMMENTS, 169 tured by the Army of Italy, while the French lost less than thirty five thousand. Throughout the campaign, the average strength of the French forces was forty-six thousand and that of the opposing forces sixty-one thousand, — a ratio of about three to four. With these num- bers Bonaparte defeated one Sardinian army and six Austrian armies; and killed, wounded, or captured, one hundred and twenty thousand men. During the entire struggle, each French soldier put hors de combat^ on an average, two and a half Austrians; and forty-six thousand French- men were more than a match for sixty-one thou- sand Austrians. By skill in strategy and tactics Bonaparte was constantly successful in the face of these odds. By skill in strategy he outnumbered the enemy upon all the prominent battle-fields except Arcole and Rivoli; and by skill in tactics he won these two battles. At times the odds against him were almost too great to be overcome. In the Arcole part of the campaign the inequality between the opposing armies was greatest, and here he came nearest to defeat; here, after desperate fighting, forty thousand Frenchmen, guided by his genius, defeated seventy thousand Austrians. It was said by Napoleon that Massena's 170 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. presence on a battle-field was equivalent to a re-enforcement of twenty thousand men. Surely, when we consider Bonaparte's marvellous suc- cesses in the face of such great odds, we are led to reckon the value of his presence by still greater numbers. It is difficult to conceive of any standard by which to measure the power of intellect. Mind cannot be measured with a foot rule. Only by comparison can we form a correct estimate of its power. By comparing the odds and the results in these operations, we can imagine Bonaparte's intellect exerting itself as a physical force, more powerful in the conflict than thousands of re- enforcements. In imagination we can see two opposing armies advancing to begin a great battle. We can see the brave soldiers of Austria, their glittering arms, and their old white-haired commander. We can see the French divisions and their eagles. We can see Massena, Lannes, Augereau, Joubert, and in their midst Napoleon. The battle begins. The brave meet the brave. All are determined to conquer or die; all fight desperately, furiously. We can see the wavering lines, hear the roar of the cannon, the rattle of the musketry. We can see the troops hurrying hither and thither, and amidst confusion and death hear the shouts of victory. In the smoke GENERAL COMMENTS. 171 of the battle we can now and then catch a glimpse of Napoleon galloping over the battle-field. He commands- He does not blanch in the face of great odds. He is master of the situation. His eagle eye takes in the whole field. He sees where the blow must be struck to decide the struggle. He gives the word. The reserves move forward ; they charge ; the crash comes. The Austrians waver and fall back; the French rush on with cheers. The smoke clears away; the conflict is ended; the battle is won. Bravery did not decide this battle; for the Austrians and French were equally brave. Num- bers did not decide it; for the Austrians out- numbered the French. It was the intellect of Bonaparte which turned the scale. Was not his intellect all-powerful at Rivoli, Austerlitz, and Friedland.? To conduct a campaign to a successful termi- nation is a worthy task for a great intellect. It is difficult to conceive of any undertaking which requires greater and more diverse powers of mind. Hundreds of matters must be carefully considered. Not only the strategical and tactical manoeuvres by which he concentrates his forces and wins his victories, but his communications, his means of transportation, the supplies for his army, the equipment and discipline of his troops. 1/2 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. the abilities of his subordinate commanders, the topography and resources of the country, give him the greatest anxiety. He must give careful attention to all these matters; for the neglect of a single one may lead to disaster. He must be brave, clear-headed, cool, cautious, and fear- less; and be able to make a quick decision in critical times. He must have an eye for facts. He must weigh correctly all reports and rumors, and from the doubtful information at hand sift the true from the false. He must see everything that is going on around him. His glance must penetrate the enemy's line, his vision sweep the whole theatre of operations. Says Napoleon : — " The first quality of a commander-in-chief is the pos- session of a cool head, which receives correct impressions of things, which never becomes over-excited, which does not permit itself to be intoxicated by good nor bewildered by bad news, — a mind in which the successive or simul- taneous impressions received during the course of a day classify themselves, and take the only place they should properly occupy ; for good sense and reason are the result of comparing several sensations, weighed with equal consideration. " There are men who, by reason of their physical and moral constitutions, interpret every event in the same way ; whatever may be their wisdom, spirit, courage, and other qualities, nature has not called them to the command of armies and the direction of great military operations. GENERAL COMMENTS, 173 '' The commander-in-chief is the head ; he is every- thing for the army. It was not the Roman army which conquered Gaul, but Caesar ; it was not the Carthaginian army which, at the gates of Rome, made the Eternal City tremble, but Hannibal ) it was not the Macedonian army which marched as far as the Indus, but Alexander; it was not the Prussian army which defended Prussia for seven years against the three most powerful states of f Europe, but Frederick." I By studying the campaigns of great soldiers during different periods of the world's history, it is found that their successes are due, in great measure, to the correct application of certain unchangeable laws. These laws are the prin- ciples of strategy. They have been formulated after careful study of the manoeuvres and com- binations of the great masters of war Born of long and varied experience, and found immutable in all ages, they are the basis for all future successes. Several of the most important of these prin- ciples are given here. The first three embrace almost the whole subject of strategy; and con- sequently include several of those which follow them. First : Be stronger than the enemy on the battle-field. Second : Operate upon the communications of the enemy without exposing your own. 174 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Third : Operate upon interior lines. Fourth : Engage your masses with the frac- tions of the enemy's forces. Fifth : Divide the forces of the enemy, and beat them in detail. Sixth : Operate offensively and in force along but one line at a time. Seventh: Do not advance to attack with the main parts of an army separated by impassable obstacles. Eighth: Concentrate an overwhelming mass upon the vital point of the enemy. This last principle reaches into the domain of tactics, for it is applicable also on the battle-field. But on the battle-field tactics and strategy blend, so that it is not always possible to determine exactly the dividing line between them. Owing to improved weapons of warfare, to better means of transportation, and to discoveries in electricity, changes in the method of applying these principles have resulted; but the prin- ciples themselves are immutable. They are the same to-day as in the days of Alexander, of Hannibal, of C9esar, and of Napoleon. They are the foundations of all great military successes. They are the test of generalship. No commander can long violate them without bringing disaster and ruin upon his army. GENERAL COMMENTS. 175 Mankind is apt to measure a soldier's ability by his successes. As victory is the aim of all strategy and tactics, it is proper that generalship should be judged by the results attained. But this test is not always infallible. When a com- mander wins battle after battle and campaign after campaign under many difficulties, his suc- cesses are almost a sure proof of great general- ship; not becausethey themselves are an infallible test of his military ability, but because they can be attained only by carrying out correctly the principles of war. But if we consider single manoeuvres, or single battles, the test of victory does not necessarily apply; for the commander may blunder into a victory; he may win a battle by tactical skill while his strategical manoeuvres have been a series of errors. He may even meet defeat without having committed a single fault in either tactics or strategy How then are we to determine whether a battle or a manoeuvre was conducted correctly or incorrectly? What is the infallible test of generalship? The answer is, The immutable principles of war. He who fol- lows them as far as possible in every step that he takes shows good generalship. To this it may be replied that the principles sometimes conflict, and that it is impossible to proceed without vio- lating one of them ; or that no general has ever 176 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. conducted a campaign without sometimes violat- ing some principle of strategy or tactics. This is true; a commander has often no alternative but to take up a faulty position, or to carry out a plan which violates some principle of war. Taking into account these facts, the following rule may be taken as the test of generalship: To carry out the imnmtable principles of war wJie^i it is possible to do so; when they conflict, to cany out those which offer the greatest advantages. To operate always upon interior lines may be impossible; but if a commander carries out this principle when it is possible to do so, he is doing all in this respect that any soldier can do to win success. In order to illustrate this subject by a par- ticular case, let us refer to one of Bonaparte's manoeuvres in the Bassano and San Georgio part of the campaign. It will be remembered that he had two divisions at Rivoli, and one at Salo on the other side of Lake Garda. He had decided to take the offensive; he wished to advance upon Roveredo with these three divis- ions. In only two ways could this be accom- plished: the division at Salo could either march around the north end of Lake Garda and unite at Roveredo with the divisions coming from Rivoli ; or it could march around the south end of the GENERAL COMMENTS. 1 77 lake, unite with the two divisions at Rivoli, and march on Roveredo. Bonaparte adopted the first plan, and in doing so violated the principle of strategy that, in advancing to attack, the main parts of an army should not be separated by impassable obstacles. Had he adopted the second plan, he would have violated another principle. He would have exposed his commu- nications to an attack in the vicinity of Brescia; and the Austrians could have descended on the west side of Lake Garda, and have attacked his communications without exposing their own. He had to choose which plan to adopt, which principle to violate. He chose the first, because of the two plans, both of which were faulty, the first offered the fewest disadvantages. Judged then by the test of generalship, the manoeuvre was correct. But the commander who violates a principle of war, whether by neglect or neces- sity, always gives to his opponent a certain ad- vantage. In other words the enemy may always profit by the mistakes of his adversary, whether they are unavoidable or due to poor generalship. Referring again to the case just mentioned, it has been pointed out in a former chapter how the Austrian general could have concentrated his army at the head of Lake Garda, and by this means have not only outnumbered Bonaparte 12 178 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. upon the battle-field, but have defeated in detail the separated parts of his army. The unavoidable violation of a principle of strategy by Bonaparte gave to the Austrian commander great chances of success. The latter, however, did not have sufficient military ability to take advantage of the opportunity offered, but made the mistake of dividing his own forces, thus allowing Bonaparte not only to unite his divisions at Roveredo, but to defeat separately the two Austrian armies. Let us illustrate this subject still further by taking other examples from this campaign. On the morning of April 12, 1796, Bonaparte had La Harpe's and Massena's divisions at Mon- tenotte ready to begin the battle. These two divisions, numbering sixteen thousand soldiers, were opposed to the Austrian centre under Argenteau, numbering ten thousand soldiers. Beaulieu, the Austrian commander-in-chief, was between Genoa and Voltri with seventeen thou- sand Austrians. The remainder of the Army of Italy was watching and holding in check the twenty thousand Sardinians at Mondovi, Ceva, and Millesimo. This was the situation when Bonaparte fought the battle of Montenotte, and broke through the centre of the allies. Before the manoeuvres were executed leading up to this battle, he perceived that the Austrians and GENERAL COMMENTS. 1 79 Sardinians were widely separated, and that the centre was the vulnerable spot in their long line. By political and strategical skill he enticed Beaulieu through the Bochetta pass towards Genoa andVoltri; then, before he could return to aid Argenteau, Bonaparte concentrated an overwhelming force at Montenotte, and crushed through the Austrian centre. In these operations Bonaparte carried out the following principles of strategy. First : He brought a stronger force upon the battle-field of Montenotte than the enemy. He had sixteen thousand soldiers, Argenteau but ten thousand. Second : He attacked offensively and in force along only one line at a time. His remaining divisions were in front of the Sardinians acting defensively to prevent them from re-enforcing Argenteau. No French force was left in front of Beaulieu, because none was needed there. "The sole use of a containing force," says Hamley, "is to prevent a reunion of the enemy's parts. If it is not necessary to this purpose, it will be better employed at the point of attack." As has been shown in the first chapter, Beaulieu could not aid Argenteau by advancing from Genoa towards Montenotte; neither could he aid him in time by returning through the Bochetta pass, for such a l80 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. movement would take several days. Before this time elapsed, not only Montenotte, but the battles of Millesimo and Dego, were fought and won. Third : At Montenotte Bonaparte divided the forces of the enemy. Afterwards he beat them in detail at Millesimo, Dego, and Mondovi. Fourth: Montenotte was the vital point in the long line of the allies. By concentrating an overwhelming mass against Argenteau, Bonaparte broke through the line, and thereafter from his central position had the advantage of interior lines in operating against the allies. Every principle of strategy which Bonaparte carried out Beaulieu violated. The latter had under his command fifty thousand soldiers; yet he so scattered his troops that he brought upon the decisive point — the battle-field of Monte- notte — but one fifth of his army. What made the matter still more humiliating was the fact that, under his immediate command and within hearing of the guns of Montenotte, were seven- teen thousand brave Austrians, who were march- ing and countermarching in the vicinity of Genoa to no purpose, neither able to re-enforce Argen- teau, nor able to hold in check any fraction of the Army of Italy. If, in the Lodi part of the campaign, Bona- parte had not been delayed in crossing the Po GENERAL COMMENTS. l8l at Placentia, he would have had great chances of success; for the Austrians, having to form front to a flank ^ in order to fight, would upon the least reverse have lost their communications. On the other hand, Bonaparte could have been driven back across the Po without endangering in the least his communications. His object was to place his army in such a position as to enable him to destroy the Austrian communications without endangering his own. In the Arcole part of the campaign, Bonaparte attempted a manoeuvre very similar to this: he crossed the Adige at Verona, descended the river to Ronco, recrossed the Adige there, and attempted to throw his army upon the flank and rear of Alvinzi. In this position, as at Placentia, he threatened the communications of the Aus- trians without exposing his own to Alvinzi's attacks. In gaining a favorable position for attacking the flank and rear of the enemy, Bonaparte had to make a flank march, and consequently had to expose his own flank to the enemy's attacks. But in each of these cases his flank was protected by an unfordable river; and because he marched rapidly, he was able to effect a crossing before his adversary discovered his plan. Nevertheless, 1 See foot-note on page 45. 1 82 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. these flank marches were attended with consider- able danger. In fact all flank marches in the vicinity of an active enemy are dangerous; for a commander who gains a position upon the ene- my's flank must necessarily expose his own flank to the enemy's attacks. Even when his flank is protected by a river, as in the cases just mentioned, he cannot cross it in the face of the enemy without taking considerable risk. Had the Austrian army been assembled in force near Placentia, it could have defeated the divisions of the Army of Italy in detail as they crossed the Po. That flank marches are always attended with more or less danger is probably the reason why Napoleon seldom made them in his campaigns. As a rule, he preferred to strike at the centre of the enemy rather than at his flank. By striking at the centre, he could separate the enemy's army into parts and then defeat them in detail. By striking at the flank, he gave the enemy an opportunity to concentrate. Even if he defeated one flank, he might drive it back upon the other, and thus have to meet both in a single engage- ment. Thus at Waterloo, had Napoleon attacked the right of the English, as Wellington un- doubtedly expected him to do, he would prob- ably have driven Wellington back upon Blucher, GENERAL COMMENTS. 183 and would have had to fight them united. As it was, after defeating Blucher, he had to fight them united; but this was not due to any fault in Napoleon's plan. It was due to the inefficiency of Grouchy. At Marengo and at Ulm Napoleon made a flank march, and struck at the rear of the Austrians, and at Jena he struck at the flank of the Prus- sians; but these cases were exceptional. There were excellent reasons for his adopting this plan in each case. In the Marengo campaign, Bonaparte crossed the Alps over the Great St. Bernard pass, marched / to Milan, and threw his army from the north f upon the Austrian communications near Marengo. \ This was undoubtedly a hazardous movement; nevertheless, it offered, on the whole, more decisive results and greater chances of success than any other plan of operations. By adopting this plan he was enabled to receive a re-enforce- ment of fi.fteen thousand soldiers from the Army of the Rhine. They marched through the St. Gothard pass and joined him near Milan. Nor was this flank march of Bonaparte, after all, so hazardous as it would at first seem to be; for though his communications by the St. Ber- nard were exposed to the enemy's attacks, he had a line of retreat to the north by way of the 1 84 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, St. Gothard, which he could have utilized had he been beaten at Marengo. In the Ulm campaign, Napoleon was opposed to the Austrians and Russians. The Austrian army was on the Danube in the vicinity of Ulm, with its front facing France. A Russian army, several marches distant, was on its way to join the Austrians at Ulm. In numbers Napoleon's army was greatly superior to the Austrian army. By a series of remarkable marches, the divisions of Napoleon's army proceeded from the English Channel, and from other points in the theatre of war, towards Ulm. Napoleon was anxious to destroy the Austrians before their Russian allies should arrive. Had he attacked the Austrian army in front, it might have been driven back upon the Russian army, and he would have found them united in his front. He therefore decided to march his army around the right of the Aus- trians. By making this flank march, he suc- ceeded in cutting the Austrians from their communications, and at the same time inter- posed his own army between them and the ad- vancing Russians. In this case a flank march was necessary in order to divide the allies and beat them in detail. In this manoeuvre Napo- leon was wonderfully successful. He captured almost the entire Austrian army before the Rus- GENERAL COMMENTS, 185 sian army could unite with it. The danger of these manoeuvres was lessened by the age and character of the Austrian commander, General Mack. Napoleon, however, took the greatest pre- cautions. In order to screen his divisions while they were making the flank march around the Austrian right, he directed a cavalry corps and part of an infantry corps to march directly to- wards Ulm. Mack, who had learned that large bodies of cavalry and infantry were in his front, was expecting an attack from that direction. He was greatly surprised when he learned that the greater part of the French army had slipped by his right and had cut off his communications with Vienna. The superiority in numbers of Napoleon's army over the Austrian army, and the great results obtained by throwing his army between the allies, certainly justified him in mak- ing this flank march. It has already been said that these flank marches are always dangerous, and especially so in the presence of an active adversary. During the whole of Napoleon's career, none of his numerous adversaries ever succeeded in defeating him by such a movement. At Austerlitz the allies attempted just such a movement against him; and they were annihilated in the most remarkable tactical battle which has ever been fought. 1 86 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. In the Austerlitz campaign, Napoleon was / opposed to the Russians and Austrians. He i i had marched directly north from Vienna to Aus- terlitz. His line of communications extended 1^ back through Vienna. His line of battle faced ; the east, and was parallel to, and but a short dis- 'i I tance from, the road to Vienna. In order to face \ the allies he had been obliged to form front to a flank, and upon the least reverse would have lost his communications with Vienna. I The allies, who had just been strongly im- pressed by Napoleon's flank march around the i Austrian right at Ulm, conceived the plan of ^ making a similar march around Napoleon's right at Austerlitz. They expected to cut the com- munications of Napoleon as he had cut the com- ; munications of Mack. This being accomplished, they hoped to destroy or capture the French ; army Since Napoleon had won such a great I victory by a flank manoeuvre, why should not they also win by a similar manoeuvre.'* They purposed to do so. They believed that, by fol- lowing in the footsteps of Napoleon, they could beat him at his own game. Napoleon was quick to discover their inten- tions. From the movements of the allies, he saw that their object was to cut him off from his communications with Vienna. In fact, they GENERAL COMMENTS. 187 undertook to carry out this plan within sight of the French army. Napoleon saw that they were making a fatal blunder by weakening their centre. He did not even strengthen his right to meet the attack of the enemy's left. He waited until the movements of the allies had progressed suffi- ciently, then he ordered his divisions forward. With his own centre strongly re-enforced, he threw -his army forward, like a wedge, upon the centre of the allies, crushed through their weakened lines, and actually cut them in two. They were beaten on all sides. Great numbers were killed, captured, and wounded. It was a splendid victory for Napoleon. It was a terrible defeat for the allies. During the battle. Napoleon showed but little anxiety about losing his communications with Vienna. The reason for this was that he had another line of communications with France through Bohemia. This line was perpendicular to the front of his arm.y at Austerlitz, and was shorter than the line through Vienna. If the allies had succeeded in their plan, and had even beaten Napoleon at Austerlitz, he could have fallen back through Bohemia without losing his communications with France. Why was the flank march of the allies so disas- trous, while that of Napoleon at Ulm was so sue- 1 88 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. cessful? The principal reason was that the allies attempted to do tactically what Napoleon had done strategically. The allies attempted this manoeuvre in the immediate vicinity of the bat- tle-field. They were within sight of the French army. Their movements were seen by Napo- leon. The intentions of the allies were almost as plain to him as if he had ordered their movements. At the very time that they should have kept their forces concentrated, they began to separate them by directing a large force to their left against Napoleon's communications. At Ulm, when Napoleon marched his army strategically round the right of Mack, he was, during the critical part of the manoeuvre, fully a day's march from the right of the Austrian army; and his divisions were in supporting distance of each other. Had Mack marched against Napoleon at this time, the latter would at once have united his divisions for battle. To conduct a strategical flank march success- fully requires great skill, and to conduct a tacti- cal flank march successfully requires still greater skill. Both are dangerous operations when con- ducted in the presence of an active enemy. By a flank march on the battle-field, or in its imme- diate vicinity, Frederick was often successful against an adversary whose principal aim was GENERAL COMMENTS. 189 to take up a strong position and hold it; but against a Napoleon, all the skill of the great Prussian would have availed naught. In the Jena campaign, Napoleon made a flank march against the left of the Prussian army^ somewhat similar to that which he made against the left of the Austrians at Arcole. At the time, his army was superior to the enemy in numbers. A Russian army was on its way to re-enforce the Prussian army. He wished to annihilate the Prussians before they were re-enforced by their f allies. Against the Russians and Austrians com-l bined, he had just won the battle of Austerlitz.| He was flushed with victory. He decided thatf he would take the risk of making a flank marchl in order to gain such great results. His wisdom| in thus deciding was shown by his successes: inl one month he annihilated the military power of| Prussia. Having digressed somewhat upon the subject of flank marches, let us return to the subject of strategical principles as illustrated by the opera- tions of the Lonato and Castiglione part of the campaign. It will be remembered that Wurm- ser had divided his forces into two armies : one, twenty-five thousand strong, commanded by Quasdanovich, was marching on the west side of Lake Garda towards Mantua; the other, thirty- 190 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. five thousand strong, commanded by Wurmser himself, was descending the Adige in two columns, one on each side of the river. In addi- tion to these forces there were twelve thousand Austrians shut up in the fortress of Mantua. To oppose these seventy-two thousand Austrians Bonaparte had only forty-five thousand soldiers. Massena with fifteen thousand was at Verona and Rivoli ; Augereau with eight thousand was at Legnago ; Sauret with four thousand was at Salo; eight thousand were in reserve; and Serrurier with ten thousand was besieging Mantua. To meet the advancing Austrians, Bonaparte made his first concentration at the foot of Lake Garda, in the vicinity of Lonato. Here he con- centrated all his available men. Even the di- vision which had been besieging Mantua was directed to this point. Why did Bonaparte se- lect this point for concentration.-* and why did he raise the siege of Mantua .-^ By pointing out some of the strategical principles carried out and violated in these operations, we shall be able to answer satisfactorily these questions. In advancing to attack with the main parts of the Austrian army separated by impassable obstacles, Wurmser was violating a principle of strategy; while his lieutenant, commanding his right wing, in advancing upon the French communications GENERAL COMMENTS. 191 without exposing his own, was carrying out a principle of strategy. At the outset, therefore, Bonaparte had two important problems to solve : he must, if possible, defeat the separated parts of the Austrian army before any of them unite; and must also prevent Ouasdanovich from cutting the French communications in the vicinity of Brescia. As has been shown in Chapter III., in only one way could Bonaparte solve the first prob- lem. By making his first concentrated attack at Rivoli, he could have succeeded in defeating separately the three parts of the Austrian army. But to attack at Rivoli, instead of at Lonato, would have allowed Ouasdanovich to cut the French communications in the vicinity of Brescia. Bonaparte therefore decided to make his first concentration at the foot of Lake Garda. By concentrating at this point, he believed that he could drive back Quasdanovich, make secure his communications, and prevent the twenty-five thousand Austrians on the west side of Lake Garda from uniting with the thirty-five thousand on the east side. In the execution of this plan there was still another important problem which he had to solve. He could hardly expect to be successful unless he could bring superior numbers against Quasdanovich at Lonato. To do this, it would 192 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. be necessary to raise the siege of Mantua, in order to unite Serrurier with Massena and Augereau. To withdraw Serrurier's division from Mantua would allow the twelve thousand Austrians there to unite with the thirty-five thousand Austrians on the east side of Lake Garda, and together they would outnumber the entire French army: nevertheless, this was the best plan to adopt; for if Bonaparte were de- feated while Serrurier was in front of Mantua, the Austrians would undoubtedly capture this division. To withdraw Serrurier, when the Aus- trians in Mantua were nearly starved out and almost ready to surrender, was a great sacrifice for victory; but in this way only could Bonaparte outnumber the enemy upon the battle-field; in this way only could he hope to make headway against such great odds. The first principle of strategy is to be stronger than the enemy on the battle-field. This prin- ciple is the foundation of all military success. As the commander who wins a victory is neces- sarily stronger than the enemy, it might seem that this maxim means simply to be victorious. But it means more than this. It means that he should engage his masses with the fractions of the enemy; it means that he should make every effort to outnumber him upon the battle-field; GENERAL COMMENTS. 193 and when this cannot be done, it means that he should take every possible chance to strengthen himself and weaken the enemy. That Bonaparte outnumbered the enemy upon all the important battle-fields except Arcole and Rivoli shows how well he applied this maxim. But what shows it still better is the fact, that, when he fought his battles, he had every soldier there who could be spared from other important points in the theatre of operations. When he won the battles of Arcole and Rivoli, he had brought there every available man in his army. This is the test of strategical ability. He who fights and wins a battle with inferior numbers may show himself to be a great tactician ; but if he has idle troops in the theatre of operations at the time, he shows poor generalship. Contrariwise, he who concen- trates on the battle-field all his available forces, and outnumbers the enemy there, may show him- self to be a great strategist ; but if he is then beaten, he likewise shows poor generalship. In the manoeuvres and combinations of Bona- parte throughout this campaign, the freedom from error strikes us with wonder. It is generally an easy matter for one with a fair knowledge of the science of war to discover and point out, after a campaign is ended, the mistakes that were made; to show how such or such a plan would have 13 194 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. been better than the one adopted ; or how, by a different tactical formation, or a different stra- tegical manoeuvre, different results might have been obtained. In this campaign there is no chance for such criticisms. Bonaparte made no avoidable errors. From a strategical as well as from a tactical point of view this campaign is almost perfect. It was by following the prin- ciples which he displayed here that he afterwards defeated coalition after coalition formed for his destruction; and it was by committing the errors which he avoided here that he brought upon him- self those disasters which caused his fall. The only criticism which can be made — and that only in the minor details of the campaign — is that Bonaparte did not at the outset supply his army with pontoon equipage. Had he done so, he would not have been delayed in crossing the Po at Placentia, or the Adige at Ronco, and thus have been prevented in each case from capturing an Austrian army. It will be remem- bered, however, that in the earlier part of the campaign it was almost impossible for him to provide his army with pontoons. At the outset his soldiers had great difficulty to obtain even bread and shoes. Until these were supplied, other matters of less importance had to wait. Furthermore, the crossing of the Apennines was GENERAL COMMENTS. 1 95 at this time engaging Bonaparte's thoughts; he did not realize that the Army of Italy would, in a few months, cross the Po, the Mincio, and the Adige. In this connection it is worthy of notice that in his subsequent campaigns he provided his army with pontoon equipage, by means of which he crossed some of the largest rivers of Europe. On the Austrian side, all the commanders except the Archduke Charles not only committed many errors, but continued to repeat them again and again. The Austrians were always either too much extended, or separated by impassable obstacles. Throughout the campaign they ad- vanced to attack the French with divided forces. This was their greatest error. It would seem that, after one or two crushing defeats, they ought to have discovered their error, and have abandoned this system of war. But the victories of Bonaparte taught them no lesson. They were wedded to the past. In the face of defeat and annihilation they clung to old military ideas. Even the campaigns of Frederick the Great had taught them no new military truths. Their whole system of war was faulty. They believed in scattering their forces. By occupying all the principal roads and prominent points within their theatre of operations, they expected to hold mili- tary possession of the country. Their system was 196 BONAPARTE S FIRST CAMPAIGN to form a chain of posts, — a cordon, — extending along the line to be occupied, and by this means they expected to prevent the advance of the enemy. Their plan of conducting active opera- tions was based upon the same faulty method. They supposed that the enemy would, like them, scatter his army to hold his line; and would advance with it divided into centre and wings, or into several parts, widely separated, perhaps, by intervening obstacles. Their plan was to meet centre with centre, wing with wing, part with part. In their view, should the enemy be so foolish as to advance in force along only one line, their several armies would outflank him, cut off his retreat, surround him, and, by attack- ing him from different directions, force him to surrender. To surround the enemy was regarded by them as the height of military achievement; to allow themselves to be surrounded bv him seemed to them the height of military folly. Such were their theories; such was their system of war. Though in this system there are some truths; yet on the whole it is one of the most faulty systems ever advocated by military men. Diametrically opposite to this system of war is that of Bonaparte. Instead of scattering his forces he concentrated them. His plan was to mass them against some vital point of the enemy, GENERAL COMMENTS. 1 97 and to attack him on one line, and in such a di- rection as to place him at a disadvantage. With one division, sometimes two, as a containing force, he held in check a part of the enemy's forces, and then concentrated superior numbers against his remaining forces at some decisive point. If the enemy's line was too much ex- tended, he struck at the centre, and broke through it; then attacked and defeated in detail the sep- arate parts. If the enemy advanced to attack with his army separated into parts by impassable obstacles, Bonaparte manoeuvred so as to crush in succession these isolated parts before they could unite. In this way, by fighting a part of the enemy's army at one time, he was nearly always stronger than the enemy on the battle- field. With him this was the important point. His rapid marches, his strategical manoeuvres, his combinations, were all made with this object in view. He believed that success in battle depended principally on numbers. "God," said he, "is on the side of the heaviest battalions." It is worthy of notice that throughout his career he never lost a battle in which he had a numerical superiority over, the enemy. Sometimes it was impossible for him to out- number the enemy on the battle-field; then, by taking advantage of the topography of the coun- 198 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN, try, as at Arcole, or by skilful manoeuvring, as at Rivoli, he was able to overcome the odds against him. In these battles he showed great tactical ability. It was there, with fate against him and disaster near at hand, that his military genius shone forth with its greatest lustre. Bonaparte depended in great measure for his successes upon the rapidity of his concentrations. Had the Army of Italy been organized into one complete whole, instead of into divisions of about ten thousand soldiers each, it would have been unwieldy and difficult to handle. But as the di- visions were independent, and were commanded by able soldiers, they had great manoeuvring power. By his rapid marches Bonaparte made his concentrations; by his concentrations he won his battles. It was the marching as well as the fighting of his soldiers that won for him so many victories against such overwhelming odds. The Austrians could not comprehend the manoeuvres and combinations of Bonaparte. They could not understand the reasons for his triumphs and their disasters. It seemed to them that he was violating every known principle of war, and in spite of this was everywhere victo- rious. He defeated their scattered forces in such rapid succession that he seemed to be every- where. In the midst of the Austrian armies he GENERAL COMMENTS. 1 99 would unexpectedly appear in force, crush the enemy with superior numbers, and in a few hours afterwards mass his divisions to strike him another blow at some unexpected point. To be surrounded by the enemy did not mean defeat to him. At Rivoli he was surrounded on the battle-field by one army, and in the theatre of operations by three armies; nevertheless, he annihilated the enemy. In this part of the cam- paign, with only forty-four thousand soldiers, he killed, wounded, or captured forty-three thou- sand Austrians. His movements were so rapid, his blows so terrible and unexpected, that the Austrian commanders could neither fathom his designs, nor understand his combinations. To them he seemed to have no system of war, and no method in his undertakings. He seemed rather to be the incarnation of force, moving like light- ning, and hurling thunderbolts of war against his enemies, till they were crushed, overwhelmed, annihilated. In former chapters we have shown how Bona- parte, by following these principles, gained his victories; how at Montenotte he cut in two the allies, then held in check with small containing forces their isolated columns, while he concen- trated an overwhelming mass, first against the Sardinians, and then against the Austrians; how 200 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. at Lonato and Castiglione he took up a central position at the foot of Lake Garda, united his forces there and drove back Quasdanovich towards Salo, then concentrated superior numbers against Wurmser, crushed him, and pursued him towards Rivoli; how at Roveredo he united his three divisions, defeated Davidovich and threw him back into the mountains of the Tyrol, then fell upon Wurmser' s rear, cut his army in two at Bassano, pursued him, and shut him up in Mantua; how at Arcole, with fortune against him, he threw his army in desperation upon Alvinzi's flank, and after three days of terrible fighting against fearful odds won the hardest fought battle in this campaign; how at Rivoli in the midst of his enemies he, by tactical ability, turned disaster into victory, then without a pause hurried his tired troops towards La Favorita, where he won another battle, and then forced Mantua to capitulate; how on the Tagliamento he met and defeated his ablest adversary, forced him across the Alps, united the French divisions in the valley of the Drave, marched them towards the Austrian capital, and in the very heart of the Austrian dominions ended this remarkable campaign. In these operations Bonaparte left nothing to chance. Fortune sometimes favored him j it was GENERAL COMMENTS, 201 sometimes against him; but calculation entered into all of his undertakings. He planned his manoeuvres and combinations with the greatest care. He studied the topography of the country. Upon a map of the theatre of operations he would stick pins of different colors to represent his own divisions, and the enemy's forces in their sup- posed positions. Then by moving these pins about he would represent the movements of the troops, and in this way would make his calcula- tions and study out his combinations. "Napoleon," says Jomini, "possessed in an eminent degree the art of concentrating, with admirable precision, upon the decisive point of the zone of operations, col- umns which had begun the march from the most diver- gent stations. " Provided with a pair of compasses opened to a scale of seven or eight leagues^ in a right Ime (which always implies nine or ten leagues on account of the sinuosities of the roads), leaning and sometimes lying upon the map, where the positions of his army corps and the presumed positions of the enemy were indicated by pins of different colors, Napoleon ordered his movements with an assur- ance of which we can scarcely form an idea. Passing the compasses quickly over his map, he judged at a glance the number of marches necessary for each corps to arrive upon a fixed day at the point where he desired 1 A league is about two and one half miles ; so that the com- passes, as opened, extended to about one day's march on the map. 202 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. to have it ; then, sticking the pins in these new positions and co-ordinating the rapidity of the march that it was necessary to assign each column and the probable date of its departure, he dictated those instructions which would be, of themselves, a title to glory." Having once decided upon a plan of operations, every effort was made, every energy aroused, every nerve strung, to make the plan a success. Rivers were forded, mountains were crossed, forced marches were made, obstacles were brushed aside, everything was done that could be done to carry out his orders and accomplish his under- takings. He planned so carefully and calculated so accurately that he foresaw many of the obsta- cles which would be likely to arise in his path- way, and in advance provided means to surmount them. He had a wonderful foresight into future events. His mind seemed to comprehend the entire situation; seemed to grasp all the facts, and understand them in all their bearings; seemed to see just how certain results were to be reached, just what difficulties were to be expected and overcome. At Austerlitz he issued a proclamation to his soldiers, not only promis- ing them victory, but even explaining to them in advance the manoeuvre by which he was to obtain it. On March 15, 1797, the day before the battle of the Tagliamento, he wrote to GENERAL COMMENTS. 203 Joubert as follows : *' I calculate upon being in the defiles of Pontebba on the 30th." At this time he had in his front the Archduke's unde- feated army and the great chain of the Alps. He defeated the Archduke, surmounted the Alps, and on March 30th was at Pontebba with the Army of Italy. The proclamations which Bonaparte addressed from time to time to his soldiers in this cam- paign are, for the purpose for which they were written, model productions. In these comments they deserve at least some notice. We give here the principal parts of two, the first of which was published to the army after the defeat of the Sardinians, the second after the battle of Lodi. First : " Soldiers ! in fifteen days you have gained six victories, taken twenty-one colors, fifty pieces of cannon, several fortresses, and conquered the richest part of Pied- mont ; you have captured fifteen thousand prisoners, and killed or wounded ten thousand men. Destitute of every- thing, you have supplied all ; you have gained battles without cannon, crossed rivers without bridges, made forced marches without shoes, bivouacked without brandy, and often without bread. Republican phalanxes alone are capable of actions so extraordinary. The two armies which so lately attacked you with audacity are flying be- fore you ; the perverse men who laughed at your distress, and rejoiced at the idea of victory to your enemies, are 204 BON-APARTKS FIRST CAMPAIGN. confounded and trembling. But, soldiers ! you have done nothing since more remains to be done. Neither Turin nor Milan is yours : your enemies still trample on the ashes of the conquerors of the Tarquins. There are said to be some among you who would prefer to return to the summits of the Apennines and of the Alps. No ! I cannot believe it ! The conquerors of Montenotte, Millesimo, Dego, and Mondovi are impatient to carry the glory of the French people to distant countries." Second : " Soldiers ! you have descended like a torrent from the summit of the Apennines ; you have overthrown and dispersed everything that opposed your progress. Piedmont, delivered from Austrian tyranny, has returned to her natural sentiments of peace and friendship for France. Milan is yours, and the republican flag waves throughout all Lombardy. The Dukes of Parma and Modena owe their political existence to your generosity. The army which menaced you with so much pride no longer finds a barrier to protect itself against your arms. The Po, the Ticino, and the Adda have not checked your progress for a single day ; these boasted bulwarks of Italy have been crossed as rapidly as the Apennines. Yes, soldiers ! you have indeed done much ; but much still remains to be done. Shall posterity say that we knew how to conquer, but not how to profit by victory? I already see you run to arms. Let us march. We have yet forced marches to make, enemies to subdue, laurels to gather, injuries to revenge. Those who have whetted the daggers of civil war in France, who have basely assassinated our ministers, who have burned our ships at Toulon, — let them tremble ! The hour of vengeance has struck." GENERAL COMMENTS. 205 These proclamations refer principally to the recollections of former victories, and to the wel- fare and honor of France. They are forcible and eloquent. Though exaggerated in statement, their burning words filled the French soldiers with enthusiasm. In them may be discerned some of the fire of Napoleon's genius. *' Napo- leon has words in him," says Carlyle, "which are like Austerlitz battles." Did Bonaparte follow in the footsteps of Alex- ander, of Hannibal, and of Cassar.? or did he discover new principles of strategy unknown to these great masters 1 What was the secret of his successes.'* By a brief review of the methods of warfare prior to his time, we shall perhaps be able to answer satisfactorily these questions. By this means we shall certainly gain a more comprehensive view of the distinguishing pecu- liarities of his system of war. In the days of Alexander, of Hannibal, and of Csesar, formations for battle were in large masses several ranks deep. The weapons of warfare were axes, pikes, javelins, swords, and shields. The tendency was then to take up strong posi- tions, adapted to the numbers engaged, and fight there great battles, upon which often depended great results. The skill of the commander con- sisted in bringing a stronger force upon the 206 BOI^APARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. battle-field, and in arranging his troops so as to present a formidable front to the enemy. From this time on the battle became a great tactical encounter between the opposing commanders. Each strove to detect a weak point in the adver- sary's line, and, by skill in tactical manoeuvres, to strike a fatal blow there that would shatter his formation. Having broken the line, the cavalry would pour through the gap and attack the enemy in flank and rear. In these battles, in which the soldiers fought hand to hand, the important point for the commander was to hold his ranks firm, and either be ready to receive and repulse the attacks of the enemy, or to advance with immense momentum against him. During these battles it was dangerous to withdraw or weaken any portion of the line; for a vigilant adversary could detect the weakened part, break through, and in detail destroy the forces of the enemy. These great tactical encounters were always preceded by important strategical manoeuvres. The genius of the commander was displayed not only on the battle-field, but in the theatre of opera- tions also. It was necessary that he should give the most careful attention to his communications, to the direction and rapidity of his marches, and to the concentration of his troops. His object GENERAL COMMENTS. 20/ was SO to manoeuvre as to gain some advantage over his adversary. He might cut off the com- munications of the enemy, while he preserved his own; might surprise him by an attack at some unexpected point; or might force him to fight under such a disadvantage that defeat meant ruin to his army. Strategy played an important part in the campaigns of these great soldiers. The marching powers of Caesar's legions were as necessary to his successes as their fighting qual- ities. It was the strategical knowledge possessed by Hannibal, in addition to his tactical ability, which enabled him to maintain for fifteen years his position in Italy against the legions of Rome. The principles of strategy have never under- gone any change. The methods of applying them vary from time to time; but the results obtained from their correct application are the same at all times. Bonaparte made no discoveries in strategy; he simply applied successfully the prin- ciples already known. To divide the forces of the enemy and beat them in detail was correct strategy in his time; it was correct strategy when the great Carthaginian general crossed the Alps and struck terror into the heart of Rome. The invention of fire-arms increased greatly the importance of strategical manoeuvres. Fire- arms increased the defensive strength of troops. 208 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. and enabled the commander with small numbers to hold in check, for a time, large bodies of the enemy. He was thus enabled to mass his other forces upon some important point on the battle- field, or in the theatre of operations, where great results could be obtained by outnumbering and crushing the enemy. Thus the increased strength of the defensive allowed also greater latitude in carrying out offensive operations. As soon as positions could be held with smaller numbers, and lines of battle could be weakened with less risk of fatal results, manoeuvring became of greater consequence. Mobility became then an object in the organization of armies, and strategy increased in importance. Neither Marlborough nor Frederick the Great appreciated fully the change that the invention of fire-arms was to bring about in the increased importance of strategical manoeuvres. Marl- borough gave little attention to strategy. In fact the organization of his army was such that he could not manoeuvre or deploy readily. His army lacked mobility. He exercised his skill in selecting positions and in fortifying them. His genius displayed itself more particularly upon the battle-field. He was a great tactical captain. When the storm of battle was at its- height, and confusion and death surrounded him, he was GENERAL COMMENTS, 209 cool, clear-headed, and vigilant. In the turmoil of battle, he would detect the vulnerable spot in the enemy's line, and, by massing troops there^ would overwhelm and destroy him. ''This," says Hamley, "was his special gift." Frederick the Great was fortunate in falling heir to a thoroughly drilled and disciplined army. Having to make headway against superior num- bers and several enemies at once, he saw that success must depend in great measure upon the superior manoeuvring power of his own troops. But he saw only half the truth. His attention was directed more particularly to outmanoeuvring the enemy on the battle-field. He gave little attention to strategical manoeuvres and combina- tions. His strategy was often faulty. But on the battle-field, or in its immediate vicinity, he was a master. While the enemy was await- ing an attack in some strong position, he would march stealthily around him, and by striking him obliquely in some unexpected direction, or by attacking him upon an exposed flank, would roll up his line and shatter his formation. It was then that the superior fighting qualities of his disciplined troops carried everything before them and decided the battle in his favor. " Moving round their slow inert masses," says Hamley, "like a panther round an ox, he found the un- 14 2IO BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. guarded part, and cast himself on it with all his force. The secret of his success lay not so much in judicious movements in the theatre of war as in the use he made of the flexibility of his army as compared with the armies of his adversaries. It was by his success in the fields of battle, rather than by his plans of campaign, which were often faulty, that he finally emerged victorious from the struggle, with a military renown unrivalled in his generation." Frederick's army was organized into one com- plete whole; it was composed of an aggregate of battalions, each of which formed a fragment of the main army. Though it was an almost perfect machine, and had as an army great manoeuvring power, yet on account of the peculiarity in its organization it lacked that perfect mobility which has been found to be such a necessary attribute in the organization of modern armies. Had it been composed of divisions or corps, each capable of independent action, it would have had greater mobility, and would have been better adapted to the purpose of carrying out strategical manoeu- vres and combinations. It remained for Bonaparte to appreciate fully the increased importance of strategical manoeu- vres due to the invention of fire-arms. In the province of strategy he saw a field for great GENERAL COMMENTS. 211 improvement. The Army of Italy was well adapted for carrying out his plans. It was already organized into several independent divis- ions, each of which was commanded by an able soldier. As these divisions marched rapidly, they could, under the eye of a skilful com- mander, be quickly combined into a powerful army on the field of battle, or be as quickly dis- persed to important points in the theatre of war. This method of organization gave to the Army of Italy great flexibility, without destroying in the least its cohesion in action. In Bonaparte's hands this army became a powerful weapon of destruction. In former chapters we have described in detail the strategical manoeuvres and combinations by. which he won his successes. It is unnecessary to repeat them here; but it should be remembered that only by the greatest skill in strategy could he overcome such odds against him, outnumber the enemy upon so many battle-fields, and destroy in succession so many armies. He was a master of both strategy and tactics. Herein lay the secret of his success. It was his perfect mastery of the whole system of war which made his suc- cesses seem so novel to the soldiers of his day. Neither the generalship of Marlborough, nor that of Frederick, approaches in this respect that of 212 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. Bonaparte. It is only by going back to the cam- paigns of Alexander, of Hannibal, and of Caesar, that any parallel can be found with which to compare his successes. In strategical ability he seems to surpass even these great masters of war. Among all the campaigns of the great soldiers who have preceded or followed him, none will compare with this campaign in the brilliancy of the strategical combinations, or in the mar- vellousness of the results. No just comparison between Napoleon and the great soldiers who preceded him can be made, without going far deeper into the subject than is our purpose in this brief account of his ear- lier achievements. On this point, however, the words of Professor Seeley, who cannot certainly be said to overestimate Napoleon in any respect, are well worthy of quotation here. He says: "The series of Napoleon's successes is abso- lutely the most marvellous in history. No one can question that he leaves far behind him the Turennes, Marlboroughs, and Fredericks; but when we bring up for comparison an Alexander, a Hannibal, a Caesar, a Charles, we find in the single point of marvellousness Napoleon surpass- ing them all." In this campaign Bonaparte began active opera- tions on the nth of April, 1796, and ended them GENERAL COMMENTS. 213 on the 7th of April, 1797. In one year he crossed the Apennines and the Alps, defeated one Sardinian and six Austrian armies, won fifteen pitched battles, and killed, wounded, or captured one hundred and twenty thousand Austrians. He had never before commanded an army. He was only twenty-six years of age. Though he had received a military education at Brienne and Paris, had distinguished himself at the siege of Toulon, and had gained some notoriety in quel- ling a Paris mob "by a whiff of grape-shot," there was nothing in all this to indicate that he possessed great military ability, and would in one short year show himself to be the greatest master of the art of war. As the knowledge of war which he displayed in this campaign was not due to his own expe- rience, we are led to inquire how much of this knowledge was due to the experience of others, and how much was due to genius. In other words, how much was acquired, and how much was innate. While in the War Office at Paris prior to tak- ing command of the Army of Italy, Bonaparte submitted to the military authorities a plan for operating against the Austrians and Sardinians in Italy. He made a special study of that coun- try from a military point of view. He studied 214 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. also the political history, the kinds of govern- ment, the peculiarities of the people, their be- liefs, their customs, and their laws. By means of maps and statistics, he informed himself accurately as to the topography and resources of the country. In fact he gave the most careful attention to everything which might have any bearing upon military operations in Italy. The campaigns of Hannibal in that country interested him greatly ; and as Bonaparte was a great ad- mirer of this great soldier, he studied thoroughly these campaigns. His life from the age of ten till he took com- mand of the Army of Italy was devoted to the military profession. At the military schools of Brienne and Paris he acquired a military edu- cation. While at these schools he was fond of mathematics and history. Afterwards he became very fond of his profession. He took the greatest interest in everything pertaining to the duties of a soldier, and the greatest pains to master all knowledge pertaining to the art of war. For this purpose he read and studied the campaigns of the great commanders. The campaigns of Alexander, of Hannibal, of Caesar, and of Fred- erick the Great, as well as the campaigns of many other noted commanders, were familiar to him. He was a thorough military student. He GENERAL COMMENTS. 21 5 read and re-read the histories of these great sol- diers, studied their manoeuvres, their plans of battle, their victories, and their defeats. Every- thing that pertained to his profession interested him. No details were too trivial, no facts too insignificant, to be carefully weighed in his mind. To military problems of all kinds he gave the most careful attention. In military matters he would assume certain facts to be true, then, rea- soning from them, would study out the best way to arrive at certain desirable results. The lay of the land, the rivers, the mountains, the general topography of any portion of country, at once suggested to him military problems. Upon this ridge or that mountain side he imagined a line of battle; picked out in his own mind the strong places of the line; thought out how it could be most easily defended; how the rivers, moun- tains, and swamps could be turned to his or to his adversary's advantage; how re -enforcements from distant points could be marched to join the fighting forces; how much time it would take; how he could beat the adversary at such a point by such a manoeuvre; or how he would manoeuvre his own forces to counteract a concentration, or a charge, or a flank attack from his imaginary adversary. 2l6 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. *' Napoleon," says Trevelyan, in his Life and Letters of Macaulay, '* set himself problems at the opera while the overture was playing. * I have ten thousand men at Strasburg; fifteen thousand at Magdeburg; twenty thousand at Wurtzburg. By what stages must they march so as to arrive at Ratisbone on three successive days?'" "' Unlike most army officers," says Ropes, in his work on the First Napoleon, *' Bonaparte found in the profession of arms a profession worthy of his utmost devotion. He read and studied the great campaigns of the world. He wrote for his own use commentaries and criticisms on Caesar's opera- tions in Gaul and Frederick's campaigns in Saxony and Silesia. Of every species of military knowl- edge he was a serious and accurate student. He was, moreover, as attentive to the dry details of the art as he was fond of studying the higher branches. No man in the army had a more sure eye for ground, could estimate more certainly what could and could not be effected by a battery placed here or placed there, whether a column of troops could or could not reach a given point by such or such a time. Nay, more than this, no captain of a company knew better than he whether the rations furnished to the men were what they should be or not. Napoleon to the end of his GENERAL COMMENTS, 21 7 days was a good judge of the common soldier's soup and bread." '* Napoleon," says Colonel Dodge, *' collated the knowledge of war which existed in his youth, and out of it wrought so perfect a system that he is the one captain whom all modern soldiers strive to copy." "He was," says Lord, "a military prodigy equally great in tactics and strategy, — a master of all the improvements which had been made in the art of war, from Epaminondas to Frederick II." It is difficult to say just what effect all this acquired knowledge had on the mind of Bona- parte; but it seems certain to us that his knowledge of the art of war was in great meas- ure obtained from the experience of others. By studying the campaigns of the greatest captains, he laid the foundation of his own successes. Perhaps much of his knowledge was due to his solving those problems which his imagination suggested; perhaps much was due to his genius; but without the profound study and deep medita- tion of his youth, he would not, we think, have become one of the greatest masters of the art of war that the world has ever known. The conditions for great strategical combi- nations are to-day superior to the conditions a hundred years ago. As fire-arms increased the 2l8 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. importance of strategical manoeuvres in the past, so likewise repeating arms, railways, and tele- graph lines have increased still more the impor- tance of strategical manoeuvres in our day. The principles remain the same, but the facilities for applying them have greatly increased. In the dispatch of orders electricity has annihilated time; steam has revolutionized the movements of troops; and inventions have given to armies much greater fighting power. Better weapons of warfare always increase the fighting power of an army; they increase its defensive strength, and allow small bodies to hold in check for a time large bodies of the enemy. In this way they increase the manoeuvring power and offensive strength of an army, and give to strategy a still greater value. Another Napoleon will likely never arise; yet im.agination can picture a soldier who, holding in his grasp the telegraph and railways, shall plan and execute as great strategical combinations in the campaigns of the future as Napoleon planned and executed a hundred years ago. There are many lessons to be learned from this campaign ; but perhaps the most important of all is that only by the deepest study can any man, however talented he may be, gain a knowledge of the science of war. He who would become GENERAL COMMENTS. 219 a master in the military art must study deeply and think clearly. He must not only keep abreast of the military knowledge of his own day, but must study carefully the campaigns of the great commanders. " I desire to say now," says General R. W. Johnson, " that the young officer who reads the most, thinks the most, and obeys orders most promptly, is the one who comes to the front when necessity calls for men. I mean men of iron mould and dauntless purpose, who grasp not after baubles, who bow not at the venal shrine of a false and prostituted public opinion, — men whose souls are not intoxicated by shallow draughts from the beaker of success, and who do not shrivel in the first heat of disappointment, ■ — men whose spirits rise as adversities thicken, acquire fresh courage and sterner resolve with each succeeding failure, confront new perils and difficulties, new foes and trials, with 'unquailing front, — men who gather to their hearts more of the light and essence of heaven as the world glowers and glooms around them. How many of the young men in the army or in civil life are destined to make their marks in this world, or to leave behind them the record of useful lives with no shame to remember, no wish to forget? Think of this, young man, and let your aim be high. There may be mountains in 220 BONAPARTE'S FIRST CAMPAIGN. your pathway, but you will discover that with no more certainty do the recurrent waves wear away by ceaseless buffetings and gradual en- croachments the granite of their rocky shores than do persistent effort and unswerving perse- verance, when sustained by calmness, probity, and intelligence, wear away the rough places in life. There is no genius like the genius of labor. There is no reward like that which comes from energy, system, and perseverance." When Bonaparte took command of the Army of Italy he seemed a mere boy. At first the soldiers had misgivings as to whether he could lead them successfully. But when the Army of Italy descended from the Apennines into the fertile valley of the Po, t,he soldiers began to understand Bonaparte. They began then to have faith in him. They could see in the features of the boy the genius of the soldier; and as vic- tory followed victory their admiration for him increased. When he showed himself brave and fearless at the bridges of Lodi and Arcole, their admiration knew no bounds. Ever after these events he was the idol of his soldiers. His presence filled them with enthusiasm. He re- tained throughout his career the extraordinary hold that he gained over them in this campaign. In triumph or in adversity, on the field of Aus- GENERAL COMMENTS. 221 terlitz, or amid the snows of Russia, his soldiers never wavered in loyalty to him. Twenty-five years after this campaign as he lay upon his death-bed, his mind went back to the Army of Italy. "Take this watch," said he to Count Bertrand at St. Helena, " it struck two in the morning when I ordered Joubert to attack at Rivoli. " As death approached, his mind re- verted to the days of his earlier triumphs, to the days of his glory, to the days when the lustre of his arms was undimmed and his star was in the ascendant. INDEX. Adige, river, description of, 39. Alessandria, fortified town, held by the allies, 21. Alexander the Great, campaigns of, referred to by Napoleon, 15, 173; compared with those of Napoleon, 212. Allies, their situation before the bat- tle of Montenotte, 21 ; are defeated, 27; how defeated, 36; their num- bers in Montenotte part of cam- paign, 1 68. Alpon, river, description of, 82. Alps, Tyrolese, 38; Swiss, 40; French, 40; Juhan, 124; Carnic, 124; passage of, at Tarwis, 138; passage of, over the Great St. Bernard, 183. Alvinzi, General, commander-in- chief of Austrian forces, ']']\ his plan of campaign, 78 ; at battle of Bassano, 79 ; advances on Verona, 81; withdraws through defile of Villa Nova, 83 ; at battle of Arcole, 85 ; adopts another plan, 96 ; di- vides his forces, 100; expects to surround the French at Rivoli, loi; at battle of Rivoli, 104; his errors, 107, 111-115. Apennines, divide the French from the allies, 19; passes of, 20, 21. Archduke Charles, takes command of Austrians, 126; sketch of, 126- 128 ; ordered to concentrate in Fri- uli, 127 ; arrives on the Fiave, 127 ; his forces, 131; instructed by his government, 131; his plans, 132; at battle of the Tagliamento, 134, 135: falls back on Gradisca, 135; crosses the Isonzo, 136; retreats upon Laybach, 136; in a critical condition, 136; defeated at Mount Tarwis, 138; replies to Bonaparte's letter, 142; assembles his army on the road to Vienna, 142; makes a stand at Unzmark, 143; required to carry out faulty plans, 148; in front of Bonaparte, 155 ; probable result of uniting his forces near Villach, 157; divides his army, 157; hurries to Villach, 158 ; fights des- perately at Mount Tarwis, 159. Arcole, campaign of, ^'j et seq.; bat- tle of, Zt^^ 84, 95 ; bridge of, Z'},, 220 ; French and Austrians in campaign of, 168 ; Bonaparte has every avail- able man at, T93. Argenteau, General, commands cen- tre of the allies at Montenotte, 23; routed, 24 ; Hamley's remarks con- cerning, at Montenotte, 32; his forces at Montenotte, 36, 178; is overwhelmed at Montenotte, 179. Armies, Austrian, defeated, first, 43; second, 51; third, 67; fourth, 85; fifth, io5 ; sixth, 144. Army of Italy, Bonaparte takes com- mand of, 19, 167; addressed by Bonaparte, 19; average strength and losses of, 168; organization of, 198, 211. Army of the Rhine, Bonaparte pur- poses to unite with, but renounces the plan, 64, 65 ; Bonaparte re- ceives re-enforcements from, 129, 183. 224 INDEX. Army of the Sambre and Meuse, Bonaparte receives reinforcements from, 129. Augereau, General, commands a Frencli division in campaign, 20; holds in check the Sardinians, 24; advises Bonaparte to fight, 49; fights battle of Castiglione, 51; at second battle of Castiglione, 51; at Arcole, 82 ; joins Vaubois, 84 ; attempts to hold Provera in check, 104, 105. Austerlitz, battle of, proclamation of Napoleon at, 61, 202; Napoleon's intellect at, 171; description of, 186, 187. Austria, ammunition obtained from, 40; Bonaparte's progress alarms her, 47, 125; instructions from, to the Archduke Charles, 131, 148; reasons for separating her forces, 147. Austrians, their supplies, where ob- tained, 40; were united at com- mencement of operations and scattered at close, 71 ; their losses during the campaign, 168 ; their system of war, 195, 196. Baraguay d'Htlliers, General, his division sent to join Joubert's in the Tyrol, 133. Base of operations, 22, 27, 128; sec- ondary, 40. Bassano, battle of, 65, 66; second battle of, 79, 88, 89; heroes of, 81. Bassano and San Georgio campaign, 63 et seq. , forces in, 16S ; discus- sion of, 176, 177. Battle tactics, Napoleon's, 16. Bayalitsch, General, retreats upon Tarwis, 135; forced to surrender, 13S. Beaulieu, General, general in chief of allies, 21 ; expects an attack by way of Genoa, 23; his plan, 23; begins operations, 23 ; attempts to concentrate at Dego, 25 ; his fatal movement, 35 ; makes his escape, 42; his inefficiency, iSo. Bellegrade, General, carries instruc- tions from the Emperor to Bona- parte, 144. Bernadotte, General, his division joins Bonaparte, 129; his attack at battle of the Tagliamento, 134, 135 ; pursues the Austrians to- wards Laybach, 136; approaches Klagenfurt, 142. Bertrand, Count, present during the last days of Napoleon, 221. Blucher, Marshal, at Waterloo, 182, 183. Bochetta, pass of, Bonaparte asks permission to conduct his army through, 22; Beaulieu moves his army through, 23 ; by issuing from, Bonaparte could have decided cam- paign in one battle, 34. Bohemia, Bonaparte provides for a retreat into, 61, 187; Archduke Charles sent into, 126. Bonaparte, General, his campaign in Italy in 1796-97, 16 ; takes com- mand of Army of Italy, 19; his forces, 20 ; asks permission to con- duct his army through Genoa and the Bochetta pass, 22 ; at Monte- notte, 24; at Millesimo, 25; at Dego, 25 ; attacks Sardinians at Ceva and Mondovi, 26 ; unites his divisions at Alba, 26 ; deceives Austrian commander, 41; at Lodi, 42 ; at Milan, 42 ; at Borghetto, 43 ; his need of pontoon equipage at Placentia, 44 ; his forces in Lo- nato and Castiglione campaign, 47 ; attacks Austrians at Lonato, Brescia, and Salo, 50 ; halts on the Chiesa, 50 ; at Lonato and Cas- tiglione, 50; is fighting constantly, 56 ; has either to retreat or fight, 57; his plan in Bassano and San Georgio campaign, 64 ; at Rove- redo^ 64 ; at Bassano, 65 ; at San Georgio, 67 ; believes in the offen- sive, 69; causes of his remarkable success, 75, 76 ; asks for re-en- forcements, 'jy ; his forces and his plan in Arcole campaign, j-j, 78; INDEX. 225 attacks Alvinzi on the Brenta, 79; harangues Vaubois's troops, 79; attacks Alvinzi at Caldiero, 80 ; writes bitterly to his government, 80, Si; descends the Adige, 82; fights battle of Arcole, 83, 84 ; has four courses open to him, 90, 91, 92 ; his confidence in himself, 93 ; is outnumbered for the first time upon every battle-field, 94 ; his forces in Rivoli campaign, 97 ; sets out for Rivoli, 99 ; fights the battle of Rivoli, 102; is sur- rounded, 102 ; starts for Mantua, 105; is master of Italy, 106; is doubtful as to where the Austrian s will attack, 117; correct in his conclusions, 118; his judgment in the choice of a battle-field, 119; his strategy and tactics at Rivoli, 121 ; is irresistible in war, 125 ; advances against the Archduke Charles, 131; his plan, 132, 133; selects General Joubert to com- mand in the Tyrol, 133; crosses the Piave, 134; at the battle of the Tagliamento, 134, 135 ; at Gra- disca, 135, 136 ; crosses the Alps at Tarwis, 138 ; in valley of the Drave, 140 ; writes to Archduke Charles, 141 ; at St. Veit and Neumark, 142 ; enters Leoben, 143; grants an armistice, 144; di- vides his forces, 152; reasons for his plan, 153; his caution at the Tagliamento, 155 ; his orders to Massena, 156; his orders to Jou- bert, 160-162; seems to have adopted two lines of operations, 162; his reply to criticisms on these operations, 163 ; sees the difficulties of marching on Vienna, 165; his caution, 166; he might have died Emperor of France, 166 ; his skill in strategy and tactics, 169 ; violates a principle of strategy, 177; carries out the prin- ciples of strategy, 1 79 ; crosses the Alps over the Great St, Bernard pass, 183; his freedom from er- ror, 193 ; his system of war, 196 ; his rapid concentrations, 198; his calculation, 201, 202 ; his procla- mations, 203, 204 ; makes no dis- coveries in strategy, 207 ; his mastery of strategy and tactics, 211 ; his early career, 213, 214; his study of Italy, 213 ; his atten- tion to military matters, 215; writes commentaries upon Caesar's and Frederick's operations, 216 ; his knowledge of war, how ob- tained, 217; is a mere boy when he takes command of the Army of Italy, 220 ; his reference upon his death-bed to his earlier triumphs, 221. Bbrghetto, battle of, 43, 46. Brenta, river, description of, 39. Brenner pass, great highway of Ty- rol crosses the divide at, 124. Brienne, mifitary school of, attended by Bonaparte, 214. C^SAR, his campaigns, 15, 212, 214 ; compared with Napoleon, 212. Calculation in war, necessity for, 15; in Bonaparte's operations, 201. Caldiero, battle of, 79, 80. Caliano, battle of, 64, 70. Capital of a country, its possession important, 153, Carlyle, Thomas, on the power of Napoleon's words, 205. Castiglione, battle of, 51,87, 94, 119; second battle of, 51, 93; heroes of, 81. Ceva, fortification of, 21, 178. Charles XII., compared with Na- poleon, 212. Cherasco, armistice of, 27, 41. Chiesa, river, description of, -^yZ. Col di Tenda, pass of, 20. Colli, General, commands the Sar- dinians, 21. Commander-in-Chief, Wurmser as, 47 ; Alvinzi as, 'j'j ; Archduke Charles as, 126. Comments on the campaign at Montenotte, 27 ct seq. ; at Lodi, 15 226 INDEX. 43 et seq. ; at Lonato and Cas- tiglione, 51 et seq.; at Bassano and San Georgio, 68 et seq. ; at Arcole, 85 et seq. ; at Rivoli, 107 et seq. ; at the Tagliamento, 144 et seq. ; general, 167 et seq. Coni, fortification of, 21. Containing force, definition of, 33. Davidovich, General, commands an Austrian arm}^ in the Tyrol, 63 ; defeated at Roveredo and Caliano, 64 ; commands a second Austrian army in the Tyrol, yy ; attacks Vaubois at Trent, 78 ; driven into the Tyrol, 84. Dego, battles of, 25. Delmas, General, his division joins Bonaparte, 129; sent to join Jou- bert in the Tyrol, 133. Derrecagaix, Colonel, on the defects of Alvinzi's plan, iii,.i:i2 ; on the Tagliamento campaign, 162, 163. Directory, instructs Bonaparte, 35 ; orders divisions of Delmas and Bernadotte to re-enforce Army of Italy, 129. Dodge, Colonel, on Napoleon's sys- tem of war, 217. Drave, river, description of, 124. Dufour, General, on the application of strategical principles, 17 ; on the strategical importance of a capital city, 153. Earth-works at Montenotte, im- portance of, 31. Emperor of Austria alarmed at Bonaparte's progress, 143 ; sends two officers to Bonaparte's head- quarters, 143. Empires, fate of, how decided, 31. English at Waterloo, 37, 182. Eugene of Savoy, Prince, his cam- . paigns, 15 ; his campaign against Catinat in 1701, 112. Fire-arms, invention of, increased the importance of strategical ma- noeuvres, 207, 217. Fombio, battle of, 42. Forces, Austrian and French, the strength and losses of, in this campaign, 168. Fortresses, fate of, how decided, 31. Frederick the Great, his campaigns, 15, 214; his strategy often faulty, 209 ; his military renown unri- valled in his generation, 210: or- ganization of his army, 210 ; his generalship, 211. French, their supplies, where ob- tained, 40 ; are scattered before the commencement of operations, united at close, 71 ; their strength and losses during the campaign, 168. Friedland, battle of, 171. Friuli, Quasdanovich retires into, 66 ; Bonaparte hurls Austrians into, 70 ; the Archduke ordered to con- centrate in, 127 ; the Austrians driven from, 143 ; the route through selected by Bonaparte as his prin- cipal line of operations, 153. Front to a flank, definition of, 45. Garda, Lake, description of, 39. General in Chief, Beaulieu as, 21 ; Bonaparte as, advises Massena of his intentions, 156. Genoa, city of, 20 ; Republic of, 22 ; Senate of, 22 ; government of, 130. Goddess of fortune is favorable to Bonaparte, 76. Grouchy, Marshal, his inefficiency, 183. Gustavus Adolphus, his campaigns, 15- Guyeux, General, commands a French division in the Taglia- mento campaign, 133. Hamley, Lieutenant-General, on the ■ communications of an army, 30 ; on battle of Montenotte, 32, 2,3 '■> on the result of two armies manoeu- vring against each other's com- munications, 75 ; on the use of a containing force, 179; on Marl- INDEX. 227 borough, 209; on Frederick the Great, 209, 210. Hannibal, his campaigns, 15, 214; was the cause of his army's suc- cess, 173; principles of strategy, the same now as in his time, 174 ; kind of formations in his time, 205 ; his strategical and tactical knowledge, 207; compared with Napoleon, 212 ; his campaigns studied by Bonaparte, 214. Hungarians, are about to join the Archduke Charles, 165. IsONZO, river, description of, 124. Italy, campaigns of Hannibal in, 15, 212 ; Northern, description of, 38, 39 ; supplies obtained from, 39 ; Austrians driven out of, 46, 62, 67 ; Austrians attempt to recover, 47, 63, ^l, 96 ; Bonaparte's gen- erals ready to give up, 93; Bona- parte is master of, 106; like a cyclone he passes over, 125 ; the political state of affairs in, 129; Bonaparte makes a study of, 213. Jena, battle of, 183; campaign of, 189. Johnson, General R. W., on the genius of labor, 219. Jomini, General, his definition of theatre of war ^ 38; on the character of Bonaparte's individual actions, 46 ; on Napoleon's power of con- centrating his forces, 201. Joubert, General, is wounded, Si; at battle of Rivoli, 98 et seq. ; is given command in the Tyrol, 133; receives orders from Bonaparte, 133, 160, 161,162; attacks Aus- trians at St. Michael and Neu- mark, 140 ; sets out to join Bona- parte, 141 ; his force is a containing force, 159; his operations discussed by Bonaparte, 163, 164; referred to by Bonaparte at St. Helena, 221. Jourdan, General, commands Army of Sambre and Meuse, 128. Kellerman, General, commands French army in the Alps, -XiZ' Kerpen, General, commands Aus- trian force in the Tyrol, 131 ; defeated, 140; marches to join Archduke Charles, 141. Kilmaine, General, besieges Mantua, "]"] ; sent to take command at Ve- rona, 82 ; returns to besiege Man- tua, 85 ; left in Italy to protect French rear, 132; fights Venetian insurgents, 144. La Favorita, battle of, 105, 106. La Harpe, General, at Savona with his division, 20; marches from Voltri to Montenotte, 24 ; attacks Argenteau, 24. Lannes, at the bridge of Lodi, 42 ; covered with glory, 46 ; wounded, 81. Laudon, General, commands Aus- trian force in the Tyrol, 131 ; de- feated, 140 ; descends the Adige, 141 ; retires into the Tyrol, 144. Legnago, fortified town of, 39. Leoben, armistice of, 144. Lodi, campaign of, 38 et seq., iSo; battle of, 42, 93 ; bridge of, 42, 220 ; heroes of, 80. Lonato, battle of, 50, Zj, 93, 94, 200. Lonato and Castiglione, campaign of, 47 et seq. ; battles of, 54. Lord, on the tactics and strategy of Napoleon, 217. Lusignan, General, forms the right of Austrian army at Rivoli, 100 ; envelops Bonaparte's rear, 102; finds himself entrapped, 103 ; at Feltre, 131 ; is captured, 134. Macaulay, quotation from Life of, regarding Napoleon, 216, Mack, General, commands Austrians in Ulm campaign, 185; surprised at Napoleon's flank march, 185. Mantua, fortress of, 39 ; invested, 43 ; Austria's efforts for the re- lief of, 47 ; siege of, is raised, 49 ; Wurmser arrives at, 50; again 228 INDEX. invested, 51 ; Wurmser driven into, 67 ; number of soldiers shut up in, >]•] ; Kilmaine witiidraws 2,000 sol- diers from, 82 ; Wurmser remains quiet at, 85 ; the capitulation of, 106, 122 ; Austria not able to hold Italy though in possession of, 146 ; why Bonaparte raised the siege of, 190. Marengo, campaign of, 34, 44, 183 ; battle of, 61 . Marlborough, Duke of, gave little attention to strategy, 208 ; his gen- eralship, 211. Massena, General, at Verona and Rivoli, 47 ; crosses the Mincio, 49 ; at Lonato, 50 ; at second Cas- tiglione, 51 ; is delayed in crossing the Adige at Ronco, 66, 75; at Bassano, 78, 79, 85 ; the intrepid, 81 ; at battle of Arcole, 82 ; joins Vaubois, 84 ; at Verona, 97 ; marches to Rivoli, 99 ; at battle of Rivoli, loi, 102, 103; hurries to Mantua, 105, 119, 120; attacks Provera, 105 ; defeats Lusignan, 134 ; defeats Ocskay, 135; marches on Tarwis, 136 ; meets the Arch- duke, 138; his presence on a battle-field equivalent to twenty thousand soldiers, 169, 170. Meerfeld, General, carries instruc- tions from the Emperor to Bona- parte, 144. Milan, Bonaparte's triumphal march into, 42 ; citadel of, 43 ; Bona- parte's communications with, 50 ; Bonaparte desires to preserve his line of retreat on, 60. Militia, Tyrolese, 127; fight only on their own mountains, 131 ; de- scend the Adige, 141 ; their value as a re-enforcement to the Austrian army, 154. Millesimo, battle of, 25, 36, 93, 180, 204 ; victor of, 55 ; heroes of, 80. Mincio, river, the base of operations of Austrian army, 22 ; description of, 39 ; Austrians retreat behind, 42 ; Wurmser should have thrown bridges across, 55 ; Serrurier could have guarded the crossings of, 59 ; by marching to, Alvinzi could have intercepted the French, 109 ; Bonaparte's base of operations, 128. Mondovi, fortification of, 21 ; victor of, 55 ; battle of, 26, 93, 180, 204. Monte Baldo, 99, loi, 112, 115, 117. Montenotte, campaign of, \<^ et seg., 53; battle of, 24, 52, 93, 178, 179, 180; numbers engaged at battle of, 36; victor of, 55. Mont Cenis, 27, 33. Moreau, General, commands the French Army of the Rhine, 128. Murat, General, commands the cav- alry at battle of Borghetto, 43 ; is wounded, 81. Napoleon I., on calculation and system in war, 15 ; is a genius in war, 16 ; is the greatest soldier in modern times, t6; his criticism of the alhes, 30; his criticism of Wurmser's plan, 55 ; knew when to scatter and when to unite his forces, 71 ; never lost a battle in which he was superior to the en- eviiy in numbers, 90 ; on a double line of operations, 107; the Alps not impassable to him, 117 ; his manoeuvres are the foundation of his military glory, 122; his opinion of the Archduke Charles, 126; his opinion of Massena, 169, 170; on the qualities of a commander-in- chief, 172, 173; the principles of strategy in his time, 173, 174 ; why he seldom made flank movements, 182; at Ulm, 183, 184, t88 ; at Marengo, 183; at Jena, 183, 189 ; compared with Frederick, 189, 211 ; dictated instructions which would be of themselves a title to glory, 202 ; his words hke Auster- litz battles, 205 ; the marvellous- ness of his achievements, 212 ; collated the knowledge of war, and out of it wrought a perfect INDEX. 229 system, 217 ; is a military prodigy, 217 ; his equal will likely never again arise, 21S. Nelson, commands an English squad- ron in the waters of Genoa, 23. OCSKAY, General, succeeds to the command of Lusignan's division, 135 ; his forces routed by Massena, Oglio, river, description of, 38. Ormea, pass of, 20. Paris, military school of, attended by Bonaparte, 214. Peschiera, town of, Bonaparte makes a demonstration against, 43 ; at- tacks Austrians at, 51 ; Wurmser should have crossed the Mincio at, 5 5 ; Vaubois could march by way of, to join Bonaparte, 72. Piave, river, description of, 124 ; Archduke arrives on, 127 ; Bona- parte crosses, 134 ; an army sta- tioned on, covers the roads to Trieste, 147, 149; if defeated on, the Austrians could fall back on the Tagliamento, 147. Placentia, passage of the Po at, 42, 43. 75) 181' 194- Pope Pius VI. compelled to yield, 130 ; his hatred of Bonaparte, 130. Provera, General, commands Sar- dinians at Millesimo, 25; strength of his forces at Millesimo, 36 ; commands Austrian army in Fri- uli, 96 ; approaches Verona, 98 ; marches upon Mantua, T05 ; de- feated at La Favorita, 105 ; his march could have led to no prof- itable result, 112. Prussians, at Waterloo, 37; at Jena, 183, 189. QuASDANOViCH, General, com- mands the right of Wurmser's army, 48 ; is worsted, 50 ; badly cut up, 51 ; engaged with Bonaparte, 53, 54 ; supposititious case in regard to, 59 ; retreats into Friuli, 66; in Friuli, Tj; at battle of Rivoli, 100; overwhelmed, 103; driven towards Salo, 200. Rey, General, at Desenzano, 97 ; receives orders from Bonaparte, 98 ; hurries towards Rivoli, loi ; attacks Lusignan, 103 ; pursues Alvinzi, 105. Rivoli, reasons why an attack should have been made at, 58, 191 ; as a battle-field, 59, 119; campaign of, 96 et seq. ; plateau of, description of, 99 ; battle of, 102 ; a tactical battle, 104; loss at, 106; com- ments on battle of, 107 ei scq. ; an Austrian victory at, promised great results, no; tactical ma- noeuvres at, 121 ; numbers engaged in campaign of, 168 ; Bonaparte's intellect at, 171 ; Bonaparte has every available man at, 193 ; Bonaparte surrounded at, 199 ; Napoleon at St. Helena refers to battle of, 221. Rome, government of, felt bitter to- wards Bonaparte, 130; Hannibal, made her tremble, 173; the legions of, 207. Ronco, French forces delayed at, 75, 194; Bonaparte crosses the Adige at, 82, 181. Ropes, John C, on Bonaparte's de- votion to the military profession, 2t6. Roveredo, battle of, 64, 70, 93, 200. Sahuguet, General, receives orders to prevent the Austrians from reaching Mantua, 66. San Georgio, battle of, 67, 70, 93. San Marco, heights of, 99, 100, 1 12. Sardinians, position of, 20 ; treat for peace, 27; fight hard, 33; defeated by Bonaparte, 41 ; first movement against, when made, 46; Bona- parte concentrates against, 199. Sauret, General, commands 4,000 French at Salo, 47, 57; driven back, 48. 230 INDEX. Savona, pass of, 20. Science of war, knowledge of, how obtained, 15. Seeley, Professor, on Napoleon's successes, 212. Serrurier, General, at the pass of Ormea, 20 ; makes false attacks against Colli, 25 ; at Mondovi, 36 ; besieges Mantua, 47, 97, 192; raises the siege of Mantua, 49, 54 ; attacks Wurmser's left flank, 51; at the battle of the Tagliamento, 134; crosses the Isonzo, 136; at- tacks Bayalitsch in rear, 138. St. Bernard, pass of, 34, 183. St. Gothard, pass of, 61, 183. Strategist, test of a, 193. Strategy, in Napoleon's campaigns, 16; principles of, 17, 173, 174; aim of, 37, 175; on the battle- field, 174; in the days of Alexan- der, of Hannibal, of Caesar, and of Napoleon, 174; has increased in importance, 208, 217, 218. Tactician, test of a, 193. Tactics, changes in, 1 7 ; on the battle- field, 174; aim of , 175. Tagliamento, river, description of, 124; battle of the, 134, 135; cam- paign of, 123 et seq. Tarwis, pass of, held by Massena, 136, 137; battle of, 138. Theatre of war, definition of, "^Z. Thiers, on Bonaparte's activity at Lonato and Castiglione, 56. Ticino, river, description of, 38. Toulon, Bonaparte distinguishes himself at, 213. Trent, taken by Bonaparte, 64, "^^ ; was an important point, 64. Trevelyan, on Napoleon, 216. Trieste, seaport of, 127, 131 ; im- portant that it be protected, 147. Turenne, campaigns of, 15. Turin, fortified city of, 21, 33; gov- ernment of, 130. Tyrol, Austrians driven into, 43, 46, 64 ; Austrian forces in, 68, 72, 'j'j^ 86 ; Bonaparte leaves a division in, 1Z^ 74; great highway of, 124; Joubert gains possession of, 140; an Austrian army hi, would have protected Trieste, 150; Bonaparte decides to send a strong force into, 153. Ulm, battle of, 183; campaign of, 184. Valenza, Bonaparte deceives the Austrian commander at, 41, 44. Vaubois, General, commands Bona- parte's left in Bassano and San Georgio campaign, 64 ; at Salo, 71 ; holds Davidovich in check in the Tyrol, 65; commands Bonaparte's left in Arcole cam- paign, 78 ; forced towards Corona and Rivoli, 79 ; not able to hold Davidovich in check, Z%. Venice, Gulf of, 39, 124; govern- ment of, felt bitter towards Bona- parte, 130. Verona, fortified town of, 39 ; taken by Bonaparte, 43 ; Bonaparte falls back on, 79, 89 ; Kilmaine takes command at, 82 ; Bonaparte has the advantage of interior lines at, 87 ; probable results had Bona- parte allowed himself ■ to be be- sieged at, 90. Victor, General, wounded, 81; left in Italy to protect French rear, 132 ; preserves Bonaparte's com- munications, 144. Voltri, Beaulieu attacks a French brigade at, 23. Vukassovich, General, commands the left of Alvinzi's army at Riv- oli, 100 ; could not reach battle- field, 114. Wagner, Captain, his definition of a containing force, 33 ; on the criticisms of military operations after the event, 117. Warfare, offensive and defensive, principles of, how obtained, 15. Waterloo, campaign of, 27 j battle of, 166, 182. INDEX, 231 Wellington, Duke of, expects Na- poleon to attack his right at Water- loo, 182. Wurmser, Marshal, commands the Austrians, 47 ; divides his forces, 48 ; his plan, 48 ; arrives at Mantua, 50 ; his errors, 50-55 ; again divides his forces, 63, 69, 70 j his plan, 6t,, 64; in a critical condition, 65, 106; fights battle of Bassano, 66; driven within the walls of Man- tua, 67; the chances of victory offered him, 72 ; repeats former errors, "j-^; his delay at Legnago, 75 ; signs the capitulation of Man- tua, 106. LAUREL-CROWNED TALES. Abdallah; or, The Four-Leaved Shamrock. By Ed- GUARD Laboulaye. Translated by Mary L. Booth. Rasselas, Prince of Abyssinia. By Samuel Johnson. Raphael ; or, Pages of the Book of Life at Twenty. 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