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 IAS RITCHIE'S LETTER, 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 REMINISCENCES 
 
 or 
 
 HENRY CLAY AID THE COMPROMISE 
 
 [From the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer of Sept. 10th T 1852.] 
 
 INTERESTING DOCUMENT. 
 
 It is not for us to comment upon the following narrative of 
 secret history, but we cannot doubt that it will commend it- 
 self to. the attention and interest of the whole country. The 
 author but redeems a solemn promise in rendering a tribute to 
 an eloquent and great statesman — with whom he had been on 
 intimate terms in earl) 7 youth, afterwards arra} T ed against him 
 in decided political hostility and personal non-intercourse, and 
 finally reconciled and made friends again in the work of war- 
 ding off an angry storm that threatened the safety, nay, the 
 existence of the confederac}-. It is most fitting that this un- 
 rolling of the curtain of the past, this development of un- 
 known and unwritten history, should find its way to the pub- 
 lic through the Enquirer, whic 1 was founded by the author 
 of the following letter, an earl intimate personal friend of 
 Mr. Clay, and one of his few vi ran contemporaries now left 
 on the stage of life, and whose columns, in past times, waged 
 such decided war upon the political principles of Mr. Clay's 
 after life. But we shall not longer detain our readers from 
 the letter itself. 
 
 J ' ■ A? 4. 
 
2 thomas Ritchie's letter. 
 
 To the Editors of the Richmond Enquirer. 
 
 Washington, Sept. 6, 1S52. 
 
 Sirs, 
 
 Whilst a great nation is lamenting the death, and plying honors to the 
 memory of one of her most distinguished sons, will you permit me to lay my 
 humble tribute upon his grave ? Well do I recollect what passed in March 1850, 
 at the hospitable hoard of Mr. John T. Sullivan, of this city, where I met with 
 M.-^rs. CI ty, William It. King, (the Vice President,) Cobb, (the Speaker of the 
 House of Representatives,) Foote, Toombs. Bradford of Massachusetts, &c. &c. 
 In a must agreeable conversation, I told Mr. Clay, that if he would but settle the 
 agitating question of the day, on fair and honorable principles, and would look 
 no more to the White House, if I survived him. I would plant a laurel on his 
 tomb. Little did I dream at that time of the fate which awaited him; — and 
 little did I anticipate that his subsequent astonishing exertions would have 
 exhausted the powers of his constitution, and that he would so soon have falh-u 
 a martyr to his public duties. I come now to plant the simple laurel upon his 
 tomb. 
 
 My relations to Mr. Clay have been of various characters. Perhaps I was 
 the ohlest acquaintance in Washington, who attended his funeral. I first met 
 with Mr. Clay in Richmond, at the house of my brother-in-law, Governor 
 Brooke, in 1796, before he left Virginia for Kentucky — before he had obtained 
 his license, and before he had completed his legal studies under the auspices of 
 Mr. Brooke, who was subsequently elected Attorney General of the State. 
 Colton truly says, in his Life of Mr. Clay, (p. 23, vol. 1.) that "he was for 
 ye irs the pupil and companion of Chancellor Wythe, who. discovering 'the high 
 promise of his protege, was not less ambitious to tit him for his destiny than he 
 himself was to attain to it." It was by his advice that '"he entered as a regular 
 student of law, in the office of the Attorney General." Younger as I was, by 
 ne irly three years, than Mr. Clay, yet I soon learned to appreciate his line 
 talents and agreeable temper. When I returned from Richmond to my native 
 town of Tappahaunock, I corresponded for a short time with him; and I 
 recollect distinctly with what delight he quoted that beautiful and celebrated 
 passage from Mackintosh's " Vindiciue Gallica?," published originally in 1791, in 
 reply to Mr. Burke's famous letter on the French Revolution: 
 
 "It was time," (said the eloquent Scotchman.) " that the human powers, so 
 long occupied by subordinate objects and inferior arts, should mark the com- 
 mencement of a new era in history, by giving birth to the art of improving 
 government, and increasing the civil happiness of man. It was time, as it has 
 been wisely and eloquently said, that legislators, instead of that narrow and 
 dastardly coasting, which never ventures to lose sight of usage and precedent, 
 should, guided by the polarity of reason, hazard a bolder navigation, and 
 discover, in unexplored regions, the treasure of public felicity." 
 
 But time sped on. Mr. Clay obtained his license to practise law from the 
 
 Judges of the Court of Appeals, in 1797, and in November of the same year, 
 
 he moved to Lexington in Kentucky (the child of Virginia) to establish himself 
 
 in his profession, lie rapidly rose, both at the bar and in polities, [n 1803 he 
 
 ted a member of the Legislature of Kentucky. In 1306 lie appeared as 
 
Thomas ritciiie's letter. 3 
 
 a Senator of the United States, in place of General Adair, whose term expired 
 on the 4th of March. 1807. In the summer following he was again elected to 
 the State Legislature, and was made Speaker of the Assembly. " After a 
 service of two years in that body, be was again, in 1809, returned to the United 
 States Senate, to fill up two years of an unexpired term of the Hon. I'uckner 
 Thurston, resigned." (Cohort's Life of H. Clay, vol. 1, p. 140.) In 1811, 
 whilst the signs of war were lowering in the horizon, he was elected to die 
 House of Representatives, of which he was appointed Speaker. In June 1812, 
 war was declared against Great Britain. •' .c*-^- 
 
 During this interval, I had very little intercourse with Mr. Clay. I seldom 
 visited Washington. But in March 1*09, I witnessed the inauguration of Mr. 
 Madison, and experienced many courtesies from Mr. Clay. Two days after the 
 declaration of war, I received a very complimentary letter from him, congratu- 
 lating me on the event, and 'thanking me for the great exertions I had contributed 
 in bringing it on. Mr. Clay's reputation was in the mean time rapidly advancing. 
 His speech, in 1811, against renewing the charter of the firJt Bank of the 
 United States, was a brilliant and powerful effort. It defied even his own 
 ingenuity, and all his subsequent efforts, to refute its positions. His exertions 
 during the war of 1812 to defend the " Free Trade and Sailors' Rights" of hie 
 country, had sunk deeply into the heart of the nation. In the autumn of 1814, 
 he was associated with four other distinguished citizens, as a Commissioner to 
 Ghent, in the negotiation for peace. 
 
 It is not my purpose, at this time, to discuss any party politics. I confine 
 myself to a simple narrative of facts. It is sufficient for me. to say, that 
 when I had the pleasure of meeting Mr. Clay at Richmond, in the year 1822, 
 when he and Judge Bibb addressed the Legislature of Virginia, as Commis- 
 sioners from Kentucky, touching a land controversy that had existed between- 
 the two States, I found myself at points on various political questions with this 
 distinguished statesman. The reader may form some idea of some of these 
 questions, when I refer to a few good-humored remarks that he addressed to me 
 in the course of a long conversation, which we held together as we promenaded 
 the long room of the Eagle Hotel. Well do I recollect the scene, in con- 
 sequence of another very interesting topic, which mingled in our conversation. 
 He begged me to believe, that he did not differ with Virginia so much in his 
 general principles or in his measures, as I might have supposed. He said to 
 roe, with a great deal of agreeable naivete, that when Virginia was as much 
 overrun with the spurious paper of some thirty or forty Banks, as his own 
 State had been scourged with. I would not be so much surprised at his anxiety 
 to establish a National Bank, in order to regulate the circulation, and to correct 
 the abuse ; and. when I had as often crossed the mountains, and traveled the 
 miserable roads, in all seasons of the rear, as he was compelled to do on his 
 way to Washington. I might in some degree excuse his anxiety to claim for the 
 General Government the power to prosecute internal improvements. 
 
 But our political as well as personal relations began to assume a new charac- 
 ter. In 1^24. he was announced as a candidate for the Presidency. I fell it to 
 be my duty to oppose his election ; and the same opposition was renewed when- 
 ever he appeared on the canvass — in 1^32, when he was defeated by General 
 Jackson — and in 1844. when, after a severe struggle, he was overcome by Mr. 
 
4 THOMAS UITCHIE S LETTER. 
 
 T '\. Let me -av, in justice to the magnanimity which he afterwards displayed, 
 that ibis opposition on my part was stern and unrelenting. No press in the 
 Unite I States was more determined than the Richmond Enquirer. Mr. Clay was 
 the leader ot the ['arty, whose principles I opposed. His eloquence, his energy 
 of character, '-the vast space he had tilled in the eyes of the world," and the 
 towering popularity he bad acquired, in his own party, would have given a 
 weight to those principles in the administration of the government, which were 
 regarded by the Democratic party as fatal to the best interests of the country. 
 Besides, Mr. Clay had incurred a serious and bitter opposition, in consequence 
 of his relations to Mr. John Quincy Adams. Of course, all my personal inter- 
 course with Mr. Clay was suspended. I met him, however, in the Senate Cham- 
 ber of the Capitol on the 4th of March 1.8:57, when Mr. Van Buren was inaugu- 
 rated President of the United States. A few moments before General Jackson 
 and Mr. \ an Buren came into the Chamber, arm and arm, Mr. Clay approached 
 me, and our eyes and hands met together. I told him how happy I was to see 
 that Time had laid his bands so gently upon him. He replied with a smile, lift- 
 ing up both his hands at the same time. " Ah ' I will keep the Old Fellow oiF as 
 long as 1 can." and suiting the action to the word, he threw both his arms for- 
 ward, as if keeping off Time and his fatal scythe. 
 
 In 1844, we were entirely separated from each other. His friends had an- 
 nounced him as their candidate, and his letter against the annexation of Texas, 
 had appeared from Raleigh. Through the whole campaign, I opposed him with 
 more vehemence than ever. In a strong speech which he delivered at Peters- 
 burg, Virginia, he had attacked me with some bitterness, and with his usual fire. 
 I returned the blow with interest, and never relaxed my efforts, during the whole 
 campaign, until Mr. Polk was returned, by the votes of the Electoral Colleges, 
 the President of the United Stales. 
 
 I have never heard of any unkind expression being used by Mr. Clay against 
 me in private — but he must have been more or less than man, if he had not felt 
 a keen and bitter resentment for the course I had pursued towards him. Mr. 
 Clay remained at Ashland in private life, whilst, contrary to my own wishes, the- 
 scenes of my humble drama were shifted to Washington. He remained in re- 
 tirement during the whole brilliant term of Mr. Polk's administration. Of 
 course, we had not the slightest intercourse with each other, and it was not until 
 the last Congress, that he returned to the Senate. I took* it for granted that we 
 shoald never exchange a word — and. indeed, I had no positive reasons to believe 
 that he was aware of my existence. We passed each other on the Avenue, 
 without ;he slightest -iign of recognition. 
 
 In the mean time, the political horizon was becoming more gloomy everyday. 
 The mntterings of the tempest were beginning to be heard in the Capitol. The 
 public mind was daily becoming more agitated and anxious about the Union it- 
 self. I partook of the general concern, and I could not reconcile it to my sense 
 of duty to retire like Achilles to my tent. On the contrary, I took a very active 
 pirt in the contest, and never did my poor bark weather so fearful a tempest. 
 9he | • I through it at last, with all her masts shattered, all her sails torn to 
 pieces, yet with the tlag of the Union still Hying at her peak. The course I pur- 
 sued had given offence to many of my best political and personal friends, yet, 
 painful a-, the result was, I had to bear it all. I may have erred in my course, 
 
THOMAS RITCHIE S LETTER. 5 
 
 bul I felt that it was an honest error. And under this impression, whilst the 
 Uuion was in serious danger, I should have been ashamed to fold my arms in 
 apathy, and let the storm pass on without participating in its dangers. Conse- 
 quently, I addressed myself to my countrymen at large ; and I appealed to Con- 
 gre-s. with all the energy of my pen. to adjust this dark and agitating question in 
 all its phases. I repeated my appeals from week to week, and from day to day. 
 As a specimen of the spirit in which I spoke, I beg leave to republish the follow- 
 ing article, because it serves to explain a remark from the lips of Mr. Clay, 
 which I shall presently have occasion to recite : 
 
 [ From the Washington Union, Jan. 29, ie50.] 
 
 "■These arc the Times which try Men's Souls." 
 
 When these States first declared their independence, and were about to take 
 their station among the nations of the earth, Thomas Paine proclaimed, in trum- 
 pet tones, "these are the times which try men's souls." Men's souls were tried ! 
 Every nerve was stretched, and with a lofty enthusiasm which was worthy of the 
 great cause for which they contended, the people of the third en United Strifes 
 achieved their independence, and proudly assumed their station among the na- 
 tions of the world. 
 
 This new republic has proved herself worthy of the sacrifices which were 
 made for her establisnment, and of the glorious destiny to which she was de- 
 signed. Rising on a new continent — stripped of the antiquated prejudices and 
 the arutocratic privileges which deface the ancient world — with an immense sur- 
 face of young and unappropriated land, capable of supporting a teeming popu- 
 lation, and of furnishing an asylum to all the oppressed emigrants from Europe — 
 abounding in rivers and sea-coast, and all the facilities of commerce and manu- 
 factures — blessed with liberty — and, on all these accounts, productive of an 
 energy of character which has never been equaled by the proudest republics of 
 antiquity, and of an ingenuity and enterprise which are calculated to advance 
 the improvement of the country to an indefinite extent — we have seen this re- 
 public of thirteen States swelling into thirty Slates, and each State exerting her 
 great power in all the forms oi" social improvement. Agriculture, commerce, 
 manufactures, education, the fine as well as the useful arts, are expanding under 
 the wings of our eagle, until our fame, either in the arts of peace or of war. is 
 filling the world. Shall we see this brilliant spectacle vanish like the fleeting co- 
 lors of a painted panorama? Shall we see this Union broken up, and the grand- 
 est experiment which lias ever been made in the annals of man, suddenly arrested 
 by the voice of fanaticism or the torch of discord ? Are we not safe in predict- 
 ing that such a revolution is impossible? But to preserve the liberty which we 
 have obtained, and the innumerable blessings which have flowed in her train, we 
 must recollect again that "these are the times which try men's souls." . This no- 
 ble constitution must be preserved by the same spirit which assisted in its forma- 
 tion. We must recollect th it there is but one rock on which the Union may be 
 split, and that to avoid that fatal shipwreck, we shall require all the energies, all 
 the nerve, all the moral courage, all the prudence, all that spirit of conciliation 
 and compromise, which carried us through the war of 76, and established the 
 constitution of '87. Are not all these elements of social greatness still to be 
 found ? Have they been extinguished by avarice, by private ambition or by 
 fiendish fanaticism ? Have we no great men among us, whose spirits are equal 
 to the storm which threatens our institutions? Have Americans degenerated 
 into cowardly time-servers, or contemptible demagogues ? Are men so anxious 
 to ensure their seats in Congress — so much devoted to the vulgar ambition of 
 aspiring to elevated office — so wrapt up in the visionary hopes of attaining even 
 that most unenviable honor of ascending the presidential chair — that they are 
 afraid to venture something for the salvation of their country ? We will not be- 
 lieve it. There are yet glorious men in this great republic. There are heroic 
 spiiits left, who will dare to do their duty, to risk everything for their countrj . 
 
 He would indeed be unworthy of the incalculable blessings which we enjoy, if 
 he is not prepared to make every exertion and every sacrifice which are neces- 
 
C THOMAS IUTCAIE's LETTER. 
 
 siryto settle this agitating subject, (live us the man who, in such an emer- 
 gency, in »iich a cause, and tor such a country as this, is prepared to become a 
 martyr, if necessary, for the salvation of our Union. Give us the generous 
 spirit who will say, " What boots it to me it" I am cut on" from public life, or 
 even from public distinction, tor daring to meet the fury of fanaticism, if it will 
 but save the republic ? I will do everything for it; nor will I hang back; nor 
 will I dodge the responsibility; nor will I wait till I am called upon to assist my 
 country." Give us men of this character, and the people will at last discover 
 their merits, ami bind them to their heart's core. When Lord Chatham, in one 
 of his petulant moods, declared that he could advise the ministry, if he had been 
 asked, the young Karl of Suffolk sprang to his feet and rebuked the illustrious 
 man: " If I sasv a dagger presented to the bosom of my mother — and to me my 
 cTfiintrv is dearer than my mother — I should deem myself the most unworthy of 
 her sous, if [ waited to be asked to ward orl* the blow." We are happy to think 
 that there are thousands of such patriots in this blessed land, who will rush to tlrS 
 rescue of the republic. We know of such, and the hour is not far distant when 
 we shall see them energetically discharging their duty in the present Congress. 
 
 Let us not deceive ourselves. The ship is in serious danger. The Union is 
 exposed to imminent peril of shipwreck. Trust not to the Executive for relief. 
 General Taylor has missed the opportunity of weaving around his brow a 
 greater glory than he ever reaped upon the field of Buena Vista. He has 
 shrunk from his responsibility. In his late message he has dodged the question. 
 He dare not, as becomes the patriot, meet the crisis. He dare not proclaim that 
 he woidd veto th.> H liuiot Proviso, and that he would use his constitutional 
 power to still the tempest. Look not then to him, nor to his hesitating cabinet; 
 but look to the real heroes of the land, who would even sacrifice themselves, 
 like Curtitls, to close the breach in the republic. Let us not deceive ourselves. 
 We must compromise the controversy by amicable arrangement. The States 
 stand upon the common platform of equality. They constitute a great partner- 
 ship of sovereign Sta'es ; and it is not for one or the other, for this section or for 
 that section, to claim all the benefits of the Union, and avoid any of its burdens. 
 We repeat, the Union is in danger; and it is not force, it is not menace, it is not 
 unkind or uncourteous language, which is to save it. It is conciliation and coin- 
 proniise which have brought this Union together, and must continue to knit it 
 together. In this spirit the Union will remain the proudest monument which 
 man has ever erected, and our country attain a pitch of prosperity which has 
 never been equalled in the world. 
 
 Tlx'se are. indeed, "the times that try men's souls." Let us settle the ichole 
 question at once, unci forever remove this agitating subject from our public councils. 
 
 On the day when this article appeared (viz: Jan. "29lh,) Mr. Clay came for- 
 ward with his first celebrated series of Compromise resolutions, supported by 
 one of those powerful speeches which were wont to emanate from his able and 
 eloquent mind. I admired the patriotic motive from which it proceeded, but 
 was unfortunate enough to differ with him about the propriety of his proposi- 
 tion. I expressed that dissent in frank but respectful terms. Mr. Clay followed 
 up his blow, by a very elaborate speech, which he delivered on the 5th of Feb- 
 ruary, and continued on the 6th. He spoke at great length, and with the most 
 impressive ability. On the very next morning, (the 7th of February,) I again 
 took the liberty of reviewing his course, and I stated all my objections frankly — 
 anil especially to his recognition of the Mexican law : 
 
 •• It is plain" (said the Union of the 7th of February) "that this resolution, if 
 embndii I in a law, would amount to a legislative assurance that the essence of 
 the Wiltuol Proviso is already in force in the territories we have recently ac- 
 quired. Yet 'his assurance, which denies to the South, just as effectually as the 
 W iliuot Proviso itself, any -hare of the Territories acquired from Mexico, Mr. 
 Clay terms a Compromise. We say. and indeed Mr. Clay virtually admits, that 
 it is •!,.• Wilmnl Proviso, with hardly a decent disguise; yea, even worse than the 
 naked Proviso, from the effort which is made to conceal it. We must say that 
 
thomas Ritchie's letter. 7 
 
 Mr. Clay has not sufficiently appreciated the good sense of the American people, 
 by bis attempt to palm off this pioposition as a compromise founded on mutual 
 forbearance and concession. Mr. Clay asserts that the Mexican edict abolishing 
 slavery is tantamount to the Wiltnot Proviso. If he he earnest in that belief, 
 why, let us ask. does he not leave that edict to be disposed of according to the 
 laws of nations and the principles of the constitution ? ' : 
 
 This editorial of the "Union" concluded as follows: 
 
 " But so far as we have seen or heard Mr. Clay's argument — so far as we have 
 weighed his propositions — anxious as we were to hail them as the harbingers of 
 peace — willing as we are to take any man for our leader who will strike out a 
 plan for saving the rights of the States and the Union of the States — we must pro- 
 claim boldly that Mr. Clay has failed in his object ; that his scheme presents no 
 available compromise; that it is no olive branch, as he called it yesterday ; and 
 that we must now look to clearer, and more generous and more intrepid spirits 
 to save the Union from the horrors which he so eloquently predicted. Men 
 there are in Congress, who have the ability and the patriotism to risk themselves 
 for tbis glorious Union — who, like Curtius, would plunge into the fiery gulf for 
 the salvation of their country, (and such a country ! ) To these men we must 
 now look; but not to the compromise of Mr. Clay !" 
 
 Now, mark my relations to Mr. Clay — and mark too the course which he pur- 
 sued at this fearful crisis. Remember, that I had opposed for so many years bis 
 earnest aspirations. Remember, that no press in this country had so pertina- 
 ciously thwarted his election to the Presidency as the Richmond Enquirer. 
 Mark, that our intercourse had been suspended for years! and that he must have 
 come to Washington with unkind and even embittered feelings towards me. 
 More than eight weeks had passed at Washington, and I had not said a syllable 
 to propitiate this popular and highly distinguished man. On the contrary, when 
 he came forward to present his resolutions for compromise, backed as they were 
 by one of his memorable speeches, the " Union" criticised them freely — and 
 placed him in the ungracious position, that he had brought forward a scheme 
 which was no available compromise — an olive branch, which did not deserve the 
 name — and, putting him aside, that " we must now look to clearer, and more 
 generous, and more intrepid spirits to save the Union from the horrors which he 
 so eloqnenlly predicted." Now, mark the beauty of his conduct. See what 
 magnanimity he could exhibit — and how completely his love of country could 
 override his private griefs and his party feelings. The very morning after the 
 preceding article appeared in the " Union," Mr. Clay transmitted the message 
 which is related in the following narrative : 
 
 New York, July 10th, 1852. 
 Thomas Ritchie, Esq*. 
 
 Dear Sir. 
 
 By some accident yosr esteemed favor of the 30th ult., did not 
 reach me until to-day. 
 
 In cheerful compliance with your request, 1 proceed to give a brief statement 
 of circumstances within my knowledge previous and relating to the interview 
 with the lamented Henry Clay, to which you refer. 
 
 You will remember that during the eventful congressional session of 1849-50 — 
 in which the compromise measures were passed — I was connected with the 
 official corps of Reporters for the U. S. Senate. In fulfilling my professional 
 duties, it was my privilege to spend many hours in the rooms of tiie distinguished 
 statesman whose loss the nation has been so recently called to mourn. 
 
 Early in the month of February 1850, 31 r. Clay expressed his profound re- 
 gret that you misunderstood his position on the agitating question then under dis- 
 cussion, and had deemed it your duty to assail what you understood to be his 
 views, in the columns of the Union. Satisfied that a free conference with you 
 
S tiiomas iutchie's letter. 
 
 wiiiil. 1 create a better understanding and secure your aid and co-operation in the 
 
 .rriiiuii l\ Congress of his series of resolutions on the subject of agitation, 
 
 be intimated the wish that I should bring about a confidential interview with you. 
 
 I ~lnll never forget Mr Clay's look and manner when the probability sug- 
 ted itself to his mind that his motives lor seeking an interview with the lead- 
 ing t-iii t>> r of ili«' great party to which lie had been so long and decidedly op- 
 posed, might be misapprehended. Mis proud spirit shrunk from the suspicion 
 mat he sought indemnity against assault upon his own acts or fume, on his own 
 behalf. 
 
 But. he said, the work in which he was engaged was far above and beyond all 
 personal or party considerations, and he could not hesitate. He remarked: 
 •• Mr Ritchie has abused me in his paper, which he had the right to do. He 
 may abuse Die ig tin; which he has the same right to do. But the country is in 
 dinger ; the L'nion is threatened. I wish to see Mr. Ritchie, that we may confer 
 together on the best means of saving this glorious L'nion. For myself, I care 
 nothing, ^o far as Mr. Ritchie doubts niy motives and condemns acts springing 
 from a source he mistrusts, I have nothing to say. But, for the sake of our com- 
 mon country. I would convince him of the necessity lor some decided, thorough, 
 united action, r.i save the country, and agree with him upon the means best cal- 
 culated to secure that result. I think I can show him that the plan I propose ia 
 worthy of his support, and that I would have him aid me instead of counteract- 
 ing my aims. When these threatening difficulties are disposed of, let Mr. Ritchie 
 judge and speak freely, as he thinks appropriate, of my poor self; I shall not 
 complain. Now, however. I would have a brief lull in the storm, that our bark 
 mav he trimmed lor the gale. That accomplished, I care nothing for what 
 follows.'' 
 
 The date of this communication will show, if I mistake not, that the plan of 
 several distinct, yet united measures, as a "Compromise," had not at that time 
 been promulgated or formed. t 
 
 I called upon you and stated Mr. Clay's wishes, repeating as literally as I could 
 his most important words, then fresh upon my memory. I need not say that you 
 met his proposition with frankness and cordiality. You said Mr. Clay had acted 
 as became him. and that you would yourself have done the same thing by him if 
 you had supposed the country had approached so very near to the abyss us he 
 apprehended ; tint you w ere indeed awfully impressed with the crisis which was 
 at hand; that every considerate man must admit that the Union was in danger; 
 and, unless some tnea-ures were adopted to save it. in imminent danger — and 
 
 - \<>u would most cheerfully meet Mr. Clay at any time and place he would 
 appoint— most respectfully appreciating the patriotic motives by which he was 
 actuated. Nor do I forget that this decision on your part was not made without 
 a due -ense of Mr. Clay's colloquial powers. You freely admitted his great tact 
 in discussion; but said at the same time, with a smile, that you had your own 
 opinions on the subject, and had freely expressed them; but whatever might be 
 Mr. Clay's powers, he would not expect you to yield them until your judgment 
 was convinced : von would, therefore, meet him for the purpose of a free, frank 
 and friendly conference. You suggested an interview at Mr. C.'s rooms at the 
 National Hotel. 
 
 • Mr. S. in n private tetter, ^ays: 
 
 • My rir-t •■ nversotion with Mr. Clay occupied, I should think, an hour at least. lie did me 
 the honor to a*k how the propriety of such an interview struck me, and how I thought 
 y n would receive the n, and talked the whole matter over Tery freely. Of 
 
 cur-e I could uot pu isb any allu ion <;f that kind, as it would look like egotistic assumption. 
 I " » I'''' e to !<now that Mr. Clay did manifest a confidence in me which was 
 
 ip| vent to rho-e ot m> frii ada who knew at the time the circumstances which brought me 
 In qui ntly ;ri i .. t with him." 
 
 It i. duo to truth to state "hat Mr. .S.'s modesty would conceal. 
 
 rrectonfhis is he usually is. Mr. Clay's Resolutions were 
 
 i the -''tii January, 1850, t. n days before this conversation took place. 
 
 I dl the elem nts of the Compromise— and in the first speech 
 
 ' productii n. be spoke of them in mis light: ••Taken in combination 
 
 ibfe arrangement ol all the questions in controversy 
 
 ■• . crowing out of the subject of the institution of slavery." 
 
 egs " "very tVnator to examine this plan of accom- 
 
 mo.l..T ii • , . | r . lente." 
 
thomas Ritchie's letter. 9 
 
 I addressed Mr. Clay in writing, informing him rtf the result of my mission. 
 TJie following is a copy of his reply. the origins! of which is still in my pos- 
 session : 
 
 "Deab Sin, 
 
 "I thank you for your prompt execution »f the commission which 1 confided to 
 yen. I will w Mr. R. with great pleasure ut my lodgings on Sunday next, between tin- hour* 
 of 1 ami 3, a« suggested. Or, if, on further reflection, he should prcJei it. 1 will attend Mr. 
 Pync's Church on Sunday next, and immediately after the conclusion of Divine service, I will 
 go to Mr. K.'f private residence. 
 
 "If th< latter arrangement should be preferred.be pleased to inform me. Otherwise I shall 
 expect Mr. K. tt my lodgings. 
 
 With great regard, 
 "Mr. .1. W. PrMONTOK, U rt AY " 
 
 S. Chamber, 8th Feb. 1850." 
 
 I called upon you the same evening, and showed vou the foregoing note. 
 You stated at once lhat it would never do for Mr. Clay 'to pass from Dr. Pyne's 
 ■church to your own house: that, wherever he went, lie was the "observed of 
 all observers;" that such a visit would give rise to a great deal of idle curiosity 
 and speculation; and that it was far better for you 1o visit him at his own public 
 hotel. If he had no objection, therefore, you proposed to call upon him at the 
 National Hotel at 4 o'clock in the evening of .Sunday next, (our conversation, I 
 think, being on Friday.) You also asked of Mr. C. the favor of bringing a 
 friend with you, not for the purpose of having a witness of the interview," nor a 
 recorder of the transaction, but because that friend [1 understood perfectly well 
 at the time, and so told Mr. Clay, that you referred to the Hon. Thomas H. 
 Bayly of Va..] was also Mr. C.'s personal friend ; because he was better ac- 
 quainted than yourself with the whole question, and with the sentiment of the 
 South; and because, if you could agree upon anything, that gentleman was in so 
 conspicuous a position in the House of Representativas that he could give the 
 most effective assistance to any measure which he might approve. 
 
 Mr. Clay agreed to the time and place thus designated, and sent word to you. 
 through myself, that you might bring as many friends with you as you wished. 
 The interview, thus arranged, was held at the time and place appointed. Of it* 
 events and results you can speak most fittingly. 
 
 Trusting that the foregoing statement fulfills the conditions of the request by 
 which you have honored me, 
 
 I remain yours, with sincere respect, 
 
 JAMES W. SIMONTON. 
 
 Our fellow -citizens of the North will see, from this whole movement, the 
 awful presentiments which Mr. Clay had formed, of the dangers threatening the 
 stability of the Union from the dien existing crisis. 
 
 On the evening of the 10th of February, General Bayly and myself waited 
 on Mr. Clay at his room, in the National Hotel. It was one of the most re- 
 markable interviews which ever took place iu this city. He received us with the 
 most winning courtesy and kindness. He treated me as if no unpleasant rela- 
 tions had ever existed between us. I shall not detail all the particulars of our con- 
 versation. We began by going back to our early acquaintance, the friends we 
 had known, and even the frolics which had amused us in Richmond. We passed 
 on to some subsequent events in our lives, and he assured me, that though we 
 had been parted for years, he had never lost sight of me— that he had constantly 
 read my paper, and diat when the mail arrived at Ashland, Mrs. Clay was in the 
 habit of selecting it first from the budget before her. He expressed the profound 
 interest which he took in the leading questions of the day, and the anxieties he 
 felt about the Union itself. He regretted that I had formed so unfavorable an 
 opinion about his resolutions, and said that he had been '-hurried" into their pre- 
 sentation by the strong appeals I had addressed to Congress. (See the pre- 
 ceding narrative.) 
 
 We then proceeded to a critical analysis of his resolutions of Compromise. 
 
 2 
 
10 THOMAS RITCHIE'S LETTER. 
 
 We commented upon the policy which it was proper to pursue in relation to 
 California. We devoted some time to the recognition which he had virtually 
 riven in hia resolutiona and speech, of the Mexican Law, in respect to slavery 
 in New Mexico. I contended that the South would never acquiesce in this fea- 
 ture, because the recognition of the validity of the Mexican Law, by an act of 
 Congress, was equivalent to the Wilmot Proviso. Upon this point there was a 
 it deal of ingenuity and learning exhibited on the part of General Bayly, as 
 .v. II aa .Mr. Clay, in which (Jen. B. sustained our view. So frank was our con- 
 - oce, and with such courtesy did he demean himself, that Mr. Clay even re- 
 ccived, with the utmost patience, the observation I threw out, that as it was ne- 
 ■,rv to strike the Mexican Law from his resolutions, I had been thinking how 
 hat object was to be accomplished, and (hat I would respectfully suggest to him 
 to follow his own precedent during the Missouri controversy, and move a com- 
 mittee of thirteen, to whom the irhule subject should be referred, and settled at 
 — never again to be disturbed. On the question of Texas, Mr. Clay con- 
 t'd with great frankness. He saw there was great danger of collision be- 
 tween the government of the Uuited States and the people of Texas — and he 
 spoke at some length of the boundaries which Texas should possess, and the 
 amount which should he paid to her. Upon the passage of a law for the resto- 
 ration of fugitive slaves, he was most emphatic and decided. It was an essential 
 part of the system — and it would be idle to attempt anything, unless it were 
 effectually to be provided for. He touched upon the sale of slaves imported 
 into the District of Columbia. And in fact there was no branch of the subject 
 on which the three persons present did not freely express their opinion, my 
 frif nd General Bayly taking a most active and efficient part in the whole con- 
 versation. There was but one sentiment among them on one point — and that 
 . it was necessary to settle the whole subject at once and forever, in order to 
 secure the peace, the union, and the permanent prosperity of our country. 
 
 As I rose to leave the room, I asked Mr. Clay if I did not understand him as 
 baying, that the whole question was to be settled at once, by a fair and liberal 
 compromise — " Everything or Nothing V He cordially assented to this idea. I 
 then frankly asked him, whether, if nothing else could he effected to save the 
 Union, would he agree to the adoption of the Missouri Compromise? He as 
 frankly replied, substantially, and nearly in the words, as follows: "As far as I 
 am personally concerned, I can have no objection to the Missouri Compromise 
 line, but I do not think it will be agreed to — nor do I see what the South is to 
 gain by it. If, howevor, it can be agreed to, and if it be satisfactory, I will 
 acquiesce in it for the sake of the public tranquillity.'' After finally telling him 
 that I would see him again, if it were necessary to renew the conversation, we 
 took our leave. 
 
 I have never seen any one conduct himself with more frankness and dignity, 
 than Mr. CI iy, during the whole of this interview. I left him, deeply impressed 
 with hia love of country, his devotion to the Union, and the conciliatory spirit in 
 
 to secure it. How superior did he rise, above all pri- 
 
 rate feuds and party considerations! With what indefatigable zeal, mid with 
 
 what an indomitable ^prit did he pursue the great object he had in view! But 
 
 lerous 8] ; orate aa well as impromptu, bear witness to his 
 
 rgy, ability ami devotion to the Union. The labors of the day, and the vigils 
 
thq^ias Ritchie's letter. 11 
 
 of the ni^Lt, were consecrated to this object — until at last his constitution bean 
 to give way, and the foundation was laid of thai fata! disease which lias sent him 
 to his tomb, a martyr in the public service. 
 
 Vet Mr. Clay was as fortunate in his death as he was in his life, lie died, 
 amid nil the consolations of religion, with the respi r.t «f his country, and the 
 sincere regrets of many a man who had bet u once his political enemy. He died 
 after having seen the Compromise, to which lit had devoted the last years of his 
 life, adopted as the platform of both conventions of both political parties. 
 
 And let me add, now that the Compromise is adopted, when almost all itf 
 elements are placed, by the very force of circumstances, beyond the reach of 
 change — except the fugitive slave law ; and now, when that measure furnishes 
 only practical compensation to the South, for the sacrifices she sustains, how 
 mad and mischievous are all the efforts which are made for the repeal of that 
 measure. Such speeches as those of Mr. Sumner, and such letters as those of 
 Mr. Chase, are. really, so many blows leveled at the Union itself. Their object 
 cannot be accomplished, without prostrating the pillars of the Constitution. It 
 is my duty to speak upon this subject? Moreover, I have a right to speak ! No 
 man is more sincerely devoted to the Union than I am. I have given some 
 evidence of this feeling, in the efforts I have made to secure the Compromise. 
 I have given some evidence of this feeling, in fearlessly meeting the storm 
 which gathered around my own head. When some of my warmest persoual 
 and political friends were deserting and denouncing me, I still stood my ground, 
 and said, "Let us save this glorious Union. Let us adopt the Compromise. 
 But when adopted, the .North must adhere to the Fugitive Slave Law. 1 ' Let 
 me say too, that few men are better acquainted with the South than myself. I 
 know her people infinitely better than Messrs. Seward, Sumner or Chase can 
 know them. I declare, in the face of this nation, that the repeal of that law 
 will sound the tocsin of dissolution. I expressed this sentiment at the moment 
 of adopting the Compromise, and I repeat the declaration nenr, when my firm 
 opinion has been still further confirmed by the subsequent declaration and the 
 present feeling of the people of Virginia, whose discretion contributed so much 
 to still the tempest. I find the echo of these sentiments in my own heart. 
 Prostrate this Compromise, and upon what other Compromise can yon rally? 
 If the North is so far guilty of had faith as to -violate the solemn statute of the 
 land, how can the South trust her again? " Thus far we were willing to go — 
 thus far have we gone — but not an inch further." We but repeat at this time, 
 what we proclaimed upon the house-tops during the agitation of the storm, and 
 amid " the rocking of the battlements." What did we say, for example, on the 
 25th June, 1850 ? 
 
 " We are striving to save the peace of our country, and to preserve her 
 Union. We see sufficiently well, that it must be effected by conciliation and 
 compromise. The only question is, Which alternative is best calculated to that 
 purpose? We would not vole for the admission of California per se; but we 
 waive all our objections to the incisure, if it can be made a part of a system of 
 Compromise to give peace to the Republic. The Compromise prostrates the 
 Wilniot Proviso, the most insiduous form which abolitionism has ever assumed, 
 and the most fatal to the South ; for ibis compromise organizes territorial 
 governments for Utah and New Mexico without any restriction on slavery. Of 
 course, there is an express understanding that it is to be a solemn compact, 
 binding upon the North as well as the Souih; and that if this system is hereafter 
 
12 rHOMAS RITCHIE S LETTER. 
 
 t.) be disturbed bj ihe influence of fanaticism; if the grossest violation of good 
 Ll ,,l, | dried t i the i iolence of aggression, the South will then be prepared 
 
 to iay thai she i an no longer put failh in our Northern brethren, and that it will 
 be tune tu part. We follow no man's lead but our own. Glimmering as the 
 light may be. which directs our path, we are prepared to tread it for ourselves. 
 We oi iv be struck down in the struggle; but let this inscription be written on 
 our tomb : " Here lies a man who never turned his back upon his country, who 
 n is uw iya devoted to his friends, and never dreaded his enemies." 
 What did we say in the " Union'' of the 12th July, 1650 ! 
 When this compact is made, we shall hold all parts of the confederacy 
 :uiily bound to enforce it. .Should the fanatics of the North attempt to 
 overleap it, then let our Northern brethren be warned of the consequences. 
 The South never would trust them again. They could never parley or com- 
 promise igain, even with their countrymen who could be capable of violating all 
 I faith mi the most delicate matter which can concern the South, and in the 
 only one which is calculated to alienate the feelings of each from the other, to 
 break all relations between them, (and if we must speak the truth) to break the 
 Union asunder. We repeat, we have a right to speak on this subject, because 
 we trust we are known to be the devoted friends of this glorious Union — but 
 there can be no Union where discord only prevails. We repeat with the Ten- 
 nesseean, "The Union — only under the guaranties of the constitution.'' But we 
 are assured, tint if this controversy be now adjusted in a spirit of conciliation 
 and compromise, it will preserve the Union from further extreme agitation, and 
 that the gre it majority of our Northern brethren will protect the compact from 
 the assaults of the Fanatics." 
 
 [From the Washington Union, of Sept. 15, li?50.] 
 (Immediately after the passage of the Compromise ^feasures.) 
 
 " We look forward to the prospect before us with the most cheering anticipa- 
 tions. But we cannot leave the subject without at the same time warning our 
 countrymen, from the dangers which we have passed, to avoid their repetition. 
 The system which has just been adopted by Congress, we consider as a solemn 
 covenant between the North and the South. The abolitionists and freesoilers 
 are the common enemies of the country, and they must be kept down. 
 Fan iticisui never sleeps, and therefore it must be carefully watched. Let our 
 Northern brethren keep down the atrocious spirit. The interference of the 
 A I olitionists can do no good in any sense of the term. It does not meliorate 
 the condition of the slave. On the contrary, it makes everything worse. It 
 renders a .-tronger police necessary, affecting the education, the religious 
 meetings, the locomotion of the slave," &C, &c. " It is now our great desire 
 to rally the Democratic party, and to re-unite it in all its vigor upon its ancient 
 platform. To etFect this object, we must cultivate harmony and concession; we 
 must not denounce and abuse each other, but bear and forbear, and allow for 
 the honest differences of opinion which have recently prevailed to so great a 
 degree among us. The Whigs, too, will rally under their own banner; but such 
 is our confidence in the majesty of truth, that we fear nothing from them. 
 nt but the foot of McGregor upon his native heath, and he may defy 
 them til." 
 
 But I forbear. I did not sit down to re-echo tny own sentiments, or to repeat 
 the warnings which I echoed during the agitation of the tempest of 1850, but to 
 pay the tribute that I owed to the memory of Mr. Clay. From the moment of 
 
 it nterview, in February in 1850, he became my friend. He expressed this 
 
 ment in pri\ tte circles. He proclaimed it within the Senate chamber, at 
 
 one of the most interesting periods of my life. But it is my object now only 
 
 edeem my promise, and to plant one humble laurel on his tomb. My great 
 
 aim is to do justice to Mr. Clay's frank and magnanimous conduct, in seeking 
 
 an interview with a political opponent, for the purpose of bringing about a co- 
 
 ■ it i<> ii In in import int crisis of public affairs, not for the personal benefit of 
 
 .- but for the sake of our common country. 
 
 THOMAS RITCHIE. 
 
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