<& .VII, ^ ^ , N C • ■?. , I ■ ' 8 * 3 ^ -^ \> s* ^ ^•' "* ^ ' •o. * t^i ■■■ •\ ■ < f ESSAY ON THE SUBJECT PROPOSED BY THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY, VIZ TO INVESTIGATE THE AUTHENTICITY OF THE POEMS OF OSSIAN, UOTH AS GIVEN IN MACPHERSON'S TRANSLATION, AJvD AS PUBLISHED IN GAELIC, LONDON^ 807, UNDER THE SANCTION OF THE HIGHLAND SOCIETY OF LONDON; ON THE SUPPOSITION OF SUCH POEMS NOT BEING OF RECENT ORIGIN, TO ASSIGN THE PROBABLE ERA AND COUNTRY OF THE ORIGINAL POET OR POETS. A PRIZE ESSAY. By WILLIAM HAMILTON DRUMMOND, D.D. M.R.LA. DUBLIN : R. GRAISBERRY, PRINTER TO THE ROYAL IRISH ACADEMY. 1830. vr CONTENTS. PAGE. Section First. — Historic View of the Rise and Progress of the Ossianic Controversy, 3 Second. — Macpherson's Ossian compared with the new Transla- tion of the pretended Gaelic version, 32 Tldrd. — On the Imitations in Macpherson's Ossian, .... ... 56 Fourth. — Of the Argument founded on the Excellence of the Poetry, 75 Fifth. — On the Language of Ossian, 97 Sixth. — On the probahle Era and Origin of the Poems attributed to Ossian, 114 Seventh. — Fin Mac-Cumhal and Oisin were natives of Ireland, not of Scotland, 127 Eighth. — On the Topography of Ossian's Poems, 143 Ninth. — On the Era of Ossian, 153 jj>n a 2 POLITE LITERATURE. Subject proposed by the Royal Irish Academy — To investigate the authenticity of the Poems of Ossian, both as given in Mac- phersons translation, and as published in Gaelic, London 1807, under the sanction of the Highland Society of London ; and on the supposition of such Poems not being of recent origin, to assign the probable era and country of the original poet or poets. A Prize Essay, by WILLIAM HAMILTON DRUMMOND, D. D. M.R.I. A. Read May 25, 1829. SECTION I. Historic View of the Rise and Progress of the Ossianic Controversy. " Pudet in talibus ineptiis (Macphersonii scilicet) refellendis immorari." O'Conor, Hib. Script. Proleg. xii. That the subject of inquiry proposed by the Royal Irish Academy, relative to the authenticity of Ossian's Poems, may be pursued with most advantage, it is deemed expedient to commence with an historic view of the rise and progress of the Ossianic controversy. We learn from the Report of the Highland Society of Scotland, drawn up by Henry Mackenzie, Esq. and published in Edinburgh, 1805 ; that Jerome Stone of Dunkeld was the first who made any collection of the ancient poems of the Highlands. Of one of these poems he published a translation in the Scots Magazine, for January 1756, accompanied with a letter stating that those who have any b 2 tolerable acquaintance with the Irish language, must know that there are a great many poetical compositions in it, and that they are tender, simple, and sublime. The specimen which he published, was entitled " Bas Fhraoich, or the Death of Fraoch, who was destroyed by the treacherous passion of his Mother-in-law." The original, with two translations, the one in loose paraphrastic rhymes, the other, close and literal, may be seen in the Vllth No. of the Highland Report. Neither in the poem nor in the letter, is any mention made of Fingal or Ossian. " About the same time, Mr. Pope, minister of Reay, in Caithness, well known for his abilities as a scholar, and his great knowledge of the Gaelic language, had thoughts of making a collection of the an- cient poetry of the Highlands, in concert with another gentleman,''* whose death put an end to the scheme. They wrote some poems, "said to be composed by Ossian," from oral tradition, "but could not, from the best information, learn that there was any manuscript of them in that part of the kingdom." On the publication of Macpher- son's work, Mr. Pope recollected that he had heard some fragments of Lathmon, and found that the Erragon of Temora is called Dibird fli, and the poem which mentions the death of Oscar, Ca Gaur, in the Gaelic of the Highlands. -f In June 1760, Mr. James Macpherson published, at Edinburgh, his " Fragments of Ancient Poetry, collected in the Highlands, and translated from the Gaelic or Erse Language." These fragments were fifteen in number, and formed the first specimen of the celebrated poems attributed to Ossian. J On the appearance of these poems, the literary world was asto- nished. A new sun had blazed forth in the hemisphere, and all eyes * Report of the Highland Society, p. 25. f Id. .Appendix, 53. I Ritchie's Life of Hume, p. 137, were raised to admire, and all hearts were ready to pay homage to the splendid phenomenon. Scotland in particular was delighted. She flattered herself that now she had a poet who would rival Homer, and it became a point of national honour to laud and magnify his various beauties. We learn from a letter of Hume's, that every one was per- suaded of his authenticity, that philosophers and men of letters, the celebrated Adam Smith, and the Laird of Mac-Farlane, the greatest antiquary in Scotland, and Major Mackay, Lord Rae's brother, and the Laird and the Lady Macleod, to say nothing of names of inferior note, were all of one sentiment on the subject. It was now disco- vered, that in the Highlands every body could repeat the poems in the original, that the names of Fingal and Ossian, and Oscar and Dermid, were as common to the mountaineers of Scotland, as Caesar and Pompey to the old citizens of Rome, insomuch, that their favou- rite mastiffs were designated by those heroic appellations.* The happy translator, who had experienced how hard it is " to climb the slippery steep of fame/' now found himself transported, as by a sud- den bound, to its highest elevation. A liberal subscription was com- menced among the patrons of genius in Edinburgh, to reward his la- bours, and enable him to make a tour to the Highlands, to discover more poetical treasures. In that tour he fulfilled the object of his mission, and in the commencement of the ensuing year, published in London a new and enlarged edition of the poems, which seems to have obtained an extensive circulation, and added much to his celebrity. Blair, the distinguished divine and. professor of Rhetoric and Belles Lettres, became, through the influence of Home, the well-known au- thor of the Tragedy of Douglas, their zealous and decided advocate. * Lord Kaims says that Luath and Bran, the names of Fingal's dogs, were the appellations still retained. To fix their fame on a stable basis, he exerted all his ingenuity, and produced a dissertation on their authenticity, which is eulogized by Hill, his biographer, as "combining the subtilty of Aristotle with the elegance of Longinus."* In this dissertation, he founds his principal argument on internal evidence ; but not contented with this, he pro- posed to accompany it with certain documents corroborative of his reasoning, and, accordingly, wrote to Hume, in London, for his opi- nion as to the nature of the evidence which he should endeavour to obtain. Hume candidly replied, that he often heard the poems re- jected with disdain and indignation as a palpable and most impudent forgery; that he foresaw, if they were left to stand on their present footing, they would soon fall into final oblivion ; that for his own part, he had many particular reasons to believe the poems genuine, more than it was possible for any Englishman to have, yet, he was not without scruples ; that the manners, notwithstanding all the art with which Blair had endeavoured to varnish them, formed a strong reason against them ; that the preservation of such long and such connected poems, by oral tradition alone, during a course of fourteen centuries, is so much out of the course of human affairs, that it requires the strongest reason to make us believe it ; that the capital point should be established, not that the poems are so ancient as the age of Seve- rus, but that they were not forged within the five preceding years by James Macpherson; that the proofs must not be arguments but tes- timonies ; that the fact should be ascertained whether, as Macpher- son pretended, a manuscript of great part of Fingal, did actually exist in the family of Clanranald. With this advice of his sagacious philosophic friend, Blair seemed desirous to comply. He wrote to the Highlands, and received letters, * Hill's Account of the Life and Writings of Hugh Blair, D. D. Edin. 1807, pp. 39-40. setting forth what the writers, chiefly clergymen, knew of the matter.* He published the result in an appendix to the dissertation., but the ori- ginal still remained in obscurity. He ascertained no fact, and found no document sufficient to answer the demands, or satisfy the doubts of such sceptics as Hume. Macpherson soon found that he would not be suffered to sit down unmolested under the shade of his laurels. Notwithstanding the po- pular feeling and national partiality in favour of his work, many began to entertain the same scruples as Hume. All wondered how poems of such length could have been preserved by oral tradition in a rude country, and through a long series of dark and barbarous ages. A consideration of the changes to which all languages are subject? even when bound by the strictest chains of syntax and orthography, naturally created a suspicion that " the whole truth" had not been divulged. Morover, the manners which they described were so contrary to men's previous ideas on the subject, and they presented a state of society so different from that of the heroic ages of every other country, that they corroborated such suspi- cions. Notwithstanding the varnish of Blair, and the patriotic in- dustry of Lord Kaims, to prove that " the manners were Caledonian, and not pure fiction," doubts rose upon doubts. The timid whisper swelled into bold vociferation ; and the dread sounds of forgery and imposition were reverberated from the metropolis of England to the mountains of Caledonia. The luminous shafts of criticism flew thick and fast through the poetic mists of Fingal and Temora. The ghosts of Morven were heard to shriek in their airy halls, and the spirit of Loda trembled in fear of utter dissolution. Foremost in the van of Macpherson's opponents, stood the * Highland Report, 8 learned Doctor Samuel Johnson. In his Tour to the Western Isles, published in 1774, he has discussed the subject of Ossian with a strength of reasoning, which nothing but the clearest demonstration of opposing facts can ever set aside. By a force of mental compres- sion, which was eminently his own, he has condensed into a few sen- tences the sum of almost all that can be adduced against the authen- ticity of Macpherson's Ossian. " I believe," says he, " that the poems of Ossian never existed in any other form than that in which we have seen them. The editor, or author, never could shew the ori- ginal, nor can it be shewn by any other. To revenge rational incre- dulity by refusing evidence, is a degree of insolence with which the world is not yet acquainted, and stubborn audacity is the last refuge of guilt. It would be easy to shew it if he had it ; but whence could it be had ? It is too long to be remembered, and the language for- merly had nothing written. He has, doubtless, inserted names that cir- culated in popular stories, and may have translated some wandering ballads, if any can be found; and the names and some of the images be- ing recollected, make an inaccurate auditor imagine, with the help of some Caledonian bigotry, that he has formerly heard the whole." If Macpherson had answered these weighty objections satisfac- torily, he would have ended the dispute, and established his own reputation. But being of the irritabile genus, or, as Hume calls him, a " heteroclite mortal," one who thought, perhaps, that his genius should stamp authority on his words, and set him above the critic's scrutiny or suspicion, instead of vindicating his character and addu- cing his proofs, he thought fit to proceed by a more summary way, and threatened the critic whom he could not confute. He wrote an in- solent letter to Johnson, and was answered in the following " rough phrase of stern defiance :"* * Murphy's Essay on the Life and Genius of Doctor Johnson, Mr. James Macpherson, I have received your foolish and impudent letter. Any violence that shall be attempted upon me, I will do my best to repel ; and what I cannot do for myself, the law shall do for me ; for I will not be hindered from exposing what I think a cheat, by the menaces of a ruffian. What would you have me retract ? I thought your work an imposture ; I think so still : and for my opinion, I have given reasons which I here dare you to refute. Your abilities, since your Homer, are not so formidable ; and what I hear of your mora- lity, inclines me to credit rather what you shall prove, than what you shall say. S. JOHNSOX. Finding that the redoubtable critic was no more to be intimi- dated than Cuchullin of spears, or the car-borne king of woody Morven, Macpherson became convinced that his Ossianic mode of deciding the controversy would be attended by no success. Casting off the buskin, and descending from his Iambics, he caused the fol- lowing advertisement, in the name of his bookseller, to be edited in some of the public journals: "that during six weeks after the first publication of the poems, the original manuscript lay at his shop, for the inspection of the curious." (Signed) " T. Becket." Shaw affirms that this MS. was never seen ; that he had no MS. to deposit with Becket, unless some Irish one, in which, had an Irish gentleman gone to inspect it, he might have found the genealogy of his own family. For, he adds, "it is well known that the Earse dialect of the Gaelic was never written nor printed until Mr. Mac-Farlane, c 10 late minister of Killinvir, in Argyleshire, published in 1754 a trans- lation of Baxters Call to the Unconverted."* Shaw's conjecture, that he had an Irish MS. which he may have sometimes shewn, is strongly corroborated by Johnson's declaration, that the editor has been heard to say, that part of the poem has been received by him in the Saxon character. The Irish character having some resemblance to the Saxon, may have led him, from ignorance, to conclude, that it was the latter; unconscious how such a conclusion would expose him to the caustic observation of the critic, that " he had then found, by some peculiar fortune, an unwritten language, written in a character which the natives probably never beheld." In 1781, Shaw, the author of a Gaelic Grammar and Dictionary, published an inquiry into the authenticity of the poems ascribed to Ossian. He wrote in a bold popular style, and having evinced him- self to be a master of the Gaelic language, his opinions were calcu- lated to have no small influence in the contest. He stood boldly forth as " a sturdy moralist, who loved truth better than Scotland," and wrote with the earnestness of one conscious of the truth for which he was contending. He coincided in Doctor Johnson's arguments, and added to them all the weight of his authority derived from his knowledge of the history, language, and customs of the Highlands, as well as from having travelled through them, for the express pur- pose of gleaning information relative to the question in dispute. " Many mountains/' says he, "I traversed, many valleys I explored, and into many humble cottages I crept on all four, to interrogate their inhabitants. I wandered from island to island, wet, fatigued, and uncomfortable. No labour I thought too much, no expense too great, while I flattered myself with converting the disbelieving Doctor * Shaw's Inquiry, pp. 26-27. 11 Johnson, recovering some of the poetry of Ossian, and stripping Mr. Macpherson's brow of what I then used to call them, 'stolen bays;' for I then believed there might be an original, and that he rather wished to appear the author than the translator.''' He was frequently en- gaged in long discourses with the blind, the lame, and the aged; "but I found myself," he proceeds, "not a little mortified, when all they could repeat was nothing but a few fabulous and marvellous verses or stories concerning Fionn Mac-Cumhal, alias Fingal ; his Fiona or followers chasing each other from island to island, striding from mountain to mountain, or crossing a frith at a hop, with the help of his spear. There was much of enchantments, fairies, goblins, incan- tation rhymes, and the second sight. When I heard those of one country I heard all, for they all repeated in general the same stories ; and when I had the narration of a few, I had every thing/' Having no success in the way of oral communication, he turned his attention to the discovery of manuscripts. And here his inquiries, as he expected, for he knew that the Erse was never written, proved equally unsuccessful. He was told of one person who had a manu- script; but that person referred him to a second, and the second to a third, and the third to the first again, till having gone round the circle, he was at length told that Macpherson had carried them all to London. He found, indeed, in the possession of Mr. Macintyre, of Glenace, Argyleshire, a parchment manuscript of Irish genealogy, written in the Irish character, dialect, and contraction. It was shewn to him as containing the object of his search; but after much difficulty in decyphering it, he saw that it did not contain a line of Ossian's poetry. " Having made this fruitless inquiry/' he continues, "after the genuine Ossian s poetry, from which I only learned there never had been any, I passed over to Ireland, there also to pursue Ossian, and other inquiries. I rummaged, with the consent of Doctor Leland, c 2 12 Trinity College library, examined manuscripts, had different persons who understood the character and language, in pay, conversed with all who might know any thing of the matter; and, after all, could dis- cover no such poetry as Macpherson's ; but that the Irish had been more careful than the Highlanders, and had committed to writing even those compositions of the fifteenth century" An attack so bold and vigorous as Shaw's, if not repelled, must have proved decisive. The honour of Scotland was in jeopardy, and a champion arose in its defence. This was Mr. John Clarke, anonymous editor of "The Works of the Caledonian Bards," published in 1778, containing various epic, elegiac, and pastoral compositions of other Highland bards, different from those of Ossian. We learn from the Abbe Cesarotti, that he was a young Highlander of genius and understand- ing, and thoroughly acquainted with the Gaelic, which was his verna- cular tongue. The poems which he published, though ancient, were far inferior, he acknowledged, to those of Macpherson. For the authenticity of these he strenuously contended, and wrote against Shaw in a spirit of acrimonious invective ; representing him as " un- principled, selfish, revengeful, ungrateful towards his best friends, a flatterer of Johnson ; and above all, an impostor and bare-faced slan- derer, who was at perpetual contradiction with himself and truth."* As Shaw, when he put forth his first publication, entitled "An Ana- lysis of the Gaelic language," had been a strenuous defender of the authenticity of Ossian, Clarke makes a dexterous use of the arguments employed in that work; and in a part of his answer, called " Shaw against Shaw," convicts him of inconsistency, and thus endeavours to neutralize his conclusions. Such inconsistency, however, as may be fairly contended, was only a proof of Shaw's candour. In -giving up * Cesarotti's Dissertation, published with Ossian's Poems, in the original Gaelic, by Sir John Sinclair, Bart. vol. iii. p. 317. 13 his former prepossessions, and yielding to the force of truth, he acted as became a philosophic mind. It is not without weighty reasons that a man deserts or opposes the cause which he has once espoused, espe- cially if it be popular, favourable to his interests, or gratifying to his national vanity. Shaw, in his inquiry, seems conscious that he would expose himself to much bitter animadversion; and says, " if I have the approbation of the sensible, liberal, and discerning part of my countrymen, I shall feel little anxiety from the apprehension of the malignant virulence and personalities that may issue from the illibe- ral few. I never yet could dissemble, nor personate a hypocrite ; truth has always been dearer to me than my country ; nor shall I ever support an ideal national honour, founded on an imposture, though it were to my hindrance," (p. 72.) And again: "I should be as happy as any of my. countrymen can be, to have it in my power to produce the original, and to satisfy the world ; but, as not one line of it has hitherto been seen, but what Mr. Macpherson has favoured us with, imposed as a specimen, though actually translated from the original English ; I am so far a friend to truth, that I cannot permit an imposition to descend to posterity undetected. Had I been ignorant of the Gaelic, less credit might be expected to my narration of facts ; but having written a Grammatical Analysis and Dictionary of it, it may be readily believed I should rejoice to have it in my power to produce the originals of these poems to the public, as the Dictionary and Grammar might, perhaps, be sought after, to help the curious in forming some opinion of the original. Thus, it would be my interest to support the authenticity, did I think it honest," (pp. 102, 104.) This is surely the language of honesty and truth. No man can write in a style like this, from any principle but conviction. In an appendix to the second edition of his " Inquiry," Shaw replies to Clarke. He " rests the strength of his arguments on the mysterious 14 conduct of Macpherson, in withholding from the public the Gaelic originals,"* and says candidly, "if Fingal exists in Gaelic, let it be shewn; and if ever the originals can be shewn, opposition may be silenced." Another powerful auxiliary to the cause of Macpherson appeared in 1780, in a work of Mr. John Smith, minister at Kilbrandon, Argyleshire. This work is entitled "Gaelic Antiquities, consisting of a History of the Druids, particularly of those of Caledonia; a Dissertation on the authenticity of the Poems of Ossian, and a collection of ancient Poems translated from the Gaelic of Ullin, Ossian, Orran, and others. This was followed in 1787 by the publication of Sean Dana; le Oisian, Orran, Ullann, &c, ancient poems collected in the western Highlands and isles, being the originals of the translations published some time ago in the Gaelic Antiquities, by John Smith, D. D., minister of the Gospel at Campbelton." This collection consists of fifteen poems, eleven of which are ascribed to Ossian, the rest to three of the most celebrated of his contemporary bards. Smith follows close in the wake of Blair, whose arguments from internal evidence, he repeats. He thinks the prevalence of the bardic institutions will account for the preservation of the poems through so many ages. In 1783, Thomas Hill, an English gentleman, published a small work, containing several Gaelic songs and poems, collected during a tour through the Highlands of Scotland in 1780, but they were mostly of that class which Macpherson and Smith would have re- jected. This was unfortunate. Had he been so lucky as to stumble on an ancient copy of the real Ossian, how he would have been en- riched ! As it became the fashion to admire Ossian, it also became fashion- able to make collections of Ossianic poems. Foreigners caught the * Sir John Sinclair's Ossian, iii. 351. 15 infection, translations were made, and foreign presses took an interest in multiplying copies. We learn from the notes to the Abbe Cesarotti's Dis- sertation, that "in 1787 the Baron Edmund De Harold, colonel in the service of the Elector Palatine, published at Dusseldorf an English ver- sion of seventeen little Caledonian poems, which he had discovered, with the following titles: The Songs of Tara; The Song of Phelim; Evir- allen; Sulmora; Ryno's Song on the Death of Oscar; Malvina, a dra- matic poem; Rinfena and Sira; A song of Ossian after the defeat of the Romans; Bosmina; The Songs of Comfort; The Last Song of Ossian ; Sulima; Sitric; Lamor; Larnul, or the Song of Despair ; The Death of Asala; The Morning Song of the Bard Dlorah." All these poems the Baron ascribed to Ossian, except that of Lamor, which is supposed to be of more remote antiquity; and that of Sitric, which appears to be of the ninth century. Of these poems it is observed, that " the style is neither so figurative nor so bold as in those published by Mac- pherson. In Ossian's Poems no mention is to be found of any deity, while those translated by the Baron, on the contrary, are filled with the most sublime descriptions of the supreme Being. Macpherson's Ossian appears to have been a native of the Highlands of Scotland ; and De Harold's Ossian seems to be a native of Ireland." Ireland, it may be supposed, was not an uninterested spectator of these transactions. Till now her claim to the Fenian bards and heroes had no more been disputed, than her claim to Brian Boroimhe and his bard Mac-Liag. She heard with amazement of the usurpa- tion of her right, in favour of the Gael Albanach. Her renowned chief, Fin Mac-Cumhal, the general of one of her ancient kings, had undergone a metamorphosis beneath the spells of a sorcerer, called Macpherson, almost as great as that which he suffered from the in- cantations of the daughter of Gullen.* The Fenian chief was become * See the Irish Poem of The Chase. 16 the king of woody Morven, an obscure district in Argyleshire, the name of which, till now, had never been heard beyond its own limits. Her pride was alarmed, her history falsified, her literary glory threa- tened with extinction ; and though fully aware of the invalidity and falsehood of all rival claims, she was not at the instant prepared to confute them. The sudden and unexpected invasion surprised, but did not rob her either of the courage or the weapons by which it could be successfully repelled. A short time after Macpherson's first publication of Ossian, while he was in London, passing a second edition through the press, an ad- vertisement appeared in the Dublin Freeman's Journal, announcing the speedy publication of Fingal, " a poem originally wrote in the Irish or Erse language, and stating that the translation would set forth all the blunders and absurdities in the edition now printing in London." This gave Macpherson apparently just room to complain, " that a gentleman in Dublin accused him to the public of commit- ting blunders and absurdities in translating the language of his own country, and that before any translation of his appeared." The last clause of the complaint was untrue, for his translation had appeared in Edinburgh in June of the preceding year. But as no poem of the name of Fingal is known to exist in the Irish language, no Irish gen- tleman could have thought of making such an announcement. Theophi- lus O'Flanagan, Secretary of the Gaelic Society of Dublin, accuses Macpherson of having himself inserted that advertisement ; and the charge is, in all probability, well founded. Such an artifice accords with the disingenuousness of his whole character, and no doubt, it ren- dered good service to his cause in exciting public attention, and cre- ating a belief that an Irish original did actually exist. But nothing is more difficult than to carry on such a literary im- position long, without some untoward circumstance awakening suspi- 17 cion and leading to detection. Macpherson, with a temerity which experience afterwards taught him to correct, published some lines of the original of Temora, stating, that " the words are not, after the Irish manner, bristled over with unnecessary quiescent consonants so disagreeable to the eye, and which rather embarrass than assist the reader." General Vallancey, who had studied the Gaelic with such accuracy, as enabled him to publish a valuable grammar of the Irish language, was forcibly struck by these extraordinary observations so contrary to the experience of every Celtic scholar. The corruption of the Celtic in that single specimen, consisting of only twelve lines, afforded, in his opinion, " a striking proof of the novelty of the poem, or, if it be ancient, it is a proof," says he, "of the unlettered igno- rance of the ancient Gaelic Scots." This he illustrates by example, and adds, "if we were to criticise on every corrupt word in the twelve lines, it would require many pages." Such observations from a man of so much knowledge in Celtic learning as Vallancey, confirmed Shaw in what he says he always believed, that the specimen given by Mac- pherson, was his own translation from the original English.-^ The well-founded opinion of Vallancey was amply corroborated by the investigation of succeeding writers. In 1775 appeared "The Ogygia Vindicated/' a posthumous work of O'Flaherty's, published by C. O'Conor, Esq. The editor, in his preface, remarks, that Mac- pherson " forgot to prove how those poems could, through a series of more than a thousand years, be preserved among an illiterate people ; or how mere oral tradition, which taints every other human composi- tion, and corrupts its stream as it flows, should prove a salt for keep- ing the works of Ossian sweet in their primitive purity. He forgot also to assign a reason how that illiterate bard should be so descriptive of arts and customs unknown in his own age, and so silent of the rites * Shaw's Inquiry, p. 34, D 18 and customs which prevailed in it. He may, perhaps, find it easy to give such problems a solution by referring to the inspiration of the an- cient poets, who could foretel the future, and explain to their hearers what otherwise they could not understand. But we conceive that every critical reader will give a quite different solution, and not spare a moment for hesitation in pronouncing those poems mere modern compositions, collected by the industry, and shaped into form by the interpolations of the ingenious editor," pp. xiii. xiv. In the summer of 1784 Doctor Young, F. T. C. D. M. R. I. A. and afterwards Bishop of Clonfert, made a tour to the Highlands of Scotland, with the express view of collecting ancient Gaelic poems, and ascertaining, as far as possible, from what materials Macpherson had fabricated his Ossian. The result is published in the first volume of the Transactions of the Royal Irish Academy. He accuses Mac- pherson of having altered the dates of his originals, which appear to be the Irish Fenian Tales, of giving them a much higher antiquity than belongs to them, of suppressing the name of Saint Patrick, and altering both the form and the matter. He tells us that Mr. M'Arthur, minister of Mull, in reply to some inquiries of one of the Professors in the University of Glasgow, wrote to 'him that there were many spu- rious Irish songs wandering through the country, but to satisfy his scruples, he sent him four fragments extracted from the genuine poems of Ossian. The first and second of these specimens of the genuine Ossian, were found b}^ Doctor Young to be extracted from an Irish poem, of which there is a beautiful copy in the Library of the University of Dublin, entitled Laoi Mhanuis Mhoir. The third is taken from the Marbhrann Oscair ; and the fourth from the poem of Oran eadar Ailte agus do Maronnan, of which also there is a copy in the Dublin University. " It appears, therefore, that those spurious Irish ballads, as they are called by Macpherson and M'Arthur, are the very originals of which the former compiled his Ossian/' 19 Doctor Young was much surprised to find that out of so large a work as Temora, Fingal, and all the other shorter poems, M'Arthur should happen to select only such passages as occurred in the Erse songs that fell into Mr. Hill's hands or his own. "This," he observes, " seems to indicate, that the foundation of Macpherson's Ossian is much narrower than, perhaps, we might have suspected." In comparing the Irish copies with the Scotch fragments, and the poems published in 1786, in Gillies's Perth edition of Gaelic Poems, he found that the most perverse industry had been employed to corrupt and falsify the genuine Irish text, to make it accord with Macpher- son's fabrications. The name of Saint Patrick, though of frequent occurrence in the Irish, was carefully excluded from the Scotch copies, because the era of the saint did not synchronise with that of Ossian. The name of Manus was also excluded, and another substi- tuted, for a similar reason; and all such passages as represented Fin and Ossian to be natives of Ireland, were carefully expunged, to make room for a version favourable to the new hypothesis.* Every thing was done which it was possible to effect by suppression, addi- tion, and falsification, to give plausibility and currency to the grand imposition. "Talibus insidiis perjurique arte Sinonis, Credita res." Virg. Doctor Campbell, in his " Strictures on the Ecclesiastical and Literary History of Ireland," published in 1789, follows in the same strain as Doctor Young, whom he eulogizes as a writer whose "mind, * "Ex uno disce omnes" In the combat of Con, son of Dargo, and Gaul, son of Morne, the messenger of Fin is made to say, "For what cause have you come into Ireland?" But in the Perth edition it is changed into (the Gaelic of) "For what cause have you come into this country ?" D 2 20 during his whole course of inquiry, appears divested of prepossessions, and guided only by the love of truth. In his publication nothing is strained, nothing distorted ; his facts are collected with philosophical calmness, and his deductions drawn with mathematical precision." But notwithstanding the whole mass of Irish authority, historical, antiquarian, and critical, was so unhesitating, so unanimous, and so decisive, the question still continued to be agitated. Grave English and Scottish writers suffered themselves to be deceived, and the stream of history was in some danger of being polluted by the lees of Ossianic fiction. Not only did critics like Blair and Karnes delude themselves and others, but professed historians began to appeal to Macpherson's Ossian as to authentic historical documents. Whitaker, in his History of Manchester, published in London, 1773, says of those poems, that " they carry in themselves sufficient proofs of their authenticity;"* and acting on this conviction, weaves part of his his- toric web with the spider- thread woof of Caledonian fancy. "The last considerable attempt/' as he obligingly informs us, " to reduce the Caledonians, was made by the Roman Emperor in person, by Severus, and the collected power of the empire under him. And they were then subject to Fingal, the Vind-Gall or head of the Britons, the son of Comhall, the grandson of Trathal, and the great grandson of Tren- mor, a dictator fit to be the antagonist of Severus, and a chief wor- thy to be the hero of Ossian." f Henry, also, who wrote the History of England, expresses himself a sound believer in the authenticity of Ossian, and illustrates the subject of the early poetry of the Britons at great length, by copious extracts from Macpherson's Ossian's Poems, as if they were all genuine ! J But Irish writers, who had access to the real sources of Irish history and antiquities, were not thus deceived. They detected and exposed the novel theories which had * Vol. i. p. 24. f Vol. ii. p. 214. t Henry's England, book i. c. 5, 21 been presented to the public. In the preliminary matter of a learned work, to which reference has been already made, " The Ogygia Vin- dicated," the author animadverts with just severity, not only on the blundering inventions of the poet Macpherson, but on the historical "inconsistencies, contradictions, and impositions," of his friend and coadjutor Doctor Macpherson, author of certain fabulous " critical Dissertations on the origin, &c. of the ancient Caledonians," which endeavour to subvert some of the most clearly attested facts in our early annals. Wynne, also, in his History of Ireland, (published in 1773,) speaking of Whitaker, says, that so far from his account of " Fingal, sovereign of Morven, and chief of the Caledonians, bearing any token of the genuine Irish History, it has scarcely the resemblance necessary to work up the circumstances into a drama. If some of our northern neighbours took it into their heads to reverse the chronicles of Ireland, in order to make poems out of them, in support of their own particular prejudices, there is surely no occasion for our grave historians to follow in their foot- steps, and to insist, that, without any one real superior advantage over their neighbours, these Caledonians should know the history of that country better than its inhabitants, who profess to have kept its records for many succeeding ages." But a Scotch avenger of insulted historic truth arose in Pinkerton, a writer of pith and marrow, who did not hesitate to give his sentiments all that energy of expression which he could well command, and expose to merited reprobation, the attempts which had been made to overthrow, by shallow argu- ments, the positive testimonies of Claudian, Orosius, Isidorus, Gil- das, and Bede.* " God knows," says he, " our antiquities were too * Pinkerton's Essay on the Origin of Scotch Poetry. Macpherson says, in his Introduction to the History of Great Britain and Ireland, that he rejects the testimony of Ossian ; but, replies Pinkerton, " it is as false as if it rested on it. To say of his Introduction, that it " teems with every error which a man can fall into, who 22 obscure before, without having an additional weight of nonsense thrown around them. To ascribe poetry or romance to any age, though written by ourselves, is an innocent deceit ; but to connect such writings with ancient history, nay, to pretend to alter and cor- rect ancient history by them, is so strange a breach of modesty, that I know not what to call it, no similar instance occurring in the annals of literature. Mr. Macpherson's learning is very ill digested, as Mr. Whitaker has shewn the public ; yet, with all his ignorance of the ancient state of his own country, he has misled many. Doctor Henry, a Dutch compilator, though without Dutch learning, and Mr. Whitaker, a French visionary, though without French vivacity? may shake hands and congratulate one another on the solemn occasion." In 1804 appeared Laing's History of Scotland, with a Disserta- tion on the Poems of Ossian annexed. In this Dissertation the author has entered so fully into the subject, with such learning, taste, and discrimination, as to have left little to be done by succeed- ing critics. He exposes many of Macpherson's numberless errors, and dwells with great success on his imitations of Virgil and Homer, of the Sacred Scriptures, and several of the English and Scotch poets. He proves clearly from Macpherson's own admissions, that he had no original, and that it was " the shame of being known only as a trans- lator, that kept him from publishing the fragments " from which his work was constructed. " Such an idea," Laing justly observes, " could have occurred only to a person conscious that the poems were writes upon a subject without any knowledge of it, is not the greatest charge against that pro- duction. It also abounds with direct misquotations, in order to mislead. * * * * He says his theory is new, and he ought to have known that, of course, it is false. It would be quite new to assert that Xerxes never existed, and for this we have only history, as well as for the origin of the Scots." 23 his own, not to a genuine translator, like Pope \ Dryden, but to one unwilling to forfeit by a pretended translation, all claim to his own productions, or to the conscious merit of an original poet." This work of Laing's was afterwards followed by the publication of an edition of Ossian's Poems, with notes pointing out more parti- cularly the sources from which Macpherson had replenished his poe- tical urn. It might be supposed that such able exposures as these would have brought the question to a conclusion, and afforded truth a triumph in the complete extinction of all further belief in the authen- ticity of the Scotch Ossian. But some were still found, and the race is not yet extinct, who remained obstinately attached to their first opinion, so hard is it to eradicate established error, or expel a favou- rite prepossession. In 1805 was published the Report of the Committee of the High- land Society of Scotland, appointed to inquire into the nature and authenticity of the Poems of Ossian. This report was drawn up by Henry Mackenzie, Esq. with considerable clearness and apparent impartiality. The report is accompanied with a copious appendix, containing letters addressed to Doctor Blair and Mr. Mackenzie, from various persons in the Highlands, with affidavits and declara- tions, and specimens of Gaelic poems both original and translated. This work was followed in 1807 by an " Essay on the Authenticity of Ossian's Poems, in which the objections of Malcolm Laing, Esq. are particularly considered and refuted by Patrick Graham, D. D., minister of Aberfoyle. To which is added, an Essay on the Mytho- logy of Ossian's Poems, by Professor Richardson, of Glasgow Col- lege." In this work the author pronounces a handsome eulogy on the Highland Society, and lauds it for declining to enter into the argument, and maintaining a becoming reserve. " Anxious only to 24 collect facts, it has been little solicitous to offer opinions, or to enter into controversial discussion."* For its anxiety to collect facts, the Society merits the praise of its panegyrist. Facts are always valua- able. Give us these and we shall draw our own conclusions. Again, he says, " the Committee has thought it beneath its dignity, to stoop to the refutation of the arguments of Mr. Laing." Now we really cannot conceive that the Committee would have suffered any loss of dignity by refuting Mr. Laing. He was an adversary worthy of being overcome. He was their own countryman, a gentleman, a scholar, a member of Parliament, and an excellent historian. We rather think the Committee would have gained more dignity by van- quishing him, if they were able, in an honourable conflict, than by exposing themselves to the ironically sarcastic charge of having "been very laudably employed in collating one forgery with another, and giving their sanction to a very gross fabrication. "-f 1 But the task which the Highland Committee could not condescend to undertake, was, it seems, not beneath the dignity of Doctor Graham. Accord- ingly he has set forth in an ostentatious title, that he has refuted Malcolm Laing, Esq., but whether to any one's satisfaction, except his own, may well be questioned. As for " the sum of Doctor Johnson's argument on this occasion, he deems it of too small amount to re- quire any particular notice \"% In 1807 came forth, in three splendid volumes, " The Poems of Ossian in the original Gaelic, with a literal translation into Latin, by the late Robert Macfarlane, A. M.; together with a Dissertation on the Authenticity of the Poems, by Sir John Sinclair, Bart.; and a translation from the Italian of the Abbe Cesarottis Dissertation on * Introduction, p. 12. f Id. p. 13. X Laing's Preface. % Graham's Essay, Introduction, p. ix. 25 the Controversy, respecting the authenticity of Ossian, with notes ;. and a Supplemental Essay, by John M i Arthur, L.L.D.; published under the sanction of the Highland Society of London." This work seems intended to supersede the necessity of all further publication on the subject. Sir John Sinclair appears to think that it will fully confute all the objections by which the authenticity of the poems ever has been, or ever will be opposed. We have come to a different conclu- sion. We are of opinion that such a work alone was wanting to con- firm our objections, and that it has supplied additional proofs of the imposition. The principal evidence on which Sir John rests his cause, is, that " a manuscript of Ossian in Gaelic, actually existed at Douay, in Flanders, previous to Mr. Macpherson's having made any collection of those poems." Influenced by a laudable desire to arrive at the truth, and having heard that the Roman Catholic Bishop, Cameron, resident in Edinburgh, could give useful information on the subject, he opened a correspondence with him, and learned the following facts : 1st, That the Rev. John Farquharson, when a missionary in Strathglass, in the Highlands of Scotland, collected about the year 1745, a number of Gaelic Poems, which were called by him Ossian's Poems, and which he affirmed were not inferior to Virgil or Homer ; 2nd, and 3rd, That the said MS. collection was left by him, first at the College of Douay, then at Dinant, and lastly at Douay again, among his own countrymen there resident ; 4th, That it was written on large folio paper; 5th, That it was at Douay in 1777, when Bishop Chisholm left that place, but that it was then much damaged, and became so much neglected, that the leaves were torn out, and were used, so long as they lasted, to light the fire ; 6th, That in 1766 or 1767, Farquhar- son received Macpherson's translation, and compared Fingal and Temora, and some of the lesser poems, with the Gaelic ; 7th, That he E 26 frequently complained that the English version did not come up to the strength of the original ; 8th, That the Rev. James Macgillivray, a student of poetry and rhetoric, an admirer of the ancient classics, and a contemner of Erse poems, being converted by the translation of Macpherson, paid more attention to Farquharson's comparison than he would have otherwise done ; 9th, and finally, That Farquharson was a man of great sincerity and good information on the authenticity of Ossian. Such is the substance of the new evidence which Sir John Sinclair has brought before the public, and which he thinks capable of remov- ing the doubts of the most incredulous. That Mr. Farquharson did make a collection of compositions in the Gaelic language, is not disputed, nor that it was contained in a large folio paper book, about three inches thick, written close in a small letter. The evidence for this is satisfactory. It is equally so, that he was assisted in his studies by Mrs. Fraser, of Culbokie, who had made a similar collection, which she called a Bolg solair, written in fine large Irish characters, and that Mr. Farquharson acknow- ledged he had got a great many of his poems from that lady. But it does not appear that his collection was confined, as Sir John Sin- clair's proposition might lead us to suppose, to poems called by him Ossian's Poems, but that it was of a very miscellaneous description, and " contained," as the compiler was repeatedly heard to assert, "various Gaelic songs, a few fragments of modern composition, but chiefly extracts of Ossian's Poems." Bishop Cameron speaks of it as containing only " a very considerable part of what was afterwards translated and published by Macpherson." Mr. Macgillivray was convinced that it contained them all ; nay, it must have contained more; for he avers, that he "often heard Mr. Farquharson regret, that Macpherson had not found or published several poems contained 27 in his MS., and of no less merit than any of those laid before -the public." In these accounts are some discrepancies, not, however, of suffi- cient magnitude to invalidate the existence of the Gaelic miscellany, but to cause some hesitation in believing all that is reported of its contents. That it was left at Douay College, and remained there for years, seems unquestionable. It was seen there by gentlemen whose veracity we cannot doubt. But is it not possible that in some cir- cumstances connected with it, they may have been deceived ? It does not appear that any one of the witnesses whose direct testimony is given on this occasion, examined the MS. for himself, or formed any comparison between it and the translation. This task had de- volved solely upon Farquharson, and they are contented with repeat- ing his observations. Were they assured, or was Farquharson the compiler himself assured, that the supposed originals of Ossian were not transcripts of the Irish Fenian Poems, in which the names of Oisin and Fin so frequently occur ? Were they asked whether they ever heard the name of Patrick in the poems, or if any of them were in the form of dialogue between Oisin and the Irish saint ? Is it even clearly ascertained that any part of the miscellany was known or designated as the composition of Ossian, son of Fingal, prior to the appearance of Macpherson's work ? Was Mrs. Fraser ever heard to ascribe any part of her collection to the great Celtic bard ? Do not the Jine large Irish characters of her MS., from which Farquharson enriched his volume, point both to the true character and source of its most elegant " extracts ?" Admitting as we do, that Mr. Macgillivray and the other wit- nesses, whom Sir John Sinclair has adduced, have reported truly what they saw, heard, and believed, we should come next to the examination of Farquharson's character as a competent scholar and E 2 28 honest critic. But here unfortunately no data are given by which we can form a just estimate, or ascertain what respect is due to his authority. The only criterion by which we can form any judgment, is his declaration, that the translation falls short of the original, and that Ossian is " not inferior to Virgil or Homer." The latter decla- ration does not, we confess, enhance our opinion of his critical dis- cernment. But we shall not dispute : " Cedite, Romani Scriptores ! Cedite, Graii !" Some prefer Robin Hood's Garland to the Iliad, and think Will Scarlet and Little John much nobler heroes than Achilles and Ajax. As to the former declaration, it is worth nothing unless supported by proof. There are hundreds of Irish scholars at this moment, who will affirm that no translation can render justice to the beauty and force of their vernacular tongue. Our judgment of Farquharson must rest upon the credit which we attach to the testimony of his friends and admirers. That testimony is derived from memory, and after a lapse of many years. But me- mory, as all men know, is often fallacious. It supplies a few broken or insulated facts, which imagination combines, and endeavours to form into a consistent history. Mr. Macgillivray, the principal wit- ness, left the College of Douay in 1775, and thirty-one years after- wards, in 1806, informs us, that in 1766 or 1767 Farquharson first received a copy of Macpherson's translation, and compared it with the Gaelic. Prior to this event, Mr. Macgillivray had been obsti- nate in denying the merit of the Highland bards, but the beauty of the new version wrought a complete revolution in his taste, and, con- trary to the usual process, he found in the translation, perfections which till now had never been discovered in the original. His eyes were opened, and he was taught to believe that even the new version, 29 with all its superlative excellence, was but a faint shadow of the strength and majesty of the Celtic Homer. But Gaelic poetry, as he informs us, was now " frequently brought upon the carpet." Ossian was become a subject of national interest, and the ancient lite- rary renown of Caledonia, was involved in the question of his superior genius. It was equally involved in the question of his authenticity, and unless this could be supported, all would be lost. To settle this point, Bishop Cameron, in one of his letters, informed Sir John Sin- clair, that Mr. Macgillivray saw the greatest part of Fingal and Temora collated by Mr. Farquharson with the original ; and Macgil- livray himself says, " I have an hundred times seen him turning over the folio, when he read the translation, and comparing it with the Erse ; and I can positively say, that I saw him in this manner go through the whole poems of Fingal and Temora." This is strong and decisive language ; still we hesitate. Had he only made a proper use of some one of the "hundred" opportunities which he enjoyed, to take down in writing a few of the passages which most forcibly struck either Farquharson or himself, both in the original and the transla- tion, page for page, and line for line, and presented them to the world as a specimen of the mode in which the comparison was con- ducted, his assertions might have claimed more respect ; and we can- not but marvel that he did not execute this task, or induce his friend to execute it, both for their own and the public satisfacton. That Mr. Farquharson turned over his folio " an hundred times " to search for passages similar to those which he admired in Macpherson's Ossian, we can readily believe, and also that he may have found certain simi- larities of thought and of diction, with an identity of names. Such si- milarities are found in the Fenian Tales, from which, we feel confident, Macpherson took many of the materials of his centos ; and which we doubt not were, in the present instance, copied from Mrs. Fraser's col- 30 lection, written in fine large Irish characters; for even Mr. Macgilli- vray says, "he has a sort of remembrance, that he (Farquharson) fre- quently mentioned his having got a great many of the poems from Mrs. Fraser." That such poems as either Fingal or Temora ever existed in their present form, in the Gaelic language, until they were translated into it from the English, we are forbidden to believe by the irrefutable internal evidence, to say nothing of the external, by which such an hypothesis is overthrown. How many in the Highlands of Scotland have been heard to assert, that they well knew those who could repeat the whole of Ossian's Poems in their native Erse ? But when brought to the proof, it was found that they had only indulged a popular fal- lacy, engendered by imagination, from some bardic song or wandering- tradition. Could the Douay MS. be restored, and we regret as much as Sir John Sinclair himself, that it cannot, we are strongly inclined to think that it would corroborate the justice of our opinion, and shew that the poems which Mr. Macgillivray is pleased, after Macpherson, to denominate Fingal and Temora, are no other than Erragon, Mag- nus More, or some other of the well-known Irish tales. But if they were really what he supposes and affirms them to have been, is it, in the least degree, credible that their existence should be confined to a single copy, or at most, to a second, in the hands of Macpherson, while copies of far inferior compositions, are to be found in the libra- ry of every curious collector ? Is it not contrary to all human expe- rience to suppose that the worthless is preserved, while the valuable is left to perish ? Homer lives ; Choerilus and all the cyclical poets have died. But if there was only one copy left of the genuine Ossian in the original tongue, wherefore was it not preserved ? Why did not the friends of Scotland, in Douay, guard the MS. as the palladium of their country ? There is not, perhaps, in the records of literature, a 31 more disgraceful history than this of the Douay collection. Its fate reflects dishonour on all who had a knowledge of its existence, but particularly on those who should have felt an interest in its preserva- tion. Why were they so wanting to their country's fame and their own, as to suffer it to be destroyed ? Let it not be pleaded that this was done without their knowledge, or a consciousness of its value. Macgillivray, who is praised as "a great proficient in poetry, and much admired for his taste," saw it hastening to decay in 1775 ; but notwithstanding the interest which he appears to have taken in the general subject, he left it quietly to its fate. It was not, however, doomed to rapid destruction, neither was it surreptitiously removed by an Irish Ulysses, jealous of his own dear country's renown. When Bishop Chisholm left Douay in 1777, it was still in existence, and might have been saved. But he also forbore to take it under his pro- tection ; and thus, this most invaluable collection of Gaelic poems, this Ossian, " not inferior to Homer and Virgil," this precious and unique treasure is deserted by its best friends in a foreign land, to be treated as a thing vile and contemptible, torn and mutilated by stu- dents ignorant of its contents, and at last employed, leaf after leaf, as a substitute for fire-wood to kindle their stove ! And all this at the very time the Ossianic controversy was raging, when its appearance would have acted as a charm in stilling the noise of the combat, turned Doctor Johnson, with all his literary myrmidons, to flight, and for ever secured the triumph of Scotland, and put her enemies to shame ! Was there no library in Douay College, in which books might be safely lodged ; nor librarian, nor provost or rector, to pro- hibit the licentious waste of such valuable manuscripts ? We can imagine only one plea by which we think it possible to justify or pal- liate the neglect and destruction of Farquharson's miscellany, and this is, that it was not worth preserving. It would have rendered 32 no service to the cause of Macpherson. Living, it might have tended only to his exposure ; dead, it could tell no tales. But since it has fulfilled its destinies, and Douay students, ignorant cf Gaelic as Opician* mice of Greek, have celebrated its funeral rites in their stove, wherefore now disturb its ashes, or evoke its ghost to testify in behalf of the most audacious forgery of modern times ? SECTION II. 3Iacpherson's Ossian compared with the new Translation of the pretended original Gaelic Version. The defenders of Macpherson's Ossian being foiled and van- quished in all their attempts to support its authenticity, have as- sumed a new position, and affirm that he was utterly destitute of the genius necessary to the composition of those exquisite produc- tions which bear his name. As a proof, they allege the failure of his translation of Homer, and conclude, that he fell as far short of giv- ing a just English version of the Celtic as of the Grecian bard. " When," says Graham, " we consider the rest of his literary efforts with an impartial eye, it is presumed that they will be found to exhi- bit an inferiority of genius and a mediocrity of talent altogether unequal to the splendid poetry, which, under the name of Ossian, has attracted the admiration of Europe." Poor Macpherson ! How dreadfully would he be mortified by such defences as this ! After all his industry in compiling poems for the honour of Scotland, to be *" Et divina Opici rodebant carmina mures." — Juv. 33 thus cruelly sacrificed at the shrine of the Celtic bard ! Every spe- cies of literary abuse is heaped upon his head. It is discovered that his genius never soared above mediocrity ; that he had not even the requisites of a faithful translator : that he was unjust to his original ; that he maims him by retrenchment, or deforms him by excrescences. His fate we cannot help acknowledging to be merited, but it should have been inflicted by other hands. He should not have had to ex- claim, "Et tu Brute!"* They who urge the charges of ignorance and incompetency against Macpherson, pride themselves on having the genuine Poems of Ossian to substantiate their charges. They are printed in a splen- did edition, with a Latin version, in Sir John Sinclair's work ; and to enable the mere English reader to determine how far the censures heaped on Macpherson are just, a new translation by the Rev. Thomas Ross, is printed with Macpherson's translation on opposite pages. To the former the following notice is prefixed : " The atten- tion of the reader is particularly requested to those passages in this * Ross, throughout the notes to his translation of the first Book of Fingal, in the first volume of Sir John Sinclair's publication, is unsparing in his censure of Macpherson. He accuses him of ignorance of Gaelic, of want of judgment and taste, and of frequent insertion of the ideas of other poets. In a note on a speech of Cuchullin, beginning at the 101st line, he asks, is this the language of a great commander, addressing his associates in arms, in a grand council of war, assembled on the most pressing emergency ? Or does it not rather re- semble the incoherent ravings of a madman P Again, he avers of some ideas in a speech of Calmar, lines 140-1 46, that they are borrowed from the speech of Belial in Milton, and have no more connexion with Calmar's speech than the ravings of Sancho Panza with the sublimity of Paradise Lost. Once more he tells us, that "the translator, hardly ever faithful to his original, departs entirely from the sense of the Gaelic poem, and disgusts his readers with the indi- gested and absurd extravagancies of his own confused imagination !" Finally, he condemns him for the stupidity of his conceits, for foolish pomposity of words without any conceivable meaning ; for borrowing from the Scriptures and other sources ; and for the random insertion of fantasies and absurdities too gross for any reflecting mind 1 34 translation which are printed in italics, as clearly proving the superio- rity of the new translation." With this request we shall comply, bring the two versions into fair comparison, and draw our own inference. The first passage worthy of notice commences at the seventh line : Macpher son's Translation. The scout of ocean comes Moran, the son of Fithil. " Arise," says the youth, " Cuthullin arise !' I see the ships of the north ! Many, chief of men, are the foe ; Many the heroes of the sea-borne Swaran !" Ross's Translation. The scout of ocean came The swift, high-bounding son of Fithil. Rise ! Cuchullin rise ! I see a mighty fleet from the north ! Haste, haste, thou chief of the feast ; Great is Swaran, numerous his host. We think we can perceive more taste, with more simplicity and pro- priety, in Macpherson's lines, than in those of his rival. He does not waste time in giving superfluous epithets to the scout of ocean. "I see the ships of the north," is less prosaic than " I see a mighty fleet from the north." The former expression particularizes the object, and intimates a knowledge and a fear of approaching hostility. The haste, haste ! of Ross after the rise, rise ! looks like rhetorical artifice, and " thou chief of the feast" unless a sarcasm were meant, is quite inapplicable to Cuchullin lying with his spear and shield by the wall of Tura. We, therefore, prefer Macpherson's " chief of men." It reminds us of avali apdpwp, our old school-boy acquaintance. We also deem Macpherson's repetition of many, preferable to the great and numerous of Ross. The epithet sea-borne, independently of the musical swell which it gives to the rhythm, is happily introduced, and the 15th and 16th lines, viz : "It is Fingal, king of deserts, With aid to green Erin of streams." are incomparably more poetical than Ross's, " Son of Fithil, it is Fingal, High chief of the dusky hills." 35 It is evident that the two passages cannot be from a common original. Macpherson, line 18. " I beheld their chief," says Moran, " Tall as a glittering rock, His spear is a blasted pine. His shield the rising moon ! He sat on the shore ! Like a cloud of mist on the silent hill !" Ross* " I beheld their chief," said Moran, " Their hero is like a rock, His spear like a fir on the mountain cliff, Like the rising moon his shield. He sat upon a rock on the shore, Like the mist on yonder hill." Mr. Ross is terribly severe on Macpherson for giving his lines as a translation of Ossian. For there is no such epithet as glittering in the original ; and what he says of the spear is " ridiculously absurd ; for it absolutely constitutes the spear a blasted pine; and no poet of real genius would compare the spear of a hero to a blasted tree, which conveys the idea of weakness, not of strength. * * * * The true poet of nature knew better things, and the image which he pre- sents to the mind is one of the most picturesque, sublime, and beau- tiful, in the whole compass of nature." Notwithstanding this "most sublime, ^and beautiful, and pictu- resque" panegyric, we are still so deficient in taste, as to prefer the old version to the new. If the hero were like a rock for firmness or strength, or any other quality, being clothed in mail he was like a glittering rock,* unless his armour had contracted rust from the salt sea spray, and this is not mentioned. The original of the compari- son of a spear to a pine, is to be found in the club of Polyphemus, which Homer equals to the mast of a ship, oacrov &' i^ov vrjog, Oddy. ix. 322. Virgil terms it a truncated pine. Trunca manum pinus regit, et vestigia firmat. — Mn. iii. 659. Our own great poet * In the first edition, the hero was tall as a rock of ice, but this being found too frigid a comparison, it was changed to a glittering rock. F 2 36 caught the idea, and enriched it with all his wonted power of ampli- fication : " His spear, to equal which the tallest pine, Hewn on Norwegian hills to be the mast, Of some great ammiral, were but a wand." Thence it passed into the hands of James Macpherson, Esq. being in the process of transplantation, blasted; and thence into a new version of his Ossian into Gaelic, again to be revivified and re- produced in an English translation, by the Rev. Thomas Ross, with all its leafy honours thick about it, deep-rooted and unscathed " on a mountain cliff." But we are of opinion that it would have been better to let the blasted pi?ie remain unmolested. It forms no unapt similitude to a spear; a fir tree on a mountain cliff, unless it be blasted, conveys none. Those whom all will acknowledge to be genuine poets of nature, never thought of such a comparison. Homer compares the giant's club, or walking staff, not to a tree growing, but to a tree whose growth was past, namely, the mast of a ship. In Virgil it is trunca pinus, a pine maimed of its head and roots; and in Mil- ton, a pine hewn to be a mast, of course stripped of every leafy and branchy incumbrance. The epithet blasted does not necessarily im- ply the idea of weakness, but of denudation. We do not, however, insist on its propriety. All we contend for is, that Macpherson's comparison is more just and natural, than that either in the Gaelic or in Ross's version. Macpherson, line 24. Many, chief of heroes ! I said Many are our hands of war. Well art thou named the mighty man But many mighty men are seen From Tura's windy walls. Ross. Leader of strangers, numerous Are the impetuous hosts which rise with thee, Fierce warriors of most desperate strokes, Whose swords are sharp in the strife of heroes : But more numerous and mighty chiefs, Surround the windy Tura. 37 From the most cursory glance of these lines, we should have no hesitation in pronouncing Macpherson's the original, and Ross's the imitation. An original writer is contented with a brief and simple idea or description ; a translator generally amplifies, and an imitator endeavours, as he ought, to improve. They often become paraphras- tic, and hope to merit the praise of originality for some new accessory thought or embellishment. The address of Moran to Swaran, in the above lines of Macpherson, is brief and appropriate ; his object being to intimidate the invaders by a statement of the number and valour of the foes by whom they were about to be encountered. This he makes simply and forcibly, at the same time paying a due compliment to the leader. Ross's lines have those marks of imita- tion which have been noticed. They are crowded with epithets. The effort to improve is manifest, and the attempted improvement itself is injudicious. Wherefore should Swaran be told of his own forces that they were numerous, and impetuous, of desperate strokes and sharp swords ? And how did Moran know all these particulars "of stran- gers" who had only just landed, who had made no impetuous attack, whose strokes were yet unfelt, and whose swords still slept in their scabbards ? Macpherson, line 42. Fingal says That the king of ocean fell ! But Swaran says, he stood ! Ross. Said Fingal the king, The chief of the ocean has fallen in the vale. He is not fallen, my answer was. The antithetical strength and brevity of Macpherson in these lines, are too manifestly superior to his rival's, with their unnecessary adjuncts, to require any comment. Macpherson. Dark Cuthullin shall be great or dead. Ross. Cuchullin, as undaunted as he, Shall conquer in the field, or nobly die. 38 Here Macpherson expresses with poetic energy in three mono- syllables, a sentiment which Ross renders weak and insipid by ex- pansion into nearly two whole lines, and one of them an heroic, con- sisting of ten syllables ! Who can doubt which is the original ? Cuchullin's speech consists of eight short lines in Macpher- son's version, in Ross's it is diluted into ten, of which the ninth con- tains twelve syllables, and the tenth eleven. " My heroes shall hear and obey " says the former version. The latter, of words more libe- ral, repeats a command already given, "strike, son of Fithil, the shield of Semo with speed," and adds, with colloquial bathos, "call in our heroes from the copses and woods," and this is a specimen of the genuine Ossian, which is to throw Macpherson into utter oblivion or contempt ! Macpherson, line 74. Caolt stretch thy side as thou movest Along the whistling heath of Mora, Thy side that is white as the foam of the trou- bled seas, "When the dark winds pour it on rocky Cu- thon. Ross. Stretch thy fair limbs, O Caolt, Whilst moving with speed from Mora ; Fairer than the drifted foam, On the face of a stormy sea. The " whilst " of Ross is a heavy word that clogs the speed of Caolt. " Drifted foam " is a happy expression. Macpherson's description is more amplified, but it is also enriched with the images of whistling heath, dark winds, and rocky Cuthon. Macpherson, 95. Iiike mist that shades the hills of autumn, When broken and dark it settles high, And lifts its head to heaven. Ross. Like the grey mist of autumn, Which closes round the mountain ridge, And binds its summit to the skies. 39 Binds its summit to the skies ! A palpable modern refinement ! To use the language of my Lord Kaims, a peeping out of the cloven foot! Macpherson, 124. Fingal, who scatters the mighty, As stormy wind the heath, When streams roar through echoing Cona, And night settles with all her clouds on the hill. Ross. Fingal, who disperses the brave, As the whirlwind scatters the grass, When the torrent roars through the rocky Cona, And Morven is wrapt in the robe of heaven. 4 ' Scatter the mighty" is scriptural language. The strong "scatter" of Macpherson is preferable to the weak "disperses" of Ross, who employs scatter also in the second line, where it is not wanted, and thus violates the precept of the Roman critic, " verbis lassas onerantibus aures." Macpherson's "Night settling with all her clouds on the bill'," is a magnificent picture. Ross's " Morven wrapt in the robe of heaven," conveys no distinct idea to our minds, or if any, it is not in keeping with the whirlwind and torrent. If by robe he means the clouds, he should have employed a more expres- sive metaphor to harmonize with the rest of the description. A robe is a dress for beauty and majesty, and not for the rocky and stormy Morven. Had he wrapt it in a brown surtout, or highland plaid, we should have understood him better. Macpherson, 142. Amid the tempest let me die, Torn in a cloud by angry ghosts of men ; Amid the tempest let Calmar die, If ever chase was sport to him, So much as the battle of shields. Ross. May I perish by a blast from heaven, (Or, may I fall by the breath of a ghost ;) If I prefer not to the chase of the deer, The hottest conflicts of embattled hosts. 40 Laing says, " this hyperbolical rant is derived from Milton's imi- tation of Virgil:" " Caught in a fiery tempest shall be hurled Each on his rock transfixed, the sport and prey Of wracking whirlwirids." " Ilium expirantem transfixo pectore flammis, Turbine corripuit, scopuloque infixit acuto." Milton. JEv. I. Macpherson's lines partake of the spirit of the great originals from whom he borrowed. They are strong and full of imagery. Ross's, as usual, are crowded with unnecessary epithets. The conflict of hosts would have been sufficiently significative without either hottest or embattled. The battle of shields is much better. Macplierson, 161. To me Cuthullin replies, Pleasant is the noise of arms, Pleasant as the thunder of heaven Before the shower of spring. Ross. Pleasant to me, said the chief of heroes, Is the hard crash of contending arms ; Pleasant as the thunder on the hills When the soft rain of spring descends. These lines of Macpherson have the character of originality, Ross's of imitation. In the former we see the first ideas as they spring fresh and vigorous in the mind of a poet, in the other an abortive attempt to surpass them by epithets and amplification. Macpherson, 165. But gather all the shining tribes, That I may view the sons of war. Let them pass along the heath, Bright as the sun-shine before a storm, When the west wind collects the clouds, And Morven echoes over all her oaks. Ross. Let the mighty sons of Erin arise, Let each band form itself in shining arms : With speed let them sweep along the heath, As a sun-beam on the mountain top, When the west wind blows from the sea, And collects the thickening clouds : A sound is heard from the tufted Morven, And from the leafless oak on the plain. 41 " Gather all the shining tribes," reminds us of the gathering of the clans, a comparatively modern practice. Men in arms and in orderly array before a battle, may be compared to sunshine before a storm. But what similitude have they sweeping along the heath, i. e. the plain, to Ross's sun-beam on the mountain top ? Ross gives us in the four concluding lines, what Macpherson expresses with more force and beauty in two. " Morven echoing over all her oaks/' is truly grand and poetical. How cold and insipid after this is the "sound heard from the tufted Morven and from the leafless oak on the plain ?" Can any one doubt that the latter is an attempt to improve upon the former, as tasteless as it is abortive ? Macpherson, 193. Morna ! fairest of maids ! Calm is thy sleep in the cave of the rock, Thou hast fallen in darkness, like a star That shoots across the desert ; When the traveller is alone, And mourns the transient beam. Ross. Morna ! fairest of maids ! Calm is thy sleep in the cave of the rock ; The delight of the people is fallen As a nightly star sparkling in the vale : The lonely traveller is sad When the light begins to fail. Macpherson's apostrophe is beautiful. What could more strikingly express the premature fate of Morna fallen in darkness, than the com- parison to a star shooting across the desert ? Ross's nightly star spark- ling in the vale, presents an image of permanent rural tranquillity. The original conception is totally mistaken and misrepresented in the Gaelic version, translated by Ross. What can be more flat and spirit- less than " The light beginning to fail ?" In the image of the genuine poet, there is no beginning nor progression. It is instantaneous, and conveys the most striking idea of transient, evanescent existence. G 42 Macpherson, 218. Thou art like the snow on the heath, Thy hair is the mist of Cromla When it curls on the hill, When it shines to the beam of the west. Ross. Thou art like the snow on the heath, Thy ringlets are like the mists of Cromla When it climbs the side of the hill, In the beams of the western sun. Ross is cruel in his reprehension of these lines of Macpherson. "This simile," he observes, " is one of the most elegant and beautiful to be met with in the works of any poet. In the original it is inimi- tably fine. The translation of Mr. Macpherson is a mass of absolute confusion, unlike to any thing in the compass of nature. The hair is mist. That mist one while curls on a hill, and again, shines to the beam of the west." What then ? Where is the confusion ? When he says the hair is mist, he means like mist, and every one under- stands the expression thus, as distinctly as if it were introduced in the shape of Ross's formal comparison. What is a metaphor but a brief similitude ? The one is as incapable as the other of being misunder- stood by any reader of taste. Macpherson's mist does not one while curl and again shine, but wherefore might it not ? It curls and shines at the same time. Ross has given us ringlets instead of hair, judi- ciously. But for a strikingly picturesque word, on which much of the beauty of the description depends, he has substituted another, by which it is impaired. The hair in Macpherson is like mist when it curls ; in Ross when it climbs. Were it bristled up like an angry boar's, or standing on end, "like quills upon the fretful porcupine," it might be compared to climbing mist. But the poet is speaking of the tresses of the " fairest of women," and assimilates them to the evening mist when it curls on, not climbs up, but pours down, or along the side of a hill, and is gilded by the beams of the setting sun. He 43 would no more have compared them to climbing mist, than a water- fall to a sky-rocket. Macpherson, 254. Long shall Morna wait for Cathba ! Behold this sword unsheathed, Here wanders the blood of Cathba. Long shall Morna wait, He fell by the stream of Branno ! Ross. Long shalt thou wait, O Morna, For the boisterous son of Armin. Lo ! on this sharp-edged sword, To its very back is the blood of Cathbat. The hero was slain by me. Long shalt thou wait, O Morna. Here again we discover evident marks of superiority in Macpher- son. As usual, he is more simple and delicate. The words which he ascribes to Duchomar, "Behold this sword unsheathed, here wanders the blood of Cathba," indicate the fate of her lover by his hand, with sufficient plainness, without the frigid tautology of Ross, " the hero was slain by me." The expression to its very back we have no doubt is common to this day in the Highlands. It is characteristically savage, and quite unworthy of the pretended refinement of the classic age of the king of tufted Morven. Macpherson, 287. She came, in all her tears she came ; She drew the sword from his breast. He pierced her white side ! He spread her fair locks on the ground ! Her bursting blood sounds from her side Her white arm is stained with red. Ross. Tearful and slow she came, To draw the sword from his side. He pierced the fair breast of the maid, She fell ; her locks were spread on the ground ; The blood ran purling down ; It was red on her arm of snow. This passage furnishes Ross with an opportunity, which he never fails to improve, of abusing Macpherson. He lays on his critical lash with so little mercy and so little justice, as to considerably diminish our compassion for his own egregious offences. " Here," says he, "the g2 44 translator, hardly ever faithful to his original, departs entirely from the sense of the Gaelic poem, and disgusts his reader with the undi- gested and absurd extravagancies of his own confused imagination. He tells us that Morna, who stabbed Duchomar, came afterwards, at his request, and drew the sword from his breast ; upon which, though the sword was in the hands of Morna, he adds, that Duchomar pierced her white side without a weapon, and then took the trouble to spread her fair locks on the ground. What a contrast to the sim- ple tale of the poet of nature ! It tells us that Morna approached Duchomar, to draw the sword from his side, but that as soon as she came within reach of his arm, he seized her by the breast, and by a last desperate effort of expiring nature, drew the sword from his own side, and plunged it into her heart. He adds, in all the simpli- city of nature, " She fell, her locks were spread on the ground." Notwithstanding this high-seasoned morsel of criticism, our fasti- dious taste is not satisfied. We think Macpherson's account of the fact is fully as intelligible and consistent as that of Ross. We under- stand from the former, that Morna did approach and draw the sword from the bosom of Duchomar. We are at liberty to suppose that she did not retain the sword, but rather cast it by his side, within his reach, or that he snatched it from her, and re-grasped it in his dying hand, or that he had his Highland dirk prepared to wreak his revenge. Any supposition is preferable to Ross's crude invention, that the ex- piring ruffian extricated the sword by his own efforts, and seized the maid by the breast, and pierced her white side. By the way, this improver and corrector of Macpherson is guilty of the gross inconsis- tency of giving Duchomar his death-wound in the side, then saying, " cold is the sword, it is cold in my breast, O Morna !" The critic is manifestly ignorant of the language of poetry, or he never could have made so silly an observation, as that " he took the trouble to 45 spread her fair locks on the ground." The English verb, spread, for instance, is often used, particularly in poetry, in a sense similar to that of the Hebrew conjugation, Hiphil, and signifies not the action of which we are the immediate agent, but of which we are the cause. "He spread her locks," means that he was the cause of her locks being spread, or dishevelled by her fall to the ground. When one warrior is said to stretch another on the plain, the expression does not mean, as Ross would interpret it, that he performed the office of an old woman, by putting himself to " the trouble" of stretching the limbs of a corse to prepare it for the coffin, but simply, that he slew or laid him prostrate. Sad penance to be obliged to descend to cri- ticisms like this! Ross says, the "blood ran purling down." So would blood from the scratch of a pin or the prick of a needle. The true poet says, the " bursting blood sounds from her side," thus intimating the depth, the force, and the fatal effects of her death wound. " Cruor emicat alte. Non aliter, quam cum vitiato fistula plumbo, Scinditur, et tenues, stridente foramine, longe Ejaculatur aquas : atque ictibus aera rumpit." Ovid. Macpherson, 350. It bends behind like a wave near a rock ; Like the sun-streaked mist of the heath. Its sides are embossed with stones, And sparkle like the sea round the boat of night. Of polished yew is its beam ; Its seat of the smoothest bone. The sides are replenished with spears ; The bottom is the foot-stool of heroes ! Ross. Behind, it bends down like a wave, Or mist round the cliff of a rugged rock ; Around it is the glare of gems, Like the sea round the vessel at night. Its beam is of shining yew. Its seat of polished bone, It is filled with spears, With shields, with swords, with heroes. 46 This is the description of the famous car of Cuehullin. Ever since its first appearance, it has furnished critics with a very satisfac- tory proof of its being recently constructed of materials collected from Homer, Ovid, and the Song of Solomon. But our object at present is, to compare Macpherson's description with that presented to us by Mr. Ross, as a faithful transcript of the genuine and original Gaelic. Ross admits that Macpherson, on whom, as usual, he is un- sparingly severe, "has borrowed, perhaps," some ideas from the Can- ticles that are not suggested by the original. The former, instead of saying that " its sides are replenished with spears, and its bottom is the footstool of heroes," says, "it is filled with spears, with shields, with swords, with heroes." Macpherson's version is unquestionably more elegant, and he should be forgiven for borrowing a few orna- ments from the Hebrew bard, only for the dishonest endeavour to make them his own. Ross, instead of presenting us with the fine image of the footstool of heroes, Jills the car with all kinds of arms, and converts it into a baggage waggon. He says, "that the absurdity of comparing the curvature behind the car, first to a wave near a rock, and next to the sun streaked mist of the heath, is not vindicated by the original, where it is compared to a wave or to mist round the cliff of a rock." The former comparison to a " wave near a rock," where it assumes a hollow curve, is just and beautiful : but Ross omits " near the rock," and so loses both the propriety of the simile and the beauty of the image. Why it should be compared to " mist on the heath," or " to mist round a rugged rock," we cannot discover; but if one of these comparisons must be admitted, we prefer the former ; for it may be mist driven by the wind, and its motion will be one point of resemblance at least ; but mist round a rock, gives us the idea of something stationary, and has no more resemblance to a war- rior's car rushing to battle, than a sleeping ward of invalids, to the British cavalry charging the enemy. 47 Throughout Ross's description both of the car and the horses, there is an evident effort, which as evidently fails, to surpass Mao pherson's, by the addition of epithets which can serve no purpose, but that of filling up the rhythm of the verse in the Gaelic translation. Macpherson says, " the rapid car of Cuthullin, the noble son of Semo." This must be improved, says Ross; and accordingly he writes, " the polished rapid car of Cuchullin, the noble son of mighty Semo." — " Before the right side of the car," says Macpherson, " is seen the snorting horse." We shall improve this also, quoth Ross; and forthwith appears : " On the right side of the noble car, is seen the high-blooded snorting steed." High-blooded, if we mistake not, betrays the "cloven foot." Again, Macpherson says, "the fleet, bounding son of the hill;" and Ross exclaims, the original is "swift- footed, white-nosed son of the hills !" Which has the superior claim to originality, let the reader judge. In " the embossed stones sparkling like the sea round the boat of night," we have a simile of great beauty. Ross has destroyed it in his version. Instead of embossed stones sparkling like the sea, he gives us with marvellous infelicity, the "glare of gems like the sea," omitting the very, and the only word, sparkling, which gives a true image of the phosphorescent or luminous appearance of the ocean, which does not glare, but sparkle. With equal infelicity he substitutes vessel for boat, and the prose at night, for the poetry "of night." The warrior's car might well be assimilated to a boat, which is in fact a floating car ; but the term? vessel, suggests the idea of masts and sails, and altogether undoes the resemblance. Macpherson, 363. The spreading of the mane above, Is like a stream of smoke on a ridge of rocks. Ross. The spreading of his forelock above, Like the mist on the dwelling of the deer. 48 Ross says, " the incongruous and fantastic figure of a stream of smoke on a ridge of rocks is not in the Gaelic poem ; but the horse's forelock is said to be like a small cloud of mist on the top of a hill." Here the text is at variance with the note, and contains nothing about either a small cloud, or the top of a hill. In Macpherson's simile we can trace some resemblance between the objects compared, in Ross's none. A horse's neck, to a fanciful imagination, may bear some simi- litude to a curved ridge of rocks ; and his mane, tossing as he moves, to a current of smoke, such as Macpherson must have often seen rising from a kelp-kiln, and sailing along the cliffs on the sea beach. But in the name of all the muses nine, and of all the ancient Irish and Caledonian bards, where is the resemblance between a horse's forelock and "mist on the dwelling of deer," i. e. mist in a deer park? Not long since, Morna's hair was compared to mist : how did the horse's mane or forelock become entitled to a similar comparison ? Macpherson has shown more taste and variety in preferring smoke. Nothing can be more injudicious than the description of the car of Cuchullin, by the timid scout of Swaran. He is described as hav- ing just returned from spying the approaching enemy, as trembling with fear, "his eyes rolled wildly round, his heart beat high against his side, his words were faltering — broken — slow" Instead of speak- ing in a style accordant to this character, and breaking out into a few hasty ejaculations expressive of his fear, and of the necessity of pre- paration for instant combat, he gives us a long elaborate speech of fifty-three lines, inflated with high-sounding epithets, and em- bossed with similes about mist and smoke, and gems, and foot- stools, and the boat of night, eagles, and winter storms, and the king of shells, and white-nosed horses ! We wonder he did not tell us the name of the farrier of these horses, with what metal they were shod, and the number of nails employed in the arming of their loud resound- 49 ing hoofs; and that he did not make Sulinsifadda or Dusronnal speak and prophesy like their prototype Xanthus, in Homer. Ross endea- vours to obviate some of the objections which have been made to the authenticity and propriety of the description, but with no success. " The minuteness of the description," he says, " can be considered as no objection whatever, as the whole speech," (though broken — faltering — slow — and almost the length of a moderate sermon,) " may have been delivered in the space of one minute and a half of time !" " And how did Garrick speak the soliloquy last night. Oh ! against all rules, my Lord, most achronometrically . He suspended his voice a dozen times, three seconds, and three-fifths, by a stop-watch, my Lord, each time." Admirable critic ! We hope for the sake of the son of Arno, that Swaran had not Mr. Ross's stop-watch, and that he was not addicted to the sin of criticism. Macpherson, 485. The field echoes fi'om wing to wing, As a hundred hammers that rise By turns, on the red son of the furnace. Ross. The cry of battle from wing to wing, The roaring bloody hot encounter, Like a hundred hammers wildly beating Successive sparks from the red son of the fur- nace. Here again, we see the plainest marks of imitation in the lines of Ross. The translator into Gaelic seems to have entertained the com- mon idea, that to amplify is to improve. Hence he gives us a long string of useless adjuncts. The encounter is roaring and bloody, and hot of course. But why are the hammers made to beat wildly ? The rising by turns of Macpherson, gives us abetter idea of the measured cadence of hammer and sledge, with their alternate strokes. The word successive is clogging and superfluous. The original of the com- parison itself is to be found in the Irish poem, ) f|l of the race of the Fotharts."f These are facts of which Macpherson could not be ignorant. Neither could it be unknown to him that part of Argyleshire was colonized by the Irish under Cairbre Riada,^ that they took posses- ders for true history. — See the first note to the eighth book of Temora. Quis tarn ferreus ut teneat seP Our celebrated Irish beauty Deirdre, he has also metamorphosed into Darthula. " In the first publication of poems from the Erse, he calls his bard Oscian, and in the latter translations, Ossian. This shews his little knowledge of the Gaelic, or Scottish lan- guage. Oisin is the true reading, and so written in all our ancient manuscripts." — 0'Conoi J s Dissertations. * Ogygia, vol. ii. p. 242. Dublin, 1793. + Id. p. 246. J " The Dalriedinians almost three hundred years after this Carbry, their progenitor, being headed by generals of the same family, the sons of Eric, who was the son of Achy Munreamhar, set sail from Balrieda in Britain, to the north of the bay of Dunbritton, contiguous to the boundaries of the ulterior Roman province, comprehending Kentire, Knap- dal, Lorna, Argyle, and Brun-alban, (or Braid-alban,) with the neighbouring islands. The most eminent and distinguished of the sons of Eric, were the posterity of Fergus, who founded a Scottish monarchy, from whom the most illustrious kings of Great Britain and Ireland are descended. — Ogygia, ii. 221. 139 sion of it either by treaty or conquest, "amicitia autferro" and gave it their name, their language, and their laws. The venerable Bede accords with all our ancient Irish historians, in attesting the reality of the Dalriadian settlement, which, it might be presumed, if facts were wanting to prove it, kept up a constant intercourse with the mother country. Hill, in his Collection of ancient Erse Poems, says truly, " if we may reason from a part to the whole, it is just to con- clude that all the songs preserved in the Highlands relative to the Fingallians are Irish. They are wholly confined to the western coast of the Highlands opposite Ireland, and the very traditions of the country themselves acknowledge the Fingallians to be origi- nally Irish." Pinkerton in his Essay on the Origin of Scottish Poetry, agrees with Hill. " I take Fingal and his heroes," says he, " to have been the leaders of the Scots from Ireland, as Odin and his heroes led the Goths from Asia. This opinion is confirmed by the whole tradi- tional poems in the Highlands, which, however stated by Mr. Mac- pherson, always represent Fingal as contemporary with Saint Patrick, who flourished about 430." (p. xli.) Hume is of the same opinion. He observes that " the name of Erse, or Irish, given by the low country Scots to the language of the Scottish Highlanders, is a certain proof of the traditional opinion, delivered from father to son, that the latter people came originally from Ireland." " To this," continues Pinkerton, " it may be added, that the old Scottish poets and writers uniformly call the Highlan- ders, Irish." The argument then which Sir John Sinclair would found on the concurring traditions of the inhabitants of the country, recoils against himself, and lays his hypothesis prostrate. The traditions of Scotland are corroborated by those of Ireland and her bards, her musicians, T 2 140 historians, critics, antiquaries, and whole legions of literati; traditions, not left floating in the breath of the vulgar, but transmitted by writ- ten parchment documents from one age to another, and incorporated with the history of her kings and legislators. From the proverbs connected with the name of Fin Mac-Cumhal and his heroes, nothing can be argued in favour of Sir John's theory, unless it can be shewn that they are peculiar to the Highlands, and not of foreign extraction. The fame of illustrious men travels far, and it had been strange, indeed, if that of the Fenian heroes, even though they had never formed a settlement in Scotland, had not been resounded in her valleys and mountains, and rendered familiar to women and children. Their chief was like "The Talbot, so much famed abroad, That with his name the mothers stilled their babes." But the proverbial sayings which Sir John would fondly array in his cause, are not indigenous to Scotland. They are all completely Irish, and only afford a proof of the stability and long duration of the' Irish dominion, language, and customs, in the Highlands. The justice of Scotland's claims to Fingal and his Fenians, is not demon- strated by " the Clan Campbell tracing their descent from those heroes." For Irish genealogists derive that family from a higher source, and shew that the Campbells of Argyle may boast of Lugady, father of Tea or Thais, the wife of Heremon, as one of their progeni- tors.* In farther corroboration of his opinions, Sir John states that * See Ogygia Vindicated, p. li. Fothad Connan, (says O'Flaherty, Ogygia, ii. p. 230,) the son of king Mac-con, has been the original founder of the Campbells, (in Irish, Mac- Cathlin,) earls of Argyle in Scotland. 141 " Cuchullin was the chief of Dunscaich, in the island of Sky." According to the worthy baronet's style of argument, we might reply; certainly he might be a chief of Dunscaich, and at the same time a native of Ireland. But Cuchullin was altogether Hibernian, and allied to his country by ties too many and too strong to be disse- vered by the critical knife of Sir John Sinclair, or Macpherson. His genealogy and family connexions may be seen at length in the second volume of Ogygia, p. 162, and much ol his romantic history in Keat- ing. " He fell by the sword of the sons of Calkin," in the twenty- seventh year of his age, and the second of the Christian era, more than two hundred years before the days of Fin Mac-Cumhal, with whom Macpherson makes him contemporary ! Farther it is alleged, that " Fergus, and not Ossian, was, accord- ing to Irish tradition, the chief bard of the Irish Fingal, though his works are hardly known in Scotland ; and that the poems attributed to the Irish Ossian, were composed between the eighth and twelfth centuries, whereas the poems of (the Scotch) Ossian, are ascribed by their traditions to some of the most remote periods of which there is any account in the history of Scotland." They might as well be ascribed to years beyond the flood. What avails the ascription of them to any period of profound darkness? We want light and proof. It is notorious that they are not men- tioned in any Scotch history a hundred years old. Admitting that Fergus was the chief bard of Fingal, what advantage is gained by the admission ? There were hundreds of bards in Erin, some of whom may have contested the palm with Oisin, as Hesiod is said to have contested it with Homer. But the name of Oisin is unquestionably the most celebrated, as is apparent from his being represented as the narrator of all the exploits of the Fenian heroes, in dialogues with Saint Patrick. Sir John observes that the latter name " is introduced 142 into the Irish poems, never in the Scotch." A proof, we reply, of the diligent care with which it has been excluded, lest its presence should betray a principal source of Macpherson's centos. Ample amends, however, have been made for the exclusion of one name, by the introduction of several, which are found no where else, such as Swaran, Acandecca, and Fainasollis. These names Sir John thinks, " clearly indicate that the poems (the Irish and the Scotch) were originally different." They indicate more clearly that Mac- pherson knew the value of sweet-sounding, romantic names, and that he had ingenuity to compound them from Irish roots, and modulate them to please an English ear. As for the personages whom they were intended to represent, they never had any existence but in his own imagination. Note. — "The name of Fingal was never given to Fin by the Irish or by the Highlan- ders. It was applied to him only by the Lowland Scots, and perhaps means Fin-gael, or Fin the Irishman by eminence. That Fingal was the same person with the Irish Fin Mac- Cuwal (Cumhail) is clear from the identic names of the father Cuvval, the son Oisin, the grandson Oskir, (Osgar,) and from the old Scottish poets who sometimes call his person Fin- gal, sometimes Fin Mac-Coul. The names of his companions, Gaul son of Morni, &c, also coincide both in Irish and Highland tradition, so that the identity of Fin Mac-Cuwal and Fingal is demonstration. His formation of a regular standing army called Fianna Eirionn, or the Phenians of Ireland, trained to war, in which all Irish accounts agree, must have been a rude imitation of the Roman legions in Britain. Buchanan gives an account of the Feans, or legions of Fin, and speaks of rude rhymes on the actions of Fin Mac-Coel, as retained by the Irish and Scottish Highlanders. The idea, though simple enough, shews prudence, for such a force alone could have coped with the Romans had they invaded Ireland." — Buchanan's Account of the family of Buchanan, Edinburgh, 1723, 4to. Pinkerton's Scot. vol. ii. part iv. c. 2. quoted from a note to the "Annates iv. Magistrorum," by Doctor O'Conor, p. 89. 143 SECTION VIII. On the Topography of Ossian's Poems. Critics and antiquaries have found much pleasure in investi- gating the topography of Troy and the scenes of Homer's battles. Why should not Sir John Sinclair and his Highland friends find similar pleasure in investigating and describing the scenes where Fingal fought and Ossian sang ? The former, indeed, had certain geographical guides to direct them ; well-known headlands, the isle of Tenedos, the river Simois, and the Hellespont. If such guides be wanting to Ossian, the greater must be the topographical inge- nuity which can discover and describe his scenery without them. Mr. Alexander Stewart, A. M., has favoured Sir John Sinclair, and, through him, the public, with a brief description of Selma : " In which he says, there is reason to believe that Selma, the principal residence of Fingal, is that part of Argyleshire, call Upper Lorn, now called by the inhabitants Dun-Mhic- Siiitheachain, i. e. the fort of the son of Snitho, but by some of our historians Berigonhim,* and by them said to have been once the capitol of the kingdom of the Gaels or Caledonians. On the top of this hill are still to be seen vestiges of extensive buildings, with fragments of the walls, bearing evident marks of fire, scattered along the sides of the hill." He then quotes some passages from Doctor Smith's ancient poems, descriptive, as he imagines, of the scenery : " The chase had ceased and the deer slept Under the shadow of trees on the moss; * Berogomum. Camden. 144 The curtain of night descended on the hills, And heroes were feasting in Selma. There was song after song, as the custom was, There was that and the music of harps, With the barking of dogs in the interval of action, From the rock which rises over the white beach." The white beach in the last line '.' Answers exactly the present aspect of the white sand which covers the shore around part of the hill on which Selma stood. The rock from which the dogs were heard to bark is here also, for that part of the hill washed by the waves, is composed of rock, and rises almost perpendicular to the sea. But if this be not the rock alluded to in the poem, there is another roek within a few hundred yards of Selma, to which the description is equally applicable." And to what is the modern theatrical image of the curtain of night descending, applicable ? By what proleptic vision did the old blind bard discover that idea ? Was he enabled in the fury of pro- phetic inspiration to peep through Shakespeare's " blanket of the dark," and anticipate the moderns in the use even of their own pro- perty ? The rock and the sandy beach in regions abounding with islands and gulfs, are no doubt very characteristic ! The description would apply to the hill of Howth, or to Ireland's Eye, and the fine shelly strand of Portmarnock ; or if these be not the scenes alluded to, there is another rock at Cairnalloch, or Red-bay, or Portrush, or Magilligan ! The learned topographer having thus distinctly pointed out the rock and the sandy beach, leads us to the ruins of the royal palace : " In Selma, or Taura, or Temora, There is no shell, nor song, nor harp ! They are all become green mounds, And their stones half sunk in their own meadows." 145 " The description," he says, " given of Selma after its fall, in the third and fourth lines of this passage, corresponds exactly to the pre- sent appearance of the ruins of the place/' The just inference from which observation is, that the description was recently made. Had it been made on the place, and at the time when Selma was burned, the ruins would not have been green mounds, nor the stones half sunk in their own meadows. Other quotations are made to shew that Selma, or Taura, or Temorah, for Taura, he supposes, is but another name for Selma, was near the shore on an eminence, and commanded a prospect of the sea: just such a situation, we presume, as Horace would have selected for his country residence ; " Illic vivere vellem Oblitus meorum, oblivescendus et illis ; Neptunum procul e terra spectare furentem." Or where Lucretius might have stood, while he sang : " Suave, mari magno turbantibus sequora ventis, &c." Such are the very discriminating circumstances by which we are to discover the royal habitation of the king of Morven ! Selma is a word of liquid cadence, and shews the musical ear of its inventor. It seems to have been suggested by the Irish Almhuin, the real name of Fin Mac-Cumhal's abode, if it be not rather an anagram of the Hebrew Salem. Tarah is a well-known and oft-repeated name in Irish history and poetry. -The corruption of its orthography to Taura, is too impotent a device to transfer its site to the wilds of Caledonia. To achieve this would require the aid of a more powerful wizard u 146 than Macpherson, with all his host; such a Merlin redivivus as transported " the giants' dance" the rocks of Stonehenge from the Curragh of Kildare to the plain of Salisbury. Arda also is mentioned in Smith's collection, and the chorogra- pher on whom we are commenting, supposes it to be the same as Ardach, " a place well known at this day, which lies about half way between Stirling and Crief, and where are vestiges of one of the greatest Roman camps to be seen in Scotland. That the Romans were enemies whom the Fingallians completely defeated, and dispersed at Arda, appears evident from part of the same poem being the song of triumph which the maids of Morven sang, when they came forth to congratulate their heroes on their return." This passage reminds us of the daughter of Jephthah coming out with timbrels and dances, to hail her father's return ; and of the women of Israel chanting the triumph of David. But in what his- torian is this complete defeat of the Romans by the Fingallians men- tioned ? The Romans were not in the habit, more than the modern Britons,* of concealing their defeats, or the names of their enemies. Under whose reign did it happen ? How many Roman eagles were lost ? In what hall or temple were they deposited ? And why did the victors return to the " rock and the white beach," and not follow up their " complete " victory by the total expulsion of their enemies from the island ? for it will scarcely be maintained that the battle of Ardach, if ever there was such a battle, extinguished the Roman power in Britain. Verily, we shall again require the aid of Merlin to solve these questions. Doctor Graham is willing to give up Macpherson here. " Of his dreams," he says, " he makes no account." He rejects the * Voltaire observes that the English never conceal the number of their slain in battle. 147 connexion of his poems with the Roman history, and the fiction of his wars with Caracalla and Carausius; but maintains that conflicts be- tween the Romans and Caledonians were common; though, at this dis- tance of time, we cannot tell who was the hero "of the furious eye," or " Caros king of ships." The word Roman, he remarks, occurs not, because Ossian denominates individuals from their personal qua- lities ; and countries, mountains, and rivers, by appellations deduced from " the circumstances by which they are peculiarly distin- guished." It was prudent at least, in Macpherson, to deal in general descrip- tion, and to designate heroes, not by real names, but by such loose epithets and adjuncts, that if they did not apply to one, they might easily be transferred to another. The mention of Caracalla was unfortunate. It shot a beam of light through the Highland mist in which he wrapt himself, and exposed him to the critical shaft of Gibbon. It might have excited the wonder of a less acute judge, " that the son of Severus, who, in the Caledonian war, was known only by the name of Antoninus, should be described in these poems by a nickname invented four years afterwards, and scarcely used by the Romans, till after the death of the emperor." Macpherson was ignorant of this fact, or, we may rest satisfied, we should never have heard of the name of Caracalla in connexion with the poems of Ossian. But though Doctor Graham gives up Caracalla, he will not so easily part with Lochlin. He observes that Laing, " with his usual gratuitousness of assumption, affirms that the name was unknown till the ninth century." This he endeavours to disprove by a manu- script which Astle thought was written in the ninth or tenth, and which appears to have been composed between the fifth and eighth; and by the authority of Doctor Smith, who quotes a Welsh manu- v 2 148 script of the seventh century, in which we read that "the warlike Irp conducted a fleet to Llychlyn ; on which Mr. Edward Llhuyd remarks, that by this name we understand Sweden, Denmark, and Norway." We think, with due respect to Doctor Graham, that Mr. Laing does not indulge in gratuitous assumptions, but generally assigns such reasons for his opinions as are more easily contradicted than refuted. But another critic who has investigated the subject more profoundly than either Mr. Laing or the Doctor, one to whom all others must yield the palm, Doctor O'Conor, author of " Rerurn Hibernicarum Scriptores" one to whom all the stores of Celtic lite- rature are laid open, and who treasured in his mind all its various lore, is of the same opinion as Mr. Laing : "Nomen Lochlan,* quod in iisdem carminibus fictis centies pro Danis ponitur, penitus ignotum fuit, et inauditum ante saeculum christianum, quo tempore, Danis ab Hiberniae incolis impositum fuit, quia in lacubus Eachense, Ribhense, Feabhalinse, Orbsenense, fyc. hiemare sole- bant, ut eo commodius Mediterraneas insulae regiones et monasteria infestarent. Pro canone enim irrefragab Hi statuendum est, nullum esse, non modo codicem, verum etiam carmen, aut opus quodcunque, in quo vox Lochlan pro Dano, vel Norwegio ponitur, quod non sit saeculo decimo recentior, cum antea nullo alio vocabulo quam Gal, ullo unquam tempore, Hiber- nice designati fuerint." — Hib. Script. Ep. Nun. p. cxxii. Another mark of the true scenery of Ossian is found by Mr. Stewart in "a great cataract, or waterfall, about two short miles south of Selma, a short space above the ferry of Connuil, where Loch Eite discharges itself into the sea. This fall answers so well to the description of the Eas Laoire of Ossian, and Macpherson's Lora, * " Vox Lochlan proprie," Lacuum Incolas, " significat, et a saeculo nono in usu erat ad indicandos Norwegos et Danos qui Hiberniae lacus abinde infestabant. Utrum antea in usu fuerit ad indicandos Piratas Saxonicos ignoro. Danorum nomen ignotum fuit in Europa ante ann. 570. Hiberniam primum agressi sunt anno serae com. 807, non. 832, ut scribit Flahertus." — O'Conor, Tigher. ann. p. 24, note. 149 that it will be in vain to look for it any where else." But notwith- standing this positive assertion, he differs from Macpherson three pages after, and affirms, that the latter must be mistaken in making Lora to be a small stream, as he describes it to be, in a note to the fifth book of Temora. He concludes that "those who endeavour to fix the origin of Ossian to any modern period, or ascribe the original merit to any modern bard, can do it from no other reason than pre- judice or ignorance." As this censure falls on a very numerous class, in which we include ourselves, we may be allowed to express a wish that the learned topographer had taken some more efficient mode of eradicating our prejudice and instructing our ignorance, as we profess a willingness to be informed. Since he describes the scenery of Selma so minutely, by what unaccountable oversight has he forgotten to notice " Stru- mon, stream of the hill, the name of the seat of the family of Gaul, in the neighbourhood of Selma?" " Gordon, to favour a foolish hypothesis, about Agricola's camp, asserted that the people of the country call the spot Galgachan, to this day, which proved to be an absolute falsehood."* Until we receive more satisfactory proof than Mr. Stewart has laid before us, we shall adhere to our prejudice and ignorance in believing with Shaw, that " no such kingdom as Morven was ever known in the west of Scotland. The name of Morven, although at home it is called Morairna, sounded well, and for no other reason suited the author's plan, though it is never once mentioned in any of their tales or songs. The district known at this day by that name is only a part of the parish of that name. Selma is not at all known in Scotland."'!' * Pinkerton's Essay on the Origin of Scotch Poetry, p. xxix. f Shaw's Inquiry, p. 63. 150 From the silence of Buchanan we are led to the same conclusion . He says not a word of the kingdom of Morven, or the Palace of Selma, of Fingal or Ossian, whereas he would have assigned them a conspi- cuous place in his history, had he ever heard of them in connexion with his country. The tales which have been invented respecting them would have been exactly adapted to his taste. For, as Robert- son the historian testifies, " instead of rejecting the improbable tales of chronicle writers, he was at the utmost pains to adorn them, and hath clothed with all the beauties and graces of fiction, those legends which had formerly only its wildness and extravagance." Moreover he was led to the subject so directly, that there was scarcely a possi- bility of avoiding it, had it not been a nonentity. He gives a minute enumeration and description of the Hebrides. He notices hundreds of the small islands. Even Stafifa, though in his days no object of curiosity, does not escape his observation ; but he drops not a hint of the renowned kingdom of the woody echoing Morven. He speaks of the manners and customs of the inhabitants, and says, " they sing songs not inelegant, containing commonly the eulogies of valiant men, and the bards usually treat of no other argument. Instead of a trumpet they use a bagpipe. They are much given to music, but on instruments of a peculiar kind, called clarsachs." Of Ossian there is no notice. Erin is very frequently mentioned in Macpherson's Ossian, and made the scene of the poem of Temora. In the fourth book of this poem, Fingal says, that having left Selma, on the following morning, " Erin rose in mist. We came into the bay of Moilena, where its blue waters tumbled in the bosom of echoing woods."* In vain have * Again we are told in Temora, book vii., that " Culbin's Bay received the ship in the bosom of echoing woods." 151 we consulted maps and other sources of geographical information for this bay. As mountains and headlands, friths, rivers, and bays, are the last places which change their names, even amidst all the revo- lutions of years, the conquests of the sword, and the changes of lan- guage ; how has Moilena had the misfortune to lose its name in a country which still retains its original tongue ?* We can recognize the old district of Reuda (Dal-Riada) in the modern name of Route, in the County of Antrim ; and Macpherson's Innistore in Tory Island, which he has been pleased to transfer to the Orkneys, and his Innishuna in our own Innishowen, which he would dissever from its native land, and transport to " that part of south Britain which is over against the Irish coast!" But as for the bay of Moilena, we verily believe it is to be found no where but in the terra incog- nita of his own imagination. Walker, in his History of the Irish Bards, (p. 40,) says, that in the County of Donegal, there is a cloud- cap t mountain, called Alt Ossoi?i, around which, according to a learned writer, is the whole scenery so finely described by Macpher- son in his Oisin's Poems ; and to the northward of Lough Derg, are the mountains, caverns, and lakes of Fin." Another author says, that " the traveller, when he finds himself in the vale of Glenariff, * Moylena, a plain in Ferakelly, in the King's County, was the scene of a famous pitched battle between Conn of the Hundred Battles and Eugenius Mognuad the Great, of the Hiberian line, king of Munster, in which the latter was defeated and slain. He fell by the hand of Goll, the son of Morna, of the race of Saub, king of Connaught. " There are yet to be seen at this place two hills, in one of which, we are informed, the body of Eugenius was interred, and the corps of Frack the Spaniard, who was also slain there, was entombed in the other."f The celebrated Irish champion, Goll Mac-Morna, is metamorphosed by Macpherson into Gaul, " Fingal's best friend and greatest hero," and, by way of compen- sation; we suppose, for being robbed of his country, and made a Caledonian, compared to the Grecian Ajax.I t Ogygia, part iii. c. lx, t Note at the conclusion of the third book of Fingal. 152 on the coast of Antrim, may conceive that he beholds the scenery of the genuine Ossian. We recollect to have seen, many years ago, an old gentleman in the County of Antrim, who fancied he had disco- vered the whole topography in the neighbourhood of the Six Mile Water ; and in a recent work by Hugh Y. Campbell, Esq. R. N. F. A. S., it is laid down and described as lying on the western shores of the bay of Carrickfergus, and about the mountains of Carn- money and Cavehill. Why has not the County of Wicklow put in its claim ? Macpherson's descriptions will apply to it as well as to Morven. It has mountains and valleys ; whistling heath and blue streams; grey rocks and a sandy beach, with curling mists and rain- bow skies. " In truth," says the learned author of " Dissertations on the History of Ireland," " there would be no end of pointing out the topographical ignorance of Ossian, in omitting as well as misplacing some of the most noted places of Ireland, which must naturally come within the plan of his poems ; his invention, however, is very pro- lific ; and is particularly so where poetry wants it least, or is dis- graced by it. Instead of Eamhain, or Eamania, the celebrated seat of the kings of Ulster, which Ossian never once mentions, we have the castle of Tura, many ages before a single castle was built in the kingdom : and instead of Craove-roe, the academy near Eamania, for teaching the use of arms ; he gives us Muri's Hall, a name as little known to all ancient writers as Tura itself. From numberless instan- ces of such forgeries, omissions, and misplacings, the reader will be enabled to form a proper judgment of Ossian, as w r ell as Ossian's translator." 153 SECTION IX. On the Era of Ossian. The era of the real Fin Mac-Cumhal, and his son Oisin, is as distinctly marked in Irish history as any other event which it records. It appears evident from the chronological researches of Doctor Char- les O' Conor, that the former fell in the year of our Lord 273, and that Oscar, his grandson, fell ten years afterwards, viz. in 283, at the battle of Gavra. Hence it will appear scarcely credible, unless Fin could be proved to have lived to an antediluvian age, that he commanded an army against the Romans in 207, as has been pre- tended ; and that he defeated them under Caracalla, at the west end of Loch Fraochy "where there is a place named Dall-Chillin, or Fingal's burial-place." We have asked in a former section of this Essay, who has recorded this defeat of the Romans? and Graham answers, that it is not to be expected that Tacitus, Herodian, or Dion Cassius, would give us any account of the poems in which such events are recorded. True, not of the poems ; but why not of the battles in which the Romans were overcome, and the names of the generals against whom they fought ? They have told of Galgacus and Caractacus ; why not of a greater than they, the illustrious Fingal ? The Doctor employs a negative argument, and contends that " nothing has been adduced from ancient history, or even from the poems themselves, which can fairly be considered as contradictory to the position, that they belong 154 to the period which has been assigned." Here we are obliged to differ from the learned Doctor, for we think in almost every page we can discover palpable proofs of modern fabrication, and are well assured that they cannot be authenticated by a single contemporary witness. In the dissertation on the Era of Ossian annexed to his poems, Macpherson does not pretend to any thing like proof or evidence of their original date. His statements in prose are as loose and general as his descriptions in poetry. They have neither distinctness nor individuality ; they are as intangible as his ghosts, and when you approach them they fall into pieces and vanish away. He speaks of a persecution of the Druids that took place in the days of Fingal, but supports it by no authority ; of the Culdees ; of the exploits of Fingal when a youth, against Caracul, the king of the world ; and of Ossian when an old man, having seen " the Christians whom the persecution under Diocletian had driven beyond the pale of the Roman Empire." All this is mere invention without even the merit of plausibility. He accounts for the absence of religious ideas, by saying that " under the cloud of public hate, all that had any knowledge of the religion of the Druids became extinct, and the nation fell into the last degree of ignorance of their rites and ceremonies." Hence, even the bards, whom he describes as an inferior order of Druids, make no allusion to them in their poems. That a whole people should lose all knowledge of their peculiar religious rites and ceremonies in the course of one generation, is one of the most monstrous suppositions on record. It is also in direct contradiction to the fact, that the bards were the historians of their country. Wherefore should some of the most important topics which employ the pen of history be prohibited or left unnoticed ? Whatever reason there might be for 155 veiling the mysteries of Druidism, while it was the predominant religion, there could be none when it was crushed under the heel of persecution. The veil was then torn in pieces, and we are led by all historical analogy to conclude, that so far from concealing, it would be the object of its enemies to expose it to desecration. Though Dru- idism has been abolished by Christianity, some striking vestiges of that ancient superstition are extant at the present day. Doctor Graham falls into the same line of argument as Macpherson, and pursues it with more caution, but no better success : " It would seem," says he, " that the silence which prevails in these poems with regard to the higher mysteries of religion, instead of furnishing an argument against their authenticity, affords a strong presumption of their having been composed at the very time, in the very cir- cumstances, and by the very persons to whom they have been attributed. Indeed, had there been any account given in these poems of the secret rites and horrid immolations of the Beltein and the Samhin, there might have been some ground to question their authenticity." We might suppose from the mode in which the learned Doctor speaks of the higher mysteries, that the poem contained something relative to the minor rites of religion, though equally silent as to them all. Why might not the Celtic poet have described one of the " horrid immolations," as readily as a Spanish poet might describe an auto dafe, or a proselyted inquisitor the tortures of the inquisi- tion ? Granting, however, that they were strictly forbidden to speak of immolations and other rites which must have been well known to the whole nation, surely a poet might have borrowed an image from the Beltein and Samhuin fires, kindled as they were on every moun- tain, and in every district of the country.* * " Macpherson easily foresaw that this omission of the religious machinery would create mistrust, and unfortunately enhances our suspicion, by a most silly effort to account for it. x 2 156 Sir John Sinclair, in his dissertation, has brought forward a new argument in support of his favourite hypothesis.* He affirms that — " The existence of Swaran, and other personages mentioned in the poems of Ossian, is authen- ticated by Danish historians. With a view of ascertaining this point," says he, " I applied to the Rev. Mr. Rosing, pastor of the Danish church in London, from whom I received the fol- lowing particulars, from a work of great authority, namely, Sumh's History of Denmark." This author gives an account of Gram, a Norwegian prince, who espoused the cause of a princess who was persecuted by a rude suitor, the celebrated Swaran : " This Swaran was the son of Starno. He had carried on many wars in Ireland, where he had vanquished most of the heroes that opposed him, except Cuehullin, who, assisted by the Gaelic or Caledonian king, Fingal, in the present Scotland, not only defeated him, but even took him prisoner, but had the generosity to send him back again to his country ; and these exploits can never be effaced from men's memory, seeing they are celebrated in the most inimi- table manner by the Scotch poet, Ossian ; and Swaran has thereby obtained an honour which has been denied to so many heroes greater than he. With such an enemy Gram was now to contend. They met in single combat, and Swaran lost his life." The reader of this passage, we doubt not, has formed the same judgment of it as ourselves, that the only authority of the Danish 'Before Ossian's time,' he tells us, 'the Druidic religion was set aside.' — But he goes on : 'The power of the Druids to elect a Vergobretus became hereditary, and the established reli- gion was abolished.' This is the substance of his long-winded detail of the ruin of the Druids. All our remains of ancient history are against him, and what authority does he oppose to their testimony ? — His own ; his own only ! Who, ever, before the appearance of this new historical revelation, heard of a Vergobretus (so called) among the Caledonians ? or, indeed, among any other Celtic people, the Mdui, in Gaul, alone excepted. It is Caesar who gives us the name, and describes the office, and that in a corner only of the extensive country he conquered. Had Caesar never wrote, we should never hear of the name." — O'Conor's Dissertation. * Sir John Sinclair's Dissertation on the Authenticity of the Poems of Ossian, pp.lxii. lxiii. lxiv. 157 historian for the name of Swaran and his invasion of Ireland, is Mac- pherson's Ossian ! If there be any truth in the statement, why are we not referred to known creditable authorities ? No syllable of it is to be found in Torfaeus, though he speaks at considerable length, and with fine his- torical painting, equalling that of poetry, of the invasion of Ireland by certain northern princes, but at a period long subsequent to the days of Ossian ; nor in the Danish histories of king Eric, or Erpold Lindenbruch. The two latter mention Gram, the fifth in the Danish line of kings. Between him and Frothius hin Fredegode, the twenty-se- venth king, contemporary with Christ, were twenty-one reigns, which, at the moderate allowance of fifteen years to a reign, would make a period of 315 years, so that the interval between him and Fin Mac- Cumhal must have been at least 550 years. The date of Gram's reign is not marked, it seems, by Sumh, in loco ; but Rosing says, as Sir John Sinclair informs us, that he has elsewhere placed it in 240, whether before or after Christ is not mentioned, but it is intended that we should understand the latter, though the former must unquestionably be nearer the truth. Some benevolent critic might, perhaps, suggest that Sumh has spoken of a Gram different from him who is mentioned by Eric : but unfortunately for this suggestion, we find but one Danish monarch of that name, and his identity is fixed by the same remarkable fact recorded of him both by Sumh and Eric, namely, that he slew his enemy with sixteen brothers.* Eric says his enemy was the king of Suecia ; and Sumh calls him Swaran on the authority of Mac- pherson. Thus is one monstrous falsehood made to act recipro- cally in support of another. Sumh quotes Macpherson, and Sir * " Regem etiam Suecia? occidit, et sedecim fratres ejus," — Hist. Gentis Danorum, Erici Daniae regis. Lug. Elz. J 629, p. 54. 158 John Sinclair, in support of Macpherson, quotes Sumh. The critic, the historian, and the poet, are worthy of one another. Like the lovers in their impatience to be happy, they invoke the gods to an- nihilate both space and time. They synchronize names and ages that were separated by an interval of five or six centuries, and the Irish and Danish histories are equally falsified !* * Since the foregoing paragraph was written, we have consulted the Modern Universal History, and found that Gram, fifth king of Denmark, reigned ante Christum, 888, so that an interval of not less than eleven hundred years occurred between his days and those of Fin Mac-Cumhal ! The Viceroy of Gothland in Gram's days was named Swarim, not Swaran. Whether Macpherson took his name Swaran from Danish history, or, as we have conjectured, from Sturan in the Irish poem, let the reader decide. It is of no importance. " Gram dis- covering that Swarim was conspiring against his life, in order to raise himself to the throne of Sweden, challenged him to single combat, and slew him." — Mod. Un. Hist. vol. xxviii. p. 370. "In the preface to Macpherson's translation of Fragments of Ancient Poetry, the Garve of his text is called Swarthan, which he afterwards changed to Swaran, as he did Cuchulaid to Cuthullin."— High. Soc. Rep. App. p. 190, note. " His account of Swaran, king of Lochlyn's invasion of Ireland, in the third century, is of a piece with his other assertions ; when it is a fact indisputable, that the Scandinavians, who obtained the name of Lochlyns, made no incursions into Britain and Ireland until the eighth century, not long after the time that their intercourse with the Saxons made them expert navigators. He, however, who could assert proleptically, that hereditary right was established lineally among the ancient Scottish monarch's, and that minor kings conducted their administration by guardians, could as readily furnish Swaran in the third century, with floating castles spreading their wings of canvas, and threatening destruction to remote na- tions." — O'Conor's Dissertation. The author who has been just quoted farther observes, that "the poems of Fingal and Temora, are evidently founded on the romances and vulgar stories of the Tan-Bo- Cualgney war and those of Fiona Ereann. The poet, whoever he was, picked up many of the names of men and places to be found in those tales, and invention made up the rest. In digesting these poems into the present forms, chronology was overlooked, and the actors of different ages are all made coevals. The Tan-Bo-Cualgney war, wherein Cuchullin, Terdia, Conall- Cearnach, Fergus Mac-Roy, fyc, signalized themselves, was carried on some few years before the commencement of the Christian era. Fionn Mac-Cumhaill and the Fiana Ereann flou- rished in the third century. Mr. Macpherson or Ossian makes them contemporaries." 159 As for the name Swaran, we believe it to be an alteration of Sturan, a name found in the Irish poem L . 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