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 A HISTORY OF THE 
 ANCIENT WORLD 
 
PLATE I 
 
 A PORTION OF THE PARTHENON AND ITS FRIEZE 
 
A HISTORY OF THE 
 ANCIENT WORLD 
 
 BY 
 
 GEORGE STEPHEN GOODSPEED, Ph.D. 
 
 w 
 
 LATE PROFESSOR OF ANCIENT HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO 
 
 REVISED BY 
 
 WILLIAM SCOTT FERGUSON, Ph.D. 
 
 PROFESSOR OF HISTORY, HARVARD UNIVERSITY 
 AND 
 
 STILLMAN PERCY ROBERT CHADWICK, A.M. 
 
 INSTRUCTOR IN HISTORY, PHILLIPS EXETER ACADEMY 
 
 WITH ILLUSTRATIONS, MAPS, AND PLANS 
 
 NEW YORK 
 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 1912 
 

 Copyright, 1904 and 191 2, bv 
 CHARLES SCRIBNER'S SONS 
 
 CCI.A314956 
 
So 
 F. M. G. 
 
 TO WHOSE COURAGE, FAITH, AND PRACTICAL 
 
 HELP IN A DARK YEAR, THIS VOLUME 
 
 BEARS ABUNDANT WITNESS 
 
PREFACE 
 
 It is now eight years since my father, Professor Good- 
 speed, wrote "A History of the Ancient World." Had 
 he lived it would have been his first care to follow the 
 results of historical research and advancing methods of 
 teaching history in secondary schools by frequent revi- 
 sions of the subject-matter of the text. Recognizing 
 the growing faith in the book on the part of those who 
 have come to know and teach it, and the value and 
 necessity of a revision at the present time, the family 
 of the author have secured the services of Professors 
 Ferguson and Chadwick to make such changes as the 
 author himself would have considered as adding to the 
 value of the book. 
 
 It is believed that the book in its present form will per- 
 petuate that spirit of usefulness and the genuine schol- 
 arly feehng which characterized the author's Hfe and 
 work. 
 
 T. H. GOODSPEED. 
 
 Department of Botany, 
 University of California. 
 
REVISERS' NOTE 
 
 We have been led to make this revision of the late 
 Professor Goodspeed's " History of the Ancient World " 
 mainly by three considerations : its use of an easy, grace- 
 ful, yet clean-cut and vigorous, English; its firm grasp 
 of the great main lines of historical development, and 
 its high excellence in respect of type, paper, and illustra- 
 tions. There seemed to us to be no necessity that a 
 text-book should be trivial in style, weak in coherence, 
 or inferior in presswork. Accordingly, we have been 
 careful to preserve in the revision the character of the 
 original. The book remains in essentials the work of 
 Professor Goodspeed. 
 
 On the other hand, we have by no means contented 
 ourselves with the correction of verbal inaccuracies. 
 While at our work we have had constantly in mind the 
 possibiHty, by making additions, expansions, and other 
 modifications, of meeting more closely all reasonable de- 
 mands of experienced teachers. And at the same time 
 we have tried to make the text a faithful exponent of 
 the views- now held in the most authoritative scientific 
 circles. It is our hope that the book, as revised, will be 
 found — in its comparative neglect of the growth of consti- 
 tutions, and the comparative fulness with which it treats 
 the matured governments of Sparta, Athens, and Rome; 
 in its care for the transitions from the old world of the 
 East to Greece and from Greece via Sicily and Magna 
 
X Revisers' Note 
 
 Graecia to Italy; in its reduction of the political history 
 of Egypt and Babylonia and of later Rome to a mere out- 
 line; and, above all, in its effort to interpret historically 
 the Hellenistic Age — a fairly close approach to the ideal 
 as stated in the recent report of the Committee of Five 
 of the American Historical Association. As for its scien- 
 tific quality, it will suffice to say that nowhere else in 
 English, so far as we know, can the teacher find so closely 
 followed the general conception of ancient history which 
 we owe to the epoch-making work of Professor Eduard 
 Meyer, of the University of Berlin. 
 
 Attention may be called to a number of pedagogical 
 improvements. 
 
 (i) At the head of each section we have set in bold- 
 faced type its general contents, and in the margins we 
 have given a more detailed analysis of the text. 
 
 (2) The pronunciation of difficult words has been in- 
 dicated on their first occurrence in the narrative as well 
 as in the index. 
 
 (3) The index has been arranged so as to enable the 
 student to find place-names on the maps without diffi- 
 culty. 
 
 (4) A select list for reading has been added. This has 
 been compiled almost exclusively from five single-volume 
 works. It makes it possible for teachers in schools with 
 large classes and small library funds to attend to col- 
 lateral reading. For the small sum of eighty dollars, 
 ten copies of each of these five books can be procured. 
 The topics for this list have been chosen and the refer- 
 ences made by a successful and experienced teacher — 
 Miss Margaret McGill, Head of the History Department 
 of the Newton High School, Massachusetts. 
 
Revisers' Note xi 
 
 (5) By the use of strong colors, as well as by additions 
 and corrections in details, the value of the maps taken 
 from the first edition has been enhanced substantially. 
 Four new maps have been added. The number of full- 
 page illustrations has been nearly doubled. 
 
 (6) A table of dates and events has been added. This 
 contains the chronological data found indispensable dur- 
 ing many years' experience in college preparatory work. 
 
 (7) The material set into the text in smaller type has 
 been expanded {a) by a number of significant Greek and 
 Roman legends; {h) by occasional explanations of diffi- 
 cult matters. The latter are intended primarily for the 
 teacher, upon whom, as Professor Goodspeed wrote in 
 some omitted Suggestions to Teachers, "the usefulness 
 of this book will depend largely. " 
 
 William Scott Ferguson. 
 S. Percy R. Chad wick. 
 
PREFACE TO FIRST EDITION 
 
 This volume owes much to a wide variety of helpers. 
 Doubtless, what may be original in it is of least value. 
 Accordingly, the author wishes, first of all, to make general 
 confession of having drawn upon any stores of pedagogical 
 widsom and any treasures of scholarship which seemed 
 to contribute to his subject. In particular, however, 
 special acknowledgments are due to some who have 
 given personal assistance in the preparation of the book. 
 Professors F. B. Tarbell and Gordon J. Laing, of the 
 University of Chicago, have made helpful suggestions 
 regarding the illustrations. Frances Ada Knox, Assist- 
 ant in History in the University of Chicago, has given im- 
 portant aid in the preparation of the manuscript and in 
 other ways. The maps, charts, and plans have had the 
 skilful and scholarly attention of Mr. Harold H. Nelson, 
 now of the Syrian Protestant College, of Beyrout. The 
 book has also profited from the suggestions of a number 
 of teachers in East and West who have read it in whole or 
 in part. Nor should the share of the publishers be for- 
 gotten, whose warm interest and generous co-operation 
 have made work with them a pleasure. If the book suc- 
 ceeds in serving the cause of sound historical learning in 
 high-schools and academies, their share in making this 
 possible is no small one. 
 
 G. S. G. 
 
 The University of Chicago, 
 May, 1904. 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preliminary Survey i 
 
 1. The First Kingdoms in Egypt and Babylonia . . s 
 
 2. The Early Babylonian Empire lo 
 
 3. Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 14 
 
 4. The Egyptian (New) Empire 29 
 
 5. The Syrian States 39 
 
 6. The Empire of Assyria 48 
 
 7. The Median, Chaldean (New Babylonian) and 
 
 Lydian Empires 54 
 
 8. The Empire of Persia: Its Founding and Organi- 
 
 zATiaN . 57 
 
 II. THE GREEK STATES 
 
 Preliminary Survey 65 
 
 1. The .^gean World and the Beginnings of Greece 70 
 
 2. The Middle (Homeric) Age 79 
 
 3. The Development of Constitutional States . . 91 
 
 4. Sparta and x\thens 109 
 
 5. The Greek Empires: Athenian, Spartan, Theban 
 
 and Macedonian 126 
 
 /6. Alexander the Great . 231 
 
 7. The Hellenistic Age 248 
 
 8. The Western Greeks: the Transition to Rome . 270 
 
 XV 
 
xvi Contents 
 
 III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Preliminary Survey 276 
 
 1. The Making of Rome 284 
 
 2. Rome's Defence against Her Neighbors .... 299 
 
 3. The Unification and Organization of Italy . . . 318 
 
 4. The Struggle with Carthage for the Western 
 
 Mediterranean 343 
 
 5. Rome's Conquest of the East . 365 
 
 6. The Decline of the Roman Republic 375 
 
 7. The Roman Empire (Principate) 425 
 
 8. The Later Roman Empire (Despotism) 491 
 
 9. The Breaking Up of the Roman Empire and the 
 
 End of the Ancient Period 502 
 
 Chronological Table . 524 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHIES FOR STUDENTS 
 
 1. Oriental History 4 
 
 2. Greek History 69 
 
 3. Rome — General 283 
 
 4. Rome — The Empire 425 
 
 5. Rome — Closing Period 502 
 
 APPENDICES 
 
 I. Bibliography FOR Advanced Students and Teachers 531 
 
 II. Notes on the Illustrations 538 
 
 General Index 555 
 
MAPS, PLANS AND CHARTS 
 
 FULL-PAGE AND DOUBLE-PAGE MAPS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Ancient East facing 3 
 
 Empires of the Ancient Eastern World . following 60 
 
 Ancient Greece , .. . .. following 66 
 
 Centres of Mycen^an Civilization .... facing 77 
 
 Colonies of Phoenicia and Greece .... facing 89 
 
 Lands OF THE vEoEAN . ......... following 128 
 
 Athens. . facing 147 
 
 Athenian Empire AT Its Height facing 171 
 
 Greece AT the Time OF the Peloponnesian War facing 180 
 
 Alexander's Empire and Kingdoms of His Suc- 
 cessors following 234 
 
 Ancient Italy following 278 
 
 The Punic Wars facing 343 
 
 Italy in 218 b.c facing 350 
 
 Gaul at the Time of C^sar facing 412 
 
 The Roman State at Successive Periods of Its De- 
 velopment TO 44 B.c following 424 
 
 The Roman Empire in the Time of Augustus following 434 
 
 The City of Rome following 460 
 
 The Mediterranean World following 476 
 
 The Roman Empire Under Diocletian . . . facing 493 
 
 The Barbarian Kingdoms facing 505 
 
 The Roman Empire Under Justinian .... facing 509 
 
 Europe about a.d. 800 facing 517 
 
 xvii 
 
xviii Maps, Plans, and Charts 
 
 MAPS AND PLANS IN THE TEXT 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Battle of Salamis 137 
 
 The World According to Herodotus 157 
 
 Pylos and Sphacteria 181 
 
 The Hellespont, Propontis and Bosporus .... 197 
 
 The Battle of Leuctra 209 
 
 The Battle of Issus 235 
 
 Alexandria at the Time of Christ 237 
 
 The World According to Eratosthenes, 235 b.c. . . 241 
 
 The Earliest Peoples of Italy 281 
 
 Early Rome 286 
 
 The Environs of Rome 301 
 
 The Battle of Cannae 351 
 
 Carthage 371 
 
 The Battle of Pharsalus 416 
 
 The World According to Ptolemy, a.d. 150 . . . . 463 
 
 CHRONOLOGICAL CHART 
 
 The Ancient Oriental Empires facing 57 
 
ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 I. A Corner of the Parthenon and a Portion 
 
 OF Its Frieze, Color . . . Frontispiece 
 
 PAGE 
 
 II. Typical Oriental Heads .... facing 5 
 
 III. The Sumerian Army in Action . . facing 8 
 
 IV. Painting from the Wall of an Egyptian 
 
 Tomb facing 15 '^' 
 
 V. Swamp-Hunting in a Reed Boat (Egypt) 
 
 facing 24/ 
 
 VI. Babylonian and Egyptian Temples facing 26 
 
 VII. Ancient Systems of Writing . . facing 42 
 
 VIII. Typical Assyrian Scenes . . . facing 52 
 
 IX AND X. Decoration of a Cretan Sarcophagus. 
 
 Color facing 70 
 
 XL Kamares Pottery. Color . . . facing 72 » 
 
 XII. Throne of Minos and Pillar of the 
 
 Double-Axes facing 73 
 
 XIII. Lion Gate and Bee-Hive Tomb . facing 74 
 
 XIV. Reliefs from Gold Cups of the Mycen^an 
 
 Age facing 75 1/ 
 
 XV. Wild Goat and Young — Cretan Art of 
 THE Twentieth Century b.c. Color 
 
 facing 123 ' 
 
 XVI. Art of Greece in the Time of the Persian 
 
 War facing 141' 
 
 XVII. The Acropolis of Athens (restored) facing 164 - 
 
 XVIII. Typical Greek Heads facing 1S9 -' 
 
 XIX. The Hermes OF Praxiteles . . . facing 215 
 
 XX. The Alexander Mosaic. Color . facing 234 
 xix 
 
XX Illustrations 
 
 PLATE PAGE 
 
 XXI. Realistic and Romantic Art of Hellen- 
 istic Period facing 257 \ 
 
 XXII. Typical Sculptured Figures: Khafre 
 
 and Posidippus facing 265 i 
 
 XXIII. The Laocoon Group , facing 267 
 
 XXIV. Classical Temples facing 271 
 
 XXV. Typical Sculptured Figures: Ashurnat- 
 
 sirpal and Trajan .... facing 287 
 
 XXVI. Wall Paintings from Campanian Tombs 
 
 facing 321 
 
 XXVII. Typical Coins: Orient and "| 
 
 Greece I . following 332 
 
 XXVIII. Typical Coins: Rome J 
 
 XXIX. The Roman Forum and the Surrounding 
 
 Buildings (restored) . . . facing 358 
 
 XXX. Typical Roman Heads .... facing 409 
 
 XXXI. Art of the Augustan Age . . . facing 435 
 
 XXXII. Relief from the Arch of Titus . facing 454 
 
 XXXIII. A Room in the House of the Vettii, 
 
 Pompeii facing 458 
 
 XXXIV. Roman Portraiture facing 472 
 
 XXXV. A Relief from the Column of Trajan 
 
 facing 475 
 
 XXXVI. Castle of St. Angelo: Hadrian's Mole 
 
 facing 478 
 
 XXXVII. The Pantheon and the Wall of Aure- 
 
 LiAN facing 488 
 
 XXXVIII. Early Christian Art. Color . . facing 490 
 
 XXXIX. Characteristic Roman Architecture /acM/g 496 
 
 XL. Byzantine Art: Christ Enthroned. Color 
 
 facing 509 
 
A HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT 
 WORLD 
 
 I. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 
 
 TO 500 B.C. 
 
 PRELIMINARY SURVEY 
 
 I. The Field of Oriental History. — The earliest seats 
 of ancient civilization are found in Egypt and Bab-y-lo'- 
 ni-a. Egypt lies in the lower valley of the river Nile; The Rivei 
 Babylonia in the lowland where the rivers Tigris and ^^"^y^- 
 Eu-phra'tes unite to flow into the Persian gulf. Both 
 these river-systems have their sources in high mountain 
 regions. At regular periods in the spring of each year 
 their waters are swollen by the melting snoWs or winter 
 rains. These floods pour over the plain and carry with 
 them masses of earth which they deposit along the banks 
 and at the mouths of the rivers. Thus in the course of 
 time they have piled up layers of soil which, regularly 
 irrigated by the overflowing waters, are marvellously fer- 
 tile. Between the Nfle valley and the Tigris-Euphrates 
 basin direct communication is cut off by the Arabian 
 desert; the upper Euphrates, however, bending westward, 
 connects the Tigris-Euphrates basin with the series of 
 fertile valleys and plateaus made by the mountain ranges 
 which run from north to south, parallel with the eastern 
 shore of the Mediterranean. Thus this middle region, syria. 
 known in general as Syria, is the connecting link between 
 
 1 
 
2 The Eastern Empires 
 
 the two river-systems, since its southern boundary is 
 separated from the Nile valley only by a comparatively 
 narrow stretch of sandy desert. 
 
 2. Its Physical Unity. — Looking at the whole region 
 thus bound together, we observe that it has somewhat 
 the character of a crescent. The two extremities are 
 the lands at the mouths of the two river-systems — 
 Egypt and Babylonia. The upper central portion is 
 called Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a. The outer border consists of 
 mountain ranges which pass from the Persian gulf north- 
 ward and westward until they touch the northeast cor- 
 ner of the Mediterranean, from which point the boun- 
 dary is continued by the sea itself. The inner side is 
 made by the desert of Arabia. The crescent-shaped 
 stretch of country thus formed is the field of the history 
 of the ancient eastern world. It consisted of two primi- 
 tive centres of historic life connected by a strip of hab- 
 itable land of varying width. 
 
 3. Its Peoples. — The inhabitants of this region were 
 peoples who spoke dialects of a common language. 
 Most of them are named in the book of Genesis as 
 descended from Shem (Sem), the son of Noah. The 
 accepted name for them, therefore, is the "Semitic" 
 peoples, and the languages they spoke are called the 
 "Semitic" languages. 
 
 4. Their Distribution. — The original home of the prim- 
 itive Semites was probably northern Arabia. From here, 
 when the scanty sustenance afforded by the desert could 
 not supply their needs, they poured out on every side 
 into the fertile valleys that bordered upon their home. 
 Thus, from this natural centre they went forth into 
 the lower Tigris-Euphrates valley to master the civiliza- 
 
The Semites and Their Neiiihbors 
 
 i=> 
 
 lion which we know as the Babylonian; farther to the 
 north, on the upper Tigris, they became the Assyrians; 
 roaming back and forth in the wide regions between the 
 upper Euphrates and Tigris, they were known as the 
 Ar'a-me'ans; farther to the west, in the region bordering 
 on the Mediterranean, they formed communities known 
 as the Canaanites, the Phoenicians and the Hebrews. 
 Pushing on to the south and southwest, some of them 
 made their homes on the fertile coasts of southern Ara- 
 bia. Others passed over into the Nile valley and made 
 up the most important element of the peoples who set- 
 tled in Egypt. 
 
 5. The Surrounding Peoples. — Occupying the upper 
 valleys and plateaus of the northern mountain ranges 
 that border the crescent of this Semitic world was a 
 variety of tribes and peoples without unity of language 
 or civilization. From time to time they fell upon the 
 Semites of the river- valleys and established their author- 
 ity more or less permanently and extensively over them. 
 Such were the Elamites occupying the high table-lands 
 to the east of Babylonia, and the Hittites, or Khati, whose 
 original home was in the mountains to the northwest of 
 the upper waters of the Euphrates. From the same indo-Eu- 
 mountain regions came, toward the close of the history ^°p®*°^' 
 of the ancient east, the Medo-Persians, by language a 
 branch of the family to which the historical peoples of 
 western Europe and North America belong — the Indo- 
 European or Indo- Germanic family of languages.* They 
 
 * This family, clearly distinguished from the Semitic (§ 3), comprised 
 peoples whose homes were as far distant from one another as India and 
 England. Its chief branches were spoken by the people of India, the 
 Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Teutons, the Celts and the 
 Slavs. 
 
4 The Eastern Empires 
 
 had their homes in the lofty plateaus far to the east of the 
 Tigris-Euphrates valley. Thence by slow degrees they 
 pushed westward until, descending upon the plains, they 
 absorbed the ancient Semitic civilization and established 
 the Persian empire. 
 
 5a. Grand Divisions. — The grand divisions of this 
 long development are the following: 
 
 1. The First Kingdoms in Egypt and Babylonia. 
 
 2. The Early Babylonian Empire (2500-1600 B.C.). 
 
 3. Egyptian and Babylonian Culture. 
 
 4. The Egyptian (New) Empire (i 580-1 150 B.C.). 
 
 5. The Syrian States (1150-900 B.C.). 
 
 6. The Empire of Assyria (900-606 b.c). 
 
 7. The Median, Chaldean (New Babylonian) and Lyd • 
 
 ian Empires (606-539 B.C.). 
 
 8. The Empire of Persia: its founding and organiza- 
 
 tion (539-500 B.C.). 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF ORIENTAL HISTORY* 
 
 Breasted. A History of the Ancient Egyptians. Scribners. The besl 
 
 one-volume history of Egypt. 
 Erman. Life in Ancient Egypt. Macmillan. Graphic account, richly 
 
 illustrated, of public and private life. 
 GOODSPEED. History of the Babylonians and Assyrians. Scribners. 
 
 The only one-volume history in moderate compass. 
 EJENT. History of the Hebrew People. Scribners, 2 vols. An attrac- 
 tively written account on the basis of modern biblical learning. 
 EllKG. A History of Sumer and A kkad. Stokes Company. Volume I 
 
 of a history of Babylonia and Assyria. The most recent and 
 
 authoritative work on the subject. 
 Maspero. Ancient Egypt and Assyria. Chapman and Hall. Sketches 
 
 of the life of these peoples. Pleasantly written and instructive. 
 
 * An additional bibliography for advanced students and teachers will 
 be found in Appendix I. 
 
PLATE II 
 
 Hammurabi 
 
 Rameses II 
 
 Esarhaddon 
 
 A Syrian 
 
 A Philistine 
 
 A Hittite 
 
 TYPICAL ORIENTAL HEADS 
 
Old Egypt 5 
 
 MuRisON. I. Babylonia atid Assyria. 2. History of Egypt. Both im- 
 ported by Scribners. Excellent little sketches for school use. 
 
 Ragozin. I. The Story of Chaldea. 2. The Story of Assyria. 3. The 
 Story of Media, Babylon and Persia. Putnaras. Well-written, full, 
 not abreast of the most recent discoveries, but modern enough to 
 be very useful. 
 
 Sayce. Ancient Empires of the East. Scribners. A collection of de- 
 tached histories of the oriental peoples not altogether up to date and 
 with no sense of the unity of ancient oriental history. 
 
 Sayce. Babylonians and Assyrians: Life and Customs. Scribners. 
 Deals with the life of these peoples fully and interestingly. 
 
 Tarbell. a History of Greek Art. Chautauqua Press. Has an 
 introductory chapter on oriental art. 
 
 Wendel. History of Egypt. History Primer Series. American Book 
 Company. 
 
 1.— THE FIRST KINGDOMS IN EGYPT 
 AND BABYLONIA 
 
 6. Beginnings of Egypt. — The darkness that covers 
 the beginnings of man's Hfe on the earth lifts from the 
 valley of the Nile about five thousand years before the 
 birth of Christ. Then, and for a long time thereafter, 
 Egypt was in the stone age and made its chief weap- 
 ons, instruments and ornaments of stone. It was ap- 
 parently not till at least one thousand years had passed 
 that the use of copper ushered in a new epoch. In the The 
 interval, a number of petty districts, called nomes, di- 
 vided the Nile valley between them. Their history was 
 doubtless full of incident, but it is a sealed book to us. 
 It is not even clear whether they were distinct states or 
 administrative districts of larger kingdoms, such as those 
 of Upper and Lower Egypt — the two which finally 
 emerged and for many centuries prior to 3400 B.C. dom- 
 inated the one south, the other north, of a point not far 
 
 Nomes. 
 
6 
 
 First Oriental Kingdoms 
 
 up the river from Memphis. Many names, customs 
 and institutions existed in after ages to bear witness to 
 the long duration and high achievements in government 
 and civihzation of the two-kingdom period. 
 
 7. The Old Kingdom. — Not later than 3400 B.C. the 
 people of the Nile valley were united by Menes into one 
 state with its capital at Memphis, and subsequently dur- 
 ing three epochs they were ruled over by great kings 
 whose official title was the " Pharaoh."* The first epoch 
 is that of the Old Kingdom (2980-2475 B.C.). In this 
 early period the most important dynasty was the fourth 
 (2900-2750 B.C.). Its kings left their inscriptions on the 
 cliffs of the peninsula of Sinai, east of Egypt. There one 
 of them is pictured in the act of striking down an enemy 
 with his mace. Another remarkable memorial of them 
 is the mighty Pyramids, the wonder and admiration of 
 travellers in all ages. In the time of the sixth dynasty, 
 commerce with the rich lands of central Africa was flour- 
 ishing. Sea-voyages, the first that history records, were 
 made upon the Red sea. Yet the crowning achievement 
 of these kings was their successful rule of the state with 
 its loyal and devoted officials and its contented and pros- 
 
 centraiized pcrous pcoplc. From all parts of the realm nobles came 
 men""' ^*^ ^^^^ ^^ Memphis, the king's seat, and to serve him. 
 
 When they died, they desired above all else to be buried 
 
 near his tomb. 
 
 8. The Middle Kingdom.— The second epoch of Egyp- 
 tian unity and prosperity— the Middle Kingdom (2160^ 
 
 * An Egyptian historian named Manetho, writing in Greek, has left 
 a Hst of the Pharaohs organized in thirty-one successive groups called 
 by him "dynasties" — a most convenient arrangement followed by all 
 later historians. 
 
Middle Egypt 7 
 
 1788 B.C.) — reached its acme under the twelfth dynasty 
 (2000-1788 B.C.). A thousand years had passed and 
 many changes had taken place. Princes of Thebes were 
 on the throne, and the capital of the state was removed 
 farther to the south. The nobles no longer flocked to the 
 court, but preferred to dwell on their own domains. 
 They recognized the Pharaoh's authority and did his 
 bidding, but lived and died and were buried at home. 
 The following utterance of one of them is an evidence of 
 their authority as well as of the character of their rule: 
 
 "No daughter of a citizen have I injured, no widow have I mo- a Prince' 
 lested, no laborer have I arrested, no shepherd have I banished, Boast, 
 no superintendent of workmen was there whose laborers I have 
 taken away from their work. In my time there were no poor, and 
 none were hungry in my day. When the years of famine came I 
 ploughed all the iields of the nome from the southern to the north- 
 ern boundary; I kept the inhabitants alive and gave them food, so 
 that not one was hungry. I gave to the widow even as to her who 
 had a husband, and I never preferred the great to the small." 
 
 9. Feudalism in Egypt. — In the period of this Middle 
 Kingdom Egypt developed and perfected a feudal or- 
 ganization much like that which William the Conqueror 
 established in England. By this is meant a political 
 system in which the land is divided into lots of varying 
 size, and let out to tenants who owe certain obligations 
 such as rent in kind and military service to the owner of 
 the land who is their political superior. The twelfth 
 dynasty is the first example of feudal government in 
 history. Rulers in such circumstances have to be able 
 and active to keep the nobles obedient. The Pharaohs cultural 
 of this dynasty were equal to the task. Under them the Contact 
 culture of Egypt became familiar to the people of far- rope. 
 
8 
 
 First 0?iental Kiiigdoms 
 
 distant Crete. They extended the state up the Nile by 
 the conquest of Nubia (Ethiopia), the quartz mines of 
 which yielded much gold. A series of successful engi- 
 neering works on the lower Nile, by which a marshy dis- 
 trict in the west, now called the Fa-yum' was drained, 
 added a wide and fertile tract to the kingdom. The 
 Pharaohs of this dynasty adorned it with palaces and 
 temples and lived in it or on its border. One of these 
 structures was so elaborate that it was called by He- 
 rod'o-tus, the Greek historian and traveller, a "laby- 
 rinth," and in his judgment it surpassed the Pyramids. 
 
 10. The Beginnings of Babylonia. — There was a long 
 period of material and political development in the valley 
 of the Tigris-Euphrates rivers before the Su-me'ri-ans 
 make their appearance as lords of the southern por- 
 tion of it, which we call Babylonia (about 2800 B.C.). 
 They were a round-headed, clean-shaven people who 
 fought in a close formation and created the system of 
 writing as well as the main elements of culture which 
 subsequently existed in this district. 
 
 11. Sumer and Accad. — Their chief cities were Opis, 
 Kish and Uruk.* Nippur was the leading religious centre 
 where stood a famous temple to the god Ellil (Bel). The 
 others were in turn the seats of kingdoms, which ruled 
 the whole region for about two hundred and fifty years. 
 Uruk's one emperor, Lu'gal-zag-gi'si, claims, in fact, to 
 have led his armies from the Persian gulf to the Med- 
 iterranean. Then at about 2500 B.C. the suzerainty 
 passed into the possession of the men of Ag'a-de'— a 
 long-headed, black haired and bearded people of Semitic 
 stock whose great king, Sargon, not only conquered all 
 
 * The u in all these words is pronounced like 00. 
 
PLATE 111 
 
 THE SUMERIAN ARMY IN ACTION 
 
 
 
 
 "^^^ -^-i-i',''" 
 
 
 
 BABYLONIAN CYLINDERS 
 
Sargon of Agade 9 
 
 Babylonia but also extended his authority over the con- 
 glomerate of kinsmen peoples who inhabited the arable 
 lands between his home and the Mediterranean sea. He 
 probably reaped where his predecessor of Uruk had 
 sown. 
 
 An interesting account of Sargon's early life has come down to us Sargon's 
 in his own words: "Sargon, the powerful king, am I. My mother ^"'<''''- 
 was of low degree, my father I did not know. The brother of my 
 father dwelt in the mountain. My city was Azupirani, situated on the 
 bank of the Euphrates. [My] humble mother in secret brought me 
 forth. She placed me in a basket-boat of rushes, with pitch she 
 closed my door. She gave me over to the river, which did not [rise] 
 over me. The river bore me along; to Akki, the irrigator, it carried 
 me. Akki, the irrigator, brought me to land. Akki, the irrigator, 
 reared me as his own son. Akki, the irrigator, appointed me his 
 gardener. While I was gardener, the goddess Ishtar looked on me 
 with love [and] . . . four years I ruled the kingdom." 
 
 An ancient record reads as follows: "The moon was favorable 
 to Sargon, who at this season was highly exalted, and a rival, an 
 equal, there was not. His own land was quiet. Over the countries 
 of the sea of the setting sun [the Mediterranean sea] he passed, 
 and for three years at the setting sun [the west] all lands his hand 
 subdued. Every place he formed into one \i.e., he organized all into 
 an empire]. His images at the setting sun he erected [i.e., as a sign 
 of authority in the west]." 
 
 12. Accad and Sumer. — Sargon was succeeded by his 
 vigorous son Naram Sin, and he in turn by ten other 
 Accadian kings; but at the end of one hundred and 
 ninety-seven years the empire of Agade fell (2300 B.C.). 
 A period of confusion and invasion followed. Then the 
 Sumerians, now largely Semitized, seized the government 
 again and for over two hundred years kings of Ur 
 and Isin ruled in turn over the cities of Sumer and 
 
10 Early Bahylonian Empire 
 
 Accad. Of the governors (pa-te'sis) whom they installed 
 in their dependencies none was more energetic than 
 Gud'e-a of Shir-pur'la (La'gash). 
 
 3.— THE EARLY BABYLONIAN EMPIRE 
 
 2500-1600 B.C. 
 
 13. The Kingdom of Babylon. — Isin at length failed 
 to keep down the subject cities. Civil wars followed 
 accompanied by invasions from Elam (§ 5). About the 
 same time some Arabian kings seized the northern city of 
 
 Union Babylon. The two invaders fought each other, and the 
 Babylon, kings of Babylon drove out the Elamites and got posses- 
 sion of the whole country. Thus a strong and permanent 
 state was founded with its capital at Babylon. 
 
 14. The Expansion of Babylonia. — To the east, west 
 and south, with their barriers of mountain, desert and 
 sea, there was small prospect of extension. Elam and 
 the districts lying on the slopes of the eastern ranges 
 marked the limit in this direction. But to the north 
 and northwest, the rivers Tigris and Euphrates opened 
 up highways to the Mesopotamian and Syrian regions as 
 far as the northern mountains and the Mediterranean. 
 Thither, as we have just seen, the kings of Uruk and 
 Agade had led their armies and laid the foundations of 
 an empire.* Of its organization and history we know 
 nothing. 
 
 15. The First Babylonian Empire. — When the kings 
 of Babylon (§ 13) had united all Babylonia under their 
 
 * An empire (Latin, imperium) is a state made by the supremacy 
 of one city or state over several others. Such a poUcy of making a great 
 state is called imperialism. 
 
Laws of Haimnurahi 11 
 
 sway, they, too, followed the imperial policy and founded 
 the first Babylonian empire — the earliest enduring state 
 that covered the larger part of the known world. In 
 extent it did not surpass the limits which tradition as- 
 signs to Sargon, but the long and abundant series of 
 written documents which have come from its kings bears 
 undoubted testimony to their rule. The founder of the 
 empire was Ham-mu-ra'bi, a brilliant warrior and states- 
 man (about 1950 B.C.). An inscription illustrates his 
 care for the canal-system of Babylonia: 
 
 "When Anu and Bel [great gods of Babylonia] gave me the land of 
 Babylonia to rule and intrusted their sceptre to my hands, I dug 
 out the Hammurabi canal, nourisher of men, which brings abun- 
 dance of water to the Babylonian lands. Both its banks I changed 
 into fields for cultivation, and I gathered heaps of grain, and I pro- 
 cured unfailing water for the Babylonian lands." 
 
 For his empire the king published a code of laws His Law 
 which contains some 280 statutes and reveals a high 
 ideal of justice. Some of the more striking and instruc- 
 tive of the laws are the following: 
 
 I. If a man bring an accusation against a man and charge him 
 with a crime, but cannot prove it, he, the accuser, shall be put to 
 death. 
 
 8. If a man steal ox or sheep, ass or pig or boat — if it be from a 
 god (temple) or a palace, he shall restore thirty-fold; if it be from a 
 freeman, he shall render tenfold. If the thief have nothing where- 
 with to pay, he shall be put to death. 
 
 21. If a man make a breach in a house, they shall put him to death 
 in front of that breach, and they shall thrust him therein. 
 
 25. If a fire break out in the house of a mm, and a man who goes 
 to extinguish it cast his eye on the furniture of the owner of the house, 
 and take the furniture of the owner of the house, that man shall be 
 thrown into that fire. 
 
 code. 
 
12 Early Babylonian Empire 
 
 57. If a shepherd have not come to an agreement with the ownei 
 of a field to pasture his sheep on the grass and pasture his sheep on 
 the field without the owner's consent, the owner of the field shall har- 
 vest his field, the shepherd who has pastured his sheep on the field 
 without the consent of the owner of the field shall give over and above 
 twenty gur of grain per gan to the owner of the field. 
 
 117! If a man be in debt and sell his wife, son or daughter, or bind 
 them over to service, for three years they shall work in the house of 
 ^ their purchaser or master; in the fourth year they shall be given 
 
 their freedom. 
 
 195-199. If a son strike his father, they shall cut off his fingers. 
 If a man destroy the eye of another man, they shall destroy his eye. 
 If one break a man's bone, they shall break his bone. If one de- 
 stroy the eye of a freeman or break the bone of a freeman, he shall 
 pay one mina of silver. If one destroy the eye of a man's slave or 
 break a bone of a man's slave, he shall pay one-half his price. 
 
 206. If a man strike another man in a quarrel and wound him, he 
 shall swear "I struck him without intent," and he shall be responsible 
 for a physician. 
 
 251. If a man's bull has been wont to gore and they have made 
 known to him its habit of goring, and he has not protected its horns, 
 or has not tied it up, and that bull gores the son of a man and brings 
 about his death, he shall pay one-half mina of silver. 
 
 In his concluding words the king says: "Let any oppressed man, 
 who has a cause, come before my image as king of righteousness! 
 Let him read the inscription on my monument! Let him give heed 
 to my mighty words! And may my monument enlighten him as to 
 his cause and may he understand his case! May he set his heart at 
 ease! (and he will exclaim:) 'Hammurabi is indeed a ruler who is 
 like a real father to his people.' " 
 
 16. The Decline of Babylon. — For two centuries kings 
 continued to rule in peace and prosperity over the empire 
 founded by Hammurabi. Even when rude tribes from 
 the eastern mountains, called the Kassites, entered the 
 Babylonian plain and their chieftains (about 1750 B.C.) 
 seated themselves on the throne of Babylon, the structure 
 
Fall of Babylonian Empire 13 
 
 of the state remained firm. The new people accepted 
 the civilization, and the new kings ruled by the customs 
 and laws of the old Babylonian empire. For the tern- The Com- 
 ple at Nippur (§ ii) gypsum came from Mesopotamia, Babylon, 
 marble, cedar and cypress from the eastern mountains, 
 lapis lazuli from Bactria in the far east, magnesite from 
 the island of Eu-boe'a in the iEgean sea, and cobalt, 
 possibly, from China, besides copper, gold and precious 
 stones from other regions. Nevertheless, the Kassite 
 period was one of stagnation. Babylonia ceased to 
 develop and no longer gave an impulse for progress to 
 other peoples. 
 
 17. The Heirs of Babylon. — The Kassites were not 
 the only foreigners who coveted the rich land of the two 
 rivers. They had rivals in the Hittites from Asia Minor 
 and the Arians of Indo-European stock (§ 5) from the 
 east. The whole world of the Babylonian empire seems 
 to have been a prey in this epoch to captains and soldiers 
 of fortune from diverse parts. The Kassite rule was 
 merely nominal in many districts. About 1650 B.C. the 
 "Semitic city of Assur on the upper Tigris threw off the 
 yoke of Babylon and founded the kingdom of Assyria. 
 For a long time it fought with varying fortune against 
 Kassites, Hittites and Arians. Elam, too, became in- 
 dependent. The whole region beyond the Euphrates Fail of 
 passed into the hands of Egypt (§ ;^^) and thus the early Ionian 
 Babylonian empire perished (about 1600 B.C.). Empire. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Who were the Elamites? 2. For 
 what are the following places noted : Memphis, Agade, Nippur, 
 Thebes, Babylon? 3. For what were the following famous: 
 Hammurabi, Sargon of Agade? 4. Who were the Semites, 
 the Kassites? 5. What is meant by empire, lapis lazuli, 
 tradition? 6. When did Hammurabi live? 
 
14 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Land of the Egyptians. 
 
 Breasted, A History of the Ancient Egyptians, pp. 3-13. 2. The 
 Tigris-Euphrates Valley. Goodspeed, A History of the Baby- 
 lonians and Assyrians, pp. 5-13. 3. Sources of Information of 
 the Tigris-Euphrates People. Goodspeed, pp. 14-24, 37-43. 
 4. The Cuneiform Inscriptions. Goodspeed, pp. 25-36. 5. 
 Chronology of Egyptian History. Breasted, pp. 23-28. 6. 
 The Earliest Egyptians. Breasted, pp. 30-39. 7. Sargon of 
 Agade. Goodspeed, pp. 61-63. 8. Khammurabi. Goodspeed, 
 pp. 107-117. 9. The Kassites. Goodspeed, pp. 121-126. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Fourth 
 
 Egyptian Dynasty. Wendel, pp. 39-41; Murison, Egypt, §§ 22- 
 24; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, chs. 3-4. 2. The Twelfth Egyp- 
 tian Dynasty. Wendel, pp. 50-57; Murison, Egypt, §§ 32-35; 
 Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, chs. 5-7. 3. Sargon of Agade. Rag- 
 ozin, Chaldea, pp. 205-214; Murison, Babylon and Assyria, §§ 6-9. 
 King, Sumer and Akkad, pp. 238-252. 4. The Fourteenth 
 Chapter of Genesis, verses 1-5. Ragozin, Chaldea, pp. 221-224; 
 Murison, Babylon and Assyria, §§ 13-14. 5. The Reign of Ham- 
 murabi. Murison, Babylon and Assyria, § 15. 6. The Code of 
 Hammurabi. The Biblical World, March, 1903, March 1904. 
 7. The Kassites. Murison, Babylon and Assyria, § 16. 8. The 
 Cuneiform Inscriptions. Encyclopedia Britannica, article "In- 
 scriptions." 
 
 3.— EGYPTIAN AND BABYLONIAN 
 CULTURE 
 
 18. Agriculture the Chief Occupation. — In that far- 
 off period when the primitive inhabitants settled in the 
 Tigris-Euphrates and Nile basins, the first and easiest 
 things they found to do were the raising of cattle and 
 the growing of grain. The wonderfully rich and well- 
 watered soil produced for man and beast all kinds of 
 plants for food. The cattle could be pastured in the 
 luxuriant marshes by the river-banks. Seed sown in 
 moist spots produced wonderful harvests, sometimes two 
 
PLATE IV 
 
 
 IEMMMik3i^<f^CX-:^ll 
 
 PAINTING FROM THE WALL OF AN EGYPTIAN TOMB 
 
Agriculture hy Irrigation 15 
 
 hundred-fold and more. Soon a system of canals, dykes systems of 
 and reservoirs was created to distribute the inundating ^^'eation. 
 waters. By this means larger tracts of land were ob- 
 tained for cultivation, until the entire valley was one vast 
 garden. The majority of the people were farmers; the 
 chief products of the lands were cattle and grain. The 
 regular yearly inundations of the rivers kept the land 
 fertile, and the bountiful soil continued from generation 
 to generation to pour its wealth into the arms of the culti- 
 vators. Its abundant products not merely supplied their 
 needs, but furnished a surplus which they could store 
 away or sell to other peoples less favored. It was this 
 surplus that made the nations in these river-valleys rich 
 and gave them their commanding position in the ancient 
 world. 
 
 19. Industry.— These lands were also the earliest 
 seats of industry. The records show that already there 
 were carpenters, blacksmiths, weavers, goldsmiths, silver- 
 smiths, leather workers, potters, dyers, masons, miners, 
 vintners, jewellers, and brickmakers. Each trade ap- 
 pears to have been organized as a guild or union with 
 a chief olficer. Egypt was specially famous for its won- 
 derfully fine white linen; Babylonia for its woollens 
 woven into cloths and rugs of various colors. Pa-py'- 
 rus,* a tall reed growing in profusion in the Nile, was 
 used by the Egyptians to make mats, rope, sandals, 
 boats and writing material. Long strips of it were laid Paper, 
 crosswise, pressed together and the surfaces polished off 
 to make a rude kind of paper. The most important 
 industry to the Babylonians was brickmaking. Stone 
 was hard to get and clay was abundant. Hence all 
 * From this word our "paper" is derived. 
 
16 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 Of Baby- 
 lonia. 
 
 Babylonian buildings were of brick. Clay was the chief 
 writing material of Babylonia. It was moulded, when 
 soft, into cakes; into these the characters were pressed 
 with a tool, and then the cakes were dried in the sun or 
 in a kiln. One of their months, corresponding to our 
 June, had a name which meant "the month of bricks," 
 because it was the best time of the year for brickmaking. 
 
 20. Commerce and Trade. — Trading was another ac- 
 tivity of these peoples. The Egyptians traded chiefly 
 among their own people up and down the Nile. Yet 
 sea-voyages also were undertaken from an early period; 
 and a regular maritime traffic, especially in lumber, was 
 conducted by the Egyptians with the coast of Phoenicia 
 whence they got the cedars of Lebanon which were 
 greatly in demand in woodless Egypt. They obtained 
 ivory, incense and spices, ostrich feathers and panther 
 skins from the far south. They delighted also in strange 
 animals, and made a specialty of importing apes and 
 monkeys. But it was the Babylonians who were the 
 chief traders. They extended their commercial opera- 
 tions throughout the ancient eastern world. Having no 
 stone and little wood in their own land they imported 
 them. Cedar was brought from the Mediterranean 
 coast, teak from India; stone came from the eastern 
 mountains and even from western Arabia. They got 
 gold and silver from the east in exchange for their grain 
 and cloth. Their merchants ventured into the borders 
 of distant countries with their wares, and carried thither 
 knowledge of the Babylonian civilization. 
 
 21. Organization of Society. — Men engaged in so many 
 varied pursuits would very early be organized into com- 
 munities. We have already said that our first glimpse 
 
King and Nobles 17 
 
 of the peoples in the Tigris-Euphrates river- valley 
 finds them living in city-states. The head of the state The King, 
 was the king. He seems to have been first a priest, 
 occupied with religious duties, and to have risen from 
 the priesthood to the kingship. He was closest to the 
 gods, as was also the king in Egypt, who was regarded 
 as divine and called "the good god." Hence his power 
 was supreme and absolute; he had "divine right." 
 Obedience to him was the first duty of his subjects. 
 But he must also be the benefactor of his people. He 
 was the one who hunted and killed the wild animals 
 that preyed upon the land; he led his people in war 
 against their enemies. He was the source of law and 
 the fountain of justice. Any subject could appeal to 
 him for deliverance. Next, but far below him, came The 
 the nobility. The greatest noble in Egypt must fall on ° "'^' 
 his face and "snuff the ground" before the king; the Feudal So- 
 highest honor was to be called the king's "friend." The *^'* ^' 
 land had been divided among the nobles by the king, the 
 sole owner; they held it at his will and paid him tribute 
 and military service in return. They were his coun- 
 sellors and assistants in government, the governors, the 
 judges and the general of the army. Often they lived 
 on their own estates in fine palaces surrounded by gar- 
 dens; they ruled over their dependants as the king over 
 the state. There was always danger that some one 
 among them would become strong enough to aspire to 
 the throne and rebel against his lord. The kingship 
 was too glittering a prize not to attract an ambitious 
 noble. Hence the king had to be strong and watchful. 
 
 22. The People. — The common people played no part 
 in public life, and it is hard to discover and to describe 
 
18 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 their place in this ancient world. Probably very few 
 of them owned land. That belonged to the king and 
 nobles, who rented it out to tenant farmers. The latter 
 cultivated the land personally or by means of free la- 
 borers or slaves, and usually paid one-third of the yearly 
 crop as rent to the proprietor. Slaves were not very 
 numerous in this early period and were well treated. 
 In Babylonia most slaves were the property of the tem- 
 ples and were hired out by the priests to the farmers, 
 who had to care for them if sick or injured; the free 
 hired laborers had to look out for themselves. 
 
 23. Merchants. — The artisans and tradesmen were not 
 very highly regarded by the upper classes, but their 
 growing wealth gave them increasing importance in the 
 cities where they naturally gathered. Babylonian mer- 
 chants began early to form an important class. Some 
 trading families carried on mercantile operations from 
 generation to generation, amassed riches, and engaged 
 in banking. At first all trade was in natural products; 
 cattle were exchanged for wheat or dates. But standards 
 of value began to be set up by the use of the precious 
 metals. They were fashioned in bars or rings and went 
 by weight. In Babylonia the standard was the she'kel of 
 half an ounce avoirdupois; sixty of these made a mi'na, 
 and sixty minas a talent. In Egypt the deh'en, weighing 
 three and a quarter ounces, was the standard. In those 
 days silver was more precious than gold and copper was 
 the commonest metal. Iron was rarer. It was possible 
 to estimate the value of natural products in these stand- 
 ards, and thus mercantile operations on a much greater 
 scale could be engaged in. Soon the Babylonian mer- 
 chants began to make loans, usually at a high rate of 
 
Justice , 19 
 
 interest. Their security was often the person or family 
 of the borrowers, who were rutlilessly seized and sold as 
 slaves if payment was not made. Thus the merchant 
 came to be more and more a power in the ancient 
 world. 
 
 24. Supremacy of Law. — One of the most wonderful 
 things about this early world is that all these various 
 activities of ancient life were firmly established on a 
 basis of law. The chief reason for the organization and 
 continuance of the state was that it secured justice for 
 its mem.bers. Not violence but order was the rule. The 
 symbol of rank was the staff, not the sword. The high- 
 est official in Egypt under the Pharaoh was the Chief 
 Justice. The Babylonians were particularly given to 
 legal forms. When one sold his grain, or hired a la- The 
 borer, or made a will, or married a wife, or adopted " ^^* 
 a son, he went before the judge, and a document record- 
 ing the transaction was written out and signed by the 
 contracting parties in his presence. The document was 
 then filed away in the public archives. In the case of a 
 dispute arbitrators were employed or the matter was 
 brought before the court. The opposing parties were 
 sworn, and after the case was heard, a written verdict 
 
 was rendered and accepted by the disputants, or an ap- 
 peal was made to a higher tribunal. Thousands of these 
 legal documents, decisions, bills, drafts, sales, orders, wills, 
 etc., have been preserved to the present day. 
 
 25. The Family. — The family was already a well- 
 recognized institution. The father was its acknowledged 
 head, but the mother was highly honored. No family 
 was regarded as complete without children. In Baby- 
 lonia it was common to adopt sons by process of law. 
 
20 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 Respect and love for parents was taught and practised. 
 "Thou shalt never forget what thy mother has done for 
 thee," says Ani, the sage of Egypt, and another declares, 
 "I have caused the name of my father to increase." 
 Giving in marriage was the father's privilege and was 
 arranged on a money basis. The wooer paid for his 
 
 Marriage, bride according to his wealth. Usually the marriage 
 ceremony was both civil and religious. The wife brought 
 a marriage portion to her husband, which he had to re- 
 turn if he divorced her. A man might buy more than 
 one wife, but this was a luxury reserved for the rich and 
 was of doubtful advantage to the peace of the home life. 
 In the king's "harem" were gathered as many princesses 
 as there were political alliances with neighboring rulers 
 or nobles. The sense of family unity seems to have 
 been stronger in Babylonia than in Egypt. The Baby- 
 lonian father had the power of life and death over wife 
 and children; the children called themselves after the 
 names of their ancestors. In Egypt names were indi- 
 vidual, containing no reference to family relations, nor 
 do funeral epitaphs usually glorify the ancestors of the 
 dead. 
 
 26. Writing. — Both Babylonians and Egyptians had 
 already invented systems of writing. These systems 
 sprang out of the attempt to represent objects and ideas 
 by pictures — a circle standing for "sun," or a winged 
 creature for "flying," etc. Two changes took place in 
 
 Picto- course of time. The pictures began to have various 
 
 meanings and they came to lose their original form as 
 pictures. So in Babylonia we have words represented 
 by a series of lines thickened into a wedge at the end. 
 Hence these signs are called, from the Latin word-cM'- 
 
 graphs. 
 
Literature 21 
 
 ne-us, "a wedge," cti'nei-form.. The Egyptians regarded 
 their picture-signs as "divine" and "holy"; hence they 
 are called hl'er-o-glyph'ics, from the Greek word hi'er-os, 
 "holy," All these systems of writing, which seem to us 
 so cumbrous and difficult, are nevertheless the foun- 
 dation of our own alphabet, and in their day were a 
 wonderful achievement which contributed immensely to 
 human progress. 
 
 27. The Scribe. — To master these methods .of writ- 
 ing required special study, to which only a few could 
 give themselves. These began as boys under the teacher, 
 usually in the temple school, and graduated as scribes. 
 To be a scribe was to enjoy an honorable and useful 
 career in government employ, with the prospect of riches 
 and advancement. To every king, prince, noble, gov- 
 ernor or judge a scribe was indispensable for prepar- 
 ing his despatches or decisions; indeed, everybody who 
 wished to write a letter or to read one was dependent on 
 the scribe. 
 
 28. Literature. — Songs, stories and records had also 
 been written. In other words, these peoples had a 
 literature. It started with the priests, who were the its 
 learned men of the time; therefore it was chiefly made EiemenT 
 up of religious books, such as prayers and hymns for 
 public worship. But there were also tales in prose and 
 
 verse about divine heroes and their wonderful advent- 
 ures. The most striking of these is the Babylonian 
 epic of the Hero Gilgamesh, who seeks the fountain of 
 immortality. In the eleventh book of this poem is the 
 account of the deluge and the building of the ship in 
 which one family of all human kind is saved — wonder- 
 fully like the Bible story in Genesis. The Egyptians had 
 
22 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 a fondness for stories o magic and fairy tales. Their 
 poetry also was sometimes touching and thoughtful. 
 
 "Mind thee of the day when thou too shalt start for the land 
 To which one goeth never to return. 
 Good for thee then will have been an honorable life; 
 Therefore be just and hate transgressions, 
 For he who loveth justice will be blessed; 
 Then give bread to him who has no field 
 And create for thyself a good name for posterity forever." 
 
 29. Historical Literature. — A sense for literature and 
 history is shown in the desire of kings and nobles to 
 preserve memorials of themselves. Long autobiogra- 
 phies are found in the tombs of Egyptian officials, and 
 Babylonian kings proclaim their own deeds in inscrip- 
 
 Libraries. tions upon slabs and images. King Sargon of Agade 
 (§ ir) is said to have formed a library in his capital 
 and to have collected hymns and rituals in a great work 
 called The Illumination of Bel. Every Babylonian tem- 
 ple also had its library where the temple documents and 
 sacred books were placed. Many of these have only re- 
 Lack of cently been unearthed. History involves more, however, 
 than the making and keeping of records. They must 
 be knit together so as to make a connected and intelli- 
 gible whole. This was not done by either the ancient 
 Egyptians or Babylonians; it was done imperfectly by 
 the Hebrews. The Greeks were the real creators of 
 history. 
 
 30. Arts of Life. — No little degree of comfort in liv- 
 The House, ing was cujoyed. The country houses of the aristoc- 
 racy were roomy and surrounded by gardens in which 
 trees, flowers and running water were found. The 
 Egyptians had a passion for flowers, and at the banquets 
 
 Real His- 
 tory. 
 
Life and Customs 23 
 
 the guests were garlanded with wreaths. The walls of 
 the house were hung with brilliant tapestries. Stools 
 and couches, the forms of which are still copied among 
 us, constituted the furniture. In the Babylonian cities 
 the palaces of the king and his ofhcials were built on 
 platforms or mounds raised high above the plain, while 
 the houses of the common people were crowded to- 
 gether below them. The latter were simple and low, 
 with thick mud walls and fiat roofs. The streets were 
 narrow and dirty. The fire was started with a fire- 
 stick and bow. The dining-table was a low bench. Food and 
 around which the family squatted and partook of the "^'^ ' 
 usual meal of dried fish, dates and cakes of ground 
 grain. Beer was the universal drink, though wine was 
 also very common. When an Egyptian gave an enter- 
 tainment he usually invited his friends to a ''house of 
 beer," or a roast goose. They slept on low couches or 
 on mats spread on the floor. The Egyptian's pillow was 
 a wooden head-rest, which, though hard, was cool and 
 did not disarrange his wig. The priests shaved their 
 heads, other people wore their hair short, and all well- 
 to-do persons wore wigs. Although the beard was 
 shaven, the pictures represent the nobles with false 
 beards as a sign of dignity. In Babylonia, on the con- 
 trary, the prevailing fashion was to wear hair and 
 beard long. The fundamental article of dress was the Dress, 
 cloth that was wrapped about the middle of the body. 
 Additions were made to this by the better classes; the 
 cloth was lengthened to the knees or a quilted skirt was 
 worn. The Egyptian was most careful about cleanliness 
 in dress, and the laundryman is a conspicuous figure on 
 the monuments. In Egypt nothing was worn on the 
 
24 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 head; the Babylonian aristocracy are represented with 
 flat caps. To go barefoot was customary, or, at most, 
 sandals were worn. Ointments and cosmetics were used 
 by men and women alike and for the entire body. A 
 man's street costume was not complete without a cane; 
 in Babylonia everyone carried a seal, which served him 
 when he wished to sign his name. A variety of recrea- 
 tions is illustrated by the Egyptian monuments. Hunt- 
 ing birds and hippopotami in the Nile marshes was the 
 favorite sport of the nobles. Bull-fights, wrestling, dan- 
 cing, singing and playing on musical instruments were 
 greatly enjoyed; even games of checkers and chess are 
 found. 
 
 31. The Higher Arts. — Thus the higher arts were 
 early reached. Both peoples accomplished much in 
 architecture. Although the Babylonians had only bricks 
 as building material, they erected massive and efifective 
 temples and palaces. A mighty terrace forty or more 
 feet high was first built and on this rose the temple 
 which usually culminated in a tower made of solid 
 stories of brick placed one above another, each succes- 
 sive story smaller than the one beneath it — the whole 
 often reaching one hundred feet in height. Egypt's most 
 splendid structures were the Pyramids, built to serve as 
 tombs of the kings. The pyramid of the Pharaoh Khu'fu 
 of the fourth dynasty was a mass of limestone and gran- 
 ite over 755 feet square at the base, thus covering 13 
 acres, and rising to a point at a height of 481 feet; the 
 sides were faced with blocks so nicely fitted together as 
 to look like a single mighty surface smooth and shining. 
 In the heart of it was the funeral chamber, the roof of 
 which was so carefully adjusted to bear the enormous 
 
Science 25 
 
 weight above it as not to have yielded an inch in the 
 course of the ages.* 
 
 32. Sculpture. — In the Httle as well as the great the 
 ancients of these days showed remarkable skill. In the 
 engraving of hard stones, the Babylonian artists ex- 
 celled, while the gold and brightly colored inlay work of 
 the Egyptians is surprising. The pottery is both useful 
 and artistic, and the furniture affords models for the 
 present day. The statues from hard granite, or harder 
 diorite, were cut and polished with amazing fineness. It 
 is true that grace and naturalness are rarely found in the 
 pose and modelling of the figures. The Egyptians not 
 only did not understand perspective, but they mixed up 
 the profile and front views of their human figures in a 
 grotesque manner. The statues, however, from both 
 peoples, while stiff, are strong, real and impressive. 
 You feel that they are for eternity. 
 
 33. Science. — What was known of the natural world, 
 its laws and its forces, was a strange compound of 
 truth and error. Many of nature's secrets had been 
 pierced. The movements of the heavenly bodies were Astronomy, 
 mapped out. The year of 365^ days was determined. 
 Eclipses were calculated. Men were familiar with the 
 
 points of the compass and the signs of the Zodiac. The 
 decimal system was employed, and joined with it was 
 the sexagesimal system (10 x 6). Weights and measures 
 were carefully worked out on the basis of the hand- 
 breadth. The sun-dial and the water-clock measured 
 time. The mechanical skill shown in building is amaz- Mechanics, 
 ing. The arch, the lever and the inclined plane were 
 known. Engineers of to-day, if they had only the means 
 
 * The roof -beams of granite were cracked by the earthquake of 27 B.C. 
 
26 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture \ 
 
 then available, would have serious difficulty in putting 
 some of the stones of the Pyramids into their places, if 
 Cosmog- indeed they could accomplish it at all. On the other 
 °°^' hand, the earth was regarded by the Babylonians as an 
 
 inverted bowl, its edges resting on the great watery deep. 
 On its outer surface dwelt mankind. Within its crust 
 was the dark abode of the dead. Above and about it, 
 resting on the ocean of waters, was the heaven, another 
 inverted bov/1 or disk, on the under side of which moved 
 the heavenly bodies; on the outer side lay another ocean 
 beyond which dwelt the gods in eternal light. The stars 
 were thought to have influence, either good or bad, on 
 Medicine, the life of men, and hence were carefully studied. The 
 study of medicine consisted of a search for strange com- 
 binations of incongruous substances, in which a wise 
 prescription or a useful discovery came only by chance. 
 The blood of lizards, the teeth of swine, putrid meat, the 
 moisture from pigs' ears are among Egyptian remedies 
 for illness. No study of Nature for her own sake, but 
 only for practical ends or from religious motives — this 
 was the vital weakness of the science of the ancient east. 
 34. Religion. — The main factor in the life of these 
 peoples was their religion. It inspired their literature, 
 their science and their art. It was the foundation of 
 their social and political life. Priests were judges, 
 scribes, teachers and authors. Temples were treasuries, 
 fortresses and colleges as well as places of worship. All 
 this means that one of the first problems that these men 
 had to face was their relation to the world about and 
 above them. They sought to solve this problem by be- 
 lieving that they were surrounded by higher beings with 
 whom it was possible to get on in peace and harmony. 
 
PLATE VI 
 
 
 ^^; 
 
 ■s. 
 
 ^<^ 
 
 ^-^ L 
 
 -*---'" 
 
 '\ 
 
 Copyright, ign:;^ by A. y. flohnan &■ Co. 
 
 From "Explorations fn Bible Lands During the Nineteenth Century." 
 
 A Babylonian Temple (Nippur) 
 
 An Egyptian Temple (Luxor) 
 ORIENTAL TEMPLES 
 
Religion 27 
 
 This belief, and the worship that sprang out of it, was General 
 religion; it had everything to do with primitive society. Go^ds!° 
 In the periods which we are studying, religion was far 
 advanced. Had you gone into a city of Egypt or Baby- 
 Ionia and talked with a priest of the temple, he would 
 have told you that, as there were gods for every city, so 
 his city had its god who cared for and watched over its 
 people; the king was his representative or even his son. 
 God gave rain and fruitful seasons to the farmer and 
 prosperity to the merchant; he saved from sickness and 
 calamity; he appointed 'udges to give true judgments 
 and governors to rule uprightly. In turn the king 
 reared the temple to the glory of the gods and estab- 
 lished the priesthood to offer daily sacrifice of grain and 
 cattle to them; he gave to the gods of the spoils of war 
 and of the harvest, and hither the people brought their 
 gifts and paid their vows. Had you asked the Baby- The Baby- 
 lonian who was this God, he would have replied: "Bel, Godl 
 'the Lord'; or the Sun, or the Moon, or the Storm 
 Wind, or the Watery Deep — all gods of power afar off. 
 Nevertheless they are very watchful of man, who, often 
 sinful and deserving of punishment, feels himself de- 
 pendent on them, and comes to them with psalms and 
 prayers of penitence when they have brought plague and 
 sorrow upon him for his sin." To the same question The 
 the Egyptian would have replied: "Re,* the Sun, who Gods."^° 
 moves -daily over the sky in his boat scattering blessings 
 upon his children, before whom flowers spring up and 
 fields bloom, whom we praise in the morning at his ris- 
 ing and at even in his setting — and a thousand other 
 gods of animals and plants who love us and are ever 
 
 * Pronounced Ray. 
 
28 Egyptian and Babylonian Culture 
 
 near to bless us by their mysterious presence and favor." 
 The Future And had you asked about the Kfe after death the Baby- 
 lonian would have shaken his head and spoken of the 
 future as dark and sad when the spirit, torn from the 
 body, goes down to the dusky abode of the dead, 'to 
 drag out a miserable existence. But the Egyptian, with 
 hopeful face, would have told you how to keep the body 
 as an eternal abode of the spirit by mummifying it and 
 putting it in a deep tomb far from decay and disturbance; 
 or he would have spoken of the fields of Aaru, a happier 
 Egypt beyond the sky, where, after passing through the 
 trials of the underworld, by the aid of the god Osiris 
 and the power of the Book of the Dead, or in the sun- 
 boat of the god Re, the soul would at last be united with 
 the body in a blissful immortality. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Mention some things peculiar to 
 Egyptian culture? 2. Why were the scribes important? 
 3. What is meant by papyrus, deben, nome, cuneiform, feu- 
 dal, shekel, hieroglyphic, dynasty? 4. Name with dates the 
 grand divisions of ancient history. 5. At about what time 
 were the Pyramids built? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Early Babylonian Cities. 
 Goodspeed, pp. 49-53. 2, Elamite Invasions of Babylonia. 
 Goodspeed, pp. 66-70. 3. Babylonian Civilization, (a) Family 
 Life: Government, Goodspeed, pp. 79-85. {b) Industries, Good- 
 speed, pp. 73-79. (c) Literature, Goodspeed, pp. 31-36, 86-91. 
 {d) Babylonian Art, Goodspeed, pp. 94-101. 4. How the Early 
 Egytians Lived, (a) Industries and Sources of National Income, 
 Breasted, pp. 30-33, 88-92. (b) Family and Homes, Breasted, 
 pp. 83-88. (c) Burial Customs, Breasted, pp. 36-38, 65-73. 
 {d) Religion, Breasted, pp. 47-48, 55-73. (e) The Egyptian Art, 
 Breasted, pp. 95-102. 5. Growth and Change in the First 
 Period of the Empire in Egypt. Breasted, pp. 195-206. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Egyptian 
 •Agriculture and Arts and Crafts. Ennan, Life in Ancient 
 
The Hyksos 29 
 
 Egypt, pp. 425-520. 2. Babylonian Civilization. ISrurison, 
 Babylonia and Assyria, ch. 15. 3. Relations between Egypt and 
 Babylonia. King, Sumer and Aklcad, pp. 321-348. 4. What 
 Countries Have Once Had a Feudal System? See Encyclopedia 
 Britannica, articles "Feudalism" and "Japan." 5. Modern Irri- 
 gation in Egypt: the Assouan Dam. Cosmopolitan, Aug., 1901; 
 Idler, 22, 257; Nature, 67, 1S4. 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES, i. Draw a rough map of the 
 ancient oriental world illustrating the crescent-shaped forma- 
 tion suggested in § 2. Locate as many countries and cities as 
 possible. 2. From plate II, 1-4, try to enumerate the physical 
 characteristics of the Semitic type of man. 3. From plate 
 IV find as many illustrations as possible of the life described 
 in §§ 18-34. 
 
 4.— THE EGYPTIAN (NEW) EMPIRE 
 
 1580-1150 B.C. 
 
 35. The Hyksos Invade Egypt. — The feudal kingdom 
 of Egypt, after the brilHant days of the twelfth dynasty 
 (§ 8), fell into decay. The nobles gained more power 
 and rose up against their kings. Foreign peoples in- 
 vaded the land and added to the confusion. Finally, 
 not long after the Kassites entered Babylonia (§ i6), 
 invaders from western Arabia and Syria burst into Egypt 
 through the isthmus of Suez and took possession of the 
 northern half of the land. They also made southern 
 Egypt tributary, though the seat of their own power was 
 in the north. From the name given to their leaders they 
 are usually called the Hyksos. 
 
 Man'e-tho (§ yw), as quoted in a writing of Josephus the Jew, 
 tells among other things why this name was given to them. He 
 says: "There came up from the east in a strange manner men of 
 an ignoble race, who had the confidence to invade our country, and 
 
30 The Egyptian Empire 
 
 easily subdued it by their power without a battle. And when they 
 had our rulers in their hands, they burnt our cities and demolished 
 the temples of the gods and inflicted every kind of barbarity upon 
 the inhabitants, slaying some and reducing the wives and children 
 of others to a state of slavery. At length they made one of them- 
 selves king. ... He lived at Memphis and rendered both the upper 
 and the lower regions of Egypt tributary and stationed garrisons in 
 The Shep- places which were best adapted for that purpose. All this nation 
 herd (?) ^^g Styled Hyksos, that is, Shepherd Kings; for the first syllable, 
 Hyk, in the sacred dialect denotes 'king,' and sos signifies 'shepherd,' 
 but this only according to the vulgar tongue; and of these is com- 
 pounded the name Hyksos J' 
 
 36. Expulsion of the Hyksos. — The Hyksos ruled over 
 Egypt for a century (about 1675-1575 B.C.). The peo- 
 ple adopted the manners and customs of the Egyptians, 
 and the kings ruled like the native Pharaohs. Yet the 
 Egyptians could not forget that they were foreigners. 
 A rebellion broke out in the south, gathered strength, and 
 war was waged for years. The princes of Thebes were 
 leaders of the rebels, fighting for the deliverance of their 
 country and their gods. It was a fierce struggle. The 
 mummy of one of these princes, now in the Cairo Mu- 
 seum, shows a great slash on the head received appar- 
 
 The Siege cntly in ouc of these battles. After, perhaps, half a cen- 
 tury of fighting, the foreign princes who had made their 
 last stand in their capital A-va'ris, and had sustained there 
 a siege of many years' duration, were driven out of 
 Egypt into the northeast whence they had come. The 
 native Egyptians recovered their land, and the princes 
 of Thebes, who had led them so valiantly, had their re- 
 ward. They became kings of Egypt. 
 
 37. The New Warlike Spirit. — The Egyptians hitherto 
 had been a peaceful people. They had enlarged their 
 
 of Avaris. 
 
 I 
 
The Asiatic Campaigns 31 
 
 domains in the early days chiefly by entering the penin- 
 sula of Sinai and making expeditions up the Nile into 
 Nubia. But now circumstances made it possible for them 
 to do greater things. The Hyksos had brought the horse The Horse, 
 with them into Egypt,* and in war much more could be 
 done by means of horses. Chariots could be employed, 
 longer marches made. The Egyptian army had been 
 trained in the new art of war and seasoned by the long 
 and fierce struggle with the Hyksos. The Pharaoh, their 
 leader, had become a warrior eager for military glory. 
 The gods of Egypt, represented by their priests, called 
 for vengeance on their enemies and for the extension of 
 their divine sway over the distant lands. So the Egyp- 
 tians embarked on a new career — a career of conquest. 
 Thereby they transformed Egypt from a kingdom into an Egypt an 
 empire, the second empire of the ancient world (§ 15). Empire. 
 
 38. The Eighteenth Dynasty. Thutmose III.— The 
 conquering monarchs make up the eighteenth dynasty 
 (1580-1350 B.C.). The greatest of them was Thut'mose 
 III, who ruled in the sixteenth century. He made at 
 least sixteen campaigns into the northeast through the 
 regions on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. 
 Twice, perhaps thrice, he reached the Euphrates, and The Eu- 
 even crossed the river into Mesopotamia. The Egyp- g'^^^'tYan" 
 tian empire reached from central Nubia in the south to R'^er. 
 the northern mountains and the Euphrates, Egypt suc- 
 ceeded Babylonia in supremacy over Syria. 
 
 Thutmose III had a long account of his expeditions written on 
 the walls of one of his temples in Thebes. His first campaign lasted 
 
 * The horse had been known in Egypt and in Europe at some period 
 exceedingly remote, but it disappeared in both places before the dawn 
 of history. 
 
32 The Egyptian Empire 
 
 about six months, from April to October, during which he covered 
 about two thousand miles and fought at least one great battle at 
 Megiddo. The following is the king's description of the battle: 
 
 "Command was given before his whole army, saying, 'Prepare ye, 
 make ready your weapons, for we move to fight with the vile enemy 
 to-morrow.' The baggage of the chiefs was prepared and the pro- 
 visions of the followers, and the sentinels of the army were spread 
 abroad; they said 'Firm of heart, firm of heart, watchful of head, 
 watchful of head.' On the twenty-first day of the month, even the 
 same as the royal coronation, early in the morning command was 
 given to the entire army to advance. His Majesty went forth in his 
 chariot of electrum adorned with his weapons of war. His Majesty 
 was in the midst of them, the god Amon being the protection to his 
 body and strength to his limbs. Then his Majesty prevailed over 
 them at the head of his army. When they saw his Majesty prevail- 
 ing over them, they fled headlong to Megiddo, as if terrified by spirits; 
 they left their horses and their chariots of silver and gold, and were 
 drawn up by hauling them by their clothes into this city, for the men 
 shut the gates of this city upon them. The fear of his Majesty en- 
 tered their hearts, their arms failed, their mighty men lay along like 
 fishes on the ground. The great army of his Majesty drew around 
 to count their spoil. The whole army rejoiced, giving praise to 
 Amon for the victory that he had given to his son, and they glorified 
 his Majesty, extolling his victories." 
 
 39. Wars with the Hittites. — The victorious kings of 
 the eighteenth dynasty held this region for a century. 
 Their rule culminated in the reign of Ikh-na'ton (1375- 
 1358 B.C.) who, breaking free from all the national tradi- 
 tions, founded a new religion and a new capital and tried 
 in vain to recast Egyptian art, society and customs. 
 Then a new enemy came down from the north, the Hit- 
 tites, who began to contest the possession of the north- 
 Ramses n. ern half of Syria. The famous Pharaohs, Se'ti I (about 
 1313-1292 B.C.) and Ram'ses II (1292-1225 B.C.), of the 
 nineteenth dynasty, fought with them for many years. 
 
 II 
 
Wealth of Egypt 33 
 
 At last Ramses made a treaty with their king, Khe-ta'sar, 
 which was the basis of a lasting peace between the two 
 peoples. From this time the Egyptian empire practi- 
 cally extended only to the Lebanon mountains. A cen- 
 tury later the Hittite kingdom in Syria disappeared be- 
 fore the advance of a horde of peoples migrating down 
 the coast of the Mediterranean from Asia Minor (about 
 1 1 70 B.C.). Ramses III, of the twentieth dynasty, was Ramses 
 then on the Egyptian throne. He summoned all his 
 forces to withstand the invaders, and dispersed them in 
 a great battle on the northern border of his empire. 
 Pharaohs continued to rule in the Nile valley, but their Decline of 
 power over Syria was soon lost. Thus the second im- tian Em- 
 perial state of the ancient east disappeared (1150 B.C.). p"^®- 
 
 40. Results of Empire upon Egypt. — As a result of its 
 conquests, Egypt had become very rich in gold and slaves. 
 Hence, money and cheap laborers were plentiful for build- 
 ing operations. Temples of unequalled grandeur were 
 reared. The capital city, Thebes, was the scene of the Architect- 
 most splendid exhibition of this architecture. The tem- 
 ples on the sites now known as Karnak and Luxor 
 (parts of the city of Thebes) were and have ever since 
 remained among the wonders of the world. Every great 
 king of these dynasties enlarged and beautified them, 
 wrote an account of his exploits upon their walls and en- 
 riched their priests by splendid offerings. The Karnak 
 temple — the work mainly of Seti I and Ramses II — was 
 a quarter of a mile long and 379 feet wide at the main 
 front — more than twice as large as St. Peter's Church at 
 Rome. Am'on, the god specially worshipped at Thebes, 
 became the great god of Egypt, beside whom other gods 
 seemed of no account. The kings set up colossal statues 
 
34 The Egyptiaii Empire 
 
 of themselves In the temples. One of Ramses II, found 
 in northern Egypt, was some ninety feet high and 
 weighed about nine hundred tons. Abundant wealth 
 gave also the leisure to study and write; hence the liter- 
 ature of the Egyptian empire is most abundant. Love- 
 songs, hymns to the gods, theological works, romances, 
 and letters are among the writings preserved. One of 
 the most famous is a kind of epic history describing the 
 deeds of Ramses II in a battle with the Hittites. From 
 the name of the scribe who copied it, it is called the 
 Poem of Pentaur. 
 
 The most stirring part of it presents Ramses II cut off from his 
 army and surrounded by the enemy. Ramses calls upon his god: 
 "How is this, my father Amon? Does a father then forget his son? 
 I have done nothing, indeed, without thee. He is miserable who 
 knows not god. Have I not erected to thee many monuments, in 
 order to fill thy temple with my spoil ? I call to thee, my father 
 Amon. I am in the midst of many people, I am quite alone, my 
 foot-soldiers and my chariot force have forsaken me. When I 
 called to them, I found that Amon was better to me than millions of 
 foot-soldiers and hundreds of thousands of chariots. The works 
 of men are as nothing; Amon is more precious than they. Do I 
 not call from the ends of the world ? Yet Re has heard me, he comes 
 to me when I call. He calls from behind me: 'Thou art not alone, 
 I am with thee, I, thy father Re; my hand is with thee.' I take 
 heart again. What I desire to do, that happens. Behold, none of 
 them are able to fight before me, their hearts melt, their arms fall, 
 they cannot shoot. I slay them according to my will. Not one of 
 them looks behind him and not one of them turns round. He who 
 falls of them rises no more." 
 
 41. The Weakness of Egypt. — Yet in the higher arts 
 Egypt in this period was not superior. Bigness rather 
 than beauty was the ideal of art and architecture. Fine 
 writing and swelling words rather than clear and deep 
 
Government 35 
 
 thought were the rule. Indeed, the whole structure of the 
 state and society was artificial and not a natural growth. 
 The building was made great and splendid by slave labor 
 and foreign money; the Egyptians were enfeebled by the 
 luxury which they enjoyed. In all that constitutes true 
 greatness Egypt was not so strong as in the earlier days. 
 42. Organization of the Empire. — Egypt in these 
 centuries better deserved the name of an empire than 
 did its predecessor, Babylonia. It was more thoroughly 
 organized. Whenever the Pharaoh conquered a city- 
 state of Syria, he laid upon its king the obligation to pay 
 a yearly sum as tribute. Sometimes he took the king's 
 eldest son to his coun to be educated. Garrisons of 
 Egyptian troops were placed in some cities, and governors 
 were appointed in certain districts. Even communities 
 of Egyptian people went out to dwell in towns of Syria. 
 Such bodies of settlers are called colonies. The Pharaoh 
 kept in close relations with his governors and subject- 
 kings through constant correspondence with them and 
 by sending out inspectors from time to time to exam- 
 ine into their affairs. 
 
 43. A mass of this official correspondence with two kings of Tel-el- 
 
 Amarna 
 Letters. 
 
 the eighteenth dynasty was discovered in Egypt recendy at Tel-el- A.™^^^ 
 
 Amarna, and is called the Tel-el-Amarna Letters. They contain 
 despatches from governors and princes of Syria. Some are from 
 the king of Jerusalem; other letters are from the rulers of Babylonia 
 and Assyria, with replies from the Pharaoh. All of these are written 
 in the Babylonian character— a fact which shows how deeply Baby- 
 lonian civilization had influenced the ancient world. Even Egyp- 
 tian kings wrote to their Syrian subjects in Babylonian, It was the 
 diplomatic* language of the day. 
 
 * The language which different states use in dealing with each other. 
 Diplomacy is the science of international relations. 
 
36 The Egyptian Empire 
 
 44. The Home Government. — Egypt as an empire was \ 
 very different from the Egypt of the preceding feudal \ 
 period. The feudal nobility had been wiped out by the in- 
 vasion of the Hyksos and the wars of deliverance. Their 
 property fell into the hands of the king, who now became 
 the one proprietor of all Egypt. This property he rented 
 out to the people for a percentage of its product. Some 
 of it he gave to the generals of his armies. They were 
 
 The Army, his officials, govcmors and judges. The army was now 
 a standing institution, under arms at all times. Though 
 not so at first, it gradually came to be made up in large 
 part of foreigners who were paid for their military ser- 
 vice. Such soldiers are called "mercenaries." A mer- 
 cenary army was a dangerous machine, since the sol- 
 diers were held to the imperial service only by the money 
 that they gained from it. The spoils of the wars made 
 
 The many of them very rich. The religious officials, the 
 
 priests, also profited by the wars, since a part of the : 
 spoils of victory was given to the gods of Egypt, whose 
 ministers they were. The temples became wealthy and 
 powerful establishments. Their property was not taxed, 
 and their people did not have to perform military ser- 
 vice. Thus it came about that the chief elements in the. 
 state were now three — the king, the army and the priests. 
 
 45. An Ancient "Corner" in Wheat. — In the Old Testament 
 the change in the position of the king is said to have been brought '• 
 about by a foreign prime minister, the Israelite statesman and hero, 
 Joseph. The Book of Genesis says: "He gathered up food in the 
 cities, corn as the sand of the sea. And there was famine and the 
 people cried unto Pharaoh for bread, and Pharaoh said: 'Go unto J 
 Joseph; what he saith to you, do.' And Joseph sold unto th^| 
 Egyptians. And when the money was all spent, Joseph said: 'Give ' 
 your cattle.' And they brought their cattle and Joseph gave them 
 
 Priests. 
 
The Decay of Egypt 37 
 
 bread in excliange. And they said: 'Buy us and our land for bread, 
 and we and our land will be servants unto Pharaoh.' So Joseph 
 bought all the land of Egypt for Pharaoh. Only the land of the 
 priests he bought not; for the priests had a portion from Pharaoh, 
 and did eat their portion: wherefore they sold not their land. Then 
 Joseph said unto the people: 'At the harvests ye shall give a fifth 
 unto Pharaoh and four parts shall be your own.' And Joseph 
 made it a statute concerning the land of Egypt unto this day that 
 Pharaoh should have the fifth; only the land of the priests alone 
 became not Pharaoh's." 
 
 46. Later Egypt — ^to Alexander. — While the empire of 
 Egypt was falhng away the priests got the upper hand. 
 After ruhng for about a century by the side of a series of 
 weakhng kings, they finally seized the government (1090 
 B.C.) and reigned openly. Next came the turn of the Rule of the 
 army and for over two hundred years (945-712 B.C.) sowier's 
 the Libyan mercenaries lorded it vigorously over Egypt. 
 An end was put to their domination by the Nubians 
 (Ethiopians) who, pushing down the valley, mastered it 
 to the mouth of the Nile; but their sway was still inse- 
 cure when the Assyrians came and added Egypt to their 
 dominions (670 B.C.). In the interval between the dis- 
 solution of the Assyrian and the rise of the Persian em- 
 pire, Egypt enjoyed a brief period of independence, and 
 under the intelligent rule of Psam-met'i-cus I and II and 
 A-ma'sis of Sa'is, the valley of the Nile was opened to 
 Greek enterprise and the Milesian colony of Nau'cra-tis 
 was planted in the delta. This settlement might have an- 
 ticipated the later prosperity of Alexandria had it not been 
 that in 525 B.C. Cam-by'ses, the second Persian king, con- 
 quered Egypt, and, making it into a province of his vast 
 empire, postponed by two centuries the Greek exploita- 
 tion of the Nile valley. A new chapter in the history of 
 
 and For- 
 eigners. 
 
38 The Egyptian Empire 
 
 ancient Egypt was opened on its occupation by Alexan- 
 der the Great in 332 B.C. 
 
 47. Egypt a Mummy. — The period of one thousand 
 years from the death of Ikhnaton onward was one of utter 
 stagnation in Egypt. For generation after generation Hfe 
 followed the old forms. Dynasty after dynasty came and 
 went, but the great body of the people remained unchanged 
 in their ideas and habits. The last word had been said 
 on all the problems of human life by religion. To change 
 any custom was sacrilege. Freedom of thought and in- 
 vention there was none. The nation itself was mummi- 
 fied. It had nothing to teach the Greeks when they came 
 in contact with it: at most it offered an impressive and 
 suggestive spectacle for their curious observation. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what were the following famous : 
 Ramses II, Thutmose III, Ramses III ? 2. Who were the 
 Hyksos, the Hittites? 3. What is meant by Tel-el-Amarna 
 Letters, noma, empire? 4. For what are the following places 
 noted: Karnak, Assur, Memphis, Luxor, Nippur, Meggido? 
 5. When did Ramses II live? 6. At about what date was 
 the departure of the Israelites from Egypt? 7. Describe the 
 causes for and the events in Egypt's period of decline. 8. 
 How was Egypt mummified? 9. Through what channels did 
 the Greeks have intercourse with the Egyptians ? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Hyksos: Their Effect 
 upon Egypt. Breasted, pp. 175-184. 2. Amenhotep III, the 
 Last Great Egyptian Emperor. Breasted, pp. 248-263. 3. 
 Ikhnaton, an Individual. Breasted, pp. 269-289. 4. The Influ- 
 ence of Asiatic Conditions upon Egypt. Breasted, pp. 373-383. 
 5. The " Downfall of Egypt." Breasted, pp. 412-418. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Invasion of 
 the Hyksos. Murison, Egypt, §§ 36-40; Rawlinson, Story of 
 Egypt, chs. 8-9. 2. Thutmose III. Murison, Egypt, §§ 45-47; 
 Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, pp. 189-206. 3. Ramses II. Muri- 
 son, Egypt, § 55; Wendel, pp. 87-95; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, 
 
Migrations from Arabia 39 
 
 pp. 238-252; Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 43-46. 4. The Hittites 
 and Their Empire. Encyclopedia Brilannica, article "Hittites." 
 5. The Temples of Thebes. Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, see in- 
 dex under "Temple of Ammon," of "Karnak." 6. Egyptian 
 Civilization. Murison, Egypt, chs. 13-15. 7. The Book of the 
 Dead. Murison, Egypt, ch. 12. 8. Apply the following utter- 
 ance of an Egyptian Sage to Egyptian history of this Epoch : 
 "If thou hast become great after having been little, harden not thy 
 heart. Thou art only become the steward of the good things of 
 God." 
 
 5.— THE SYRIAN STATES 
 
 1150-900 B.C. 
 
 48. New Immigrations. — The passing away of the 
 Egyptian empire about 1150 B.C. was not followed — as 
 might have been expected — by the advance of the states 
 of Assyria and Babylonia to seize her lost supremacy. 
 One of those tremendous overflows of people from cen- 
 tral and northern Arabia, such as took place from time 
 to time when there was not food enough in the desert to 
 supply the population, flooded the northern districts of 
 Mesopotamia and Syria. These peoples, called the Ara- The 
 means, thus cut off communication between east and *™^^°s. 
 west. At the same time a similar horde, called the The chai- 
 Chaldeans (Kaldi), entered southern Babylonia. Both ^^^°^* 
 Assyria and Babylonia, therefore, had all they could do 
 
 to defend themselves and could not advance westward. 
 
 49. The Opportunity of Syria. — One region of the an- 
 cient world had now the opportunity to assert itself — 
 that between the Nile and the Euphrates — Syria. Here 
 was the scene of the attempts' at empire in the next two 
 centuries (1150-900 b.c). During this time Syria was 
 the real centre of historical life. Four peoples of this 
 
40 The Syrian States 
 
 Its Four region came forward and made up the history of the 
 ''°^^*" time. These were the Phoenicians^ the PhiUstines, the 
 Israehtes and the Arameans of Damascus. 
 
 50. The Phoenicians. — The Lebanon mountains, as 
 they run down along the eastern Mediterranean from 
 the north for two hundred miles, throw out spurs from 
 time to time into the sea and leave here and there spaces 
 of coast from one to live miles wide and six to twenty 
 Land. milcs long. In these petty patches of earth, with the 
 
 high mountains at their back and the blue sea before 
 them, the Phoenicians cultivated the fertile soil, built 
 occupa- cities and learned to sail the sea. Beginning by trading 
 ''°°®" with each other and with the people of the interior, they 
 
 went on to make voyages to more distant parts and to 
 carry the wares of the east to the less advanced western 
 lands. When the Egyptian kings ceased to rule over 
 Tyre's them, they were free to act for themselves. At first 
 
 Supremacy, their most important city was Si'don, but at an early date 
 Tyre, situated on a rocky island about half a mile from 
 shore, obtained the leadership among them and became 
 the commercial centre of the east and west. The mer- 
 chandise of Babylonia, Assyria, Egypt, Arabia, Armenia, 
 not to speak of the lesser peoples, was brought to Tyre. 
 Raw materials were received and turned into manufact- 
 ured articles in Tyrian workshops — metal into arms, 
 toilet articles and furniture; wool into cloths which were 
 marvellously colored by means of the dye made from 
 shell-fish found on the Phoenician coast. All these ma- 
 terials were taken out in Phoenician ships and exchanged 
 for native products at trading posts established at dif- 
 Phoenician fercut poiuts on the Mediterranean. Already the Phce- 
 tion, nicians had settled in the island of Cyprus, seventy miles 
 
The Phoenicians 41 
 
 to the west. Some points in the iEgean sea were touched, 
 but the Greeks were too strong there, and the Phoeni- 
 cians went on to the regions of the western Mediterra- 
 nean. The north African coast, Malta, Sicily, Sardinia, 
 the Bal'e-ar'ic islands, were occupied. Spain, with its 
 mines of precious metal, was a rich centre of Phoenician 
 enterprise. Out into the Atlantic fared their adventurous 
 ships, southward to the latitude of the Canary islands 
 and northward to Britain. 
 
 51. Phoenician Trading. — Herodotus describes a typical instance 
 of Phoenician trading: "When they have come to a land and un- 
 load the merchandise from their ships, they set it in order along 
 the beach and return aboard their ships. Then they raise a smoke, 
 and the natives of the land, seeing the smoke, come to the shore 
 and lay down gold as much as they think the goods are worth; then 
 they withdraw quite a distance. The Carthaginians upon that come 
 ashore again and look; if they think the gold enough, they take it 
 and go their way; but if not, they go on board again and wait. The 
 others approach and add more gold till they satisfy them. They 
 gay that neither party wrongs the other; for they themselves do not 
 touch the gold till it comes up to the value of their wares, nor do the 
 others lay hands on the goods till the gold has been taken away." 
 
 52. The Chief Colonies. — Most of their settlements 
 were temporary trading posts, but in some districts, 
 where wealth and prosperity seemed to be constant, 
 they established permanent colonies. The most famous 
 of these were Cit'i-um in Cyprus, Utica and Carthage in 
 north Africa, Ga'des (Cadiz) in Spain and the cities of 
 western Sicily. The tie between the colony and the ^ colonial 
 
 , . Empire. 
 
 home-land was close. The mother city usually main- 
 tained a political and religious supremacy. Thus Tyre 
 under its kings was during these centuries the head of. 
 a flourishing colonial empire. 
 
42 The Syrian States 
 
 53. Phoenician Services to Civilization. — The Phoeni- 
 cians carried things more valuable than the merchandise 
 of the east to the western world, for they also made 
 known to it the higher arts of life. Thus the systems 
 of weights and measures, the achievements of eastern 
 art, and, above all, the alphabet, became the possession 
 of the peoples of the Mediterranean. The Phoenicians 
 improved upon these things before they handed them 
 
 The on. This is especially true of the alphabet. In the 
 
 ^ ^ ^ ■ interests of their business activities they so simplified 
 and modified the various modes of writing acquired 
 by them from the eastern nations, that we are not able 
 to say from which one of the eastern systems, whether 
 the Egyptian, or the Babylonian, or the Arabian, the 
 Phoenician alphabet is derived. We only know that the 
 Phoenician alphabet with its twenty-two phonetic charac- 
 ters is the basis of ours. 
 
 54. The Philistines.— The Phoenicians made their con- 
 quests upon the shores of the Mediterranean in the 
 peaceful ways of trade. Not so arose the other great 
 
 Origin. statcs of Syria. Closely connected with the mighty mi- 
 gration from the coast of Asia Minor in the time of 
 Ramses III (§39), a new people came, possibly from 
 Crete, and seized the broad plain which lies at the south- 
 eastern corner of the Mediterranean. The Philistines 
 — called by Ramses III the Peleset — though they were 
 evidently not Semites, accepted the language and cus- 
 toms of the Semitic cities which they ruled.* As these 
 cities lay on the main routes of trade from Egypt into 
 Asia, their lords, the Philistines, were rich and power- 
 
 * The five cities of the Philistines were Gaza, Gath, Ashdod, Askalon 
 and Ekron. 
 
PLATE VII 
 
 Brick of Hammurabi Recordmg 
 the Building of a Temple 
 
 Cretan Tictographic Writing from 
 Pliccstos 
 
 
 im^'mit 
 
 
 Clay Tablet, with Linear Script. 
 Palace of Minos, Cnossos, Crete 
 
 The Rosetta Stone 
 
 ANCIENT SYSTEMS OF WRITING 
 
The Israelites 43 
 
 fill and flourished exceedingly. They were a fighting 
 
 folk, far superior in weapons and the arts of war to the 
 
 peaceful Semites about them, and soon began to make 
 
 their power felt throughout the whole maritime plain 
 
 from Mt. Carmel in the north to the highlands in the 
 
 east. They began to push up into the interior and came Expansion. 
 
 into conflict with a people that had settled the mountain 
 
 valleys some time after they themselves had conquered 
 
 the plain. This people was Israel, one of the tribes 
 
 known as the Hebrews (§ 4). 
 
 55, The Hebrews Appear. — At first the Hebrews had wandered 
 through the southern part of Syria (Palestine), but in the time of the 
 Hyksos kings they entered northern Egypt. There, after the Hyk- 
 sos had been driven out, they were oppressed, by Ramses II, it is 
 thought, and in the last years of the nineteenth dynasty, led by the 
 hero Moses, they escaped into the eastern desert, delivered from the 
 Egyptians by Jehovah their god at the crossing of the Red sea (about 
 1200 B.C.). Israel, after escaping from Egypt and wandering for a Israel, 
 generation in the desert south of Syria, moved to the east of the 
 Dead sea, crossed the Jordan river and burst into the highlands of 
 Palestine about 1150 B.C. Here, as we have seen, he came into 
 collision with the Philistines. 
 
 In the first encounters Israel was badly beaten, although in fact, 
 as will soon appear, the Philistine victories were only temporary. A Palestine, 
 proof of the importance and renown of the Philistines is seen in the 
 fact that the name by which southern Syria is known — Palestine — 
 is derived from the Philistines. 
 
 The Israelites were a wild, wandering folk with a Religion, 
 sirnple faith in their god, Jehovah, who had given them, 
 through Moses his servant, the Ten Commandments, 
 and was for them the one supreme lord of justice and 
 truth, their deliverer and friend. From him they de- 
 rived their moral law which they have passed on to the 
 Christian world. 
 
44 
 
 The Syrian States 
 
 Samuel 
 
 the 
 
 Prophet. 
 
 Saul the 
 Warrior. 
 
 Jerusalem. 
 
 The Ten Commandments are the noblest brief collection of the 
 laws of right living that has come down from the ancient world. 
 They are the following: 
 
 I am Jehovah thy God: 
 
 1. Thou shalt have none other gods before me. 
 
 2. Thou shalt ijot make unto thee a graven image. 
 
 3. Thou shalt not take the name of Jehovah thy god in vain. 
 
 4. Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy. 
 
 5. Honor thy father and thy mother. 
 
 6. Thou shalt do no murder. 
 
 7. Thou shalt not commit adultery. 
 
 8. Thou shalt not steal. 
 
 9. Thou shalt not bear false witness. 
 10. Thou shalt not covet. 
 
 56. National Feeling. — After a century occupied in 
 overcoming the people of the region, called the Canaan- 
 ites, and settling down as farmers, they began to desire 
 a national life and an organized government. What 
 brought this to a head was the attack and temporary 
 supremacy of the Philistines (§55). A religious leader, 
 Samuel, organized a band of prophets who went about 
 preaching deliverance through Jehovah and stirred up 
 the people to rebellion. He also presented to them a 
 king whom Jehovah had chosen, Saul, a frank, impetu- 
 ous, mighty man of valor. He became the first king of 
 Israel (about 1050 B.C.), and beat back the Philistines. 
 
 57. David the Hero. — After his death David was 
 chosen king, another heroic and magnetic warrior, who 
 was also a man of genius and statesmanship. He built 
 up an army with which he defeated his enemies, extended 
 the authority of Israel over neighboring peoples and 
 made its influence felt as far north as the Euphrates 
 river. His greatest work was the establishment of the 
 national capital at Jerusalem, where the king dwelt, the 
 
Solomon 45 
 
 court assembled, justice was administered and Jehovah 
 was worshipped as the national god. 
 
 58. Solomon the Organizer. — David was followed by 
 his son Solomon (about 975 B.C.). As his father had 
 been the founder of the state, so he begame its organ- 
 izer. He had a masterly mind for politics and adminis- 
 tration. To break up sectional feeling and to weld the 
 state firmly together, he divided the land into twelve dis- 
 tricts as the basis for his administration. He instituted 
 regular taxes, had a standing army, entered into alli- 
 ances with neighboring states. One of the most impor- Partnership 
 tant of these alliances was that with Hiram, king of ram. 
 Tyre, the most brilliant of the Phoenician rulers. To- 
 gether they made commercial expeditions on the Red 
 
 sea and the Indian ocean. Solomon also allied himself 
 with the king of Egypt and married his daughter. He 
 made trading alliances with the peoples of the north. 
 Thus Israel became a nation among the other nations 
 of the world. Solomon used his abundant wealth to 
 strengthen and beautify his kingdom, building cities 
 and fortresses at strategic points for trade and defence. 
 Jerusalem was the object of his special attention. There The Tem- 
 he built palaces, walls and the famous Temple, the ^^* 
 wonder and pride of his people, for the worship of Je- 
 hovah. When he died, Israel was the leading state of 
 Syria, and a splendid future seemed to be assured. 
 
 59. Weakness of Solomon's Regime. — But Solomon 
 Was in advance of his people and his time. The people 
 resented his strict government with its taxes, its mili- 
 tary service, its forced labor on the palaces and forts. 
 They had been only two centuries out of the free life of 
 the desert, and the memory of it remained. They did 
 
46 
 
 The Syrian States 
 
 The Dis- 
 ruption. 
 
 At 
 Damascus. 
 
 Growth. 
 
 Wars with 
 Israel. 
 
 not care to play the imperial role which Solomon de- 
 signed for them. When after his death his son contin- 
 ued his father's policy, the northern tribes refused to 
 recognize him and elected another king, leaving him to 
 be king over his own tribe, Judah. This event is known 
 as the Disruption (about 930 b.c); it was the death- 
 blow to the position of Israel as a world-power. Hence- 
 forth there were two kingdoms on the highlands of Pal- 
 estine — Israel in the north and Judah in the south. 
 The capital of Judah remained at Jerusalem. Israel's 
 new capital was placed at Samaria. Israel's kings tried 
 to play the part of David and Solomon on a smaller 
 scale, while Judah was content to lead a quiet and se- 
 cluded life under the descendants of those great rulers. 
 60. The Arameans. — By this time (925 B.C.) the Ar- 
 ameans, who had migrated into Syria (§ 48), had be- 
 come settled. Both David and Solomon had come into 
 contact with them. One of their leaders got possession 
 of the city of Damascus, where he set up a kingdom 
 (about 975 B.C.). Damascus was the chief trading 
 centre of Syria, the halting-place of caravans, where 
 merchants from Egypt and the east met to exchange 
 their wares and to supply the wandering tribes thatj 
 came in from the neighboring desert. The city was 
 beautiful for situation, lying in the midst of a well^ 
 watered and fertile valley on the edge of the desert, mid-j 
 way between the Mediterranean and the Mesopotamiai 
 valley, between Egypt and the Euphrates. The Ara^ 
 mean kingdom planted at this strategic point soon bej 
 came powerful and began to lay its hand upon the disi 
 tricts round about,. Soon it came into touch with Israel] 
 and the relations, at first friendly, passed later into tn\ 
 
The Hebretv Prophets 47 
 
 mity, each power striving for mastery over the land of 
 Syria. 
 
 6i. The End of Syrian Greatness. — Neither of these 
 states, however, was destined for empire. The troubles 
 that had held back the greater powers on the Euphrates 
 and Tigris were over; the brief career of splendor for 
 the kingdoms of Syria was at an end. Already Assyria 
 was knocking at the gates of the west, and the conflicts 
 of Philistia, Judah, Israel and Damascus were swallowed 
 up in the fiercer struggle of all against the oncoming As- 
 syrian might. Thus a new period of the history of the 
 ancient east was ushered in. 
 
 During the period of the Assyrian advance into Syria a series 
 of great political and religious leaders appeared among the Jews. 
 These men were known as the Prophets. They taught that The 
 Jehovah was the Lord, not of Judah alone, but of the whole world; Prophets, 
 that He was using the Assyrian [and afterward the Chaldean 
 and Persian] kings as instruments to punish the Jews for their 
 sins. They, therefore, preached not resistance to their national 
 foes but righteousness, repentance of sins and careful observance 
 of the will of God. The Prophets were the greatest thinkers 
 which the world of the ancient east produced. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Who were the Arameans, the Kas- 
 sites, the Canaanites, the Chaldeans? 2, For what were the 
 following places noted : Carthage, Damascus, Jerusalem, 
 Thebes, Gades, Tyre, Gaza? 3. For what were the follow- 
 ing persons famous: Solomon, Hammurabi, Thutmose? 
 4. Prepare a map showing the extent of Phoenician coloniza- 
 tion. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Syria's International Rela- 
 tions. Goodspeed, pp. 1,^1-136. 2. The Philistines. Good- 
 speed, pp. 1S2-184. 3. Conquests in Syria by Shalmaneser II. 
 Goodspeed, pp. 213-216. 4. Sennacherib's Excursion against 
 Syria. Goodspeed, pp. 26S-272. 
 
48 The Empire of Assyria 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Phoe- 
 nicians. Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 178-209; Ragozin, Assyria, 
 ch. 3. 2. Moses and His Work. Encyclopedia Britannica, ar- 
 ticle "Moses." 3. The Reign of David. Encyclopedia Britannica, 
 article "David"; Kent, History of Hebrew People, United King- 
 dom, pp. 136-168. 4. The Story of the Disruption, i Kings, 
 ch. 12; Kent, Divided Kingdom, pp. 1-25. 5. The Temple at 
 Jerusalem. Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Temple"; Inter- 
 national Encyclopedia, article "Temple" ; Kent, United King- 
 dom, ch. 13. 
 
 6.— THE EMPIRE OF ASSYRIA 
 
 900-606 B.C. 
 
 Early 62. Assyria. — The kingdom of Assyria since the days 
 
 of its beginning (§17) had fought with Babylonia, at 
 first for its own existence and then for mastery in the 
 Mesopotamian valley. Meanwhile it had pushed up the 
 Tigris and taken firm possession of the country between 
 the upper course of the river and the eastern mountains. 
 Besides the city of Assur, its chief centre was Nin'e-veh,j 
 destined to be the capital of the empire. In the north- 
 eastern upland corner of Mesopotamia, life was not so 
 easy as in Babylonia; the climate was colder, the land 
 less fertile, wild beasts plentiful, the mountaineers threat- 
 ening. Hence, the Assyrians had to fight with nature 
 and man for their life, and by this training became 
 hardy and warlike. They had to make their way by 
 sword and spear rather than by plough and spade. 
 
 63. Assyrian Expansion.— Their early efforts at ex- 
 pansion were checked by the Aramean migration into 
 Mesopotamia (§ 48), which forced them back into their 
 own borders and thus gave Syria its opportunity for in- 
 dependent empire. But by 900 B.C. the Arameans had 
 
 I 
 
Conquests 49 
 
 settled down and Assyria lifted her head. Under a vig- Advance 
 orous and fearless king, whose name was Ash'ur-nats'ir- ^^^^^ ''^^ 
 par, the conquering movement began anew. He brought 
 northern Mesopotamia, as far as the Euphrates, and 
 southern Armenia under the yoke. His son crossed the 
 Euphrates and made northern Syria subject. His great- 
 grandson carried the Assyrian arms to the southwest as 
 far as Philistia. Thus by 800 B.C. the Assyrian armies 
 had marched throughout the length and breadth of Syria. 
 
 64. Conquest of Babylon. — The next century saw the 
 downfall of Babylonia, when the Assyrian conqueror, 
 Tig'lath-pi-le'zer III, in 728 B.C., became king in Baby- 
 lon. Fifty years later Egypt became subject (670 B.C.); occupation 
 in another generation Elam was conquered (645 B.C.). and 0^1116 
 Meanwhile Assyrian armies had marched into the North, 
 mountains surrounding the Mesopotamian plain. In 
 
 the northwest they penetrated into Asia Minor; in the 
 northeast they reached the Caspian sea. In extent and 
 power Assyria was the mightiest empire that the ancient 
 world had known. 
 
 65. Assyria at Its Height. — Assyria reached this splen- 
 did height during the reigns of four rulers, the first 
 of whom was Sargon (722-705 B.C.), who was followed 
 in regular succession by Sen-nach'er-ib (705-681 B.C.), 
 E'sar-had'don (681-668 B.C.), and Ash'ur-ban'i-par 
 (668-626 B.C.), each the son of his predecessor. Under An Empire, 
 these kings Assyria became an imperial state. Conquered 
 countries were organized into districts under the rule 
 
 of an imperial officer who had a military force at his 
 command and was responsible for order and peace; lie 
 collected the taxes and administered justice. Such dis- 
 tricts we call provinces. Assyria was the first to intro- 
 
50 
 
 The Empire of Assyria 
 
 Provincial 
 Govern- 
 ment. 
 
 In the 
 West. 
 
 Fall of 
 Damascus 
 and Sa- 
 maria. 
 
 J 
 
 duce provincial government — a great advance in im 
 perial administration. The Assyrians also invented the 
 plan of removing the inhabitants of a city or district 
 from their homes and putting in their places other people 
 from a distant part of the empire. This is called depor- 
 tation. It destroyed the old feeling of local patriotism 
 and made people more willing to accept the rule of the 
 central government. Thus the empire was built up 
 solidly and all parts of it united under the rule of the 
 great king at Nineveh. 
 
 66. Rebellions of Vassals. — That Assyria's govern- 
 ment of conquered countries was not perfect is shown 
 by the many rebellions that arose among them. When- 
 ever they had the slightest encouragement to revolt, 
 they flew to arms. Thus Syria was constantly being 
 stirred up by Egypt, which during these centuries was 
 under the rule of the Libyan kings, and was trying to 
 get back its lost empire. In 745 B.C. Damascus and 
 Israel joined in such rebellion; as a result Tiglathpileser 
 III put an end to Damascus and severely punished Israel. 
 The latter, however, rebelled again, and perished at the 
 hands of Sargon in 722 B.C. All the better classes of 
 citizens were deported and the state became an Assyr- 
 ian province. 
 
 The king describes his capture of Samaria and punishment of 
 Israel in these words: "The city of Samaria I besieged; 27,290 
 inhabitants of it I carried away captive; fifty chariots in it I took 
 for myself, but the remainder (of the people) I allowed to retain their 
 possessions. I appointed my governor over them, and the tribute 
 of the preceding king I imposed upon them." 
 
 67. Rebellions in Judah. — Judah's king, Ahaz, had 
 already submitted to Assyria, but his son and successor. 
 
Rebellions 51 
 
 Hez'e-ki'ah, joined in a rebellion of the Syrian states, 
 which brought Sennacherib on the scene in 701 B.C. 
 He punished the rebels severely, but met with a disaster 
 which compelled him to retire without capturing Jeru- 
 salem. 
 
 The Old Testament describes the disaster thus: "It came to pass 
 that night that the angel of Jehovah went forth and smote in the 
 camp of the Assyrians an hundred fourscore and five thousand: 
 and when men arose early in the morning, behold, they were all 
 dead corpses. So Sennacherib, king of Assyria, departed, and went 
 and returned and dwelt at Nineveh" (2 Kings 19: 35, 36). 
 
 68. Rebellions in Babylonia. — A mighty revolt arose 
 in Babylonia against Ashurbanipal. The Chaldeans 
 (§ 48) had been unceasing enemies of Assyria ever since 
 her entrance into Babylonia, and now secured the aid 
 of the Elamites (§ 5). At this time a brother of the As- 
 syrian king was governor of Babylonia; he made com- 
 mon cause with them and invited other subject peoples 
 to join the conspiracy. The storm broke in 652 B.C.; 
 only by the most tremendous efforts did Ashurbanipal 
 gain the victory. The faithless brother perished in the 
 flames of his palace, and the other rebels, with their 
 allies, were fearfully punished. 
 
 69. Assyrian Civilization. — The kings of the family of 
 Sargon were wealthy and proud monarchs. Magnificent Architect- 
 palaces were built by them at Nineveh. Sargon founded "*' 
 
 in connection with his palace a city capable of holding 
 eighty thousand people. The palace itself filled twenty- 
 live acres and had at least two hundred rooms. The sculpture, 
 halls were lined with sculptured slabs of alabaster pict- 
 uring the king's campaigns; at either side of the great 
 door-ways stood mighty winged bulls carved in stone. 
 
52 The Empire of Assyria 
 
 The royal temple-tower with seven stories, each story 
 faced with tiles of a color dijfferent from that of the 
 others, rose out of the palace court one hundred and 
 forty feet high. Inscriptions describing the mighty deeds 
 of the kings in war and peace were written on the palace 
 
 Libraries, walls or on great monuments standing in the courts. In 
 the palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh was a library 
 consisting of tens of thousands of clay books arranged 
 on shelves. They consisted in part of official documents 
 and also of the choicest religious, historical and scien- 
 tific literature of the Babylonian and Assyrian world. 
 Ashurbanipal tells us of his youthful training, how "he 
 acquired the wisdom of (the god) Nabu, learned all the 
 knowledge of writing of all the scribes, and learned how 
 to shoot with the bow, to ride on horses and in chariots 
 
 The Debt to and to hold the reins." The Assyrians, however, were 
 a practical, not a literary, people; they were content to 
 accept all the learning of the Babylonians and did not 
 add to it. Their language and religion follow Baby- 
 lonian models. The god Ashur, the lord and patron of 
 the state, the leader of the armies in war, stood at the 
 head of the gods, the rest of whom have the same names 
 and characteristics as those of Babylonia. It is only just 
 to add, however, that nothing comparable in vigor and 
 composition to the Assyrian reliefs was produced by the 
 earlier people. 
 
 70. Assyrians as Administrators. — The Assyrians were 
 good warriors and excellent administrators. They knew 
 how to conquer and how to rule better than any peo- 
 ple that had hitherto appeared. They broke down the 
 separate nations of the east and welded them into a 
 unity. They spread abroad the civilization of the east 
 
 Babylon. 
 
PLATE VIII 
 
 An Assyrian Relief. Hunting Scene- 
 
 An Assyrian Relief. Battle Scene, the Storming of a City 
 TYPICAL ASSYRIAN SCENES 
 
The Fall of Assyria 53 
 
 throughout the empire and extended commerce. But The Fatal 
 they did not know how to attach conquered peoples to ^^^'^"^^s- 
 themselves and give them something to do beyond pay- 
 ing taxes. They were just, but not generous; toward 
 rebels and obstinate enemies they were outrageously 
 cruel. Hence their empire, although superior to all its 
 predecessors, did not endure. 
 
 Ashurnatsirpal describes the punishment of a rebellious city as fol- 
 lows: "I drew near to the city of Tela. The city was very strong; 
 three walls surrounded it. The inhabitants trusted to their strong 
 walls and numerous soldiers; they did not come down or embrace 
 my feet. With battle and slaughter I assaulted and took the city. Assyrian 
 Three thousand warriors I slew in battle. Their booty and posses- ^'"^''y- 
 sions, cattle, sheep, I carried away; many captives I burned with 
 fire. Many of their soldiers I took alive; of some I cut off hands and 
 limbs; of others the noses, ears, and arms; of many soldiers I put 
 out the eyes. I reared a column of the living and a column of heads. 
 I hung up on high their heads on trees in the vicinity of their city. 
 Their boys and girls I burned up in the flame. I devastated the city, 
 dug it up, in fire burned it; I annihilated it." 
 
 71. The Fall of the Assyrian Empire. — The fall of As- 
 syria was sudden and startling. At the death of Ash- 
 urbanipal, in 626 B.C., the empire seemed strong. But 
 on the eastern mountains the Medes had been gath- 
 ering from the far east, ready to descend upon the 
 plains in irresistible power. For a time Assyria beat 
 them off, but they returned. At last the province of 
 Babylonia broke away and allied itself with the Medes. 
 This was the finishing stroke. The next assault was 
 successful. Nineveh was taken in 606 B.C., and, with Destruction 
 its capture, Assyria vanished. So complete was its col- °^ Nmeveh. 
 lapse that the very site and name of Nineveh disap- 
 peared from the knowledge of mankind, only to be re- 
 
54 The Heirs of Assyria 
 
 covered by the investigations of scholars and travellers 
 in the last century. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what were the following places 
 noted: Samaria, Assur, Nineveh, Tyre? 2. For what were 
 the following famous: Sargon of Assyria, Sargon of Agade, 
 Ashurbanipal, Ramses II? 3. What is meant by province, 
 colony, shekel? 4. When did Sargon of Assyria live? 5. 
 What is the date of the fall of Nineveh? 6. What is the differ- 
 ence between Syria and Assyria? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Earliest Assyria. Good- 
 speed, pp. 127-130. 2. The Expansion under Tiglathpileser I. 
 Goodspeed, pp. 160-172. 3. The Kings of the House of Ashur- 
 natsirpal. Goodspeed, pp. 185-222. 4. The Rule of Sargon II. 
 Goodspeed, pp. 243-264. 5. The Fall of Assyria. Goodspeed. 
 pp. 320-330. 6. The Palace of Sargon. Goodspeed, pp. 259- 
 261. 7. The Heirs of Assyria. Goodspeed, pp. zZi-i3^- 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Rise of 
 
 Assyria. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, ch. 3. 2. The Dynasty 
 of Sargon. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, §§ 36-38. 3. The 
 Fall of Assyria. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, §§ 59-61. 4. 
 The Palace of Sargon. Ragozin, Assyria, pp. 278-294; Maspero, 
 Ancient Egypt and Assyria, ch. 11. 5. The Library of Ashurban- 
 ipal. Ragozin, Chaldea, Introduction, cti. 4; Maspero, Ancient 
 Egypt and Assyria, ch. 16. 6. " The Assyrian came down like 
 a wolf on the fold:" Does this line of Byron justly characterize 
 Assyrian warfare ? 
 
 7.— THE MEDIAN, CHALDEAN (NEW BABY- 
 LONIAN) AND LYDIAN EMPIRES 
 606-539 B.C. 
 
 72. Medes and Babylonians Heirs of Assyria. — The 
 
 Medes, whose sudden attack overthrew^ the Assyrian 
 empire, had been sifting into the eastern mountains for| 
 more than a century. They were the rear guard of a] 
 
The Medes and CJialdeans 55 
 
 migration of Indo-European peoples (j^ 5) which was to 
 ovcrwhehii the Semitic world (jj 3) and usher in a new 
 era. Their alliance with the rebellious province of Baby- 
 lonia brought about Assyria's fall and meant the divis- 
 ion of the world between the two victors. The Medes 
 received the eastern and northern mountain regions, 
 stretching from the Persian gulf to Asia Minor. The 
 Babylonians obtained the Mesopotamian valley west of 
 the Tigris and the Mediterranean coast-lands. Thus 
 two empires sprang up where Assyria had once ruled. 
 
 73. The Chaldean Empire. — Babylonia's rebellion 
 against Assyria really marked the victory of the Chaldeans 
 
 (§ 48) in their long struggle with the Assyrians. The new webuchad- 
 Babylonian empire therefore was a Chaldean empire. '■^^^*'■• 
 It had a short career of splendor under its greatest king, 
 Neb'u-chad-rez'zar (605-562 B.C.), who, secure from 
 outside attack by his alliance with the Medes, devoted 
 himself to the strengthening of his empire and the resto- 
 ration of the land and cities of Babylonia. He had End of 
 trouble with the subject kingdom of Judah, which re- 
 belled several times and was finally destroyed, its capi- 
 tal, Jerusalem, burned to the ground and the Jews de- 
 ported to Babylonia (586 B.C.). There they soon be- 
 came an industrious and wealthy part of the population. 
 The king spent vast sums of money in fortifying and 
 beautifying the city of Babylon. He surrounded it with 
 a triple wall, built splendid palaces and made magnifi- 
 cent gardens for his Median wife. Babylon in his time 
 was the largest, richest and most wonderful city of the 
 ancient world. 
 
 74. The Median Empire. — Meanwhile the Median em- 
 pire had been having a checkered experience. In the far 
 
56 
 
 The Heirs of Assyria 
 
 northwest it had come into conflict with the expanding 
 empire of Lydia, which had reduced all Asia Minor 
 under its yoke. From the north new migrations of 
 Scythians, a wild nomadic folk from central Asia, poured 
 over the borders. In the east and south a people closely 
 related to the Medes was growing in numbers and im- 
 portance. This people, called the Persians, was for a 
 time in subjection to the Medes. Under the leadership 
 of a great prince called Cyrus they rose up against their 
 Median lords and succeeded in overthrowing them. In 
 the year 550 B.C. Cyrus became king of the combined 
 peoples and founded the Persian empire. 
 
 75. The Kingdom of Lydia. — The Babylonian rulers 
 that followed Nebuchadrezzar set themselves with the 
 other powers of the world in opposition to Cyrus. Of 
 these the most important was the kingdom of Lydia. It 
 owed its greatness to the dynasty of Gy'ges who at about 
 700 B.C. had set aside the old ruling family of Midas 
 and put himself in its place. Gyges and his successors 
 — in particular Crce'sus (560-546 B.C.) — conquered the 
 entire coast of Asia Minor, making all the Greek cities, 
 except Mi-le'tus, tributary. They also extended their 
 sway to the Hellespont and in the interior to the Ha'lys 
 river, thus becoming by far the most powerful and opu- 
 lent state in the peninsula. The fame of Croesus for 
 wealth was so great that his name has become a syno- 
 nym for riches. Through his realm lay a main highway 
 from Assyria and Babylon to the ^Egean sea and a mixed J 
 culture developed in Lydia which was at once sympa- " 
 thetic to Greece and the orient. The father of Croesus 
 had fought with the Medes but later had made a peace 
 with them (585 B.C.). Now Croesus joined with Egypt, 
 

Home of the Persians 57 
 
 and even the leading Greek state, Sparta, in the en- 
 deavor to put a stop to the victorious career of Cyrus. 
 It was all in vain. Cyrus defeated Croesus, king of His Over- 
 Lydia, and captured him and his capital, Sardis (546 ^^^°'"- 
 
 B.C.). 
 
 76. Fall of Babylon. — Babylon was then attacked, and 
 yielded to him in 539 B.C. Thus the last Semitic em- 
 pire of the Mesopotamian valley passed away and a new 
 race took the reins of government over a wider world 
 than had ever fallen within the bounds of an ancient state. 
 
 8.— THE EMPIRE OF PERSIA: ITS FOUNDING 
 AND ORGANIZATION 
 
 550-500 B.C. 
 
 77. The Persian Land and People. — Not only did the Persis. 
 Persians belong to another race than the Semites of the 
 Tigris-Euphrates valley, but the centre of empire was 
 shifted by them farther to the east. This centre was 
 
 the broad and lofty region east of the Tigris, from which 
 the Za'gros mountains rise. These consist of a series of 
 high ridges running north and south with fertile valleys 
 between. The whole country lay on an average four thou- 
 sand feet above the sea and suffered from wide extremes 
 of climate. The people who inhabited it were vigorous 
 and hardy, simple in manners, given to the raising of 
 cattle and horses, or, in the few fertile valleys, to agri- 
 culture. Such were the Medes and Persians. Their 
 capitals lay in this region — Ec-bat'a-na in the north, 
 Per-sep'o-lis in the east and Susa in the west. From 
 this lofty land they went forth east and west to conquest 
 and the founding of their empire. 
 
58 The Empire of Persia 
 
 Iran. 78. Their Outlook. — To the east lay the mighty table- 
 
 land of Fran — i,ooo miles long and 700 miles wide — 
 girt about with high mountains. The greater part of 
 it is desert; only in the north and northeast are fertile 
 districts. On the slopes of the northern range along the 
 southeastern coast of the Caspian sea lay Hyrcania; far- 
 ther to the east was Parthia; far to the northeast in the 
 valleys of the lofty eastern mountains on the route lead- 
 ing from Eastern Turkestan over to India was the rich 
 land of Bactria. The western lands are familiar to us — ■ 
 the Mesopotamian valley, the coast-lands of the eastern 
 Mediterranean leading down to Egypt, and in the north- 
 west, Armenia, stretching away to the table-land of 
 Asia Minor and the coasts of the ^gean sea. Such 
 was the prospect opening before the Persians, eager to 
 enter into the struggle for the possession of these broad 
 lands. 
 
 79. Cyrus. — Cyrus, as we have seen, was the leader of 
 the Persians in this world-campaign; his conquest of 
 the empires of Media, Lydia and Babylonia has already 
 
 His Career, been described. During the remainder of his career he 
 seems to have added the eastern lands to his domain and is 
 said to have died in battle with an insignificant folk on 
 the far northeastern borders (530 B.C.). At the time of 
 his death his eldest son, Cambyses, was the heir to the 
 throne, and a younger son, Bard'i-ya, was governor of the 
 
 His Char- northcastem lands. Cyrus made a deep impression upon 
 
 acter. ^]^g ^^^^ q£ j^-g ^^^ ^^^ ^f ^^^^-g^ timcs. A Jewish 
 
 prophet hailed him as the one called by Jehovah to 
 deliver the Jews from their Babylonian captivity. The 
 Greek, Herodotus, calls him the father of his people, 
 and says that in the estimation of the Persians he was 
 
Dainus 59 
 
 above all comparison, being of all those of his time the 
 bravest and the best beloved. 
 
 80. Cambyses. — For Cambyses, his successor (530- 
 522 B.C.), one region remained unconquered — Egypt. 
 This he added to his domains. Before departing for 
 Egypt he had caused Bardiya to be put to death for fear 
 of his attempting to seize the throne. But this did not 
 prevent a pretender named Gau'ma-ta from stirring up 
 rebellion during his absence in Egypt, and Cambyses 
 
 died while returning to punish him. It seemed that the Darius, 
 pretender might succeed, but Darius, a cousin of Cam- 
 byses, was able to kill the rebel and to secure the throne 
 after fierce struggles in the heart of the realm. He ruled 
 for thirty-six years (521-485 B.C.) with splendid vigor 
 and wise statesmanship. 
 
 81. The Organization of the Empire. — Persia, on the 
 accession of Darius, occupied the entire known world of 
 the east. This world was a natural geographical whole, 
 some 3,000 miles in length and from 500 to 1,500 miles 
 in width, surrounded for the most part by seas, mountains 
 or deserts — " more than half the size of modern Europe." 
 But little attention as yet had been given to its organi- 
 zation. This was the first and most memorable work 
 of Darius. He followed the Assyrian system (§ 65) and 
 improved upon it. The empire was divided into about officials, 
 twenty provinces, each in charge of an official called the 
 satrap. Two assistants were given him, a secretary and 
 
 a general. All were appointed by the king; each was 
 independent of the others and kept watch upon them. 
 This arrangement made the three efficient and kept them 
 faithful. Each province had to pay taxes according to Taxes, 
 its ability; so wisely was the income from all Sources 
 
Provinces. 
 
 60 The Empire of Persia 
 
 organized that the sum realized may have been worth 
 fifty million dollars yearly. A system of coinage was in- 
 stituted and three royal coins were minted — the gold daric 
 ($5), the silver stater (50 cents) and the silver drachma 
 
 Army. (25 cents) . The army v/as made up of an imperial guard, 
 
 of native Medes and Persians, the "Immortals," and of 
 troops from the various provinces. The strongest corps 
 of the service was the cavalry armed with the bow. In one 
 thing especially the Persian government was superior to 
 
 Care of those that had gone before — in its provincial system. The 
 kings took special interest in the affairs of the province to 
 secure its peace and prosperity. Its customs and religion 
 were not interfered with. The satrap was enjoined to 
 secure justice and protection to the inhabitants. Trade 
 was encouraged. Roads were built and travel was made 
 safe and comfortable. A royal post carried messages from 
 the capital over these roads to the ends of the empire. 
 
 Herodotus describes the royal post in these words: "There is noth- 
 ing mortal which accomphshes a journey with more speed than these 
 messengers, so skilfully has this been invented by the Persians; for 
 they say that according to the number of the days of which the en- 
 tire journey consists, so many horses and men are set at intervals, 
 each man and horse appointed for a day's journey. Neither snow 
 nor rain nor heat nor darkness of night prevents each one of these 
 from accomplishing the task proposed to him with the very utmost 
 speed. The first rides and delivers the message with which he is 
 charged to the second, and the second to the third; and so it goes 
 through handed from one to the other." 
 
 82. The Early Persians. — ^Physically the early Per- 
 sians were great, strong men, with thick hair and beard, 
 clear-eyed and active; in character they were pure- 
 hearted and brave. The common people were intensely 
 
Persian Religion 61 
 
 devoted to their chiefs, who exhibited the characteristic 
 Persian virtues at their highest. Herodotus tells us that 
 the training of the sons of the nobles consisted in riding, 
 shooting the bow and speaking the truth. Their relig- Their 
 ion was lofty and inspiring. By their prophet, Zo'ro- ^''2'°°- 
 as'ter, who lived about looo B.C., they were taught that 
 two supreme divine Powers were in conflict for the mas- 
 tery of the world — the Power of Good and the Power 
 of Evil. Zoroaster called upon them to choose the 
 Good and fight for him against the Evil, to hate the 
 Lie and to love the Truth. Thus, all life was for them 
 a moral conflict, brightened by the faith that the Good 
 and True would finally be victorious. This simple and 
 sublime doctrine made them men of courage, nobility 
 and virtue, conscious of a mission to fulfil in the world. 
 
 83. Effect of Culture on the Persians. — But they were 
 still an uncultivated folk. When they came into pos- 
 session of the wide eastern world with its higher culture 
 and its lower morals, they were gradually corrupted. 
 They accepted the higher culture, but they were also 
 affected by the lower morality. This change appears 
 prominently in the royal court. The Babylonian forms 
 of court life were adopted. Persian devotion to the 
 chief became slavish subjection to the Great King, 
 whose slightest wish was law. The sudden increase of loss of 
 wealth, following upon the possession of the world, pro- ^^^ll 
 duced luxury and feebleness. In the realm of art and 
 architecture the ideals and achievements of Assyria and 
 Egypt were the models. Magnificent royal palaces at 
 Susa and Persepolis show little if anything that is new 
 in artistic style. An imposing grandeur appears, rising 
 out of the combination of all the old forms that the ar- 
 
62 The Empire of Persia 
 
 tists of the Semitic world had worked out, but that is all. 
 Of course these changes in manners and culture came 
 slowly. Later history was to reveal how low the Per- 
 sians were to fall before their work was done and their 
 empire was swept away. 
 
 84. "Wars of Darius. — Besides his scheme of organ- 
 ization, Darius extended his empire by means of war. 
 In the far east he advanced into India and added ■ the 
 valley of the Indus river to his dominions. In the west 
 he marched through Asia Minor across the Bosporus 
 Contact to attack the Scythians (about 510 B.C.). This expedi- 
 Greece. ^ion brought him into close contact with the Greeks. 
 It was the most important among a series of events 
 which led to the wars between the Persian empire and 
 the Greek states. With these wars the Greeks came 
 fully into the current of the world's history, to hold,^ 
 henceforth, the commanding position. Hence the centre 
 of our study shifts from the east to the west, from Persia 
 A.NewAge. to Greece. The old world of Asia falls back; the new 
 world of Europe takes its place (500 b.c). 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what were the following famous: 
 Cyrus, Nebuchadrezzar, Darius? 2. Who were the Scythians 
 the Lydians, the Jews, the Chaldeans? 3. For what are tl 
 following noted: Sardis, Carthage, Susa, Tyre, Persepolis^ 
 
 4. What is meant by drachma, papyrus, s&trap, province? 
 
 5. When did Nebuchadrezzar live? 6. When did Cyrus live? 
 
 ' SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Medo-Persian Tradition. 
 
 Goodspeed, pp. 320-326. 2. Nebuchadrezzar and Judah. Good- 
 speed, pp. 337-347. 3. The Renaissance of Babylonia under 
 . the Chaldeans. Goodspeed, pp. 353-360. 4. The City of Baby- 
 lon. Goodspeed, pp. 360-366. 5. Cyrus, the Enemy o^^a^- 
 lon. Goodspeed, pp. 372-376. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Baby- 
 lon of Nebuchadrezzar. Murison, Babylonia and Assyria, § 67; 
 
General Review 63 
 
 Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 9. 2. The Victories of Cyrus. Rago- 
 zin, Media, etc., ch. 11. 3. The Story of the Accession of Darius. 
 Herodotus, Book IT, pp. 67-S8; Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 13. 4. 
 The Organization of the Persian Empire. Encyclopedia Britan- 
 nica, article "Persia"; Sayce, Ancient Empires, pp. 247-250; 
 Ragozin, Media, etc., pp. 384-391. 5. The Scythian Expedition 
 of Darius. Herodotus, Book IV, pp. 1-142; Ragozin, Media, etc., 
 PI). 412-429. 6. The Palaces of Persepolis. Sayce, Ancient Em- 
 pires, pp. 270-272; Ragozin, Media, etc., pp. 391-41 1. 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART I 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. What were the chief in- 
 fluences of the geography of the oriental world upon its his- 
 tory? See §§ I, 2, 4, 13, 50, 62, 77, 78. 2. How did the in- 
 vasions of the desert and mountain tribes affect the history 
 of the oriental world? See §§ 5, 16, 35, 48, 55, 72, 74. 3. What 
 were the chief commercial products of the oriental world 
 and from what countries did each come? See §§ 18, 19, 20, 
 52, 53. 4, What special contribution to modern civilization 
 was made by each of the great peoples studied? 5. Trace 
 the growth of government in the oriental world, showing how 
 new ideas were added from time to time. See §§ 6-9, 11, 12, 
 15, 21, 37, 42, 52, 58. 65, 81. 6. What were the main points 
 of difference between the various religions of the. oriental 
 world? See §§ 34, 40, 55, 82. 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES.* i. Compare Babylonian- 
 Assyrian and Egyptian architecture as illustrated in Plate VI. 
 2. Enumerate such defects in Egyptian art as appear in Plates 
 IV, XXII. 3, From a study of Plate VIII, what subjects were 
 most successfully treated by the Assyrian artists? How does 
 
 I this illustrate the national character? 4. What conclusions 
 as to mode of fighting may be drawn from Plate III? 5. Draw 
 an outline map from memory of the field of ancient oriental 
 history, locating as many places and countries mentioned as 
 possible. 
 
 TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. The Pyramids. Maspero, 
 Dawn of Civilization, p]). 3''3-377; Egyptian Arcliaeology, ch. 3; 
 
 * See Appendix II and Tarbell, History of Greek Art, pp. 1-46. 
 
64 The Eastern Empires 
 
 Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, ch. 4; History of Egypt, ch, 7; Ency- 
 clopedia Britannica, article "Egypt" (sub-division "Pyramids"). 
 2. Compare the laws of Hammurabi given in the text with 
 the laws of the Hebrews contained in Exodus, chs. 21-23; 
 Deuteronomy 15 : 12-14; 19 : 16-21. See also The Biblical World, 
 March, 1903, pp. 175-190. 3. What did the ancient oriental 
 people think of the world? Maspero, Dawn of Civilization, pp. 
 16-22; Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Cosmology." 4. Write 
 an account of the departure of the Israelites from Egypt from 
 the standpoint of an Egyptian, using the account given in 
 Exodus, chs. I -14, as the basis of your study. 5. What na- 
 tions had stories of the flood? Ragozin, Story of Chaldea, ch. 
 6; Encyclopedia Britannica, article "Cosmology," also "Deluge." 
 6. What did the Nile do for Egypt? Maspero, Dawn of Civiliza- 
 tion, ch. i; Rawlinson, Story of Egypt, ch. i; Encyclopedia Britan- 
 nica, article "Egypt." 7. The Education of an Assyrian Boy. 
 Sayce, Babylonians and Assyrians, ch. 3; Goodspeed, History of 
 Babylonians and Assyrians, § 261. 8. Life and Times of Nebu- 
 chadrezzar. Goodspeed, Part IV, chs. 2-3; Maspero, Passing of 
 the Empires, pp. 513-568; Harper, in Biblical World, July, 1899; 
 Ragozin, Media, etc., ch. 9. 
 
II. THE GREEK STATES 
 
 2500-200 B. C. 
 
 PRELIMINARY SURVEY 
 
 85. Physical Geography of Greece. — From the vast 
 plains, broad rivers, mighty mountain chains, trackless 
 deserts, high table-lands, magnificent empires of the an- 
 cient east — where the works of nature and man alike 
 are huge, massive, steadfast and overpowering, and his- 
 tory is measured by centuries or even millenniums — 
 we turn to a very different scene in passing westward 
 across the ^gean sea to Greece. A petty peninsula, its 
 rivers are rushing torrents on which no ship can sail, and 
 its plains are deep, narrow basins between high ridges 
 and peaks. Taken in its fullest extent it is less than half The Home 
 as large as the state of Illinois. Still, though Greece is 
 small, it has striking natural characteristics. The lack 
 of rivers is made up by innumerable bays and inlets 
 from the sea, so that there is no spot of land which is 
 more than forty miles from it. Half-way down the 
 peninsula on its western side a deep gulf — the gulf of 
 Corinth — almost cuts off the southern part, the Pelopon- 
 nesus, while on the south are two bays, and on the east 
 five, one of which actually parts Euboea from the main- 
 land. Its mountains, though pursuing a general course 
 from northwest to southeast, fly off in every direction 
 from the Pindus range in the north to meet the sea, cut- 
 ting the land up into a variety of independent valleys 
 
 65 
 
66 
 
 Tlie Greek States 
 
 The 
 
 Islands. 
 
 Relations 
 to the 
 World 
 Without. 
 
 and glens, and towering above them in ridges and peaks 
 from five thousand to eight thousand feet in height, 
 sometimes bare and stern, often thickly wooded or 
 crowned with snow. Over sea, valley and mountain 
 gleams a brilliant sky; the play of light and shade upon 
 the varied scene is indescribably beautiful. From the 
 points of bold promontories that stand out into the 
 yEgean sea, islands, large and small, summits of lost 
 mountain-peaks, push forth one after the other toward 
 the eastward and go to meet similar islands that dot the 
 shores of Asia Minor. Far to the south, Crete lies across 
 the foot of the sea, sixty miles from the extremity of the 
 Peloponnesus and barely twice as far from Asia Minor. 
 
 86. Its Influence on Greek History. — Observe what 
 the position of Greece and her relation to the sea meant 
 for the life and history of her people. The ^F^gean, push- 
 ing far upward, received the trade of the northwest 
 while it also opened into the Black sea, down to the 
 northern and eastern shores of which came the roads 
 from the far northeast. The bays on the eastern side 
 of Greece, coupled with the innumerable islands that 
 stretched across the sea, made access easy for men com- 
 ing from the east, the early home of civilization. Thus 
 Greece lay at the very spot where the ways of progress 
 met, from north and east and south, and extended wel- 
 coming hands to the bearers of the world's best gifts. 
 Yet the land was also protected. No hostile force could 
 easily come down through the high mountains of the 
 north. Should ships bring enemies, the coasts alone 
 could be seized; the interior remained easily defensible. 
 Moreover, intercourse, by land in Greece, difficult on 
 account of the mountains, was made easy by inlets fror 
 
The Geography of Greece 67 
 
 the sea. Hence the Greeks, like the Phoenicians of the 
 eastern Mediterranean (§ 50), were early thrust forth on 
 the water, and learned how to defend their shores as 
 well as to engage in commerce with outside peoples. 
 Thus Greece was at the same time an accessible and a 
 defensible land. 
 
 87. On the Politics of Greece. — The mountains had 
 another important influence on Greek history. The 
 narrow secluded valleys, into which they broke up the 
 land, became seats of petty communities, each inde- 
 pendent of the other, each zealous to maintain its own 
 independence and each protected in its separateness by 
 
 the mountain barriers which girt it about. Hence, for a Disunion 
 long period, the history of Greece is a history of a variety °^ Greeks, 
 of small states; unity of political life was the last thing 
 secured and, when secured, was with difficulty main- 
 tained. On the other hand, this separateness in Greek 
 political life had its advantages. A wonderful variety 
 in forms of society and politics was produced, each state 
 working out its own local problems with substantial 
 freedom from interference and with the incitement of 
 healthy rivalry with its neighbors. 
 
 88. On the Greek Character. — In such physical con- 
 ditions and relations a peculiar type of man was pro- 
 duced that the world had not seen before. In these little 
 communities the single man counted for much. The 
 individual was not lost in the crowd; hence individuality 
 was an early trait of the Greek character. Devotion to 
 his own state and pride in its independence gave him 
 patriotism and a love of freedom. The beauty and 
 variety of the natural world all about bred in him sensi- 
 tiveness to form and color, while its steep, narrow and 
 
68 The Greek States 
 
 rugged ways made him healthy, strong and supple. 
 All his circumstances called for quickness of body and 
 mind, stimulated him to thought and action, and brought 
 out a variety of resource and achievement that has been 
 the admiration and the inspiration of mankind. Thus 
 it has been well said that " the Greeks owed their great- 
 ness largely to the country in which it was their fortune 
 to dwell." 
 Greek 89. The Greek People. — The Greeks belonged by 
 
 Traits 
 
 language to the Indo-European family (§ 5). If we may 
 judge from the ancient statues and from the prevailing 
 Greek type of to-day, they were tall and spare in build, 
 with oval face, long straight nose, bright large eyes, fair 
 complexion, of graceful and elastic carriage and a gen- 
 eral harmony of form, free from signal excess or defect 
 of any one characteristic. They were, in disposition, 
 genial and sunny, imaginative and inquiring, temperate 
 and chaste, vibrating between reasonableness and emo- 
 tion, with an ambition which was not always nice about 
 the means to gain its end, and a vivacity which leaned 
 toward fickleness. 
 
 89a. Main Divisions of Greek History. — We have the 
 following main divisions of this portion of our history: 
 
 1. The ^gean World and the Beginnings of Greece: 
 
 2500-1000 B.C. 
 
 2. The Middle (Homeric) Age: 1000-550 B.C. 
 
 3. The Development of Constitutional States: 700- 
 
 500 B.C. 
 
 4. Sparta and Athens. 
 
 5. The Greek Empires — Athenian, Spartan, Theban 
 
 and Macedonian: 500-336 B.C. 
 
Epochs of Greek History 69 
 
 6. Alexander the Great and the World-Empire: ZZ^')- 
 
 323 B.C. 
 
 7. The Hellenistic Age: 323-200 B.C. 
 
 8. The Western Greeks — The Transition to Rome: 
 
 350-275 B.C. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY OF GREEK HISTORY* 
 
 Abbott. A Skeleton Outline of Greek History. Macmillan Co. Useful 
 primarily for chronology. 
 
 Baikie. Sea-Kings of Crete. A. & C. Black. Interesting. 
 
 BOTSFORD. A History of Greece. Macmillan Co. A well-proportioned 
 narrative in moderate compass. Rather radical at times. 
 
 Burrows. The Discoveries in Crete. John Murray. An admirable 
 survey of the Cretan civilization. 
 
 Bury. History of Greece. Macmillan Co. The best single volume, 
 combining a detailed treatment with accurate and up-to-date knowl- 
 edge. Possibly too full for elementary use. 
 
 Capps. From Homer to Theocritus. Scribners. The most useful single 
 book; contains abundant extracts. 
 
 Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens. Macmillan Co. Begins where Bury ends. 
 
 Fowler. The City-Stale of the Greeks and Romans. Macmillan Co. 
 Belongs to the field of political science rather than of history. In- 
 terprets as no other book of its size the meaning of ancient political 
 institutions. 
 
 Fowler and Wheeler. Greek Archceology. American Book Co. A 
 simple, abundantly illustrated treatment of architecture, sculpture, 
 terra cottas, metal work, coins, gems, vases and mosaics, 
 
 Greenidge. a Handbook of Greek Constitutional History. Macmillan 
 Co. The only book of moderate size covering the whole field. 
 
 Jebb. Greek Literature (History Primer Series). American Book Co. 
 'Brief, but judicious, compact and illuminating. 
 
 Mahaffy. Old Greek Life. American Book Co. A convenient primer 
 of antiquities. 
 
 MoREY. Outlines of Greek History. American Book Co. A little 
 fragmentary, dealing in detail with the growth of civilization rather 
 than with outward history. 
 
 * For previous bibliographies, see § 5a. For bibliography for advanced 
 students and teachers, see Appendix I. 
 
70 The jEgean World 
 
 Murray. Ancient Greek Literature. Appleton. Keen, brilliant, fasci- 
 nating, but takes for granted a general knowledge of Greek life and 
 history. 
 
 Plutarch. Translation by Dryden, edited by Clough. 5 vols. Little, 
 Brown and Co.; or by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Bohn. 
 
 Shxtckburgh. History of the Greeks. Macmillan Co. Conventional 
 in arrangement but clearly and concisely written. 
 
 Tarbell. a History of Greek Art. Chautauqua Press. The best 
 single book on the subject. 
 
 Tucker. Life in Ancient Athens. Macmillan. "An excellent and 
 simply written little book." 
 
 ZiMMERN. Greek History. Longmans. Emphasizes the picturesque 
 sides of Greek History; written in a simple style for elementary 
 students. 
 
 1.— THE ^GEAN WORLD AND THE 
 BEGINNINGS OF GREECE 
 
 2500-1000 B.C. 
 
 90. The Neolithic Age. — The region of the ^gean 
 sea was the home of the earhest civihzation which has 
 left behind it material objects in the land of the Greeks. 
 This was a stone civilization (neolithic), and by the aid 
 of the many islands which make the ^Egean seem to the 
 navigator a series of land-locked channels and little 
 lakes, it became fairly uniform in all the region from 
 Troy to Crete. Indeed, it is probable that in the long 
 ago, between 5000 and 2500 B.C., the stone utensils and 
 weapons — the knives, spear and arrow heads, the needles 
 and other instruments used in the ^^gean were not dis- 
 similar to those which in general characterize the neo- 
 lithic age of Europe. Their most distinctive feature is 
 the use of the hard, black stone called obsidian, which is 
 found on the island of Melos. 
 
Crete 71 
 
 91. Egypt and Crete. — To this world, probably for a 
 long lime stagnant, came a strong impulse forward from 
 Egypt, with which, at the time of the Old Kingdom, it 
 came into contact. The entrance from the east and 
 south into the ^Egean sea is blocked by the great, long- 
 ranging island of Crete, which is thus determined by 
 geographical position as the first of the lands of Europe 
 to receive the culture of the East. Crete was accord- 
 ingly the forerunner of Greece, and the Cretans, called 
 by the Egyptians the Keftiu, were for about a thousand 
 years (2500-1500 B.C.) the rivals of the Egyptians and 
 Babylonians in the arts and sciences and, indeed, in 
 some respects, their masters. 
 
 92. Crete and the Greeks. — The Cretans were ap- 
 parently not Greeks, but may have been kinsmen of the 
 early inhabitants of Asia Minor. They wrote their 
 language by the means of pictographs like those of 
 Egypt, and of linear characters like those of the Phoeni- 
 cians. We are as yet unable to read either system, but Systems of 
 it seems quite probable that what they conceal is a non- 
 Greek speech like that of the Et'eo-cre'tans, who in later 
 times dwelt on part of the island. The Greeks may have The First 
 advanced from the region of the lower Danube into the 
 peninsula of Greece as early as 2500-2000 B.C., but it was 
 not till about 1500 B.C. that, after a long period of rude 
 barbarism, they assimilated the high culture radiating 
 from Crete; and it was not till the Cretan age had come 
 to an end that they spread over the insular world and 
 eventually occupied the western coast line of Asia Minor. 
 In fact, the decay of Crete and the destruction by fire of 
 its palaces and towns at about 1350 B.C. may be connected 
 with the stormy advent of the Greeks in what from that 
 
 Writing. 
 
 Greek Mi- 
 gration. 
 
72 
 
 The j^gean World 
 
 The 
 
 Mycenaean 
 Age. 
 
 Middle 
 Minoan II. 
 
 Late 
 Minoan II. 
 
 Frescoes. 
 
 Porcelain. 
 
 day to this has been their natural home. The high civi- 
 Lzation common to the entire ^gean world between 1500 
 and 1 150 B.C. we term My'ce-nse'an from Mycenae in 
 Argolis, where was its most vigorous centre. 
 
 93. Cretan Culture. — The Cretan age may be divided 
 into three periods, called Mi-no'an, which correspond 
 closely in time with the Old, Middle and New King- 
 doms in Egypt. Of these the second (ca. 2200-1600 
 B.C.) reached its acme in what we may term the Ka-ma'- 
 res epoch (ca. 2200 B.C.) from the style of vase painting 
 which characterizes it, while the bloom-time of the third, 
 commonly called the Palace epoch, coincides with the 
 eighteenth Egyptian dynasty (1580-1350 B.C.). 
 
 94. Cretan and Mycenaean Pottery. — The Kamares 
 epoch is distinguished from the ages which it followed 
 and preceded by the production of a shapely, thin, wheel- 
 turned pottery with an exclusively linear decoration, and 
 use of many colors — such as reds and whites. The 
 fondness of the period for grotesque and striking, though 
 rich, effects was but a temporary fashion, however, and 
 it soon yielded to the taste for the sober black through 
 brown to yellow color scheme which characterizes the 
 pottery of the Mycenaean age. This later ware went 
 directly to nature for its designs, and displaced spirals, 
 circles, scrolls and arabesques with wonderful sketches 
 of animal and vegetable, and especially marine life. 
 Along with painting, the art of frescoing prospered, and 
 with it the art of working and coloring low relief on 
 pottery, stone and metal. A fine porcelain made its ap- 
 pearance, the several pieces — such as crosses, cows and 
 goats suckling their young, flying fishes — being used for 
 the ornamentation of the interior walls of the houses. 
 
i;KJSis2SJij£l^ 
 
Crete 73 
 
 95. The Palace at Cnossus. — All these various arts 
 combined with that of the architect to give shape and 
 beauty to the great palace at Cnossus, which, constructed 
 first at ca. 2200 B.C., was rebuilt in ca. 1900 B.C., and 
 thoroughly remodelled at about 1800 B.C. in the form 
 in which it stood when wiped out by the final conflagra- 
 tion. Like all the Cretan palaces it was unfortified. It 
 formed a great complex of rooms, corridors and closets 
 set about a vast central court, and rambled in all direc- 
 tions over an area of five acres. Possessing, as it did, 
 all the conveniences of modern sanitation, it was obvi- 
 ously a comfortable place to live in. Light and airy, it Labyrinth 
 had the same general characteristics as the "Labyrinth" and Crete, 
 of the twelfth dynasty, in imitation of which it was 
 doubtless erected. In beauty of interior decoration, as 
 
 well as in size, it probably surpassed all residences built 
 afterward in Greece before the Hellenistic Age. After 
 the conflagration the basement and part of the first 
 story stood half ruined and covered with debris, a maze 
 of passages and chambers — the Labyrinth of the legend 
 of Minos (§ 122). 
 
 96. The Lords and Ladies of Cnossus. — We have to 
 conceive of it in the Palace period as the home of a gay 
 and rich court. Then it was tenanted by low-statured 
 slender men with Caucasian features, clad only in a 
 loin-cloth richly decorated but carrying a dagger with 
 inlaid blade in a belt close drawn round the waist. Then Cretan 
 it was adorned by a company of ladies dressed in strangely 
 modern, low-necked, short-sleeved, close-fitting bodices 
 with flounced skirts, long flowing and richly embroidered. 
 
 Its lord was a monarch whose fleets ruled the sea and 
 whose merchant-men went in safety whither they pleased. 
 
74 The ^gean World 
 
 97. The Mycenaean World. — Already in the Palace 
 epoch the culture of Crete had been carried north and 
 west into Greece; so that the Mycengean world reached 
 from Py'los and A-my'clge north past Tir'yns, Mycenae, 
 Attica and Orch-om'en-us to the gulf of Pag'a-sas, and 
 in its later days included the islands on the west coast of 
 Greece and not only Troy, but also the Cyclades and the 
 entire western fringe of Asia Minor; while its pottery 
 and other wares not only reached Egypt, like those of 
 the Cretans, but were also carried as far west as Sicily 
 and Spain. The most important outside contact of this 
 world was with Egypt of the New Empire, of which 
 many monuments have been found at its various cen- 
 tres. Ultimately, moreover, it developed an active com- 
 mercial and colonizing activity in Cyprus and Asia Minor, 
 thus tapping in both its Syrian and Anatolian channels 
 the stream of culture which had its source in Babylonia. 
 
 98. Fortifications and Communications. — Its civili- 
 zation is in general that of Crete of the Palace epoch. 
 It had the same dress, weapons and habits of life, but, 
 since power was divided between a great many little mon- 
 archies, each town had to be strongly fortified. Hence 
 the massive walls twenty to sixty feet thick — with cun- 
 ningly contrived portals — set around low hills which for 
 greater safety were selected a short distance from the 
 sea, have no parallel in Crete. Within these rugged for- 
 tifications stood the palace of the ruler and the houses 
 of his courtiers; outside lay the huts of his subjects. 
 The whole community centred in the autocrat, who, on 
 occasion, might be the lord of a wide realm. Thus at 
 one time the despots of Mycense bound all the territory 
 froin their capital to the isthmus of Corinth by a system 
 
PLATE XIII 
 
 THE LION GATE: MYCEN^ 
 
 BEE HIVE TOMB: TREASURY OF ATREUS 
 
O 
 
 •z 
 
 > 
 
 X 
 H 
 
 b 
 O 
 
The Mycencean World 75 
 
 of massive and durable roads. Their use was economic 
 rather than mih'tary, since they seem to have been too 
 narrow for the chariots on which the king and his sol- 
 diers drove to battle. The land was, accordingly, the 
 scene of a lively trafhc; on the sea boats shot like shut- 
 tles between the islands. Far beyond the confines of Articles of 
 the i^gean sea sped the articles of Mycenaean commerce. °'""^"<^^- 
 The graves disclose what these were; for in them have 
 been found masks of gold, cups of gold and silver, arm- 
 lets, bracelets, beads, chains, diadems, ear-rings, neck- 
 laces, rings, and vases — all of gold. There were bronze 
 swords with inlaid work. There were glazed and painted 
 pottery of various and striking patterns, decorated with 
 scenes from land and sea. There were vases of alabaster, 
 of marble and of terra-cotta. Into the iEgean tract came, 
 on the other hand, the products of far-distant countries, 
 tin, jade, amber, for examples. Like every high culture 
 the Mycenaean had a strong power of attraction for com- 
 modities and men, and we may be sure that the faces of 
 many strange peoples were familiar in the country at this 
 time. 
 
 99. The Beehive Tombs. — In the earlier age it was Respect foi 
 doubtless a general custom to pay respect to the dead, ^^^ ^^^^' 
 but it was not till now that provision for the after-life 
 of the kings became one of the chief public interests of 
 the living. Monarchs now strove to secure great tombs, 
 beehive in shape, comparable, though far from equal, to 
 the pyramids of Egypt, to which a similar regard for the 
 welfare of the departed gave rise. The spirits of the 
 dead were thought to need a habitation near the body 
 and to receive from the living the arms, weapons, utensils, 
 food and drink without which living was unthinkable. 
 
76 
 
 The Begin7iings of Greece 
 
 Sacred 
 Trees and 
 Pillars. 
 
 Cretan and 
 Mycenaean 
 Deities. 
 
 Causes. 
 
 100. Religion. — Quite different from this cult of the 
 dead was the worship of the gods, as to the character of 
 which many relics testify. Primitive man regards nat- 
 ure not merely as a complex of things and processes, but 
 as the abode of spirits (§ 112). These he tries to con- 
 trol by magic. He also tries to placate and propitiate 
 them, and thus singles out specific deities whose char- 
 acteristics — desires and dislikes — he comes to know. 
 Such deities the Cretans and Mycenaeans worshipped, 
 not as idols of human form, but as sacred trees and 
 pillars, in which they thought their deities were perma- 
 nently or temporarily resident; and long after they came 
 to think of these deities as human in shape they continued 
 to revere the stocks and stones which were from of old 
 set behind the altars and in the precincts or caves where 
 offerings were placed. The most notable of the Cretan 
 and Mycenaean deities were a male god of the Sky, 
 Thunder and War, the prototype of the Greek Zeus, 
 whose attribute was the double axe with which he slew 
 his enemies; and a female goddess whose attribute was 
 the dove, whose province was the mystery of birth, and 
 whose popularity is witnessed by myriads of little clay, 
 stone and metal images which were placed in her shrines 
 by her votaries. 
 
 1 01. The Decline of the Mycensean World. — About 
 1 1 50 B.C. this rich Mycenaean civilization declined rapidly. 
 The blight which simultaneously ended a culture epoch 
 in Egypt and Babylon (§§ 17, 39) affected the iEgean 
 district also. The cause was no doubt in each instance 
 internal decay; but this was accompanied, as in the 
 similar case of the Roman empire over fifteen hundred 
 years later, by external invasions. 
 
The "Dorian" Migration 77 
 
 102. The Second Greek (Dorian) Migration. — It was 
 
 about this time that the so-called northwest Greeks, who 
 had been left behind in the mountains when their kinsmen 
 possessed the areas of Mycenaean culture, and who re- 
 tained the barbarism which their more fortunate van- 
 guard had lost through contact with Crete, now ad- 
 vanced to the south and east. Subsequently Thessalians 
 appear in Thessaly, Boeotians in Boeotia, Elians and 
 Dorians in the Peloponnesus and Dorians in all the 
 large islands of the south iEgean — Crete inclusive — as 
 well as in the southwestern part of Asia Minor. At Italians, 
 the same time, it may well be, the Italians pushed into 
 the peninsula to which they gave their name, and the 
 Phrygians branched off from their kinsmen in Thrace Phrygians, 
 and advanced violently into the heart of Asia Minor. 
 
 103. The Decline of the Ancient Eastern Culture. — The End of 
 It was this avalanche pressing on from behind which culture 
 dislodged Etruscans, Shardani, Danaei, Lycii, Peleset ^'^°'^^' 
 and other peoples from their ^gean homes and forced 
 
 them to seek new abodes for themselves and their fam- 
 ilies and possessions in Syria, Egypt and the far west 
 (§§ 39' 54> 344)- It was this avalanche which over- 
 whelmed the Mycenaean world, and forced fugitives from 
 the east coast of Greece to scurry across the ^gean, 
 thus reinforcing their kinsmen who had earlier settled in 
 central and northern Asia Minor. There — in ^Eolia and 
 Ionia — Mycenaean Greek life lingered on through the 
 dark age which followed to reach a new bloom in the 
 time of Homer. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What part do the following play in 
 the physical geography of Greece : theiEgean, the Pindus, the 
 gulf of Corinth? 2. For what are the following places noted 5 
 
78 The jEgean World 
 
 Mycenae, Troy, Cnossus? 3. Locate from memory on an out- 
 line map the chief points at which remains of Mycenaean 
 civilization have been found. 4. At about what time was the 
 Mycenaean civilization at its height? 5. At about what time 
 did the Dorian invasion occur? 6. Describe the conditions 
 in the ^gean world at the time of the advent of the Greeks. 
 7. What was the position of Crete in this world? 8. Charac- 
 terize the Cretan pottery. 9. Describe the palace at Cnossus 
 and the people who occupied it. 10. Compare Cretan and 
 Mycenaean architecture. 11. What were the characteristics 
 of the Cretan religion? 12. Describe the Dorian invasion and 
 its effect upon the distribution of Mycenaean civilization. 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. What was going on in the ori- 
 ental world during the bloom-time of Crete? 2. Compare 
 the articles of commerce of the Mycenaean Greeks with those 
 of the Phoenicians (§ 50). 3. Compare the effect of the Do- 
 rian invasion of Greece with that of the Hyksos invasion of 
 Egypt (§§ 35-36). 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Geography of Greece. 
 Bury, pp. 1-5. 2. The Mycenaean Age: (a) Its Remains, Bury, 
 pp. 11-30. {h) Its History in Greece, Bury, pp. 31-43. (c) Its 
 Expansion, Bury, pp. 43-53. 3. Phoenician Influence on Greece, 
 Bury, pp. 76-78. 4. Early Cretan Civilization, Bury, pp. 7-1 1. 
 5. The Dorian Invasion and Its Effect upon Greek Migration. 
 Bury, pp. 57-63. 6. The Effect of the lUyrian Pressure upon 
 Thessalians, ^Etolians and Boeotians, Bury, pp. 53-57. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Story 
 of Theseus. Plutarch, Life of Theseus. 2. The Hill of Hagia 
 Triada: Its Treasons. Burrows, pp. 29-39. 3« The Geog- 
 raphy of Greece. MKk^y. PP- 72-77. 4. The Mycenaean Age: 
 (a) Its Remains, ^I^VH^> PP- 86-91. (6) Its History in Greece, 
 Moray, pp. 91-94. X^; Its 'Expansion, Botsford, pp. 8-10. 5. 
 The Earliest History of Greece. Bury, pp. 6-1 1. 6. Myths 
 and Legends of the Heroic Age. Morey, pp. 83-86. 7. The 
 Epic Poets. Botsford, pp. lo-ii; Morey, pp. 94-96; Capps, pp. 
 14-20. 8. Palaces and Their Contents in the Middle Minoan 
 Period. Burrows, pp. 55-65, 85-92. 
 
 I 
 
Social and Political Elements 79 
 
 3.— THE MIDDLE (HOMERIC) AGE 
 
 1000-550 B.C. 
 
 104. The New Beginning. — In the new Greece that 
 came into being when the turmoil of the migrations had 
 subsided civilization must in a sense begin all over again. 
 The incomers were numerous; the old civilization was 
 too weak to absorb and win its peaceful victory over 
 them, as was the case in so many similar situations in 
 
 the ancient east (§§ 16, 36). They came with their occupa- 
 flocks and herds and for a time continued the old pas- *'°°^' 
 toral life. Apart from the raising and pasturing of their 
 cattle, hunting and fighting were their favorite activities. 
 But as they settled down, agriculture was taken up; 
 fields were sown; vineyards planted; the fig and the 
 olive cultivated. In time industries came in. At first, 
 everything needed was made at home, but gradually the 
 various trades appeared, the blacksmith, the potter, the 
 carpenter, the leatherworker, ,the bowmaker and the 
 spinner. For a long time any kind of industry was looked 
 upon as unworthy of freemen. Even heralds, physi- 
 cians, seers, singers, poets and jugglers were together 
 counted as workmen and, thougty«espected, had no so- 
 cial standing. First the warrior,^nd then the farmer, 
 were the gentlemen of Greece. 
 
 105. Social and Political Elements. — The new-comers 
 brought the tribal system with them into the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. In the tribe the chief subdivision is the The Broth- 
 brotherhood (phra'try) the members of which are bound 
 together by a tie of blood-relationship. Each is the 
 
 equal of his brother. He eats at the common table. 
 
80 The Middle Age of Greece 
 
 He must be ever ready in arms at the call of the tribe to 
 battle. If slain by an enemy, it rests upon his fellow- 
 brothers to avenge him by killing any and all of the 
 hostile tribe or brotherhood whose member took his 
 life.* At the head of the tribe is the king, the chief 
 among equals, surrounded by his council, the elders, 
 men of valor over sixty years old. He leads the tribe 
 in war; he is the judge and the priest in peace. The 
 tribesmen, gathered in close array, armed for war, con- 
 stitute the public assembly for the settlement of tribal 
 affairs. 
 
 1 06. Rise of Aristocracy. — When these wandering 
 tribes settled down in the narrow valleys of Greece, 
 tribal unity was broken up. Each petty community 
 began to live for itself. The land was definitely occupied 
 and each family to which a "lot" was assigned came to 
 own it and, where possible, added more. Some fami- 1 
 lies grew great and strong and began to claim superior- 
 ity thereby. Other families grew poor and became de- 
 pendent upon their richer neighbors. The strong be- 
 came proud and called themselves Ar'is-toi, "the best" 
 people. Thus an "aristocracy" grew up with its depend- 
 ents. The noble head of an aristocratic family led his 
 people in war and protected them in peace. He lived 
 on his estates in rude luxury, surrounded by his family 
 and dependents. An aggregation such as this consisting 
 of a noble or a group of nobles and their dependents 
 who were at once their serfs and their retainers we 
 call a clan (ge'nos). The members thought they were 
 sprung from a god or demi-god peculiar to themselves 
 and to him as the progenitor of their race they attached 
 * This is called the law of blood-revenge. 
 
 I 
 
The City-State 81 
 
 themselves by a pedigree, and in his honor they per- 
 formed special religious rites in which none but mem- 
 bers could participate. The king soon began to find that 
 these great noble families were too strong for him; in 
 time he lost his powers, one after the other, keeping at 
 last only his religious functions. The aristocracy stepped 
 into his place and ruled the state by a council of chiefs, 
 administering justice and making war. In this new sit- 
 uation the old tribal equality faded away. The public 
 assembly, though still existent, had no power in the new 
 aristocratic state. The nobles were the state. 
 
 107. The City-State. — The usual and characteristic 
 form taken by these states was the city, just as in the 
 primitive east (§ 11). The Greek city came into exist- its origia 
 ence by a union of the petty villages of a district. The 
 inhabitants for the most part migrated to a common 
 spot and there took up their residence. The political 
 powers of the several communities were given to the new 
 state. There the officials lived and administered justice; 
 there the public assembly met; there the citizen exer- 
 cised his rights. There was the centre of political life. 
 There was set up the worship of the common gods. It 
 thus resulted that everywhere throughout progressive 
 Greece the agricultural population was made urban in 
 its character. The ordinary city was in fact essentially 
 an aggregate of farmers who tilled the land in its vicinity. 
 In this way the social and political advantages of city life its unique- 
 were brought within the reach of everybody.* Thus a °^^"* 
 
 * The case of Athens is not typical; for Athens is peculiar in that be- 
 cause of the size of its territory (Attica) it absorbed the village population 
 less completely than any other city-state in Greece. Hence in Attica 
 many villages inhabited by citizens — such as Acharnae and Sunium — 
 continued to exist. 
 
82 The Middle Age of Greece 
 
 fundamental difference appears between the eastern and 
 the Greek city-state. In the former all power was lodged 
 in a king, and his people were subject to him and depend- 
 Freedom cnt upon him for all things (§21). But in the Greek 
 i^ns^ ^''" city-state there was always a measure of popular free- 
 dom; to be a citizen was to have some political rights and 
 duties. The king was never a despot, nor did the rule of 
 the aristocracy destroy the old rights of the freeman, 
 although it often limited his exercise of them. But they 
 were always capable of being revived and enlarged should 
 the proper occasion offer itself. The Greek city was also 
 economically independent. The citizens produced their 
 own wealth and employed it for the city's interest, not 
 for those of a king and his court. 
 
 Thucydides, the Athenian historian, gives the following account 
 of the origin of the city-state of Athens: 
 
 "In the days of Ce'crops and the first kings, down to the reign of 
 The'seus, Athens was divided into communes, having their own 
 town-halls and magistrates. Except in case of alarm the whole peo- 
 ple did not assemble in council under the king, but administered 
 their own affairs, and advised together in their several townships. 
 Some of them at times even went to war with him, as the Eleusin- 
 Theseus. ians under Eu-moKpus with E-rech'theus. But when Theseus came 
 to the throne, he, being a powerful as well as a wise ruler, among 
 other improvements in the administration of the country, dissolved 
 the councils and separate governments, and united all the inhabi- 
 tants of Attica in the present city, establishing one council and town- 
 hall. They continued to live on their own lands, but he compelled 
 them to resort to Athens as their metropolis, and henceforward they 
 were all inscribed on the roll of her citizens. A great city thus arose 
 which was handed down by Theseus to his descendants, and from 
 his day to this the Athenians have regularly celebrated the national 
 festival of the Syn-oi'ki-a, or union of the communes, in honor of the 
 goddess Athena." 
 
 
The " Iliad " and " Odyssey " 83 
 
 108. A New Impulse: Commerce. — The history of the 
 Greek world is henceforth and chiefly the history of 
 these city-states in their growth and relations to one 
 another. The first to become prominent were those The Hast- 
 en the Asiatic side of the .Egean sea. They had been 
 
 the least disturbed by the migrations; indeed, by the 
 advent of those who fled out of Greece from before the 
 new-comers they had been distinctly benefited. An 
 activity, new for this age, began to be cultivated among 
 them — commerce. It made them vigorous, enterprising 
 and wealthy. Miletus was the leader, followed by its 
 rivals, Ephesus, Colophon, Magnesia, Samos, Chios and 
 Myt-i-le'ne. Soon the impulse spread to the western 
 side of the sea and commercial cities appeared there — 
 Chalcis and E-re'tri-a upon the island of Euboea, as 
 well as Meg'a-ra, Corinth and ^-gi'na. A lively trade, 
 especially in natural products, sprang up between these 
 cities and gave a stimulus to manufacturing, and occa- 
 sionally some manufactured article was exported. Thus 
 Miletus was famous for its woollen garments, Euboea for 
 its purple cloths, Chalcis and Corinth for pottery, other 
 cities for metal-work and chariots. 
 
 109. Beginnings of Literature. — But for all this com- 
 merce was still in its infancy. Both in the most pro- 
 gressive cities which took part in maritime enterprises 
 and in the great number of smaller states which did not 
 the dominant interest remained agricultural, and it was 
 a nobility of country gentlemen which everywhere formed 
 the highest social class. The nobles and the wealthy 
 sought entertainment for their leisure and found it in 
 music and song. In these cities appeared a class of The 
 singers who, accompanying their song with the lyre, 
 
84 The Homeric Age 
 
 produced the first literature of Greece. Tliey sang of 
 gods and heroes, of battles, sieges and adventures by 
 land and sea, of the loves and hates, the sins and virtues 
 of men and gods, of the worlds above and below this 
 earth and of all the splendid life of the mighty of old. 
 They laid under contribution all of religion and history 
 that had come down to them from the dim past. 
 
 Such was the singer described in the "Odyssey," viii, 62: "Then 
 the henchman drew near, leading with him the beloved minstrel, whom 
 the Muse loved dearly, and she gave him both good and evil; of his 
 sight she reft him, but granted him sweet song. Then Pon-ton'ous, 
 the henchman, set for him a high chair inlaid with silver, in the midst 
 of the guests, leaning it against the tall pillar, and he hung the loud 
 lyre on a pin, close above his head, and showed him how to lay his 
 hands on it. The Muse stirred the minstrel to sing the songs of 
 famous men, even that lay whereof the fame had then reached the 
 wide heaven, namely, the quarrel between Odysseus and Achilles, 
 son of Peleus; how once on a time they contended in fierce words at 
 a rich festival of the gods, but Agamemnon, king of men, was inly 
 glad when the noblest of the Achasans fell at variance. This song it 
 was that the famous minstrel sang." 
 
 110. The Epics. — In time these songs came to be 
 woven together into a series of greater poems, in hexam- 
 eter verse, dealing with particular events, like the story 
 of the ship "Argo" and its crew of bold heroes led by 
 Jason (§ 127), or that of the "Seven against Thebes" 
 (§ 123), or that of the "Siege of Troy" and the "Wan- 
 Homer, derings of Odysseus." These are called epics, and the 
 most famous of them are said to have been the work of 
 Homer and are known to us as the "Iliad" and the 
 "Odyssey." For centuries these cycles of song passed 
 down from singer to singer unwritten, until finally, when 
 
of Achilles. 
 
 The Greek Religion 85 
 
 the age of the singers was passing, they were written 
 down. 
 
 111. Life of the Times. — From these epics comes a The shield 
 vivid picture of the Hfe of the times, nowhere more strik- 
 ingly exhibited than in the description of the scenes on 
 the shield of Achilles in the eighteenth book of the " Ihad " 
 (lines 483-606). There appears city-life, the marriages 
 and the leading of the brides through the city with songs, 
 the public assembly where the judges give Justice between 
 the slayer and the slain, the siege and battle, fell Death 
 in the midst, her raiment red with the blood of men, 
 the field ploughed with oxen, the sweet wine given to the 
 laborer, the binding of the sheaves at harvest, the vine- 
 yard with its black and luscious grapes and the gatherers 
 listening to the "Linos" song, the cattle in the pasture 
 attacked by lions, the sheep and the sheepfolds, the dance, 
 the maidens clad in fine linen with wreaths on their 
 heads, and the youth in well- woven doublets with golden 
 daggers in silver sheaths, the great company standing 
 round the lovely dance in joy.* 
 
 112. Religion. — As we have already seen (§ 100), the 
 Mycenaean Greek, like the oriental (§ 34), thought of 
 the world as peopled by divine powers that influenced 
 human life. Every spring, every forest, every height, 
 the wind and the storm, the lights flaming in the sky, 
 the deep and rolling sea and the bright heaven revealed 
 
 * Other passages in which graphic pictures of life in Homeric times 
 are set forth are the following: "Iliad," ii, 211 ff. (Thersites — the first 
 demagogue); iii, 120 (Helen describes Greek leaders to Priam); vi. 
 369 ff. (Parting of Hector and Andromache): "Odyssey," xv, 403 ff. 
 (Phoenician traders); vii, 81 _^. (Palace and estate of a king); xiv, 191 
 ff. (Career of an adventurer) ; vi, iff. (Story of Nausicaa) ; xi, iff. (Ulysses 
 in the lower world). ' 
 
86 
 
 The Homeric Age 
 
 Element. 
 
 The 
 
 Olympian 
 
 Gods. 
 
 the presence and activity of the gods. But in the age 
 of the Epics he was not satisfied until he had formed 
 Its Human clcar-cut and vivid ideas of these powers. Above all, he 
 thought of them as looking and acting like himself, only 
 on a grander scale. The best that he could desire him- 
 self to be, that he imagined the gods were. When the 
 singers sang of the gods, they pictured them as glorified 
 and beautiful beings. Thereby they gave to Greek re- 
 ligion its most characteristic stamp; they made it a re- 
 ligion of supreme human beauty. Another thing they 
 did. They organized this vast and confused variety of 
 gods. They sang of the family of the great gods, twelve 
 or more in number, dwelling in the far north on Mt. 
 Olympus, from whose snow-crowned summit they di- 
 rected the universe. Zeus, the mighty father, was the 
 ruler of gods and men. His wife was He'ra; his brothers, 
 Po-sei'don, whose domain was the sea, and Pluto, lord of 
 the underworld and the dead; his children, A-pol'lo, god 
 of light, A-the'na, goddess of wisdom, Aph'ro-di'te, god- 
 dess of love, A'res, god of war, Ar'te-mis, goddess of the 
 forest and the hunt, Her'mes, the divine messenger, and 
 He-phaes'tus, the lame god of fire and the forge; and 
 other notable figures, Her'a-cles, the hero of many la- 
 bors, E'ros, god of desire, De-me'ter, goddess of the 
 earth and its fruits, her daughter Cora (or Per-seph'o-ne), 
 wife of Pluto, and Di'o-ny'sus, god of the vine. The 
 singers did not much care about the moral character of 
 these divine beings. They are sometimes represented 
 as quarrelling, lying or deceiving; even worse actions 
 are told of some of them. What the poets saw in them 
 was their human interests, with artistic sense they made 
 them always beautiful and only sometimes good. Yet 
 
 The Gods 
 Non-moral 
 
Greek Colonization 87 
 
 Zeus was the judge of human and divine deeds; Apollo 
 punished wrong-doing and was the type of moral beauty. 
 And in those days it was no small boon to turn men's 
 minds away from stocks and stones, and present for 
 their worship, instead of objects of nature, human-like 
 forms, gloriously gracious. Thus one could approach, 
 and know them as those who, even if higher, were yet 
 like himself, who enjoyed what he enjoyed at its best, 
 and who bade him imitate them in measure and har- 
 mony of life. It is true that this region was only for the 
 present life. In the dim light of existence beyond the The other 
 grave, in the place which they called Ha'des, the Greeks 
 saw little that was attractive. The saying of Achilles 
 long remained true of their feeling: "Rather would I 
 live upon the earth as the hireling of another, with a 
 landless man who had no great livelihood, than bear 
 sway among all the dead that be departed." 
 
 113. Beginnings of Colonization. — The population of 
 Greece kept increasing steadily after the Dorian migra- 
 tion, and by 750 b.c. it exceeded the power of the little 
 patches of arable land to sustain it. The over-popula- 
 tion manifested itself in dissatisfaction with the harsh 
 rule of the nobles and in the severity of the struggle for 
 
 bare existence. Men needed more land and went abroad Causes of 
 to seek it. It was natural for them to assemble at the sea- ^°^°°'^^" 
 
 tion. 
 
 ports, where alone they could get transportation to a new 
 world in the north and west which adventurers and mer- 
 chants were now discovering. Hence, though land hunger 
 was doubtless the main motive of the emigrants, the com- 
 mercial cities had a leading part in this colonizing activity. 
 
 114. The Organization of the Colonies. — It was, of 
 course, impossible for men to go independently into 
 
88 Dawn of a New Age 
 
 strange and often hostile districts. Hence the colony 
 needed to be founded and organized before leaving 
 The CEcist. Grcecc. A founder (cecist) was accordingly chosen from 
 the citizens of the port from which the colonists sailed 
 and to him was given absolute power during the forma- 
 tive period of the new settlement. It was usual for him 
 to take with him fire from the hearth of his native city 
 and to secure from the oracle of Apollo at Delphi ap- 
 proval of his enterprise. 
 
 115. The Relation to the Mother City. — There was 
 no political connection between the mother city and the 
 colony, but only a weak bond of piety and religion 
 Each Col- bound the two together. The world of Greek religion, 
 ony^a New ig^^guage and culturc was enlarged manifold by the 
 founding of these new communities, but the new states, 
 like the old ones, were cities, small for the most part, and 
 scattered often far apart along the edge of the sea. On 
 the sea ran the ways which kept them in contact with 
 one another. 
 The Greeks 1 1 6. The Distribution of the Colonies. — The colonists 
 th^sea- ^^ t^^ eastern ^gean sailed up into the Hel'les-pont and 
 coasts. onward, and made the shores of the Black sea Greek 
 territory. Miletus founded Cyz'i-cus, Si-no'pe, Tra-pe'- 
 zus, Olbia and a host of other colonies there. Byzan- 
 tium, afterward so famous, was Megara's colony. The 
 northern yEgean was settled mainly by men from Chal- 
 cis, Eretria and Andros. In the east and south the 
 Greeks pushed out into Cilicia and over to Cyrene. The 
 Eubceans and Corinthians went westward; they founded 
 cities in Sicily, the chief of which was Syracuse, a colony 
 of the latter. They reached the lower coasts of eastern 
 Italy, where they were followed by Achaeans who founded 
 
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Greece and the Orient 89 
 
 Croton and Syb'a-ris, Locrians who founded Locri, and 
 Spartans who founded Tarentum, until so completely 
 was the region occupied that it was called Magna Gra^cia, 
 " Greater Greece." Even on the western coast of Italy 
 the enterprising Chalcidians settled the city of Cy'me, 
 while on the coast of Gaul the Pho-cae'ans, the most vent- 
 uresome of all early Greek navigators, founded the city 
 of Massilia, and pressed still farther westward as far as 
 Spain. 
 
 117. Beginnings of New Relations to the Orient. — In 
 Sicily and Spain the Greeks came into sharp compe- 
 tition with the Phoenicians and Carthaginians (§ 50). 
 Likewise in the eastern Mediterranean commerce and 
 colonial expansion soon brought them into contact with 
 the oriental world. The former lively intercourse 
 (§ 97), broken off by the Dorian invasion for some 
 centuries, was now revived. Particularly the native 
 kingdoms of Asia Minor cultivated relations with the 
 new Greek world. About 700 B.C. King Midas of 
 Phrygia dedicated to Apollo of Delphi his golden throne 
 and Gyges of Lydia a number of costly gold and silver Lydia. 
 vessels. Under the successors of Gyges the Lydian 
 kingdom may almost be said to have entered into the 
 circle of Greek life (§ 75). It began to seek control over 
 the Greek coast cities of Asia Minor; King Croesus was 
 practically the lord of them all, and the closest com- 
 mercial bonds united them. Soon Greek traders and Egypt, 
 travellers began to go to Egypt, where King Amasis 
 (§ 46) received them most graciously and gave them the 
 city of Naucratis as their trading-post. He himself also 
 gave gifts to Apollo of Delphi. All these relations came 
 to be of the greatest moment to the Greeks both in stim- 
 
90 Dawn of a New Age 
 
 ulating their own culture and in bringing them within 
 the circle of world-politics. What this latter meant to 
 them we shall see later. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following places 
 noted: Miletus, Chalcis, Delphi? 2. Who were Amasis, 
 Croesus, Gyges? 3. What is meant by hexameter, epic, 
 Magna Graecia? 4. Locate from memory on an outline map 
 the chief centres of Greek colonization. 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the Egyptian idea of 
 the divine world (§ 34) with that of the Greeks. 2. In what 
 respects does the religion of the Greeks differ from that of the 
 Hebrews (§§ 55) ? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Story of the Argonauts. 
 
 Bury, pp. 223-231. 2. The Migrations. Bury, pp. 53-64. 3, 
 The Homeric Question. Bury, pp. 65-69. 4. The Rise of the 
 Greek City Republics. Bury, pp. 73-75. 5. Greek Stories of 
 Early Greek History. Bury, pp. 79-84. 6. Life and Institu- 
 tions of the Middle Age. Bury, pp. 69-75. 7- Greek Colo- 
 nization, Causes, Character and Reaction upon the Mother- 
 Coimtry. Bury, pp. 86-89, 108-110. 8. The Greek Colony of 
 Cyme. Bury, pp. 94-95. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Labyrinth 
 and the Minotaur. Burrows, pp. 107-110, 1 21-132. 2. The 
 Homeric Question. Morey, pp. 94-97; Capps, pp. 20-22, 114- 
 118. 3. Origin and Early History of the City-State. Morey, 
 pp. 108-109; Botsford, pp. 20-21; Fowler, pp. 5-64. 4. The 
 Life and Institutions of the Middle Age. Botsford, pp. 11-17; 
 Morey, pp. 98-11 1; Fowler, pp. 64-112. 5. Greek Colonization. 
 Botsford, pp. 30-40. 6. Legends of Prehistoric Crete. Baikie, 
 Sea-Kings of Crete, pp. 5-16. 7. Life under the Sea-Kings. 
 Baikie, pp. 211-231. 8. Footgear in the Time of Minos. Mos- 
 so, The Palaces of Crete and Their Builders, pp. 324-342. 9. 
 The Excavations on Crete. Mosso, pp. 17-44. 
 
The Seiise of Greek Unity 91 
 
 3.--THE DEVELOPMENT OF CONSTITU- 
 TIOxNAL STATES 
 
 700-500 B.C. 
 
 Ii8. The Age of Change. — Thus through commerce, 
 colonization and contact with the larger life of the old 
 world the Greeks were on the threshold of a new and 
 stirring activity. We have seen in part how these stim- 
 ulating experiences were changing their life at home. 
 Now we turn to trace them more in detail. These 
 changes are seen {a) in the new sense of the oneness of 
 the Greek world, (6) in the growth of Greek civilization 
 (§§ 129-134), (c) in the political upheaval that brought 
 the common people to the front (§§ 135-140). 
 
 119. (a) The Sense of Greek Unity. — The physical 
 character of Greece made the union of its states into one 
 political body a difificult thing. But during these centu- 
 ries of quiet organization there had been growing up 
 a common type of life and a body of ideals and ways 
 of looking at things which went far toward taking the 
 place of a political unity. Now, when the Greek cities 
 extended their horizon and came into contact with peo- 
 ples outside, they woke up to realize their oneness, their 
 difference in all these respects from the others. They 
 began to feel the value of what they had gained and to 
 develop and improve it. Thus, what we may call their 
 consciousness of themselves appeared. It comes out in 
 various ways. A school of thinkers flourished, who set seen in 
 about organizing the stories of the past into definite and L''^''^'"''^- 
 intelligible shape. The most remarkable man among Hesiod. 
 them was He'si-od (about 700 B.C.). His two chief 
 
m Greek Myths 
 
 works are the The-og'o-ny, in which he traces the his- 
 tory of Greek gods from the beginning, and the Works 
 and Days, in which he arranges the successive ages of 
 gods and men, preaches the gospel of salvation by work 
 and tells men how to get on in the world. The stories 
 of the past, as formulated by illiterate and learned men 
 of these and later times, constitute the wonderful Greek 
 mythology. The following are a few of its many tales: 
 
 120. The Greek Races. — The early Greeks firmly believed that 
 at first truth and right prevailed in the world, then gradually vi^icked- 
 ness of every sort came into being. Finally the whole world became 
 so contaminated with iniquity that the gods in punishment swept 
 the earth with a mighty deluge. The lofty summit of Mt. Par- 
 nassus alone overtopped the waves. Hither floated the ark contain- 
 ing the only two faithful followers of the gods, Deucalion and his 
 wife, Pyrrha. Their offspring were two sons, Hellen and Am- 
 phictyon. From this common ancestor, Hellen, who gave his name 
 to the Hellenic or Greek race, the Greeks usually traced their ori- 
 gin. Hellen's sons, /51'o-lus and Dorus, and his grandsons. Ion and 
 Achseus, became the ancestors of four great Greek races, the iEolians, 
 the Dorians, the lonians and the Achaeans. The Cohans occupied 
 the northern parts of eastern Greece and of western Asia Minor. 
 The Dorians coming from the highlands of central Greece pushed 
 southward, and overran the greater portion of southern Greece. 
 They drove out the descendants of Achaeus, or the Achaeans, who 
 fell back into the district afterward known as Achaea. The Dori- 
 ans found their way, too, to Asia Minor. The lonians settled cen- 
 tral Greece and the corresponding strip east of the ^gean sea. 
 Amphictyon first caused men to come together in fraternal groups 
 for trade and social intercourse, and in this way the Greeks explained 
 the origin of the name of their early leagues, or amphictyonies 
 (§128). Some of the Greeks, indeed, believed that they were 
 sprung from the soil itself, or autochthonous, thinking of their 
 ancestor, whom they reverently worshipped, as a child of some 
 god and nymph. 
 
 11 
 
Danaus and Theseus 93 
 
 121. Danaus.* — We shall see that the Greeks believed that those 
 stained with crime in this world received just punishment for their 
 sins in the world of the dead. None, perhaps, suffered more severely 
 than the fifty daughters of Dan'a-us, an Egyptian king. His brother 
 ^gyptus had fifty sons who were ardent suitors for the fifty daughters 
 of Danaus in spite of the latter's indifference. Danaus fled with his 
 fifty daughters to Argos, but ^Egyptus and his sons followed swiftly. 
 Escape seemed impossible, and Danaus pretended to consent to the 
 marriages. On their wedding night he gave each daughter a sharp 
 dagger and bade them slay their mates. Thus perished forty-nine 
 of the husbands. One bride, Hy'perm-nes'tra, fond of her husband, 
 Lyn'ceus, was unwilling to commit the murder. The gods, displeased 
 with the maidens, condemned them to carry through all the ages urns 
 of water up a steep and slippery bank in the vain attempt to fill a 
 bottomless cask. Hypermnestra at first incurred the displeasure of 
 her father, but later he forgave her. At his death Lynceus succeeded 
 Danaus upon the throne of Argos. In later times Lynceus and Hy- 
 permnestra were revered at Argos as heroes, and it is interesting to 
 note that the Argives were often called Danaei. 
 
 122. Athenian Myths. — It was under the direction of an autoch- 
 thonous king, called Cecrops, half man, half serpent, that the Atheni- 
 ans fixed their abode on the rocky hill known as the acropolis. The 
 land was called after him, Cecropia. Cecrops grouped the people 
 into twelve communities, and introduced the beginnings of civilized 
 life. During his reign there arose a dispute between Athena and 
 Poseidon for the possession of the city. The strife was to be decided 
 by a contest as to which could produce the more useful gift to mor- 
 tals. The gods were to act as jurors. Poseidon struck the acropolis 
 with his trident and produced a well of salt water; while Athena 
 planted an olive tree. The gods gave judgment that Athena had 
 rendered the greater service and awarded to her the city which was 
 named after the goddess, Athens. Both the olive tree and the 
 well, situated on the acropolis, were revered by the Athenians. In 
 later times Erechtheus, half serpent like Cecrops, ruled Attica. In 
 his youth he had been reared by Athena, and so they were both 
 
 * The following myths, in which a general impression that is true is 
 embodied, point to early Greek connection with Egypt, Crete, Phoenicia 
 and Lydia. 
 
94' Greek Myths 
 
 worshipped in a temple on the acropolis, named the Erechtheum 
 after Erechtheus. 
 
 The deeds of Theseus, son of King ^geus of Athens, rivalled 
 those of Heracles in destroying wicked men and monsters of all sorts. 
 None of his exploits was more famous than that of slaying the dread- 
 ful Min'o-taur. Athens had been accustomed to pay as tribute to 
 Minos, king of Crete, seven maidens and seven youths at stated in- 
 tervals. These were sacrificed to the Minotaur, a monster, half 
 man, half bull, kept in a labyrinth at Cnossus. Theseus went of his 
 own accord as one of the seven youths. Upon his arrival in Crete, 
 A'ri-ad'ne, the daughter of King Minos, fell in love with Theseus and 
 gave him a sword — with which he slew the Minotaur — and a clue of 
 thread by which he made his way out of the confusing windings of 
 the labyrinth. Upon his return Theseus became king of Athens. 
 Previously Attica had been broken up into independent townships. 
 Theseus put an end to this, for he abolished the separate council 
 chambers and governments making of Attica one state. In recogni- 
 tion of this the Athenians celebrated yearly a festival in memory of 
 the man who made Athens the chief city of a united state (§107). 
 
 123. Theban Myths. — A-ge'nor, king of Phoenicia, could not be 
 reconciled to the loss of his daughter, Europa, whom Zeus had 
 stolen away. For many years his son, Cadmus, searched for her 
 without success. Finally in obedience to the Delphic oracle Cad- 
 mus gave up the quest and followed the wanderings of a cow. The 
 cow led him a long distance and at last lay down in Boeotia. Accord- 
 ing to the direction of the oracle he founded here the city of Thebes, 
 but not till he had sown dragon's teeth in the earth as a voice com- 
 manded him to do. Gradually there appeared from the surface a 
 strange crop, — warriors all armed. Straightway they fell to fighting 
 till all save five were slain. These made peace and joined with Cad- 
 mus in building the city of Thebes. In later times the first Theban 
 families proudly claimed descent from these five warriors. Cadmus 
 is said to have introduced the alphabet from Phoenicia and to have 
 taught his countrymen to read and write. 
 
 A curse of the gods upon (Ed'i-pus, king of Thebes, brought bitter 
 grief upon his family. King Qildipus married Queen Jocasta un- 
 aware that she was his mother. When the queen became aware of 
 the truth, she hanged herself in grief; while King (Edipus putting 
 
Pelops and Heracles 95 
 
 out his eyes left his kingdom and never returned. But the wrath of 
 the gods still rested on this unhappy family, for the king's two sons, 
 E-te'o-cles and PoKy-nei'ces, quarrelled about the succession to the 
 throne. Eteocles expelled his brother, Polyneices. Polyneices in- 
 vited help from A-dras'tus, king of Argos, who equipped an army, led 
 by seven. famous chiefs. From this fact the expedition is called that 
 of "the seven against Thebes." Fearful were the combats before 
 the walls of the city. The two brothers perished in a deadly duel, 
 and an edict was issued by Creon, who had succeeded to the throne 
 of (Edipus, forbidding the burial of their bodies. All obeyed this 
 harsh command save An-tig'o-ne, a sister of Eteocles and Polyneices. 
 But Antigone braved the wrath of Creon and buried the body of 
 Polyneices. The story of Antigone forms the subject of a play of 
 that name by the Athenian dramatist, Soph'o-cles. 
 
 124. Pelops. — The Argive myths tell of a Lydian hero, Pelops, 
 who won the hand of Hip'po-da-mei'a, daughter of OEn'o-ma'us, 
 king of Pisa, in a chariot race extending from Olympia to the Co- 
 rinthian isthmus. The terms were: a suitor to be successful must 
 defeat the king, but, if vanquished in the race, one must forfeit his 
 life. Thirteen defeated charioteers had perished when Pelops made 
 trial of his skill. Pelops was much disheartened when he saw the 
 heads of his conquered predecessors fixed above the door of the king, 
 and so he devised the plan of enlisting the help of Myr'til-us, the 
 charioteer of CEnomaus. Myrtilus did not properly fasten the wheels 
 of the chariot of the king, who was in this way upset during the race. 
 Thus Pelops won the race and his bride, and later he became the 
 founder of a family that ruled in more than one Argolic city. Among 
 his grandsons were the famous Greek chieftains, Men'e-la'us and 
 Agamemnon. The fame of Pelops spread far and wide, and men 
 took delight in calling southern Greece the Peloponnesus, after the 
 hero; Pelops, who had driven his victorious chariot from the centre 
 of the Peloponnesus to the isthmus of Corinth. 
 
 125. Heracles. — ^Another hero whom the Greeks greatly admired 
 and generally worshipped was Heracles, a son of Zeus. Hera plot- 
 ted continually to overthrow the offspring of her rival. Two ser- 
 pents were sent by the goddess to destroy the baby in his cradle, but 
 the infant Heracles strangled each with his tiny hands. Later the 
 hero was bound out to serve his cowardly cousin, Eu-rys'theus, king of 
 
96 Greek Myths 
 
 Argos. Before he could again be free he must accomplish twelve 
 great tasks placed upon him by Eurystheus. These all called for 
 courage, strength and skill and were such as would have daunted 
 any mortal man. They included the slaying of wicked men and 
 dreadful monsters. The last task required that Heracles should de- 
 scend to Hades and bring to the surface the triple-headed dog, Cer- 
 berus. With the successful completion of the twelve labors the 
 hero was free from his bondage to Eurystheus. He performed 
 many other brave deeds during the remainder of his life, and when 
 he died he was borne away to Mt. Olympus to live forever with the 
 immortal gods. 
 
 126. The Heracleidae. — The descendants of Heracles were kept 
 out of their hereditary throne of Argos for three generations. The 
 sons and grandsons of Heracles failed to regain their ancestral 
 possessions, but the hero's three great-grandsons, Te'men-us, Cres- 
 phontes and A'ris-to-de'mus were more successful. As the leaders 
 of a great horde of Dorians they crossed the Corinthian gulf at Nau- 
 pactus and overran the Peloponnesus. By the casting of the lot Te- 
 menus received Argos, Cresphontes Messenia, Aristodemus Laconia. 
 Aristodemus soon died leaving twin sons, Eu-rys'the-nes and Procles. 
 The Spartans decreed that the sons should rule jointly and so Sparta 
 came to have two kings. 
 
 127. The Argonauts.— Ath'a-mas, a Thessalian king, put away 
 his wife, Neph'e-le, who, fearing danger to her son and daughter, 
 invoked the help of Hermes. The god gave her a ram with a golden 
 fleece to convey the children out of harm's way. The ram with the 
 children upon his back flew eastward. All went well till they were 
 crossing over the strait separating Europe and Asia when the girl, 
 Hel'le, frightened at the sight of the waves far beneath, fell from the 
 ram's back into the body of water since called the Hellespont. 
 Her brother, Phrixus, reached Colchis where he was kindly received 
 by king iE-e'tes, Phrixus sacrificed the ram to Jupiter. He hung 
 the golden fleece on a tree, placing it under the care of a sleepless 
 dragon. Now it happened that king i^son, who also ruled over a 
 kingdom in Thessaly, had surrendered temporarily the cares of gov- 
 ernment to his brother, Pelias, on the understanding that he should 
 hold the power only till Jason, son of ^son, came of age. When the 
 years were fulfilled and the time for Jason to rule was at hand, the 
 
The ArgonauU 97 
 
 young prince hastened to his uncle and boldly demanded the crown. 
 Pelias did not deny his recjuest, but suggested that it would be a 
 glorious adventure for the young man to recover the golden fleece, 
 which he artfully pretended belonged to Jason's family. Jason ac- 
 cepted the challenge, and began the construction of a vessel, called 
 the "Argo" (the Swift), capable of holding fifty men. He invited 
 heroes from all Greece and many bold youths joined him. There 
 were Heracles, Theseus, Orpheus and many others. From the name 
 of their vessel they were called Argonauts. After many adventures 
 and troubles they reached the distant shores of Colchis. King J?^etes 
 promised to give up the golden fleece if Jason should plough a field 
 with two fire-breathing bulls and sow it with dragon's teeth. The 
 king's daughter, Me-de'a, who was a sorceress, helped Jason, the un- 
 derstanding being that he should marry her. When the terrible bulls 
 rushed forth breathing out fire, Jason, following Medea's directions, 
 soothed their rage and forced them to go beneath the yoke. Next, 
 when he had planted the dragon's teeth, a crop of giants, all clad in 
 armor, came forth. The hero was for an instant filled with dismay, 
 but he rushed on the warriors with sword and shield. Following the 
 advice of Medea he cast a stone into their midst with the result that 
 the giants attacked one another and soon none were left alive. Finally 
 Medea showed Jason how by magic skill to outwit the dragon that 
 kept guard over the golden fleece. In the night she led Jason to the 
 fleece and sent the dragon to sleep, and when his great eyes were shut 
 in slumber, the hero seized the prize. With his companions and 
 Medea Jason hastened to his good ship "Argo," and, although the 
 swift oarsmen of king ^etes tried to overtake them, they were not 
 successful. After many wanderings and adventures, Jason and 
 Medea and their companions came in safety to Thessaly. 
 
 128. The Epics Serve the Cause of Unity. — The work 
 of the Epic poets (§ 109J had done much to cement 
 Hellenic unity. The dialect in which they sang, the 
 heroic figures and deeds they pictured and the gods they 
 celebrated became the common property of the Greek 
 ' world. Some of the splendid divine beings of the epics 
 were honored everywhere. Zeus and Apollo became 
 
98 
 
 Growth of States 
 
 DelpU. 
 
 Olympia. 
 
 Amphicty- 
 onies. 
 
 universal Hellenic gods. The shrine of Apollo at Delphi 
 was a kind of centre of religious life. The noblest re- 
 ligious leadership of the time was given by his priests 
 there; it became the custom to obtain from him his sanc- 
 tion for many enterprises. At Delphi the god spoke 
 through his priestess in utterances called oracles. No 
 colony could be sent out without Apollo's oracle; kings 
 from the world without sought his wisdom and sent him 
 rich gifts (§ 117). What Apollo did for Greek unity at 
 Delphi, Zeus in a different way did at Olympia. There 
 every four years a festival in honor of the god was cele- 
 brated from the earliest times, in connection with which 
 athletic contests were held. All the Greek cities sent con- 
 testants thither. The list of the victors was preserved. 
 The tradition makes this list date from 776 B.C., which is 
 the first year of the first Olympiad, or four years' period, 
 on which Greek chronology was based for a long time. 
 During the festival, literary works by poets and historians 
 were read in public and works of art exhibited. Any 
 Greek was eligible to compete. Though the reward was 
 only a crown of olive leaves, the glory of the victor was 
 the applause of all Greece. Religion also encouraged the 
 union of districts in what was called an am-phic'ty-o-ny. 
 Usually a sanctuary was the meeting-point where depu- 
 ties met at regular intervals in an- amphictyonic council, 
 and the affairs of the god and his worshippers were the 
 matters discussed. During its sessions peace ruled over 
 the whole territory. In connection with these amphicty- 
 onies appear the names of many states afterward famous. 
 In middle Greece the Boeotian amphictyony was formed; 
 on the island of Delos that of the lonians; most famous 
 of all was that which met at Delphi and in which the 
 
 I 
 
Money arid Writ'mg 99 
 
 Thessalians were the leading spirits. Of the influence 
 of this union we learn from the two obligations resting 
 on its members: no city belonging to it was to be de- 
 stroyed, nor, in case of siege, could running water be cut 
 off from a city. Thus a kind of beginning of interna- 
 tional law, applying in a limited circle, was made. 
 
 129. (b) Growth of Civilization. — The second way in 
 which the new life appeared (§ 118) was in the progress of 
 thought and manners — what we call Civilization. Two Use of 
 
 T • /-111 Money, 
 
 most important thmgs came to Greece through com- 
 mercial life — the use of money and the art of writing. 
 The old form of exchange was by natural products. 
 Cattle were often the standard of value, as the Latin word 
 for money indicates, pe-cu'ni-a (from pecus, "cattle"). 
 But such means will not do for commercial life. Metals 
 soon came in — at first bars of copper or iron. Later 
 the precious metals were used, as in the east (§ 23), and 
 soon they were coined into money. The Lydians are 
 said to have first coined money, in the seventh century. 
 The state guaranteed the weight and fineness according 
 to a fixed scale and stamped the piece of gold or silver 
 with a sign or mark of genuineness. From Lydia the 
 custom crossed to Greece; in ^Egina, it is said, the first 
 Greek coins were made. In the case of writing it seems Art of 
 that the Greek merchants also introduced that art into 
 Greece. They borrowed the alphabet from the Phoeni- 
 cians (§ 53) and improved it. At first it assumed a va- 
 riety of forms according to the commercial cities that 
 adopted it. Finally the Ionic alphabet became the 
 standard. In the eighth century men began to employ 
 writing for public purposes — for the lists of officials and 
 of the Olympian victors (§ 128). A century after it ap- 
 
100 Growth of States 
 
 pears on gifts to the gods and on monuments. Finally, 
 toward the close of the age comes its general use in lit- 
 erature. 
 
 130. Interest in Living Men and Their Doings. — An- 
 other mark of the higher life of the time is seen in the 
 greater interest felt in the present, and in the thoughts 
 and feelings of living men. Homer sang of the deeds 
 of the heroes of old; he says not a word about his own 
 time. But Hesiod, although he laments the misery of 
 his day, calling the present the "iron age," still talks 
 and reflects upon it. And now appeared poets who, in 
 ve;rse called e-le-gi'ac or iambic, dwelt upon events of their 
 own day, expressing in satire their disgust at their rulers, 
 calling to a nobler life or urging some political reform. 
 Such poets were Ar-chil'o-chus of Paros (648 B.C.), and 
 
 Lyric Poets. The-og'nis of Megara (540 B.C.) . Others became famous 
 by their poetic expression of feeling, in lyrical songs of 
 love and marriage, of feasting and social joys, of war 
 
 Music. and victory or of praise to the gods.* Accompanying 
 this outburst of reflective and passionate poetry was a 
 development of the art of music by the discovery of the 
 octave and the lyre of seven strings which opened up a 
 great variety of harmonies. All this means that knowl- 
 edge was broadening, thought was awakened, pleasures 
 were becoming finer and higher, life was growing fuller 
 and man felt himself of more worth in the world. 
 
 131., Interest in the Problem of Origins. — As we have 
 seen (§ 119), men had already begun to think more about 
 the wo.dd in which they lived — how it came to be and 
 
 * The most celebrated were Al-cae'us (600 B.C.) and Sappho the poetess 
 (610 B.C.), both of Lesbos, A-nac're-on of Ionia (530 B.C.) and Alcman of 
 Sparta (660 B.C.). 
 
Religion and Science 101 
 
 what kept it in being. Religion, naturally, was first called 
 on for the answer to these questions, and told how the 
 power and will of the gods made all things to be. To 
 Hesiod all beginnings were divine. First came Chaos and 
 Earth and Heaven and Night and Day, and Sea, and Time 
 and Love — all gods. Earth was peopled with mighty de- 
 structive beings called Titans, against whom Zeus waged 
 war and won the victory, thus bringing order and harmony 
 into the world. Then the gods created man and endowed 
 him with power to rule all things on earth. The earth Cosmog- 
 was thought of as a curved disk with Greece in the mid- 
 dle and Mt. Olympus, where the gods dwelt, in the exact 
 centre. It was divided into two parts by the Mediter- 
 ranean and all round it flowed the Ocean stream. The 
 earth was the centre of the universe; above it was the 
 ethereal region of Olympus; beneath it was Hades, the 
 underworld; at a yet deeper depth was Tar'tar-us, where 
 were imprisoned the wicked immortals, chief among 
 whom were the Titans. The resemblance of this scheme 
 to that of the eastern world is obvious (§ ^t^) ; it may have 
 been in part derived from that source. 
 
 132. Dawn of Science and Philosophy. — But when 
 Greeks began to travel, to come into contact with strange 
 countries and peoples outside of the former horizon of 
 Greek life, they were not satisfied with this purely religious 
 explanation. They began to study nature itself and find 
 the secrets of its origin and life in material things. Thus, 
 in the Greek world appeared philosophers and scientific 
 men who drank in eastern wisdom and exercised their 
 own keen wits on the problems of nature. Tha'les of xhaiesof 
 Miletus (600 B.C.) was a student of mathematics and 
 physics; he calculated an eclipse, measured the height of 
 
102 
 
 Growth of States 
 
 Heraclitus. 
 
 The Spirit 
 of Inquiry. 
 
 The Seven 
 Wise Men. 
 
 the pyramids of Egypt by their shadow, and knew the 
 lore of the heavens. He held that everything in the 
 universe came from Water. To An-ax-im'e-nes (550 B.C.) 
 this foundation principle was Air, To Her'a-cli'tus (500 
 B.C.) it was Fire. He did not believe that there was any- 
 thing permanent in the world. "All things flow," he 
 said, or, "all things are burning." The only reality is 
 the fact of change. These Ionic thinkers found worthy 
 companions in the philosophers of Greater Greece, where 
 Py-thag'o-ras (540 B.C.) sought the source of all things in 
 Number, and Xe-noph'a-nes of E'le-a (575 B.C.) saw at 
 the heart of the universe one God directing all things by 
 the might of his reason. In all these, to us, crude ways 
 of thinking, we may see the working of the fine Greek 
 intelligence. These thinkers were not satisfied with ideas 
 that prevailed only because they were handed down from 
 of old. They must find for themselves what was really 
 and finally true. 
 
 133. Interest in Practical Life. — As these Greeks be- 
 gan to study nature, so they also came to study man 
 and his duties. Hesiod in his Works and Days wrote 
 on how to be a successful farmer. Others followed him 
 in this teaching of wisdom, of practical life in state and 
 society. About the year 600 B.C. in the Greek world 
 the most distinguished of these teachers were known as 
 the "Seven Wise Men."* Sometimes they expressed 
 their thought in proverbs like "Nothing too much," 
 "Unlucky is he who cannot bear ill-luck." "Wisdom is 
 the finest possession," "Know thyself." 
 
 * They were Thales of Miletus, Pit'ta-cus of Mytilene, Bias of Pri-e'ne, 
 Solon of Athens, Cle'o-bu'lus of Lindos, Cheilon (Kl'lon) of Sparta and 
 Periander of Corinth. 
 
Netv Popular Faiths 103 
 
 134. Changes in Religion. — We may be sure that re- 
 ligion also partook of the new spirit of the times. The 
 Olympian gods became everywhere the guardians of 
 state and society. Temples began to be built in their Temples, 
 honor and richly decorated; their praise in song and 
 dance became more stately and splendid; the sculptures 
 in tomb and temple show increasing mastery of art in 
 the service of this religion of divine life and beauty. But The New 
 by the side of this public or official religion appears paft^'^"^ 
 another which appealed to the individual and sought to 
 meet his need of divine favor. This faith centres about 
 deities who had not been prominent in the Olympian 
 circle — Di'o-ny'sus and De-me'ter. To Dionysus, the god 
 of the vine, giver of Joy and ecstasy, and to Demeter, 
 the nourishing mother-earth, bestower of life and food 
 to all, an enthusiastic popular devotion was poured out. 
 One great reason for their worship was its outlook into 
 the life beyond the grave. The changes that were com- 
 ing over the face of the times did not in all respects bring 
 happiness and peace to men; they created problems the 
 solution of which was uncertain and unpromising. 
 Naturally, men sought consolation in the hope of the 
 world beyond. Little there was of this in the old faith. 
 But the new faith had a new message on this subject. 
 To him who with a pure heart took part in the cere- 
 monial of worship of these gods was promised a brighter 
 world beyond, where there was freedom from care and 
 sin. This ceremonial .was called the Mysteries. What The 
 it consisted of we do not know exactly, but we do know 
 that those who took part in it were pledged to a life of 
 purity and enjoyed the hope of an immortal life. It was 
 an appeal to the heart, not to the head; it was a religion 
 
104 
 
 Growth of States 
 
 Decline of 
 Aristocratic 
 Govern- 
 ments. 
 
 for the people; mystical and enthusiastic as it was, it 
 became a power for good and a spring of some of the 
 noblest forms of- Greek life. 
 
 135. (c) Political Changes. — We have kept the political 
 changes of the time to the last (§ 118). They show most 
 simply and clearly the influence of the new forces; it was 
 in them and through them that the other changes could 
 come to the surface and work themselves out. They 
 form also the connecting link between this and the fol- 
 lowing periods. We have seen how everywhere the aris- 
 tocracy had gained possession of Greek politics (§ 106). 
 In many states they not merely ruled the citizens; they 
 were the citizens. But commerce had now made many 
 besides the aristocracy wealthy and influential. It had 
 brought individuals everywhere, no matter what their 
 station in life was, to a larger knowledge of the world 
 and their own place in it (§ 130). While some had grown 
 rich, others had become poor; the farmers, especially, 
 suffered through borrowing money from usurers at ruin- 
 ous rates of interest; for being scarce and much in de- 
 mand money was exceedingly dear, and an unpaid loan 
 rapidly doubled and tripled in amount. Thus disturb- 
 ances and difficulties appeared on every hand in Greek 
 political life. The aristocracy, feeling its power threat- 
 ened, did as those frequently do who feel that their posi- 
 tion is growing weaker — they used all means to keep it; 
 they acted unjustly and despotically. This only made 
 matters worse, and they were finally forced to yield to 
 the storm. 
 
 136. Rise of the Lawgivers. — One chief cause of com- 
 plaint was that they alone knew the law and adminis- 
 tered it according to their own will. Hence, the de- 
 
Rise of Tyrants 105 
 
 mand arose for the publication of the law. It was 
 secured in a truly Greek fashion. One man was chosen, 
 the best man in the state, to whom all power was given 
 that he might prepare, publish and administer a code 
 of law which should be binding upon the people. Thus, The Codes 
 almost every Greek state of the time had its lawgiver, 
 or in later days traced its law-code back to some great 
 man who was thought to be its author. Such famous 
 names were Za-leu'cus of Locri, Lycurgus of Sparta, Pit- 
 tacus of Mytilene, Solon of Athens. As a result, people 
 knew what the law was and could fix the responsibility 
 for crime and injustice. The broad and deep meaning 
 of such a measure should not be overlooked. That the 
 state owed it to the citizens to do justice on the basis of a 
 public code of laws, that the best man in the state should 
 prepare these laws, and that, once put forth, it was the 
 citizen's duty to obey them — these were principles which 
 no ancient people had before so fully realized. 
 
 137. Appearance of the Tyrants. — The publication of 
 the laws had saved the aristocratic rule for the time, 
 but it had not been accompanied with any larger politi- 
 cal rights to those outside the circle of the nobles. Hence 
 arose a new struggle. All who were dissatisfied with 
 aristocratic rule joined together in opposition to it; the 
 whole body was called the de'mos, the "people," and 
 their aim was the overflow of the ruling powers. They 
 succeeded. Here and there men put themselves at the 
 head of the revolutionary movement and by it gained the 
 supreme power for themselves. These men were called 
 tyrants. They were really kings, reviving the old mon- 
 archy, with larger powers. They destroyed the rule of splendor of 
 
 , . , 1 1 • • 1 • Their Rule. 
 
 the aristocracy and governed their states with vigor 
 
106 Growth of States 
 
 and splendor. All over the Greek world, so far as it was 
 progressive, in these days (about 650 B.C.) tyrants ap- 
 peared and in some states continued to rule down to the 
 last Greek age. They favored commerce and trade, 
 grew rich from their skilful management of affairs, 
 adorned their cities with magnificent buildings, en- 
 couraged art and literature, and with much political wis- 
 dom guided their states in new paths of progress. 
 The people, by whose aid they had gained their place, 
 were not, indeed, given any political rights, but the sat- 
 isfaction of having rid themselves of aristocratic rule 
 and the enlarged prosperity and comfort enjoyed were 
 sufficient for the time to satisfy them. 
 
 138. Some of the Tyrants. — One of the first tyrants 
 was Thras'y-bu'lus of Miletus, a shrewd and energetic 
 ruler, who was able to keep his city independent of 
 Lydia (§§ 75, 117). In Corinth the aristocracy was over- 
 thrown by Cyp'se-lus, whose father was a commoner, 
 but his mother of a noble family. His son Periander 
 followed him (625-585 B.C.). He was a friend and ally 
 of Thrasybulus. 
 
 Herodotus relates a characteristic story of their relations: "He sent 
 a messenger to Thrasybulus and asked what settlement of affairs was 
 the safest for him to make, in order that he might best govern his 
 state: and Thrasybulus led forth the messenger who had come from 
 Periander out of the city, and entered into a field of growing corn; 
 and as he passed through the crop of corn, while inquiring and ask- 
 ing questions repeatedly of the messenger about the occasion of his 
 coming from Corinth, he kept cutting off the heads of those ears of 
 corn which he saw higher than the rest; and as he cut off their heads 
 he cast them away, until he had destroyed in this manner the finest 
 and richest part of the crop. So having passed through the place and 
 having suggested no word of counsel, he dismissed the messenger. 
 
Fall of Tyrants 107 
 
 When the messenger returned to Corinth, Periander was anxious to 
 hear the counsel which had been given; but he said that Thrasybulus 
 had given him no counsel, and added that he wondered at the deed 
 of Periander in sending him to such a man, for the man was out of his 
 senses and a waster of his own goods — relating at the same time that 
 which he had seen Thrasybulus do. So Periander, understanding 
 that which had been done and perceiving that Thrasybulus coun- 
 selled him to put to death those who were eminent among his subjects, 
 began then to display all manner of evil treatment to the citizens of 
 the state; for whatsoever Cypselus had left undone in killing and 
 driving into exile, this Periander completed." 
 
 139. Corinth under Periander.— But Periander was 
 more than a despot and a butcher. He raised his city 
 to the leading place among the states of his day in con- 
 tinental Greece. Her power on the sea was mighty. Maritime 
 The first war-ships with three banks of oars — called of"corinth. 
 triremes — were built at Corinth. With his fleet Perian- 
 der subdued Corcyra in the first recorded sea-fight of 
 
 Greek history. He was a patron of letters. The poet 
 Arion was said to have been an ornament of his court, and 
 tradition has made the tyrant one of the "Seven Wise 
 Men" of Greece (§ 133). Another famous tyrant was 
 Cleisthenes of Sicyon who freed his city from the influence 
 of Argos, put down the nobles with a strong hand and 
 took vigorous part in the general affairs of Greece. 
 
 140. Decline and Fall of the Tyrants.^The new spirit 
 of Greece, which had raised the tyrants to the throne, 
 would not let them remain there long. The nobles 
 were always hostile to them; the demos, still deprived 
 of political rights, grew dissatisfied. Then the tyrants * 
 in their turn grew more despotic, and ruled by force 
 
 * Owing to this later form of the tyranny our \yord " tyrant" has a 
 bad meaning. 
 
108 
 
 Growth of States 
 
 and fear, until all parties united to put them down. 
 The tyranny usually lasted no longer than the second 
 generation. It had accomplished one result — the uni- 
 versal rule of the aristocracy had perished and the way 
 was opened for the advance of the people. When it fell, 
 its place was taken usually by citizens prominent because 
 of their property, and the change was accompanied by 
 making more of the people citizens. Such a govern- 
 ment was called a timocracy (from the Greek ti-me, 
 "value") and was a step toward putting the control of 
 affairs in the hands of the citizens — the form of govern- 
 ment called democracy (from the Greek demos, "peo- 
 ple"). Democracy, the special contribution of Greece 
 to political progress, was worked out in the next period. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following famous: 
 Theognis, Thales, Hesiod, Pythagoras, Alcaeus, Amasis, Anac- 
 reon? 2. What is meant by amphictyony, mysteries, Hel- 
 lenes, elegiac, penteconter, trireme? 3. What is the date 
 of the First Olympiad? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the early Greek idea 
 of the form of the world with that of the Egyptians and Baby- 
 lonians (§ ^T,). 2. Compare the political effects of commerce 
 and trade upon the Greeks with their effect upon oriental 
 peoples (§§ 20, 23, 50-53). 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READIHG- i. Greek Ships. Bury, pp. 109- 
 iio. 2. The Games and the Oracles. Bury, pp. 139-144. 
 3, The Greek Temple. Bury, p. 152. 4. The Lyric Poets. 
 Bury, pp. 118-119. 5. Hesiod and His School. Bury, pp. 107- 
 108. 6. The Lawgivers. Bury, pp. 144-146. 7. The Tyrants. 
 Bury, pp. 146-157. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Greek Ships. 
 Diets, of Antiquities, articles "Ship" or "Navy." 2. The Games 
 and the Oracles. Morey, pp. 150-153; Botsford, pp. 98-103; 
 Zimmern, ch. 2. 3. How Reduce Olympiads to Terms of Our 
 Chronology? Abbott, Skeleton Outline, p. 18. 4. The Ionic 
 
The Helots 109 
 
 Philosophers. Morey, pp. 161-164; Bolsford, pp. 92-96. 5. The 
 Greek Temple. Morey, pp. 154-158. 6. The Lyric Poets. 
 Morey, pp. 159-161; Botsford, pp. 89-90; Capps, pp. 141-172; 
 Shuckburgh, pp, 27-29; Jebb, p. 491. 7. Hesiod and His School. 
 Botsford, pp. 87-88; Murray, pp. 53-62; Capps, pp. 129-140; 
 Jebb, pp. 40-46. 8. The Tyrants. Botsford, pp. 64-70. 
 
 4.— SPARTA AND ATHENS 
 
 141. The Two Leading States of the Time. — Among 
 the city-states that from time to time have appeared in 
 the history of these centuries, two come forward prom- 
 inently as we draw near the close of this age — Sparta 
 and Athens. They show the influence of the forces which 
 have been described, and they became later the leading 
 states of Greece. The story of their rise and early his- 
 tory, therefore, properly preludes the period of Greek 
 greatness. 
 
 142. Sparta Conquers Laconia. — The Dorians who Mixture of 
 occupied Laconia (§ 102) settled down in villages, extirpat- ^^°p^^^- 
 ing the earlier Greek population here, fusing with it there. 
 
 The old centre, Amyclae, was not occupied, but not far 
 off on the opposite side of the Eu-ro'tas river five little 
 villages developed in close proximity to one another. 
 These five formed the city of Sparta; and in a few gen- 
 erations prior to about 720 B.C. its inhabitants subdued 
 all the other villages of Laconia. 
 
 143. The Helots. — The people whose property lay in serfs, 
 the rich river valley the Spartans reduced to serfdom, tak- 
 ing from them their lands and arms and denying to them 
 liberty to organize or to move away from the plots which 
 they tilled. About one-half of the yield the conquerors 
 took for themselves. The subject people were called 
 
110 
 
 Rise of Sparta 
 
 Dependent 
 
 Allies. 
 
 Spartan 
 Expansion. 
 
 Helots, and lived a life of miserable dependence upon the 
 moods of their conquerors. 
 
 144. The Perioeci. — With the villages which lay on the 
 hill slopes around "hollow Lac-e-dae'mon" the Spartans 
 dealt quite generously. They left them their private prop- 
 erty, their communal organization and citizen rights. 
 They could engage in whatever occupation they pleased 
 and possessed full liberty of movement. On the other 
 hand they were required, like the Roman colonies, to 
 serve in war with the Spartans at the call of the latter 
 and could not enter into negotiations with foreign cities 
 except through Sparta. From the way in which their 
 towns and land lay in a circle all round the valley in 
 which the Helots were massed they were called Per'i-oe'ci 
 — dwellers round about. They served at once to keep 
 the Helots from escaping abroad and foreigners from giv- 
 ing arms to them or inciting them to revolt. They shared 
 in the glory of the Spartans and always supported them 
 loyally. 
 
 145. First Messenian War. — About 720 B.C. the Spar- 
 tans conquered Messenia and transferred over the Ta- 
 yg'e-tus mountains the system of classes already in ex- 
 istence in Laconia. The Messenians in the river valley 
 became Helots. Perioec towns ■ surrounded them on all 
 sides except on the coast near the island of Sphacteria. 
 Here was a stretch of rough grazing land where straggling 
 Helots tended the Spartan herds. The final annexations 
 made by Sparta were in the district at the headwaters 
 of the Eurotas (Sciritis) and the tract beyond Parnon 
 (Cynuria). When this was accomplished there were 
 about 12,000 Spartans, 60,000 Perioeci and 180,000 
 Helots. The Spartan state was thus an inverted pyramid.^ 
 
Helot Revolts 111 
 
 146. Revolt of Messenians. — In the third generation 
 after the conquest the Helots of Messenia tried to over- 
 turn this ill-balanced combination. In their revolt they 
 had the support of all the Peloponnesian cities which felt 
 menaced by the expansion of Sparta. Of these the most 
 important was the Dorian city Argos. At this time a Pheidon 
 vigorous king called Pheidon was on the Argive throne ° '^°^' 
 (about 660 B.C.). He was in hearty sympathy with the 
 
 new life of the day, as is shown by a system of weights 
 and measures introduced by him, which spread all over 
 Greece; it was called the yE'gi-net'an system. To check 
 Sparta's victorious progress, he joined with two other 
 Peloponnesian states, Arcadia and Pisatis, and, in con- 
 nection with the rebellion of the Messenians, entered on 
 a conflict with Sparta, which is called the Second Mes- 
 senian War (about 650 B.C.). Yet, though the struggle 
 was long and fierce, Sparta was finally victorious here 
 also. 
 
 147. Spartans Become Professional Soldiers. — But 
 though the extremity of the danger was safely past, the 
 number of the Spartans was so small and the number of 
 their Helots so great that the slightest relaxation would 
 
 bring about a recurrence of the peril. Hence the Spar- Krypteia. 
 tans continued for year after year to declare war upon 
 their serfs, and required young men, organized as a secret 
 police (Kryp-tei'a), to move about among them and slay 
 all who seemed restless or over-ambitious. This did not 
 suffice, however. Henceforth, the whole Spartan popu- 
 lation of military age remained constantly in readiness to 
 take the field at a moment's notice. Their tents were 
 pitched on Hyacinth street midway between the five 
 villages. 
 
112 Bise of Sparta 
 
 Tent Life. 1 48. The Messes. — Each tent was occupied by a mess 
 (syssitia) . In the tents the several companies of the army 
 • lounged and slept, and ate the famous black broth. There 
 they had their arms. At a moment's notice they could 
 form in battle line and meet all attempts of the Helots, 
 however well contrived, " to rush their lager." Out in the 
 villages lived the women, the young girls, the men over 
 sixty who were past the time of active service and the 
 infants of both sexes under seven years of age, 
 
 149. The Spartan Women. — Since their fathers, hus- 
 bands and brothers were constantly absent in the barracks 
 and dare not be seen by daylight in the village, the women 
 moved about freely and had a chance to manage things 
 
 Heroism. in a Way not known elsewhere in Greece. The military 
 Ideal dominated their life also; they were doubtless a 
 rough burly lot, but they produced a race of vigorous 
 warriors, and were wont to tell those dearest to them on 
 their departure for war to return "with their shields or 
 on them." 
 
 Spartan 150. Spartan Educatlon. — At the age of seven the boys 
 
 were taken from their homes and put with other youths 
 of their own age in "pens" and "herds" whom the grown 
 men between twenty and thirty years of age drilled and 
 "fagged." They had to live by their wits. They got 
 scraps from the men's tables, but were left without a roof 
 at night so that they had to make for themselves out-of- 
 door beds of Eurotas reeds. What they lacked for food 
 they got by stealing, and the thief who was not detected 
 was held to have done nothing dishonorable. 
 
 151. The Dorian Phalanx.— ^All their lives, both while 
 boys and after they were elected into the ranks of the men, 
 and after, at the age of thirty, they had become full citi- 
 
 Ideals. 
 
Decay of Spartan Culture 113 
 
 zens, the Spartans spent in gymnastic exercises and in 
 drill; for they had to take their places in the compact Do- 
 rian phalanx, the great military machine which the Spar- 
 tans invented and which proved so efficient that the loose- 
 formation single-combat mode of fighting, characteristic 
 of the age of the nobles, became rapidly antiquated. The The 
 heroes and knights disappeared and the closely massed in- d^sse^s 
 fantry of spearmen in which the middle classes served be- ^'^"■■" '^« 
 
 . Aimy. 
 
 came the main dependence of all prosperous states. No- 
 where was the new system so effective as at Sparta.* 
 
 152. The Decay of Spartan Culture. — Now that the Auinter- 
 Spartans had become professional soldiers, in camp from E^^J^t^^^ 
 twenty to sixty, they ceased to have other occupations or Warfare, 
 interests. Up to about 650 B.C. Sparta had not been 
 different from other Greek cities; it had intimate com- 
 mercial relations with the outside world; it produced 
 poets like Alcman and Tyr-t£e'us; it patronized musical 
 innovators like Terpander; it had sculptors and architects. 
 A great temple to Athena — Athena of the brazen house — 
 was constructed, and the state was hospitable to all the 
 new ideas and inventions which were breaking down the 
 regime of the Middle Age. Henceforth, however, the 
 ring wall of Perioeci shut out all foreign life. Foreigners 
 who worked their way through were rounded up at inter- 
 vals and forcefully ejected. The only money current in 
 Sparta was of iron and of small denomination. The only 
 music tolerated was the march, the only poetry the war- 
 song. Their words were few; they preferred deeds. 
 
 * In later times the Spartans ascribed this constitution of theirs to a 
 lawgiver named Lycurgus and wove a story about him and his doings. 
 In fact he was a god whom they had once worshipped and whom they 
 turned into a man and made the founder of the system. It really sprang 
 up in the natural way just descrilied. 
 
114 Rise of Sparta 
 
 There were no more poets or sculptors or architects. The 
 laws remained unwritten, since few could read them. 
 Sparta ceased to be a place of high culture and relapsed 
 into primitive barbarism, redeemed only by the habit of 
 unhesitating obedience to the officials. 
 
 153. The Government of Sparta. — ^The supreme au- 
 thorities in Sparta were two kings, the office being he- 
 reditary in rival famihes — the leaders in time of war, 
 once the chief civil magistrates also; the council of elders 
 (gerusia), made up of thirty m.embers, including the 
 kings. The elders were chosen from the retired veterans 
 on the basis of popularity as shown by the applause with 
 which they were greeted when they presented themselves 
 before the army. In addition there were the ephors, whose 
 original duty was to see that all the citizens, the kings in- 
 cluded, obeyed the prescriptions of the common military 
 life, but who used the power thus given to direct the whole 
 domestic and foreign policy of the state. The army met 
 as a body in the Apella and had power neither to discuss 
 nor to amend, but simply to say yea or nay to the proposals 
 submitted to it by the kings, ephors and elders. 
 
 154. The Peloponnesian League. — Next we find Sparta 
 pushing northward up the Eurotas valley against the 
 neighboring city of Te''ge-a. Against these Arcadian 
 mountaineers not much headway was made; whereupon 
 Sparta adopted a new political policy. A treaty was 
 made, whereby Tegea, in return for being left in peace, 
 agreed to contribute a force to the Spartan army when 
 an offensive or defensive war had been undertaken by 
 mutual consent and to make Sparta's friends her friends. 
 Otherwise she remained a free city and had entire con- 
 trol over her own action even in foreign affairs. This 
 
 I 
 
Attic Geography 115 
 
 plan worked so well that Sparta proceeded to extend it inde- 
 to other cities, until finally, on these conditions, a league Ames" 
 of all the Peloponnesian states except Argos was formed 
 under Spartan leadership. By 550 B.C. Sparta was the Spartathe 
 greatest Greek state; besides her own territories, Elis, Power in 
 Corinth, ^gina, Megara and Sicyon were members of ^"ece. 
 the league. Foreign powers coming into contact with 
 Greece sought her alliance. Thus she joined with Lydia 
 and the other eastern states against Cyrus (§ 75). Out- 
 side the Peloponnesus she was involved in relations with 
 other Greek communities, particularly with the growing 
 state of Athens. To understand these larger complica- 
 tions we must turn aside to follow the rise and early his- 
 tory of Athens. 
 
 155. Athens. — Attica, of which Athens was the chief 
 city, was a rough, poorly watered and unproductive penin- 
 sula, jutting out into the ^gean and cut off from the rest 
 of Greece by Mt. Par'nes, an offshoot of the Cith-se'ron 
 range. The city lay in a little valley through which the Position. 
 Ce-phis'sus flowed to the southwest into the Saronic gulf. 
 Dwellers in the plain had early gathered about a lofty 
 isolated mass of rock, the Acropolis, so easy of defence as 
 
 to be marked out for the centre of a city. The plain 
 sloped gently to the sea and was itself protected by moun- 
 tains on either side. The community worshipped the 
 goddess Athena, its patron and defender, who gave the 
 name to the city. The prevailing race-type was Ionian. People. 
 At the end of the Middle Age Athens had united all the 
 inhabitants of the peninsula in one city-state (§ 107). 
 
 156. Early Organization.— Moreover, when we come 
 to know Athens, the aristocracy was already in control. 
 Traditions told how kings had once ruled, but these had 
 
116 Rise of Athens 
 
 gradually been restricted in powers and in dignities,* until 
 hardly more remained to remind one of them than the 
 name "king" applied to the chief minister of religion. 
 In their place came yearly officials called archons, nine 
 in number, for the conduct of civil, military, religious 
 and financial administration. The tribal council took 
 two forms: (i) a body composed of forty-eight, the repre- 
 sentatives of local districts, each of which supplied a war- 
 ship (naus), and hence was called a Nau-cra'ri-a, and (2) 
 a body made up, it seems, of ex-officials charged chiefly 
 with Judicial powers, called the Council of the A-re-op'a- 
 gus (the " Hill of Curses"). Of course, both officials and 
 councils were limited to aristocrats, who also controlled, 
 if they did not make up, the public assembly. As else- 
 where., so especially in Athens, there was a large number 
 of freemen who, under aristocratic administration, were 
 entirely outside of public activities. The members of 
 noble houses, like the Me-don'ti-das and the Alc-mae-on'i- 
 das, were all-powerful; none could break into their close 
 circle. Their heads were leaders and their members were 
 citizens of the state. The army was organized in three 
 divisions: first, the knights (hippeis), the aristocrats who 
 could afford to have war-horses and fine weapons; sec- 
 ond, the heavy-armed footmen (zeugitas, i.e., who had 
 farms big enough to employ a yoke of oxen); third, the 
 light-armed troops (thetes, i.e., petty land-owners and 
 farm laborers). All the people of Attica were divided 
 
 * Another version tells how the Athenians abolished the kingship con- 
 sidering no one worthy to succeed Codrus. At the time of a Pelopon- 
 nesian invasion, King Codrus, they said, visited the enemy's camp dressed 
 in peasant clothes, and, provoking a quarrel, was slain. This sacrifice 
 of his own life he made to save Athens, for an oracle had affirmed that 
 either the king or the city must perish. This story is a late invention. 
 
Draco and Solon 117 
 
 into four phylae, each with its chief, each at once a 
 regiment and an electoral division of the popular as- 
 sernbly. 
 
 157. Tyrants and Lawgivers. — But, in time, the aristo- 
 cratic state was affected by the new life. A certain noble, 
 Cylon by name, a son-in-law of The-ag'e-nes, tyrant of 
 Megara, attempted to make himself tyrant (about 635 
 B.C.), but without success. Commerce was making some 
 men rich and others poor; farmers were in debt and many 
 were being sold into slavery. The demos was rising. A Draco. 
 lawgiver (§ 136), Dra'co, was appointed (about 624 B.C.). 
 
 His legislation gave Athens written provisions for settling 
 business and other disputes, thus limiting the power of 
 the magistrates in recognizing cases, conducting trials and 
 imposing penalties. The most durable of these drew a 
 noteworthy distinction between the penalty for different 
 sorts of murder. Heretofore, all killing had been mur- 
 der and its penalty death at the hands of the relatives of 
 the dead man (§ 105). Now, accidental or justifiable 
 homicide was distinguished in its punishment from wilful 
 murder. As Draco's laws were chiefly a collection of the 
 old customs of the land, they seemed to the later Atheni- 
 ans exceedingly severe and were said to have been " writ- 
 ten in blood." Another trial of a lawgiver was made in Soion. 
 594 B.C., by the choice of Solon as sole archon of the state 
 with unlimited authority in the settlement of affairs; and 
 to him Athens owed in addition to a new constitution a 
 second code of civil law which was a vast improvement 
 on that of Draco. 
 
 158. Early Athenian Expansion. — Athens had already Commerce 
 begun to enter heartily into the commercial activity of the 
 
 time. Pottery was manufactured; olive oil — the chief 
 
118 
 
 Rise of Athens 
 
 Cancelling 
 of Debts. 
 
 The 
 
 Council 
 of 400. 
 
 natural product of Attica — exported and, possibly, grain 
 imported; colonizing entered upon. An important sta- 
 tion on the trade route to the Black sea was secured — • 
 Si-ge'um on the northwestern coast of Asia Minor. A 
 great hindrance was Megara's possession of Salamis, the 
 island at the very gates of Athens. A struggle to secure 
 it for Athens had been crowned with victory through the 
 inspiring war-poetry of Solon. He was, therefore, a prom- 
 inent man; an aristocrat, but a friend of the people, eager 
 to deliver them from their distresses and to give them a 
 place and a part in the state. 
 
 159. Constitution of Solon. — The measures of Solon 
 were vital and thorough-going. The fundamental thing 
 he did was to make all free native-born people really citi- 
 zens. Second, he relieved them from their chief burdens 
 by remitting all debts contracted on their lands or se- 
 cured on the person or family of the debtor. Third, he 
 gave all some part in the conduct of the state. All the 
 citizens, rich and poor alike, were made members of the 
 public assembly. All over thirty years old and of good 
 moral character were eligible to membership in a new 
 court of justice called the Hel-i-se'a, which was the final 
 court of appeal. The Council of the Areopagus was con- 
 stituted as a criminal court and given supervision of the 
 laws. The other council was transformed by being in- 
 creased to four hundred members and called the Boule 
 or senate. Its chief function was to prepare business for 
 the pubhc assembly. The higher magistracies, those of 
 archon, treasurer, etc., were open only to men of the largest 
 wealth; the lesser offices could be occupied by the less 
 wealthy citizens. The distribution of administrative po- 
 sitions, while in principle based on wealth, resulted in 
 
Pisistratus 119 
 
 actual practice in giving the highest offices to the most 
 influential hippeis, and in dividing the rest of the places 
 between the other hippeis and the zeugita;. No thetes 
 were eligible for the magistracy. The state, therefore, The 
 remained aristocratic in administration, although the pco- spirit of 
 pie at large were given political rights never before pos- ^o'°n's 
 sessed; these in tim.e were certain to be emphasized and tion. 
 enlarged. It may be truly said that Solon was the founder 
 of the Athenian democracy. 
 
 1 60. Pisistratus, Tyrant. — The constitution made by 
 Solon prepared the way for progress, but it did not act- 
 ually bring relief to the state. Conflict and distress con- 
 tinued. Finally, by the aid of the peasants (chiefly 
 thetes), a nobleman called Pi-sis'tra-tus was able to usurp 
 the government in 561 B.C., and though driven from 
 power, regained it about 545 B.C., and was tyrant until 
 his death in 528 B.C. By him, the poor peasants, who His Admin- 
 had been relieved of their debts and given citizenship by 
 Solon, were granted land and money to set up farming 
 and to become self-supporting and useful citizens. They 
 could not exercise political rights, but became econom- 
 ically comfortable. Pisistratus favored commerce, which 
 brought increasing wealth to the state. His court, like His Court, 
 those of the other tyrants (§ 137), was brilliant; literature 
 and art were encouraged. It is said, probably without 
 warrant of fact, that Homer's poems were first written 
 down under his patronage and that he established a li- 
 brary at Athens. A temple to Athena, the patron god- 
 dess of the city, was built, another to Zeus begun, and in 
 general he fostered the worship of the national Homeric 
 gods at the expense of the local clan cults. An important Religious 
 
 Festivals. 
 
 part of the religion of the Athenian peasants had long 
 
120 Rise of Athens 
 
 been the village festivals of the god Dionysus (§ 134), and 
 there existed already in Athens the Flower Festival of 
 the early spring (in February) and the Vintage Festival 
 of the winter (in December). To these Pisistratus added 
 another, the Great, or City, Dionysia (in April), at which 
 he introduced the sacred play in which scenes in the life of 
 the god were exhibited — the Tragedy or Goat-song. It 
 is worth remembering that in 535 B.C. Thespis produced 
 the first tragedy at Athens in connection with this festival. 
 The theatre there was a part of religious worship. The 
 foreign politics of Pisistratus were successful in making 
 Athens a power in the Greek world. He controlled the 
 approaches to the Hellespont and was in alliance with the 
 Thessalians and with Argos. By his services to the sanct- 
 uary of Apollo on the island of Delos, a favorite Ionian 
 centre, he became a leader among the lonians of the 
 iEgean. On his death (528 B.C.) he was succeeded 
 without opposition by his son, Hip'pi-as, who ruled 
 in close partnership with his younger brother, Hip- 
 par'chus. 
 
 161. Tyranny Overthrown. — But the tyranny was to 
 have as short a life at Athens as it had enjoyed elsewhere 
 (§ 140). The same reasons for its overthrow existed 
 there. The first blow for liberty, however, was struck as a 
 consequence of a private quarrel in which Hipparchus was 
 assassinated by Harmodius and Ar-is-to-gei'ton. There- 
 after Hippias, in fear of a like fate, ruled suspiciously and 
 tyrannically. Exiled nobles, at their head the Alcmae- 
 onidse, intrigued constantly against him, and on one oc- 
 casion they tried to expel him from Athens by their own 
 strength. Failing in this they turned to Sparta, whose 
 league had now reached the frontiers of Attica, and by 
 
Cleisthenes 121 
 
 the influence of the oracle at Delphi, which the Alcmae- 
 onidse had won over by great generosity in the rebuilding 
 of the temple of Apollo, this ambitious state was induced 
 to send an army under King Cleomenes to drive Hippias 
 out (510 B.C.). After he was gone the Spartans at- 
 tempted to set up an aristocratic government, but after 
 a struggle the Athenian people under the leadership of 
 Cleisthenes, the head of the family of the Alcmaeonidas, 
 a friend of the demos, was able to gain control of the 
 state (508 B.C.). Cleisthenes immediately set about a Legislation 
 reorganization of the state on the basis of the constitu- "heneT" 
 tion of Solon with the purpose of correcting the defects 
 and guarding against the dangers of the former legisla- 
 tion. Two evils had not been met by the Solonian con- 
 stitution — the people could not exercise the rights given 
 them because of aristocratic influence, and parties based 
 on local self-interest rent the state. To meet these diffi- 
 culties Cleisthenes made some fundamental changes. He The New 
 organized the people into ten tribes. Each tribe was De'^e^gf" 
 made up of three parts taken by lot from each of the three 
 local divisions of Attica, the upland, the plain and the 
 coast, where dwelt respectively the peasants, the landed 
 proprietors and the merchants. Thus all interests and 
 all parties were likely to be represented in each tribe. The 
 unit of each tribe was the deme, or township; to be a citi- 
 zen.one must be enrolled in a deme; it elected Its officials, • 
 who revised its list of citizen members from time to time 
 and probably cared for the taxes. At the same time a 
 large body of new citizens was created by the admission 
 of strangers (metics) and freedmen resident in the land. 
 The council (Boule) was increased to five hundred mem- 
 bers, fifty from each tribe, chosen in the demes according 
 
122 Rise of Athens 
 
 The to the number of citizens in each deme. The year was 
 
 Prytany. (jiyided into ten parts, and each body of fifty senators pre- 
 sided over pubhc business for a little over a month. As 
 such it was called a prytany and was lodged and fed at 
 the public expense during that time. Ten generals (strat- 
 egoi) were chosen (501 B.C.), one from each tribe. The 
 other ofhcials were appointed as before. A new device 
 Ostracism, for guarding against tyranny was ostracism. Every year 
 the citizens were given the privilege of voting as to whether 
 any prominent man was dangerous to the state. If six 
 thousand citizens voted, a majority of votes recorded 
 against any one upon the pieces of tile {os'tra-ka) used for 
 the purpose, compelled him to leave the state for ten 
 years, though neither his property nor his citizen rights 
 were lost. 
 
 162. The Victory of Liberal Government at Athens. — • 
 Thus Athens became a definitely constitutional state. 
 Solon had established the citizen body in its political 
 rights; Pisistratus had given the poor people opportunity 
 to become self-supporting and respectable; Cleisthenes 
 made it possible for the great middle class of farmers and 
 merchants to use their power in the actual conduct of the 
 state, and since the tyrant's guiding hand was now re- 
 moved the ecclesia asserted its right henceforth to deter- 
 mine for itself the chief questions of public policy. A nota- 
 ble political experiment was now tried for the first time in 
 history. The opportunity was soon to come in which it 
 would be seen whether liberal government was equal to 
 meeting the strain of war and suffering. The Persian 
 war-cloud was hanging over the eastern horizon (§ 84). 
 With its swift approach the era of Greek beginnings drew 
 to its close (500 B.C.). 
 
'■■>»»:**' 
 
Sparta and Athens 123 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What is meant by deme, gerusia, 
 prytany, Helot, Acropolis, Perioeci, Heliaea, Boule? 2. Who 
 were Pheidon, Thespis, Dionysus, Cleomenes, Lycurgus? 3. 
 Locate from memory on an outline map all the cities and 
 countries mentioned in §§ 141-163. 4. What is the date of 
 the Second Messenian War? of Solon? 5. What was the 
 character of the conquest of Laconia by Sparta? 6. Describe 
 the condition of the Helots and Perioeci. 7. What was the 
 cause of the decay of Spartan culture? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES. Compare the manner in which 
 Sparta built up her power in the Peloponnesus with the man- 
 ner in which the eastern states built up their power (§§ 11- 15, 
 
 37, 62-64). 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Cylon's Rebellion. Bury, pp. 
 175-179. 2. The Cretan Constitution Compared with that 
 of Sparta, pp. 136-139. 3. Sparta's Origin, Organization and 
 Expansion. Bury, pp. 120-129. 4' Early History of Athens. 
 Bury, pp. 163-180. 5. Solon's Constitution. Bury, ])p. 180-189. 
 
 6. Pisistratus. Bury, pp. 192-202. 7. The Reforms of Cleis- 
 thenes. Bury, pp. 210-215. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Story of 
 Solon. Plutarch, Life of Solon. 2. Sparta's Beginnings and 
 
 Organization. Moray, pp. 112-117; Botsford, pp. 27-29, 56-63; 
 Shuckburgh, pp. 30-45; Zimmern, ch. 3. 3. Sparta's Expansion. 
 Moray, pp. 118-120; Botsford, pp. 77-80. 4. Early History of 
 Athens. Moray, pp. 120-125; Botsford, pp. 25-27, 41-48; Shuck- 
 burgh, pp. 55-68. 5. Solon's Constitution. Moray, pp. 125- 
 129; Shuckburgh, pp. 68-86; BoLsford, pp. 48-56. 6. Pisistratus. 
 Moray, pp. 129-131; Botsford, pp. 70-77; Shuckburgh, pp. 81-88. 
 
 7. The Reforms of Cleisthenes. Moray, pp. 131-134; Shuck- 
 burgh, pp. 88-93; Botsford, pp. 81-86. 
 
 163. Summary of the Period. — The beginnings of 
 hfe in the ^Egean world are unknown. The oriental 
 peoples were already far advanced in civilization when 
 the first light breaks on this region. But by 2000 B.C. a 
 high culture was produced in Crete under Egyptian in- 
 fluence, probably by a pre- Greek people. About 1500 
 
124 Summary 
 
 B.C. this culture was diffused over the yEgean world, 
 modified in many respects, and possessed by the Greeks 
 who had migrated into Greece from the north. This 
 so-called Mycenaean age was brought to an. end by the 
 descent of rude tribes from the north, which is called 
 the Dorian migration. This cut off Greece from the 
 outer world and set in motion new forces of political 
 and social organization. Changes from tribal life to 
 local settlement created the city-state and put at its head 
 the aristocratic government. When the new-comers had 
 adjusted themselves to their new homes, commerce began 
 to revive on the shores of the yEgean. The cities on the 
 Asia Minor coast came forward. New relations with the 
 orient arose. Wealth gave leisure and opportunity for 
 the new growth of literature and art and religion. Epic 
 poetry reached its height in Homer. The Greeks began 
 to know themselves as one people, the Hellenes, and to 
 form their ideals of social, religious and political life. 
 The Olympic gods (§ 112), the religious games (§ 128), 
 the Delphic oracle, the amphictyonies, were signs of the 
 times. Commerce led to a wide and enterprising colo- 
 nial activity in the Mediterranean world. All this new 
 life reacted upon the Greeks to produce (i) dissatisfac- 
 tion with aristocratic rule, leading to the appointment 
 of lawgivers, the appearance of tyrannies and the rise of 
 constitutional government; and (2) larger relations with 
 the outside world, particularly with the oriental empires 
 now being rapidly merged into the Persian empire. 
 Two states rose above the others as the age drew to an 
 end. Sparta illustrates the tendency to maintain and 
 harden the old tribal system with its equality and its 
 military bent. It grew by conquest, until it occupied 
 
 I 
 
S'parta and Athens 125 
 
 two-fifths of the Peloponnesus and formed a political^ 
 league embracing almost all the rest. Thus it was the 
 leading Greek state. Athens went to the other extreme. 
 Its lawgivers, Solon and Cleisthenes, led the way in the 
 establishment of popular government. Pisistratus, the 
 Athenian tyrant, gave the state a leading place among 
 the commercial powers of the time. Thus by 500 B.C. 
 the Greek world had reached a point at which, its polit- 
 ical institutions fixed and its states firmly established, it 
 was prepared to take its place and do its work in world 
 poHtics. This place and work in the world were opened 
 to it in the rapidly approaching complications with the 
 Persian empire^ 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISIONS I-IV 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. Trace the development 
 of political institutions through the first three epochs of this 
 period (§§ 98, 105-108, 114-115, 135-140). 2. Note the various 
 stages in the development of literature and art in this period 
 (§§94-95,98-99, 109, no, 119, 12S. 152, 160). 3. Show how the 
 literature and art of each epoch corresponds to the political 
 history of that epoch. 4. Give a history of the Greek king 
 (§§ 98-99, 105, 106, 107, 137, 156). 5. Compare the history of 
 Sparta and Athens as they were affected by the general politi- 
 cal development of Greece (§§ 152-153, 157-162). 6. Trace the 
 influence of commerce on the life of the Greeks during this 
 period (§§ 97-98, 108, 113, 129, 135, 152, 158). 7. On what oc- 
 casions during this period did the Greeks come into contact 
 with outside peoples? Who were these peoples and what did 
 the contact mean for Greece (§§ 91, 97, 103, 116, 117(75), 132)? 
 8. Enumerate the influences (i) that kept the Greeks sepa- 
 rate, and (2) that united them, during this period (§§ 87, 106, 
 107, IIS, "9, 12S). 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES, i. On an outline map of 
 Greece place (i) the physical features of Greece, (2) the peo- 
 ples and cities of the first epoch, (3) those of the second epoch, 
 (4) those of the third epoch — using, if possible, different 
 colored pencils or inks to distinguish the epochs — (5) then, with 
 
126 The Persiafi Peril 
 
 the general map of Greece before you, note the peoples and 
 cities which have not yet played a part in the history. 2. 
 Compare the oriental scenes in Plates III, IV and VIII with the 
 Greek scene found in Plates XIV and XV and make observa- 
 tions from the point of view of grace, strength, simplicity, 
 technical skill, etc. Compare, for further illustration, the 
 plates in Tarbell, pp. 132, 137, 146, 151, 156. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. The Olympian Games. 
 
 Bury, pp. 140-142; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 
 26-33; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 378-394; Diehl, Excur- 
 sions in Greece, ch. 7. 2. Greek Oracles, especially Delphi. 
 Bury, pp. 159, 161; Grant, Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 20- 
 26; Duruy, History of Greece, II, pp. 318-330. 3. Mycenaean 
 Art. Tarbell, ch. 2; Bury, pp. 11-30; Tsountas and Manatt, 
 Mycenaean Age, chs. 5, 9. 4. The Story of the Founding of a 
 Greek Colony. Botsford, ch. 3; Bury, ch. 2; Duruy, History of 
 Greece, II, pp. 165-173; Greenidge, pp. 36-45. 5. Write the 
 story of the "Iliad" in a thousand words. Capps, pp. 22-74. 
 6. Write the story of the " Odyssey " in the form of an auto- 
 biography of Odysseus. Capps, pp. 75-110. 7. History of a 
 Tyrant; Cleisthenes of Sicyon. Herodotus, V, 67-69; VI, 126- 
 131; or, Polycrates of Samos. Herodotus, III, 40-47, 54-56, 
 120-125. 8. The Legends of the Chief Gods of Greece. Grant, 
 Greece in the Age of Pericles, pp. 12-18; Guerber, Myths of Greece 
 and Rome; Fairbanks, Mythology of Greece and Rome. 9. Hera- 
 cles and the Dorian Invasions. Bury, pp. 80-82; Duruy, History 
 of Greece, I, pp. 273-281. 10. The Greek Temple. Mahaffy, 
 Old Greek Life, pp. 19-24; Tarbell, ch. 3. 
 
 5.— THE GREEK EMPIRES : ATHENIAN, 
 
 SPARTAN, THEBAN AND 
 
 MACEDONIAN 
 
 500-336 B.C. 
 
 164. The Menace of Persia. — The victory of Cyrus jj 
 over Lydia (§75) had brought the Ionian cities under the u 
 Persian power. This authority had been strengthened ]j 
 and extended over the islands by succeeding rulers until 
 practically the whole coast was subject. The Scythian 
 
 i 
 
The Ionian Revolt 127 
 
 expedition of King Darius (§ 84) had been followed by 
 the extension of Persian authority throughout the north- 
 ern ^gean, where a new satrapy was formed. It was 
 clear that the Great King would not stop until all the 
 Greek peninsula acknowledged his sceptre. Some Greek 
 communities were already reconciled to this prospect and 
 had sought the aid of Persia in the settlement of their 
 difficulties. Among these were Thebes and Argos; the 
 Delphic oracle steadily favored submission, and even 
 Athens in the year 497 B.C. offered to do homage. It 
 seemed that the lack of Greek unity, set over against 
 the mighty centralized power of Persia, would make 
 successful defence impossible. 
 
 165. The Ionian Revolt. — But events beyond the con- The Greeks 
 trol of the Greek states made a conflict unavoidable. ^^^'^'^• 
 In 499 B.C. the Greek cities of Ionia under the leader- 
 ship of Miletus rebelled against the Persians and sought 
 help from Sparta and Athens. The former refused, but 
 Athens sent twenty ships and Eretria five. 
 
 The story of the rejection of the petition in Sparta is told by 
 Herodotus as follows: 
 
 " Ar-is-tag'o-ras spoke thus, and Cleomenes answered him saymg: 
 'Guest-friend from Miletos, I defer my answer to thee till the day 
 after to-morrow.' Thus far then they advanced at that time; and 
 when the appointed day arrived for the answer, and they had come 
 to the place agreed upon, Cleomenes asked Aristagoras how many 
 days' journey it was from the sea of the lonians to the residence of 
 the king. Now Aristagoras, who in other respects acted cleverly 
 and imposed upon him well, in this point made a mistake; for whereas 
 he ought not to have told him the truth, at least if he desired to bring 
 the Spartans out to Asia, he said in fact that it was a journey up from 
 the sea of three months; and the other cutting short the rest of the 
 account which Aristagoras had begun to give of the way, said: 
 
128 
 
 The Persian Peril 
 
 Sparta Re- 
 fuses to 
 Help the 
 lonians. 
 
 'Guest-friend from Miletos, get thee away from Sparta before the 
 sun has set; for thou speakest a word which sounds not well in the 
 ears of the Lacedemonians, desiring to take them a journey of three 
 months away from the sea.' Cleomenes, accordingly, having so 
 said went away to his house; but Aristagoras took the suppliant's 
 branch and went to the house of Cleomenes; and having entered 
 in as a suppliant, he bade Cleomenes send away the child and listen 
 to him; for the daughter of Cleomenes was standing by him, whose 
 name was Gorgo, and this as it chanced was his only child, being of 
 the age now of eight or nine years. Cleomenes, however, bade him 
 say that which he desired to say, and not to stop on account of the 
 child. Then Aristagoras proceeded to promise him money, beginning 
 with ten talents, if he would accomplish for him that for which he 
 was asking, and when Cleomenes refused, Aristagoras went on in- 
 creasing the sums of money offered, until at last he had promised fifty 
 talents, and at that moment the child cried out: 'Father, the stranger 
 will do thee hurt, if thou do not leave him and go.' Cleomenes 
 then, pleased by the counsel of the child, departed into another room, 
 and Aristagoras went away from Sparta altogether, and had no fur- 
 ther opportunity of explaining any further about the way up from 
 the sea to the residence of the king." 
 
 Battle of 
 Lade. 
 
 Destruction 
 of Miletus. 
 
 The allies opened the campaign by seizing and burning 
 Sardis, the Persian capital of Asia Minor, but while re- 
 turning to the coast they were defeated near Ephesus by 
 the Persians; whereupon the Athenians abandoned the 
 enterprise. A long and desperate struggle ensued. The 
 decisive factor was the dissension which arose among the 
 Greek cities and it was to this that the great defeat which 
 they sustained in the naval battle of La'de (494 B.C.) was 
 due. Even in the midst of the engagement the Sa- 
 mians and Lesbians sailed away, abandoning their com- 
 rades. Another disaster of appalling magnitude followed. 
 Miletus — at that time the largest and most cultured city 
 in the entire Greek world — was taken by storm and 
 
 1 
 
Longitude East 2 
 

 
Marathon 129 
 
 razed to the ground. Persia immediately set about pun- 
 ishing the Greeks of the peninsula for their interference, 
 while Sparta and Athens, with a boldness born rather of 
 ignorance and assurance than of real knowledge, awaited 
 the attack. The first expedition commanded by Mar- First Per- 
 donius, the king's son-in-law, consisted of a land army pg^JJt^n' 
 and a fleet. It started southward from the Persian pos- 
 sessions on the north yEgean through Macedonia in 492 
 B.C. But the fleet was shipwrecked off Mt. Athos and 
 the expedition returned in disgrace. A second attack Second 
 was made in 490 B.C. by a force which sailed straight Exp^edition. 
 across the sea bound for Athens. It consisted of about 
 20,000 men, chiefly foot-soldiers. After stopping at the 
 island of Euboea and sacking Eretria, the army was 
 landed on the Attic coast in the hill-girt plain of Mara- 
 thon. The Athenian citizen force of 10,000 heavy armed 
 men (hoplites), aided by 1,000 troops of the neighboring 
 city of Pla-tae'a, occupied the heights through which the 
 road passed before descending to the city. The ten 
 strategoi, with the war archon at their head, were uncer- 
 tain whether to meet the Persians there or to await them 
 behind the walls of Athens. The Persians were equally 
 in doubt as to what to do. Finally, after some days, the Miitiades. 
 persuasions of one of the strategoi, Mil-ti'a-des, were suc- 
 cessful in inducing the Athenians to remain. The Per- 
 sians also decided to advance. On the decisive day the 
 war archon handed over the chief command to Miitia- 
 des. He extended his force until it equalled the Per- 
 sian front, strengthening his wings at the expense of the 
 centre, and hurled the army on a run against the ad- 
 vancing Persians. The strategy was successful, for, while 
 his centre was broken, the wings were victorious and 
 
130 
 
 The Persian Peril 
 
 Marathon. 
 
 Temporary 
 Check to 
 Persia. 
 
 closed in upon the Persians, who fled to their ships. The 
 bows and arrows and light wicker shields of the Persians 
 proved child's weapons against the spears and metal 
 armor of the Greeks. Six thousand four hundred Per- 
 sians were slain and seven ships were taken; of the Athe- 
 nians one hundred and ninety-two fell. The rest of 
 the enemy escaped upon the ships, and, after an attempt 
 to surprise Athens while denuded of its defenders had 
 been foiled by the rapid march home of the victors of 
 Marathon, they, returned to Asia Minor. Two days 
 after a Spartan force, for which the Athenians had 
 despatched a swift messenger, arrived on the scene. 
 
 1 66. Significance of the Victory.— The victory of 
 Marathon had no effect upon the Persian king beyond 
 making him more determined than ever to conquer 
 Greece. To him it was only a temporary check; a small " 
 force had been defeated in a somewhat rash enterprise. 
 For the Greeks, however, the victory meant everything, 
 now at last they had no fear of Persia and were ready 
 to meet any attack however formidable. To Athens 
 especially it was most significant. At one bound she 
 sprang to the front as the defender of Greek freedom. 
 Miltiades shared in the glory and became the first citizen 
 of the state. Under his leadership a fleet was sent out 
 against the island of Pa'ros. 
 
 167. The Ten Years' Respite. — The Persians were 
 delayed ten years before attacking again. While Darius 
 was making his preparations, the province of Egypt re- 
 belled (486 B.C.). ■ He himself died the next year and was 
 succeeded by his son Xerxes. During this time impor- 
 tant changes were taking place in the political situation 
 at Athens. A failure of Miltiades in his naval expedition 
 
Policy of Theumtocles 131 
 
 brought him into disgrace with the Athenians; he died 
 while under condemnation by the people. The demo- Democratic 
 cratic movement was greatly aided by a change in the ^^^,^^^1^ ^' 
 constitution by which the archons were appointed by lot 
 (487 B.C.). In this arrangement those who had hitherto 
 been the chief administrative officers of the state were 
 henceforth men of mere average attainment. Hence the 
 people found new leaders in the strategoi (§ 161) who" 
 were still elected, not chosen by lot. It was arranged 
 that henceforth, while nine strategoi were elected by the 
 tribes, one, the chief strategos, should be chosen by all 
 the people. To this position, therefore, the chief man The Leader 
 (the demagogue, "leader of the demos") in the state, ^g^^^s. 
 was usually elected, and the archons fell into obscurity. 
 168. Aristides and Themistocles.— Under this arrange- 
 ment two men came prominently forward with very dif- 
 ferent political ideas. Aristides, a man of exceptionally 
 high character, thought the safety of Athens and her great- 
 ness lay in emphasizing the importance of her heavy armed 
 citizen soldiery that had won the battle of Marathon. 
 Themistocles, the opposing statesman, claimed that there Policy of 
 was no hope of deliverance except in the creation of a tocl^!^' 
 naval force which could meet the Persians on the sea and 
 beat them off. He urged also a commercial policy as the 
 true source of wealth and progress for Athens. When 
 in 493 B.C. Themistocles had been archon, he had in- 
 duced the Athenians to change their harbor to the roomy 
 and protected bay of the Pi-ras'us, and now he urged his 
 naval policy more vigorously. He persuaded the people 
 to devote the income of their silver mines on the promon- 
 tory of Laurium, usually distributed among the citizens, 
 to the building of the navy. Opposition was overthrown 
 
132 
 
 The Persian Peril 
 
 by the "ostracism" of Aristides in 482 B.C., and in 480 
 B.C. a fleet of nearly two hundred triremes was ready. 
 This step was one of the most important ever taken by 
 Athens. It marked out her future career. Had Aris- 
 tides won, Athens would have remained a state in which 
 the landholders and the people of property, who made 
 up the citizen army, would have been the chief element in 
 the state. The new policy turned Athens toward the sea. 
 It brought into prominence and importance the mer- 
 chants and tradesmen; the mass of the poor and landless 
 people, hitherto without influence in the state, were made 
 as necessary for the fleet as the hoplites for the army. 
 Hence, the policy was a step forward toward true democ- 
 racy within the state and toward giving Athens a leading 
 place in the greater world without. 
 
 169. The Expedition of Xerxes. — The preparations 
 of Xerxes for the invasion of Greece were begun by 483 
 B.C. The plan adopted was the same as that of 492 B.C. 
 (^ 165). To avoid the dangers of shipwreck off Mt. 
 Athos a canal was cut through the peninsula on which 
 it stood. Bridges were thrown across the streams and 
 magazines of stores were established. An army and a 
 fleet, which represented the full strength of the empire, 
 were collected. Xerxes himself took the command. The 
 Greeks estimated the total size of the army at some- 
 thing short of two millions. A very conservative esti- 
 mate makes the number of first-class fighting men, ex- 
 clusive of camp-followers, about one hundred thousand. 
 The fleet numbered about a thousand ships, great and 
 small. In the spring of 480 B.C. the Hellespont was 
 crossed, and by July the fleet and the army were moving 
 southward to the borders of Thessaly. 
 
Disloyalty of the Oracle 133 
 
 170. Dark Outlook for the Greeks. — The outlook for 
 the Greeks was dark. To the demand for submission 
 which Xerxes had made, through heralds sent up and 
 down the land, a number of states had yielded. The 
 Thessalian nobles, Thebes and the Boeotian cities under 
 her influence, Argos and some lesser tribes, were either 
 openly or secretly on the Persian side. The oracle of 
 Delphi had lost all hope and its utterances in response 
 to anxious inquiries from the different states were gloomy 
 and discouraging. 
 
 Its attitude is explained by Herodotus in the following passage: 
 
 "For the Athenians had sent men to Delphi to inquire and were TheUn- 
 
 preparing to consult the Oracle; and after these had performed the Patriotic 
 , • • , 1 • , , , 1 , , Counsel 
 
 usual rites m the sacred precmcts, when they had entered the sanct- of Delphi. 
 
 uary and were sitting down there, the Pythian prophetess, whose 
 
 name was Aristonike, uttered to them this oracle: 
 
 " 'Why do ye sit, O ye wretched? Flee thou to the uttermost limits, 
 Leaving thy home and the heights of the wheel-round city behind 
 
 thee! 
 Lo, there remaineth now nor the head nor the body in safety, — 
 Neither the feet below nor the hands nor the middle are left thee, — 
 All are destroyed together; for fire and the passionate War-god, 
 Urging the Syrian car to speed, doth hurl them to ruin. 
 Not thine alone, he shall cause many more great strongholds to perish, 
 Yea, many temples of gods to the ravening fire shall deliver, — 
 Temples which stand now surely with sweat of their terror down- 
 streaming. 
 Quaking with dread; and lo! from the topmost roof to the pavement 
 Dark blood trickles, forecasting the dire unavoidable evil. 
 Forth with you, forth from the shrine, and steep your soul in the 
 sorrow ! ' 
 
 "Hearing this the men who had been sent by the Athenians to con- 
 sult the Oracle were very greatly distressed; and as they were de- 
 spairing by reason of the evil which had been prophesied to them, 
 
134 
 
 The Persian Peril 
 
 Timon the son of Androbulos, a man of the Delphians in reputation 
 equal to the first, counselled them to take a suppliant's bough and to 
 approach the second time and consult the Oracle as suppliants. The 
 Athenians did as he advised and said: "Lord, we pray thee utter 
 to us some better oracle about our native land, having respect to these 
 suppliant boughs which we have come to thee bearing; otherwise 
 surely we will not depart from the sanctuary, but will remain here 
 where we are now, even until we bring our lives to an end." When 
 they had spoken these words, the prophetess gave them a second 
 oracle as follows: 
 
 " 'Pallas cannot prevail to appease great Zeus in Olympos, 
 Though she with words very many and wiles close-woven entreat him. 
 But I will tell thee this more, and will clench it with steel adamantine: 
 Then when all else shall be taken, whatever the boundary of Kekrops 
 Holdeth within, and the dark ravines of divinest Kithairon, 
 A bulwark of wood at the last Zeus grants to the Trito-born goddess 
 Sole to remain unwasted, which thee and thy children shall profit. 
 Stay thou not there for the horsemen to come and the footmen un- 
 numbered; 
 Stay thou not still for the host from the mainland to come, but re- 
 tire thee, 
 Turning thy back to the foe, for yet thou shalt face him hereafter. 
 Salamis, thou the divine, thou shall cause sons of women to perish. 
 Or when the grain is scattered or when it is gathered together.' " 
 
 A council of the states that proposed to offer resist- 
 ance met at Corinth. The Peloponnesian league under 
 Sparta's headship was naturally the chief power; Athens 
 and other states loyally accepted her leadership. The 
 council agreed that in the face of the pressing danger all 
 feuds between Greek states should cease and a general 
 invitation was extended to all to unite for defence. A 
 special request for help was sent to Gelon, tyrant of 
 Syracuse, who ruled over the cities of Sicily and possessed 
 military resources beyond those of any other state in the 
 
Thermojiylos 135 
 
 Greek world. But Xerxes had made an alliance with 
 Carthage (§§ 52, 117), whereby she was to attack the 
 Greeks of Sicily. He gained thereby a valuable ally. For carthage 
 Carthage had now drawn under her control all the Phceni- ^.°'"^ ^^'' 
 cian settlements in the west, and, having possession of 
 western Sicily, Sardinia, the coast of Spain and North 
 Africa, she had succeeded in converting the sea which they 
 enclosed into a Carthaginian lake. Within these waters 
 she had established a commercial monopoly and had 
 drawn from it fabulous wealth. This enabled her to main- 
 tain a powerful fleet and, whenever she wished, to take into 
 her employ a host of mercenary troops. She now ad- 
 vanced to the conc[uest of all Sicily. Gelon was, therefore, 
 unable to render assistance even if he had been willing to 
 do so. The plan of campaign proposed to the council The Greek 
 of Corinth by Themistocles was adopted; it was simple clmp°a^ign 
 and masterly. On land, where the Persian army was 
 so much larger, a battle was to be avoided as long as 
 possible; a naval battle was to be sought as soon as 
 possible, for on the sea the opposing forces were more 
 nearly equal. It was thought that, if the Persian fleet 
 were destroyed, the army of the Great King would not be 
 able to remain in Greece. Having made these prepara- 
 tions, full of heroic courage and undaunted purpose, the 
 representatives of the various states separated and the 
 conflict began. 
 
 171, Thermopylsg. — In accordance with the plan, a 
 small force was sent forward to block the enemy's ad- 
 vance at the northern mountain border of Thessaly. It 
 was found, however, that there were too many passes 
 through the mountains .to make a defence possible at this 
 point, and, abandoning Thessaly, the Greek force took 
 
136 The Persian Peril 
 
 its stand on the heights south of the Thessalian plain. 
 Here the narrow and easily defended pass of Ther-mop'y- 
 la; forms the only entrance into middle Greece. The 
 Greeks were under the command of the Spartan king 
 Le-on'i-das and consisted of about seven thousand men, 
 the kernel of which was a corps of three hundred Spartans. 
 Xerxes occupied Thessaly without opposition, and by 
 August, 480 B.C., advanced to Thermopylae to force the 
 pass. The battle raged for two days, the flower of the 
 Persians attacking the Greeks in the narrow defile in 
 vain. On the third day, a troop was sent around on the 
 heights above the pass, and the battle was renewed from 
 front and rear. Retreat had been possible earlier and 
 the bulk of the defenders had retired, but Leonidas and 
 his Spartans remained and at last perished, overpowered 
 by numbers. After the war was over, a monument was 
 raised upon the hillock where the last stand was made, 
 a lion carved in stone with the inscription: 
 
 Stranger, report this word, we pray, to the Spartans, that lying 
 here in this spot we remain, faithfully keeping their laws. 
 
 172. The Greek Fleet. — Meanwhile the Persian fleet, 
 sailing southward, had encountered a storm which de- 
 troyed some four hundred ships. The remainder, still 
 a formidable host, advanced to the Pag'a-sae'an gulf. The 
 Greek fleet was gathered at Artemisium on the north 
 of Euboea. Several encounters took place without de- 
 cisive result, when the news of Thermopylae decided the 
 Greeks to withdraw to the Saronic gulf. The results 
 thus far were distinctly unfavorable to the Greeks. The 
 defeat of Thermopylae opened middle Greece to the 
 Persians, while the Greek fleet had not gained any com- 
 
Salamis 
 
 137 
 
 pensating advantage. The decisive struggle still to come 
 was transferred now to the very heart of the peninsula, 
 
 173. Salamis. — Xerxes moved down into Boeotia and 
 took possession of the whole middle region. The Greeks 
 still pursuing their original plan, offered no resistance, 
 but awaited the Persians at the isthmus of Corinth, 
 where they built a wall from one side to the other and 
 
 stationed the Peloponnesian army under the command of 
 Cle-om'bro-tus of Sparta, brother of Leonidas. Athens, Athenians 
 
 , . • 1 1 • Abandon 
 
 therefore, was quite unprotected, and measures were im- Attka. 
 mediately taken for abandoning the country and trans- 
 porting the inhabitants to Salamis, /Egina and the Pelo- 
 ponnesus. Soon the Persians came down and occupied 
 the city. The Greek fleet of about three hundred ships 
 was now drawn up between Salamis and the Attic shore. 
 There was great uncertainty among the commanders 
 
138 The Persian Peril 
 
 whether to fight the oncoming Persian fleet then and 
 there, or to retreat to the Peloponnesian shore in order 
 to keep in touch with the army. Themistocles, who de- 
 sired a battle where the Greeks then were, sent a mes- 
 senger to Xerxes to warn him of the intended flight of the 
 Greeks. The Persian king immediately sent two hun- 
 dred Egyptian vessels to block up the western outlets, 
 while the main fleet was stationed in front of the Greeks 
 on the eastern side of the island. When the news was 
 brought by Aristides, who had been recalled from exile, 
 that the western passage was occupied, the Greeks saw 
 themselves forced to give battle. It was well for them 
 that the battle was fought here, for, in the narrow straits, 
 their lighter ships and smaller numbers counted for 
 much more, while the larger Persian fleet was crowded 
 Defeat of and hampered. About the 28th of September, 480 B.C., 
 Fi^etf'^ the fight began at break of day, and by night the Per- 
 sians were completely beaten. Xerxes, whose throne had 
 been set up on the slope of Mt. ^-ga'le-os, witnessed the 
 discomfiture of his navy. The next morning the remain- 
 ing ships bore away to the eastward and disappeared. 
 
 174. Effect of the Battle. — Salamis was the first of the 
 battles with Persia that can properly be called a deci- 
 sive victory. Its consequences appeared at once. The 
 Greeks were now masters of the sea. The Persian army, 
 without the support of a fleet, and in an enemy's country, 
 must depend upon itself for support and success. A 
 defeat would be ruin. Moreover, should the Greeks sail 
 to the Hellespont, they could cut Xerxes's communica- 
 tions with his own land, stir up the Ionian cities to rebel- 
 lion and force the Persian army to return home. That 
 was precisely what Themistocles desired the fleet to do 
 
osure 
 
 PlatcEa 139 
 
 immediately after the battle, but the other commanders Expi 
 were unwilling to venture so far away from home. Xerxes °q^^^^^_ 
 was not slow in grasping the situation. He decided to tack, 
 go back at once to Asia, leaving Mardonius with the bulk 
 of the army to push forward the campaign next year. 
 
 175. Platfiea. — The Persian army withdrew from At- 
 tica and went into winter quarters in Bceotia. The Athe- 
 nians returned to their fields and rebuilt their homes. 
 As spring (479 B.C.) came on, however, it was clear that 
 unless the Peloponnesians advanced beyond the isthmus, 
 Attica would again be laid waste by the Persians. But Athens 
 in spite of the appeals of the Athenians, the Spartans ^^ ^°^^ " 
 failed to move, and Athens again abandoned was burned 
 to the ground. Only the threat of the Athenians that 
 they would make peace with Mardonius, who had given 
 them all kinds of promises, forced the advance of the 
 Peloponnesians. As they came out of the isthmus, the 
 Persians retired from Attica and took up a position in 
 the vicinity of Platasa. Mardonius was said with gross 
 exaggeration to have an army of three hundred thousand 
 men, well organized and equipped, and might reasonably 
 hope for victory over the Greeks. They were numbered 
 at about one hundred thousand men, drawn from the va- 
 rious Peloponnesian states and from Athens, under the 
 command of Pausanias, the Spartan. The two opponents 
 manoeuvred for some days before Platsea, both sides be- 
 ing unwilling to lose the advantage of a defensive posi- 
 tion. Finally, however, having caught Pausanias in the 
 midst of a movement to change his base of operations, 
 Mardonius hurled his finest troops upon the Spartan 
 force. But the Spartans maintained their steadiness 
 and discipline in the face of the enemy until ordered 
 
140 
 
 The Persian Peril 
 
 Defeat of 
 
 Persian 
 
 Army. 
 
 Defeat of 
 Carthage. 
 
 Attack on 
 Asia. 
 
 to charge. As at Marathon, so here, the onset of the 
 hophtes was irresistible. They tore the opposing Per- 
 sian force in pieces; Mardonius was killed; the Persian 
 camp stormed. The Persian general, Ar-ta-ba'zus, suc- 
 ceeded in getting away into Asia with less than a fifth of 
 the army. Thus, as Herodotus said, "was gained by 
 Pausanias the most famous victory of all those about 
 which we have knowledge." 
 
 176. Himera and Mycale. — During these years two 
 other battles were fought which completed the discom- 
 fiture of the Persians. In the west, Gelon of Syracuse 
 (§ 170), who was attacked by the Carthaginians in alliance 
 with Persia, defeated them decisively in the battle of 
 Him'e-ra (480 B.C.), said to have been fought on the very 
 day of Salamis.* The Greek fleet, which had been in- 
 active since the victory of Salamis, sailed in 479 B.C. over 
 to Asia Minor, where the remnant of the Persian fleet was 
 protecting the coast. On the approach of the Greeks 
 the enemy's fleet was drawn up under protection of the 
 army, on the shore of the promontory of Myc'a-le. Here 
 the Greeks attacked them and won a complete victory 
 (479 B.C.) and thus gained control of the Ionian coast. 
 Not a Persian ship was to be found on the ^gean sea. 
 After capturing the city of Sestos, one of the keys to the 
 Hellespont, the fleet returned to Greece. 
 
 * Gelon's chief ally in this war was Theron of Ac'ra-gas. Under the 
 rule of these two tyrants and that of Hi'e-ron, who succeeded his brother 
 Gelon in 478 B.C., Sicily enjoyed a period of great power and prosperity. 
 There was no more brilliant society in the world than that of the two 
 island courts. To them went the most distinguished poets of the eastern 
 cities, Pindar and ^Es'chy-lus (§179), Si-mon'i-des and Bac-chyl'i-des. 
 The greatest exploit of Hieron was the destruction of the Etruscan mari- 
 time power by his naval victory at Cyme in 474 B.C. 
 
w 
 
 '^^ 
 
 m^ 
 
 wmk 
 
 »3^ 
 
 _^ i 
 
Results of Victory 141 
 
 177. Reasons for Greek Success. — Thus closed the 
 critical years which resulted in warding off the Persian 
 attack and triumphantly defending the independence of 
 Greece. How it was all achieved, the Greeks themselves 
 hardly knew. We sec that (i) the Greek infantry with 
 its long spears was more than a match for the Persian 
 foot-soldiers with their bows, (2) the seamanship of the 
 Greeks was better than that of the Persians, while (3) 
 the strongest part of the Persian army, the cavalry, had 
 no chance in the narrow valleys and mountain passes 
 of Greece. (4) The union of the Greeks, limited and 
 defective as it was, and (5) the consummate statesman- 
 ship of Themistocles, in creating and enlarging the navy 
 of Athens and emphasizing the importance of the con- 
 trol of the sea, had no small part in securing victory. 
 
 178. Twofold Result of the Struggle.— The result of Greece the 
 the conflict may be said to have been twofold. First, powerln 
 it emphasized and glorified all those elements of Greek tiieWorid. 
 life which the past centuries had been building up — the 
 consciousness of Greek unity in the face of the outside 
 world, the sentiments of independence, of patriotism 
 
 and of freedom that had come to be the life of every 
 Greek community. Second, it made Greece a world- 
 power, transferred political supremacy from the east to 
 the west and created among the leading Greek states 
 aspirations after wider political influence and authority 
 for which opportunities opened on every side. 
 
 179. The Literary Echo. — Two poets of the time re- 
 vealed this sense of the power and glory of victorious 
 Greece. Pindar, of Boeotia (about 522-448 B.C.), might- Pindar, 
 iest of the lyric poets (§ 130), gained his chief fame by 
 
 his choral Odes, glorifying the victors in the national 
 
142 The Persian Peril 
 
 games (§ 128). They were sung by a chorus of dancers 
 on the return of the hero to his native city. In them he 
 celebrated all those characteristic qualities which the 
 Greek revealed in the Persian struggle — his manly vigor, 
 his love of beauty, his deep piety, his heroic temper, his 
 joy in his splendid past, his freedom and moral inde- 
 pendence, his serene faith in the higher powers, un- 
 troubled by doubt or fear, ^schylus (about 525-456 
 B.C.), the tragedian of Athens, himself fought at Mara- 
 thon and Salamis, , and celebrated the victories in his 
 PerscB, a tragedy brought out In 472 B.C., in which he de- 
 picts the doom of the arrogant king who sets himself up 
 ^schyius. against the Almighty. iEschylus was the real founder 
 of tragedy; he introduced the novelty of having two 
 actors and a chorus, thus securing effective dramatic 
 action. In his plays he uses the mythical and legendary 
 tales of the heroes of old; Pro-me'theus, Agamemnon, the 
 Seven against Thebes, are some of his titles. He is the 
 poet-preacher of righteousness, of the punishment of 
 pride, of the supremacy of moral law over all beings, 
 divine and human, of the inevitable payment for sin 
 wherever committed. He moves in a superhuman world 
 of grand, heroic, sinful, suffering beings over whom 
 hangs the penality of violated right and truth. The 
 gods, who are jealous of the overweening might of the 
 Great King and have brought him to ruin, are on the 
 watch to avenge themselves upon such a spirit every- 
 where. So he warned, while he uplifted, the souls of his 
 generation, and spoke words that live forever. 
 
 180. The Birth of Greek Imperialism. — We have seen 
 that the Greek states assumed new political importance 
 in the world as the result of their victory. This was 
 
The Persia7i Peril 143 
 
 certain to transform Greek politics. Not the petty Greek 
 communities, but only the leaders could enter into the 
 race for world-power. In the struggle of these leaders 
 with each other could Greek unity be preserved or Greek 
 independence be maintained ? These were the problems 
 that sprang up when the fight for freedom from Persian 
 supremacy was won. Thus it came to pass that Greek 
 imperialism was the child of the Persian Wars. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following noted: 
 Persepolis, Miletus, Marathon, Laurium, Mt. Athos, Helles- 
 pont, Plataea, Mycale, Himera? 2. Who were Mardonius, 
 Cyrus, ^schylus, Leonidas, Gelon, Aristides? 3. What is 
 meant by tragedy, strategos, lyric poetry, mythical, legendary, 
 imperialism, ostracism? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the attitude of the Lyd- 
 ians and the Persians toward the Ionian cities (§ 117). 2. 
 Compare the growth of the Persian empire (§§ 74, 75, 81. 84) 
 with that of the Greek states. 3. Compare the relation of 
 the Persian armies to the Persian government (§ 81) with 
 that of the Greek armies toward their governments. 4. Plan 
 an attack on Greece by Persia and the Greek means of resist- 
 ance to the attack. 5, Read Browning's "Echetlos" as an 
 interpretation of Greek spirit. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Ionian Revolt. Bury, pp. 
 241-247. 2. The Campaign of Marathon. Bury, pp. 247-257. 
 3. Themistocles and His Policy. Bury, pp. 263-264. 4. The 
 Campaign of Xerxes. Bury, pp. 265-296. 5. Sicily in the Per- 
 sian Wars. Bury, pp. 296-304. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Ionian 
 
 Revolt. Morey, pp. 174-176; Botsford, pp. 110-115; Shuck- 
 burgh, pp. 111-123. 2. The Campaign of Marathon, Shuck- 
 burgh, pp. 128-136; Zimmern, pp. 141-147. 3. Themistocles 
 and His Policy. Plutarch, Life of Themistocles; Botsford, pp. 
 124-126; Morey, pp. 181-184; Shuckburgh, pp. 138-142. 4. 
 The Campaign of Xerxes. Botsford, pp. 127-136; Morey, pp. 
 184-192; Shuckburgh, pp. 142-171; Zimmern, pp. 14S-191. 5. 
 
144 Rivalry of Athens and Sparta 
 
 Athens the 
 Rival of 
 Sparta. 
 
 Incidents of the Battle of Salamis. Herodotus, VIII, §§ 40- 
 42, 49-96. 6. ^schylus. Capps, ch. 8; jebb, pp. 73-83; Mur- 
 ray, pp. 109-116. 7. Sicily in the Persian Wars. Botsford, pp. 
 
 136-139- 
 
 181. The Maritime Power oL Athens. — Out of the 
 
 struggle against the Persian invaders two Greek powers 
 came forth to reap tlie fruits of victory. Sparta, as the 
 head of the Peloponnesian league, had been officially 
 recognized as the leader in the conflict; but the heroic, 
 determined and far-sighted activities of Athens during 
 the wars had given her a foremost place in the estima- 
 tion of all patriotic Greeks. Hence, the coming years 
 reveal her as the rival of Sparta for the headship among 
 the Greek states. 
 
 Predica- 
 ment of 
 Sparta. 
 
 Herodotus testifies to the service of Athens in the great struggle 
 as follows: "If a man should now say that the Athenians were the 
 saviors of Greece, he would not exceed the truth. For they truly 
 held the scales; and whichever side they espoused must have carried 
 the day. They, too, it was who, when they had determined to main- 
 tain the freedom of Greece, roused up that portion of the Greek 
 nation which had not gone over to the Medes; and so, next to the 
 gods, they repulsed the invader." 
 
 182. Sparta Loses Naval Command to Athens. — The 
 
 first task which awaited the victors was to drive the Per- 
 sians from the coasts of the yEgean sea and deliver the 
 Asiatic Greeks from Persian domination. The Greek 
 fleet under the Spartan king Pausanias (§ 175) under- 
 took this task. That, as things were, it must prove too 
 great an undertaking for a state like Sparta with not 
 more than four thousand citizens, who, moreover, lacked 
 money, ships and maritime experience, and had, besides, 
 to stand on guard at home against a serf population of 
 
The Delian Confederacy 145 
 
 sixty thousand males, was foreseen by both Pausanias 
 and the authorities at home; but whereas the latter were 
 loath to conduct naval operations in far distant Asia, 
 the over-ambitious victor of Platasa was set on keeping 
 his own country at the head of all Greek enterprises, 
 even though to do so he must secure the assistance of 
 Persia. He accordingly offered his services to the Great 
 King as satrap of Greece and conducted himself as the 
 master and not as the leader of the forces serving under his 
 command. His arrogance together with the indifference of 
 the ruling powers at Sparta, however, provoked a prompt 
 reaction which resulted in the transference of the lead- 
 ership to the Athenians under Aristides (§ i68). They 
 had by far the largest number of ships and hence an irre- 
 sistible claim to naval command. The work was brill- 
 iantly accomplished. With the exception of a few iso- 
 lated cities, the Greek settlements on the entire ^gean 
 coast and in the eastern Mediterranean as far as Cyprus 
 were made free. 
 
 183. The Delian Confederacy Formed. — It was clear, 
 however, that this freedom could be maintained only 
 by presenting a united front to the enemy. Hence, 
 a new league sprang into being under the headship of 
 Athens — a league of the i^^gean cities. Large and small 
 alike, they banded together to furnish a fleet for defence 
 and offence against Persia (478 b.c). Those who were 
 unable or unwilling to furnish ships contributed yearly 
 a sum of money. The amount of the contribution in Aristides 
 each case was left to Aristides to determine, according 
 to his judgment of the resources of each city. The 
 pre-eminence of Athens was also recognized by giving 
 her the command of the united fleet and by arranging 
 
 the Just. 
 
146 Rivalry of Athens and Sparta 
 
 that the yearly contributions should be collected by her. 
 The total sum assessed upon the cities amounted to four 
 hundred and sixty talents. The money was placed in 
 the sanctuary of Apollo on the island of Delos. There 
 the representatives of the various cities met to deliberate 
 upon common interests. Hence the league received the 
 name of the Delian Confederacy. 
 
 184. Athens Rebuilt. — Meanwhile the Athenians at 
 home under the guidance of Themistocles were making 
 rapid strides forward. He saw clearly into the political 
 situation — the opportunity for Athens to take its place at 
 the head of the Greek world. If Aristides was the active 
 agent of the advance of the city abroad, he supplied the 
 vital energy for the forward movement. Under his in- 
 spiration Athens rose again from her ruins larger than 
 
 Themis- before and was surrounded by a strong wall. The 
 statesman. Spartans, wishiug to have Athens defenceless, tried to 
 prevent the building of the wall, but Themistocles, going 
 to Sparta, deceived them by a clever ruse * until the 
 wall had reached such a height that interference was im- 
 possible. The Piraeus, the port of Athens, was fortified 
 and its harbors protected by moles. Some years after- 
 ward (458 B.C.) the city and the port were joined by Long 
 Walls, a device which freed Athens from fear of assault 
 by land and gave her unhindered access to the sea. 
 Thus she became independent of Spartan interference 
 and was able to direct all her energies to establishing her 
 maritime supremacy. 
 
 185. The New Commercial Situation. — ^The revival 
 and extension of Greek commerce assisted in bring- 
 ing about Athenian predominance. .With the driving of 
 
 * See Thucydides, I, go/. 
 
The Atlienian Empire 147 
 
 the Persians from the ^gean and — it might almost be 
 added — from the Mediterranean, the sea-trade, already 
 in Greek hands, increased enormously. It was natural 
 that the bulk of this trade should centre about Athens. 
 The cities of the Asia Minor coast were cut off from 
 trading with the interior because of the hostihty of Persia. 
 The other towns on the ^gean were small. All were 
 inclined to follow the lead of Athens in commercial as in 
 political matters. Thus the immense increase of Greek Commerce 
 commerce contributed to her upbuilding. She became Athens, 
 the chief mart where ships gathered from the entire 
 Greek world. The only formidable rival was Corinth, 
 whose connections with the west were many and close. 
 Athens's commercial supremacy naturally opened the way 
 for her political predominance. She made many com- Political 
 mercial treaties with her allies, an important condition Ath^ns^in" 
 of which was that a great many of the difi&culties rising *^^ c°°- 
 out of trade should be adjusted in the Athenian law- 
 courts in accordance with Athenian law. From this it 
 was natural to go on to require that other disagreements 
 should follow the same course, until finally the majority 
 of the cases at law among the members of the league 
 were tried at Athens. The advantages of this system 
 were great. One code, and that the best in all Greece, 
 was extended over many communities whose sense of 
 justice had not become so fine and high as that of Athens. 
 Yet it meant for them the giving up to Athens of one of 
 the sovereign powers of the state — the administration of 
 justice — and placed Athens in a position in which she 
 became greater than a mere ally. 
 
 1 86. Development of Athens into an Imperial State. 
 — Other things tended to push her forward. The Per- 
 
148 Rivalry of Athens and Sparta 
 
 sians were not able to make head against so formidable 
 a league and ceased to attempt opposition. Hence, as 
 fear of their attacks lessened, the allies began to feel 
 that union for defence against them was not so necessary. 
 The yearly contributions were made more grudgingly. 
 Athens Some citics were even desirous of withdrawing. But 
 Rrhfto Athens held rightly that as the union of states had brought 
 Secede. about this Condition of safety, so only a continuance of 
 the union could maintain it; hence, that states delinquent 
 in their contributions should be forced to pay and those 
 who attempted to withdraw should be compelled to 
 remain. Thus, when Naxos rebelled in 467 B.C. and 
 Tha'sos in 465 B.C., they were reduced to subjection by 
 the Athenian fleet. The Delian Confederacy was fast be- 
 coming an Athenian imperial state. 
 
 187. Fall of Pausanias and Themistocles. — Naturally, 
 Sparta had regarded the rise of Athens with disfavor, and 
 recognizing Themistocles as its author, desired his down- 
 fall. Through his diplomacy her opposition to the build- 
 ing of the fortifications of Athens (§ 184) had amounted to 
 nothing. She had been unable to make much headway 
 because of troubles at home occasioned by the ambition of 
 King Pausanias. He recklessly aimed at making himself 
 lord of Sparta and thereby of all Greece. He had entered 
 into treasonable correspondence with the Persians: now 
 he intrigued with the Helots (§ 143) to induce them to 
 Rise of rebel. At Athens, moreover, the influence of Themis- 
 tocles began to wane before that of Cimon, the son of 
 Miltiades, the hero of Marathon. He was a high-born, 
 rich, genial, successful general who had succeeded Aris- 
 tides in the command of the Athenian fleet. He was no 
 far-seeing statesman like Themistocles, but, for that very 
 
 Cimon. 
 
Growth of' Democracy 149 
 
 reason, was nearer the majority who failed to follow the 
 greater leader in his radical plans for Athenian empire. 
 Cimon's policy was conservative. He favored continuing 
 war on Persia and renewing friendship with Sparta. In 
 the end Themistocles was ostracized (471 B.C.). Later, 
 when the Spartans got rid of their difficulties with Pausa- 
 nias by putting him to death, they claimed to find evidence 
 in his papers that Themistocles had joined in his trea- 
 sonable plans. The exile was forced to find refuge with 
 the Persians, where he died some years after. Cimon's cimon, 
 leadership of Athens was marked by a splendid victory Athens 
 over the Persians at the Eu-rym'e-don (466 B.C.) and by ^ ^° "^^^ 
 his bringing aid to the Spartans in their struggles with 
 the Helots of Messenia who had taken advantage of an 
 earthquake at Sparta to try again to regain their liberty 
 (§ 146). But the Spartans discourteously discharged the 
 troops which he had brought to help them in their siege of 
 Ttho'me, where the Helots had entrenched themselves, 
 and he returned in disgrace. 
 
 188. Democracy Popular in the Greek World.— An- 
 other cause of Sparta's suspicion of Athens, besides that 
 occasioned by her sudden rise to power, was the influ- 
 ence of her democratic constitution. Her vigor and hero- 
 ism in the Persian struggle had rightly been attributed 
 to her democratic spirit, and, along with her advance- 
 ment, democratic ideas and institutions had begun to be 
 popular elsewhere. When the Ionian cities were freed 
 from the Persian yoke, they set up democratic govern- 
 ments. The impulse spread to the Peloponnesus, where 
 Argos, Arcadia and Elis became democratic. In the far 
 west the cities of Sicily followed the same example; Syra- 
 cuse established a democracv on the death of the tvrant 
 
150 Rivalry of Athens and Sparta 
 
 Hieron (467 B.C.), the successor of Gelon (§ 176). In al- 
 most every city of Greece, even in aristocratic states like 
 those of Boeotia, a democratic party appeared which fol- 
 lowed in the footsteps of Athens and looked to her for 
 support. It was not strange that Sparta, which had been 
 steadily growing more aristocratic as her pure-blooded 
 Spartan citizens grew fewer and fewer in number, should 
 view this state of things with increasing uneasiness, and 
 take a firmer stand in favor of oligarchy against democ- 
 racy in general, and especially against Athens, its exem- 
 plar. 
 
 189. Growth of Democracy at Athens. — During these 
 years the government at Athens was coming more and 
 more into the hands of the people. The provisions of 
 the constitutions of Solon and Cleisthenes (§§ 159, 161) 
 were broadened or changed in their interest. But the 
 council of the Areopagus (§156), by possessing the 
 sole right to pass upon the legality of acts and proposi- 
 tions and to supervise the magistrates, was a check to 
 their power in public assembly and law-courts. Its 
 organization out of a special class of ex-officials and 
 its self-perpetuating character were likewise inconsistent 
 with popular government. Hence, new leaders of the de- 
 mocracy, Eph-i-al'tes and Pericles, induced the people to 
 pass a law which deprived it of these powers (462 B.C.). 
 This was in direct opposition to the pohcy of the con- 
 servatives under Cimon, and the victory of the democ- 
 racy, aided by the failure of his Spartan policy (§ 187), 
 was followed by his ostracism (461 B.C.). The powers 
 taken from the Areopagus were divided between the coun- 
 cil of five hundred (§§ 159, 161), theheliaea (§ 159) and the 
 public assembly. To the Areopagus was left simply the 
 
Athenian JDemocracy 151 
 
 trial of murder cases. A little later, in 457 B.C., the office Fail of the 
 of archon was opened to the less wealthy citizens, the "°p*^^^- 
 zeugitse (§ 159), and from this time on few differences in 
 respect to political privileges or opportunities separated 
 the rich from the poor, the noble from the ignoble. 
 
 190. The Athenian Council (Boule). — In general, the 
 government was undertaken by the citizens themselves 
 in public assembly (ec-cle'si-a). The ecclesia imposed 
 certain limitations upon its own activity. All measures, 
 whether dealing with foreign affairs or simply administra- 
 tive acts, must first pass through the council and be pre- 
 sented by it to the ecclesia. The council, however, was as a Mima- 
 close a miniature of the ecclesia as could possibly be con- ;^cie°sia. ^ 
 structed. It consisted of 500 men designated by lot from 
 
 the entire population of Attica (§ 161), each of the 170 
 villages or wards (demes) being given the number of rep- 
 resentatives to which its population entitled it. Accord- 
 ingly, all interests and localities could get their desires 
 known in the council. This served, therefore, to admit 
 all popular measures and yet to provide the ecclesia with 
 a programme of business which did not contain a lot of 
 ill-considered, unseasonable or useless propositions. The 
 Athenians knew that it was suicidal for the general as- 
 sembly to waste time considering such proposals. 
 
 191. The Athenian Administration. — Moreover, the 
 ecclesia, which met at intervals of about a week, could 
 exercise only intermittent control over the administration; 
 hence the council was empowered to act for it in this 
 matter also. Since no man could serve in the council for 
 more than two terms, and since its members were des- 
 ignated by lot, it was always a body of average citizens 
 without any special fitness or experience. Hence it took 
 
152 Rivalry of Athens and Sparta 
 
 orders readily from the ecclesia. Such a body could 
 not supervise the work of officials, if these were strong 
 men, of long service, and unrestrained by colleagues. 
 Hence the Athenians intrusted their civil administra- 
 tion for single terms of one year only to a large number 
 of committees of ten members each, whom the lot desig- 
 nated. Seven such committees had to do solely with the 
 receipt and distribution of public moneys, which private 
 contractors collected; three others had to act as inspec- 
 The Audit, tors in the market-place. All were directed in their 
 routine business by the council to whose auditing com- 
 mittee they had to give a monthly accounting; all took 
 instructions on matters of general policy from the ecclesia 
 to whose three auditing committees they had to render 
 an account of the whole year's transactions. Upon this 
 account the heliaea must finally pass before the officials 
 received an honorable discharge. So many new senators 
 and new magistrates were required every year that it was 
 difficult for an Athenian to escape either of these duties. 
 Hence the citizens generally gained an intimate acquaint- 
 ance with the details of government, which enabled them 
 to perform their duties as members of the ecclesia with 
 knowledge and rapidity. Without keeping in mind the 
 fact that, as Grote puts it, the intelligence and experience 
 of the average Athenian citizen was as great as that of the 
 members of the British House of Commons, It is impossi- 
 ble to understand how a general assembly of from five 
 thousand to fifty thousand men could manage the affairs 
 of a great empire. 
 
 192. The Athenian Ecclesia. — The ecclesia, however, 
 did not act without putting further checks upon its own 
 authority. Thus all alterations in the law-code of Solon, 
 
Government by the People 153 
 
 which was the nearest equivalent in Athens to a written 
 constitution, must be finally approved by the heliaea. 
 Moreover, to keep citizens from making vicious or wil- 
 ful changes the regulation was made that anyone who 
 proposed a new law or decree was liable to prosecution, 
 if it was found to be contrary to existing law. Yet, even The ec- 
 with these limitations, the power of the ecclesia, both in throovem- 
 its direct administrative activity and its indirect authority °ient. 
 over all officials, was very great. It declared war, made 
 peace, controlled finance, directed commerce, maintained 
 and guarded religion, determined home and foreign policy. 
 
 193. The Athenian Law-Courts. — As the citizens in 
 pubhc assembly governed the state, so in the law-courts 
 or heliaea they administered justice directly. Most cases, 
 whether civil or criminal, came before them. For 
 practical work the whole body was divided into sec- 
 tions called dicasteries, each numbering from two hun- 
 dred to one thousand citizens or even more. Those 
 who came before the court pleaded their cause them- 
 selves. No lawyers were permitted to speak, though Absence of 
 soon a class of men appeared who wrote speeches for 
 delivery by the pleaders. As the same citizens acted as 
 judges and legislators, it was presumed that they knew 
 
 the law and passed judgment according to it. And 
 though the dangers of prejudice and ignorance were not 
 always avoided, the legal system and the judicial fair- 
 ness of the law-courts of Athens were superior to those 
 anywhere else in the world. 
 
 194. The Citizens as Officials. — This active conduct 
 of the state by its citizens meant that all had a part in 
 it. It has been estimated that each man was brought 
 into the service of the state as an official at least once 
 
154 Rivalry of Athens and Sparta 
 
 Pericles the 
 Leader of 
 Athenian 
 Politics. 
 
 in sixteen years, besides taking part in the law-courts and 
 the ecclesia. Much time was required for these duties, 
 and this could be spared with difficulty from daily work. 
 Hence, pay for certain kinds of state service was intro- 
 duced. Members of the council received a drachma—^ 
 twenty cents — a day, and the jurors in the heliaea two obols 
 — six cents — a day.* Attendance at the assembly was not 
 paid nor did the military officials receive any indemnity. 
 195. The Strategos. — But who was to lead the citizens 
 in their public assembly and suggest lines of policy and 
 courses of action ? In theory this was the privilege of any 
 citizen. But the Athenians had not developed that con- 
 fidence in themselves as individuals, nor had they entirely 
 lost that dependence upon the aristocratic families, which 
 would permit them to turn their theory into practice. We 
 have already seen that the strategoi occupied the most 
 honorable positions in the state (§ 167) and that the chief 
 strategos was elected by the public assembly. The man 
 elected was regularly the head of the strongest party in 
 Athens, and in this dual capacity he took the position 
 of leader of the demos, "demagogue." His position was 
 entirely unofficial. It gave him no legal power. He led 
 the people because he was able to persuade them that his 
 plans and policy were the best. Themistocles, Aristides 
 and Cimon are examples of such leadership. And at this 
 time came forward another who, by virtue of his descent, 
 personality and character, guided the history of Athens 
 for thirty years. This was Pericles, a member on his 
 mother's side of the noble family of the Alcmaeonidas to 
 which Cleisthenes had belonged. In the conflicts about 
 
 * It must be remembered that the purchasing power of money was 
 much greater then than now. 
 
Pericles 155 
 
 the overthrow of the Areopagus, Ephialtes had been 
 murdered, and with his death Pericles stood alone as the 
 leader of the democracy. The changes that have been 
 described, which turned the government into a practical 
 rule of the people, were made under his direction. 
 Though he was an aristocrat who knew and maintained 
 his distance from the people with a dignity that often 
 seemed coldness, he nevertheless took their cause to his 
 heart, awed and convinced them by his incorruptible and 
 lofty ideals, and swayed them by his clear and glowing 
 eloquence. Trusted and followed by the citizens, he ruled 
 them as their servant, and moulded the destiny of the state 
 as no king or tyrant could ever do. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What events are connected with the 
 names of Pausanias, Cimon, Themistocles, Aristides? 2. For 
 what are the following places noted : Delos, Eurymedon? 
 
 3. What was the date of the founding of the Delian Confeder- 
 acy; of the ostracism of Themistocles? 4. What is meant 
 by Areopagus, heliaea, ecclesia, ddrachma, dicastery, Helot? 
 5. What weight had the ecclesia in legislation? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the Delian Confederacy 
 with the Peloponnesian League (§ 154). 2. Compare Athens 
 in the years 500 b.c. and 476 b.c. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Confederacy of Delos. 
 Bury, pp. 328-330. 2. Themistocles and the Recovery of 
 Athens. Bury, pp. 330-334. 3. Fall of Pausanias and Themis- 
 tocles. Bury, pp. 324-326, 334-336. 4. Athens and the Con- 
 federacy. Bury, pp. 336-342. 5. Cimon. Bury, pp. 342-345. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Con- 
 federacy of Delos. Morey, pp. 205-207; Shuckburgh, pp. 173- 
 176. 2. Themistocles and the Recovery of Athens. Morey, 
 pp. 202-205; Zimmern, 192-197. 3. Fall of Pausanias and 
 Themistocles. Shuckburgh, pp. 178-181; Zimmern, pp. 198-204 
 
 4. Athens and the Confederacy. Botsford, pp. 1 51-153. 5. 
 Cimon. Plutarch, Life of Cimon; Morey, pp. 207-209; Zimmern, 
 pp. 205-213; Botsford, pp. 152-156. 
 
156 Age of Pericles 
 
 196. The Age of Pericles. — The thirty years (461- 
 431 B.C.) of the leadership of Pericles is the supreme 
 period of the Athenian state. It reached the highest 
 place of wealth, culture and power. To Pericles and 
 his wise direction of affairs this state of things was 
 largely due, and the period is properly called the "Age 
 of Pericles." As the scene includes the whole of Greece, 
 we shall take advantage of it to study, with Athens as 
 the central point: {a) the inner life of the Greek world 
 in its general features, and {h) the political condition and 
 course of affairs, as they prepared the way for the civil 
 wars which gave Greece her death-blow. 
 
 197. The Inner Life of Greece. — The chief charac- 
 teristic of the age is the growth of city life. The at- 
 tempts of Solon and Pisistratus (§§ 159, 160) to better 
 the lot of the Attic peasants had broken up many of the 
 large estates and made Attica a country of small farmers. 
 But at the same time, with the improvement of agricult- 
 ural conditions, the opportunities for making a living in 
 the city and enjoying life there grew greater, and multitudes 
 
 Growth of of countrymen flocked thither. The attractions of trade 
 also brought large numbers of foreigners to reside more 
 or less permanently in Athens and other cities. The result 
 was that city populations reached their highest point. Ac- 
 cording to probable estimates, Athens numbered upward 
 of 150.000 people; Syracuse was not far behind; Corinth 
 and ^gina reached about 60,000; Sparta and Argos were 
 much smaller, and there was a goodly number of the cities 
 of the .-Egean in which from 10,000 to 30,000 people lived. 
 
 198. Extension of Trade and Industry. — ^Trade and in- 
 dustry became the chief activities in the largest of these 
 cities. The wants of the large populations must be sup- 
 
 the City. 
 
Commerce of Athens 
 
 157 
 
 plied. Many people set up little shops in which they 
 manufactured and sold goods directly to customers. The 
 state needed many hands for its growing public business, 
 and many others found their bread in working on the 
 public buildings which were everywhere put up on a 
 scale of splendor corresponding to the increasing wealth 
 and importance of the communities. Manufacturing 
 on a large scale was not uncommon, and many workmen 
 
 „OOOTUS 00E3 NOT '<_''£>*_ ™* _f* ^ NORTH THE LAND EXTEND 
 
 THE WORLD 
 
 Accordlnt; to ITerodotus 
 ruth Centurr B. C. 
 
 were employed in turning out the various articles which 
 
 the rapidly advancing commerce required for export to 
 
 all parts of the Greek world. The mercantile activity Athens the 
 
 of the Piraeus, the port of Athens, grew with tremendous ciai Centre 
 
 strides. Ships from all sides brought food for the sup- g^^^j^f/j^*' 
 
 port of the population — grain and fish from the Black terranean. 
 
 sea, meats from Thessaly and Sicily, fruits from Euboea, 
 
 Rhodes and Phoenicia. Costly woods came from Crete, 
 
 ivory from Libya, carpets from Carthage, incense from 
 
 Syria and books from Egypt. "The fruits of the whole 
 
158 Ag'e of Pericles 
 
 earth," said Pericles, "flow in upon us; so that we en- 
 joy the goods of other countries as freely as of our own." 
 The incorporation of the cities of the Delian Confederacy 
 into the Athenian empire still further stimulated commerce 
 at Athens if not throughout the various cities. One law 
 and one system of coinage and of weights and measures 
 governed most of their transactions with one another. 
 
 199. Increase of Wealth. — Thus opportunity was of- 
 fered for a large increase of wealth. We have seen the 
 older idea gradually passing away, that true property 
 was property in land (§§ 135, 140). Now, although the 
 aristocracy still cherished the notion and took pride in 
 ' ' their estates, manufacturing, trade and dealing in money 
 afforded to the many the largest opportunity for acquir- 
 ing property and the best standard for estimating it. 
 A thoroughly organized system of coinage was in opera- 
 Coinage. tiou. The principal silver coin was the drachma (nearly 
 twenty cents); there were also two, three and four 
 drachma pieces. Of smaller coins the chief was the 
 obol (about three cents); six of them made a drachma. 
 A copper coin, the chalkous, was one-eighth of the obol. 
 The standard of monetary exchange was the talent (about 
 $1,180), containing sixty minas (the mina about $20); 
 the mina contained one hundred drachmas. Gold coins 
 were usually those of foreign countries. Later, the gold 
 stater, in value perhaps equal to twenty drachmas, was 
 coined. Money had a greater purchasing power than 
 at present, and therefore the large fortunes of that day 
 seem small to us. A capital of from $12,000 to $15,000 
 placed one in the ranks of the rich. Such men of wealth 
 found abundant opportunities for loaning their money, 
 since all sorts of manufacturing and commerical enter- 
 
Money Not the Only Good 159 
 
 prises needed capital. The usual rate of interest on good 
 security was about twelve per cent. 
 
 200. Greeks Not Great Capitalists. — It seems clear, 
 however, that in general the Greeks had no such com- 
 prehension of business, nor did they so fully recognize 
 the importance of encouraging trade, as did the an- 
 cient Babylonians. They were slow to see that ''money- 
 making" was a desirable activity. It was enough that 
 all should live according to their station and serve the 
 state as service was required. Even though to be a land- 
 holder was by that time not regarded as indispensable to 
 good social standing, wealth did not of itself make its 
 possessor a man highly regarded. On the contrary, a 
 merchant or trader, however rich he might be, was looked 
 down upon. The ordinary citizen, living on the modest 
 proceeds of his daily work, or supported by the scanty 
 dole of the state for his public servdce, was more honor- 
 able. Hindrances were put in the way of commerce, and 
 limits were assigned to the profits to be gained. Yet 
 commerce grew and thrived in spite of public sentiment. 
 Only because the advantages of having money could not Greek 
 be denied did the struggle for it continue to absorb more jj^'^ji* 
 and more of the energies of the citizens. Yet it never Money, 
 approached the importance and prominence which it has 
 to-day. The Greek thought more of what he was than 
 of what he had; to serve the state and to enjoy life as well 
 as to enlarge his opportunities of doing both, these were 
 more desirable in his eyes than absorption in business 
 and the pursuit of wealth. 
 
 The result of this was that the business of Athens Foreigners 
 
 • 1 1 • T 1 r • • 1 '° Busi- 
 
 was carried on chieny by foreigners who were permitted ness. 
 to settle in the city; they were called metics. The 
 
160 Age of Pericles 
 
 leaders of the state saw clearly the advantages of en- 
 couraging them to pursue their businesses, and they were 
 more liberally dealt with at Athens than elsewhere. 
 Apart from having no citizen-rights and being com- 
 pelled to pay a tax to the state, they were on an equality 
 with other freemen. The same laws protected them; the 
 same privileges were granted them. As a result many 
 of them were found at Athens, and in this period they 
 numbered about thirty thousand persons. 
 
 201. The Slave. — From an economic and social point 
 of view the most important class of the population was 
 the slaves. Their unpaid labor was employed in tilling 
 the great estates, in working the mines, in turning out 
 manufactured articles and in doing all sorts of household 
 service. They made it possible for such citizens as owned 
 them to obtain the leisure necessary to perform their polit- 
 ical duties and to enjoy the opportunities for culture which 
 the state afforded. But they took the bread from the 
 mouths of the tens of thousands of citizens who had to 
 work for their living. As the activities of the cities en- 
 Economic larged, the number of slaves also increased. The slave- 
 siavery. trade became more important; the supply from the north 
 
 iEgean and Black sea region was abundant; captives in 
 war were sold. Every city had a large slave population; 
 that at Athens has been estimated at about one hundred 
 thousand and the other large cities had proportionate 
 numbers. They formed, one might say, the foundation 
 of the economic structure, but were not an unmixed 
 blessing. 
 
 202. The Family. — Another social element, the family, 
 throws an instructive side-light upon Greek life. The 
 quality and freedom which reigned in the best public life 
 
Social Inactivity of Women 161 
 
 of the time had no place in the Kfe at home. The hus- 
 band was ruler in his household, and his wife was a 
 social nonentity. He spent little time at home; she sel- 
 dom left it. Here the Greek was far behind the oriental 
 of Babylonia and Egypt (§ 25), where woman had a 
 relatively high place in society. Indeed, in some re- 
 spects, the cultured and free Athenian did not respect 
 woman as highly as the rude Spartan, who gave her 
 much larger liberty. In the earlier ages of the aristocratic woman, 
 rule the wives of the nobles seem to have had greater ^ 
 influence, but it is one of the strange inconsistencies of,^-^ 
 Greek life that the new democracy and the larger city-^" 
 life both worked to lower the social activities of woman. 
 The wife did not always have charge of the household, 
 which, in the case of a well-to-do man, was managed by a f 
 steward. She usually brought a dowry to her husband, 
 which in case of divorce had to be repaid to her father. 
 On the whole, nowhere is the limitation of the Greek 
 ideal of life more distinctly manifest than in the position 
 of woman and the contribution of the family to society. 
 The Greeks thought of marriage chiefly as a means of 
 raising up citizens for the state; an interesting illustra- 
 tion of this idea is seen in the law introduced in Pericles' 
 time, that only he could be accepted as a citizen whose 
 father and mother were Athenians by blood. Naturally, 
 girls were not as desirable as boys, and little attention 
 was paid to them beyond keeping them indoors. The 
 boy, however, was very carefully reared. Grammar, Education, 
 music and gymnastics were the three parts of his educa- 
 tion. By the first was meant the learning of his own lan- 
 guage and the study of Homer and the other early poets, 
 not merely as a means of training in forms of speech, but 
 
162 Age of Pericles 
 
 as sources of knowledge about life, duty and religion. In 
 music, he was taught how to sing, and to play on musical 
 instruments. Gymnastics included running and wrest- 
 ling, practice in the use of weapons, riding and other 
 similar exercises for the finest bodily development and 
 skill in arms. 
 
 203. The House.— Greek society then was chiefly a 
 society of men whose main interests lay in public life. 
 The house, for example, was ordinarily small and unat- 
 tractive. It faced directly on the street, often with no 
 opening except the door which swung outward, a fact 
 suggestive of the preference of the Greek for the open 
 air. The women's apartments were separate and se- 
 Life Varies cludcd. Indeed, the house served the Greek chiefly for 
 
 with Classes i • ^i j_ • r 1 • j j j.t. 1 
 
 and Days, slcepmg purposcs, the stormg of his goods and the keep- 
 ing of his household. From it he sallied out very early 
 in the morning, after a taste of wine and bread, if it were 
 the day of a festival or the meeting of the ecclesia, to 
 meet his friends, or take part in the public business in 
 the assembly or elsewhere. Toward the middle of the 
 day he took breakfast or lounged about and gossiped in 
 the public walks or porticoes. The gymnasium occupied 
 him in the afternoon as a place of exercise or of inter- 
 course with friends, whence he returned home for dinner, 
 the chief meal of the day. If a poor man, he went early 
 to bed; if well-to-do and socially inclined, he spent the 
 evening at a banquet with his friends. If, on the other 
 hand, it were a common work day, a rich man would 
 busy himself with looking after his slaves and other 
 investments, a farmer would plant his crop or tend his 
 orchard, an artisan would hie to his shop or factory, a sea- 
 man or fisher would turn to his avocation much as in 
 
Public Buildings 163 
 
 any modern state. There were, however, about one 
 hundred and ten days of a fete or a pubhc assembly in 
 every year in Athens.. 
 
 204. High Plane of Living. — The Athens of Pericles 
 offered the finest type of this manner of life to be found 
 in the fifth century. The pursuit of wealth was sub- 
 ordinated to the joy of making the most of life among 
 
 one's fellows and in public activity. The "glorification idealism, 
 of cultivated human intercourse" was the ideal toward 
 which men strove. The pinch of want was removed by 
 the stipend sufficient for simple living which the state paid 
 its poorest citizen for his work in its service. Orphans 
 and cripples were cared for at public expense. Public 
 lands, obtained as the outcome of war, were assigned 
 to citizens who were willing to go and live upon them. 
 Two features of this life which had an especially impor- 
 tant bearing on the material welfare of the citizen and his 
 higher culture deserve special mention: the public build- 
 ings and the religious festivals. 
 
 205. Public Buildings. — In Greece, as in ancient Baby- 
 lonia (§ 31), the chief buildings of every city were its 
 temples. They were the centres of public life, of busi- 
 ness as well as of religion. They were the places of de- 
 posit for money or treasure of any sort. Although, in 
 the Greek states, the growth of popular government and 
 the emphasis on the independence of the individual had 
 made the political predominance of the priest impossible 
 and his influence on public affairs unimportant, yet re- 
 ligion continued to be glorified by stately and beautiful 
 temples, adorned with the highest artistic skill. The The 
 Athenian temples had perished in the successive on- Tg^pieT 
 slaughts of the Persians, and it was a duty as well as a 
 
164 Ag-e of Pericles 
 
 pious delight on the part of the citizens to restore them. 
 Cimon had begun the work on a noble scale, but Pericles 
 continued the task and carried it through in a fashion 
 that has immortalized his own name as well as that of 
 Athens. An artist of the highest genius was at his hand 
 in the person of Phidias, who was assisted by other men 
 of uncommon ability. The principal scene of this archi- 
 tectural and artistic display was the A-crop'o-lis (§§ 122, 
 165); and the building in which it reached its height was 
 the temple of A-the'na the Virgin (Parthenos), hence 
 called the Par'the-non. Unlike the famous structures of 
 the ancient east, it was not the immense size of the Parthe- 
 non, but its beautiful proportions, exquisite adornment 
 and ideal sculptures that made it memorable. It was 
 100 feet wide, 226 feet long and 65 feet high, built of 
 marble and painted in harmonious colors. A row of 
 forty-six Doric columns surrounded it, and every avail- 
 able space above the columns, within and without, was 
 carved in relief with scenes representing glorious events in 
 the religious history of Athens. A wonderfully sculptured 
 frieze, extending for more than 500 feet around the inner 
 temple, depicted, with a variety and energy never sur- 
 passed, scenes in the Panathenaea, the festival in honor of 
 the patron goddess, Athena. In the temple stood a statue 
 of the deity, the masterpiece of Phidias, made of ivory 
 and gold, 38 feet in height including the pedestal. Though 
 the statue has long since disappeared and the temple 
 itself is but a ruin, the remains of it illustrate supremely 
 the chief features of Greek architecture — "simplicity, 
 harmony, refinement," the union of strength and beauty. 
 206. The Religious Festivals of Athens. — Nowhere in 
 the Greek world were the religious festivals celebrated 
 
Greek Tragedy 105 
 
 with so great splendor and beauty as in the Athens of 
 Pericles. In addition to the ancient Dionysiac festivals 
 already mentioned (§ i6o), there was the new one es- 
 tablished by Pisistratus, the Great or City Dionysia, 
 celebrated in April. The contests in tragedy and com- 
 edy were its central feature. Here, before the Athenian The puys. 
 public, some of the most glorious productions of human 
 genius were produced. Here ^Eschylus (§ 179) had 
 taught his tremendous lessons of righteousness and hu- 
 mihty. He was succeeded by Soph'o-cles (about 496- Sophocles. 
 406 B.C.), who won the prize over his older competitor 
 in 468 B.C., and gained it many times thereafter. He 
 represents the high, free and glad spirit of the Athens of his 
 day. His most famous play is the An-tig'o-ne, in which 
 is brought out the victory of duty over the fear of death, 
 of the higher law of God over the visible law of man. 
 Antigone buries the body of her brother, though the king 
 has forbidden it under pain of death. The serene soul of 
 the poet is marvellously shown in the beauty and dignity 
 of his style. He sang of men as they ought to be, reveal- 
 ing and idealizing human character, which, at its best, is, 
 in his inspired vision, harmonious with the blessed will of 
 God. So he interpreted the supreme ideal of the age of 
 Pericles and lived it himself. " He died well, having suf- 
 fered no evil." A later poet, imagining him in the other 
 world, described him as "gentle" there, "even as he was 
 gentle among us." 
 
 207. The Eleusinian Mysteries. — Another famous, fes- 
 tival was that of the Mysteries (§ 134) of E-leu'sis. Eleu- 
 sis lay twelve miles away from Athens, and every year 
 early in September multitudes gathered in the capital 
 to make in solemn procession the journey to the Eleu- 
 
166 
 
 Ag'e of Pericles 
 
 The 
 
 Panathe- 
 
 nsa. 
 
 The Father 
 ot History. 
 
 sinian temple to be initiated into the mysteries or to 
 renew the celebration of them. A day of purification 
 by washing in the sea preceded the moving of the pro- 
 cession, which passed along the sacred way to the splen- 
 did temple at Eleusis, rebuilt by Ic-tin'us under Pericles' 
 direction. Here those secret acts of worship and devo- 
 tion to the goddess Demeter were performed, which ex- 
 ercised so deep, wholesome and hopeful an influence 
 upon Greek life. Yet by far the most splendid of all 
 festivals was the Pan'a-the-nae'a, celebrated with peculiar 
 magnificence every fourth year, a festival which glorified 
 at the same time the goddess Athena, and the city of her 
 joy and glory. For nearly a week contests in music, 
 song and recitation, in gymnastics, races and warlike 
 sports, were held, and all was concluded with a solemn 
 procession to the temple of Athena on the Acropolis, 
 where a costly robe woven by the maidens of the city was 
 given to the goddess. That procession, made up of the 
 flower of the Athenian citizens, of resident aliens and 
 colonists, was depicted on the frieze of the Parthenon 
 (§ 205) and formed the finest picture of Athens jn the 
 days of its highest splendor. 
 
 208. Herodotus. — At a Panathenaean festival in the 
 days of Pericles, Herodotus is said to have recited his 
 History, the first prose work of genius that Greece pro- 
 duced. Herodotus (about 484-425 B.C.) was a native of 
 Hal'i-car-nas'sus in Caria, but after the days of his youth 
 found a second home at Athens. He travelled, with eyes 
 and ears wide open, all over the world, from the capitals 
 of Persia to Italy, and from the Black sea to the southern 
 border of Egypt. The results of his investigations he 
 gathered into a work which finds its motive in the Per- 
 
Fruits of Democracy 167 
 
 sian wars. As he portrays successively before us the 
 rise of Persia, the conquest of Babylon and Egypt, the 
 past history of these peoples, the Scythian expedition, 
 he leads up to the great, the supreme struggle between 
 this mighty, world-conquering empire and the petty 
 Greek states. Then he describes the wars in detail. 
 The whole is a prose poem, pointing the moral of ^s- 
 chylus (§ 179). Scattered through this broad field are 
 innumerable anecdotes, traditions, legends, which en- 
 liven while they do not break the single impression (§ 29). ■ 
 Devoted to Athens, he glorified the part taken by the city 
 in the war; he loved her institutions and enjoyed her 
 society. His work shares in the artistic, keen and genial 
 spirit characteristic of her best days, and while descrip- 
 tive and not critical, its originality and charm have given 
 it a permanent place in literature. 
 
 209. The Education of the Athenian Citizen. — We Theoif- 
 are ready to understand now how Athens realized the c"uitw^^ 
 ideal of "the glorification of cultivated human inter- 
 course" (§ 204), the elevation of a body of men possessed 
 of social and political equality to a common height of 
 intelligence and general culture never reached before 
 that day, or probably since. All beheld daily these 
 marvels of architecture and art, and many took part in 
 their erection. All joined in these splendid festivals, 
 witnessed or contended in the athletic, musical and lit- 
 erary contests. The state paid to the citizens who 
 claimed it a fee for attending the theatre, so that all were 
 able to see and hear the plays of xEschylus or Sophocles. 
 It must be remembered that these theatrical exhibitions 
 were also contests between rival authors, in which the 
 people themselves were judges. Thus a standard of 
 
168 
 
 Age of Pericles 
 
 taste and appreciation was set at a very high mark. 
 The participation in public life, the decisions on points of 
 state policy which lay in the hands of the citizens, were 
 all means of training. The popular law-courts cultivated 
 the judicial faculty. The administration of the affairs 
 of the state awakened and trained executive ability. 
 Thus the higher powers of the great body of citizens 
 were educated to an extraordinary degree; the experience 
 made the Athenians the most splendidly intelligent of all 
 Greeks. Such an atmosphere of breadth and freedom, 
 that encouraged higher thought, invited to Athens from 
 all over the Greek world men who were eager to know 
 and to teach. As a consequence the best that was 
 thought and said and done in art and politics and liter- 
 ature was found at Athens. Therefore, it was no vain 
 boast of Pericles, but sober truth, when he said, "Athens 
 is the school of Greece, and the individual Athenian in 
 his own person seems to have the power of adapting him- 
 self to the most varied forms of action with the utmost 
 versatility and grace." 
 
 210. Sources of Athenian Revenue. — But whence 
 came the money to meet the expenses of this highly and 
 richly organized system of government? Athens had 
 various sources of revenue: rent from state lands, in- 
 cluding ' especially the silver mines, tolls for markets, 
 and harbor dues, the tax on resident foreigners, the 
 receipts from the law-courts in fees, confiscations, etc., 
 and in case of great necessity, a direct assessment upon 
 the people of property. The costs of the splendid exhi- 
 bitions at festivals were borne by the free-will offerings 
 of rich citizens, and some offices were without salary. 
 The entire income from all sources was about one thou- 
 
Quest for World Ernpire 169 
 
 sand talents yearly. Besides this, the receipts from the 
 allied cities of the league amounted at this time to about 
 six hundred talents. Athena also possessed a great sum 
 of money in her temple from gifts of the pious, her share 
 of the booty in war, etc., and she was called upon to con- 
 tribute her share to the upbuilding of the state, as well 
 as to lend money when required. From all these sources 
 Pericles drew the money needful for the various depart- 
 ments of the administration and for the public buildings 
 with which the city was adorned. 
 
 211. Greek Politics in the Age of Pericles. — From 
 this sketch of the inner life (§§ 197-210) we pass to the 
 foreign relations of Athens under the leadership of Per- 
 icles during the same period (461-431 B.C.). The fall of 
 Cimon (§ 189) was accompanied not only by the victory of 
 democracy at home, but also by an attack upon Sparta's 
 supremacy in continental Greece and upon the Persian 
 possessions in Cyprus, Phoenicia and Egypt. Alliance Athens 
 was made with Argos and Thessaly; Megara was drawn Dominate 
 away from the Peloponnesian league. A naval station theWorW. 
 was secured on the Corinthian gulf at Naupactus where the 
 Athenians settled the Messenian Helots who had held out 
 at Mt. Ithome since 464 B.C. (§ 187) and had surrendered 
 upon the condition that they leave the Peloponnesus. 
 These movements threatened the commerce of ^gina War with 
 ^nd Corinth, and a great war broke out in 459 B.C. Cor- 
 inth was beaten; ^Egina was subjected and compelled 
 to enter the Delian league. Then Sparta took a hand 
 in the war, by entering Bceotia with an army, on the pre- 
 tence of punishing the Phocians, but really to organize 
 Bceotia against Athens. Though the Spartans defeated 
 the Athenians at Tan'a-gra in 457 B.C., they accomplished 
 
170 
 
 Age of Pericles 
 
 nothing. Two months later, however, the Athenians 
 crushed the Boeotians decisively at CE-noph'y-ta, and by 
 restoring the aristocratic exiles, substituted their own 
 suzerainty for that of Thebes in all the Boeotian cities, 
 Phocis and Locris also submitted to Athens. Soon after, 
 the Achaean cities on the southern coast of the Corin- 
 thian gulf joined her. Thus Athenian influence on land 
 extended over a wide territory. But it was also very 
 unstable. Accordingly, when Argos concluded a thirty 
 years' peace with Sparta in 450 B.C., a five years' truce 
 was also arranged by Athens. Three years later, how- 
 ever, Boeotia revolted, whereupon Megara, Locris and 
 Phocis as well as Euboea fell away. While Pericles was 
 absent with the army in Euboea the Peloponnesians in- 
 vaded Attica, but retreated on the receipt, it is alleged, of 
 a bribe; and so, in the end, though Euboea was recovered, 
 the vigorous and costly attempt of Athens to build up a 
 great land power in Greece signally failed. Finally, in 
 445 B.C., between Athens and Sparta and their respective 
 allies a peace was made that was to last thirty years. 
 Athens renounced her control of central Greece. The 
 allies of each were determined and included in the 
 treaty. Each party agreed not to seduce the other's 
 allies, but neutrals were left at liberty to join either side 
 at will. All future differences were to be settled by 
 arbitration. 
 
 212. The War with Persia. — Meanwhile, Athens had 
 been carrying on the war with Persia (§§ 182, 187, 211). 
 Though no Persian ships appeared in the ^Egean, the 
 Athenians determined to cripple the power of the Great 
 King still further by aiding a rebellion against him in 
 Egypt. In 459 B.C. they sent a strong fleet to the Nile. 
 
The Athenian Empire 171 
 
 Though at first successful, the rebellion was finally Egyptian 
 crushed and the Athenian force destroyed (455 B.C.). ^^p"'^'^'""- 
 This serious blow brought hostilities to an end until 
 449 B.C., when Cimon, who had been recalled from exile, 
 was sent with a fleet to Cyprus, where the Persians were' 
 attacking the Greek cities. He died while on the expe- Death of 
 dition, but the fleet gained a brilliant victory by which *"^°°" 
 Persia was again driven from the sea. These conflicts 
 had cost Athens dear in men and money without corre- 
 sponding results, so that just as she had come to an agree- 
 ment with her enemies in Greece, it seemed wise to make 
 peace with Persia. Negotiations were entered upon by 
 sending Callias to Susa, and though the Great King would 
 not formally agree to yield his claim upon cities that had 
 rebelled against him, yet practically he consented, hence- 
 forth, not to molest Greek cities or Greek ships. This The Peace 
 so-called peace is known as the peace of Callias (448 B.C.). 
 213. The Athenian Empire. — Thus Athens in 445 B.C. 
 was at peace with all the world. She had learned the 
 folly of attempting to conquer Greece and Persia at the 
 same time, and now set about recovering her strength and 
 developing her legitimate field, that of commerce and con- 
 trol of the seas. The decisive steps were taken which 
 turned the Dehan league into the Athenian empire. In 
 454 B.C., after the Athenian disaster in Egypt, the treasury 
 of the league had been removed for greater security from 
 Delos to Athens. And now, although all fear of Persia The Allies 
 was removed by the peace of Callias, the imperial city con- subjects. 
 tinued to require the yearly contributions from the allies 
 and dealt with the money according to her own will. The 
 decision to treat the allies in this way was not reached 
 without a struggle between the parties at Athens. The 
 
172 
 
 Age of Pericles 
 
 Organiza- 
 tion of the 
 Empire. 
 
 Athens's 
 
 Great 
 
 Mistake. 
 
 opponents of Pericleo were led by Thucydides, son of 
 Me-le'si-as, the ostracism of whom in 443 B.C. settled the 
 matter. Samos, Chios and Lesbos alone remained on 
 the old footing of furnishing ships to the fleet. All the 
 others were subject and paid tribute. Athens collected 
 the tolls in their harbors, interfered in their local affairs 
 in the interests of democracy, had garrisons in many of 
 their cities, sent out inspectors among them, required 
 many to destroy their walls. Colonies of Athenian citi- 
 zens, called cleruchi, were sent out to occupy lands which 
 had fallen into the hands of the Athenian state, and thus 
 constituted a body of faithful friends in the midst of rest- 
 less subjects. The entire body of cities thus dependent 
 on Athens was divided for administrative and financial 
 purposes into five districts: Ionia, Caria, the Hellespont, 
 Thrace, the Islands. Thus a stately imperial system 
 arose with its centre in democratic Athens. The chief 
 reason for censuring Athens because of this transforma- 
 tion of the old Delian league is that she took no steps to 
 attach her subjects to herself otherv/ise than by fear. 
 No doubt she gave them protection, better government 
 and higher culture, but she had robbed them of their in- 
 dependence without granting them citizenship in the new 
 community or a voice in the state. This blind selfishness 
 and unblushing arrogance of power provoked Samos to 
 revolt in 440 B.C. when the aristocratic faction getting 
 control of the city withdrew it from the empire. There 
 was a grave danger that the outbreak would spread and 
 indeed Byzantium followed the lead of Samos. Hence 
 Pericles stamped out the insurrection vigorously, razed 
 the walls of Samos, and forced it to pay the costs of the 
 war. 
 
The Athenian Empire 173 
 
 214. Wide Extent of Athenian Influence. — Far be- 
 yond the bounds of the empire Pericles sought to extend 
 the commercial influence and activity of Athens. The Per- 
 sian peace opened the ports of the eastern Mediterranean, 
 and traders from Athens now frequented them in quest 
 of the wares of the orient. Many of the distant Greek 
 cities of the Black sea acknowledged Athenian authority. 
 The commercial importance of the imperial city grew Enterprises 
 continually in the west and opportunity was found to es- ^^^^^ 
 tablish political relations there. In 443 B.C., under the 
 leadership of Athens, the city of Thurii was founded in 
 southeastern Italy. On its west coast Athenian mer- 
 chants began to gather the trade into their own hands. 
 The leading people of that region, the Etruscans, bought 
 Attic vases and sold their curious metal-work in the 
 Athenian market. Rome, a city on the river Tiber, 
 which held a dominating place in its own district of 
 Latium, was already preparing for the mighty part it 
 was to play in the centuries to come. In 454 B.C., Embassy 
 it is said, the Romans sent an embassy to Greece to 
 study its systems of law. They came to Athens and 
 thence transplanted parts of the legislation of Solon into 
 Roman soil. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following signifi- 
 cant; Tanagra, Corcyra, Eleusis, Piraeus, Halicarnassus? 2. 
 What is meant by cleruchi, talent, Acropolis, Dionysia, Pan- 
 athenaea, Antigone? 3. What are the dates of the age of Peri- 
 cles, of the peace of Callias, of the thirty years' peace? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i . Compare Athenian democracy m 
 the time of Cleisthenes with that in the age of Pericles. 2. 
 Compare the law-courts of Athens with those of your own 
 city. 3. Compare the Athenian empire with the Persian 
 (§§ 77-84). 
 
 from 
 Rome. 
 
174 Age of Pericles 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Life at Athens in the Age 
 of Pericles. Bury, pp. 337-338. 2. The Rise and Fall of 
 the Athenian Land Power. Bury, pp. 352-363. 3. Imperial 
 Athens. Bury, pp. 278-284, 363-367. 4. The Acropolis. Bury, 
 pp. 367-375. 5. The Mysteries. Bury, pp. 311-316. 6. Athens, 
 the City. Tucker, Life in Ancient Athens, pp. 20-52. 7. The 
 Athenian Citizens. Tucker, pp. 61-68, 78-81. 8. Slavery at 
 Athens. Tucker, pp. 69-78. 9. The Position of Athenian 
 Women. Tucker, pp. 81-85; ^SS^i^y. 10. The Furniture of 
 an Athenian Home. Tucker, . pp. 101-104. 11. The Down- 
 Town Day of an Athenian Citizen. Tucker, pp. 120-135. ^2. 
 An Athenian Dinner-Party. Tucker, pp. 139-152. 13. The 
 Athenian Boy's Education. Tucker, pp. 182-189. i4- Relig- 
 ious Worship at Athens. Tucker, pp. 210-218. 15. A Day at 
 the Theatre. Tucker, pp. 231-242. 16. An Athenian Trial. 
 Tucker, pp. 258-263. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Life at Athens 
 in the Age of Pericles. Ziramern, pp. 224-235; Morey, pp. 251- 
 261. 2. The Rise and Fall of the Athenian Land Power. Zim- 
 mern, pp. 219-224; Botsford, pp. 164-169. 3. Imperial Athens. 
 Shuckburgh, pp. 213-217; Botsford, pp. 169-172. 4. The Acrop- 
 olis. Shuckburgh, pp. 201-204; Morey, pp. 232-239; Botsford, 
 pp. 179-185. 5. Herodotus. Capps, ch. 12; Murray, ch. 6; 
 Jebb, pp. 103-106. 6. The Mysteries. Encyclopedia Britannica, 
 article "Mysteries"; Dyer, The Gods in Greece, ch. 5; Diehl, 
 Excursions in Greece, ch. 8. 7. Sophocles. Morey, pp. 245-247; 
 Capps, ch. 9; Murray, ch. 11; Jebb, pp. 83-8S. 8. Pericles. 
 Plutarch, Life of Pericles. 
 
 215. The War of Corinth and Corey ra. — Another 
 movement of Athens in the interest of her commercial 
 and poHtical position in the west was the occasion of a 
 serious rupture in the peaceful relations that had been 
 maintained for ten years between Athens and Sparta. 
 In 436 B.C. a quarrel arose between Corinth and Corcyra. 
 The latter state, although it possessed a fleet of more 
 than fifty ships, could not hope to equal the resources of 
 Corinth in a serious conflict. Hence it sought an alliance 
 
Outbreak of War 175 
 
 Avith Athens. This proposal put the Athenians in a difli- 
 cult position. Should they reject it, Corcyra would make 
 terms with Corinth, her naval force and commercial in- 
 fluence in the west would be thrown against Athens and 
 seriously endanger Athenian naval supremacy. Should 
 they accept it, their superiority on the sea would be irre- 
 sistible, their commercial position in the west strength- 
 ened and Corinth, their only commercial rival in the 
 Peloponnesian league, put out of the race. But, on the 
 other hand, they would risk war with the league. It The inter- 
 was finally decided to agree to a defensive alliance with rthens". ° 
 Corcyra, whereby Athens was not required to join in an ^|K' 
 attack on the Corinthians. As might have been expected, 
 this half-way measure roused the enmity of Corinth, 
 v/hose future now depended on the weakening of Athens. 
 Her only hope for this was in stirring up the Peloponne- 
 sian league to war. This was not difficult to do. The 
 Spartans had long been jealous of the growing power of 
 Athens. The years of peace had been irksome to this 
 vigorous and warlike people. Athens, on the other hand, 
 under the influence of Pericles, would not yield. He felt 
 certain that war could be put off only a few years at the 
 most and that Athens was never in a better condition to 
 defend herself against her jealous and ambitious enemies. 
 He was willing to arbitrate the whole matter, but not to 
 compromise. At last, at a council of the Peloponnesian Gives occa- 
 league held at Sparta in 432 B.C., it was voted that ^^j. °-fjj 
 Athens had broken the peace. This was equivalent to a the Peio- 
 declaration of war. Athens accepted it as such and the League, 
 conflict began in 431 B.C. With this a new period in the 
 history of the Greek states is begun and we may pause 
 to look back over a finished era. 
 
176 General Review 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 5; §§ 164-215 
 
 500-431 B.C. 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. An outline of the events 
 of these periods arranged so as to bring out the chief historical 
 movements and forces. 2. Illustrate the progress of Athe- 
 nian democracy by the successive policies of Miltiades, Aris- 
 tides, Themistocles, Cimon, Pericles (§§165, 168, 177, 183, 184, 
 187, 195). 3. Trace the growth of the Athenian empire from 
 500-431 B.C. 4. Justify the policy of Themistocles from the 
 events that followed. 5. The various stages in the war with 
 Persia (§§ 165, 167, 169, 176, 182, 187, 211-212). 6. Acomparison 
 of ^schylus with Sophocles to illustrate the difference in 
 the periods to which they respectively belong (§§ 179, 206). 
 7. A list of the most important dates in these periods. 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES, i. Make an outline map 
 of the Athenian empire in 456 b.c, inserting all the places 
 mentioned in the text. 2. Make a map and plan of Pylos and 
 discuss the battle on the basis of your drawing. 3. Study the 
 heads of Sophocles and Pericles in Plate XVIII and compare 
 with those of Hammurabi and Ramses II in Plate II. Indicate 
 the artistic and historical resemblances and differences. 4. 
 Compare the Greek temples in Plate XXIV with those in Plate 
 VI. Observe the differences in form and arrangement. How 
 do these differences throw light on the different characteristics 
 of the oriental and Greek peoples? 5. Note the likenesses and 
 unlikenesses in the bucolic scenes of Plates XV and XXI. 
 
 TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. The Privileges and Duties 
 of an Athenian Citizen in the Age of Pericles. Fowler, The 
 City State, ch. 6. 2. A Visit to the Acropolis of Athens — a 
 description of Plate XVII. See references above, § 214; Diehl, 
 Excursions in Greece, ch. 4. 3. Herodotus, the Man and His 
 Book (see the references above, § 214). 4. The Story of a Day in 
 Athens in the Age of Pericles. Mahaffy, Old Greek Life; Grant, 
 Greece in the Age of Pericles. 5. The Greek Theatre — the Build- 
 ing and the Play. 6. Styles of Greek Architecture. Tar- 
 bell, ch. 3. 7. The Architecture of Greek Buildings as Com- 
 pared with that of Buildings in Your Own City. 8. The Story 
 of Sophocles' "Antigone." Translation by Palmer. 
 
Causes of War 1 77 
 
 216. The War Unjustifiable, yet Unavoidable. — The 
 
 war, called the Peloponnesian war, which now ensued 
 and with intervals of peace lasted for more than a 
 quarter of a century (431-404 B.C.) was one of the most 
 melancholy wars of history. In one sense it was utterly 
 unjustifiable and unnecessary. Athens and Sparta might 
 have gone on peacefully, each in her separate way— 
 the one a strong land power, the other the mistress 
 of the seas. Both had every reason to avoid a con- 
 flict which was sure to be long and costly and the out- 
 come of which was quite uncertain. The grounds on 
 which war was declared were not sufhcient to justify the 
 declaration. Passion and prejudice forced the decisive 
 step. But, from another point of view, the war was un- 
 avoidable. Beneath all reasons on the surface of the 
 situation, the deeper cause was the imperial ideal of 
 Athens. In building up her empire, Athens had come 
 into conflict with the long-established idea that every 
 Greek state had, as its deepest right, the right to political 
 independence. The Spartans, in opening the war, de- 
 clared that they waged it on behalf of Greek freedom 
 against the tyrant. The majority of the states naturally 
 sympathized with this spirit. We are to see in the Pel- The 
 oponnesian war, therefore, the conflict of two mighty xwo^s^Jtsof 
 forces — the one, the purely Greek idea of the separate Principles, 
 and independent existence of city-states; the other, the 
 world-ideal of empire, which had its rise in the dawn of 
 human history. These two forces could not long exist 
 together; sooner or later they must grapple one with the 
 other in a life-and-death struggle. Nor was this the only 
 ground for an "irrepressible conflict." In all the cities 
 of both the Athenian and Spartan confederations there 
 
178 
 
 Peloponnesian War 
 
 The Plan 
 of the 
 Pelopon- 
 nesians. 
 
 The Plan 
 of Pericles. 
 
 were two factions, a democratic and an aristocratic — the 
 one drawn as by a magnet to Athens, the other to Sparta. 
 Each of the leaders had its partisans in the other's camp 
 whose action might at any moment precipitate a general 
 war. 
 
 217. Comparison of the Combatants. — The situation 
 of the combatants was peculiar. Neither could be at- 
 tacked in its strongest point. Athens's supremacy by 
 sea was safe from its enemies, unless they had money to 
 build ships and hire sailors, and money was scarce in the 
 Peloponnesus. The Peloponnesians were strong on land, 
 and Athens had no infantry that could stand against 
 them. For the Peloponnesians there was but one thing 
 to do — invade Athenian territory. But Athens itself was 
 too strongly fortified to be taken, and it could not be 
 starved into surrender so long as supplies could be brought 
 in by sea. The fields could be laid waste by the Invaders, 
 but that was all. For the Athenians the plan of cam- 
 paign, required by the situation and outlined by Pericles, 
 was chiefly a defensive one. The country people, on the 
 approach of the enemy, should leave their farms, cheer- 
 fully accept the spoiling of their goods, and dwell in the 
 city during the month or more of the invasion. The 
 Peloponnesians would then be forced to return home by 
 lack of supplies and the necessity of tilling their fields, 
 whereupon the Attic farms could be reoccupied by their 
 owners and the damages repaired. Resistance to the 
 enemy by land battles would be avoided, but the Athenian 
 fleet would sally out to strike at exposed points on the 
 enemy's coast and to ruin the commerce of cities like 
 Corinth and Megara. The commerce of Athens, on 
 the contrary, would remain undisturbed by the conflict. 
 
Death of Pericles 179 
 
 Hence, the war would resolve itself into a question of its Advan- 
 endurance, and Pericles was confident that Athens, sup- '^^^' 
 ported and enriched by its enlarging trade, would at last 
 emerge triumphant. The resources of the Peloponnc- 
 sians would be exhausted in striking fruitless blows, and 
 before long they would cease the unprofitable conflict. 
 
 218. The First Period of the War.— This plan of Per- 
 icles was followed in the main, during the first ten years 
 of the war (431-421 B.C.), and these were the years of 
 Athenian success. All Attica gathered behind the walls 
 of Athens during the spring months of the first two 
 years, when the Peloponnesians were abroad in the land. 
 In the third year they omitted their raid and fell with all 
 their force upon Platasa, an Athenian ally, whose isolated 
 position in Boeotia doomed it to eventual destruction. 
 Nevertheless, it beat off the attack made in 429 B.C., and Fail of 
 only fell two years later when starved into submission. All ^^***^- 
 the defenders who survived were executed without mercy. 
 Years brought no impairment of the spirit of the Athe- 
 nians. Even a fearful visitation of the plague, which car- Plague at 
 ried away nearly a third of the citizens in the second and 
 third years (430-429 e.g.), shook their resolution for but 
 a moment. The worst blow was the death of Pericles, Death of 
 who fell a victim to the epidemic in 429 B.C. With the ^^"'^^^^• 
 removal of his wise counsel and powerful personality it 
 was difficult for the democracy to keep to any fixed 
 policy. Two parties sprang up. One party, headed by The Parties. 
 Nicias, a wealthy contractor and capitahst, who in dis- Nkias. 
 position was cautious, moderate, grave and pious, a fair 
 general and a serious politician, was inclined to bring 
 the war to a close as soon as it could be done without 
 dishonor to the state. The other party was led by Cleon, cieon. 
 
180 Peloponnesiaii War 
 
 a rich manufacturer. He was in favor of prosecuting 
 the war much more vigorously than the defensive poHcy 
 of Pericles would have permitted. By his persuasive 
 speech he obtained the leadership of the radical demo- 
 crats. The mass of the citizens inclined first to one side 
 and then to the other, with the result that Athens now 
 embarked in rash and sometimes unfortunate enterprises, 
 now did little more than stand on the defensive. 
 
 219. The Revolt of Lesbos. — A good illustration of 
 the vacillation of the Athenian assembly was given on 
 the occasion of the revolt of Mytilene, which in 428 B.C. 
 shook off the control of Athens. There was no dispute 
 between Nicias and Cleon as to the necessity of suppress- 
 ing the outbreak vigorously, since otherwise the whole 
 empire would be dissolved. Hence, resort was had to the 
 direct property tax to raise funds, and in 427 B.C., after 
 a winter's siege, the rebellious city had to surrender. It 
 was in the treatment to be accorded to the vanquished 
 that opinions differed. Di-o'do-tus of Nicias's party urged 
 clemency as the best basis for future co-operation with 
 the allies, while Cleon, affirming that terrorism alone up- 
 held the empire, recommended that all the adult males 
 of Mytilene be put to death and the women and children 
 be sold into slavery. This harsh policy the Athenians 
 accepted one day, but on the next, repenting of their 
 cruel decree, they compromised and condemned to death 
 the ringleaders alone. A swift trireme sent after the 
 ship which bore the command for a general execution 
 barely arrived in time to save the innocent population. 
 
 220. The Pylos Affair. — The high- water mark of 
 Athenian success in the ten years' war v/as reached in 
 425 B.C. In the spring of that year a fleet was sent out 
 
1 
 
Pylos 
 
 181 
 
 to the west. On their way the ships put in at the bay 
 of Pylos, on the west of the Peloponnesus in Mcssenia. 
 Here, Dc-mos'the-nes, Athens's most brilliant general, 
 was landed with a small force and fortified the promontory 
 of Pylos. On hearing of this the Peloponnesian army, 
 already in Attica engaged in its yearly devastation of 
 the land, hastily re- 
 turned. A Spartan 
 force, supported 
 by a fleet, attacked 
 the Athenians, who 
 defended them- 
 selves valiantly. A 
 body of Spartan 
 hoplites took pos- 
 session of the long 
 narrow island of 
 Sphac-t e'ri-a, 
 which, from the 
 point of Pylos, 
 stretched away to- 
 ward the south 
 and formed the 
 outer side of the 
 
 harbor. Suddenly the Athenian fleet reappeared and drove 
 the Spartan fleet upon the shore, thus cutting off the four 
 hundred and twenty Spartan hoplites on the island from 
 their fellows on the mainland. These men made up about 
 one-sixth of the citizen body of Sparta, and the Spartan 
 authorities made every effort to save them, even sending 
 ambassadors to Athens to ask terms of peace. Thus the 
 Athenians had the opportunity to end the war with a brill- 
 
Rash 
 Policy 
 
 182 Peloponnesian War 
 
 iant triumph, but under the persuasions of Cleon the am- 
 bassadors were denied a fair hearing, and the war went 
 
 cieon's on. On the promise of Cleon that he would bring the Spar- 
 tan hoplites prisoners to Athens in twenty days, he was 
 given troops and sent as general to Pylos. He was himself 
 no skilful soldier, but he took with him reinforcements 
 with which Demosthenes was able to force the Spartans 
 to surrender within the specified time. This success lifted 
 Cleon into the highest favor with the people, and his 
 policy of bold, aggressive warfare was approved. The 
 most favorable moment for making peace had been al- 
 lowed to slip. Accordingly, in the following year (424 
 B.C.) the Athenians made an attack with full force upon 
 Boeotia, Demosthenes advancing from the Corinthian 
 gulf, Hip-poc'ra-tes, with seven thousand hoplites and 
 twenty thousand light-armed troops, advancing from At- 
 tica. The Boeotians were prepared for the invasion, and 
 the two attacks were not delivered at the same moment. 
 
 Battle of Hence, Hippocrates was assailed near Delium by the main 
 Boeotian army and completely defeated. The judgment 
 of Pericles was vindicated. Athens was unequal to her 
 enemy on land. 
 
 221. Brasidas and His Plan. — In the meanwhile the 
 Peloponnesians had done little more, year by year, than 
 make invasions into Attica or ward off as best they might 
 the advances of Athens upon the mainland. But in the 
 year of the Boeotian victory at Delium they scored a suc- 
 cess which augmented the weight of that disaster. This 
 they owed to the Spartan general Bras'i-das, the ablest 
 officer that had yet appeared on their side. Without a 
 fleet the Peloponnesians could make an attack on the 
 Athenian empire outside of Attica at only one point. 
 
 Delium. 
 
Peace ofNicias 188 
 
 The genius of Brasidas perceived and struck at that 
 one point — the Athenian possessions in Macedonia and 
 Thrace. Hurrying north with a small force, he appeared 
 before the city of A-can'thus, and, with the plea that 
 he had come to secure freedom from the Athenian ty- 
 rant, he induced the city to rebel. The Athenians were 
 taken unprepared, and before they could collect them- 
 selves the important city of Am-phip'o-lis had fallen. The 
 failure in Boeotia and the losses in Thrace now gave the 
 peace party the ascendancy in Athens, and in 423 B.C. a 
 year's truce was arranged for the purpose of concluding 
 a permanent peace. The negotiations, however, came 
 to naught, and in 422 B.C. Cleon sailed to the north to 
 recover the cities lost in that quarter. In a skirmish at Death of 
 the gates of Amphipolis, both he and Brasidas were ^^°^i^^^ 
 slain. 
 
 222. Peace of Nicias. — With Cleon out of the way, 
 there was opportunity at Athens for the lovers of peace to 
 carry through their programme. Accordingly, in 421 B.C., Result of 
 a treaty was signed for a fifty years' peace between Sparta ye^ars! 
 and Athens. The war had closed with the advantage 
 entirely on the side of Athens. The fundamental article 
 of the treaty was that both powers should give back what 
 they had conquered from each other during the war. 
 This meant for the Spartans the loss of the cities in the 
 north and for the Athenians the setting free of the Spar- 
 tans taken at Pylos. But the Athenian empire remained Athens in 
 practically undiminished, and Corinth's sea power and cendant. 
 commerce had been shattered, while Athens had enlarged 
 and strengthened her possessions. On the other hand, 
 the purpose of the Peloponnesian league to destroy the 
 Athenian empire had utterly failed and the members of 
 
184 
 
 Peloponnesian War 
 
 the league were themselves at odds one with another. 
 Athens was mistress of the situation. 
 
 223. Changes in Athenian Temper and Spirit. — We 
 must pause here to note some changes in Athenian life, 
 which had their root in the time of Pericles, but bore fruit 
 during the years of war. We have seen (§§ 189-195) 
 how democracy under Pericles was perfected. The peo- 
 ple ruled directly, and politics became the passion of the 
 citizens. To guide the people successfully one must 
 persuade them in public assembly; he who would win 
 them to his way of thinking and acting must be able to 
 argue better than his opponents. To be a good orator 
 was indispensable for a politician. To meet this demand 
 teachers sprang up who professed, among other things, 
 to make one skilful in the art of persuasion. These were 
 the rhetoricians and the sophists. They were immensely 
 popular at Athens. Men learned from them how to pre- 
 sent arguments and to weigh them, to put ideas in a 
 taking way in public speech, and to reply to opponents 
 successfully. It was not so important that the cause 
 urged was good or bad, or that the arguments presented 
 in favor of it were right or wrong — they must be such 
 that the people, hearing them, would think them sound 
 and vote accordingly. As this skill grew, the people 
 grew more critical also. The public assembly became a 
 school of debate, where sharp-witted politicians con- 
 tended before a keen and excited audience. Fine points 
 were applauded and dulness hissed. But the result of 
 this was to put truth and justice below shrewdness in 
 debate, to make adroitness and popular oratorical skill 
 more important than character and honor in a political 
 leader. The Athenians fell into this fatal error. 
 
A ristophanes 185 
 
 224. Comedy as an Illustration of the Times. — This 
 condition of things is illustrated in the comedy of the 
 times. Comedy, like tragedy (§ 160), arose in con- 
 nection with the religious festivals and dealt familiarly 
 with the scenes and events of common life. In Athens, 
 where the main interest was politics, it found its con- 
 genial subjects in the political leaders, who were held up 
 to unmeasured ridicule amidst the unrestrained laughter 
 
 of the audience. The greatest comic poet of the day was Aristoph- 
 Ar-is-toph'a-nes (about 450-385 b.c). In his Knights he ^°^^* 
 satirizes the Demos as an ill-natured old man, who is the 
 prey of his villainous slave, the leather-worker (meaning 
 Cleon, who was a tanner). The Clouds jests at the new 
 learning of the time. The Wasps makes fun of the 
 Athenian law-courts by a mock trial in which justice is 
 parodied. The Birds pictures a bird-city "Cloudcooc- 
 kootown" where the bustle and excitement of Athens are 
 kept out. The Frogs describes the adventures of Diony- 
 sus, who goes to Hades (the underworld) to find a poet, 
 and is in doubt whether to bring back ^schylus (es'ki-lus) 
 or the favorite dramatist of the time, Eu-rip'i-des. He 
 finally decides for the former. All these and the other 
 comedies of Aristophanes are, in spite of their coarseness 
 and personal abuse, works of permanent power because 
 of their rollicking humor and vigor, interspersed with 
 passages of wonderful lyric beauty. The strange thing 
 is' that the Athenians were willing to listen to such satires 
 on their life and such caricatures of their statesmen, to 
 laugh at their leaders one day and follow them the next. 
 
 225. Effect of Culture on Morals and Religion. — The 
 culture of Athens, fed by architecture, painting and 
 sculpture, by the spectacles of the tragic and comic 
 
186 
 
 Peloponnesian JVar 
 
 Irritates 
 Pious Peo- 
 ple. 
 
 stage, and stimulated by the stirring political activity, 
 could not fail to have its influence on religion and morals. 
 It is true that most men were too busy about business and 
 politics to trouble themselves as to whether their notions 
 about the gods would stand the test. But a few could not 
 avoid questioning. Pericles gathered about him men like 
 the sophist An-ax-ag'o-ras, who, following after the earlier 
 thinkers (§132), thought of the world as formed not from 
 a single source, but from several original elements, one 
 of which is "mind," that puts all things together. He 
 regarded the sun and moon as great balls of stone. The 
 speed of the sun had turned it into a glowing mass. 
 Such ideas — an integral part of the "new learning" 
 which the sophists were bringing within the reach of 
 everybody in the later Periclean time — were shocking to 
 pious people; no less so the teachings of the greatest of 
 all the sophists, Pro-tag'o-ras of Ab-de'ra, which may be 
 formulated in the following statements: "Man is the 
 measure of all things." "In regard to the gods I am- 
 unable to say whether they exist or do not exist, for many 
 things hinder such knowledge — the obscurity of the mat- 
 ter and the shortness of human life." Such ideas over- 
 turned the old faith. Those who held them tried to find 
 solider ground to stand on than was supplied by the re- 
 ligion of the day and to clear men's minds from its super- 
 stitions. Pericles sympathized with this aim, but he did 
 not carry the citizens along with him. The old religion 
 was sacred to most of them and they feared and hated the 
 philosophers who attacked it. Anaxagoras was banished 
 from Athens in 434 B.C. for his "impiety," and nearly 
 twenty years later Protagoras escaped persecution only 
 by fleeing from the city. During the whole time of the 
 
Scientific History 187 
 
 Peloponnesian war Athens was torn by a fierce religious 
 contro\-ersy centring round the doctrines of the sophists. 
 In fact, these ideas did not make men better, because 
 they shattered faith in religion, on which people de- 
 pended, and put nothing in its place. Nor did the 
 prevailing interest in politics help; it rather harmed. 
 Men grew hard and grasping in their ambitions; their 
 love of country made them selfish in her defence and for 
 her glory. Some one has called attention to three dark Dark side 
 spots upon this enlightened Athenian society: (i) The °ia„ 
 putting of slaves to torture before taking their testimony character, 
 in a court of law; (2) the ruthless slaughter of prisoners 
 taken in war, and the selling of captive women and chil- 
 dren into slavery; (3) the want of respect for old age. 
 We have already observed the position of woman (§ 202). 
 In all this we must not judge too harshly, but rather 
 remember that people do not go forward in all things at 
 one time. In Athens the new learning was breaking down 
 the old customs before building up new ones. While the 
 childish things of the old religion and morals were being 
 put away, more reasonable ideas were slow in gaining 
 ground. 
 
 226. Characteristic Figures. — Four great men of this 
 period illustrate the spiritual temper of Athens in its 
 lighter and darker sides. 
 
 227. Thucydides Compared with Herodotus. — Thucyd- 
 ides* (about 471-399 B.C.) was the Athenian general who, 
 failing to keep Brasidas out of Amphipolis (§ 221), was 
 banished from Athens and was in exile for twenty years. 
 He improved this time in gathering materials for and writ- 
 ing a History of the Peloponnesian War. He wrote during 
 
 * Not the same as the son of Melesias (§ 213). 
 
188 Peloponnesian War 
 
 the latter years of Herodotus (§ 208), but a whole world 
 separates their histories from one another. Herodotus de- 
 scribes; Thucydides gives the inner meaning. Herodotus 
 tells a story because of his interest in it; Thucydides tells 
 nothing but what he knows to be true. Herodotus enjoys 
 his work and wants others to be entertained also; Thucyd- 
 ides writes for the instruction of men who take things 
 A Scientific scriously. In other words, Thucydides has no senti- 
 Histonan. YCiQiii or humor; he is intensely keen and hard. He 
 reveals what is base and selfish, true and heroic in his 
 characters in a masterly fashion, but without praise or 
 blame. Everything he handles is treated from the purely 
 political point of view. You learn nothing directly of 
 the religious, economic or social life of his day. His 
 style is strong, concise, sometimes obscure, often elo- 
 quent. The history reaches its height in the account of 
 the expedition to Syracuse in the seventh book. 
 "Euripides, 228. Euripides. — Euripides (about 480-406 B.C.) was 
 man.'"" ^^^ suprcmc tragic poet of the war-time. He had thought 
 deeply upon all the problems raised by the new learning 
 and used his wonderful imaginative power in presenting 
 them through his tragedies. He was the poet of democ- 
 racy, but of a glorified democracy which had a deep feel- 
 ing for woman and the slave. Woman's heroism and 
 devotion form the kernel of his Iphigenia and Alcestis. 
 The tragedy of common life is seen in the Electra. He 
 introduces the slave and the beggar to show that they, 
 too, have hearts that can bleed. Toward the popular re- 
 ligion he stands in an attitude partly of abhorrence and 
 partly of sympathy. His Bacchce is a powerful picture of 
 the madness and sublimity of the worship of Dionysus 
 (§ 134). Men were at once charmed by the magic and 
 
PLATE XVIII 
 
 Sophocles 
 
 Pericles 
 
 Socrates 
 
 The Aphrodite of Melos 
 
 Alexander 
 
 An Alexandrian Greek 
 
 TYPICAL GREEK HEADS 
 
Socrates 1<S9 
 
 pathos of his poetry and repelled by the boldness and 
 novelty of his thoughts. In all this he reveals himself as 
 a son of his time — of the restless, passionate, practical, 
 sensitive, brutal Athens of the war. 
 
 229. Socrates. — One of the most picturesque person- 
 alities of the time was Socrates (about 469-399 e.g.). 
 Of a burly, ungainly figure, with bulging eyes, flat nose 
 and thick lips, he could be seen at all times on the streets, 
 as he gathered about him a delighted group whom he 
 engaged in conversation, drawing them on by simple 
 questions to consider the deepest problems of life. He 
 had taken the step which all Athens needed to take — 
 from the enjoyment of material prosperity and the pas- 
 sion for politics to the search for right living. Athens 
 had learned the goodness of greatness; he would teach 
 her the greatness of goodness. He found true knowledge a Moral 
 in the study of his own heart and the testing of his own pjjei°^°" 
 ideals. The old motto, "Know thyself," was the text 
 of all his preaching. In this work he felt himself com- 
 missioned from above; a divine spirit goaded him on and 
 inspired him. By his sharp and searching talk he irritated 
 the self-satisfied democracy, whose leaders hated to be 
 made fools of by him. He claimed that skill in govern- 
 ment was a result of training just as was skill in shoe- 
 making, and thought that it was absurd to distribute 
 offices by lot, "Politicians," he cried, "all flatterers, His Con- 
 cooks, confectioners, tavern-keepers, whom have they ce'^JcrTcy. 
 made better? They have filled the city with harbors, 
 docks, walls, tributes and such trash, instead of with 
 temperance and righteousness." For his own time he 
 was a prophet crying in the wilderness; one excitement 
 the more for sensation-loving Athens. But his work, 
 
190 Peloponnesian War 
 
 although undertaken too late for the salvation of his own 
 generation, was destined to abide for all time. 
 
 230. Alcibiades. — Among those who gathered about 
 Socrates, professing discipleship, was the most brilliant 
 
 Unites the young Athenian of the time, Alcibiades. All the vices 
 kir'with^"' ^^^ virtues of the Athens of the war were summed up 
 Politics. jn him; he is the exemplar at once of her glory and her 
 shame. With him we pass from the spiritual forces of 
 the time to one of its most potent political leaders, and 
 therefore take up again the thread of the history. A 
 relative of Pericles, a true aristocrat, wealthy and hand- 
 some, Alcibiades was the hope of the friends of that states- 
 man and the natural heir of his ideas. He took up the 
 interests of the people, posing as a radical of the radicals. 
 His education was the best the age could offer, and he 
 shared in all the advanced opinions of his day. He was 
 the idol of the people, yet respected nobody but himself; 
 the teaching of Socrates accomplished little for him be- 
 yond confirming him in his egotism without leading him 
 on to self-improvement. On the death of Cleon (§ 221) 
 he sprang into the vacant place as leader of the radical 
 democracy. 
 
 231. The Years of the False Peace. — The long-desired 
 peace with the Peloponnesian league (§222) was fol- 
 lowed by a union between Sparta and Athens, from 
 which the allies of Sparta were excluded, because they 
 refused to accept the peace. Apart from the two power- 
 ful states now at one, they could do nothing. Hence, 
 a long period of rest and recovery from the waste and 
 turmoil of war seemed at hand. But the prospect was 
 not realized; the fifty years' peace was dead from its 
 birth. Formally, it endured for six years, years in which 
 
Sicilian Eocpedition 191 
 
 there was constant turmoil and lighting somewhere in 
 Greece. The causes of this were threefold: (i) In 450 Causes of 
 B.C. Sparta and Argos had concluded a thirty years' '^'■°"'''^- 
 peace, which now was just at an end. Argos, left alone 
 during these years, had grown strong and was ready to 
 enter the political field. The other Peloponnesian states, 
 abandoned by Sparta, entered into a league with the new 
 power and prepared to turn against their old leader, (2) 
 The Spartans failed to carry out the terms of the peace, 
 as they did not give back to Athens the captured cities. 
 This caused dissatisfaction at Athens. (3) The strife of 
 parties at Athens was intensified by Alcibiades, wh6, as 
 leader of the war party, sought to destroy the good under- 
 standing between Sparta and Athens established by the 
 peace party. Alcibiades hoped, by renewing the war with 
 Sparta, to place himself at the head of affairs, bring vic- 
 tory to Athens and glory to himself. He induced the 
 Athenians to ally themselves with the Argive league. 
 Finally, Sparta came to. a battle with the league at Mantinea. 
 Mantinea, and defeated them (418 b.c); the league was 
 forthwith broken^up. Yet, even now, Athens and Sparta 
 did not begin to fight. Each was at heart not unwilling 
 to keep the peace. Each was ready for a convenient 
 opportunity for war. 
 
 232, The Athenian Expedition against Syracuse. — 
 The opportunity was oft'ered by Athens. In the year 
 416 B.C. she made a brutal use of her naval supremacy, 
 and, seizing Doric Melos by violence, she slew or en- Meios. 
 slaved the inhabitants, and divided their land among 
 Attic cleruchi. This was, however, but the prelude to 
 a still more daring enterprise. Her commercial activity 
 in the west had long been hindered by the rivalry of 
 
192 Peloponnesian War 
 
 Syracuse. Just at this time the rapid extension of the 
 power of Syracuse induced some neighboring cities of 
 Sicily to call on Athens for help. Alcibiades persuaded 
 the assembly, despite the persistent protests of Nicias, to 
 send against Syracuse an expedition, which set sail in 
 415 B.C. It was the finest fleet Athens ever put upon 
 the sea and taxed her resources heavily. It consisted 
 of 134 triremes, 20,000 seamen and an army of 6,430 
 soldiers. The command was not intrusted to Alcibiades 
 alone, but was divided between himself, Nicias and 
 Lamachus. One morning, just before the fleet sailed, 
 the Athenians were startled to find that the sacred im- 
 ages, called Hermee, which stood along the streets of the 
 city, had been wantonly disfigured. The attempt was 
 made to fasten the guilt for this outrage, and other similar 
 sins against religion, upon Alcibiades and his friends, but 
 a decision on the matter was postponed till he returned, 
 condemna- Howcvcr, he had hardly reached Sicily when he was 
 FiigM^of ordered to come to Athens to stand trial. Fearing for 
 Alcibiades. ^jg \\{q^ ^g cscaped, and after a short time found a refuge 
 at Sparta, where he sought every means to bring ruin 
 upon his native city. 
 
 233. Renewal of the War. — At last, in 414 B.C., under 
 the impulse of the war spirit, the Athenians took the 
 bold step of making a descent upon Spartan soil. This 
 decided the Spartans for war. They sent a small force, 
 to the aid of Syracuse under a valiant and able general 
 named Gy-lip'pus and prepared again to invade Attica. 
 
 234. The Disaster at Syracuse. — Meanwhile the ex- 
 pedition against Syracuse was faring badly. Lam'a-chus 
 was dead and Nicias was left in sole command. He 
 sent back to Athens for reinforcements. In spite of) 
 
jyiHaHter in Sicily 19.S 
 
 some unpleasant surprise at this news, Athens could 
 not draw back, and her most brilliant general, Demos- 
 thenes, was sent out with seventy-three ships and an 
 army of twenty thousand men gathered from all parts 
 of the Athenian empire. But his help was in vain. 
 The honest but incompetent Nicias had lost his oppor- incompe- 
 tunity to capture the city by assault and attempted a N^jag" 
 siege. The Syracusans gathered courage and strength 
 with the coming of Gylippus. After a vain attempt to 
 storm their works, Demosthenes urged a retreat, but 
 Nicias delayed until it was too late. At the last the 
 Athenian army was scattered, the two generals captured 
 and put to death, the soldiers thrown into the stone- 
 quarries, where many perished of hunger; the survivors 
 were sold as slaves (413 B.C.). 
 
 235. Its Vital Significance. — The Syracusan expedi- 
 tion was the crisis of Athens. With its failure the 
 Athenian empire was doomed. The plague had swept 
 away about one-third of the citizens; the disaster in 
 Sicily cut the remainder in two. The astonishing thing 
 — and it exhibits the spirit and resources of the city most 
 clearly — is that Athens fought the Peloponnesians ten 
 years longer before she fell. 
 
 236. Spartans at Decelea, 413 B.C. — The Spartans, 
 on the advice of Alcibiades, now occupied a permanent 
 stronghold in Attica at Dec'e-le'a. fifteen miles north of 
 Athens, at the head of the valley of the Cephissus. 
 Thereby the city was in a permanent state of siege; the Flight of 
 income from the country was cut off; the slaves, to the ^•^^^^* 
 number of more than twenty thousand, escaped to the 
 enemy, and all work suffered correspondingly. This was 
 
 lin itself sufficiently serious. Then came the awful news 
 
194 
 
 Peloponnesian War 
 
 Appearance 
 of Persia 
 on the 
 Scene. 
 
 Athens 
 Loses Her 
 Revenues. 
 
 Democracy 
 Over- 
 thrown. 
 
 from Syracuse. In three particulars its effects were at 
 once felt. 
 
 237. Persia Joins in the War.— In the first place, 
 now that the Athenian navy was destroyed, Persia thought 
 the time come to make good the losses sustained between 
 480 and 448 B.C. Hence she determined to take a hand 
 in the war. Artaxerxes I, the maker and lover of peace, 
 was dead, and his son, Darius II, was on the throne (424- 
 404) B.C. His satraps, Pharn-a-baz'us and Tis-sa-pher'- 
 nes, were directed to recover the Great King's posses- 
 sions on the coast of Asia Minor. Persia had what the 
 Spartans lacked — -money. With money the Peloponne- 
 sians could build, equip and maintain a fleet and meet 
 Athens on the sea. 
 
 238. Revolt of Allies. — In the second place the Athe- 
 nian allies broke out in revolt the moment a hope of suc- 
 cess presented itself. This meant to sever the main 
 artery of the state; for now that Attica was lost it was 
 from the empire alone that Athens drew its revenues, 
 from their transmarine investments and commerce that 
 the citizens gained their livelihood. The loss of reve- 
 nues meant inability to keep a fleet, and it was solely 
 through having in the treasury a reserve of one thousand 
 talents which Pericles had set aside for such an emergency 
 that a navy could be built at all. 
 
 239. Rule of the Four Hundred. — In the third place 
 the disaster in Sicily brought the democracy, which had 
 authorized the expedition, into such discredit that a suc- 
 cessful attempt was made by its opponents to set it 
 aside (411 b.c). At a packed meeting held in the 
 suburb of Colonus during a reign of terror occasioned 
 by the assassination of prominent democrats, the con- 
 
Persian Intervention 19.5 
 
 stitutional safeguards of popular sovereignty were first 
 abolished. The payment for all public services of a civil 
 character was suspended during tlic continuance of the 
 war and a government of four hundred men with power 
 to legislate, conduct foreign negotiations and appoint 
 military and other magistrates was substituted for the 
 government of the ecclesia, the understanding being that 
 Alcibiades, now at odds with Sparta and tired of living 
 in Persia, where, on his arrival he had become the con- 
 fidant of Tissaphernes, would, if restored, win for Athens 
 the financial support of the Great King. Alcibiades did, 
 in fact, return from exile, but he did not bring Persia with 
 him, and it was to the fleet, which had refused to acknowl- 
 edge the new government, that he came. The govern- 
 ment of the four hundred then tried to betray Athens to 
 Sparta, whereupon it was set aside by a general movement 
 headed by The-ram'e-nes, one of its own members; and 
 after a year's interval, during which the propertied 
 classes alone had the franchise, the complete democracy 
 was restored. 
 
 240. Fall of the Athenian Empire. — The first fleet built FirstPerso. 
 by the Peloponnesians was not financed liberally by the pieet. 
 Persian satraps, who, while inclining to Sparta and set- 
 ting her up on the sea, also gave sufficient help to Athens 
 to enable her to continue the struggle. The design was 
 to weaken both sides until Persia could step in and over- 
 power both. This scheme was frustrated by a brilliant cyzicus. 
 victory gained by Alcibiades at Cyzicus in 410 B.C., 
 and had the Athenian distrust of this versatile man 
 not sent him again into exile when his fleet suffered a 
 slight defeat at Notium during his temporary absence, 
 the war might still have ended favorably for Athens. 
 
196 Pelopoimesian War 
 
 The disaster of Sparta at Cyzicus was made good when 
 Lysander, of whom we shall hear more later, was given 
 charge of its naval operations, for he persuaded Cyrus, the 
 Great King's younger son, who had superseded Tissa- 
 phernes in command of the Asia Minor provinces, to take 
 definitely the side of Sparta, the consideration being that 
 Sparta acknowledged Persia's claim to the Greek territory 
 in Asia Minor. So long as the second Perso-Spartan 
 fleet was under Lysander's command it was successful, 
 but his successor, Cal-li-crat'i-das, was badly beaten in 
 406 B.C. off the Ar-gi-nus'as islands by a new navy which 
 the Athenians, making a last desperate effort, put on tlje 
 sea in that year. The complete demoralization of public 
 life at Athens was manifested at this time in two incidents. 
 In the first place, at the instance of Theramenes, the 
 citizens illegally condemned and executed their successful 
 admirals for failing to rescue some shipwrecked sailors; 
 and in the second place they again, as after the battle of 
 Cyzicus, at the instance of Cleophon, the "boss" of the 
 ecclesia at this time, rejected honorable proposals of 
 peace made by the discouraged Spartans. The people 
 would have the whole of their former empire or nothing. 
 In the meanwhile they again controlled the sea; but once 
 more Lysander and Cyrus built and equipped a new fleet. 
 This the Athenians in the year 405 B.C. followed to the 
 Hellespont. They took their station on the shore of the 
 Thracian Chersonese over against Lamp'sa-cus at M-go's,- 
 pot'a-mi, an open beach without harborage, and repeat- 
 edly offered battle to Lysander. He chose his own time, 
 however, and falling unexpectedly upon the Athenian 
 navy captured it and its crew almost without a blow. 
 This was followed by the surrender of Athens (404 B.C.), 
 
Lysander 
 
 197 
 
 the entrance of the Peloponncsians and the pulh'ng down jEgos- 
 of the Long Walls— a day of triunii)h for Sparta, heralded f°'^;"' ""•* 
 
 '^ _ ^ •' ^ ^ ' the Fall of 
 
 as "the beginning of freedom for Greece." Athens. 
 
 241. Character of Lysander. — The two chief actors 
 during these years were the Athenian Alcibiades and 
 Lysander the Spartan. The unprincipled conduct of 
 the former has been described already in the narrative 
 
 of the war. Shortly after it was over, he was murdered 
 by the Persians among whom he had taken refuge. 
 Lysander was the Spartan Alcibiades, a brilliant, cruel, 
 selfish politician and general. His purpose was the same 
 as that of his Athenian contemporary, to help his state 
 with the idea of making himself the first man in it. As 
 the friend of Cyrus, he wielded Persian influence in be- 
 half of Sparta and won the final victory which brought 
 Athens low. At the close of the war, he was the greatest 
 man in Greece, and all his ambitions seemed about to be 
 fulfilled. 
 
198 
 
 Peloponnesian JVar 
 
 Heroism of 
 the Demos. 
 
 Demos De- 
 moralized 
 by War. 
 
 242. Failure of Democracy in Foreign Politics. — ■ 
 
 Nothing in history is more amazing and heartrending 
 than the spectacle of Athens during these ten years. It 
 is amazing to see the democracy struggling on with stern 
 determination against an inevitable fate, spending their 
 last resources to equip a fleet, and on its destruction 
 making yet another desperate effort to face their foes, 
 and yielding only when the treasury was empty, the citi- 
 zen body reduced to a fraction of its numbers, the sub- 
 ject cities lost, the food supply cut off, the people perish- 
 ing from famine. However admirable this exhibition of 
 heroism may be, we are bound to recognize that as the 
 war progressed the Athenian demos lost a just apprecia- 
 tion of the relative material strength of itself and its ad- 
 versaries. To its inability to decide on peace when peace 
 was necessary; in other words, to its inability to choose 
 the right policy in foreign affairs we must attribute a large 
 share of the responsibility for the fall of its brilliant empire. 
 
 243. Internal Evils of Democracy. — There were, in- 
 deed, serious defects in the Athenian constitution, the 
 chief of which was the inequality of the burdens borne 
 by citizens. The rich were called on for large contribu- 
 tions for the support of the state (§ 210), while the poor, 
 having equal rights, were paid for their service. The 
 attitude of Athens toward her subject cities was also a 
 fundamental weakness in her foreign policy (§ 213), so 
 that in her dire extremity they deserted her. But none of 
 these things, not Athenian democratic institutions, nor 
 the superiority of Sparta, nor the money of Persia, brought 
 her low. The want of uprightness and honesty in her 
 leaders; the preferring of cleverness to character; the 
 placing of self and party above country and duty; in a 
 
Fall of Athens 199 
 
 word, the social and political demoralization incident to 
 the long war — this was the dry-rot at the heart of Athens 
 that linally brought the imperial structure to ruin. Far 
 more instructive than any lessons from the eastern em- 
 pires are the magnificent achievement and the pitiful col- 
 lapse of the Athenian empire. 
 
 244. Terms of Athens's Surrender. — The terms on 
 which Sparta received the submission of Athens were 
 these; the fortifications of the Pin-eus and the Long Walls 
 were to be pulled down; all the ships but twelve were to 
 be given up; all exiles were to return; the supremacy of 
 Sparta was to be acknowledged; the friends and foes of 
 the Spartans were to be Athens's friends and foes, and 
 war contributions of money and men were to be made 
 when Sparta demanded them. These conditions reveal The 
 the Spartan programme: (i) to secure for all Greek cities 
 freedom from outside interference — for this purpose gramme 
 Athens was made powerless, (2) to establish Sparta's 
 headship over all these cities in the spirit of the old 
 Peloponnesian league (§ 154). 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following famous: 
 Nicias, Demosthenes, Brasidas, Gylippus, Thucydides, Soc- 
 rates, Euripides, Cyrus the Younger, Lamachus, Protagoras? 
 2. What events are connected with the following : Amphipolis, 
 Man tinea, Decelea, ^Egospotami? 3. What is meant by So- 
 phist, Hermae, demos, "all things flow"? 4. What are the 
 dates of the three periods of the war? of Pylos, Syracusan 
 expedition, ^gospotami? 5. Explain the attitude of the Athe- 
 nian assembly on the occasion of Lesbos's revolt. 6. How 
 did the news of the disaster at Syracuse affect Athens? 7. 
 What were the reasons for Athens refusing Sparta's honorable 
 proposals of peace after Cyzicus? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare Themistocles (sS^ t^'S, 
 1S4, 187) and Alcibiades as political leaders. 2. Compare the 
 
 Spartan 
 Pro- 
 
200 The Sparian Empire 
 
 Athenian method of declaring war, making peace and appoint- 
 ing generals with our own. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Peloponnesian War: 
 Preliminaries and First Period. Bury, ch. lo. 2. The Second 
 Period: the Sicilian Expedition. Bury, pp. 458-484. 3. The 
 Third Period. Bury, pp. 484-506. 4. The Sophists. Bury, 
 pp. 385-389. 5. Socrates. Bury, pp. 576-581. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Pelopon- 
 nesian War: Preliminaries and First Period. Zimmern, ch. 
 15; Shuckburgh, pp. 217-235; Botsford, pp. 190-205. 2. The 
 Second Period : the Sicilian Expedition. Zimmern, pp. 270-282; 
 Shuckburgh, pp. 238-248; Botsford, pp. 208-216. 3. The Third 
 Period. Zimmern, ch. 17; Botsford, pp. 227-238; Shuckburgh, 
 pp. 248-259. 4. The New Thought at Athens. Botsford, pp. 
 217-227. 5. Aristophanes. Jebb, pp. 96-100; Capps, ch. 11; 
 Murray, pp. 280-293. 6. Thucydides. Jebb, pp. 106-109; Capps, 
 pp. 317-330; Murray, ch. 8. 7. Euripides. Jebb, pp. 88-94; 
 Capps, ch. 10; Murray, ch. 12. 8. Socrates. Jebb. p. 125; Shuck- 
 burgh, pp. 264-266; Murray, pp. 170-177; Moray, pp. 290-291 
 
 245. Other Imperial Attempts. — Sparta's headship 
 naturally carried with it the reappearance everywhere of 
 that class of citizens and of that form of government with 
 
 Renewal of which Sparta Was in sympathy. The aristocracy took 
 Oligarchy, (-j^^j-gg Qf affairs, destroyed democracy and established 
 oligarchies in the place of the democratic governments 
 that characterized Athenian rule. The usual form of 
 these oligarchies was the decarchy, or the rule of ten 
 aristocratic citizens. A peculiar form was that at Athens, 
 where thirty men reorganized the government. 
 
 246. Failure of the Programme. — But it was impos- 
 sible to combine the two parts of the Spartan programme 
 (§ 244). The events of the last fifty years made it diffi- 
 cult to force the demos back into obscurity, and Sparta's 
 aristocratic friends were compelled to depend on Spartan 
 help to sustain them in office. Moreover, Sparta had 
 
The Thirty Tyrants 201 
 
 been infected by Athens with the imperial fever; her 
 great general, Lysander, openly worked to secure Spartan 
 supremacy. Thus, in many cities the decarchy had by spartaSup- 
 its side a Spartan harmost, or overseer, at the head of a g°rchies." 
 body of troops, who represented the real power of the 
 state. Supported by this military authority, the aristo- 
 crats took bloody revenge everywhere for the wrongs of 
 years, killing the democratic leaders and seizing their 
 property, while the Spartan commander looked calmly 
 on or aided the avengers. 
 
 247. The Thirty at Athens, 404-403 B.C. — At Athens 
 a regular reign of terror was carried on by the "Thirty" 
 with the support of a Spartan garrison on the Acropolis. 
 Strictly they were appointed at the instigation of Lysander 
 to frame a new constitution. Chief among them were 
 Critias, one of the exiled nobles and a disciple of the 
 "new learning," and Theramenes, the leader of the mod- 
 erate wing of the aristocratic faction at the time of the 
 four hundred. The thirty had no thought of bringing 
 in a new constitution, but their intention was to prolong 
 their term of rule indefinitely. To this end they soon 
 began to expel their opponents, especially the promi- 
 nent democrats. Numbers were slain that their property 
 might be confiscated. In these murders and confisca- 
 tions Critias and Theramenes at first agreed, but on 
 the question of the continuation of this extreme policy 
 Theramenes deserted his colleague. To break the force 
 of his agitation Critias broadened the government so as 
 to include three thousand men in a list of privileged 
 citizens. However, this half-way measure did not re- 
 move discontent. An open rupture occurred between Thera- 
 
 . menes "the 
 
 Critias and Theramenes, the latter bemg- denounced as Trimmer." 
 
202 The Spartan Empire 
 
 a "turncoat." Theramenes defended himself valiantly, 
 but the brute force of his adversary prevailed, and he 
 was compelled to drink the fatal hemlock. Meanwhile, 
 the exiles whom the thirty had banished were increasing 
 in numbers. Many found refuge in Thebes, and of these 
 a group under the lead of Thrasybulus seized Phy'le, on 
 the slopes of Mt. Par'nes. The thirty were beaten in 
 an attempt to dislodge them; nor were they more suc- 
 cessful when in the spring of 403 B.C. they tried to re- 
 cover the Piraeus which Thrasybulus and his comrades 
 had occupied by surprise. Critias was among the slain. 
 Even then another oligarchy would have been set up 
 had not Pausanias, the Spartan king, who was hostile 
 to Lysander, secured for the Athenians freedom to re- 
 organize their government as a somewhat conservative 
 democracy. 
 
 248. Lysander's Imperial Policy. — Elsewhere Lysan- 
 der set up decarchies and planted Spartan garrisons, 
 sailing up and down the ^gean sea, levying tribute and 
 practically subjugating, instead of freeing, the cities. 
 Thus the Greek world found that the victory over Athens 
 resulted only in the setting up of a heartless and narrow- 
 minded power, whose aim was a supremacy more thor- 
 ough and selfish than ever. This could not fail to be 
 clearly seen, when it became known that the condition 
 on which Persia had taken Sparta's side was that Sparta 
 should hand the Greek cities on the Asia Minor coast 
 over to Persia. Not only the Spartans then— the Spar- 
 tans and the Persians were lords of the Greek states. 
 
 249. Affairs in Sicily. — In sympathy with Sparta was 
 yet another power in the Greek world. Ever since 
 the successful defence of Syracuse against the Athe- 
 
Dionysius of Syi^acuse 203 
 
 nians the Greek cities of Sicily had been hving in peacC; 
 with increasing wealth and prosperity, under democratic 
 constitutions. But Carthage, the Phoenician metropolis The Car- 
 of north Africa, who had kept her hands from Sicily prowem" 
 since the defeat of Himera (§ 176), took advantage of a 
 local quarrel to invade Sicily in 409 B.C. In the struggles 
 which followed, it seemed as if all Greek Sicily would fall 
 under the Carthaginian supremacy. Deliverance was 
 wrought by a citizen of Syracuse, of humble origin, but 
 of remarkable political and military gifts, Dionysius. The Em- 
 He made himself tyrant of Syracuse, and in a series of cTonygju^ 
 wars with the Carthaginians forced them back and con- 
 fined their possessions to the western end of the island. 
 During his long reign (405-367 B.C.), Syracuse became 
 the greatest city of the Greek world. Dionysius forti- 
 fied it strongly, adorned it magnificently and made it 
 the centre of an empire which embraced a large part of 
 Greek Italy, as well as islands and colonies in the upper 
 Adriatic sea. His help was sought and obtained by the 
 Spartans. He was desirous of entering into close rela- 
 tions with, the eastern Greeks, who both admired and 
 feared him as a powerful but dangerous tyrant. His 
 nature was cold and hard; he did little for higher culture, 
 although he wrote tragedies and thought himself most 
 fortunate to have won the first prize at Athens in a tragic 
 competition. His merit was primarily political — to have 
 saved the Greeks of the west from destruction. His em- 
 pire lasted only a few years after his death. 
 
 250. Growth of Greek Imperialism. — The half-century 
 that followed the close of the Peloponnesian war (404- 
 355 B.C.) is occupied with the history of the attempts 
 of the leading Greek states, one after the other, to rule 
 
204 The Spartan Ernpire 
 
 over the Greek world. In each of these states were am- 
 bitious men whose ideals were, like those of Alcibiades 
 at Athens (§ 230), centred on the supremacy of their 
 Lysander owu citics Under their personal headship. Such a man 
 Agesiiaus. was Lysaudcr of Sparta, who, despite the fact that there 
 were now not more than two thousand Spartiatae whereas 
 there were three or four million Greeks, wanted to make 
 Sparta the ruler of Greece and himself the ruler of Sparta. 
 The first of these aims he was accomplishing by sup- 
 porting dependent oligarchies In the various cities with 
 Spartan harmosts and garrisons. The other he hoped to 
 gain by making the new Spartan king, A-ges-i-la'us (399 
 B.C.), a man small, lame and apparently without force, 
 subservient to himself. 
 
 251. The Conflict at Sparta. — But already symptoms 
 of discontent with Lysander's selfish, unscrupulous, pol- 
 icy had shown themselves at Sparta. The liberation 
 of Athens from the thirty tryants by Pausanias (§ 247) 
 is an illustration. Especially the abandonment of the 
 Asia Minor cities to Persia was felt to be unworthy, 
 and their deliverance was loudly called for. The de- 
 cisive step was forced by an unexpected event. The 
 death of Darius II of Persia in 404 B.C. brought his 
 The"Anab- eldest SOU, Artaxcrxcs II, to the throne. But Cyrus, 
 Cyrus. the younger son, whose union with Sparta had brought 
 
 Athens low (§ 240), gathered an army of some ten thou- 
 sand Greek mercenaries and one hundred thousand 
 Asiatics and started from Asia Minor to contest the 
 throne (401 B.C.). The king met the invaders in Baby- 
 lonia at Cunaxa (401 B.C.), where the Greeks carried all 
 before them, but Cyrus himself was killed. With his 
 death the rebellion collapsed, the Asiatics deserted to 
 
The Ten Thousand 205 
 
 the king and the Greeks were left alone in the heart of 
 the empire. But, though deceived and harassed by the 
 Persians, and their generals treacherously slain, they 
 forced their way back to the west through the northern 
 mountains and reached the Black sea. They had chal- 
 lenged the Great King at his very gates and he had 
 been unable to punish them. 
 
 252. Xenophon. — Among the Greeks who accompanied Cyrus The Ten 
 was a young Athenian, Xenophon, a friend of one of the Greek Thousand 
 generals. It was he who encouraged the Greeks after the loss of ophon. 
 their generals and inspired them to defy the king and attempt the 
 
 return march. He has written an account of the expedition in his 
 Anabasis, one of the mcst attractive books in Greek literature. 
 
 253. War between Sparta and Persia. — When Cyrus 
 planned his rebellion, he sought and obtained the aid of 
 Sparta. The failure of his attempt brought down Persian 
 wrath upon her. She was thus driven to break with 
 Persia and strike a blow for the freedom of the Asia Minor 
 cities. War began in 400 B.C. In 396 B.C. Agesilaus, with Agesiiaus 
 a strong army, started for Asia Minor, accompanied by MinoT 
 Lysander, who expected to control the expedition. But 
 Agesilaus, though insignificant in body, was vigorous in 
 purpose and ambition; he soon showed himself the real, as 
 
 well as the nominal, master, and Lysander's supremacy 
 was past. 
 
 254. Sparta's Difficulties in Greece. — The war with 
 Persia ran on feebly for ten years longer (396-387 B.C.). 
 Worthy as was Sparta's motive in waging it, she could 
 not escape the consequences of her arbitrary treatment 
 
 of Greek states at home. Corinth, Argos and Thebes, Corinthian 
 who had suffered from her tyranny, joined with Athens; 387 b.c). 
 
206 
 
 The Spartan Empire 
 
 Coroneia 
 
 and 
 
 Cnidos. 
 
 The Peace 
 of Antal- 
 cidas. 
 
 all threw themselves on the side of Persia, and a struggle 
 began in 395 B.C. which is usually called the Corinthian 
 war. Its first incident was the death of Lysander in 
 an attempt to take Hal-i-ar'tus. He was an able man 
 whom only the unfitness and disinclination of Sparta for 
 empire prevented from being uncrowned sovereign of 
 Greece for a long time. The conflict was carried on at 
 sea also where a Persian fleet under the leadership of 
 Conon, an Athenian admiral, operated against Sparta. 
 Agesilaus was called back from Ionia and won a victory 
 over the Thebans at Cor'o-nei'a in 394 B.C., but the same 
 year the Spartan fleet was destroyed at Cnidos. The 
 Ionian cities fell into the hands of Persia. The Persian 
 fleet sailed over to Greece, where Conon rebuilt the Long 
 Walls of Athens, and thus the opportunity was given 
 her to become again an independent sea power. In 
 392 B.C. the Spartans suffered a startling defeat when 
 the Athenian I-phic'ra-tes, with a body of light armed 
 troops of an improved model (peltasts), defeated for the 
 first time in Greek experience one of their heavy armed 
 regiments. It soon became clear that Sparta could not 
 make headway against the Greeks and Persians com- 
 bined. Hence she gave up the double contest and sought 
 peace. from Persia on terms most advantageous to herself. 
 The Great King dictated the conditions to her ambassa- 
 dor, An-taFci-das, and in 387 B.C. the King's peace was 
 established throughout the Greek world. 
 
 The royal decree which gave the terms of peace read as follows: 
 "King Artaxerxes thinks it right that the cities in Asia and the islands 
 of Clazomenae and Cyprus shall belong to him; further, that all the 
 other Greek cities, small and great, shall be independent, except 
 Lemnos, Imbros and Scyros, which shall belong to Athens as for- 
 
Peace of Antalcidas 207 
 
 merly. If any refuse to accept this peace, I shall make war on them, 
 along with those who have the same mind, both by land and sea, with 
 both ships and money." 
 
 255. A Virtual Victory for Sparta.— To Sparta, as 
 head of Greece, was given the task of maintaining the 
 peace as the king's deputy. The result was practically 
 to restore Spartan supremacy. For whatever cities had 
 organized leagues or subjected other cities would be 
 forced by Sparta to give independence to those under 
 them, while Sparta herself had a free hand in establish- 
 ing her own power everywhere. The Asia Minor cities 
 were, however, definitely handed over to Persia. 
 
 256. The Centralizing Tendency. — It remained to be 
 seen whether Sparta's diplomatic triumph could be main- 
 tained in the face of the tendency to unite states, which 
 was steadily making headway in the Greek world against 
 the old-time principle of independence (§ 216). Every- 
 where leagues were forming; new and larger states were 
 rising; tyrants were appearing and gaining wider power. 
 
 By the peace of Antalcidas Sparta was empowered to checked 
 check these movements in her own interest. The real sparta. 
 problem was whether she was strong enough to stop them 
 and make herself mistress of Greece. She bestirred her- 
 self with energy. The opposition in the Peloponnesus 
 was put down. A league of the Chalcidian cities under 
 the leadership of Olynthus was broken up (382-379 
 B.C.). A check was put on the Boeotian league by The 
 throwing a Spartan garrison into the Cadmeia, the Affa^!'^ 
 citadel of Thebes (382 B.C.) — a manifest breach of the 
 King's peace. An attempt was made to seize the Pira3us, 
 which the Athenians had not yet fully fortified (378 B.C.), 
 but without success. 
 
and Its 
 Lesson. 
 
 208 Fall of Spartan Empire 
 
 257. Revolt at Thebes. — -But such high-handed 
 measures provoked intense opposition. A conspiracy 
 at Thebes, aided by the Athenians, succeeded in driving 
 out the Spartan garrison and uniting Boeotia against 
 Sparta (379 B.C.). Athens also declared war and swept 
 the Spartans from the sea. And behind the barrier which 
 Boeotia presented to Spartan advance northward, Jason, 
 tyrant of Pherae, an energetic, clever, highly educated, 
 unscrupulous man, succeeded in bringing all Thessaly 
 under his control. As tagus of the whole land, he came 
 to possess an army of eight thousand cavalry and twenty 
 thousand hoplites — by far the strongest force under single 
 
 Leuctra command in eastern Greece. When, in 371 B.C., the 
 Spartan army under King Cleombrotus entered Boeotia, 
 the Boeotians met them at Leuctra and inflicted upon 
 them a smashing defeat. The king himself was slain 
 and a thousand Lacedemonians with him. The pres- 
 tige of the Spartan soldiery was destroyed. All Greece 
 was astounded. The pious Xenophon wrote of it as 
 follows: "The Lacedemonians, who swore to leave the 
 cities independent, seized the citadel of Thebes, and they 
 were punished by the very men, single-handed, whom 
 they had wronged, though never before had they been 
 vanquished by any single people. It is a proof that the 
 gods observe men who do irreligious and unhallowed 
 
 Jason of deeds." For a moment it seemed as though Jason, the 
 ostensible friend of Thebes, would dominate victor and 
 vanquished alike, but his assassination a few months 
 after Leuctra ended the Thessalian peril. 
 
 258. Grounds for Theban Success. — The victory of 
 Thebes was the result, not of a sudden outburst of ir- 
 resistible wrath at Spartan oppression, but of long mill- 
 
 Pherae. 
 
Epaminojidas 
 
 200 
 
 tary training and a new system of military tactics devised 
 and carried through by leaders of genius and enthusiasm. 
 Two great men had been created by the Theban situ- 
 ation — Pe-lop'i-das and E-pam'i-non'das. The former 
 was the leader in the band of conspirators that drove the 
 Spartans out of Thebes, an intense fiery nature, of genial 
 and bold temper; 
 he gathered the 
 Theban youth in- 
 to the "Sacred 
 Band," one hun- 
 dred and fifty pairs 
 of friends, skilled 
 in war, bound by 
 the holiest of ties 
 
 Two Men 
 of Genius. 
 
 to fight side by 
 side to the death. 
 Epaminondas bal- 
 anced the passion- 
 ate enthusiasm of 
 his friend by a phil- 
 osophic temper 
 and the deep in- 
 sight of political and military genius. It was he who de- 
 veloped the new tactics that won at Leuctra. Ordinarily, 
 in a Greek battle the attack was made with the right wing, 
 which sought to outflank the enemy's left wing and throw 
 it back upon the rest of the line. But Epaminondas re- 
 versed this order by making his left wing the fighting wing, 
 arranging it fifty men deep instead of the usual twelve, 
 and hurling it first upon the enemy's fighting wing, letting 
 the rest of the line follow and complete the overthrow. 
 
 New Mili- 
 tary Tac- 
 tics. 
 
210 
 
 The Thehan Empire 
 
 Imperial- 
 ism. 
 
 Its Carry- 
 ing Out. 
 
 In the Pel- 
 oponnesus. 
 
 Mantinea. 
 
 259. The New Theban Policy. — The plans of these 
 two leaders contemplated not merely the freedom of their 
 city from Spartan control, but the establishment of The- 
 ban supremacy over Boeotia, and even the substitution of 
 Thebes for Sparta in the hegemony of the Greek world. 
 They had nothing to fear from Dionysius (§ 249), who 
 died in 367 B.C., and whose successor, Dionysius II, had 
 little of the genius and vigor of his father. With Boeotia 
 consolidated, they must gain control over the Pelopon- 
 nesus, northern Greece and the sea. To this task Thebes, 
 under these leaders, gave herself for ten years (371-362 
 B.C.). In the north the tyrants of Thessaly were sub- 
 dued, but in the struggle Pelopidas was slain (364 B.C.). 
 The attempt to control the sea brought Thebes into con- 
 flict with Athens and led to no result. In the Pelopon- 
 nesus a better outcome seemed possible. The defeat 
 of Sparta opened the way for the cities, which she had 
 oppressed, to make themselves free. The Arcadians, 
 hitherto split up into petty villages, united in a common 
 state life with its centre at a new city, Megalopolis, and 
 found protection and support from Thebes. Epami- 
 nondas marched down into the Peloponnesus, almost 
 captured Sparta, freed the Messenians and set them up 
 as a separate state with Messene, a new city planted on 
 Mt. Ithome, as their capital. But eager as these states 
 were for freedom, they were not ready to hold it under 
 Theban direction. They turned against their deliverer, 
 and when Epaminondas came down, in 362 B.C., to re- 
 establish Theban authority he found Spartans, Arcadi- 
 ans, Athenians and others in the army that confronted 
 him. The battle was fought at Man'ti-ne'a. His mili- 
 tary genius again gave him the victory, but he himself 
 
Fall of Thebes 211 
 
 was sore wounded and died on the field. With his death 
 
 the Theban supremacy was shattered. What Thebes 
 
 had accomph'shed was to break up the Peloponnesian 
 
 league — to carry into the peninsula the isolation of the 
 
 various city-states existent elsewhere in Greece. She The Result, 
 
 had overthrown Sparta's supremacy; her own she could 
 
 not establish in its place. Greek unity, so urgently 
 
 needed and so steadily aspired after, seemed farther off 
 
 than ever. 
 
 260. Revival of Athenian Ambition. — Could Athens 
 bring this about? Such had been the ambition of the 
 restored democracy from the beginning of the fourth cen- 
 tury. Various attempts had been made to recover her 
 power over the yEgean cities. Early in 377 B.C. a con- second 
 federacy of Greek cities under Athenian leadership was Empi°e^° 
 proposed, with the purpose of forcing the Spartans to 
 leave the Greeks free and independent. No possibility 
 of Athenian encroachment upon the rights and powers 
 of the allies was permitted. They united as independent 
 states, about seventy in number, with Athens as the polit- 
 ical and military head. The purpose of the league was 
 accomplished so far as it sought the overthrow of Sparta's 
 sea power, but it was too loose a confederation to satisfy 
 Athens or to meet the needs of the time. In 366 B.C., 
 therefore, Athens made a vigorous attempt to turn it 
 into something more like an empire. Under Ti-mo'- 
 theus, the son of Conon, and Iphicrates, fleets were sent 
 out which reduced Samos to subjection and established 
 Athenian supremacy in the Hellespont and on the Chal- 
 cidian peninsula. But opposition was found on every Athenian 
 
 Failure to 
 Dc 
 
 (§ 259). A new king in Persia, Artaxerxes III (Ochus), i'- 
 
 side. Thebes contested the Athenian claim to the sea Dominate 
 
^n 
 
 Second Athenian Empire 
 
 Difficulty 
 
 with 
 
 Macedonia. 
 
 The Social 
 War. 
 
 Conflict 
 between 
 Old and 
 New Polit- 
 ical Ideas. 
 
 came to the throne in 359 B.C., and his energetic activity 
 restored Persia to something like unity and strength. 
 The Athenian advance in the north had disturbed Mace- 
 donia, where, in 359 B.C., Philip had become king. By 
 clever diplomacy he outwitted Athens and began to secure 
 the Greek cities which occupied the coast of his king- 
 dom and exploited it to their own advantage and that 
 of Athens, their suzerain. This he could do the more 
 easily in that in 357 B.C. the most important of the de- 
 pendencies of Athens revolted and the Social War which 
 ensued absorbed the energies of that city completely. 
 Thus, the difficulties of maintaining an empire were too 
 great for Athens. In 355 B.C. she made peace with her 
 rebellious allies in the east by renouncing her authority 
 over them; she contented herself with the few possessions 
 which remained in the north, where her trouble with 
 Philip was not yet settled. Greece was in confusion still, 
 and no one could see the end. 
 
 261. Review of the Situation. — As we look back over 
 the fifty years that came to a close with 355 B.C., we 
 notice, in comparison with the fifth century, some signifi- 
 cant characteristics. The facts of the history narrated 
 in the preceding sections show very clearly that it was a 
 time of change and conflict, without any clear aim or 
 satisfactory outcome. The brilliant career of Athens 
 with its imperial aspirations had been brought to naught 
 by the determined opposition of states representing the 
 old Greek principle of the separate independence of the 
 several cities. The victory of Sparta strengthened every- 
 thing that gathered about that principle — the aristocratic 
 class, the old religion, the dislike of democracy, the pref- 
 erence for constitutions like that of Sparta, which re- 
 
Mercenaries 213 
 
 strained the freedom of the individual citizen in the in- 
 terest of the state. On the other hand, imperial Athens, 
 though fallen, handed on the influences and ideals 
 which she had cherished, and they continued to fight for 
 supremacy in the political and social life of the time. 
 The imperial idea was seized by Sparta and Thebes; 
 the impossibility of turning Greece into a mass of petty, 
 independent cities was emphasized by the various leagues 
 which constantly sprang up; the new thought was as- 
 serting the importance of the individual man and his 
 demands upon life, upon the state of which he was a 
 citizen, upon the world in which he lived. Thus every- 
 where it was conflict between return to the past and 
 progress along new paths. 
 
 262. Changes in the Art of War. — Everywhere ap- 
 peared signs that this was a time of transition. The art 
 of war was changing. The heavy-armed footman, the 
 hoplite, ceased to be the one strong force of the army; 
 the light-armed soldier, the peltast, was found to be more 
 and more useful. As we have seen, it was a great shock 
 to the military science of the time when the Athenian 
 Iphicrates, in 392 B.C., set upon a regiment of Spartan 
 hoplites with his peltasts and nearly destroyed them all. 
 Cavalry also became more important and no army was 
 complete without a strong corps. The new tactics of 
 Epaminondas were likewise revolutionary. Equally strik- Merce- 
 ing is the almost universal employment of mercenary 
 soldiers. The long years of the Peloponnesian war bred 
 a generation who knew one thing well — how to fight. 
 Many of them had no other occupation; and since 
 those who were engaged in business and agriculture 
 gradually lost the humor for fighting and preferred to 
 
 naries. 
 
214 
 
 Anarchy 
 
 Factions. 
 
 Decline of 
 the Citizen 
 Body. 
 
 Problem of 
 Finance. 
 
 pay Others to do it for them, it soon became impossible 
 to send out sufl&ciently large armies of citizens; hence 
 soldiers were hired and the practice of selling oneself for 
 war was a very profitable trade. Generals, too, let them- 
 selves out for hire to conduct campaigns. As money was 
 scarce in all the Greek states, and the funds for the pay- 
 ment of mercenaries were soon exhausted, opposing gen- 
 erals avoided decisive battles and sought to prolong the 
 manoeuvres until the opposing force was disbanded for 
 lack of funds. Thus war was carried on quite scientifi- 
 cally and with much less bloodshed. 
 
 263. Confusion in Politics. — Another illustration of 
 this time of change is found in the politics of the day. It 
 is a mixture of petty conflicts and local problems with 
 great plans and large ambitions. The imperial strivings 
 of each of the greater states were checked by the obsti- 
 nate opposition of smaller states. Each state had its 
 own war of factions — aristocrat against democrat. The 
 complicated politics of the time was due to the ceaseless 
 intrigues of these little cities, now swinging to this side, 
 now to that. Fear and jealousy, ambition and conserv- 
 atism, were contending impulses in every community. 
 At the same time the problems of these states were of the 
 pettiest order. They were all reduced in population and 
 resources. Sparta's legitimate citizens at the end of the 
 Peloponnesian war numbered only about two thousand. 
 Athens was hard pressed to keep up her citizen body 
 which had sunk to about twenty thousand — a figure at 
 which it remained fixed during the whole of the fourth 
 century B.C. The difficult question of finance was a 
 pressing one. Athens was constantly on the verge of 
 financial exhaustion, although she had a fairly prosper- 
 
PLATE XIX 
 
 THE HERMES OF PRAXITELES 
 
Sculpture 215 
 
 ous commercial activity. When they had the opportu- 
 nity, recourse was had both by Athens and Sparta to 
 plundering defenceless regions and forcing contribu- 
 tions from weaker cities. Piracy was not uncommon. 
 Sometimes the baser expedient of rol:>bing temples was 
 tried. Hence came the importance of the alliance with 
 Persia, for that meant Persian gold. 
 
 264. Art and Literature Flourish. — The brightest side 
 of the life of the time appears in the higher spheres of 
 art and literature. During these years of turmoil they 
 went steadily forward. Even in the Peloponnesian war, 
 sculptors could put forth such splendid creations as the 
 Nike ("Victory") by Pseonius, set up by the Messeni- 
 ans at Olympia. The greatest sculptor of the age was 
 Prax-it'e-les, whose only extant work, the Hermes, reveals 
 the chief note of progress. It consists in the freer ex- The New 
 pression of human emotion, the delineation of man as an ^'^"'p'"''^ 
 individual with his special traits and feelings, contrast- 
 ing thus v/ith the more restrained and heroic ideals of the 
 age of Pericles (§ 205). His most famous statues — the 
 Cnidian Aphrodite, the Satyr, the Eros, have perished, 
 and only copies of them, like the Marble Faun of Haw- 
 thorne, have come down to us. And his contemporaries, 
 Scopas, whose faces always had an alert, far-away look, 
 and Ly-sip'pus, whose works were all in bronze and who 
 alone among sculptors, it is said, was permitted to make 
 portraits of Alexander the Great, have fared no better. 
 A good copy of one of the latter's productions is the 
 famous Apoxyomenus — or athlete using the strigil to 
 scrape the sweat and oil from his arm — now in Rome. 
 As the Parthenon is the finest example of Periclean ar- Archi- 
 chitecture, so the tomb of Mau-so'lus, satrap and king '*'^'"''^- 
 
^16 Culture of Fourth Century, B.C. 
 
 of Caria, reveals for this age the union of sculpture and 
 architecture at its highest point. The greatest artists of 
 the time notably Scopas, worked upon it. Painting, also, 
 took a place in the art of the day never attained before. 
 The houses of the rich were adorned by frescoes and 
 the works of great painters. Indeed, everywhere greater 
 luxury, a finer taste in private life, appeared, illustrated 
 in the pursuits of hunting, in enjoyment of the coun- 
 try and agricultural activity, and even in cookery, all of 
 which were studied as arts and on which books were 
 written that have come down to us. 
 
 265. Intellectual Life at Athens. — Athens was the 
 bright star in the world of literature and thought. Shorn 
 of her imperial position in the political world, she laid 
 her hand of power upon the higher realm of letters and 
 philosophy, and won an unquestioned triumph. What 
 Pericles had claimed (§ 209) now came true. Athens 
 was the teacher of Greece. At the opening of the fourth 
 century B.C., however, things had seemed to point in the 
 other direction. The backward look toward the past, 
 so characteristic of this age (§ 261), tended to the sup- 
 pression of the new learning. Indeed, one awful blun- 
 der, worse than a crime, was made by this reactionary 
 spirit in 399 B.C., when Socrates (§ 229) was put to death 
 as an impious and pernicious man. But disciples, in- 
 spired by his teaching, took up his work and carried on 
 the new learning to higher flights. One of the most 
 attractive of these men was Xenophon (434-354 B.C.). 
 
 It is said that Xenophon, when a young and handsome boy, was 
 one day halted in the streets of Athens by Socrates, who asked him 
 where various articles of merchandise could be bought. He politely 
 told him. Then Socrates asked, "But where can one get good and 
 
Plato 217 
 
 honorable men?" When the boy could not answer, the philosopher 
 replied, "Follow me," and Xenophon became his disciple. 
 
 It was not altogether with the approval of Socrates Xenophon. 
 that Xenophon joined the army of Cyrus (§ 252), and the 
 outcome of that expedition, while it brought honor to the 
 young leader, ruined his career as an Athenian. As a 
 friend of Sparta, he was banished from Athens and went 
 to live on an estate in Elis presented to him by the Spar- 
 tans. There he wrote many books. The most impor- 
 tant are the Memoirs of Socrates, a worthy record of his 
 master's career and teachings; the Cyropedia, a kind of 
 historical romance glorifying the elder Cyrus of Persia 
 (§ 79) ; the Anabasis, which has already been referred to 
 (§ 252); and the Hellenica, a history of Greece from the 
 point where Thucydides left off (411 B.C.) to the battle 
 of Mantinea. Xenophon is a typical man of his time, 
 a conservative, clear-headed, sensible, healthy nature, 
 roused into vigorous thinking by the spur of Socrates, 
 but unwilling or unable wholly to yield to the impulse 
 of his master — a son of progressive Athens taking halting 
 Sparta for his foster-father. 
 
 266. Plato. — A far abler disciple was Plato (428-347 
 B.C.), one of the most brilliant philosophers of all time. 
 He is an example of the contradictions of this troubled 
 age. Born into the circle of Athenian aristocracy, one 
 of the company of brilliant young men that surrounded 
 Socrates, he would have nothing to do with the politics 
 of democratic Athens; yet he was passionately devoted to 
 the study of politics, and even vv^ent to Syracuse, in the 
 time of Dionysius II, to introduce his theories into actual 
 practice. Of course they failed. He gathered about 
 himself in Athens a body of disciples. In opposition to 
 
218 Culture of Fourth Century B.C. 
 
 His Phi- the njaterial and often sordid activities of his city and 
 losophy. ^gg^ j^g taught them the doctrine that things on earth are 
 faint and faded copies of perfect spiritual reahties above 
 this world, abiding, pure, divine. The perfect life is that 
 which comes into harmony with these. The death of 
 Socrates inspired him to write his Apology of Socrates, 
 an endeavor to present in substance the defence which 
 Socrates uttered before the court that condemned him. 
 His writings took almost always the form of dialogues. 
 They deal with a variety of philosophical and political 
 subjects and are written in a poetical prose of wondrous 
 His refinement and fascination. The Republic pictures his 
 
 Republic. {^Q2^. commonwealth, the most noticeable features of 
 which are the division of citizens into three classes — the 
 rulers, the guardians and the traders and producers; 
 the establishment of a communism of property, women 
 and children; and the requiring men and women to en- 
 gage in the same occupations. The PhcEdo offers an 
 argument for the immortality of the soul. The Sympo- 
 sium discusses love as the supreme element in the uni- 
 verse. From the vicinity of his home to the gymna- 
 sium of Academus, his school is called the "Academy." 
 
 267. Isocrates. — While possessing nothing like the 
 genius of Plato, more truly a child of his age is I-soc'ra-tes 
 (436-338 B.C.). Indeed, more fully than any other 
 writer or thinker, he represents the Athens of the fourth 
 century, its culture, its doubts and its hopes. He sought 
 no public activity, yet devoted himself to the training of 
 men for public life. He taught them rhetoric, philosophy, 
 science and character, and sought to form public opinion 
 by issuing political brochures in the guise of orations. 
 His was the most popular school and he the best-known 
 
Isocrates 219 
 
 sophist in the Greek world. As a literary man he was 
 the creator of a classical prose style, smooth, liquid, pure 
 — possibly lacking in strength and fire. As a political 
 philosopher his view was broad and high. At first he xhe Greek 
 hoped, like so many men of his time, that the old union ofG^e'k" 
 of Sparta, the land power, and Athens, the sea power, of unity. 
 the Greek world might be revived to be the salvation of 
 Greece. Such was his plea in his Panegyricus, delivered 
 at Olympia on the occasion of the hundredth Olympiad 
 (380 B.C.). He rose to a higher ideal, the union of all 
 Greece under a single leader and the advance of united 
 Greece against Persia — the recovery of Greek unity and 
 honor. The trouble was he could get no leader — he 
 summoned one after another of the states to this task. 
 But as his long life drew to a close, one did appear, and 
 Isocrates could look forward hopefully to the realizing 
 of his ideal. That leader was Philip, king of Macedon, 
 whose career is a turning-point in Greek history. 
 
 268. How Can Greece Be Revived and United? — 
 Our study of the oriental empires has shown how with New 
 the decay of the nations of culture there appear new ®°p®^' 
 peoples, rude and strong, to overrun and rule their 
 weaker but more highly developed neighbors, absorb 
 their culture and carry the world a stage farther in the 
 march of progress (§35). Such was to be the solution of 
 the problem of the Greek world. In the western and in the 
 northern parts of the Greek peninsula was a mass of '^°'''^'^^=' 
 peoples on the borders of civilization, becoming slowly 
 affected by it, forming out of loose tribal conditions states 
 of a steadily increasing strength and unity. Some had 
 already been drawn into the circle of Greek politics and 
 war, like ^tolia, Acarnania and Ambracia. And now, 
 
220 Rise of Macedon 
 
 even beyond these, in the wild region of Epirus, occu- 
 pied by a mixture of races, kingdoms Hke that of the 
 Molossi began to emerge. A new Greece was rising as 
 the old Greece declined. 
 
 269. Rise of Macedonia.— It was in the northeast, 
 rather than in the west, however, that advance was more 
 rapid. This was to be expected, since the eastern coast of 
 Greece had been the scene of the most vigorous life from 
 the earliest period. Here, lying back from the north- 
 western ^gean and cut off from Thessaly by lofty moun- 
 tains, lay Macedonia. Its people was a strange com- 
 plex of races: to the north and west Illyrian, to the 
 east Thracian, mixed with the purer Greek blood, but 
 all paying uncertain allegiance to a line of kings whose 
 capital was at ^^Egae, far in the interior, at the head of 
 the great plain that stretched down to the Thermaic 
 gulf. These kings, handing down their throne from 
 father to son, steadily grew in power and importance. 
 
 Relation The positiou of Macedonia drew them early into the 
 circle of Greek politics; it is their lasting merit that they 
 saw and valued the importance of cultivating relations 
 with the Greek states. The first of the kings to come 
 into historic light took the side of the Greeks in the 
 first Persian wars. They encouraged Greek settlements 
 on their shores. They even claimed descent from the 
 Greek god and hero, Heracles, and the claim was ac- 
 knowledged by the privilege conferred upon them of con- 
 testing in the Olympic games. 
 
 The First 2*jo. Giowth of Macedonian National Life. — Brought 
 
 thus into close contact with the intense spirit of Greek 
 national life and culture, the Macedonian king and his 
 people naturally were inspired to develop their own 
 
 to Greece. 
 
 National 
 Problems. 
 
King Philip 221 
 
 nationality. Two things were necessary for this result. 
 First, the loose attachment of the tribes in the west and 
 north must be turned into a firm allegiance to the sov- 
 ereign. Second, the sea-coast must be secured. The first 
 of these was undertaken in a series of military opera- 
 tions carried on by king after king with very moderate 
 success. The second meant obtaining supremacy over 
 the flourishing Greek cities which, for centuries planted 
 on the peninsulas of Chalcidice, had monopolized the rich 
 trade with the interior. As most of the cities belonged to 
 the Athenian empire, the kings were involved in diffi- 
 culties with Athens. This complication bound them up 
 even more closely with the political and military move- 
 ments of the Greek world. Thus, little by little, Mace- 
 donia was being prepared to grapple decisively with the 
 problem that Athens, Sparta and Thebes in turn had laid 
 down. 
 
 271. King Philip. — At this crisis Philip was on the 
 throne, a man in genius and energy fully equal to the 
 situation. He brought to a successful end the unifying of 
 his kingdom. By a series of tremendous campaigns in 
 west and north and east, he broke down the resistance of 
 the rude and warlike Illyrian tribes, drove back or ab- 
 sorbed the Thracians and welded all into a living and 
 concordant unity. The nation that sprang into full 
 life was animated by a common spirit of military zeal 
 and- personal loyalty to the king. A new army was His Army, 
 formed and trained to a perfection never before reached. 
 He drew the Macedonian peasantry into military service, 
 and by joining them as infantry to the aristocratic cavalry 
 he at one stroke doubled the strength of his army and 
 freed himself from dependence upon his nobles. All 
 
222 Rise ofMacedon 
 
 told he controlled an army of three to four thousand 
 horse and twenty-five thousand hoplites. The foot- 
 soldiers were formed in close array somewhat deeper 
 than the ordinary Greek hoplite army and armed with 
 longer spears. This was the Macedonian phalanx. The 
 chief reliance was the cavalry, both light and heavy 
 armed, made up of the nobility, men in the prime of 
 physical vigor and of high spirit. In a battle their charge 
 upon the enemy's flank, made as one man with tremen- 
 dous force, usually decided the day. All advances in the 
 art of war made by the Greeks during the preceding 
 years were brought together by Philip in his military or- 
 ganization. He had an abundance of light-armed troops 
 and a splendid siege-train. He himself was the animat- 
 ing soul, the directing genius of the whole organization. 
 All the soldiers were called *' companions," and the word 
 well expresses the relation to their head which he was 
 able to inspire. The new Macedonia was a nation under 
 arms. 
 
 272. The Advance to the Coast. — Philip was equally 
 successful in the second of the tasks laid upon the Mace- 
 donian sovereign — the securing of the sea-coast. By a 
 combination of skilful diplomacy and vigorous warfare 
 he proceeded to wrest from Athens the cities under her 
 influence and to reduce the others to subjection. With 
 the fall of the most important of them all, Amphipolis 
 (357 B.C.), he was master of the central trade-routes; the 
 gold mines on the northeastern border were secured; the 
 city of Philippi was built to guard them; a small navy 
 Conquest was bcguu. By 348 B.C. cvery Greek city on the coast 
 gj.gg^ of Macedonia was in his hands. The capital of his king- 
 
 cities, (iom was removed from lEg^e. and established farther 
 
A7inescation of Thessaly 223 
 
 down the plain at Pella. The completion of these tasks 
 invited him to the other and greater achievement — the 
 leadership of Greece. 
 
 273. Philip Secures a Foothold in Greece. — The op- 
 portunity came in an outbreak in middle Greece. The 
 Amphictyonic council (§ 128) had proceeded against 
 the Phocians on a charge of doing violence to the rights 
 of the temple at Delphi. On their refusal to submit, the 
 council declared war against them. They seized the The 
 temple and borrowed its treasures to hire soldiers for ■w^"»^ 
 their defence. Little by little all Greece was drawn in. 
 
 The active members of the Amphictyonic council were 
 Thebes, Locris and Thessaly. For Phocis were Athens 
 and Sparta. The Phocians also succeeded in gaining the 
 tyrants of Thessalian Pherae to their side; this led the 
 rest of the Thessalians to ask Philip to lead them. Thus Gains 
 Philip crossed the border of Greece and became master ^®^^y- 
 of Thessaly (353 B.C.), the possession of which, among 
 other advantages, more than doubled the number of his 
 cavalry. The full meaning of the new situation soon 
 became clear. Greece was on the verge of a greater 
 struggle than the petty "sacred war." Philip had come 
 within her gates, and he would have entered central 
 Greece at this moment had not Athens, Sparta and their 
 allies placed an army of twenty thousand men in the 
 pass at Thermopylae to prevent his farther advance. 
 
 274. His Attitude toward Greece. — It is important 
 to observe Philip's ideals and ambitions. He was a 
 true Macedonian, a fearless, impetuous, relentless, un- 
 sparing warrior, a deep drinker and reckless reveller, 
 yet devoted to the upbuilding of his kingdom and utterly 
 unscrupulous as to the means of accomplishing it. At 
 
224 
 
 Rise of Macedon 
 
 His Ideal 
 for Greece. 
 
 What His 
 
 Leadership 
 
 Meant 
 
 the same time he cherished a strong admiration for 
 Greece, was immensely proud of his Greek descent, and 
 estimated the favor and recognition conferred by Greece 
 above almost everything else in the world. Greek cult- 
 ure, long welcomed at the Macedonian court, had deeply 
 impressed him. For some years he had resided at Thebes 
 as a hostage in the hands of Epaminondas, and had 
 studied, not in vain, the political situation. He aspired 
 to be the leader of Greece, not merely for his own glory 
 and that of Macedonia, not that he might plant his foot 
 on the neck of Greek freedom, but rather because he was, 
 in a kind of romantic reverence for her ancient fame and 
 her immortal culture, conscious of the dignity and glory 
 to be gained thereby. This feeling seemed to concentrate 
 on Athens. Although Philip was constantly at war with 
 that city, he was ever ready to make peace with her, to 
 excuse the hostility and perfidy with which she dealt 
 with him and to spare her at the last. Thus the leader- 
 ship which he craved was for the purpose of securing 
 peace among free Greek communities. He would have 
 them recognize in him their arbiter and friend. He 
 went a step farther, and saw in the unity of Greece, se- 
 cured by him, the means for carrying out the ideal which 
 Isocrates had already described (§ 267), the punishment 
 of Persia for its lordship over the Greek states. It was 
 with purposes like these, in which the lust of conquest 
 was mixed with the higher ideals of Greek unity and 
 supremacy, that Philip set foot upon Greek soil and began 
 to push steadily southward. 
 
 275. The Old Problem Revives. — Who, after all, could 
 or would oppose him? Had not everything been mov- 
 ing in the direction of unity — Athens, Sparta, Thebes 
 
Philip and Demosthenes 225 
 
 seeking to bring it about? Why not hail his coming as 
 a reh'ef from the half-century of turmoil that had just 
 passed ? The answer to these questions is the same as 
 that which was gi\'en to Athens, Sparta and Thebes- 
 Greece will not submit to the authority of one. Inde- 
 pendence for the separate states — the principle of auton- 
 omy — was now to clash again with the impulse to unity. 
 Strange to say, the leader in this last struggle for Greek Athens 
 freedom was Athens. There were, indeed, men in this p^tup!' 
 city who were not averse to Philip, men who looked to 
 Macedonia for the relief from democratic oppression 
 which they had earlier sought from Sparta — namely, 
 the rich aristocrats. The spokesman of this group was ^Eschines 
 the orator ^^schines (es'ki-nez), but he had with him ordi- ""^H'sSide, 
 narily only a small minority of the citizens. Isocrates, too, 
 received the rise of Macedon with pleasure. We have 
 already seen how Philip's successful activities in securing 
 the Macedonian sea-coast had brought him into conflict 
 with the Athenians (§ 270). A vigorous campaign in 
 352 B.C. had made him master of Thrace, where he 
 threatened the Athenian possessions on that coast. The 
 "sacred war" (§ 273) had embittered the situation still 
 more. Thus far, however, Athens had done little more 
 than defend herself against Macedonian aggression. But 
 now she entered upon a new activity under the leader- 
 ship of Demosthenes, the most famous orator of the an- 
 cient world, 
 
 276. Demosthenes. — Demosthenes (384-322 B.C.) be- 
 gan the study and practice of oratory under I-sae'us, one 
 of the leading practical lawyers of Athens, in order to 
 recover his property, of which in his orphaned childhood 
 his guardians had robbed him. He overcame all his 
 
226 
 
 Eise of Macedon 
 
 The 
 Philippics. 
 
 Fall of 
 Olynthus. 
 
 many natural defects by persistent toil, and in the proc- 
 ess became not only a wonderful speaker, but a success- 
 ful politician. His orations against Philip — called Philip- 
 pics — and his other speeches, of which many have been 
 preserved, show a combination of close logic, intensity 
 of spirit and beauty of language which are without par- 
 allel. The most renowned of them is the Oration on 
 the Crown, delivered in defence of his policy on the 
 occasion of a proposal to the people to offer him a crown 
 in reward for his public service (330 B.C.). 
 
 277. He Champions the Anti-Macedonian Policy. — 
 Demosthenes had already advocated a more vigorous 
 war policy than the defensive one which had hitherto 
 prevailed, and had, in fact, carried the Athenians with 
 him in his plan to preserve Chalcidice against Macedon. 
 But by stirring up a revolt in Euboea Philip kept the 
 Athenians employed nearer home, while he himself in- 
 vaded Chalcidice, took its towns partly by bribery and 
 partly by force and finally captured Olynthus and sold its 
 inhabitants into slavery (349-348 B.C.). Now the realm 
 of Philip stretched unbroken from Thermopylae to the 
 hinterland of Byzantium. After these brilliant successes 
 Demosthenes had agreed to a peace in 346 B.C., the so- 
 called peace of Philocrates, which was sorely needed by 
 Athens. But when Philip desired to enter into closer re- 
 lations of friendship with Athens, Demosthenes induced 
 the Athenians to hold back. Meanwhile, Philip was 
 elected a member of the Amphictyonic league in the 
 place of the Phocians, and thus was entered legally 
 among the Greek powers. This was the opportunity 
 taken by Demosthenes to launch his new enterprise — • 
 the aggressive union of all the Greek states against the 
 
Greek Unity 227 
 
 dangerous Macedonian enemy. He had some success; 
 states in the Peloponnesus and on the northern ^gean 
 entered a league. At last, the Amphictyonic council, 
 unsupported by Athens and Thebes, invited Philip to 
 lead another "sacred war." This brought matters to a 
 head. The Thebans joined the anti-Macedonian union 
 and prepared to resist Philip's march. The decisive cheroneia. 
 battle was fought in Boeotia at Chaeroneia (ker'6-ne'a) 
 (338 B.C.). The Macedonian cavalry was led by Philip's 
 son Alexander, then eighteen years of age. Demos- 
 thenes served as a heavy-armed soldier in the Athenian 
 ranks. The result was the complete victory of Philip; 
 the Thebans were cut to pieces; the Athenians were routed 
 and ran away. 
 
 278. Result: Philip at the Head of Greece. — The vic- 
 tory of Chaeroneia meant the supremacy of Macedonia 
 and the Macedonian king over the Greek world. The 
 Greeks had fallen into the hands of no city-state among 
 their own number, but found a master in the monarch of 
 a kingdom which they regarded as outside their circle 
 and had only grudgingly admitted among them. But 
 Philip had no intention of playing the tyrant. He wanted 
 to be the acknowledged head of free communities 
 united of their own accord under his leadership. Ac- congress 
 cordingly, he summoned the states to meet at Corinth o^corinth. 
 and form a confederacy. The Greek cities were to 
 wage no wars against one another and to have internal 
 liberty, but to acknowledge the suzerainty of Macedon 
 by electing Philip their commander-in-chief in the war 
 which he announced against Persia. It was necessary, 
 however, to establish Macedonian garrisons in strategic 
 points; for the Greeks were unwilling even now to accept 
 
228 Civil Wars in Greece 
 
 Macedonian supremacy. The outcome, however, was 
 certain, since the power of Philip was too great to be 
 successfully resisted. Opposition to it could only end 
 in disaster, in the renewal of strife, which was ruinous to 
 the states themselves, and could not accomplish anything 
 except bring down the wrath of Philip and sorer punish- 
 ment at his hands. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following noted: 
 Cunaxa, Coroneia, Olynthus, Megalopolis, Epirus, Pella, Chae- 
 roneia? 2. Who were Lysander, Dionysius, Agesilaus, Conon, 
 Pelopidas, Iphicrates, Mausolus, Xenophon, Isocrates, Demos- 
 thenes, Critias, Theramenes, Jason of Pherae, Scopas? 3. 
 What is meant by harmost, autonomy, peltast, academy, 
 phalanx, amphictyony? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the Spartan imperial 
 rule with that of Athens (§§ 185, 186, 213). 2. Compare 
 Epaminondas with Pericles. 3. Compare the battle of Chse- 
 roneia with that of Marathon. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Thirty at Athens. Bury, 
 pp. 507-513. 2. Art and Literature at Athens. Bury, pp. 
 574-590. 3. The Empire of Dionysius. Bury, pp. 638-666. 
 4. Epaminondas and Thebes. Bury, pp. 625-626. 5. Macedo- 
 nia. Bury, pp. 683-688. 6. Philip and Demosthenes. Bury, 
 pp. 687-737. 7. The "Anabasis" of Cyrus. Bury, pp. 517-530. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Spartan Im- 
 perialism. Morey, pp. 277-281; Shuckburgh, pp. 260-273; Bots- 
 ford, pp. 250-268; Plutarch, Lives of Lysander and Agesilaus. 
 2. Xenophon. Jebb, pp. 109-114; Capps, pp. 330-338; Murray, 
 ch. 15. 3. Plato. Jebb, pp. 126-129; Capps, ch. 15; Murray, 
 ch. 14. 4. Isocrates. Jebb. pp. 1 19-120; Capps, pp. 345-347; 
 Murray, pp. 341-352. 5. The Empire of Dionysius. Botsford, 
 pp. 239-245; Morey, pp. 284-286. 6. The Theban Uprising. Bots- 
 ford, pp. 268-274. 7. Epaminondas and Thebes. Shuckburgh, 
 pp. 274-278; Zimmern, ch. 19; Botsford, pp. 275-283; Plutarch, 
 Life of Pelopidas. 8. Macedonia. Morey, pp. 300-302; Shuck- 
 burgh, 280-282; Botsford, pp. 297-302. 9. Philip and Demos- 
 
End of Epoch of City -States 229 
 
 thenes. Sliuckburgh, pp. 283-291; Zimmern, ch. 20. 10, The 
 "Anabasis" of Cyrus. Zimmern, pp. 301-307; Bury, pp. 517- 
 530 
 
 279. The Passing of Greece. — Thus the brilliant 
 chapter of Greek independent political life came to an 
 end. Beginning with petty communities growing up in 
 secluded valleys, the Greeks came to value above all else 
 the blessing of freedom, the glory of the independence of 
 separate states, each working out its own problems. 
 They learned, also, how to give to each citizen a place and 
 a part in the common life. But situated as the Greek Summary 
 peninsula was, midway between east and west and open career, 
 to the influences of oriental civilization, its states were 
 drawn together by the unifying forces of commerce and 
 international politics. A heroic war of defence against 
 the conquering empire of Persia made them one for a 
 season, and the resulting political conditions gave the 
 opportunity to one of their states— Athens — to take a 
 commanding position in the ^gean sea. Thus the im- 
 pulse to union was strengthened and took on an imperial 
 form. But the new tendency to empire clashed with the 
 old principle of autonomy, and the conflict dominated 
 succeeding Greek history. Athens fell, only to be suc- 
 ceeded by Sparta and Thebes, each following in her steps. 
 A similar movement was made in Sicily, where Dionysius 
 extended his personal rule over a wide territory. But in 
 the fierce conflict of old and new all these imperial en- 
 deavors perished. The consummation of the centuries 
 of troubled progress toward unity was at last realized in 
 Philip of Macedon, with whose victory at Chaeroneia the 
 importance of the separate city-states came to an end. 
 Their endeavors after empire were swallowed up in a 
 
230 Civil Wars in Greece 
 
 mightier imperial achievement which now appeared on 
 the horizon — the empire of Alexander. 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISION 5; §§'216-279 
 
 431-331 B.C. 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. The fundamental politi- 
 cal issue of the Peloponnesian war traced through the various 
 stages of the war (§216). 2. The growth of imperialism as 
 illustrated in the history of the states of the time (§§ 180, 186, 
 213, 250, 259, 260, 267). 3. The policy of Athens in the Pelo- 
 ponnesian war as illustrated in the leaders Pericles, Cleon, 
 Nicias, Alcibiades. 4. The policy of Sparta in the war as 
 illustrated in the leaders Brasidas and Lysander. 5. The new 
 learning as illustrative of the spirit of the times (§§ 223-230). 
 
 6. A list of the ten greatest men of Greece, from 431-331 b.c. 
 
 7. The part played by Persia during the period from 431-338 
 B.C. 8. The relation of Macedonia to the Greek states his- 
 torically traced down to 338 b.c. 9. The part played by sea 
 power in the Peloponnesian war. 10. The divisions of the 
 Greek world which were chiefly the scene of the Peloponne- 
 sian war. 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES, i. Make a map of Greece 
 during the Peloponnesian war and locate the chief land battles. 
 2. Make a map of the iEgean and locate on it the chief naval 
 battles of the Peloponnesian war. 3. How did it happen that 
 statues like the Hermes (Plate XIX) and buildings like the 
 Parthenon (Plate I) were produced by the Greeks and not the 
 oriental peoples? 4. Study Plate XXII to observe how superior 
 the Greek sculpture is to the Egyptian in composition. What 
 has the Egyptian which the Greek lacks? 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. The Weaknesses of 
 Athenian Democracy as Illustrated in the Peloponnesian War. 
 
 Fowler, The City State of the Greeks and Romans, pp. 176-183, 
 245-260. 2. A Play of Euripides, e.g., the "Electra" or "Bac- 
 chae" — the story of the play and its testimony to the times. 
 Coleridge, Translation of Euripides. 3. A Talk with Socrates 
 Regarding His Condemnation by the Athenians. Plato, the 
 Apology. 4. A Study of the Character of Alcibiades. Plu- 
 tarch, Life of Alcibiades. 5. Why the Greeks were Able to 
 
Training of Alexander 231 
 
 Drive Back the Persians and yet Fell under the Macedonian 
 Power. Fowler, The City State, etc., chs. g, it. 6. A Descrip- 
 tion of the Disaster at Syracuse. Jowett's Thucydides. 7. A 
 Report of the Discussion in the Athenian Assembly Concern- 
 ing the Punishment of Mytilene. Jowett's Thucydides. 
 
 6.— ALEXANDER THE GREAT 
 
 336-32,3 B.C. 
 
 280. Alexander King of Macedonia. — Hardly had 
 Philip organized his new Greek confederacy when, in 
 connection with troubles in the Macedonian court, he was 
 murdered (336 B.C.). His son Alexander succeeded to his 
 throne and his plans. The son was, in many respects, the 
 image of his father — of splendid physical constitution and 
 fascinating personality, possessing the same combination 
 of unyielding will and romantic sensibility; both were too 
 much alike, indeed, to get on well together, and it was 
 said that the father had little notion of permitting the 
 son to succeed him. But Alexander's training had been 
 such as to prepare him to rule. His education had been his Prep. 
 conducted under Greek teachers; his tutor was Aristotle, 
 the keenest and most learned mind of the time. His 
 military training had been gained in his father's school 
 of arms, and Philip was the first soldier of his day. Now 
 the victories of Philip had put into his hands a united 
 Macedonia and the leadership of the Greek world; he 
 was the general of a magnificently organized and equipped 
 army of fifty thousand men; the splendid project of the 
 deliverance of the Asiatic Greeks from the Persian sway 
 was left to him for realization. He, the young man of 
 twenty years, stood on the threshold of an incomparable 
 
 aration for 
 the Throne. 
 
232 Alexa7ide7^ the Great 
 
 career; on his action hung the destiny of. centuries to 
 come. 
 
 281. His Settlement with Greece. — His first task was 
 to establish his position in Greece. Here the death of 
 Philip was followed by attempts to throw off Macedonian 
 supremacy. Two expeditions were sufficient to settle 
 matters. In the first, Alexander was acknowledged by 
 the states assembled at Corinth as head of the Greek 
 
 Destruction confederacy. In the second, a Theban rebellion was 
 nipped in the bud and Thebes was levelled to the ground 
 as a punishment (335 B.C.). Athens, though equally 
 offending, was spared. During the same time the king 
 made two campaigns upon his northern borders; in the 
 one he subdued the Thracians and crossed the Danube; 
 in the other he routed the Illyrians in the northwest. 
 
 282. His Purpose against Persia. — Already to the dar- 
 ing ambition of the youthful Alexander, Philip's plan 
 to deliver the Greek cities of Asia from Persia had be- 
 come too small. His purpose was nothing less than to 
 strike at the heart of the empire itself and to take full 
 vengeance for the wrongs which it had inflicted upon the 
 Greeks. To the fulfilment of this purpose he now set 
 himself. His main dependence rested upon his Mace- 
 donian army with its trained soldiery and its skilful 
 generals, all alike devoted to himself; but he had to leave 
 the half of it behind him with his trusty general, Anti- 
 pater, who was deputed to maintain Macedonian au- 
 
 The start, thority in Greece during the absence of the king. The 
 co-operation of the Greeks had indeed been promised, 
 and, in fact, of the army of some 30,000 infantry and 
 4,500 cavalry with which he set forth across the Helles- 
 pont in 334 B.C., 12,600 were of that nationality. But 
 
The Start 233 
 
 none the less the slightest reverse meant a general in- 
 surrection in Greece. 
 
 The spirit and purposes of the king and his generals are illustrated 
 in the anecdote perserved in Plutarch. On the eve of his departure 
 he distributed among his friends who were to accompany him a great 
 part of his royal property. Whereupon Per-dic'cas asked him what 
 he left for himself. He replied, "My hopes." Then Perdiccas said, 
 "Let us be your partners in these," and refused to accept the king's 
 gift. 
 
 283. Condition of Persia. — The Persian empire, al- 
 though it had sadly declined from the spirit of its foun- 
 ders, and the luxury and corruption of the court had 
 undermined the vigor and efficiency of the rulers, was 
 still a mighty and formidable state. Artaxerxes III 
 (§ 260) had been very successful in putting down re- 
 bellions and had restored imperial prestige. But court 
 intrigues made way with him in 338 B.C. and with his 
 
 son after him. Now there sat on the throne Darius III Dadus iii. 
 (Codomannus) , a noble not of the royal line, a high- 
 minded and generous ruler, but able, neither in intellect 
 nor in circumstances, to cope with the situation that faced 
 him. Neither he nor his counsellors realized that they 
 were no longer contending with a divided and inefficient 
 Greece, whose leaders they had been accustomed to cor- 
 rupt with their gold, or render powerless by stirring up 
 difficulties at home. 
 
 284. Alexander in Asia Minor. — Accordingly, Alex- 
 ander found himself confronted with an army, not much 
 larger than his own, led by the Persian satraps of Asia 
 Minor. A battle took place in June, 334 B.C., at the Granicus. 
 river Gra-ni'cus, on the farther bank of which the Persian 
 
 army was posted in a strong position. Alexander swept 
 
234 Alexa7ider the Great 
 
 across the river with his heavy cavalry and fell upon the 
 enemy's cavalry. On their rout the Macedonian pha- 
 lanx followed and engaged the Persian infantry in front, 
 while the cavalry attacked their flanks — the favorite 
 military tactics of Alexander. They could not stand, and 
 when they fled the battle was won. The rest of the year 
 was occupied in winning back the Ionian cities and the 
 other strongholds of western Asia Minor. The most 
 obstinate resistance was encountered at Halicarnassus 
 where the Persian commander-in-chief, Memnon, took 
 up temporary headquarters after his defeat. With its 
 capture the first part of the task was accomplished. 
 
 285. Issus. — In the spring of 333 B.C. Alexander set 
 out from Gordium in Phrygia, by a rapid march seized 
 the passes into Cilicia and captured Tarsus, its capital. 
 After being delayed here for some days on account of a 
 nearly fatal illness, he marched forward along the coast 
 toward Syria. Meanwhile, Darius with his army had 
 advanced into Syria, and failing to find his enemy, had 
 marched through an upper road into Cicilia and de- 
 scended to the plain of Issus in the rear of Alexander. The 
 latter immediately turned about, and the second great 
 battle was joined at Issus. Again, as at the Granicus, 
 the Persians stood on the defensive at the bank of a river 
 and Alexander sprang like a tiger upon the enemy with 
 his heavy cavalry, followed by his foot-soldiers. The 
 struggle was much more fierce; once the phalanx seemed 
 to be broken; the light cavalry on the left were hard 
 pressed. But again Alexander's rush carried all before 
 it; the phalanx recovered and the Persians broke in flight 
 Escape of for the mountains. Darius barely escaped, leaving his 
 tent, personal baggage and household to fall into the 
 
Invasion of Persia 
 
 235 
 
 enemy's hands. The way was now open for the conquest 
 of western Asia, and Alexander descended into Syria. 
 
 286. Alexander Moves Southward. — ^Leaving Darius 
 to continue his flight to the east unhindered, Alexander 
 
 BATTLE OF ISSUS. 
 
 1 Persian Cavalry 
 
 2 Beavy-aTmed Greeks 
 
 in Persian Employ 
 3.4 Heavy -armed Asiatics 
 5 Light -arm.ed Asiatics 
 
 a Greek Cavalry 
 
 b Heavy-armed Greeks 
 
 Phalanx 
 
 d Royal Guards 
 
 e Macedonian Cavalry 
 
 f Light-armed Troops 
 
 'III, 
 
 moved southward to take possession of Phoenicia, Pales- 
 tine and Egypt. Tn the meanwhile the Persian fleet, 
 which was master of the sea, had failed in its mission to 
 recall Alexander by stirring up revolt in Greece as Conon 
 had done in 394 B.C. It was made up chiefly of Phoeni- 
 cian vessels, and could be subdued only by getting pos- 
 
236 Alexande?' the Great 
 
 Tyre. scssion of the Phoenician seaports. City after city sub- 
 
 mitted until Tyre was reached. Situated on an island, 
 strongly fortified, it held out for seven months in one of 
 the greatest sieges of history. The king built a mole to 
 the island half a mile into the deep, and, by the aid of 
 the fleets of the cities of Phoenicia and Cyprus that had 
 yielded to him, finally carried the city by assault. A 
 similar siege at Gaza was successful; the way was open 
 to Egypt, which he occupied without a battle. 
 
 287. The Jews. — While on the way down the coast, as 
 the story is told by Josephus the Jewish historian, he 
 visited Jerusalem. After the overthrow of their king- 
 dom and their exile to Babylon (§ 80), the Jews had been 
 permitted by Cyrus to return and rebuild their city and 
 temple (538 B.C.). Since that time they had been under 
 Persian rule and had devoted themselves to the upbuild- 
 ing of their religious system under the leadership of their 
 high-priests. They had suffered much from their neigh- 
 bors, the Samaritans, but were faithful to the law of 
 Moses as their teachers enlarged and explained it. As 
 Alexander advanced to the city, the high-priest with his 
 attendants came forth to meet him. The king, who was 
 at first inclined to be angry with the Jews for not taking 
 his side, was led by a vision which he had seen some time 
 before to give them special favors. 
 
 288. Egypt. — In Egypt Alexander's chief work was 
 the founding of a city at the western mouth of the Nile, 
 between lake Mareotis and the island of Pharus. Join- 
 ing the island with the mainland by a causeway, he 
 made two fine harbors for the city, which he named after 
 himself and destined to take the place of ruined Tyre as 
 the commercial centre of the western Mediterranean, 
 
Gaugamela 
 
 237 
 
 This destiny was fulfilled, for Alexandria became one of 
 the most important cities of the ancient world. 
 
 289. To the East. — A visit to the temple of Zeus 
 Amon in the western desert, where the god declared him 
 his own son and therefore, in the eyes of the Greek world, 
 a god, was followed by the organization of the govern- 
 
 ment of Egypt. By the spring of 331 B.C. Alexander 
 started for the far east. In September he found the Arbeia. 
 Persian king awaiting him with a vast army, east of the 
 Tigris, near the old Assyrian city of Ar-be'la. This city, 
 or the nearer village of Gau'ga-me'la, has given the name 
 to the battle which was joined on the first of October. 
 Over against the Macedonian's 40,000 foot and 7,000 
 horse were said, with gross exaggeration, to be arrayed 
 1,000,000 foot and 40,000 horse under the command of the 
 Great King — a motley host, mighty only by sheer weight 
 
238 Alexander the Great 
 
 and momentum. Alexander's tactics were directed to the 
 breaking up of this tremendous mass and the routing of 
 the enemy's centre, where Darius had taken his stand. A 
 cavalry charge led by Alexander himself was the decisive 
 stroke, and by nightfall the Persians were in flight. The 
 king escaped into the eastern mountains, but his empire 
 over the Mesopotamian valley was utterly lost. Alexander 
 never had to fight another great battle against the Per- 
 Capture siaus. He marched southward to Babylon, which opened 
 Persian ^^^ gatcs without a Struggle, then eastward into Elam and 
 Capitals. the old Persian land (§ 77), where he captured the cities 
 of Susa and Per-sep'o-lis — capitals and treasure-cities of 
 the Persian king. One hundred and twenty thousand 
 talents ($140,000,000) were said to have been obtained 
 from the latter city. 
 
 290. Pursuit of Darius. — In 330 B.C. the conqueror 
 marched northward into Media in pursuit of Darius. 
 He arrived at Ec-bat'a-na, the old Median capital, only to 
 find that the Persian had fled eastward. Alexander was 
 now at the parting of the ways. He had taken vengeance 
 for the Persian invasion of Greece. He had torn from 
 the Persian king the fairest of his dominions — the richest, 
 most famous and cultured districts of the oriental world. 
 To the east lay the vast regions, deserts and mountains, 
 whence the Medes and Persians had come to conquer 
 The New the world. Why should he advance farther ? Only be- 
 and iir cause a new purpose had taken shape in his mind — that 
 Solution. }ig would be not only king of Macedonia and captain- 
 general of the Greeks, but also lord of the Persian empire. 
 To unite the west and the east under his own sway was 
 now his ambition. Hence, at Ecbatana, he dismissed 
 those of the Greeks in his army who desired to return 
 
Adopts Persian Ctistoms 239 
 
 home and loaded them with presents. Some of them, 
 on his invitation, remained and re-enlisted as his own 
 soldiers. With an army which no longer represented 
 the Greek states, but obeyed him alone, he advanced to 
 the conquest of the far east. 
 
 291. Death of Darius. — Darius, meanwhile, had fallen 
 into the power of his satraps, who were hurrying him 
 eastward, where he might make a new and final struggle 
 against the conqueror. Alexander put forth every ef- 
 fort to capture him, followed on his track day and night 
 with his best soldiers, only at last to come upon him 
 
 dead, killed by his own people. What remained was to conquest 
 make a systematic campaign against the eastern prov- parEast. 
 inces. It required three years (330-327 B.C.) of stren- 
 uous, heart-breaking warfare among deserts, through 
 wintry tempests, over lofty mountains. At last the work 
 was fairly done and he was Persian emperor in very fact, 
 lord of the last foot of ground that had once acknowledged 
 the authority of the Ach'e-men'i-dae. 
 
 292. Alexander's Plan to Unite Greeks and Persians. 
 — Alexander's purpose to be ruler of Persia did not 
 mean to substitute Greek ideas and customs, or Greek 
 officials, for those of Persia, but rather to unite the two 
 peoples in a common life. He placed Persians in charge 
 of the civil affairs of the provinces, while he reserved the 
 military authority to the Macedonians. He began him- 
 self to assume something of the gorgeous state of a Per- 
 sian emperor ;_ he surrounded himself with the splendors 
 of an oriental court. He married Roxana, the beautiful 
 daughter of a chieftain of the far east. He settled his 
 veterans in cities which he planted in these regions and 
 gave them orientals as fellow-citizens. All this could 
 
240 
 
 Alea^ander the Great 
 
 The 
 
 Opposition 
 of the 
 Nobles. 
 
 Its Pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 not be pushed through without rousing the anger of those 
 bold and loyal Macedonian nobles who had followed him 
 through all perils as their national leader and who dis- 
 dained the orientals whom they had conquered. Dis- 
 content grew into secret plotting or open opposition on 
 the part of Alexander's captains and counsellors. He 
 stamped it out with merciless rigor. Parmenio, Philip's 
 chosen general, his son's chief of staff, now left behind 
 in Ecbatana with a powerful force holding Alexander's 
 main line of communications, had to be put to death 
 when his son Phi-lo'tas was discovered in a conspiracy 
 and executed. When Clitus, Alexander's foster-brother, 
 at a drinking-bout boldly expressed the unspoken dissat- 
 isfaction, the king ran him through with a spear. Cal- 
 lis'the-nes, the philosopher and historian, refused to do 
 obeisance in the oriental manner to his Macedonian lord, 
 and not long after was punished with death. He could 
 not escape responsibility for a plot formed against Alex- 
 ander among the pages in the king's own household. 
 These young men, who were sprung from the best Mace- 
 donian families, resented their degradation to the posi- 
 tion of menials which the monarch's new attitude en- 
 tailed. Such disturbances, with their bloody vengeance, 
 speak loudly of the tremendous changes which were 
 coming over the face of the world and not less over the 
 character and position of Alexander himself. 
 
 293. Campaign in India. — One more step remained 
 for him to take. Greece and the Persian empire were 
 not sufficient for his ambition. He aspired to be con- 
 queror of the world. In 327 B.C. he crossed the moun- 
 tains into India, whither the Persians had already gone 
 before him (§ 84). He overran the valley of the river 
 
Return from India 
 
 ^41 
 
 Indus, won a victory on the banks of the Hydaspes from Defeat of 
 the Indian king Porus, and would have marched east- °^^^' 
 ward to the river Ganges had not his army stopped at 
 the Hy'pha-sis river and refused to follow him into these 
 unknown and distant regions. Returning, he moved 
 down the Indus to its mouth, and made a voyage into the 
 Indian ocean. At this point he divided his forces. One 
 part he sent with his admiral, Nearchus, to sail for the 
 
 COthule 
 
 Accordingr to Eratosthenes 
 235 B. C. 
 
 head of the Persian gulf; his main army made a long 
 detour inland through Dran-gi-a'na, while he himself took 
 the rest up the coast in a march of terrible difficulty, 
 and after joining his other divisions at Kirman reached 
 Susa early in 324 B.C. 
 
 294. Development of Imperial Ideas. — ^Hardly had he 
 returned from his Indian campaign when he plunged 
 into the task of organizing his empire on the lines which 
 he had planned. The union of Macedonians and Per- 
 sians was encouraged by his taking as another wife the 
 daughter of Darius, and inducing his nobles likewise to 
 
242 
 
 Alexander the Great 
 
 The Great 
 Marriage 
 at Susa. 
 
 Fusion of 
 Greeks and 
 Persians. 
 
 His Death. 
 
 marry Persian women. Thus, in 324 B.C., a great mar- 
 riage fete was held at Susa, when not only Alexander 
 himself took a Persian wife, but eighty of his officers and, 
 it is said, ten thousand of his soldiers did likewise. The 
 army was also recruited from Persians; a large number 
 of their young men were trained in Macedonian tactics 
 and in the use of Greek weapons. Their best horsemen 
 were drafted into the cavalry; some were even enrolled 
 in the crack Macedonian regiments.- Hostility to Alex- 
 ander's view that Macedonians and Persians were all alike 
 his subjects had -been already encountered among the 
 nobles. It now flamed out at Opis among the common 
 soldiers, when the king proposed to send ten thousand 
 worn-out Macedonian veterans home to their native land. 
 Thereupon the whole army cried out to be sent home 
 rather than be levelled down to the Persians. But the 
 uproar was soon quieted. They were too much attached 
 to their leader to stand out against his will. 
 
 295. Alexander at Babylon. — Alexander went to Baby- 
 lon in 323 B.C. and was met by embassies from Car- 
 thage, the Phoenician colonies in Spain, the states of 
 Italy, from the Ethiopians and Libyans, from the outly- 
 ing peoples of the north, all of whom, it seems, expected 
 sooner or later the advent of the conqueror upon their 
 borders. He himself was planning an expedition to the 
 coast of Arabia, with the design of developing trade routes 
 from India and Babylonia to Egypt and the Mediterranean. 
 But, after a night of feasting and drinking, he was taken 
 ill. The fever increased, and on the 13th of June, 323 
 B.C., he passed away in the thirty-third year of his age. 
 
 296. Alexander Supreme among Greek Heroes. — Alex- 
 ander is the flower of the Greek race, the supreme fig- 
 
Character 243 
 
 ure in its gallery of heroes. In physical strength and 
 beauty, in mental grasp and poise, in moral purpose 
 and mastery, he was pre-eminent among the men of his 
 time. Of high, almost sentimental, ideals of honor, a 
 warm-hearted, genial companion and friend, the idol 
 of his troops, fearless even to recklessness in the day of 
 battle, he knew how to work tirelessly, to hold purposes 
 with an iron resolution, to sweep all opposition from his 
 path, and to deny himself pitilessly for the fulfilment of 
 his plans. To reach so high a station, to stand alone at 
 the summit of human achievement, was for so young a 
 man almost fatally dangerous. Alexander did not escape 
 unharmed. Power made him sometimes arbitrary and 
 cruel. Opposition drove him to crimes which are with- 
 out excuse. Yet in an age of license he was chaste; 
 though given to Macedonian habits of deep drinking, he 
 was no drunkard. In thirteen years of incessant activity 
 he mastered the world and set it going in new paths. 
 While accomplishing this task he made his name im- 
 mortal. 
 
 297. His Military Genius. — -The greatness of Alex- 
 ander as a general is clearly revealed in the full accounts 
 of the battles he fought and the campaigns he carried 
 through to success. He was the mightiest conqueror the 
 world had ever seen. But it has been reserved for mod- His states- 
 ern scholars to emphasize the most splendid and endur- 
 ing elements of his career: his genius for organization, 
 his statesmanship, his far-reaching plans of government 
 and administration. Like all his great predecessors in 
 the field of arms, he was no mere fighter for the sake of 
 fighting, nor did the lust of acquisition spur him on to 
 useless and empty conquests. The crowning and deci- 
 
 manship. 
 
244 
 
 Alexander the G?'eat 
 
 Founding 
 of Cities. 
 
 Compared 
 with Plato. 
 
 Student of 
 Facts. 
 
 sive proof of this is seen in the cities which he founded. 
 No conquest was complete until he had selected sites for 
 new settlements, and these sites were chosen with an 
 unerring insight into the opportunities for trade as well 
 as for defence. Sixteen Alexandrias all over the east go 
 back to him as founder, the greatest of which was the 
 Egyptian metropolis (§ 288). It is said that he founded 
 in all some seventy cities. Many of them were so wisely 
 planted that they exist to this day as flourishing centres 
 of commercial life. 
 
 298. Aristotle. — Alexander's interest in the establish- 
 ment of new city-states is one of the many bonds which 
 unite him to his great teacher A'ris-tot-le. This extraor- 
 dinary man had come to Athens upon his pupil's ac- 
 cession to the throne, and from 334 B.C. to 323 B.C. he 
 taught philosophy in the Ly-ce'um in that city. He had 
 been a pupil of Plato (§ 266), but in his temperament, 
 his method and his conclusions he departed widely from 
 his master. Plato was a poet, full of imagination, aim- 
 ing after lofty ideals which he saw by a kind of inspired 
 vision. Aristotle was a cool and cautious thinker, seek- 
 ing the meaning of the world by a study of things about 
 him, not satisfied until he brought everything to the test 
 of observation. Thus he investigated the laws which 
 governed the arts of rhetoric and poetry; he collected 
 the constitutions of many Greek states and drew from 
 them some general principles of politics; he studied ani- 
 mals and plants to know their structure; he examined 
 into the acts and ways of men to determine the essence 
 of their right and wrong doing. He set his students to 
 this kind of study and used the results of their work. 
 Thus a new method of investigation was created and new 
 
Aleocande?^ and Aristotle 245 
 
 light thrown on all sides of life. A most learned man, 
 he had a passion for truth and reason; one of his most 
 famous sayings is " Plato and truth are both dear to me, 
 but it is a sacred duty to prefer truth." His works, es- His 
 pecially his Politics, Ethics and Poetics, have had vast ^^ '°^^' 
 power in guiding the thinking of men since his day. 
 His style is usually dry and difi&cult, though his Consti- 
 tution of Athens, discovered in an Egyptian papyrus in 
 1890, is more readable. His interest in universal knowl- His 
 edge was in harmony with the wider world-view opened ^'■^^''''^• 
 by the conquests of Alexander; in this respect he is a 
 true son of his times. 
 
 299. Alexander and Aristotle. — His Politics, the last 
 word of Greek political science on matters affecting the 
 state, taught that a civilized life was impossible when 
 people lived otherwise than in cities organized on the 
 Greek plan. Yet in Asia— the realm, for the govern- 
 ment of which Alexander had assumed full responsibil- 
 ity — a great part of the people lived either in unorganized 
 villages or scattered over a wide district, destitute of 
 political rights, and either lawless, like the nomads on the 
 desert and the wild mountaineers, or subject to the will 
 of priests, princes or officials. It was one purpose of ThePur- 
 the many foundations of Alexander to provide homes for ^°^^ °cili^s 
 his veterans and for the surplus population of Greece 
 which flocked into the Persian empire behind the con- 
 queror's army; it was another purpose to civilize the 
 natives, to bring them into urban communities along with 
 the immigrants from Europe, to fuse the new and the Fusion of 
 old into a new stock above all by forcing them to meet ^°^^^' 
 together in general assemblies, councils and executive 
 committees for the transaction of pu1:)lic business. More- 
 
246 Aleocandei^ the Gi^eat 
 
 over, the maintenance of the city-states already in exist- 
 ence and the founding of new ones settled for Alexander 
 the troublesome question as to the administration of his 
 empire. He gave to the cities responsibility for the pres- 
 ervation of order, administration of justice and collecting 
 of taxes within their several territories and looked forward 
 to the time when his entire realm would be a honeycomb 
 of little urban communities such as Aristotle thought 
 ideal. In the meantime he had to assume the burden of 
 administering the unorganized tracts which lay between 
 the cities. This he did by using the Persian instruments, 
 satraps, both for the supervision of the work of the towns 
 and for the direct government of the interurban districts. 
 300. The Deification of Alexander. — The sole point 
 in which his scheme might have done violence to Greek 
 thinking was in the supervising power assumed by him- 
 self; yet nothing was more necessary, since otherwise 
 struggles were sure to arise among the cities, and individ- 
 ually they would fall an easy prey to foreign attacks. 
 This difificulty Alexander met by a genial application of 
 a principle which he had received from Aristotle, that 
 when a man of supreme political capacity existed in a 
 state it was unjust to him and disadvantageous to the 
 community that he should be bound by the laws, which, 
 though they helped average people, fettered genius. 
 Such a person Aristotle had taught should be made per- 
 manent ruler and treated as a god. As we have already 
 seen, Alexander had had himself greeted as a son of Zeus 
 by the oracle of Amon, which enjoyed a great repute 
 in the entire Greek world in the fourth century B.C. 
 In 324 B.C. he demanded that each city should enrol him 
 in its circle of deities. This was done reluctantly in some 
 
JDeificatkni of Kings 247 
 
 places, as in Athens and Sparta, but in general it was done The Pouti- 
 with enthusiasm; for henceforth the cities could take venienceof 
 orders from Alexander without loss of self-respect. To Deification, 
 obey their gods was a duty, while on the other hand, to 
 acknowledge the authority of an outside king would have 
 been humiliating to places which in theory were free and 
 self-governing. This was the way in which Alexander 
 organized his vast empire; and his first and at the same 
 time his last general command in his new capacity was 
 that all the cities restore their exiles. Otherwise his realm 
 must be disturbed indefinitely by the discontent of lawless 
 and homeless men. This order the Athenians protested 
 against and the ^tolians defied; and there the matter 
 stood when the whole world was shocked by the news of 
 the death of its lord, the departure to Olympus of its god. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following famous: 
 Granicus, Issus, Arbela, Tyre, Alexandria, Persepolis, Indus? 
 
 2. What is meant by Achemenidae, high-priest, phalanx? 
 
 3. What is the date of the founding of Alexandria, of the death 
 of Alexander ? 4. What principle of government is taught 
 by Aristotle's politics? 5. Did Alexander follow Aristotle's 
 teaching in organizing his empire? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare Alexander with Alci- 
 biades. 2. Compare the empire of Alexander with that of 
 Assyria or Persia ; with the Athenian empire. 3. " No single 
 personality, excepting the carpenter's son of Nazareth, has done 
 so much to make the world we live in what it is as Alexander 
 of Macedon." — Can you justify this assertion? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Alexander's Campaigns. 
 
 Bury, pp. 747-821. 2. Alexander's Empire. Bury, pp. 785-7S6, 
 793-794, 815-816. 3. Alexander. Bury, pp. 821-822. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Alexander's 
 
 Campaigns. Zimmern, ch. 21; Shuckburgh, ch. 20; Mahaffy, 
 Alexander's Empire, pp. 12-42; Morey, pp. 309-314. 2. Alex- 
 ander's Empire. Mahaffy, pp. 1-3; Morey, pp. 322-323. 3. 
 Alexander. Plutarch, Life of Alexander; Morey, pp. 314-316, 320. 
 
248 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 Lamian 
 War 
 (323-322 
 B.C.). 
 
 Battle of 
 Amorgos. 
 
 Demos- 
 thenes' 
 Death. 
 
 7.— THE HELLENISTIC* AGE 
 
 323-200 B.C. 
 
 301. Revolt of the Greeks. — By the Greeks in the far 
 east the report of Alexander's death was received with 
 fear and trembling, and gathering together from their 
 cities to the number of twenty-three thousand they made 
 a vain effort to force their way back to the Mediterranean. 
 To their kinsmen in the home land, on the other hand, 
 the news brought jubilation and at the initiative of 
 Athens and ^^tolia a general outbreak, for independence 
 occurred. The war which ensued is called the La'mi-an 
 war because of the fact that An-tip'a-ter (§ 282), who tried 
 to stem the tide of insurrection with inadequate forces, 
 sought refuge in the Thessalian town of Lamia and there 
 stood a siege. Greek success depended upon preventing 
 reinforcements from arriving from Asia, but for this the 
 Athenians, whose navy at first controlled the sea, were 
 too weak, and a defeat first in the Hellespont and then 
 in a decisive battle at A-mor'gos opened the way for army 
 after army to cross from Asia into Europe to Antipater's 
 rescue. Thus reinforced Antipater defeated the Greeks 
 at Crannon, whereupon the league which they had 
 formed dissolved and Athens, threatened by sea and land, 
 surrendered unconditionally. The democracy was over- 
 thrown, an oligarchy established and a governor put in the 
 Piraeus. Among the democratic leaders whose person 
 was demanded was Demosthenes. Rather than yield 
 to certain death he committed suicide. "Had but the 
 
 * By Hellenistic we mean the period which fell between Alexander's 
 death and the last great revolt of the Greeks at the time of Mithridates 
 (S8 B.C.). 
 
Struggle for Unity 249 
 
 strength of thy arm, Demosthenes, equalled thy spirit," 
 ran a contemporary epigram, ''never would Greece have 
 sunk under the foreign yoke," 
 
 302. The Regency. — In the meantime an attempt was The Young 
 being made by the device of a regency to hold the vast ^'^^^°''^'"- 
 empire together in the interest of Alexander's family 
 
 — his half-witted half-brother, Philip Ar-rhi-da^'us, and 
 the child, called Alexander, whom Roxane, Alexander's 
 queen, bore shortly after his death. Three regents fol- The Three 
 lowed one another in rapid succession. The first, Per- ®^^°'^- 
 diccas, erred through assuming too much power; the 
 second, Antipater, let matters take their course and con- 
 tented himself with the control of Macedon. The third, 
 Pol-y-per'chon, found a rival for the possession of Mace- 
 don in Antipater's son, Cas-san'der, and a contestant for 
 his title to the regency in An-tig'o-nus, surnamed Cyclops, 
 or the one-eyed, governor of Phrygia. By 316 B.C. Cas- Antigonus 
 Sander had gained Macedon and Antigonus had defeated 
 and slain Eu'me-nes of Cardia, a brilliant Greek who had 
 been Alexander's secretary and who supported Polyper- 
 chon through loyalty to his master's son. The regency 
 came thus to naught. 
 
 303. Antigonus Struggles for Unity. — During the 
 following thirty years (316-286 B.C.) Antigonus and his 
 son, De-me'tri-us, surnamed Pol-i-or-ce'tes, or "taker of 
 cities," made three vigorous attempts to hold the empire 
 together, not for Philip, who was murdered in 317 B.C., nor 
 for the young Alexander, whom Cassander put out of the 
 way in 310 B.C., but in order to substitute their own 
 dynasty for that of the conqueror. The first attempt be- First 
 gan when in 316 B.C. Antigonus set aside the satraps of the (3i6!fi^i 
 far eastern provinces, even Se-leu'cus of Babylon being ^-C-)- 
 
250 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 forced to run for safety to Egypt. This drastic action was 
 followed up by a proclamation that all Greek cities were 
 free, which caused trouble for Cassander in Greece; this 
 in turn by the construction of a fleet — for without sea 
 power unity was impossible — and by the reduction of 
 Syria and Phoenicia. The crisis came in 312 B.C. In the 
 spring of this year Antigonus stationed his son, Demetrius, 
 at Gaza with instruction to hold Ptolemy, ruler of Egypt, 
 in check while he himself had his main army massed on 
 the Hellespont in order to support the operation of the 
 fleet with which he had already opened an attack on 
 Battle of Macedon. His plan of campaign was foiled by the in- 
 subordination of Demetrius, who instead of remaining on 
 the defensive risked a battle and was defeated decisively 
 at Gaza. Antigonus had to return to drive the Egyptians 
 out of Syria. This he did with ease, since Ptolemy re- 
 treated without a contest, too wise to risk in a fight what 
 the natural defences of Egypt made tolerably safe. But 
 in the meanwhile Seleucus had slipped off to Babylon 
 and installed himself in his old satrapy. 
 
 A peace — of which one condition insisted upon by Antig- 
 onus was that the Greek cities should be free — now put 
 Second an end to the war for four years. But in 307 B.C. Antig- 
 (307-30^ onus began his second attempt for world-empire. This 
 B.C.). tinie he singled out Egypt for his main attack, but in order 
 
 to keep Cassander employed he sent Demetrius with his 
 fleet to free Greek cities — particularly Athens, where dur- 
 ing the previous ten years a certain Demetrius of Pha- 
 ie'rum, a pupil of Aristotle and The'o-phras'tus, had 
 governed as Cassander's agent. From Aristotle the Pha- 
 lerian got his scheme of government, from Theophrastus 
 the main ideas for a new law code : he was the patron of 
 
Antig07ius I and Demetriuf^ 251 
 
 the great comedian Me-nan'der, and of scientists and 
 artists generally, as well as the head of a gay and clever 
 court. 
 
 304. New Comedy. — The New Comedy, unlike the political plays 
 of Aristophanes (ij 224), took as its theme the affairs of every-day 
 life and handled them in a spirited, keen, sympathetic and delightful 
 way. The shady side of contemporary manners was usually shown 
 
 up, but in a fashion to ridicule vice and applaud virtue. Its chief Menander. 
 representative was Menander (342-292 B.C.), only fragments of 
 whose plays have been preserved. So sure was his touch and so 
 true to reality that the ancients said of him: "Menander and life, 
 which of you is the imitator of the other?" 
 
 305. Demetrius the Taker of Cities. — During his re- 
 gency the Athenians v^ere exceedingly prosperous and 
 were much admired and envied. None the less, they wel- 
 comed the "taker of cities," expelled the Phalerian and 
 fought stoutly against Cassander for the following three 
 years. Meanwhile Demetrius had turned his attention to 
 the main war. In 306 B.C. he vanquished the fleet of 
 Ptolemy in a great naval battle off Salamis in Cyprus, 
 whereupon, after assuming the regal title, he by sea, his 
 father by land, attacked Egypt. They failed to break Failure of 
 down the defence of its monarch, however, and reverting on^^^^t*^ 
 to the plan of 312 B.C. — Ptolemy was now innocuous — and on 
 
 T-\ • 1 • 1 ' r-^ ^ Rhodes. 
 
 Demetnus returned to contmue the war m Greece. On 
 his way he laid siege to Rhodes — now the most progressive 
 commercial centre in the ^gean — but the Rhodians de- 
 fended themselves with such vigor and skill that'despite all 
 his efforts he failed to take their city before he was forced 
 to hurry on to his destination in order to prevent Athens 
 from falling into Cassander's hands. Athens saved, he oc- 
 cupied Greece in 303 B.C. and was pushing Cassander hard 
 
252 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 in Thessaly when he was obhged to return to Asia Minor 
 to help his father; for the danger of Cassander had so 
 alarmed the other monarchs, who now called themselves 
 kings too, though in the sight of Antigonus they were 
 but rebelHous satraps, that a general attack was concerted 
 against the common foe. At the outset Ptolemy invaded 
 Palestine and Syria: to be sure, he withdrew on the false 
 report of the defeat of his partners and contributed noth- 
 ing to the issue. Not so Seleucus who, having mastered 
 all the eastern provinces and concluded a treaty of peace 
 with the king of the Punjab, now made a great march 
 with horse, foot and elephants to Asia Minor and there 
 effected a juncture with a new enemy of Antigonus. This 
 was Ly-sim'a-chus, king of Thrace, who after over twenty 
 years of persistent effort had come to be definitely master 
 in his own unruly country and was now in a position to 
 Battle of take part in general affairs. Antigonus recalled his son 
 at this point; part of Cassander's army came to the as- 
 sistance of the allies, and in 301 B.C. at Ipsus in Phrygia 
 the greatest battle yet fought in European history took 
 place. On each side were upward of eighty thousand 
 trained men. The impetuosity of Demetrius determined 
 the issue. Having routed the enemy's cavalry, he pur- 
 sued them too far and returned to find the infantry beaten 
 and his father slain. With the death of Antigonus dis- 
 appeared the most important figure which the war of the 
 diadochi (successors) produced. He was a great, pow- 
 erful man, kingly in mind and disposition. He formed 
 his plans carefully, was an accomplished strategist and 
 worked tirelessly to secure his ends. He was the one man 
 in the whole group who inherited the spirit of Alexander. 
 His son, Demetrius, was still ruler of the sea, and with 
 
 Ipsus. 
 
Division of Alexander' s Empire 253 
 
 this as a starting-point in 294 B.C. he took Macedon from 
 the incompetent sons of Cassander, who had died in 297 
 B.C. Not content with the kingdom Alexander had in- 
 herited, Demetrius made great preparations to reconquer 
 the world. The third attempt for the union was fore- The New 
 stalled by those whom it menaced. At the same time in struggle 
 
 288 B.C. Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, and Lysimachus of ^°^ u°''y 
 
 (294-286 
 Thrace Invaded Macedon, and Ptolemy of Egypt de- b.C). 
 
 spatched a great fleet to secure control of the sea. The 
 coalition was successful : Demetrius got across to Asia and Fail of 
 undertook a wild march into the interior, but, defeated ^™* '^'"^° 
 and deserted by his troops, he was captured by Seleucus 
 in 286 B.C., and died three years later. The thirty years' 
 war, accordingly, resulted in the definite dissolution of 
 Alexander's empire into a number of separate states. Its 
 issue was as disastrous as was that of the Peloponnesian 
 war, 
 
 306. Lysimachus and Seleucus. — The spoils had fallen 
 largely to Lysimachus of Thrace who got Asia Minor 
 after Ipsus, half of Macedon after the expulsion of 
 Demetrius and the remnants of the latter's fleet when 
 he had struck into the interior ifi 287 B.C. In 283 B.C. 
 Lysimachus reunited Macedon by expelling Pyrrhus from 
 its second half, and was about to seize Greece, which De- 
 metrius's son, Antigonus II, inherited, when he in turn 
 was assailed by Seleucus, his rival in Asia. In 282 b.c. Battle of 
 the two great monarchs met at Cor-u-pe'di-on in Lydia, ^1^'^^^' 
 and Lysimachus was defeated and slain. Thus, by acci- 
 dent almost, Seleucus got the greater part of the distracted 
 empire, but within a year of his victory he was foully 
 murdered by Ptolemy Ce-rau'nus, the disinherited oldest 
 son of the king of Egypt, to whom he had given hospitality. 
 
254 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 The murderer seized Macedon and Thrace, but his title 
 was at once challenged, not only by Seleucus's son, Anti- 
 ochus I, but also by Demetrius's son, Antigonus II; and 
 a new struggle began. 
 
 307. The Celtic Migration. — At this moment the fac- 
 tious Macedonian kings were rudely reminded that they 
 were not the only ones who coveted the rich world which 
 they were weakening by their struggles. Behind the 
 Alps, stretching from the mouths of the Rhone and 
 Rhine to the middle Danube, the loose conglomerate 
 of Celtic tribes had been massed for over a century. 
 Now finding advance south checked by the unification of 
 Italy and Rome's advance into the Po valley (§ 376) which 
 they had occupied in about 390 B.C. (§ 369), they turned 
 their attention eastward, and in 280 B.C. a great avalanche 
 of barbarians overwhelmed Macedon. Ptolemy Ceraunus 
 put himself hastily in their way but lost his life and his 
 army, and for three years the Celts pillaged and murdered 
 in the land of Alexander. In 279 B.C. Brennus led one di- 
 vision of them south into Greece, but though it reached 
 Delphi it was destroyed chiefly by the energy of the ^Eto- 
 lians. About the same time another division went east and 
 occupied Thrace. The credit for breaking the onset of 
 the barbarians belongs to Antigonus II, who first defeated 
 decisively a great body of them near Ly-si-mach'i-a in 277 
 B.C., then expelled them from Macedon and made himself 
 its king. Thrace, however, was lost altogether; the civil- 
 izing work of Philip, Alexander and Lysimachus in this 
 region was undone, and this whole district lapsed back 
 The Celts into the barbarism of central Europe. Moreover, the 
 Thrace and Celts crossed the Hellespont into Asia Minor, where after 
 Gaiatia. ^ Career of plunder they settled down in the heart of the 
 
The Ptolemies in Egypt '^55 
 
 peninsula and forced the adjoining cities and principalities 
 to buy immunity from pillage by paying them tribute. 
 Their territory was called Galatia. 
 
 308. Alliance of Macedon and Asia. — When Antigo- 
 nus occupied the throne of Macedon he and Antiochus 
 ceded away their claim to each other's territory and 
 formed a political and matrimonial alliance which was 
 the basis for common action between Macedon and 
 Asia during the rest of the third century B.C. 
 
 309. Egypt under the Ptolemies. — They were forced 
 
 to co-operate, moreover, by the policy of Egypt. The first sea Power 
 Ptolemy had kept Egypt free from invasion and given °^ ^sypt. 
 it an opportunity to prosper; he had constructed a great 
 fleet, and with it finally gained control of the eastern 
 Mediterranean, dominion over its islands and a claim 
 to suzerainty in Greece and rule in Palestine, Phoenicia 
 and Syria. He had, in fact, formed the policy of convert- 
 ing the sea east of Sicily into an Egyptian lake, and by 
 controlling the harbors and coast towns from Gaza to Ma- 
 ro-nei'a in Thrace, he aimed to concentrate all maritime 
 commerce in Alexandria. The benefits of this wise and ptoiemy 11, 
 energetic policy were enjoyed by his son, Ptolemy Phila- p^^^^*^^'- 
 delphus, who came to the throne in 283 B.C. Down the 
 Nile came the results of the labor of the seven million 
 laborious inhabitants of Egypt and in addition the prod- 
 ucts of the Soudan, Abyssinia, Arabia and India. A 
 great light-house built on the island of Pharus directed to 
 its mouth all the cargoes of Greece and the Levant. 
 
 310. Alexandria. — Hence Alexandria grew with mar- 
 vellous rapidity and soon had a population of five hun- 
 dred thousand. It was the one great Greek city in 
 Egypt. The Ptolemies made no attempt to civilize, 
 
256 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 Ptolemies 
 
 Leave 
 
 Native 
 
 Customs 
 
 Unchanged. 
 
 A Bureau- 
 cracy. 
 
 Theocritus. 
 
 Callim- 
 achus. 
 
 i.e., Hellenize, the natives. The Egyptians, accordingly, 
 were not brought into city centres, self-government be- 
 ing denied to them altogether; they had no interest in 
 politics, their ideal life being satisfied by religion; and 
 the Ptolemies had no scruples of conscience about foster- 
 ing the native cults, building new temples for the native 
 gods and posing generally as the successors of the 
 Pharaohs. 
 
 311. The Government of Egypt. — For the goverment 
 of the country they used a vast bureaucratic system. 
 By means of officials carefully divided into departments 
 of justice, police, finance, for example, and carefully 
 graded according to rank, the wishes of Ptolemy and of 
 his prime ministers were carried from Alexandria to the 
 smallest village in the valley of the Nile; and by the same 
 agencies the taxes were collected. The chief function of 
 the native population was, in fact, the payment of taxes 
 to the government, and it was by the control of ample 
 revenues drawn from this source that Philadelphus was 
 able to make Alexandria the seat of the most brilliant 
 court in the world. 
 
 312. Alexandrian Culture. — Festivals and processions 
 were organized on a colossal scale, and nothing indicative 
 of luxury or provocative of lust was neglected by the 
 pleasure-loving monarch. The two greatest poets of the 
 age lived in Alexandria in his time — The-oc'ri-tus, the 
 writer of idylls treating of idealized country life, and 
 Cal-lim'a-chus, a kind of literary dictator, and the com- 
 poser of finished epigrams and elegies. In the realm of 
 poetry Theocritus discovered a new and rich field called 
 pastoral. In his delicately wrought background of Sicil- 
 ian country life, w^ith its fountains, shady oaks, stalwart 
 
Realwm in Art 257 
 
 shepherds, graceful maidens, vineyards, woodland flow- 
 ers and murmuring bees, he set his simple scenes of 
 rustic love. In them the worldly and sated Alexandrians 
 found intense delight and refreshment. Following The- 
 ocritus as his model, Vergil, two hundred and fifty years 
 later, in his Bucolics, brought the fragrance of the country 
 to the equally worldly and sated Romans of the age 
 of Augustus. 
 
 313. Hellenistic Art. — Similar themes were handled 
 by one group of Hellenistic sculptors, who carved little 
 scenes of outdoor life with shepherds and shepherdesses 
 or mythological personages grouped in the foreground. 
 They were used as panels in the decoration of houses. 
 Doubtless, similar paintings also existed. In this work the 
 tendency toward realism which characterizes Hellenistic 
 portraiture is also noticeable. The portraits were not, Realism, 
 however, grossly realistic; the face had to possess some 
 charm or nobility even though it ceased to be quite ac- 
 curate. The classic restraint which limited the expres- 
 sion of feeling to suggestion and left much to the sympa- 
 thetic imagination of the observer was now abandoned 
 altogether, and particularly in the Rhodian and Anatolian 
 schools faces were carved contorted with pain or tense 
 with excitement. Examples of these are the La-oc'o-on 
 Group and the Battle of Gods and Giants from the 
 great altar of Zeus at Per'ga-mon. Action, not repose, 
 was preferred, and the artists liked to achieve dramatic 
 effects perhaps inappropriate to work in stone. There 
 was in this age boundless confidence in the powers 
 of human beings; men became gods and overturned 
 all the arrangements of society and states; they shrank 
 from no tasks however difficult. Hence statues of super- 
 
258 
 
 The Helle7ustic Age 
 
 The 
 Museum 
 
 human magnitude like tlie Colossus of Rhodes were 
 attempted. 
 
 314. Alexandrian Science. — Nowhere was the realistic 
 tendency of this age better manifest than in science, of 
 which Alexandria was the most famous centre. For the 
 accommodation of scholars the Ptolemies built and en- 
 dowed the Museum— or Academy — 'of literary and natural 
 sciences. To its equipment belonged a great library for 
 literary and a garden for zoological and botanical re- 
 search. For the support of the workers the government 
 provided salaries. Thus aided, science, the dominant 
 passion of the Hellenistic age, made remarkable progress, 
 and its greatest names prior to the eighteenth century 
 A.D. appear in the annals of this epoch. E'ra-tos'the- 
 nes computed the circumference of the earth at twenty- 
 eight thousand miles, which is surprisingly near the 
 
 Aristarchus corrcct figure. A'ris-tar'chus of Samos showed that the 
 sun, not the earth, was the centre of this planetary system 
 and that the earth revolved on its own axis, thus an- 
 ticipating Ga'li-le'o and Co-per'ni-cus. He-roph'i-lus 
 foreshadowed Harvey's theories of the circulation of the 
 blood, and Ar'chi-me'des of Syracuse is said to have used 
 the integral calculus long before it was rediscovered by 
 Leibnitz and Newton. Even if this is not the case, his 
 contributions to mathematical physics , are sufficiently 
 noteworthy. Euclid wrote at this time his text-book on 
 geometry. All this shows that the constructive imagina- 
 tion of men had free play as well as large bodies of new 
 material with which to operate, and that the world of 
 thought like the world of action was vibrant with fresh life. 
 
 315. Alexandrian Philology. — The work of the Alex- 
 andrian scholars in literary criticism and interpretation 
 
 Eratosthe 
 nes. 
 
 of Samos. 
 
 Archi- 
 medes. 
 
 Euclid. 
 
Science and Philology 259 
 
 was no less remarkable than in natural science. It was The inter- 
 
 ,1 , 1 ... pretation of 
 
 necessary now that a new common speech was extirpat- ^^^ p^gj. 
 ing the dialects, and now that a new age was rapidly 
 pushing the world of the little city-states into a distant 
 antiquity, that the older literature — the Ionian epics and 
 the Lesbian and Dorian lyrics — as well as the comedies 
 and orations which dealt with local persons and situations 
 should be interpreted or else abandoned. Besides, the 
 Greek language, which was now used generally for public 
 business, literature and diplomatic and commercial in- 
 tercourse, had to be organized so that the conquered pop- 
 ulations might learn it. Hence grammars and lexicons 
 were compiled, authoritative editions of the classic au- 
 thors issued and learned commentaries on them pub- 
 lished. Epoch-making in this respect was the work of 
 Callimachus and Aristarchus of Alexandria on Homer. 
 Our Iliad and Odyssey date from their revision of the 
 text. All this literature was bookish and learned; it was 
 meant to appeal only to the initiated and hence made 
 little popular impression. It requires a long time to popu- 
 larize scientific ideas and methods. 
 
 316. Ptolemy II, Philadelphus. — Philadelphus was a 
 statesman and diplomat, not a soldier or general; hence 
 he remained in his luxurious court at Alexandria and sent 
 out his admirals and paid out his money freely in sup- 
 port of his foreign policy. 
 
 317. Antigonus II. — His chief rival was Antigonus II 
 of Macedon. Antigonus was a pupil and patron of 
 Zeno, the great founder of the Stoic philosophy, and from 
 this stern creed the king derived his sturdiness of charac- 
 ter, his devotion to duty and his preference for a life of 
 old-fashioned simplicity. It became clear to him that 
 
260 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 he could not be at peace in Macedon and rule Greece so 
 long as Philadelphus held the islands of the .-Egean and 
 by the use of money and promises kept stirring up trouble 
 for him in his realm. Hence he determined to gain for 
 himself the control of the sea which since 287 B.C. had 
 been securely Egyptian. 
 
 318. Struggle for the Eastern Mediterranean. — Ac- 
 cordingly, he built a fleet of the great new-fashioned 
 battle-ships characteristic of this age, vessels rising high 
 above the water with sometimes as many as sixteen banks 
 of rowers, powerful artillery and crews of thousands of 
 men. They may have had on occasion a capacity of 
 upward of four thousand tons. With this navy he began 
 a duel for sea power with Egypt in about 256 B.C. which 
 lasted with interruptions until about 241 B.C. In its 
 course Antigonus won two sea fights, one at Cos and the 
 other at Andros, the first against the admirals of Phila- 
 delphus, the second against the admirals of Ptolemy III, 
 Eu-er'ge-tes, who took his father's place in 247 B.C.; 
 the first in alliance with Antiochus II of Asia, the second 
 in alliance with the Rhodians, who, having first defended 
 their freedom against Demetrius, the ''taker of cities," now 
 refused to be subservient to their old ally Egypt. Thus 
 they won a position of general respect. Much of the bank-, 
 ing and carrying trade of the eastern Mediterranean was 
 their reward. Shortly after the second victory Antigonus 
 died (239 B.C.), and Macedon became involved for ten 
 years in a destructive war in Greece. At the same time a 
 dynastic struggle — the first of many — broke out in Asia; 
 but none the less Euergetes failed to rebuild his fleet, and 
 without it his far-spread empire was merely a shell which 
 could be crushed by the first strong pressure from without. 
 
The Seleucids in Asia 261 
 
 319. The Seleucid Empire. — Its existence, however, 
 crippled the economic and political power of the kingdom 
 of the Seleucids in Asia; for it deprived the great con- 
 tinental empire of its coast lines, and prevented it from 
 drawing freely from Greece the men who were needed to 
 colonize its vast waste tracts and to reinforce the Hellenic 
 element in the settled districts. The Seleucids were the 
 real heirs of Alexander the Great. They made it their 
 mission to realize Alexander's vision of a realm honey- 
 combed with self-governing cities of the Greek type. 
 Thus the founder of the dynasty is said to have planted Founding 
 seventy-five cities; his son, Antiochus I, is known as a °^^''i^^* 
 great founder also; and the work was still in progress when 
 the Romans came into Asia. What they accomplished 
 was to carry the Greek language, ideas, forms of govern- 
 ment, art and drama as far as the eastern limits of the 
 Persian empire, and, indeed, as recent discoveries show, 
 far beyond, into distant India and northeastward through 
 Eastern Turkestan to China. Naturally, the interests of Heiienizmg 
 the dynasty in Hellenizing these kingdoms provoked na- 
 tive reactions; but these were not serious till Antioch IV 
 interfered with the native religions; then revolts broke 
 out, notably in Ju-de'a, where the Mac'ca-bees took up 
 arms for Jehovah against Zeus and after a long struggle 
 succeeded in establishing the independence of the Jewish 
 community. All the native religions were not so obsti- 
 nate, however, and, in fact, at the same time that the 
 Jews resisted Hellenization they translated their sacred 
 books into Greek for the use of the Jewish community 
 in Alexandria; but, unlike the oriental cults in general, 
 they modified their beliefs and altered their rituals so 
 slightly that it needed a religious revolution in Judaism 
 
262 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 before it could become a rival of the Se-ra'pis-Fsis cult of 
 Alexandria, the At-ar'ga-tis cult of Syria or the Great 
 Mother cult of Asia Minor for the suffrages of the Hellen- 
 istic and Roman world. These latter were the aggressive 
 oriental cults in the Hellenistic period. The instruments 
 for their dissemination were religious associations (thiasi) 
 formed by their votaries in the cities of the old Greek 
 world. These clubs were made up at first of foreigners and 
 provided social entertainment in the shape of a monthly 
 dinner which was at once a banquet and a sacrifice. 
 They also provided the assurance of decent funeral obse- 
 quies as well as business facilities to their members. In 
 time the native Greeks became interested, entered the as- 
 sociations and finally got the new deities enrolled in the 
 circle of their native deities, whereupon all the citizens 
 became at once votaries of the oriental god or goddess. 
 It was in this way that Isis, the Syrian Goddess (Atar- 
 gatls) and Cyb'e-le (the Great Mother) made their trium- 
 phal progress through the late Hellenistic world. 
 
 320. Greece^the Achaean and ^Etolian Leagues. — 
 The policy and aggressiveness of the Ptolemies were also 
 fatal for the stability of Macedonian government in 
 Greece, and during the struggle of the two monarchies 
 for power in the peninsula the Greeks had a chance 
 to look out for themselves. To be sure the country 
 suffered through frequent wars; but in this respect it was 
 no worse off in the third century than in the fourth and 
 fifth. It was a gain that its surplus population was 
 Shifting of provided for in the new world of the east. The serious 
 consideration was that through the opening of the Persian 
 empire to European enterprise the centres of commerce 
 and industry ceased to be situated in Greece. Athens 
 
 Commer- 
 cial Centres. 
 
Federal Government 203 
 
 and Corinth, accordingly, sank in size and wealth as 
 Ephesus, Rhodes, Antioch and Alexandria rose. Thus 
 Greece tended to revert to an essentially agricultural 
 country, and impoverishment and depopulation event- 
 ually set in. Less injury was, of course, sustained by the 
 districts which had never been commercial and it was in 
 them that most progress and vitality survived in the 
 third century. The conviction came ultimately to be 
 established among them that the little city-states were 
 unable to protect themselves by individual action; hence 
 from two centres, one in Achaea in the Peloponnesus, and 
 the other in ^tolia in central Greece, movements for a 
 union of the whole country in a federal league began. 
 A large territorial state such as defence demanded was 
 thus created without resort to monarchical government. 
 321. Federal Government. — The plan adopted was 
 to delegate to federal authorities the conduct of negoti- 
 ations and war, the preservation of peace between the 
 cities and the protection of individuals while abroad, 
 leaving the raising, paying and oflScering of troops, the 
 levying of the taxes, the maintenance of order within 
 the cities and the whole round of municipal business to 
 the local governments. Citizenship was to be common; 
 also money and weights and measures, and monarchical 
 rule was not permitted. In Achaea the federal authorities The 
 were an annually elected general who was at once mill- League, 
 tary and diplomatic leader, a hipparch, admiral and 
 secretary; a college of ten demiurgi, who formed a sort 
 of inner council; a great council made up each year of 
 a different fraction of the citizens of each constituent city, 
 and a general assembly of all the Achaeans. This latter 
 body met at least annually at Ae-gium for the election of 
 
264 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 officers, but it might meet oftener for the settlement of 
 peace or war at the call of the officials. Each city had 
 one vote in the general assembly regardless of size. This 
 gave the smaller states undue influence. The constitu- 
 tion of ^tolia was similar. A difference between the 
 two was caused by the difference in the character and 
 habits of life of the peoples. The ^Etolians were a 
 country, mountain people, active, fond of fighting and 
 inclined to freebooting; the Achaeans were more civilized, 
 had urban life well developed, and were averse to mak- 
 ing sacrifices in war time. The one was warlike and the 
 other peaceful. In both the control of the general as- 
 sembly tended to fall to the propertied classes who alone 
 could attend the sessions in considerable numbers. 
 
 322. Growth of the Leagues. — The ^tolians began to 
 expand first; they seized Delphi in about 292 B.C., and 
 controlled the Amphictyony from then on; they seized first 
 half, then all of Acarnania, including Ambracia; for a 
 period they absorbed Boeotia; while a considerable 
 portion of Thessaly was finally in their control. They 
 remained a free people till the Romans conquered them 
 in 189 B.C. 
 Aratus of The Achaeans became of importance for the first time 
 in 252 B.C. when A-ra'tus, who had just seized the govern- 
 ment of Sicyon, his native city, in place of making himself 
 tyrant with the backing of either Antigonus II or Phila- 
 delphus, added it to the ethnic confederacy which some 
 thirty years earlier had been revived among the towns 
 of Achaea. From this time on Aratus, a skilful politician 
 and adroit leader in guerilla warfare, but a very incom- 
 petent general, was the real head of the confederation, 
 and for every second year but one between 245 B.C. and 
 
 Sicyon. 
 
Stoics and Epicureans 265 
 
 213 B.C. he was chosen their general. The normal atti- 
 tude of the ^tolians and Achaeans was one of hostility, 
 but during the reign of Demetrius II, who had succeeded 
 Antigonus II in 239 B.C. (§318), they joined in a war 
 against Macedon, and at its issue, with the death of their 
 adversary in 229 B.C., they both reached the summit of 
 their power. The Achaean league then included most of 
 the Peloponnesus. 
 
 323. Athens and Sparta. — Outside of these stood 
 Athens and Sparta, neither of which would subordinate 
 itself to the federal authorities. In 229 B.C. Athens 
 threw off the Macedonian yoke, but despite the entrea- 
 ties of Aratus, decided to remain henceforth neutral. It isolation 
 asked from the powers and in fact got a position of 
 complete isolation, its internationalization being guar- 
 anteed first by Egypt and then by Rome. It was still 
 
 the seat of the finest Greek culture, and in the world of 
 Hellenistic change it remained an oasis of classicism. 
 Its art, for example, was dominated by the style of Prax-i'- 
 te-les and Scopas and to its school belongs, perhaps, the 
 celebrated Aphrodite of Melos. (PI. XVIII.) In one de- 
 partment of spiritual life alone it had preserved its emi- 
 nence — in philosophy. 
 
 324. Philosophy in Athens. — The city became in the 
 third century the real university of the world, whither 
 students flocked to study philosophy. Two leading schools of 
 schools of thought divided their suffrages. The one P^^^iosopi^y- 
 was founded by Zeno (333-261 B.C.), who taught in the 
 
 Stoa poilike or "Painted Porch," in the heart of the city, 
 
 a way of life and thought which was called Stoicism. 
 
 He held that, in the midst of the seeming confusion of The stoic. 
 
 things about us, there was a real order, governed by un- 
 
^66 
 
 The Hellenistic Age 
 
 The Epi- 
 curean. 
 
 Restora- 
 tion of the 
 Ancient 
 Regime. 
 
 changeable laws; that the secret of life consists in seeing 
 this order and obeying it. The chief word of this philoso- 
 phy was "virtue," and he is the ''wise man" who strives 
 after it. Everything else is unimportant; even life itself 
 is not worth living, if virtue cannot be realized. Virtue 
 can be found in one's own soul, in that "reason" which is 
 man's way of expressing the order of the universe. All 
 men everywhere in whom "reason" or "virtue" rules 
 are brothers. On the other hand, Ep'i-cu'rus (341-270 
 B.C.) taught that true virtue is found in "happiness," 
 everything that contributes to make man happy should 
 be sought, while all that is disturbing should be avoided. 
 Hence, to him religion, which spoke of reward and 
 punishment from the gods above, was harmful and 
 should be abolished. This philosophy was called after its 
 founder Ep'i-cu-re'an-ism. Its emphasis of pleasure and 
 its indifference toward the gods brought it into popular 
 discredit both in later Greece and in Rome. And, in 
 fact, as interpreted by many of its professed followers it 
 was an excuse for sensual indulgence. Both systems are 
 illustrations of the broad cosmopolitan spirit of the age, 
 which recognized no bounds of city or race. They had a 
 very wide influence in this age and in the centuries follow- 
 ing. 
 
 325. Cleomenes and the Revival of Sparta. — Sparta 
 met the advance of the Achaeans not by an appeal to 
 the powers, but by resort to the sword, and it happened 
 that it possessed at this time a remarkable king, Cle-om'- 
 e-nes by name, who defeated the Achaeans repeatedly and 
 roused the old city into new life by setting aside the gov- 
 ernment of the ephors (§ 153), redividing the land in such 
 a way that instead of seven hundred there were four 
 
PLATE XXIll 
 
 THE LAOCOON GROUP 
 
Pergamon 267 
 
 thousand Spartiatae, and re-establishing with antiquarian 
 precision the old tent life which had fallen of late into 
 disuse. Then he pushed the Achaeans so hard that Ara- 
 tus was forced to submit to either Spartan or Macedonian 
 hegemony; he chose the latter alternative and in 222 B.C. 
 the Macedonian king, Antigonus III, crushed Cleomenes 
 on the battle-field of Sel-la'si-a, and became overlord of 
 Greece — ^^itolia alone excepted. Subsequently the Achae- 
 ans were never free agents, but had always to do the 
 bidding of somebody else. 
 
 326. Pergamon. — It was in the interval of dynastic 
 strife in Asia and of fierce conflict in Greece and Mace- 
 don (§318) that Pergamon became the chief among the 
 second-rate powers of the eastern world. Its third prince 
 At'ta-lus I (241-197 B.C.) refused to pay tribute to the 
 Celts of Galatia, and thus became involved in a long 
 struggle with them, at the end of which he found himself 
 for a short time the paramount power in Asia Minor. This 
 position he lost in a few years, however, when unity of 
 rule was at length restored to the Seleucid empire. Under 
 Attains Pergamon became a rival of Alexandria as a seat 
 of culture, and the king was a liberal patron of philoso- 
 phers, scientists and artists. It was at his initiative that Art of 
 the sculptors of Greece got a new theme when they under- 
 took to immortalize in stone the victories of the mon- 
 arch over the Celts. The famous "Dying Gaul" is the 
 outcome of this undertaking. A little later a great altar 
 to Zeus was erected at Pergamon, the frieze of which, 
 now in Berlin, is the best monument extant of Hellenistic 
 sculpture. It deals with the struggle of Gods and Giants. 
 Full of vigor and vitality, it is inferior to the work of the 
 classic age only in the lack of simplicity and grace. 
 
 Pergamon, 
 
268 The Coming of Rome 
 
 327. The Crisis of Hellenistic History. — About 220 
 B.C. three young men came to the thrones of the three 
 
 Philip V great Hellenistic monarchies. Philip V, the new king 
 ome. ^^ Macedon, became at once involved in a fierce struggle 
 with the iEtolians, which he abandoned (after Cannae) 
 to join Hannibal against Rome. Till 205 B.C. he was 
 fully employed by the war with the yEtolians and Attalus 
 of Pergamon which the Romans stirred up against him 
 to keep him employed while they fought it out with 
 Carthage. In that year, however, he became free by 
 
 Antiochus making a peace with the Italian republic. The young 
 king of Asia, Antiochus III, the Great, opened his reign 
 by an attack on Egypt, and but for a revolt in his eastern 
 provinces, which gave his adversary time to prepare, the 
 defeat which he sustained at Raphia in 218 B.C. might 
 have been a victory. For thirteen years thereafter he 
 was actively employed in reasserting his authority in his 
 own empire, which a long dynastic struggle and foreign 
 embarrassments had paralyzed; but in 205 B.C. he re- 
 turned to the Mediterranean at the end of a campaign 
 which covered nearly the same territory as Alexander's 
 famous march, with a well-trained army and a desire for 
 further action. Two years later Ptolemy Phi'lo-pa'tor, 
 the fourth Macedonian king of Egypt, died leaving as his 
 successor a mere child. He had neglected all the vital 
 problems of national defence ; his court had been governed 
 by his mistress and her clique, and the native Egyptians 
 who had fought in his army at Raphia were in revolt. 
 
 Decay of Hcncc Egypt was ready for the spoilers. By her wealth 
 and her maritime power she had preserved a balance of 
 power in the Hellenistic world since 277 B.C., and in 274 
 B.C. she had formed a relationship of peace and friendli- 
 
The Coming of Rome 269 
 
 ness with Rome. Now that the Hannibalic war was 
 drawing to a close, it was clear to Philip and Antiochus 
 that in the event of a Roman advance into the east 
 Egypt would be her ally; hence they determined to take 
 the opportunity, while Rome was still employed else- 
 where, to divide the Ptol-e-ma'ic empire between them. 
 In 202 B.C. PhiHp attacked the possessions of Egypt in the 
 iEgean world including neutrals like Athens and Rhodes 
 which had maintained their freedom by Egyptian support, 
 and at the same time Antiochus assailed the Asiatic do- 
 minions of Egypt. Henceforth the Hellenistic world was 
 to have two great states, not three. The battle of Za'ma 
 (202 B.C.) and the treaty of Rome with Carthage (201 B.C.) 
 came too soon, however, for this project to be completed. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What events are connected with the 
 names of Antipater, Seleucus, Demetrius of Phalerum, An-, 
 tigonus Gonatas, Ptolemy Philadelphus, Menander, Zeno, 
 Poliorcetes, Cleomenes, Antigonus the one-eyed? 2. For what 
 are the following noted : Galatia, Pergamon, Rhodes, Epirus, 
 Athens? 3. What is meant by the Museum, Epicureanism, 
 pastoral poetry, the Dying Gaul, the Painted Porch? 4. What 
 is the era of Seleucus? 5. The significance of the year 280 
 B.C. 6. What was the course and what the outcome of Antig- 
 onus's struggle for unity? 7. What was the time and charac- 
 ter of the settlement of Galatia? 8. Explain the conditions 
 existing in Egypt during the Hellenistic age. 9. Describe the 
 growth and prosperity of Alexandria. 10. The characteristics 
 of Hellenistic art. 11. The naval victories of Antigonus II. 
 12. Describe the form of government in the Achaean and 
 .^tolian leagues. 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare Eratosthenes and He- 
 rodotus in respect to their views of geography. 2. Compare 
 the leagues of this period with the Peloponnesian and the 
 Delian leagues. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i . Greece under Alexander and His 
 Successors. Bury, pp. 823-833. 2. Aristotle. Bury, pp. 833-835. 
 
270 The Western Greeks 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Struggles 
 
 of Alexander's Generals. Mahaffy, pp. 43-75; Plutarch, Lives 
 of Eumenes and Demetrius. 2. Greece under Alexander and His 
 Successors. Bury, pp. 823-833; Shuckburgh, pp. 300-305. 3. 
 The Kingdoms of Alexander's Successors. Mahaffy, pp. 89-95, 
 111-141, 156-162; Morey, pp. 317-319. 4. Pergamon and the 
 Artistic Life of the Time. Morey, pp. 323-328; Tarbell, pp. 
 259-267. 5. Aristotle. Bury, 833-835; Capps, ch. 16; Jebb, 
 pp. 129-135; Murray, pp. 373-376. 6. The Moral Philosophers. 
 Mahaffy, ch. 11; Shuckburgh, pp. 306-307. 7. Alexandria and 
 Egyptian Culture. Mahaffy, pp. 120-131, 142-155; Capps, ch. 
 18; Botsford, pp. 320-322; Morey, pp. 330-332. 8. The Celtic 
 Terror. Mahaffy, ch. 8. 9. The Leagues of Greece. Mahaffy, 
 ch. 18; Botsford, pp. 323-325; Shuckburgh, pp. 311-324. 10. 
 Pyrrhus of Epirus. Plutarch, Life of Pyrrhus; Mahaffy, ch. 2. 
 II. Conditions under Macedonian Rule in Athens. Ferguson, 
 Hellenistic Athens, pp. 207-236. 12. The Regime of Demetrius 
 of Phalerum. Ferguson, pp. 38-94. 
 
 8.— THE WESTERN GREEKS. THE TRANSI- 
 TION TO ROME 
 
 350-275 B.C. 
 
 Danger of 328. Timoleon. — The dissolution of the empire of 
 Greeks.^ Dionysius II in 357-346 B.C. had brought with it anarchy 
 in Sicily and grave peril in Magna Grascia. What the 
 likely consequences were Plato, the philosopher, foresaw 
 when in a letter written in 352 B.C. he said: "Should 
 things continue, no end is attainable until the whole pop- 
 ulation is ruined, the Greek language disappears from 
 all Sicily and the island falls under the dominion of 
 the Phoenicians or the Italians." The impending disaster 
 was postponed for over two generations, however, by 
 help given time and again by the eastern Greeks. The 
 first rescuer was the Corinthian Ti-mo'le-on who came on 
 the invitation of the Syracusans in 345 B.C. to free the 
 
PLATE XXIV 
 
 The Greek Temple at Paestum 
 
Italians and Magna Grcecia 271 
 
 Sicilian cities of adventurers who had used the anarchy to 
 make themselves tyrants. He was needed also to unite the 
 island in a common effort against the invading Carthagin- 
 ians. Some of the tyrants joined Timoleon, others were 
 deposed. He relieved Syracuse of the enemy's leaguer, Battle of 
 and, after defeating a great Carthaginian army which had ^^^ *^"" 
 been sent over to Sicily to check his progress at the Cri- 
 mi'sus river in 340 B.C., he made peace with Carthage, es- 
 tablished an aristocratic government in the Sicilian cities 
 and bound them together in a league with Syracuse at the 
 head. Order within and defence against foreign attack 
 being secured, large numbers of new colonists from old 
 Greece were encouraged to settle in the devastated tracts 
 of the island, and after seven years of successful rule Ti- 
 moleon retired into private life in 337 B.C. with the bless- 
 ings of all Sicily. He was one of those rare persons who 
 combined singleness of purpose and absence of personal 
 ambition with devotion to duty and high capacity. 
 
 329. Italians Assail Magna Grsecia. — Magna Graecia 
 had been less fortunate in its deliverers. The first. King 
 Archidamus of Sparta (343-338 B.C.), had accomplished 
 so little that in 334 B.C. Alexander, the powerful king 
 of neighboring Epirus, was asked by Tarentum to come 
 to its assistance against its aggressive Italian neighbors, 
 the Lucanians, Messapians and Bruttians. Alexander Alexander 
 did; indeed, perform his mission in brilliant style, and ° ^"^^' 
 subdued most of Italy south of Campania and Sam- 
 nium and, in fact, kept the latter employed in a de- 
 fensive war while Rome was consolidating its power in 
 the former. The trouble was that he came not as a 
 leader, but as a master; hence Tarentum took the first 
 opportunity to withdraw its support, whereupon he fell 
 
272 The Western Greeks 
 
 in a desperate struggle to preserve his authority over both 
 his confederates and his subjects. Tarentum, however, 
 was able to stand by itself for the following generation, 
 the energy of the Italians being involved between 327 
 and 304 B.C. in the great struggle between Rome and the 
 Samnites. When this ceased for a time in 304 B.C. 
 Tarentum came again in peril and got assistance from 
 Cle-on'y-mus of Sparta and A-gath'o-cles of Syracuse 
 successively; but on its resumption in 298 B.C. a second 
 respite was given. The decisive .victory of Rome in 
 290 B.C. brought a new and greater peril, however, and 
 in 282 B.C. Tarentum was forced to look abroad for a 
 new and, as it proved, a last deliverer. 
 
 330. Agathocles of Syracuse. — In the meantime Sicily 
 had been the battle ground of a fierce struggle between 
 the Greeks and Carthaginians. It had been occasioned 
 by the breakdown of Timoleon's system during struggles 
 of the masses to set aside the rule of the aristocrats. 
 The victory of the populace in Syracuse elevated a cer- 
 tain Agathocles to tyranny in 316 B.C. He was a man 
 of great physical and mental ability, one of those " super- 
 men" which the Hellenistic age produced — ready of 
 speech, quick in decision, rapid in execution, at once an 
 accomplished demagogue and general, and, according to 
 Scipio Africanus, one of the two greatest men of action 
 struggle that had ever lived. He had to fight for his position at 
 once against aristocratic emigrants and the other Greek 
 cities in Sicily which feared the revival of Syracusan 
 supremacy, but with the assistance of the Carthaginian 
 general on the island he effected a reconciliation with 
 his domestic adversaries and made his city supreme 
 (313 B.C.). With this result the Carthaginian government 
 
 for Power. 
 
Africa. 
 
 Agathocle.s 273 
 
 at home was dissatisfied and in 311 B.C. it joined Agatho- 
 cles' old enemies in an effort to put him down. The 
 coalition forced the tyrant within the walls of Syra- 
 cuse, and since no relief from without was thinkable, 
 Agathocles seemed doomed to destruction. It was in invasion of 
 this crisis that he put his army, twelve thousand strong, 
 on board sixty ships and, giving the Carthaginian fleet 
 the slip, sailed for Africa. The Libyans revolted, a 
 second army came to his aid from Cy-re'ne, even Utica 
 was captured, but the walls of Carthage defied assault 
 and the sea was open. Moreover, Agathocles could not 
 be in two places at once, and while he was at home in 
 Sicily on a necessary visit his army was destroyed in 
 Africa, and on his return the remnant lost confidence 
 in him and mutinied. Agathocles escaped to Sicily, how- 
 ever, and, unable to make head against both Carthage 
 and his Sicilian adversaries, he made peace with the 
 former, which feared the result should he be destroyed 
 altogether, and forced the latter to submit. Thereupon, 
 in 306 B.c he took the title of king and till his death in 
 289 B.C. ruled Sicily gently and wisely. He even devel- 
 oped an empire in Magna Graecia and on the shores of 
 the Adriatic. 
 
 331. Pyrrhus. — On his death, however, the old dis- 
 order was renewed, and in 278 B.C. the Carthaginians 
 were again dominant on the island and Syracuse was 
 in imminent danger of falling into their hands. Some 
 two years earlier Pyrrhus, king of Epirus, on losing his 
 control of Macedon and Thessaly, had sought glory and 
 empire in the west by accepting the call of Tarentum to 
 protect it against Rome. He had defeated the Romans 
 in two battles, and had for the moment, at least, freed the 
 
274 Transition to Rome 
 
 Pyrrhusin Greek cities from danger. He was now entreated to 
 ^"^'^^' rescue Syracuse, and, crossing to Sicily, he was joined by 
 
 everybody and rapidly expelled the Carthaginians from 
 all points except the great fortress of Li-by-bae'um, the 
 Gibraltar of the island (277 B.C.). This he was unable 
 to take, and, since the Greek cities viewed his mission 
 as accomplished, and wished to be rid of their protec- 
 tor who could so easily become their master, he found 
 himself rapidly deserted by his allies and forced to 
 assume the defensive. Hence, in disgust he left Sicily 
 to resume his operations against the Romans (276 B.C.). 
 He is said to have stated in other words the thought of 
 Plato that Sicily was destined to be a fine battle-ground 
 for Rome and Carthage. 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART II, DIVISIONS, 6, 7 AND 8 
 
 336-200 B.C. 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. The main purpose mov- 
 ing the leaders of world-history from 336-200 b.c. : how far 
 was the ideal realized in actual events? 2. A comparison as 
 to origin, leaders, aims, problems and historical development 
 of the three kingdoms rising out of Alexander's empire. 
 
 3. Course of the history of Greece proper from 336-200 b.c. 
 
 4. The great epochs qf contact between Persia and Greece from 
 500 B.C. to the fall of the Persian empire. 5. The dates of not 
 more than six of the most important events of this age, with 
 reasons for so regarding them. 6. How Aristotle, Theocritus, 
 Zeno and Menander represent their age and its spirit. 7. The 
 various important epochs in the history of Sicily. 8. The 
 history of King Pyrrhus of Epirus as illustrative of the age. 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES, i. Draw a map of Alex- 
 ander's empire and place on it three cities founded by Alex- 
 ander; explain the advantages of their location. 2. Com- 
 pare the Laocobn (Plate XXIII) with the Hermes (Plate XIX). 
 What are the differences — which is higher art — how does each 
 represent the times in which it was produced? 3. Comparing 
 
General Review 275 
 
 Plate XXI with Plates XV and XVI, where do you observe 
 differences and resemblances? 4. Study the Greek coins 
 (Plate XXVII), Observe the development in them — ^what 
 facts for Greek life and history in them — select the finest, 
 with reasons for the selection. 
 
 TOPICS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. What Alexander's Empire 
 Meant for World-History. 2. A Day in Alexandria, 250 b.c. 
 Kingsley, Alexandria and Her Schools; Mahaffy, Alexander's Em- 
 pire. 3. Alexander as a General. 4. A Visit to the Philosoph- 
 ical Schools of Athens in the Year 275 b.c. Capes, University 
 Life in Ancient Athens. 5. Alexander's Cities. 6. A Sketch of 
 Alexander's Campaign in India. 7. The Career of Aratus. 
 Plutarch, Life of Aratus. 8. A Visit to Pergamon. Mahaffy, 
 Greek Life and Thought, ch. 14. 9. A Study of the Consti- 
 tution of the Achasan League. Mahaffy, Greek Life and 
 Thought, ch. 16; Freeman, History of Federal Government, see 
 index. 10. Write a series of notes explaining the allusions 
 to Greek history in Byron's " The Isles of Greece." 
 
III. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 
 
 350 B.C.-A.D. 800 
 
 PRELIMINARY SURVEY 
 
 332. Italy and the Eastern World. — ^The appearance 
 of Rome in the east about the year 200 B.C. shifts our 
 attention from the lands which have hitherto occupied 
 us and centres it upon the peninsula of Italy. From an 
 early period this land had come within the circle of an- 
 cient history. Back in the fifteenth century its sea- 
 rovers may have reached the shores of Egypt and from 
 that time took service in the armies of the Pharaohs. 
 
 Phoeni- The Phoenician merchants visited its coasts and estab- 
 lished trading posts round about it in Africa, Sicily, Sar- 
 
 Greeks. dinia and Spain (§§ 50-52). Soon the Greeks found it 
 out and drew its people into the sphere of their life and 
 culture. They planted permanent settlements in Sicily, 
 established a line of cities on its southeastern coast and 
 even founded colonies on its western shore whence they 
 exchanged their goods and gave their civilization to its 
 peoples (§§ 1 1 6-1 1 7). The foot of Italy was called 
 Greater Greece, and a Greek empire sprang up about 
 the Sicilian city of Syracuse (§ 249). The wars that 
 shook the eastern world were felt in Italy; part of the 
 Graeco-Persian struggle was fought in Sicily (§ 176), the 
 strength of the Athenian empire was broken by the dis- 
 aster of Syracuse (§ 234). It is said that Alexander con- 
 templated the conquest of Italy. We have seen how Sicily 
 
 276 
 
Physical Features of Italy 277 
 
 and Magna Grascia were regarded by the Carthaginians 
 and Itah"ans as their fair prey (§§ 328-331), and how Pyr- 
 rhus attempted in vain to carve out for himself an em- 
 pire on Itah'an soil (§ 331). The series of circumstances 
 which led the states of the east to draw the Romans into 
 their political entanglements has already been referred 
 to (§ 327). Thus, in turning to Italy, we turn not to a 
 new and hitherto unknown land, but to one already 
 attached to the larger historic world. Italy simply takes 
 the central place; the former leaders become the fol- 
 lowers; the west becomes the seat of the dynamo that 
 supplies power to drive politics and civilization to higher 
 achievements in a wider world. 
 
 333. Physical Features of Italy. — In its physical ge- 
 ography Italy combined the characteristics of both the 
 orient and Greece (§ 85), having level and broad plains 
 intersected by stretches of wild mountain country, girt 
 about and bathed by the sea on every side. It may be The Four 
 divided into four zones or belts, three running side by ^°°^^- 
 side, the fourth placed straight across their top. The The Apen- 
 central of the three parallel belts is the great bow of the °'"*^' 
 Apennine mountain range, some eight hundred miles 
 long, the backbone and determining feature of all the 
 rest. Starting far to the left at the head of the north- 
 western sea, it moves at first to the east, but soon swings 
 to the south, broadening and rising as it advances, until, 
 in the centre of Italy, its summits reach the height of 
 more than nine thousand five hundred feet and it becomes 
 a highland of mingled valley and mountain fifty miles 
 wide. Thence it narrows and declines, as it sweeps to- 
 ward the south and west, and is continued in the west- 
 ward ranging mountains of Sicily and the projecting 
 
278 
 
 Rome: Preliminary Survey 
 
 The Eastern 
 Slope. 
 
 The West- 
 ern Slope. 
 
 The North- 
 ern Plain. 
 
 highlands of North Africa, less than a hundred miles 
 away. Parallel to this long Apennine bow, on either 
 side of it, are the two belts of eastern and western coast- 
 land. The eastern belt in its upper and middle parts is 
 narrow; the sea lies close to the mountains, which fall off 
 steeply into it; the rivers are mountain torrents; harbors 
 there are none, and the stormy winds of the Adriatic 
 sweep along the inhospitable shores. To the south, as 
 the mountains draw away, the plain widens out into a 
 broad upland. The sea has broken into it from the 
 south along the mountain-side and left a broad promon- 
 tory gently descending into the Mediterranean to the 
 southeast. The western belt, occupying the concave side 
 of the bow, has an exactly opposite character. Its upper 
 and middle parts make a widening plain through which 
 flow two considerable rivers, the Arno and the Tiber, 
 The mountains slope off in gradual terraces to the sea; 
 good harbors are found. Only in the lower portion, as the 
 Apennines draw toward the southwest, does the plain 
 narrow and at last disappear. The upper Apennines, 
 in their eastern trend, form the southern boundary of 
 the fourth belt, which lies east and west across the top 
 of the other three. To the north of this belt runs the 
 wall of the Alps, the western end of which is washed by 
 the Mediterranean and its eastern slope by the head- 
 waters of the Adriatic. Through the district thus marked 
 out between the Alps and the Apennines flowed two 
 rivers. Far in the west rose the Padus (Po), which 
 gathered the mountain streams from south and north 
 and swept in ever-increasing volume eastward to the 
 Adriatic. From the northern Alps came down the 
 Ath'e-sis (Adige) and reached the Adriatic not far north 
 
The Peoples of Italy 279 
 
 of the Po. Thus a rich and extensive basin was formed, 
 a httle world in itself, cut off from the north by the Alps 
 and from the south by the Apennines. Entrance into it 
 from west and north was not easy, but in the east the 
 mountain streams pouring into the Adriatic had brought 
 down soil which they deposited in the sea, pushing it 
 steadily back until a broad and open pathway had been 
 made, through which outsiders might come from the 
 region of the Balkan peninsula. It was, perhaps, by this 
 approach that the Italian peninsula was entered and 
 settled by its historic inhabitants. 
 
 334. The Peoples of Italy. — History has preserved no 
 record of this incoming. Only a comparison of the lan- 
 guages spoken by the peoples reveals their relationship. 
 The historically unimportant Ligurians, occupying the Ligurians 
 northwestern mountains about the Mediterranean, are 
 set apart as a separate people, as are also the Etruscans, Etruscans, 
 a strong and progressive race, who filled the wide upper 
 plain on the inside of the Apennine bow from the moun- 
 tains to the sea southward as far as the Tiber. The 
 great mass of the remaining peoples spoke the dialects of 
 a common speech which allies them to the historic in- 
 habitants of the Balkan peninsula and Greece, the Indo- 
 European (§ 5). On the lowest extremity of the eastern lUymns. 
 slope, Illyrians from across the sea had settled under the 
 name of the lapygians in the districts of Apulia and 
 Calabria, while others of the same stock reached Italy at 
 the north and settled as the Ven'e-ti at the head of the 
 Adriatic. It was possibly in their van, and across the Italians, 
 sea where it is narrowest, that the Italian stock entered 
 their historic home. The rest of the peninsula was in 
 their possession at the dawn of history. Of them there 
 
280 Rome: Preliminary Survey 
 
 were several branches. Of that in the lowlands of the 
 west and south the most famous was the Latin people 
 in the plain south of the Tiber; the inhabitants of Sicily 
 belonged to the same branch. The mountaineers formed 
 another vigorous branch called, from their chief peo- 
 ples, the Umbro-Sabellians. The Umbrians lived in the 
 northern Apennines overlooking Etruria; the Sabellians 
 were split into many tribes occupying the mountain 
 valleys of the centre and south. The most vigorous and 
 numerous stock among them was the Samnites. The 
 northern plain of the Po was the seat of mixed popula- 
 tions, a kind of vestibule, perhaps, for peoples to enter 
 and mingle before pushing southward to permanent 
 homes. 
 
 335. Influence of Italy's Geography on. Its History. — 
 Italy, thrust like a limb from the trunk of Europe down 
 into the Mediterranean, was given by its position an 
 important part to play in the Mediterranean world. 
 Like Greece, it was in the pathway of history advancing 
 v/estward. Yet, unlike Greece (§ 86), it did not invite 
 and embrace its opportunity, but rather repelled it. Its 
 eastern coast is inhospitable with forbidding mountains 
 and an absence of harbors. To get at Italy you must 
 reach its western coasts; it faces the setting sun. On that 
 side are the broad plains and the harbors. Hence, west- 
 ward-moving civilization was slow in getting round the 
 barrier; it lingered long on the southeastern shores and 
 in Sicily before moving up to the heart of the peninsula. 
 Yet it is evident that the power which was to move Italy 
 must be situated on its western side. 
 
 336. The Problem of Defence. — In spite of the grim 
 eastern shore, there was an abundance of easy approaches 
 
The Problem of Defence 
 
 281 
 
 to Italy. In the north, passes led down through the Alps, 
 to the valley of the Po. The long coast-line of the west 
 
 and south was open. This made a problem for Italy — 
 the problem of defence against attacks from without 
 
282 Rome: Preliminary Survey 
 
 which every pohtical power that has held Italy has had to 
 solve. How different was Greece in this respect. For 
 Italy the solution of the problem depended on unity 
 within and command of the sea. 
 
 337. Contrast of Highland and Plain. — But unity 
 within Italy was made difficult by the opposition of high- 
 land and plain. The wide Apennine region was the 
 home of vigorous tribes who envied the prosperity of the 
 plain and sallied out from time to time to obtain their 
 share in it — a proceeding which the plainsmen did not 
 relish and from which they must defend themselves until 
 the time came to settle once for all which should be 
 master. 
 
 338. Origin of Rome. — Out of conditions such as 
 these Rome emerged, a city on the bank of the Tiber, 
 in the southern part of the western plain, equidistant 
 from the sea and the mountains. It was made up of 
 villages of Latin stock united by mutual necessities and 
 interests in a common city-state. Its origin and early 
 history are veiled in mists of myth and legend through 
 
 Its Historic which actual history vaguely glimmers. But, from the 
 first, the chief interest for the student of ancient history 
 centres in the relation of Rome to surrounding peoples 
 in ever-widening circles. These varying relations make 
 the framework about which gathers the stately structure 
 of its brilliant history. 
 
 338a. The Grand Divisions. — The grand divisions of 
 this period are therefore the following. 
 
 1. The Making of Rome, i2oo(?)-5oo B.C. 
 
 2. Rome's Defence against Her Neighbors, 500-390 
 
 B.C. 
 
The Grand Divisions 283 
 
 3. The Unification and Organization of Italy, 390- 
 
 264 B.C. 
 
 4. The Struggle with Carthage for the Western Medi- 
 
 terranean, 264-200 B.C. 
 
 5. Rome's Conquest of the East, 200-133 '^•^• 
 
 6. The Decline of the Roman Republic, 133-44 (27) 
 
 B.C. 
 
 7. The Roman Empire (Principate), 27 b.c.-a.d. 284. 
 
 8. The Later Roman Empire (Despotism), 284- 
 
 395 A.D. 
 
 9. The Breaking Up of the Roman Empire and the 
 
 End of the Ancient World, a.d. 395-800. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Name the chief rivers of Italy and 
 trace them on the map. 2. Make a chart of the peoples of 
 Italy, showing their relationship. 3. Draw up a list of the 
 early relations of Italy and the east, look up the references and 
 discuss them in detail. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Geography of Italy. 
 
 How and Leigh, ch. i. 2. Italian Peoples. How and Leigh, ch. 2. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Geog- 
 raphy of Italy. Dionysius in Munro, p. 2; Shuckburgh, ch. 2; 
 Botsford, p. 15; Myres, ch. i. 2. Italian Peoples. ShucklDurgh, 
 ch. 3; Myres, ch. 2. 3. Divisions of Roman History. Shuck- 
 burgh, ch. I. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY* 
 
 For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. 
 Abbott. Roman Political Institutions. Ginn and Co. The best single 
 
 book on the subject in moderate compass. 
 Botsford. A History of Rome. Macmillan Co. (To Charlemagne.) 
 Well written and illustrated. The best book of its size covering the 
 whole field. 
 Carter. Religion of Numa. ^Macmillan Co. The best little book on 
 the subject. 
 
 * For previous bibliographies, see §§ 5a, Sga. 
 
284 The Making of Rome 
 
 Fowler. The City State of the Greeks and Romans. See § 89a. 
 
 Fowler. Social Life at Rome in the Age of Cicero. Macmillan. A 
 charming book. Useful. 
 
 How AND Leigh. A History of Rome to the Death of Ccesar. Longmans. 
 Illustrated. Contains vivid characterizations and descriptions. 
 
 Johnston. The Private Life of the Romans. Chicago: Scott, Fores- 
 man and Co. A much more elaborate work than that of Wilkins. 
 
 Laing. Masterpieces of Latin Literature. Houghton, Mifflin and Co. 
 A serviceable single volume of literary extracts with scholarly in- 
 troductions. 
 
 Mackail. Latin Literature. Scribners. Of the same type as Murray's 
 Greek Literature (§ 89a). A little above a beginner. 
 
 MOREY. Outlines of Roma?t History. American Book Co. A brief 
 sketch, well organized, with useful helps. 
 
 MuNRO. A Source Book of Roman History. D. C. Heath and Co. An 
 indispensable collection of historical materials covering a variety of 
 phases of Roman life. English translations. 
 
 Myres. A History of Rotne. Rivingtons. (To the death of Augustus.) 
 
 Pelham. Outlines of Roman History. Putnams. The best propor- 
 tioned, compact and generally reliable summary in English. 
 
 Plutarch. Translation by Dryden, edited by Clough. 5 vols. Little, 
 Brown and Co.; or by Stewart and Long. 4 vols. Bohn. 
 
 Seignobos. History of the Roman People. Holt. Covers the whole 
 period. Picturesque, anecdotal, simply written. 
 
 Shuckburgh. a History of Rome to the Battle of Actium. Macmillan Co. 
 
 Wilkins. Roman Antiquities (History Primer). American Book Co. 
 An excellent brief summary of the essentials. 
 
 Wilkins. Roman Education. Cambridge Univ. Press. 
 
 1. THE MAKING OF ROME 
 
 1200 B.C.(?)-500 B.C. 
 
 339. Its Geographical Position. — ^Rome lay on the 
 south bank of the Tiber, the chief navigable river of the 
 western slope. It skirted the Etrurian plain and opened 
 a way into the highlands of the central and upper Apen- 
 nines. An easy ford near by the city was the natural 
 
 I 
 
The Site of Rome 285 
 
 crossing from the Latin to the Etrurian country. These a com- 
 mercial 
 
 Centre. 
 
 facts made Rome a place where roads met, through '""'^'^' 
 
 which traders passed; they gave it some commercial 
 importance. At the same time it was midway between Protected. 
 the sea and the mountains, far enough away from the one 
 to be protected from the sea-rovers that preyed upon com- 
 merce, and sufficiently distant from the other to have 
 timely warning of the raids of the mountaineers. The 
 city was also placed on a series of low hills, which fringed 
 the northern border of the Latin land; the rude fortifica- 
 tions on their summits were sufficient to guard the inhabi- 
 tants against attack and to enable them to control the 
 land round about. Thus the city was not only commer- indepen- 
 cially important, but had an independent position. It 
 was central and yet isolated, in the midst of the plain and 
 yet secure from interference — an ideal site destined to 
 greatness. A river, a ford, a fortress — these were the 
 chief physical factors contributing to the making of Rome. 
 340. The Seven Hills. — Rome is said to have been 
 built on seven hills. The central and most important The 
 one, called the Palatine, stood isolated. It was almost 
 square, with its corners turned to the four points of the 
 compass, and almost directly opposite the river ford. 
 Back of it and away from the river, standing side by side, 
 were other hills, called, respectively, the Caelian, the 
 Es'qui-line, the Viminal and the Qui'ri-nal. On their 
 eastern side they fell away to the plain. South of it, 
 overlooking the river, was the Aventine hill; north of it 
 the Cap'i-to-line, isolated and steep. Across the river, 
 lying over against the ford, was the ridge called the Jani'- 
 cu-lum. In the narrow ravines and valleys between 
 these hills were the roads and open spaces which came 
 
286 
 
 The Making of Rome 
 
 to be famous in history. Thus, between the Aventine 
 
 and the Caehan ran the Appian Way; the Circus Maxi- 
 
 mus (where the public games were held) lay between the 
 
 The Forum. Avcntinc and the Palatine: the Forum (the market and 
 
 place of citizen-assembly) to the north of the Palatine; 
 where the Tiber makes a great bend, the low stretch 
 between it and the Capitoline, the Campus Martius (the 
 "Field of Mars," where the army exercised). 
 
 341. Earliest Period. — This site had, in all probability, 
 been occupied by men since the opening of the neolithic 
 age; and at a time perhaps six hundred years before the 
 
Patiii'iatis and Plebeians 287 
 
 rule of the Tarquins it came into the possession of the 
 Latins. What happened to the earlier inhabitants we 
 do not know. If they were not extirpated altogether, 
 they had fused with the Latins long before our knowledge 
 begins. Nor do we know anything definite about the 
 long six hundred years which followed, except that in this 
 interval the Latins were influenced, slightly, it seems, by 
 the Phoenicians, much more strongly, however, by the 
 civilized peoples who settled first north (Etruscans) and 
 then south (Greeks) of them. 
 
 342. Social and Political Organization. — In these 
 circumstances progress was accelerated. The villagers TheCity- 
 in the vicinity of the Seven Hills formed a single city, 
 Rome, to which now belonged all the land in the vicinity 
 (Campagna). Some families became rich, owning large 
 estates. In time their members stood as nobles (patri- Patricians. 
 cians) over the neighboring peasants, who had become 
 their clients or serfs. In all the families the father {pater 
 jamilias) had power of life and death over its members, 
 his wife and sons and unmarried daughters included; 
 and with their discipline or offences the state had no 
 concern whatever. Groups of rich families bound to- 
 gether by intermarriages, and by the bonds of factional 
 war, and claiming descent from a common ancestor, to 
 wham they owed their common name, formed a clan 
 or gens. Of these as many as one hundred or one hun- 
 dred and fifty appeared, varying, of course, in size and 
 influence. Examples are the gens Fabia, Cornelia and 
 Claudia. The members of the gen'tes were the patri- TheOentes. 
 cians. That portion of the population which did not 
 belong to the gentes and was not dependent upon them 
 remained free. It is called the plebs. The traders Plebeians. 
 
Comitia 
 Curiata 
 
 288 The Making of Rome 
 
 and artisans resident in Rome belonged to it, as did a 
 body of small farmers who owned their own lands. As 
 the power of the patricians increased the power of the 
 ancient head of the state, the king, waned, and the power 
 of his council of elders, called the senate, in which the 
 The nobles congregated, became paramount. There was, of 
 
 course, a general assembly {co-mit'i-a cur-i-a'ta) of the 
 citizens {quir-i'tes) to be considered, and from of old it 
 had met for legislative and military purposes in curicB 
 (brotherhoods or phra tries). Now this, too, was threat- 
 ened by the power of the nobles, and in fact it ultimately 
 ceased to be of any account and the curiae, of which there 
 were thirty, ceased to have any real function to perform; 
 but before this occurred, Rome as we shall see in a 
 moment, like the rest of La'ti-um, and for that matter all 
 the lowlands as far south as the Greek city of Cumse, near 
 the bay of Naples, was seized by bands of Etruscan 
 nobles and their retainers. The dynasty which occupied 
 the town by the Tiber was that of the Tarquins, who 
 came, perhaps, from Tarquinii, one of the chief Etruscan 
 cities. 
 
 343. The Legends of Rome's Beginning. — About this natural 
 and prosaic origin of Rome * the Romans wove a variety of pictu- 
 resque stories which were preserved and put in order by Livy and other 
 historians many centuries later. In these legends the Roman people 
 were connected with i^^neas, one of the heroes of Troy (§ no), who 
 wandered to Italy and married Lavinia, daughter of Latinus, king of 
 Latium. One of his descendants, Rhea, gave birth to twin sons, 
 Romulus and Remus; their father was the god Mars. Shortly after 
 
 * The later Romans dated the founding of the city in 753 B.C. Thus 
 A.u.c. (anno urbis conditse, "in the year of the founding of the city," 
 or "ab urbe condita," "from the founding of the city") corresponds to 
 our A.D. (Anno Domini, "in the year of the Lord"). 
 
Stories of the Romaii K'mg.s 289 
 
 their birth, their wicked uncle, the king, ordered them to be thrown 
 into the Tiber, but the river yielded them up to a herdsman, who 
 brought them up as his children. On growing up, they discovered 
 their real origin, killed their uncle and proceeded to found a city. 
 A quarrel arising between them, Romulus killed his brother and be- 
 came founder and king of the city, called Rome after his name. He 
 gave the city its laws and religion, invited all men desirous of change 
 and advancement to become its citizens, and appointed one hundred 
 of them senators. In order to secure wives for his people, he pro- 
 claimed a festival and invited neighboring peoples to the spectacle; 
 when they had gathered, on a signal his men seized their daughters 
 and took them as wives. A fierce war arising in consequence, Romu- 
 lus defeated all his enemies except the Sabines, who were induced, 
 by the intercession of the Roman women, their daughters, at the 
 crisis of a hot batde, to make peace and join the new community. 
 Romulus, not long after, was carried away into heaven. He was 
 followed in the kingship by the wise and pious Sabine, Numa Pom- 
 pilius, whose achievement it was to organize the religion and civiliza- 
 tion of Rome. His wife was a goddess, the nymph E-ge'ri-a, whom he 
 was wont to meet and consult in a grove whence a spring flowed. 
 Tullus Hostilius, a Roman, succeeded him, a warrior who fought 
 with Alba Longa and overthrew the Albans. In this war there 
 were on one occasion three twin brothers in either army, the Roman 
 Horatii and the Alban Curiatii, who agreed to fight a combat, the 
 issue of which was to determine the war. The Horatii conquered, 
 one brother surviving. On his return home, his sister, who was be- 
 trothed to one of the slain Curiatii, lamented grievously. This so 
 enraged the victor that he slew her. About to be put to death by the 
 judges for this crime, he appealed to the people, who acquitted him. 
 Tullus was followed by the Sabine, Ancus Marcius, a grandson of 
 Numa, who won considerable victories over the Latins and added 
 people and territory to the city. Such, according to the legends, 
 was the origin and early history of Rome. 
 
 344. Italy Makes Rome. — During all this time Rome 
 was a city of Latium, the land of the Latins. The cities Latium 
 of Latium had long formed a league, and the Romans 
 naturally formed part of it. The league had its centre in 
 
 and Its 
 League. 
 
290 
 
 The Making of Rome 
 
 The 
 
 Etruscan 
 Develop- 
 ment. 
 
 the city of Alba Longa, where representatives of thirty 
 cities met yearly, united in worship of the god, Jupiter, 
 and deliberated on affairs of common interest. Thus 
 an opportunity was offered Rome of taking part in the 
 life of a larger world. Second, the various civilizing 
 and progressive influences of the east had long been 
 affecting the Italian communities of the west coast and 
 creating a new and vigorous social and political life. 
 Of all these communities, the Etruscans had been most 
 capable of profiting by such influences. They had, 
 at a very early period, expanded their borders southward 
 to the Tiber and eastward to the Apennines; they had 
 seats in the valley of the Po, and from the sea coast made 
 voyages throughout the Tyrrhenian sea to Corsica and 
 Sardinia. The Phoenicians brought them the products of 
 the oriental civilization, and the Greeks gave to them their 
 own rich and splendid achievements in art and culture. 
 Egyptian seals and Greek vases have been found in Etrus- 
 can graves. Etruscan art took such objects as models and 
 developed skill in the making of weapons of war and ob- 
 jects of trade. The commerce of their cities grew; they 
 became rich and powerful. As the Greeks began to settle 
 in Italy, their merchants brought along with their wares 
 the intellectual riches of the mother-country. From the 
 Greek colonies Etruria learned the art of writing, the 
 names and worship of Greek gods and Greek arts of life. 
 Etruscan The Etruscans were thus good exponents of the culture 
 and Rule of ^^ ^hc castem Mediterranean world when the Tarquins 
 Rome. seized Rome. 
 
 The Greek 
 Influence. 
 
 345. Etruscan Kings. — During the reign of Ancus Marcius — • 
 the Roman legends go on to relate — there came to Rome from Tar- j 
 quinii in Etruria a man whose name was Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. \ 
 It was said that on the journey to Rome an omen of his future great- i^ 
 
Stories of the Etruscan Kings 291 
 
 ness was given; an eagle flew down, took off his cap, circled about him 
 and replaced it. He grew in wealth and influence and was appointed 
 guardian of the king's children. On the king's death he sought and 
 obtained from the people election to the throne. To strengthen his 
 position he added one hundred men to the Senate. He fought vic- 
 toriously with Latins and Sabines; he laid out the Circus Maximus 
 and exhibited games there; he began to wall the city, to drain its 
 hollows by sewers and to lay out the space for a temple to Jupiter on 
 the Capitoline Hill. But the sons of Ancus Marcius, who sought 
 revenge for having been supplanted by a foreigner, plotted against 
 the king and brought about his murder. They failed, however, to 
 secure the throne. A young man, Servius Tullius, a captive and 
 slave, had been favored by the king and betrothed to his daughter. 
 It is said that the king's attention had been drawn to him by a strange 
 portent; as the boy lay asleep in the palace, his head suddenly flamed 
 with fire, which disappeared when he awoke. On the king's murder, 
 before it was widely known that he was dead, Servius assumed his 
 duties and at last seized the throne and established himself firmly. 
 He was a wise and vigorous ruler. Under him the Roman state was 
 reorganized. He instituted the census, or classification of the people 
 in classes and centuries on the basis of property, chiefly for purposes 
 of war. The citizens thus organized numbered eighty thousand. He 
 enlarged the city and surrounded it with a wall and a moat. After a 
 long reign he was slain by Tarquinius, the son, or grandson, of Priscus, 
 urged on to the crime by his wife, the daughter of Servias, who was 
 eager for royal power. Tarquinius, called Superbus, "the proud," 
 because of his haughty and unbending temper, ruled with energy 
 and success. He gained for Rome greater influence in the Latin 
 league, warred with the mountaineers and won the city of Gabii. 
 At. home he made many improvements in the city; built the great 
 sewer, erected seats in the Circus and began a splendid temple to 
 Jupiter upon the area marked out by Priscus. But a series of events 
 followed which brought about his overthrow and the disappearance 
 of kings from Rome. 
 
 346. Growth under Etruscan Rule. — It is clear that 
 under the Etruscan kings Rome entered upon a new ca- 
 reer. All sides of its inner and outer life received fresh 
 
292 
 
 The Making of Rome 
 
 impulse. But of their temples, fortifications and sewers 
 little or nothing remains, since they were replaced at a 
 later date by new constructions such as the Clo-a'ca Max- 
 ima which drained the Forum and the so-called walls of 
 Romulus and Servius. The Roman power made itself 
 felt in Latium. The headship of the Latin league fell 
 into the hands of these kings. The extension of Etrus- 
 can power throughout the western plain contributed to 
 the spread of commerce and trade. A larger share of 
 these fell to Rome and brought increased wealth and 
 culture from the east, as well as a greater population to 
 take advantage of the larger opportunities. 
 
 347. Roman Religion. — Two spheres of Roman life, 
 affected by the Etruscan domination, deserve special 
 mention; the religious and the political organization. 
 Roman religion was a very simple and practical affair, 
 befitting a farmer-folk without culture. They believed 
 themselves surrounded by spirits who were active every- 
 where in nature and in the affairs of men. These spirits 
 dwelt in animals, in trees, in fountains and the like. 
 The farm life had its special divine patrons, worshipped 
 in rude festivals occurring at set times, sowing or har- 
 vest. By ceremonies suitable to the occasion — the pro- 
 cession of farmers with their farm animals around the 
 fields, or a rustic feast with boisterous games and rough 
 horse-play — the worshippers appeased the higher powers 
 and secured their help in the growing and ripening of 
 the crops. The farm-house had its deities — Vesta, the 
 guardian of the hearth, and Janus, the spirit of the door- 
 way. As life in the city supplanted life in country vil- 
 lages, these powers took up their home there, and their 
 worship was organized. Some spirits became patrons 
 
Early Roman Religion 293 
 
 of private life, as the La'res, who were guardians of the 
 families, and the Pe-na'tes, who presided over the pro- 
 visions. There was still much indefiniteness as to the 
 names and power of the spirits. The Romans thought 
 more of what they did than of what they were called and 
 how they looked. Yet, as the public life became more 
 regular, the more important gods came to have special 
 names and a suitable worship (§ loo). So we have Jupiter, The Great 
 the sky god, Diana, the forest goddess, Ceres, the mother 
 of agriculture, Venus, goddess of fruitfulness and love, 
 Mars, god of war, Neptune, of the sea, Vulcan, of fire 
 and mechanic arts, Juno, goddess of motherhood and 
 patron of families and clans. The world of the dead 
 was regarded as beneath the earth and had its deity, 
 Dis-pa'ter. King Numa stood in the tradition as the 
 prime organizer of the Roman state-worship of the va- 
 rious gods. To him was ascribed the appointment of Religious 
 the chief body of priests, called pontifices, at the head of 
 which was the pontifex maximus; of the Vestal virgins, 
 six in number, who kept the fire ever burning in the shrine 
 of Vesta — the hearth goddess of the state; of the flamens 
 (lighters) who kindled the fire on the altar and performed 
 the sacrifice to the great gods, Jupiter, Mars and Quiri- 
 nus; of the fet'i-a'les who declared war by hurling a spear 
 into the enemy's territory and solemnized peace by swear- 
 ing on a sacred stone brought from the temple of Jupiter 
 Fe-ret'ri-us and thus pledging the faith {-fides) of the peo- 
 ple; and finally of the Salii who guarded the shield of 
 Mars which had fallen from heaven, it was said. As a 
 matter of fact no one knows how or when these sacred 
 offices originated. The sentiment of law and order, 
 which was so characteristic of Roman life everywhere, 
 
294 The Making of Rome 
 
 had full sway in religious matters and led to a very care- 
 ful arrangement of the relations between gods and men. 
 Though the Romans were not on familiar terms with 
 their gods — they feared rather than loved them — and 
 did not imagine them beautiful beings, as did the Greeks 
 (§ 112), yet they believed one thing firmly and strongly 
 about them-, that they would be as honest and as faithful 
 to their agreements as were their worshippers. Thus, 
 attention was directed to learning the terms on which 
 the gods would live at peace with men and prosper them; 
 and having learned this, having come to terms with the 
 gods, the Romans faithfully and scrupulously kept their 
 part of the contract and expected in turn that the gods 
 would do their part. Honest fulfilment of definite ob- 
 ligation, this was man's duty toward the gods. This 
 made the old Roman strong and strenuous in his daily 
 work at home and abroad. 
 
 348. Etruscan Influence on Religion. — The Etruscan 
 period brought in new gods and new religious forms. 
 The most important new deity was Minerva, goddess of 
 wisdom, patron of trade and commerce. New temples 
 were built; particularly the state temple on the Capi- 
 toline, where Jupiter, Juno and Minerva were worshipped 
 together and thus became the chief deities of the city. 
 But the principal result of Etruscan influence was to aid 
 Roman religion to determine more clearly the will of the 
 gods by a system of omens. An "omen" was an indi- 
 cation of what the gods wanted or how they felt; it 
 could be deliberately watched for, or it could be a 
 seemingly chance event in the natural world, such as the 
 actions of animals — a rat running across the path, for 
 example, a case of epilepsy or a thunder-storm. The 
 
Etruscan Divination 295 
 
 Etruscans were experts at devising means to this end. 
 The meaning of such things had been studied, and a sys- 
 tem of laws discovered, by which the gods revealed them- 
 selves to the one who knew how to interpret these signs, 
 called auspicia. Such a development of their religion 
 was natural and acceptable to the Romans and became 
 an essential part of it. Officials, called augurs and 
 ha-rus'pi-ces, were set apart to study, put in order and 
 practise this system, to learn and interpret the auspices. 
 Thus the religion became more and more rigid and for- 
 mal, yet also more definite and concrete. Its name in- 
 dicates its character — religio — that which "binds" gods 
 and men to keep their word, to fulfil a contract, the 
 terms of which are known and acknowledged by both 
 parties. The corresponding word for man's attitude 
 toward the gods — the honest doing of duty as prescribed 
 in definite law and ritual — was pietas. 
 
 The story went that once the Sibyl visited Tarquin the Proud The 
 
 and offered to sell him nine books by which the will of the gods could Sibylline 
 
 . . Books, 
 
 be interpreted. The price was high and the king refused. She 
 
 burned three of them and offered him the rest for twice the price. 
 
 Again he refused. She burned three more and again doubled the 
 
 price for the three that remained. The king reflected and finally 
 
 paid what she demanded. These three Sibylline Books came to be 
 
 most precious possessions of the state and were consulted at critical 
 
 moments in its history. 
 
 349. Etruscan Political Influence on Rome. — Roman 
 political organization underwent important changes in 
 the Etruscan period. As these kings were foreign con- 
 querors, they could deal with the political arrangements 
 of the state as they liked. There was need of change. 
 During Rome's progress in commerical and political 
 
296 
 
 The Making of Rome 
 
 importance, while the original basis of citizenship (§ 342) 
 had remained, the population of the city had greatly- 
 altered. A rearrangement, ascribed to King Servius Tul- 
 lius (§ 345), brought the people into the service of the 
 community by making them a part of the army. This 
 was done by making the possession of property the sole 
 condition for military service. An entire reorganization 
 of the military arrangements of the state was thus made 
 necessary. A larger and more efficient army was created, 
 the strength of the state increased and the power of the 
 king heightened by the devotion of the people, thus hon- 
 ored by him. It cannot be proved that a king named 
 Servius Tullius ever lived, much less that he reordered 
 the army in this fashion. Still we know that an arrange- 
 ment of the soldiers in centuries on the basis of property 
 dates from at least the fifth century B.C. 
 
 350, The Classes and the Centuries. — The traditional account 
 of the arrangements of Servius, as preserved by later Roman writers 
 and interpreted by modern scholars, is as follows: The very richest 
 of the people were appointed to the cavalry (equites or knights)-. 
 This cavalry force was divided into eighteen companies called "cen- 
 turies" or hundreds. The rest of the people made up the infantry. 
 They were organized into five "classes," grading down according to 
 property. Each class * was made up of a certain number of cen- 
 turies. The first class, composed of men whose wealth was estimated 
 at one hundred thousand asses,t had eighty centuries of fully armed 
 soldiers; the second class, men worth seventy-five thousand asses; 
 the third class, men worth fifty thousand asses, and the fourth class, 
 men worth twenty-five thousand asses, had each twenty centuries 
 and were armed in less complete fashion; the fifth class, men worth 
 
 * The term "class" here has the meaning of "calling out," i.e.," Levy." 
 
 t The as, of bronze, was the unit of value in Roman currency. In the 
 
 time of Servius the property was in land; the estimate in money value is 
 
 the work of a later time. Compare the similar organization of Solon 
 
 (§ 159). 
 
The Expulsion of the Tarquins 297 
 
 eleven thousand asses, in thirty centuries, were shngers. The land- 
 less formed one century. Four other centuries were made up of 
 artificers and trumpeters. The cavalry and the men of military age 
 in the first five classes constituted the army in the field. The infantry 
 was drawn up in two bodies, each called a Legio (legion). These 
 were made up of men of the first three classes; the fourth and fifth 
 classes supplied the light armed troops. The legion was drawn up six 
 men deep with a front of 500 men; with its light armed troops, there- 
 fore, it numbered 4,200. Two such legions made up of those be- 
 tween 17 and 46 (juniors) constituted the field army. Two other 
 legions, held at home to protect the city and made up of men past 
 military age, raised the total military force of Rome to 16,800 men. 
 
 351. The Roman Reaction. — It seemed as though the 
 influence of the Etruscan kings among the people and 
 their pre-eminence in Latium would secure to them a 
 long and firm hold upon Rome. But it did not so turn 
 out. The noble families grew stronger; the sentiment Fail of 
 of nationality opposed the rule of strangers; at last the Ki^g^s'^and 
 Etruscan rulers were driven out; with them went the End of the 
 power of the kingship itself. The process was, no doubt, 
 much the same as in Greece (§ 106). Remains of the 
 kingly dignity survived only in the religious sphere. The 
 rex sacrorum, "king of sacred things," became the highest 
 priestly representative of the state in certain non-political 
 religious exercises, and the Regia, "royal palace," was 
 turned into a holy place where priests dwelt and sacri- 
 fices were performed. The aristocracy took control of 
 affairs and Rome became an aristocratic state. The 
 date traditionally set for this change was 509 B.C. The 
 transformations brought about in connection with it, 
 both in the life of Rome and in its relations to Italy, are 
 so important as to make it a turning-point in Roman 
 history, the beginning of a new period. 
 
298 The Making of Rome 
 
 352. Legend of the Expulsion. — The Roman legends describe 
 the growing arrogance of Tarquin the Proud and his family, under 
 which the Romans were impatient but submissive. Finally a gross 
 act of violence was inflicted by Tarquin's son upon Lucretia, wife of 
 the noble Collatinus; under the shame of it she killed herself in the 
 presence of her husband and his friends. The king was at the time 
 absent from the city, waging war. They raised a rebellion; the gates 
 of the city were closed against him, and the kingship was formally 
 abolished by the citizens. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. How did the Tiber and the Pala- 
 tine affect the early history of Rome? 2. What is meant 
 by gens, patrician, plebeian, omen, religio, pietas, equites? 
 3. What was the traditional date of the founding of Rome? 
 of the expulsion of the kings? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i . In what was the early organization 
 of Rome (§ 342) like and unlike that of the Greek communi- 
 ties of the Middle Age (§§ 105-107)? 2. Compare the origin 
 of Rome with that of Athens (§ 107). 3. Compare the geog- 
 raphy of Greece and Italy and show how differently the his- 
 tory of each land was thus affected. 4. Compare the reforms 
 of Servius with those of Solon (§ 159). 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Sources and Trustworthiness 
 of Early Roman History. How and Leigh, pp. 34-37. 2. The 
 Reforms of Servius in Some Detail, with a Diagram. How 
 and Leigh, pp. 28, 46-47. ' 3. The Early Roman Legends and 
 Their Value. How and Leigh, pp. 34-37. 4. Origin and Growth 
 of Rome, the City. How and Leigh, pp. 37-39 (see map, p. 38). 
 5. The Institutions of Early Rome. How and Leigh, pp. 40-45. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Sources 
 and Trustworthiness of Early Roman History. Munro, pp. 
 3-5; Shuckburgh, pp. 54-60; Myres, pp. 38-41; Seignobos, pp. 
 33-35. 2. Stories of the Kings from Romulus to Ancus. Plu- 
 tarch, Romulus and Numa; Munro, pp. 66-68; Seignobos, pp. 15-20. 
 3. Stories of the Etruscan Kings. Seignobos, pp. 21, 27. 4. 
 The Reforms of Servius in Some Detail, with a Diagram. 
 Munro, pp. 45-47; Shuckburgh, pp. 43-49; Myres, pp. 56-63; Ab- 
 bott, pp. 20, 21. 5. The Curiae and the Comitia Curiata. Ab- 
 bott, pp. 18-20. 6. Sanitary Conditions of Ancient Rome. 
 Lanciani, Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries, pp. 
 53~73- 7- The House of the Vestals. Lanciani, pp. 134-177. 
 8. The Auspices. Botsford, Roman Assemblies, pp. 100-118. 
 
The New Government 299 
 
 3.— ROME'S DEFENCE AGAINST HER 
 NEIGHBORS 
 
 500-390 B.C. 
 
 353. The New Government. — The growing power of 
 the noble houses had resulted in the overthrow of the 
 kingship. Into the place of the monarchy stepped the 
 aristocracy, to whom fell the organization and conduct 
 of the state. They occupied the offices, made and ad- 
 ministered the laws and determined the policy. Two officials, 
 officials, called prcEtors (later consuls), were appointed 
 for the administration. In taking office they were given 
 the imperium, which was equivalent to the possession of 
 kingly powers; they led the armies, pronounced judgment 
 and performed the chief public religious services. But 
 the aristocracy had no idea of substituting new kings 
 for the old. The powers of the consuls were carefully 
 limited. They were elected for one year only; they 
 must be aristocrats; their powers were equal and hence 
 each could nullify the acts of the other. When, however, 
 unity of command was necessary, a dictator was nom- 
 inated by the consuls and for a term of at most six 
 months he had absolute power over both citizens and sol- 
 diers. He nominated a master of horse to exercise under 
 him the command of the cavalry. The consuls also ap- 
 pointed assistants' (quaestors) to help them in collecting 
 the revenues and in searching out foul crimes. An im- citizens, 
 portant change took place in the citizen body. The army, 
 as reorganized in the centuries attributed to Sennus 
 (§ 350), may have helped the aristocracy in accomplish- 
 ing the revolution; it was now more than ever necessary 
 
300 
 
 The Defence of Rome 
 
 in maintaining the state. Very naturally, therefore, it 
 was the most important body of the people; all its mem- 
 bers became active citizens and were organized as a new 
 assembly for the election of consuls and the making of 
 laws. It was called the co-mit'i-a cen-tu' -ria' ta and soon 
 put the old curiate assembly (§ 342) in the shade. The 
 latter continued to meet, but was insignificant. The 
 senate was the real power in the new state. It was com- 
 posed entirely of aristocrats. It practically dictated the 
 election of consuls, determined their policy and indicated 
 what laws should be passed by the people. 
 
 354. Difficulties with Neighbors. — The dangers that 
 confronted the new government were sufficiently alarm- 
 ing. With the passing of the monarchy, the Latin cities 
 rejected the leadership of Rome; indeed, it is probable 
 that they also put off Etruscan domination and set up 
 for themselves in the same fashion as did Rome. The 
 rivalry thus created might have proved disastrous had 
 not a new danger driven them back to the old alliance. 
 This was the invasion of the mountain tribes, long held 
 in leash by the strong Etruscan power in Latium. The 
 Latin league was said to have been re-established by 
 Spurius Cassius in 493 B.C. Thereupon, Rome led the 
 plainsmen out against the invading mountaineers. From 
 the east the Sabines and Hernici were advancing, from the 
 south the iEqui and Volsci. But the Hernici were secured 
 as allies, and thus the eastern and southern invaders were 
 separated. Yet the conflict was long and trying. From 
 time to time the hillsmen swept down to the very gates 
 of Rome, raiding and burning the fields and homesteads. 
 
 355. With the Etruscans. — An even fiercer struggle 
 was forced by the Etruscans, who would not willingly 
 
Etruscan Wars 
 
 301 
 
 yield up their hold on Rome and Latium. We have 
 rumors of a struggle in which Rome succumbed for a time 
 to the superior strength of Lars Por'se-na of Clusium; 
 of another in which Aruns, his son, was defeated by the 
 
 THE 
 ENVIRONS OF ROME, 
 
 combined forces of Cum^e and the Latins; and of still 
 
 a third in which the Fabian gens fought alone against Veii 
 
 on behalf of Rome. Still the Romans gradually got the Decline of 
 
 better of their antagonist, owing not more to their own ^*'"^'*- 
 
 valor than to the general decline of the Etruscan power, 
 
302 
 
 The Defence of Rome 
 
 Capture of 
 Veil. 
 
 I. The 
 
 Etruscan 
 
 Wars. 
 
 Porsena. 
 
 which was being attacked on all sides. Thus in 474 B.C. 
 the fleet of Etruria was destroyed in the harbor of Cums 
 by Hieron of Syracuse — a blow which apparently carried 
 with it the loss of the Tyrrhenian sea; and a generation 
 later the settlements in Capua and its neighborhood fell 
 before the invading Campanians. Moreover, a new en- 
 emy in the north, the Celts (Gauls), was pushing down 
 upon them; it drove them out of the Po valley and com- 
 pelled them to stand on the defensive. In this situation 
 they could not concentrate their waning strength on 
 Rome. At last Veil, a strong Etruscan city, situated a 
 few miles to the north, fell before a Roman assault 
 (396 B.C.). The Romans advanced into the heart of 
 Etruria and took possession of the southern half of the 
 land. 
 
 356. The Legends of These Struggles. — Many stories 
 of heroic exploits were told about these early wars of 
 Rome with its neighbors: 
 
 When the gates of the city had been shut against him, Tarquin the 
 Proud immediately set about recovering his power. At first a plot 
 was formed within Rome among the noble youth who felt that they 
 were under restraint in the new conditions. But just as they were 
 about to spring their trap, they were betrayed by a slave who over- 
 heard their treasonable communings. Even though the sons of the 
 consul, they were not saved from summary execution inflicted under 
 their father's direction. Whereupon Tarquin, having solicited aid 
 from the cities of Etruria, came against Rome with an army from 
 Veii and Tarquinii. In the battle, Brutus, the consul, and Aruns, 
 Tarquin's son, found death in single combat. Help was then sought 
 by Tarquin from Lars Porsena, king of the powerfiil city of Clu- 
 sium, who led down from the north a mighty host against Rome. 
 He would have forced a passage over the Sublician bridge had not a 
 brave warrior, Horatius Codes, supported by two companions, held 
 the entrance against the enemy, never retiring until the Romans cut 
 
Legends of the Wars 303 
 
 down the bridge behind him; then plunging into the Tiber he swam 
 safely back to his friends. Porsena brought the city low by a block- 
 ade; he was persuaded to give up his hostile endeavors only through 
 the heroic act of Mucins, who, in disguise, entered the Etruscan 
 camp in order to kill the king. By a mistake he killed the king's sec- 
 retary and, when arrested and brought before Porsena, he declared 
 that there were three hundred other Roman youth, like himself, sworn 
 to kill the king. In proof of his determination, he thrust his right hand 
 into the fire that was lighted for the sacrifice. Hence he was after- 
 ward called Scsev'o-la, "the left-handed." Porsena, moved with ad- 
 miration and fear, dismissed the youth unharmed. Soon he made 
 peace and retired. 
 
 But the people of Veil continued to war with Rome, harassing 
 them with frequent raids. On one occasion, the noble family of the The FabiL 
 Fabii offered to proceed against them and conduct the war. So 
 they marched out three hundred and six strong amid the prayers and 
 praises of the people. Arrived at a strong place at the river Crem'e-ra, 
 they fortified it, and for a time fought the Veientes with great success. 
 But, at last, growing confident and careless, they were ambushed by 
 the enemy and cut oflf. Only one of them, and he a child, was left to 
 represent his family. A few years after, peace for forty years was 
 declared between the two states. Then the war broke out again 
 with the going over of Fi-de'nae, a Roman colony, to Veil. In the 
 battle that followed, Aulus Cornelius Cossus slew, with his own 
 hand, Tolumnius, king of Veil, and hung up the royal spoils beside 
 those dedicated by Romulus in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius. 
 Not long after, Fidenae was taken by storm. But the war continued 
 with varying success, until the other Etruscan cities decided to give 
 no rnore help to Veil. Then the Romans resolved to lay siege to the Siege of 
 city. For ten years their armies lay before it, but the city was de- ^^"• 
 fended with vigor. In despair the Romans sought an oracle from 
 Delphi (§ 128), and were told that victory depended on letting out 
 the waters of the Alban lake. When this was done, Marcus Furius 
 Ca-mil'lus, the dictator, solemnly invited Juno, the goddess of Veii, 
 to abandon the doomed city and come to Rome; then the assault 
 was made and Veii fell. 
 
 News came to the Romans that thirty Latin cities had entered 2. The 
 into alliance against them under the leadership of Octavius Mamil- ^^''° "^axs 
 
304 
 
 The Defence of Rome 
 
 ius. It was said that Tarquin the Proud, now an old man, had in- 
 stigated this movement and was present in the hostile army. So great 
 was the terror of the Romans, that now, perhaps for the first time, 
 they appointed a dictator who superseded the consuls in carrying on 
 the war. The armies met at Lake Regillus, and the battle was long 
 and fierce. The supporters of Tarquin charged with great fury. In 
 the thick of the fight, twin heroes, mounted on white horses, were 
 seen leading on the Romans. Under their inspiration the leader of 
 the enemy was slain and his army routed. Strange to say, immedi- 
 ately after the battle, the heroes disappeared and were seen at 
 Rome with foaming horses, bearing the news of the victory. They 
 were soon recognized as the twin gods, Castor and Pollux, and a 
 temple was built in their honor by the fountain in Rome where they 
 appeared. Soon after, the Latins made peace and entered into a 
 league with the Romans. 
 
 In one of the many wars with the mountain tribes the Roman 
 army had been surrounded by the ^qui and was in danger of de- 
 struction. News was brought to Rome. Hope was found only in 
 the appointment, as dictator, of the first citizen of the state, Lucius 
 Quinctius Cincinnatus. The messengers found him at work culti- 
 vating his little farm of four acres across the Tiber. He wiped the 
 sweat and dust from his face and, just as he was, received the con- 
 gratulations of the messengers and their announcement of his ap- 
 pointment. The desperate situation was explained; he came into 
 the city, raised an army, defeated the enemy, and delivered his 
 countrymen. Sixteen days from the time of receiving his appoint- 
 ment he gave it up and returned to his farm. 
 
 Caius Marcius, surnamed Cor'i-o-la'nus, from his valor at the capt- 
 ure of the city of Corioli, incurred the hatred of the plebeians by 
 his arrogant behavior and was condemned. He retired to the 
 Volsci, and, being kindly received by them, became their leader. 
 Led by him the Volsci brought the Romans to the brink of ruin. 
 He took his stand a short distance from the city and devastated the 
 country far and wide. All overtures for peace were rejected by the 
 general, until his mother and wife, leading his children, came to him. 
 As he rose to embrace his mother, she reproached him with his 
 treachery to his native land, saying, "Before I receive your embrace, 
 let me know whether I have come to an enemy or to a son." These 
 
New Officials 305 
 
 words and the lamentations of the women overcame his resolution. 
 He withdrew his army and Rome was saved. 
 
 357. Division of Powers among New Officials. — In 
 
 the centuriate army, if not in the centuriate assembly, 
 the middle-class farmers, who formed the most consider- 
 able element in the plebs, and who lived for the most 
 part in the city of Rome along with the plebeian artisans 
 and traders, were obviously so numerous and indispens- 
 able that they did not long endure their exclusion from 
 the government. During the troubled years of the fifth 
 century B.C., to hold its course successfully between the 
 ambitions of individual nobles and the demands of the 
 aggressive plebeians was no easy task for the aristocratic 
 government. The account of the events, which was 
 handed down from these early times, has sadly mixed 
 up the activities of the patricians in both these directions. 
 But it is clear that with the increase of public business 
 new magistracies were created whose very existence 
 weakened the power of the consuls by distributing it 
 among other officials. The most important of these censors, 
 officials were the two censors, whose duty it was to keep a 
 roll of the citizens, to decide as to the political status of 
 each citizen and to determine the taxes each should pay. 
 They supervised public and private morals; indeed, the 
 censorship was a kind of national conscience, deciding 
 as to what was good or bad citizenship and punishing 
 breaches of good order. Two qucEstors already existed Quastors. 
 to have charge of the public treasury; they received and 
 paid out money on the order of the senate. Two other 
 quaestors were now elected to perform similar duties with 
 respect to the military chest. Two ce'diles were elected by 
 the plebeians to care for the temple {ce'des) of Diana on 
 
306 The Defence of Rome 
 
 the Aventine and other popular shrines. A little later 
 
 two others — the so-called curule asdiles, were chosen by 
 
 the people to look after public buildings and streets and 
 
 preserve order and decency at all public festivals. Thus, 
 
 important functions were performed, but not by the con- 
 
 Over- suls. At the same time, whenever anyone seemed likely 
 
 AmbTtious ^^ t)e rising too high in the state and aiming at supreme 
 
 Leaders. powcr, the government made away with him. We are 
 
 told of the ambitions and the fall of Spurius Cassius, of 
 
 Spurius Mselius and of Coriolanus, 
 
 As the story goes, the consul Spurius Cassius, who had deserved 
 well of the Roman people by bringing the Latins back into union 
 with Rome, devised a scheme for dividing certain conquered lands 
 equally among the Romans and the Latins. This excited grave 
 disturbances within the state, and the patricians tried to stir up the 
 people against him. He, in his turn, sought to gain them to his side 
 by refunding to them certain moneys which rightfully belonged to 
 them. But they suspected him of aiming at royal power and refused 
 the bribe. As soon as he went out of office, he was condemned and 
 put to death. 
 
 358. Growing Power of the Plebeians. — It seemed as if 
 the government had nothing to fear from the plebeians, 
 since all powers were in the hands of the patricians. 
 But the plebeians could not fail to have their part in 
 Rome's new wealth and importance. Some of them grew 
 rich, and all were necessary in the wars which the state 
 was waging. Indeed, they found themselves suffering 
 most from the hardships which the wars brought with 
 them. The raids of the mountaineers bore hard on the 
 poorer farmers who could not care for their fields while 
 fighting in the armies. The chains of debt and slavery 
 hung the more heavily about them and their families. 
 The patricians had no mercy upon them. The aristo- 
 
The Tribunes 307 
 
 cratic government administered the law with merciless 
 severity to suit the privileged class. When this yoke Rebellion 
 became unendurable, the plebeians rose in rebellion. ^"^^^ ^'^'^ 
 Of their uprising nothing is known except the result — Plebeian 
 that irL< ^7i B.c ^four tribunes of the plebs were chosen, " ^°^^" 
 one apparently as the leader of each of the four tribes 
 (tribus) into which the urban population of Rome was 
 at that time divided. The electorate consisted of the 
 plebeians; and, in order to protect their officials against 
 the magistrates, who were patricians, they consecrated 
 to the infernal gods by a solemn curse anyone in private 
 or official position who injured them or interfered with 
 them in their work. Such a person could be slain with 
 impunity, and the tribunes themselves were obligated to 
 have him thrown from the Tarpeian rock. The work of 
 the tribunes was in the first place to protect individuals 
 who appealed to them against the injurious action of the 
 magistrates; and that they might be at hand when needed 
 they sat by day on a long bench in the market-place 
 (forum), while their houses had to be open at all times to 
 suppliants and they could not leave the city overnight. 
 Outside the city they were powerless, and within it they 
 could act only when appealed to personally. Their work 
 in the second place was to serve as the executive officials 
 of. the assembly of the plebeians which elected them. 
 This was organized in such a fashion that the tribes 
 were the voting groups. Hence it was called the comitia The Comit- 
 j^'tributa. In each tribe every man's vote was equal to 
 every other and the majority of votes determined the vote 
 of the tribe. 
 
 359. Number of Tribunes Increased. — The tribes did 
 not long remain four in number. At some point in the 
 
 ia Tributa. 
 
308 
 
 The Defence of Rome 
 
 Emancipa- 
 tion of the 
 Serfs. 
 
 next twenty years sixteen new tribes were organized in 
 the district lying in the immediate vicinity of Rome — the 
 so-called rustic tribes. Since each of these received its 
 name from a gens, the probability is that in it lay the 
 estates of the interrelated noble families of which the 
 gens was formed, and that the essential feature of the 
 change is the admission of the clients or serfs to the as- 
 sembly of the plebeians. Henceforth, there were only 
 patricians and plebeians in Rome. At the same time, 
 probably, the number of tribunes was raised from four to 
 ten, so that henceforth each pair of tribes had one tribune. 
 There was nothing to exclude the patricians from the comi- 
 tia tributa, but it is only natural that they at first disdained 
 to attend its meetings, and that at a later time attempts 
 were made to exclude them, without success, however. 
 
 The organization of the "masses" (plebeians) in the 
 Peculiarity comitia tributa under the leadership of tribunes is the 
 most striking feature in the constitutional growth of 
 Rome. The natural outcome of such an uprising, and 
 the one regularly reached in the cities of Greece (§ 137), 
 was either that the aristocracy suppressed it and contin- 
 ued to govern as before, or that it overturned the govern- 
 ment and substituted a tyranny for the rule of the nobles. 
 
 360. Increasing Power of the Tribunes. — In Rome, 
 on the other hand, the temper of the people and the politi- 
 cal sagacity of the senate prevented such extremes, and 
 the outcome was that the revolution was recognized, its 
 meetings tolerated, its officials allowed to do their work, 
 not without interference doubtless, but none the less ef- 
 fectively. No tyranny issued in Rome, but the power of 
 the tribunes collectively speedily became tyrannical in 
 urban affairs. The order and circumstances of the rise 
 
Growth of the Trilmnate 309 
 
 of the tribunate are not known: we are simply told that Tribunate 
 
 from interfering with the magistrates in their harsh treat- xy"i-anny in 
 
 ment of the citizens individually, they acquired the right commis- 
 sion. 
 to veto proposals for new, and possibly harsh, laws made 
 
 by the magistrates to the comitia centuriata; and since 
 all laws were required to be presented and enforced by 
 the magistrates, the tribunes became thus masters of 
 the sovereign assembly. The senate chamber, into which 
 only members and magistrates were admitted, was at first 
 closed to the tribunes, but they drew their bench to the 
 door of the building — no one daring to interfere with 
 them — and listened to the discussions from without; and 
 after a time they went so far as to draw it into the 
 chamber itself and to interpose their veto on the propo- 
 sitions laid by the magistrates before their advisers. At 
 this stage the only thing which prevented the tribunes 
 from controlling Rome was the fact that the senate had 
 already made the tribunes its own tools. 
 
 361. The Senate: Plebeians Admitted. — This was pos- 
 sible through the fact that the senate had ceased to be 
 an exclusively patrician body. It was recruited from 
 ex-magistrates, who in turn were elected by the comitia 
 centuriata. In this assembly the plebeians had always 
 had a considerable representation though not enough to 
 overcome the majority of centuries which was controlled 
 by the patricians. Besides, the elections were subject 
 
 to the veto of the senate. Clearly, it was the sagacity Sagacity of 
 and patriotism of the senate which made possible the 
 admission of plebeians to the magistracies and to its 
 own membership. 
 
 362. Reorganization of the Army. — The fact was that 
 in the first half of the fourth century B.C., owing to the 
 
310 
 
 The Defence of Rome 
 
 The Three 
 Lines and 
 the Mani- 
 ples. 
 
 Plebeians 
 Are Elected 
 to Magis- 
 tracies. 
 
 Stress of the foreign wars, the organization of the army 
 was changed, and instead of the sohd phalanx of spear- 
 men ranged in ranks according to wealth and equipment, 
 there came the distinctively Roman formation by lines 
 (haslati, principes and triarii) and maniples. Henceforth, 
 a man's position and value were determined solely by his 
 skill and experience. In other words, the army became 
 a democracy, the rules of its iron discipline, to which the 
 patricians were subject like the others, being the equiva- 
 lent of the laws in a constitutional state. The comitia 
 of centuries did not become at the same time a comitia 
 of maniples; but the army and the assembly were so 
 closely associated in men's thinking that merit and 
 distinction acquired by humble persons in war could not 
 be ignored at elections. Hence distinguished plebeian 
 soldiers were elected ofi&cers and generals, and at the 
 expiry of their terms were enrolled in the senate, which 
 came in consequence to consist of patres et conscripti. 
 
 363. Plebeian Gains. — A plebeian was elected gen- 
 eral for the first time in 400 B.C., but after 366 B.C. one 
 consul was regularly, and the second not infrequently, 
 a plebeian. During the second half of this century 
 plebeians got elected to the dictatorship, censorship, 
 praetorship and curule sedileships, and at its close in 
 300 B.C. they were admitted to the priestly colleges by the 
 Lex Ogulnia. They probably formed a large part of the 
 senate at this date, so that this body now represented 
 not the patricians or the plebeians, but a new class formed 
 by their matrimonial and social fusion — the so-called 
 office-holding nobility, and it was to this altered senate 
 that the tribunes became subservient. 
 
 The increase in the powers of the tribunate had been 
 
The Twelve Tables 311 
 
 accompanied by an increase in popular rights. In the first 
 place (45 1 B.C.) there came the codification of the law which, 
 besides facilitating business, limited the caprice of the 
 magistrates in conducting trials and inflicting penalties. 
 
 364. The Decemvirs and the Law of the Twelve Tables, codifica- 
 — A commission of ten men, the decemviri, was appointed J'"" °^ ^^^ 
 to draw up a code which was later known as the law 
 of the Twelve Tables and became the foundation of the 
 Roman legal system. The procedure was the same as 
 that of the appointment of the lawgivers in Greece 
 (§ 136) and was probably copied from that. The old 
 magistracy, the consuls and even the tribunes, ceased 
 to be; the decemviri were given the entire direction of 
 the state. They were to be elected yearly. But after 
 two years the experiment did not succeed and the old 
 administrative oflicers with the tribunes returned. 
 
 Some of the laws of the Twelve Tables are as follows: 
 
 One who has confessed a debt or against whom judgment has 
 been pronounced shall have thirty days in which to pay it. 
 
 Unless he pays the amount of the judgment, or some one in the Its Brutal 
 presence of the magistrate interferes in his behalf (as vindex), the 
 creditor is to take him home and fasten him in stocks or fetters. He 
 is to fasten him with no less than fifteen pounds' weight or, if he 
 choose, with more. [After he has been produced in court on three 
 market days and no one has appeared to help him, let the creditors 
 on the third occasion] cut him into pieces. Should they cut off more 
 or less than their several shares the division is none the less legal. 
 
 If a father sells his son three times, the son shall be free from the 
 power of the father. 
 
 Whenever a contract or conveyance is made, as it is specified by 
 word of mouth, so let it be binding. 
 
 (The owner of the land) must take care of the road. If he does 
 not pave it, (the one having the right of way) may drive his team 
 where he pleases. 
 
 Spirit. 
 
312 
 
 The Defence of Roine 
 
 If a man maims a limb (of another), unless some agreement is 
 arrived at, he shall be subject to retaliation {i.e., his limb shall be 
 broken). 
 
 Women shall not scratch their cheeks or inflict any wound (on 
 themselves) on account of a funeral {i.e., not show excessive grief). 
 
 If a patron defrauds his client, let him be accursed. 
 
 365. The Lex Valeria. — More important still in this 
 respect was the Lex Valeria of 301 B.C., by which all cit- 
 izens were guaranteed the right of appeal from the judi- 
 cial decisions of the magistrates when the death penalty, 
 scourging or a fine exceeding thirty cattle and two sheep 
 
 The Victory was involvcd. Strictly this made the tribunate no longer 
 necessary, but it was indispensable to the senate for the 
 control of rebellious magistrates and was retained — to 
 become later on the scourge of its master. After 301 
 B.C. all greater crimes were turned over to the quaestors, 
 who brought them for trial to the comitia centuriata, 
 while the tribunes served to impeach and prosecute 
 political offences. The comitia centuriata was accord- 
 ingly the chief judicial and electoral assembly at Rome. 
 It could legislate still, but did so infrequently since this 
 power was acquired in 287 B.C. by its less cumbrous rival 
 the comitia tributa. 
 
 366. Further Gains of the Plebeians. — The way for the 
 equalization of the resolutions (plebiscita) of the tribal 
 assembly with the laws of the centuriate asocmbly had 
 been paved by the growth of the power of its executive, 
 the tribunate, and by the fusion of the plebeians and 
 patricians. The process, moreover, was aided by the par- 
 tial loss of veto power over election and legislation which 
 the senate sustained when in 339 B.C. (Lex Publilia) it was 
 required to give its approval in advance of popular action. 
 
Traditional Constitutional History 3 1 3 
 
 The final step was taken in 287 B.C. when the "masses" 
 rose up and, seizing the Janiculum., held it against the 
 government. They were suffering from the malprac- 
 tices of the money-lenders, which various laws against 
 usury had failed to check. The rich city men had much 
 influence in the centuriate assembly because of their 
 wealth, but were at a disadvantage in the tribal assem- 
 bly in that they voted with the city multitude in four 
 only of the tribes. What the "masses," vv^ho were TheSeces- 
 obviously the peasants, wanted and what they got through p°g^s° 
 their "secession" was an alleviation of debt, the con- 
 cession of full legislative power to the comitia tributa 
 and the abolition of the veto power of the senate. With 
 this the constitution of the matured republic was practi- 
 cally complete. 
 
 367. The Traditional Series of Laws. — The later Ro- 
 man traditional story has arranged this struggle of the 
 aristocracy with their opponents in the state in a series 
 of legal enactments secured at specific times under known 
 magistrates. While, probably, the progress was in reality 
 much more irregular and uncertain, this arrangement 
 has value as showing how the Romans thought of the 
 struggle between the patricians and plebeians. It is as 
 follows : 
 
 5^09 B.C. The right of Appeal was carried through the comitia 
 centuriata by Valerius Poplicola (Lex Valeria). 
 
 494 B.C. The First Secession of the plebeians and the appoint- 
 ment of tribunes. 
 
 Livy (§ 491) tells* how the plebeians, driven to despair by their 
 
 debts and the unjust exactions of the military service, rose in revolt and 
 
 marched in a body to the Sacred Mount, beyond the Anio ri\er, three 
 
 miles from the city. Here they threatened to found a new city. Then 
 
 *II, 32/. 
 
314 
 
 The Defence of Rome 
 
 the senate yielded and sent as an ambassador to the plebeians Me- 
 nenius Agrippa, a man acceptable to them. He told them the fol- 
 lowing fable: "At a time when' the members of the human body did 
 not, as at present, all unite in one plan, but each member had its 
 own scheme and its own function, the other parts v/ere provoked at 
 seeing that the fruits of all their care, of all their toil and service, 
 were applied to the use of their stomach, and that the stomach 
 meanwhile remained at ease and did nothing but enjoy the pleasure 
 provided for it. Whereupon they conspired together that the hand 
 should not bring food to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it, if 
 offered, nor the teeth chew it. While they wished by these harsh 
 measures to subdue the stomach through hunger, the members them- 
 selves and the whole body were reduced to the last stage of decay. 
 From this it appeared that the office of the stomach was not confined 
 to slothful indolence; that it not only received nourishment, but 
 supplied it to the others, conveying to every part of the body that 
 blood on which depend our life and vigor by distributing it equally 
 through the veins after having brought it to perfection by digestion 
 of the food." Applying this fable to the present case, the plebeians 
 saw that their interests and those of the patricians were identical. 
 A reconciliation was made between the two orders upon the basis 
 that the plebeians should have officers of their own, known as trib- 
 unes, invested with inviolable privileges, who should protect them 
 against the consuls, and that it should be unlawful for any patrician 
 to hold this office. 
 
 471 B.C. The Publilian law (of Publilius Volero) gave the as- 
 sembly of the plebeians a legal status and the tribune the right to 
 propose resolutions for adoption there. 
 
 451 B.C. The decemvirs were appointed. 
 
 Livy tells* the story of the decemvirs in the following manner: 
 
 368. The Decemvirs. — As the patricians alone had knowledge 
 of the laws which they interpreted to their own liking, no plebeian 
 got justice before the magistrates. The constant disputing about 
 the laws was brought to an end by an agreement that they be pub- 
 lished. First commissioners were sent to Greece to bring back a 
 report of its laws and customs. When these had returned and set 
 
Legend of Appius Claudius 315 
 
 forth the Greek codes of law, the people decided they would appoint 
 no magistrates of any kind for one year, but intrust the entire govern- 
 ment to ten men, known as decemvirs, who should administer the 
 state and compile the laws of Rome. The leader of the decemvirs Appius 
 was Appius Claudius who was consul at the time of their appoint- Claudius, 
 ment. During the first year the ten drew up ten tables of the law 
 and placed them in the Forum where every man might see them. 
 A report was now spread abroad that two tables were lacking and 
 so it would be wise to elect decemvirs (a second time) instead of other 
 magistrates. This the people did; but now the real character of 
 Appius Claudius stood forth and his conduct toward the plebeians 
 became infamous. Indeed, the entire board of decemvirs set aside 
 every principle of law and justice. They plundered and robbed 
 some plebeians; they even scourged others and put them to death. 
 They frequently came into the market-place attended by lictors 
 carrying the axes bound up within the rods signifying the power of 
 life and death. There was a certain centurion, Virginius, an estima- 
 ble plebeian, who had betrothed his daughter to one Icilius who 
 had once been a tribune of the plebs. The extraordinary beauty 
 of this maiden, Virginia, excited the lust of the decemvir, Appius 
 Claudius, who determined to possess her. To carry out his foul 
 plan he ordered one of his clients to claim the girl as his slave. The Virginia, 
 day following, as Virginia passed through the Forum on her way 
 to school, she was seized by this agent of Appius who tried to lead 
 her away. At once a great tumult arose among the commons, for 
 her father, Virginius, and her betrothed, Icilius, had many friends. 
 Whereupon the girl was summoned before the tribunal of the tyrant, 
 Appius, who was compelled against his will to postpone proceedings 
 in the case until Virginius could be summoned. In the meantime 
 two of his loyal friends hastened with all the speed their horses could 
 make to the camp where Virginius was defending his country. The 
 anxious father hastened to the Forum where a vast crowd of citizens 
 had assembled at daybreak. Here he begged them for their support, 
 reminding his countrymen of the fact that he was daily fighting in 
 the defence of their wives and children. Icilius, too, spoke so feelingly 
 that the hearts of all were deeply stirred. But to these just appeals 
 the heart of Appius was hardened. Indeed, he did not permit the 
 father to make any proper presentation of his case, but gave judg- 
 
316 The Defence of Rome 
 
 ment straightway that the maiden should be given over to the cus- 
 tody of his client till the final decision was made. The wretched 
 Virginius, drawing his child aside, snatched a butcher's knife from 
 one of the stalls hard by and spoke thus to his daughter: 
 
 "The time is come. See how he points his eager hand this way! 
 See how his eyes gloat on thy grief, like a kite's upon the prey! 
 With all his wit, he little deems, that, spurned, betrayed, bereft, 
 Thy father hath in his despair one fearful refuge left. 
 He little deems that in this hand I clutch what still can save 
 Thy gentle youth from taunts and blows, the portion of the slave; 
 Yea, and from nameless evil, that passeth taunt and blow — ■ 
 Foul outrage which thou knowest not, which thou shalt never know. 
 Then clasp me round the neck once more, and give me one more kiss; 
 And now, mine own dear little girl, there is no way but this." 
 With that he lifted high the steel, and smote her in the side, 
 And in her blood she sank to earth, and with one sob she died.* 
 
 After this dreadful deed Virginius calling down curses upon the 
 head of Appius rushed forth to the army which now rose in revolt 
 and elected as chief magistrates tribunes instead of decemvirs. But 
 the decemvirs M^ould not yield their power and refused to resign till 
 the army and the plebeians crossed the Anio to the Sacred Mount in 
 a second secession. Nor would they readily abandon their idea of 
 founding a new city there. Finally, two patricians, Valerius and 
 Horatius, whom the plebeians trusted, were able to effect a com- 
 promise. They arranged that the tribunes be restored and respected, 
 and held out as further relief a series of enactments which came to 
 be called after the negotiators the Valerio-Horatian laws. Then the 
 seceders returned. Some of the decemvirs were banished, while 
 Appius and one colleague were thrust into prison where some men 
 said they died by their own hands. 
 
 449 B.C. The Valerio-Horatian laws re-enacted the right of 
 appeal and gave the comitia tributa power to enact legislation 
 binding on all the people. 
 
 445 B.C. The Canuleian law permitted intermarriage between 
 patricians and plebeians. 
 
 * Maraulay, Lays of Ancient Rome, "Virginia." 
 
Traditional Constitutional History 317 
 
 444 B.C. Consular tribunes, who might be elected from plebeians 
 as well as from patricians, were substituted for consuls elected from 
 Datricians only. This arrangement continued till 366 B.C. 
 
 366 B.C. The laws proposed by Licinius and Sextus provided 
 that there should be no more consular tribunes, that at least one 
 consul should be plebeian and that ten priests should have charge of 
 the Sibylline books (§ 348), half of whom should be plebeians. 
 
 Interest already paid was to be deducted from the principal and 
 the balance to be paid in three equal annual installments. Of the 
 public land no citizen was to occupy more than 500 jugera (300 
 acres) and no one was to pasture on it more than 100 cattle and 500 
 sheep. A certain proportion of the laborers employed on an estate 
 were to be freeman. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. The main divisions of the new period 
 with dates. 2. What is meant by imperium, century, con- 
 nubium, right of appeal? 3. State briefly the position and 
 power of the censor, the quasstor. 4. Distinguish between 
 the two periods in the history of the tribune. 5. What was the 
 traditional date of the Decemvirate? 6. What was the work 
 of the tribunes? 7. Give reasons for the increase in numbers 
 and powers of the tribunes. 8. Explain the principles govern- 
 ing the reorganization of the army. 9. Summarize the gains 
 of the plebeians in their struggle with the patricians up to 
 
 287 B.C. 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the laws of the Twelve 
 . Tables here given with those of the code of Hammurabi (§ 15). 
 2. Compare the Decemvirate with the Greek lawgivers (§§ 135, 
 136) in origin, purpose and results of work. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The New Aristocratic Re- 
 public : General View of Its External History. How and Leigh, 
 chs. 7, 10. 2. The Consul. How and Leigh, pp. 47-50. 3. The 
 Decemvirate. How and Leigh, ch. 8. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The New 
 Aristocratic Republic : General View of Its Constitutional His- 
 tory to 390 B.C. .Shuckhurgh, ch. 8; Abbott, pp. 24-34. 2. Gen- 
 eral View of Its External History. Shuckhurgh, chs. 6, 7. 3. 
 The Consul. Shuckhurgh, pp.' 203-205; Abbott, p. 25. 4. The 
 Tribune. Abbott, pp. 196-202. 5. The Decemvirate. Abbott, 
 pp. 30-31. 6. The Roman Citizen, His Rights and Duties. 
 
318 
 
 The UniJicatio7i of Italy 
 
 Morey, pp. 63-64. 7. The Centuriate Assembly. Abbott, pp. 
 26-27, 253-259. 8. The Question of the Comitia Tributa. 
 Abbott, pp. 33, 259-261; Myres, p. 77 (note). 9. The Twelve 
 Tables. Munro, pp. 54-55 (source); Shuckburgh, pp. 101-104. 
 10. The Social Composition of the Roman People : A Common- 
 Sense View. Botsford, Roman Assemblies, pp. 38-45. Ii. Ju- 
 dicial Cases before Comitia Centuriata. Botsford, Roman 
 Assemblies, pp. 248-260. 
 
 Celts 
 Occupy 
 Valley of 
 Po. 
 
 Burning 
 of Rome. 
 
 3.— THE UNIFICATION AND ORGANIZATION 
 OF ITALY 
 
 390-264 B.C. 
 
 369. The Celtic Invasion. — During the latter part of 
 the preceding century swarms of Celts had been pouring 
 down from central Europe over the Alpine passes into 
 the valley of the Po. They filled it to overflowing, drove 
 the Ligurians back into the western hills and the Etrus- 
 cans into the western plain and began to push southward 
 over the Apennines. We have already seen them forc- 
 ing their way into Greece and Asia Minor, though at a 
 later period (§ 307). They were rude, savage warriors, 
 of huge bulk, with mighty weapons, attacking their op- 
 ponents with an impetuous fury that usually carried all 
 before it. Soon they appeared in the western plain, at- 
 tracted by the fertility of the soil and the wealth of the 
 inhabitants. Etruria was overrun; a bold band appeared 
 in the vicinity of Rome, defeated the Roman army in a 
 disastrous battle at the river Allia, captured and burned 
 the city fabout 390 B.C.). 
 
 The story goes that Roman ambassadors, sent into Etruria to 
 treat with the oncoming Celts, had joined with the Etruscans in 
 fighting against them. Incensed at this, the Celts under their 
 
The Celtic Wars 319 
 
 chief, Brennus, advanced rapidly on Rome. The Romans, unpre- 
 pared, hastily gathered a force and met the invaders eleven miles 
 from Rome, at the river Allia, and Avere utterly defeated. A few es- 
 caped into the citadel, leaving the gates of the city open. The Celts 
 entered the city which was abandoned by all except the defenders of 
 the citadel and the senators sitting in state in their porches. The 
 city was set on fire and the citadel besieged. Once it was almost 
 captured by night, only the sacred geese by cackling and clapping 
 their wings aroused the defenders in time. The scattered Romans 
 were united under a leader, Camillus, who was made dictator. The 
 Celts were driven out. Then the city was rebuilt. 
 
 370. Rome's Rapid Recovery. — Rome's day of power 
 seemed over. It might have been so had the Celtic 
 fury burst upon her alone. But other states had suffered 
 in north and south. When Rome recovered and had re- 
 built the city, she was still as strong as her neighbors and 
 was soon ready to fight again with the invaders. The 
 danger from the Celts was serious. Their bands were con- 
 stantly coming over the Apennines. It was the question 
 of questions whether they would not overpower all Italy. 
 For over forty years, from 390 to 348 B.C., the peril was 
 pressing. The Romans stood in the breach and, on two 
 occasions within this period, they met and repulsed great 
 Celtic raids. Thus the Romans really saved all that stands as 
 Italy had gained in political power and civilization from ftif ""^^ °' 
 being destroyed. The other states recognized this; Rome 
 came to be regarded as the defender of the states of the 
 western plain against attacks. People outside of Italy 
 heard of it. The Greek philosopher Aristotle (§ 298) 
 knew of her gallant defence against the Celts. From 
 this time on, she ceased to be a mere petty state, fight- 
 ing with neighbors, and stepped into the larger history 
 of the world. 
 
320 The Unification of Italy 
 
 371. Etruria Won. — During those forty years Rome 
 finally overcame the neighboring states with which she 
 had fought so long. Etruria, as far north as the Cimin- 
 ian forest, including the city of Cae're, the Latin cities 
 and even the Volsci, were united under Roman leadership. 
 The river Li'ris was Rome's southern boundary. Of 
 decisive importance was Rome's treatment of its old 
 
 The Origin friend and ally, Caere. What it valued in the Roman 
 Municipal State — social and commercial equality with Roman 
 System. citizens — it got; what it valued in its own institutions, it 
 preserved — its own franchise and offices, its own laws 
 and cults. From the Roman point of view its inhabitants 
 were Roman citizens who lacked the right of voting and 
 holding office {cives sine suffragio). Naturally, they were 
 required to fight in the Roman army and to sustain 
 all the other burdens imposed upon Roman citizens. 
 Hence they were called municipes (burden-bearers), 
 and their city a municipality. The relation thus formed 
 was so satisfactory to both parties that Caere was the 
 first of a considerable group of cities which Rome in- 
 corporated with this status. Such places were said to 
 have "Caeritan rights." 
 
 372. Wars with the Samnites. — The advance of the 
 Celts southward had affected not only the people of the 
 plain, but also the mountaineers. They had been pushed 
 on and had crowded the southern tribes. Chief among 
 the people that felt this pressure were the Samnites, a 
 strong and warlike confederacy, possessing greater power 
 and unity than any mountain peoples hitherto met by 
 
 Conflict Rome. They naturally fell upon the plain beneath them, 
 clmpania. ^^^ populous and fertile Campania. The Campanians 
 appealed to Rome for aid and offered to accept Roman 1 
 
The Samnite Wars S21 
 
 authority. Commercial interests united with ambition 
 to lead the Romans to accept the offer and oppose the 
 Samnites. The v\^ar that followed was long and trying, 
 broken by intervals of peace; it lasted for half a century 
 (343-290 B.C.) and drew almost all the states of central 
 and southern Italy into its toils. 
 
 The first contest was short (343-341 B.C.); the First 
 peace that followed gave Rome the headship of Cam- -y^^r* 
 pania. 
 
 373. The Latin Revolt and the Organization of Latium, 
 340-338 B.C. — The next three years saw the crushing of a 
 rebellion of the Latin league, the cities of which began to 
 fear that Rome was growing too strong. This sentiment 
 was also shared by the Campanians who joined in the 
 outbreak. A fierce struggle followed, the details of which 
 are mostly legendary. Equal in respect of arms and mili- 
 tary experience, the rebels were inferior in unity of pur- 
 pose and organization. Hence they succumbed, and the 
 league was dissolved. Some of its cities were deprived of Rome 
 local government and ruled by prefects set over them by ^y^them^^ 
 Rome {prcefecturcE) ; others were made municipalities, like Lowlands. 
 Caere. A few specially favored cities remained allies, and 
 retained their independence. A perpetual and irrevo- 
 cable treaty (Jozdus) bound them to furnish troops to 
 Rome and to abstain from diplomatic intercourse with 
 one another or with other nations. All their foreign af- 
 fairs were to be managed by Rome. This was the form 
 of treaty by which Rome brought subjected communities 
 into her federation as allies. In 330 B.C. her territory ex- 
 tended from the Ciminian forest to the bay of Naples and 
 from the sea to the Apennines. It included Rome and 
 Capua, the two greatest non-Greek cities in Italy, and 
 
322 The Unification of Italy 
 
 had a population of more than half a million. Its in- 
 habitants were all of Etruscan or Italic stock. 
 
 374. The First Greek Ally. — In 327 B.C. a new element 
 was added when the first Greek city was brought into the 
 federation. This was Neapolis, which, trusting in its 
 fleet and its strong walls, defied its formidable neighbor 
 and only consented to become an ally of Rome after a 
 troublesome contest. Into this the Samnites entered 
 bringing aid to the Greek city; and therewith the great 
 second Samnite war began. Rome had the advantage of 
 allies in Apulia and in the central Apennines among the 
 mountain tribes there who feared their active Samnite 
 neighbor. Hence she was able to conduct operations from 
 both the eastern and western lowlands. The contestants 
 were evenly matched and the struggle long and obstinate. 
 The 375. The Second Samnite War, 326-304 B.C. — After 
 
 Forks" ^ a severe defeat at the battle of the Caudine Forks (321 
 B.C.), where their soldiers were compelled to pass under a 
 yoke made of three spears as a token of disgraceful sub- 
 mission, the Romans steadily gained, but in 315 B.C., 
 while their main army was operating in Apulia, the Sam- 
 nites advanced through Campania to Latium and defeat- 
 Lautuiae ed the Romans at Laut'-u-lae. Capua, thereupon, went 
 Revoit^of over to the enemy, but came back in the following year 
 Capua. after the main army of the Romans had routed the Sam- 
 nites. The Samnites stirred up the peoples of the north 
 who feared Rome's growing power; the Etruscans joined 
 them and the Umbrians of the upper Apennines; but a 
 Roman army advanced up the Tiber into Etruria and 
 carried such consternation into the whole district that the 
 Etruscans made peace. The decisive factor in the struggle 
 was, however, the systematic Roman operations of the last 
 
Defeat of the Samnites 323 
 
 decade. By a series of fortress colonies (Latin) placed at The Latin 
 the exits from Samnium on the Liris and Volturnus rivers " °"'^^' 
 the area of war was limited to the enemy's country, and in 
 order to bring the Roman troops quickly to the main 
 scene of action a great highway, the famous Via Appia, The via 
 was built from Rome to Capua. Thus hemmed in ^^^^^' 
 and assailed, the Samnites finally sued for peace in 304 
 B.C. By the treaty then made Rome held all its con- 
 quests. 
 
 376. The Third Samnite War, 298-290 B.C.— The re- 
 appearance of the Celts stirred up the third struggle, in 
 which Etruscans, Umbrians, Lucanians and Celts united 
 under Samnite direction for a final attempt to break Ro- 
 man headship (298 B.C.). The culminating point was The 
 the battle of Sen-ti'num (295 B.C.), in Umbria, where the v-°to°'°^f 
 soldiers of the alliance were beaten by the Romans (§ 396). Rome at 
 The treaty which ended the war in 290 B.C. settled Rome's 
 superiority. The Etruscans and Gauls (Senones and 
 
 Boii) then felt the weight of Rome's hand, and in 285-283 
 B.C. they were crushed and forced to acknowledge Rome's 
 hegemony. Roman authority was now supreme from the 
 upper Apennines to the foot of Italy. The mountaineers 
 would never more trouble the plain. 
 
 377. Difficulties with Magna Graecia. — Rome's sphere 
 of- influence now bprdered on the territory of the Greek 
 cities in southern Italy. The influence of Greek cult- 
 ure and political life upon Rome had already been con- 
 siderable and the opportunities of commercial, inter- 
 course had brought both parties into friendly relations. 
 Some time before 300 B.C. a treaty between Rome and 
 Tarentum had been made. Thus, when the mountain- 
 eers, defeated in the western plain, began to make in- 
 
324 
 
 The Unificatioji of Italy 
 
 The 
 
 " Assembly 
 
 of Kings." 
 
 roads into Magna Graecia, it was natural that several of 
 the Greek cities should look to Rome for defence. But 
 Tarentum was not so inclined; as Rome gained head- 
 ship over the other Greek cities by relieving them from 
 their enemies, she took offence. How she gained the 
 help of the valiant Pyrrhus of Epirus has already been 
 told (§ 331). In th.e war that followed (281-272 B.C.), 
 the skilful Greek general at first defeated the Romans 
 at Her-a-clei'a in 280 B.C. and at As'cu-lum in 279 B.C. by 
 his elephants and his cavalry. It was the first meeting 
 between the Roman legion and the Macedonian phalanx. 
 In the interval between these engagements he had ad- 
 vanced to within three days' march of Rome, but on 
 receiving no support from the western lowlands he re- 
 turned to Tarentum to winter quarters. Now, wishing to 
 get rid of his obstinate adversary in order to embark on 
 his Sicilian enterprise (§ 331), Pyrrhus entered into nego- 
 tiations with Rome and sent Cineas, an eloquent rheto- 
 rician, to present his case to the senate. Cineas was pro- 
 foundly impressed by the dignity and incorruptibility of 
 the senators, and, indeed, if it is true that the old blind 
 senator, Appius Claudius (§379), came to the meeting in 
 his litter and made an impassioned appeal to his colleagues 
 never to make a pact with an enemy on Italian soil, he had 
 some reason for the opinion which he expressed to his 
 master that the Roman senate was an "assembly of kings." 
 The mission of Cineas was frustrated by the intervention 
 of Carthage whose offer of a defensive and offensive al- 
 liance against Pyrrhus the Romans accepted. None the 
 less, Pyrrhus departed for Sicily. On his return he was 
 beaten at Beneventum (275 B.C.) and returned to Epirus, 
 leaving Tarentum to make terms with Rome as best she 
 
Appius Claudius, ^'^the J3li?id" 325 
 
 could. She submitted and Roman power soon became 
 supreme over all the southern coast of Italy (270 B.C.). 
 
 378. Political Changes. — This period of more than a 
 century, in which Rome extended her sway in Italy, was 
 marked by important changes in her inner life. These 
 have been already described in §§ 360-366 above. The 
 outcome, as we have seen, was the ascendancy in the 
 Roman state of the farming part of the population. 
 This result was not reached without opposition, however; 
 for in the last stage of the struggle between the patricians 
 and the plebeians v/e find traces of a keen contest for 
 political power between the city and the country. 
 
 379. The Policy of Appius Claudius. — The great 
 champion of the urban elements was Appius Claudius, 
 the censor, in 312 B.C. (§397). To him they owed the 
 
 first of the wonderful Roman aqueducts. He enrolled in Rise of 
 all the tribes those whose property was not in land and tinctions!" 
 even freedmen, thus giving to them the same citizen rights 
 as the landed proprietors. But in the following censor- 
 ship they were again restricted to the four city tribes and 
 the city population was thus unable, even if it flocked in 
 full force to the Forum where the assembly met, to vote 
 down the relatively few farmers who formed the usual dele- 
 gation from each of the country tribes. It had been long 
 since the rule that, though all citizens were eligible for 
 office, only the rich landed proprietors were actually 
 chosen. The officials when their term of office expired 
 went into the senate,* v/hich, therefore, was a body of 
 wealthy squires who had experience in political and mili- 
 
 * The right of ex-ofScials to be considered first in the choice of senators 
 was established by the Ovinian law, by which also the censor was sub- 
 stituted for the consul as the official who appointed the senators. This 
 law dates from some time before ^12 B.C. 
 
326 
 
 The Organization of Italy 
 
 tary affairs. Wealth, coupled with wisdom, has the best 
 chance for leadership; hence it very naturally came about 
 that the senate took the direction of affairs, although the 
 people had the power. The oligarchy of wealth and 
 official position occupied the place of the oligarchy of 
 birth; the people accepted the change and continued to 
 be led. 
 
 380. Roman Organization of Italy. — No less remark- 
 able than the gradual extension of Roman power over 
 the territory of Italy was Rome's organization of the 
 lands acknowledging its headship. Rome's membership 
 in the Latin league at the beginning of its career was a 
 determining factor in its policy toward neighbors; the 
 city stood as a chief among equals, not as a conqueror 
 ruling subjects. 
 
 381. Incorporation of Conquered People as Citizens. 
 — In harmony with this fundamental idea the Romans, 
 first of all, made many of the communities they absorbed 
 parts of the Roman state and their people citizens. 
 These were the municipalities already described (§ 371). 
 Since they got all the solid advantages of Roman citizen- 
 ship and were not deprived of their own institutions which|| 
 they cherished highly, their status was an attractive one' 
 and nearly all the larger cities in the western lowlands 
 entered the Roman state in this way. Less fortunate 
 were the districts of which the cities like Veil were de- 
 stroyed, or on which there had been no urban centres prior 
 to the conquest. These were assigned to Roman settlers, 
 and their inhabitants, so far as they remained, were com- 
 pelled to become Roman citizens. Still less fortunate 
 was a group of maritime cities in which Rome placed 
 as a garrison (cle'ru-chy) to secure the harbor a colony of 
 
Citizens vs. Allies 327 
 
 normally three hundred Roman citizens who settled as 
 an aristocracy in the midst of the local inhabitants. In 
 return for garrison duty they were exempted from ser- 
 vice in the Roman legions. As a result of these various 
 measures, groups of Roman citizens were found scattered 
 all over Italy. At the end of this period, those with full 
 rights numbered not far from three hundred thousand 
 men and occupied about a third of all the territory 
 of Italy. They were organized into thirty-five tribes, 
 meeting and voting in the comitia. As for the local gov- 
 ernment of such communities as possessed it, this was 
 largely in their own hands and was formed on Roman 
 models. But in the case of the administration of Justice, Prefects, 
 prefects were sent out from Rome to hold court in the 
 municipia at regular times, since Roman law was new 
 to them. Likewise, where districts in which no cities 
 existed were taken into the Roman state, Roman pre- 
 fects were placed in charge, 
 
 382. Latin Allies: Colonies. — The rest of the com- 
 munities in Italy were the "allies." There were two 
 kinds of them. The most favored allies were those given Aiued 
 rights enjoyed formerly by the old Latin league, which '*'^^* 
 had now disappeared. The members could trade with 
 Rome and, when specially favored, marry into Roman 
 families.* These were the colonists sent out from Rome 
 and Latium to occupy land taken in the conquest. Like 
 the Greek colonies in general they were established as 
 new city-states having their own laws, magistrates and 
 citizenship. Since they were usually planted in strategic 
 positions in the midst or at the edge of a hostile country, 
 they were normally quite large, one, Venusia, being twenty 
 
 * These rights were technically called commercium and connubium. 
 
3^8 The Organization of Italy 
 
 thousand strong. Unlike the Greek colonies, they were 
 bound to the metropolis by an indissoluble tie of interest 
 as well as by an inviolable treaty. These were called 
 "Latin Colonies." A Roman who went out to join a 
 "Latin colony" gave up his citizenship, and he could 
 regain it on returning home only when he had left a son 
 behind to keep his place in the garrison colony. In addi- 
 tion to the privilege mentioned, he could share in the 
 booty of Roman v/ars and claim his part of the public 
 land. In course of time these privileges were somewhat 
 restricted, but the "Latin colony" was always on a higher 
 plane than other allied communities. 
 
 383. The Italian Allies. — Next below these were the 
 Italian allies, each of which had a separate treaty with 
 Rome defining its status. All allies of whatsoever status 
 could have relations with each other only through Rome. 
 While they had independence so far as home politics was 
 concerned, Rome decided on all foreign affairs, matters of 
 war and peace and questions relating to their commercial 
 interests. Each ally was bound to furnish troops to the 
 Roman army, or ships to the Roman navy, but paid no 
 tribute. 
 
 384. Italy United under Rome. — Thus was slowly and 
 steadily built up a united Italy with its centre and soul 
 in Rome. The state itself, made up of the capital city, 
 the Roman colonies and the municipia, was bound up 
 closely with the allies, both those given the Latin right 
 and those having separate treaties with Rome. The 
 interests of all gathered about the capital, yet a large 
 share of local independence preserved the sense of free- 
 dom and the power of initiative. The system of public 
 roads leading from the city to strategic points aided in 
 
The New Army 329 
 
 binding these cities to Rome. It is not to be wondered 
 at, therefore, that, as this period drew to a close, a com- 
 mon name arose both for land and people. The de- 
 fence against the alien Celts stimulated this sense of 
 oneness. The land was now called Italy, and the people The 
 of Italy, distinguishing their common dress from that of Nam^°° 
 the Celts, were called "men of the toga." 
 
 385. Military Reorganization. — During the years in 
 which the union of Italy was accomplished, important 
 advances were made in the Roman military organiza- 
 tion. The old Servian system (§350) was not equal to 
 the new demands, either in its conditions of service or its 
 organization (§ 362). Instead of requiring the citizen 
 to equip and support himself, the state now supplied 
 him arms and rations and paid him for his service. He 
 was also usually granted a share of the booty, although 
 in theory all that was taken belonged to the state and was 
 turned into the public treasury. As respects organization, 
 the arrangement of the men in the legion according to 
 property gave way, as we have seen, to that according to 
 valor, ability and experience. The solid phalanx on the 
 Greek model was found unable to stand the fierce rushes 
 of the Celts and the Samnites, and was altered to a loose 
 formation. The legion was divided into three lines {has- The New 
 tati, principes and triarii) separated sharply from each the Legion, 
 other, the first two armed with the pilum for hurling and 
 the sword, the third with the pike or spear for mass 
 action. Each line was made up of ten companies called 
 maniples. Each maniple of the first two lines had a 
 front of twenty men and a depth of six men (the third 
 had a depth of three men), and each was separated from 
 the other by a space of at most its own width. The 
 
330 The Organization of Italy 
 
 maniples of the second line were placed so as to face the 
 spaces made by the first line, and those of the third line 
 faced the spaces left by the second. In battle, the first 
 line {hastati), if beaten back, could retire into the space 
 left in the second line {principes) , which then took up the 
 attack, while the third line {triarii), which was com- 
 posed of the most able and experienced veterans, could 
 if necessary advance through the openings and permit 
 the other lines to retire. Behind each line was a body of 
 maniples of light-armed troops two men deep, making 
 four thousand two hundred men in the legion. The sol- 
 diers were armed with helmets, cuirasses and shields for 
 defence, and with swords, pila, pikes and darts for at- 
 tack. The allied troops fought on each side of the legion. 
 The cavalry, placed outside the wings, was insignificant 
 in numbers and played no great part. To avoid a sud- 
 den attack a Roman army made a fortified camp whenever 
 it halted for the night. Every voting citizen between the 
 ages of seventeen and forty-six v/as liable to be levied for 
 military service; he must take the solemn military oath 
 before the gods and was then entirely under the authority 
 o'f the commander, who exacted absolute obedience and 
 had the power of life and death. The discipline was ex- 
 ceedingly severe. A great victory was the occasion of 
 celebrating a triumph, providing that the senate gave 
 its consent. In solemn and splendid procession, at- 
 tended by magistrates and senators, the spoils of war 
 before him, the victorious general, seated on a chariot, 
 a laurel crown on his head, and his face painted red 
 like the gods, rode into the city at the head of his 
 troops to the temple of Jupiter, where he offered thanks- 
 giving. 
 
Roman Occupations 331 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what were the following noted: 
 Sentinum, Caere, Beneventum, Aristotle? 2. What is meant 
 by "men of the toga," Licinian laws, maniple, cleruchy, has- 
 tati, principes, triarii, municipalities? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare a "Latin" with a "Ro- 
 man" colony. 2. Compare both with a Greek colony (§§ 113- 
 115)- 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The War with Veil and the 
 Legend of Camillus. How and Leigh, pp. 80-84. 2. The Dis- 
 solution of the Latin League. How and Leigh, pp. 97-99, 102- 
 105. 3. The Samnites and Sabines Submit to Rome. How 
 and Leigh, pp. 1 14-120, 130. 4. The Affairs of Rome and 
 Tarentum. How and Leigh, pp. 122-130. 5. Organization of 
 Italy. How and Leigh, pp. 133-135. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Camillus 
 
 and the Story of the Celtic Invasion. Plutarch, Life of Camil- 
 lus; Seignobos, pp. 60-64. 2. The Samnite Wars. Myres, chs. 
 lo-ii. 3. The Latin Revolt. Shuckburgh, pp. 131-133. 4. 
 Pyrrhus from the Greek and from the Roman Point of View 
 (§§ ii'^> 377)- 5- History of the Plebeian Struggle after 390 b.c. 
 Abbott, pp. 34-53; Shuckburgh, ch. 13; Myres, ch. 9; Fowler, City 
 State, ch. 7. 6. The Licinian Laws : Special Study. Munro, pp. 
 57-60 (sources); Botsford, pp. 85-86; Abbott, pp. 36-37; 7. Ro- 
 man Organization of Italy. Abbott, pp. 57-60; Botsford, pp. 
 62-63; Myres, pp. 146-149. 8. The Roman Army. Seignobos, 
 ch. 7; Shuckburgh, pp. 214-218. 9. Political Prosecutions be- 
 fore the Comitia Tributa. Botsford, Roman Assemblies, pp. 319- 
 325- 
 
 386. The Old Roman Life. — This age saw old Ro- 
 man life at its highest point of strength and achievement. 
 It was to suffer an almost complete transformation as 
 Rome expanded. We may pause, therefore, to sketch 
 some of its characteristic features. 
 
 387. Occupations. — The Roman was devoted chiefly Agri- 
 to agriculture. At first, cattle-raising, later, the growing 
 of grain, occupied him. The product of his farm was 
 principally wheat, but he also grew vegetables and fruit. 
 
 culture. 
 
332 
 
 Old Roman Life 
 
 The olive was widely cultivated. Of domestic animals 
 he had cattle, horses, sheep and hogs. The farmer with 
 his sons did the work, for the farms were usually small. 
 Every eighth day was a market-day, when the farmer 
 went to town with his produce. In the city industry was 
 well advanced. The workingmen had already organized 
 into unions or guilds for the purpose of handing down 
 the secrets of their craft from generation to generation. 
 Eight of these unions are known — the goldsmiths, the 
 coppersmiths, the dyers, the fullers (laundrymen) , the 
 shoemakers, the carpenters, the potters and the flute- 
 blowers. Trading and commerce were profitable em- 
 ployments, but the retail traders, the seamen and the 
 artisans were not highly regarded by the Romans. The 
 same was true of the Greeks (§ 200) and to a certain ex- 
 tent of all civilized peoples. But in Rome the true gentle- 
 man was always a farmer. This fact shows how dear to 
 the Roman heart were the pursuits of agriculture. Yet 
 the profits of commerce attracted the better classes who 
 had capital and wanted to increase it rapidly; unwilling 
 to mix in commerce themselves, they employed slaves or 
 dependent freedmen to carry on such pursuits in their 
 interest. Thus the business of Rome fell largely into the 
 hands of such classes and became still more unworthy of 
 freemen. 
 
 388. Money. — The standard of business value in the 
 earliest time was cattle, as is shown by the Latin word 
 for money, pecunia (from peciis, "cattle"). But soon a 
 change to copper took place; it is witnessed to by our 
 word " estimate " (Latin cEstimare) , from ces, " copper." A 
 pound of it cast in a mould was called an as and became 
 the unit of Roman coinage. When Rome had united all 
 
PLATE XXVII 
 
 ^^J^ 
 
 TYPICAL COINS 
 
PLATE XXVm 
 
 
 TYPICAL COINS 
 
The House 333 
 
 Italy, a silver coinage was introduced. In 268 B.C. the 
 silver denarius, equal to ten asses, appeared.* 
 
 389. The House. — As might be expected of a com- 
 munity composed chiefly of farmers, Roman life was 
 simple and rude. The house originally consisted of one 
 room, the atrium, in which all the family lived. It had no 
 windows and but one door. Opposite the door was the 
 hearth. An opening in the centre of the roof let the 
 smoke out and the light and rain in. The latter fell 
 into a hollow in the floor just beneath the opening. In 
 time, this primitive house was enlarged on the sides and 
 in the rear. The walls were built of stone or sun-baked 
 brick covered with stucco; the floor was of earth mixed 
 with stone and fragments of pottery pounded down hard; 
 the roof of thatch, shingles or tile. A couch, table and Furniture, 
 stool constituted the furniture. The lamp was a flat, 
 covered vessel holding oil; through a hole in the top a 
 coarse wick was drawn, whence came a feeble, flickering 
 light. In cold weather a box containing hot coals sup- 
 plied heat. At meal-time the family sat on stools around 
 the table. Dinner was served in the middle of the day. 
 The chief food in early times was ground meal boiled Food. 
 with water. Thus the Roman, like the Scotchman, 
 grew strong on porridge. Pork was the favorite meat; 
 eight Latin words for hog and half a dozen for sausage 
 testify to this. Bread of wheat or barley was baked 
 in flat, round cakes. Olive-oil, cheese and honey were 
 used with it. The usual drink was water or milk. Wine 
 
 * Later, from about 217 B.C. to the time of Nero, the denarius was 
 equal to sixteen asses. The sestertius was one-fourth of the denarius. 
 A sum of money equal to one thousand sestertii was called sestertium. 
 The denarius, like the attic drachma, was equal to about twenty cents of 
 our money. 
 
334 
 
 Old Roman Life 
 
 Dress. 
 
 The Toga. 
 
 Jewelry. 
 
 Athletics. 
 
 was not common. When drunk it was mixed with water. 
 Various vegetables, such as beans, onions, cabbages and 
 turnips, and fruits, such as figs, apples, pears and plams, 
 were cultivated. The frugality of the Roman in his food 
 was matched by the simplicity of his dress. About his 
 loins he wore a strip of cloth over which he drew a short- 
 sleeved woollen shirt or tunic reaching to his knees. This 
 was the ordinary dress while at home. When he ap- 
 peared in public, he threw over this shirt a gracefully 
 folded blanket of white wool called a toga. It was this 
 which became his characteristic garment, distinguishing 
 him from all other men. In bad weather or on a journey 
 a cloak might be worn. The women's garments con- 
 sisted of two tunics for the house and a wrap (palla) for 
 the street. Neither sex wore hats or stockings. The 
 feet were protected by sandals or shoes. The hair and 
 beard were worn long in early times, but, later, men 
 shaved their faces and cut their hair close. Professional 
 barbers appeared in Rome about 300 B.C. Every citi- 
 zen wore a seal-ring on the joint of the finger; women 
 were granted greater privileges in the matter of jewelry 
 and they were very fond of display. Their hair was 
 put up elaborately; they had fans, parasols and all sorts 
 of rings, bracelets, chains and breastpins. 
 
 390. Amusements. — Amusements had also their place 
 in old Roman life. Babies played with rattles; children 
 with dolls, carts, tops and hoops. When childish sports 
 were put away, the young Roman found his amusement 
 in the athletic exercises of the Campus Martius, in run- 
 ning, wrestling and feats of arms. These were, however, 
 training for citizenship and service; it has been well said 
 that the Romans had no idea of sport for sport's sake. 
 
The Family 335 
 
 Life was too stern and strenuous. For relaxation they The Races, 
 turned to exciting spectacles, of which the chief were 
 the chariot races. They were run in the Circus Maxi- 
 mus, which lay between the Palatine and the Aventine, 
 over a narrow elliptical course covered with sand; seven 
 laps, about four miles, were run; the turns were sharp 
 and dangerous; chariots were liable to be smashed and 
 drivers killed; all this raised excitement to fever heat. 
 But no Roman participated except as a spectator; freed- 
 men or slaves acted as charioteers. The same was true The 
 of the theatrical exhibitions. The stage in the Circus was ^'^^*'''^- 
 occupied by persons whom the Romans regarded as 
 disreputable; to dance or to play in public was the part 
 of foreigners or slaves. To the unbending, respectable, 
 dignified Roman the point of view of the Greek (§ i6o, 
 179, 209) regarding all these things was incomprehen- 
 sible and disgraceful. He would condescend to laugh, 
 but would not dream of taking part. 
 
 391. The Family. — The centre about which old Ro- 
 man life revolved was the family (§ 342). Its head was The 
 the paterfamilias ("father of the family"), the oldest p^^^"'" 
 male member, who had absolute power over the per- 
 son and property of the other members, whether wife, 
 sons and their families, or unmarried daughters. A new- 
 born child was laid at his feet, and by taking it up he 
 decided that it should be received into the family. Oth- 
 erwise it was carried away and abandoned. When a 
 daughter was married, she passed under the authority 
 of her husband's father. A son must marry at the bid- 
 ding of his father; his position in the state was depend- 
 ent on the father. Of course these powers of the father 
 were practically limited; a wife could not be divorced 
 
336 
 
 Old Roman Life 
 
 nor a child put to death by him without good cause and 
 after consultation with other members of the family; 
 nor could the family property be disposed of arbitrarily. 
 
 Marriage. Marriage was a religious as well as a civil affair; a solemn 
 betrothal preceded, sealed by a ring placed on the third 
 finger of the left hand; the consent of the bride was re- 
 quired; the marriage ceremony consisted of the joining 
 of hands, the signing of a contract, sacrifices by the re- 
 ligious officials and other ceremonials. On the wedding- 
 day the mother dressed the bride, who wore a veil; the 
 husband went through a form of taking her by force from 
 her father's house; a wedding-feast and a bridal proces- 
 sion were features of the affair. The bride brought a 
 dowry to her husband. A matron at Rome, in contrast 
 with Greek custom (§ 202), held a very important posi- 
 tion. She managed the household, trained her children, 
 received her guests in person, was honored in public and 
 was given a special place at entertainments. She engaged 
 in special religious festivals and could give testimony in the 
 courts. It has been said that marriage gave the Roman 
 woman "a position unattained by the women of any 
 
 chUdren. other nation in the ancient world." Children, particu- 
 larly sons, were highly prized and carefully trained. On 
 the son depended the future of the family. The day of 
 the giving the boy his name* was a festal time in which 
 an amulet {bulla) was hung about his neck and presents 
 
 Adoption, were made. If a family had no son, one might be for- 
 mally adopted and he became in all respects a member 
 
 The 
 Mother. 
 
 * First of all, he bore the name of the house (gens) ; this was the nomen, 
 e.g., TuUius. Preceding this came the personal name (prcenomen) given 
 a few days after birth, e.g., Marcus. Following the nomen was the 
 cognomen or family name, e.g., Cicero. 
 
Education 337 
 
 of the family and took the family name in addition to 
 nis own. 
 
 392. Importance of the Family in Roman Life. — All 
 
 these facts help us to see how fundamentally impor- 
 tant the family was at Rome. In the case of the no- 
 bles it included the dead as well as the living, all bound 
 together in one solemn unity. On the preservation of 
 the family depended the continuance of the sacrificial 
 rites in which living and dead were thought to join. 
 Hence the birth and rearing of children was all-important. 
 In the atrium (§ 389) stood the wax images of the dead 
 to remind the living of the abiding tie of relationship. 
 The paterfamilias received his authority over the family 
 as its representative, the trustee of its property, the pledge 
 of its continuance. Thus the importance of any Individ- superior 
 ual member was subordinate to and sunk in the higher individual 
 unity of the whole. Obedience and service were the 
 watchwords; devotion to the interests of the family was 
 superior to all personal advantage. No wonder that 
 under this training men of honor and fidelity, women of 
 discretion and purity, grew up to serve and glorify their 
 fatherland. 
 
 393. Education. — Education corresponded to the 
 thoroughly practical bent of the Roman character. Up 
 to seven years of age the children were trained at home 
 
 by the mother. Then the boy was sent to school, while of oiris. 
 the girl was kept at home to be further instructed in 
 domestic arts. Roman women were not highly educated, 
 yet the liberty they enjoyed, the companionship of their 
 husbands and family and the respect shown them in 
 society were in themselves an education. It is said that 
 they spoke the best and purest Latin. Boys were sent to of Boys. 
 
338 
 
 Old Roman Life 
 
 private schools. They were attended by a slave (called 
 "pedagogue") and were taught by slaves or freedmen the 
 rudiments of education in reading, writing and arith- 
 metic. Work began before sunrise. The teacher was 
 paid a small fee and the discipline was harsh. No text- 
 books were used, except that the code of the Twelve 
 Tables (§ 364) was read, written and committed to mem- 
 ory. It is claimed that, although higher subjects were 
 not taught, the elements at least of education were more 
 generally diffused among the Romans than elsewhere in 
 antiquity, except in Athens and other Greek cities. 
 
 394. Public Life. — The participation in public life was 
 also educative. The youth at about seventeen years of 
 age attained his majority and began his public career; 
 he laid aside his toga pratexta and assumed the toga 
 virilis; surrounded by his family and friends he went to 
 the Forum and, amid congratulations, his name was en- 
 rolled on the list of citizens and he was free to attend 
 the several comitia. On a favorable day the comitia 
 convened by order of the magistrate. The proper sacri- 
 fices were made. The magistrate made known the pur- 
 pose of the assembly; only those could speak to whom 
 he gave permission. Each citizen gave his vote orally 
 in the group to which he belonged; the decision of the 
 majority in the group determined its vote, which then 
 was counted as one in determining the final vote of the 
 groups. The meeting closed before sunset and could be 
 adjourned by the magistrate at any time, should he 
 regard the omens as unfavorable. The citizen was con- 
 stantly under the strict surveillance of the authorities. 
 The censor (§357) examined into his private life and 
 punished any breaches of social custom by fines or even 
 
Applied Science 330 
 
 suspension from civic rights. In the administration of importance 
 justice he appeared before judicial officers, such as the 
 praetors; no lawyers existed; plaintiff and defendant 
 must plead their own causes; the magistrate acting under 
 the written law of the Twelve Tables interpreted its ap- 
 plication and handed the case definitely formulated over 
 to the judex for judgment. An appeal in criminal cases 
 might be taken to the comitia. Private persons (judices) 
 were regularly appointed by the magistrate to hear cases 
 and give decisions. Out of all this procedure came in 
 course of time the body of public and private law which 
 is one of Rome's chief glories. 
 
 395. Science: Its Practical Character. — In the higher 
 ranges of art and science we must not expect old Rome 
 to excel. Its science was practical like all the rest of its 
 works. The year consisted of twelve months; it began 
 in March. The days of the month were indicated by 
 their relation to the moon's changes. All the days of 
 the year were given a special religious significance, either 
 good or bad. Business could be done only on the good 
 days, which made up more than two-thirds of the year. 
 In 304 B.C. a calendar on which the character of the days The Caien- 
 was indicated was published. The whole arrangement 
 was quite imperfect. In architecture the most charac- Architect- 
 teristic achievements were the roads, the bridges and the 
 aqueducts, which began to be built on a grand scale. 
 The arch had a great history at Rome. The chief priest- 
 hood had a name which connected it with bridge-building 
 (pontifices). The solidity of the Roman character was 
 already reflected in the architecture. In decorative and other Art. 
 plastic art but a few beginnings had been made. The 
 bronze wolf in the Forum and the bronze Jupiter of the 
 
340 
 
 Old Roman Life 
 
 Capitol date from about 290 B.C. ; the stone sar-coph'a-gus 
 of Scipio, from a little later time, was a simple but strong 
 work. A beautiful casket of like date illustrates as do 
 the other works of art the source of the artistic impulse; 
 Greeks were the teachers of Rome in these things. The 
 beginnings of painting belong also to this same age. 
 Literature was even less advanced. The laws of the 
 Twelve Tables constituted the one Roman book. Bal- 
 lads and heroic poems in a rude metre were sung. Some 
 public records, lists of magistrates, religious rituals and 
 the like — -these alone constituted the barren Roman lit- 
 erature of the time. 
 
 396. Morals and Religion.— The rude, severe and 
 scrupulous temper of the old Roman is revealed in his 
 moral standards and religious life. Much of it has ap- 
 peared in what has already been told — the power of the 
 father, the subordination of the individual to family and 
 state, the exposure of new-born children, the position of 
 the slave in the household, a mere unhuman chattel. In 
 its worthiest manifestation this old Roman spirit showed 
 itself in the conviction that everyone had his place and 
 work in the community. Let a man do his work in the 
 sphere in which he is born; be it father, son or slave, be 
 it patron or client, be it consul or soldier in the ranks — ■ 
 let him not seek to be above his place and work or fall 
 beneath it. Religion was still of the type which has 
 been described (§§347-348); but an important change 
 had taken place in the character of the gods. On com- 
 ing into close relations with the Greeks the Romans 
 found that this people possessed deities not unlike their 
 own. Jupiter was, accordingly, equated with Zeus, Juno 
 with Hera, Minerva with Athena, Mars with Ares, Venus 
 
Eeligion 341 
 
 with Aphrodite, Diana with Artemis, and so on. At once 
 the Roman deities ceased to be vague figures and got the 
 forms and personahties of their Greek counterparts, so 
 that they could be plastically conceived and represented 
 in marble and bronze. The Romans, too, were saved the 
 pains of working out a sacred history for their gods and 
 goddesses by these identifications, since they applied to 
 their native deities the whole rich circle of Greek myth- 
 ology. Where, finally, Greece had a desirable deity for 
 which Rome lacked an equivalent, the Sibylline books 
 were consulted and the foreign deity was formally in- 
 troduced into Rome. Thus came As-cu-lap'ius, the Greek 
 god of healing, in 293 B.C. None the less old Roman 
 habits and feelings persisted; everywhere the divine 
 powers were present and their relations to man were 
 worked out in great detail and their favorable action 
 secured by complex rituals. Still lived the profound 
 faith in the fidelity of the gods to their word and the 
 corresponding obligation and opportunity of man to do 
 his part toward them. This reaches its highest point in 
 the voluntary self-sacrifice of the individual for the in- 
 terest of the state — the devotio, as it was called. 
 
 In the decisive battle of the Samnite war (Sentinum) the consul, 
 Publius Decius Mus, saw his legions broken and fleeing before the 
 enemy. Whereupon he called to himself the priest and charged him 
 to utter the solemn formula whereby a victim was devoted. The 
 words having been uttered, he cried out that he drove before him fear 
 and fright, slaughter and blood and the wrath of gods above and be- 
 low, and that with the contagion of the Furies, ministers of death, he 
 infected the standards and the arms of the enemy. With this curse, 
 and conscious that he offered himself as a victim to ward off the peril 
 from his country, he spurred forward his horse where the enemy's 
 force was thickest and found death at the points of their spears. 
 
342 Old Roman Life 
 
 397. A Type of a Progressive Roman: Appius Clau- 
 dius. — The broadening of life, as this period draws to a 
 close, is shown in one of the famous men of the time, 
 Appius Claudius, the censor. It was he who built the 
 first Roman road, the Appian Way, which led southward 
 to Capua; the first aqueduct, likewise, was his work. 
 He was also a patron of letters; to him are ascribed 
 written speeches, wise maxims and the first collection of 
 legal decisions. Even the study of grammar looks back 
 to him. Other men followed in his footsteps. Rome, 
 the head of Italy, rose from provincial manners and cus- 
 toms to be a cosmopolitan city. She was at the turning 
 of the ways. Soon Greek learning and manners would 
 come in like a flood and the old Rome disappear forever. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What light on Roman life is thrown 
 by the following : pecunia; togavirilis; devotio? 2. What is 
 meant by denarius, censor, atrium, nomen? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the Greek (§§ 200, 201) 
 and Roman estimate of business life. 2. In what did the Ro- 
 man idea of amusement differ from the Greek (§§ 109, 128, 160, 
 203, 206, 207, 209)? 3. Compare the Roman idea of the fam- 
 ily with the oriental (§ 25). 4. Would a Greek have acted as 
 did Decius Mus (§ 396)? State reasons for or against. 
 
Rome and Carthage 343 
 
 4.— THE STRUGGLE WITH CARTHAGE FOR 
 THE WESTERN MEDITERRANEAN 
 
 264-200 B.C. 
 
 398. Roman Responsibility for Italy. — Rome was now 
 head of the Italian land, unifier and protector of its 
 peoples. But this high position involved responsibility 
 (i) for the defence of its coasts and (2) for the protection 
 
 of its commerce. Dangers in both of these directions Threaten- 
 appeared on account of the power of the African city, 'JJ^car-*" 
 Carthage. The founding of Carthage and its com- '^^^ge. 
 mercial activity in the western Mediterranean have 
 already been mentioned (§§352, 170). North Africa as 
 far as the Atlantic was under its authority, as was also 
 a goodly share of Sicily. In that island Carthage had 
 waged long wars with the Greeks for supremacy (§§ 170, 
 176, 249, 328-331). Its ships had contested the trade of 
 the Adriatic sea with the Greeks of Magna Graecia, and 
 were found in every port of the west. Corsica, Sardinia 
 and portions of the Spanish peninsula were its pos- 
 sessions; while the trade of all Spain was in its hands. 
 Such commercial influence and activity brought immense 
 wealth to the city, and for centuries had given it easily 
 the leading position in the west. 
 
 399. Change in Relations of Rome and Carthage Un- 
 avoidable. — As long as Rome was an inland and pro- 
 vincial city, occupied with local affairs, interested in 
 local trade, relations with Carthage had been friendly. 
 Indeed, when Italy had been threatened by the Greeks, 
 led by Pyrrhus (§§331, 377), Rome and Carthage had 
 formed an alliance. But now the situation was changed. 
 
344 
 
 The Struggle with Carthage 
 
 Rome had taken into its possession the Greek cities of 
 Italy and was bound to protect their interests. Thus at 
 this point it came into touch with Carthage's commercial 
 activity. Nor could Carthage, on its part, accept will- 
 ingly a limitation of its commerce. It is indispensable 
 to every such community to enlarge and strengthen its 
 trade. The one region remaining in the west which 
 could thus be exploited was Italy. Accordingly, it is 
 not strange that Carthaginian pressure upon the Italian 
 peninsula grew greater just at the moment when Rome's 
 duty of protecting Italy became clear to her statesmen. 
 In these circumstances a conflict of interests leading to 
 open war was unavoidable. 
 
 400. Sicily the Scene of the First Breach. — The oc- 
 casion that opened the breach was insignificant. Its 
 scene was the contested ground of Sicily. There, after 
 the death of Agathocles of Syracuse (§ 330), a band of 
 his mercenaries, calling themselves Mamertines ("Sons of 
 Mars"), had seized Mes-sa'na, the Sicilian town nearest 
 Italy, and for the following twenty-five years were the 
 scourge of the northeastern part of the island. While 
 waging war against them a Syracusan officer named 
 Hi'e-ron obtained such prominence that in 269 B.C. he 
 overturned the republican government with the aid of 
 his army and made himself in that year tyrant of Syra- 
 cuse and five years later, after a great victory over the 
 Mamertines, king of Sicily. Unable to hold out against 
 him, the Mamertines appealed to Rome. While the ap- 
 peal was being considered, a faction also asked help of 
 Carthage and the Carthaginians seized the town. The 
 Roman senate hesitated to become embroiled in a war 
 outside Italy, but the comitia centuriata in which prior 
 
Resources of Rome and Carthage 345 
 
 to ca. 241 B.C. the commercial interests had large influence 
 finally decided to help the Mamertines and despatched 
 a force which expelled the Carthaginian garrison. Thus 
 war with Carthage was declared (264 B.C.). 
 
 401. The First Punic War, 264-241 B.C. — This war, 
 called the First Punic* War, lasted for nearly a quarter 
 of a century. 
 
 402. Rome and Carthage Contrasted. — It was not 
 unlike the great struggle between Athens and Sparta in 
 that Carthage avoided meeting the much superior land 
 army of Rome and Rome at first conceded to Carthage 
 control of the sea. Rome had under it a population of Population 
 about five million, Carthage, with a city population of ^"utar 
 about half a million, had in its empire about five million Resources, 
 people also; but whereas Rome could put for years at a 
 stretch one hundred thousand men in the field, Carthage 
 
 was mainly dependent upon mercenaries and seldom was 
 able to employ more than thirty thousand of them. The 
 main asset of Carthage was its wealth. Its revenues were 
 far greater than those of Rome, which was weak finan- 
 cially; but the first consideration in Carthage was the 
 fleet in which it had on occasion as many as three hun- 
 dred and fifty vessels, most of them the huge top-heavy 
 quin'que-remes which became the normal battle-ships in 
 the -third century B.C. (§ 318). To maintain such a fleet, 
 however, strained to the limit even the enormous resources 
 of Carthage. 
 
 403. Dependencies and Allies of Rome and Carthage. 
 — Carthage had no hope from the start of evening up 
 conditions on land with Rome, since it could not de- 
 
 * "Punic" is a form of "Phoenician." Carthage was a Phoenician 
 or Punic colony. 
 
346 
 
 The Struggle with Carthage 
 
 pend upon the loyalty of the native population of Libya, 
 or of its other dependencies, which it exploited ruthlessly 
 for its own profit, and which were a source rather of 
 military weakness than of strength to their masters; nor 
 could it use its own urban population for foreign war- 
 fare because in the first place the masses were of little 
 service and in the second place they would fight only for 
 their own protection. Rome, on the other hand, con- 
 trolled, along the eastern and southern coast of Italy and 
 in Sicily, many Greek cities which it treated with singular 
 generosity and which had fought Carthage to a standstill 
 on the sea for generations before they had entered into 
 the Italian federation. The government of both coun- 
 tries was in the hands of an intelligent aristocracy, the 
 one of merchants, the other of landed proprietors. That 
 of Carthage stood at the head of a peaceful people ab- 
 sorbed in commercial and industrial occupations; that 
 of Rome at the head of a warlike peasantry flushed with 
 victory after victory in Italy, keen for fresh booty, and 
 stoutly loyal and devoted to its leaders. The incom- 
 petence of these for the conduct of systematic campaigns 
 and dangerous naval operations was the signal weakness 
 of Rome; for Carthage had long since reached the point 
 of giving charge of its armies and fleets to approved 
 officers and keeping them in command for year after 
 year in succession, whereas Rome entrusted its armies 
 to amateur generals and changed them annually. This 
 was the main reason for the length of the struggle. 
 
 404. The Roman Fleet: Mylae. — The first advantage 
 was gained by Rome when it got its army safely over to 
 Sicily and with it forced Hieron of Syracuse to enter its 
 alliance. All that seemed now necessary was to take 
 
Roman 
 Fleet. 
 
 The First Punic War 347 
 
 the fortified cities into which the Carthaginians withdrew, 
 and, indeed, after a long and difficult siege, the chief place 
 held by them in Greek Sicily, Ag-ri-gen'tum, was captured 
 in 261 B.C. It was practically starved into submission. 
 This could not be done in the case of the Phoenician towns 
 on the coast, Pa-nor'mus, Lil-y-bae'um and Drep'a-na. 
 Hence Rome decided to use its naval resources and gain 
 possession of the sea. A fleet of one hundred quinque- The First 
 remes and twenty triremes was, accordingly, despatched 
 to Sicilian waters in 260 B.C. under the command of the 
 consul Gaius Duilius. It was contributed, manned and 
 financed mainly by Greeks, but on each ship sailed a 
 body of Roman soldiers. The plan was to drop a newly 
 invented "boarding bridge" with spikes at the end on the 
 deck of the Cathaginian ship whenever two vessels came 
 to close action, and thus to turn the sea fight into a land 
 engagement. The plan succeeded admirably and on the 
 high sea off Mylae Duilius gained the first naval victory 
 for the Romans and captured sixty of the enemy's ships. 
 This was the opening of a long duel for the mastery of 
 the western Mediterranean, and it was fought out at the 
 same time that the other African power, Egypt, was en- 
 gaged in a similar duel with Macedon for the possession 
 of the eastern Mediterranean (§318). 
 
 405. Regulus in Africa. — Despite Mylse Rome made 
 no progress with its operations against Panormus, Lily- 
 baeum and Drepana. Hence in 256 B.C. the senate decided 
 to carry the war into Africa, which the invasion of Agath- 
 ocles fifty-four years earlier had shown to be the weak 
 place in the Carthaginian armor. First, however, the 
 Punic fleet, three hundred and fifty ships strong, which 
 put itself in the way of the Roman-Greek navy with the 
 
348 
 
 The Struggle with Carthage 
 
 army of invasion on board, had to be dealt with: The 
 great sea fight took place at Ec'no-mus, the contestants 
 being about equal in strength. Victory rested with the 
 Romans, and the landing in Africa was made success- 
 fully. At this point one of the consuls returned with the 
 fleet to Italy, the other Regulus remained with fifteen 
 thousand men to conduct the war in Africa. In 256 B.C. 
 he defeated the Carthaginians and seized Tunis almost 
 in sight of the huge city, but in the next year he and his 
 army were overwhelmed; and while taking the remnants 
 back home the Roman fleet was destroyed by a storm. 
 
 406. Both Parties Exhausted. — The struggle was again 
 centred round the Phoenician forts in Sicily, and in 253 
 B.C. the Romans gained a great success in the capture 
 of Panormus, but on the return to Italy a second Ro- 
 man fleet was destroyed by storm. The trouble with 
 the great lofty quinqueremes was that they tended to turn 
 turtle in a rough sea. The ignorant Roman admirals, 
 moreover, took unnecessary risks. Upon the other two 
 places, Lilybaeum and Drepana, the Romans made little 
 impression; and when in 249 B.C. P. Claudius lost one 
 Roman fleet in action off Drepana, and when in 248 
 B.C. L. Junius lost another in action off Cam-a-ri'na, the 
 war came to a standstill. Both contestants were ex- 
 hausted; and for seven years the only interest the struggle 
 possessed was in the brilliant guerilla warfare conducted 
 by Ha-mil'car, surnamed Barca (''the lightning"), in 
 Sicily. Finally the Romans roused themselves to new 
 action; the funds for a new navy were provided, as 
 usual, by advances of money made to the government by 
 its patriotic citizens. This fleet the consul Cat'u-lus led 
 to victory at the ^Egatian islands in 241 B.C., whereupon 
 
The Twenty Years' Interval 349 
 
 Carthage was compelled to ask for peace. It was 
 granted on these terms: Carthage retired from Sicily 
 and the islands between Sicily and Italy; she promised 
 also to pay during a period of ten years three thousand 
 two hundred talents (241 B.C.). 
 
 407. The Mercenary War, 241-237 B.C. — But the 
 strength of the Punic city was by no means exhausted; 
 the conflict was sure to break out again when time and 
 resources were favorable to its renewal. It was, indeed, 
 deferred for the moment by the horrible ''truceless" war 
 (241-237 B.C.) between Carthage and its mercenaries — 
 whose pay was greatly in arrears — in which only the gen- 
 ius of Hamilcar Barca saved his country frohi destruc- 
 tion. But it was made inevitable in that at the crisis of 
 this struggle Carthage had to suffer a further humilia- 
 tion in the seizure of Sardinia by the Romans and an 
 additional payment of one thousand two hundred talents 
 
 (238 B.C.). A remonstrance was met by a threat of war Seizure of 
 which helpless Carthage bought off only by the cession ^^^ '"'^ 
 of Sardinia and Corsica. The two islands together Corsica, 
 formed the second Roman province. Rome, also, had 
 other difficulties on hand which occupied its attention. 
 
 408. The Gallic Wars.— The Gauls in the north of 
 Italy were causing trouble, and when the tribune Fla- 
 min'i-us carried a law to assign to citizens the public 
 lands along the coast of Umbria the Gallic tribes already 
 irritated rose in revolt. The struggle could have but 
 one result; the Gauls were crushed and the Latin colo- 
 nies of Placentia and Cremona were placed in the con- 
 quered territory. A road from Rome to A-rim'i-num, 
 called the Via Flaminia after its builder, Flaminius, 
 brought this restless district within striking distance of the 
 
350 
 
 The Struggle with Carthage 
 
 Illyrian 
 Wars. 
 
 Hamilcar 
 and 
 
 Hasdrubal 
 in Spain. 
 
 Hannibal. 
 
 capital. The land between the Alps and the Apennines 
 was called Cisalpine Gaul. The annoyance caused by 
 Illyrian pirates to Roman commerce in the Adriatic 
 brought on Illyrian wars (229 and 219 B.C.), in which due 
 punishment was inflicted on the aggressors, friendly re- 
 lations established with the Greek states and the Adriatic 
 made an Italian sea. 
 
 409. The Punic Power in Spain. — The occasion for 
 the second struggle with Carthage appeared in an unex- 
 pected quarter. One of the most skilful Punic generals, 
 Hamilcar Barca, animated by an inextinguishable hatred 
 for Rome, retired to Spain after the '^ruceless" war and 
 there spent nine years in building up a Carthaginian 
 power which might furnish men and money to renew 
 the war with Rome. After his death, first his son-in-law 
 Has'dru-bal (228-221 B.C.) and later his son Hannibal, 
 with splendid vigor and success, carried on his work. The 
 wild tribes south of the river Ebro were tamed, united and 
 organized into an effective force. Money and munitions 
 of war were collected and a plan of campaign, bold be- 
 yond all expectation, was devised. The first step pre- 
 cipitated war. Sa-gun'tum, a petty fort in alliance with 
 Declaration Rome, was attacked and captured by Hannibal. His 
 surrender was at once demanded and as promptly re- 
 fused, whereupon a Roman ambassador in the pictu- 
 resque fashion of the Roman declaration of war "gathered 
 his toga in two folds — 'War or peace,' he cried; 'which 
 will you have ? ' ' Which you will, ' was the answer. He 
 shook out the fold of war, and war was accepted by 
 Carthage with a light heart." Then with an army of 
 fifty thousand infantry and nine thousand cavalry, sup- 
 ported by fighting elephants, Hannibal marched north- 
 
Hannibal iii Italy 
 
 351 
 
 ward with Ho less audacious a design than the crossing 
 of the Alps and the descent into northern Italy. After 
 almost incredible hardships, through fightings with wild 
 tribes and the fierceness of winter storms among the high 
 Alps, the army, reduced to less than half its number, 
 stood exhausted, but triumphant, on the plains of Cisal- 
 pine Gaul. 
 
 410. Hannibal in Italy. — And now began a duel to 
 the death, the Second Punic War (218 B.C.).* The fate 
 of Rome hung on 
 the loyalty of the 
 allied cities of 
 Italy. The newly 
 conquered Gauls 
 soon rose and 
 flocked to Hanni- 
 bal. The Roman 
 army under the 
 consuls was routed 
 at battles on the 
 banks of the rivers 
 Ti-ci'nus and the Treb''i-a. The next year (217 B.C.) 
 Hannibal, advancing southward, entrapped and annihi- 
 lated another Roman army at Lake Tras-i-me'nus in 
 Etruria; the consul Flaminius was killed in the battle. 
 Then the Romans in alarm appointed Quintus Fabius 
 Maximus dictator, known in history as the ''shield of 
 Rome." He would not give battle, but followed on the 
 heels of Hannibal as he marched down to the southeast 
 ravaging the country. New commanders, the consuls 
 
 * It is suggested that the teacher amplify the sketch of this great war 
 by the aid of graphic passages chosen from Livy and Poiybius. 
 
 Hannibal 
 
 Invades 
 
 Italy. 
 
352 The Struggle with Carthage 
 
 The Dis- ^milius Paulus and Terentius Varro, and' a new and 
 Cannae, great army of more than eighty thousand men marched 
 out against him in 216 B.C.; again the Romans were utterly 
 beaten at Cannae in Apulia; one consul, Varro, and ten 
 thousand men survived the slaughter. In this as in all 
 the other Italian engagements of Hannibal the victory 
 was gained or rendered complete by his clever use of his 
 wonderful Numidian cavalry. 
 
 411. The Italian Allies Desert.— Rome now appeared 
 on the verge of destruction. The majority of the Roman 
 allies in southern Italy (§ 383) passed over to Hannibal's 
 side — Capua and Tarentum among the rest. In Sicily, 
 Syracuse and its dependencies renounced the Roman al- 
 liance. Philip V of Macedonia (§ 327) made an alliance 
 with Hannibal. And, in fact, Hannibal had substantially 
 accomplished his mission, which was not the annihilation 
 of Rome, but the dissolution of the Italian federation and 
 the reduction of its head to its historic position as one 
 among the many petty states of the peninsula. Hence- 
 forth, all he had to do was to maintain his position in Italy 
 and prevent the Romans from re-establishing their he- 
 Rome gem'o-ny. But the heroic Roman spirit remained un- 
 anTthe°" shaken. An offer of peace by the victor of Cannae was 
 Tide Turns, rejected. An army sent to Syracuse under the command 
 of Me-tel'lus, " the sword of Rome," captured that city and 
 restored Roman power in Sicily. War was declared 
 against Philip. Energetic efforts were put forth to recover 
 the rebellious Italian cities, while further pitched battles 
 with Hannibal were avoided. The fortified posts occu- 
 pied by Roman allies all over the land — the Latin colo- 
 nies (§ 382) — held fast to Rome. Thus gradually the sky 
 brightened, while Hannibal's task grew more difficult. 
 
The Metaurus 353 
 
 He lost Capua in 211 B.C., and a dash at Rome in the same 
 year failed. Tarentum was taken by the Romans in 209 
 B.C. The crisis of the struggle came when Hasdrubal, 
 Hannibal's brother, eluding the enemy in Spain, started 
 for Italy. Already Rome was near the end of its resources. 
 Twelve Latin colonies announced that they could keep up 
 the struggle no longer. If the two Carthaginian armies 
 could unite, their victory was sure. But in 207 B.C. the The 
 army of Hasdrubal was destroyed at the river Me-tau'rus, ^®**"'^"^' 
 he himself killed and his head thrown over the ram- 
 parts of his brother's camp. As Hannibal looked upon 
 it, he is said to have declared, "I behold the fate of 
 Carthage." This battle decided that Hannibal could 
 maintain his position in Italy for only a limited time. 
 Soon his diminishing army was shut up in the region of 
 Bruttium. Peace was made between Rome and Philip. 
 412. The War in Spain. — Meanwhile, a tedious war 
 had been carried on in Spain — Hannibal's sole possible 
 source of reinforcements — by the brothers Publius and 
 Gnaeus Scipio, who were both finally overthrown and 
 killed (212 B.C.). All Spain seemed lost to the Romans Scipio 
 when the son of the slain general, Publius Cornelius ^"'=^°^^'' 
 Scipio, a brilliant young Roman officer, who earlier than 
 anyone else saw the advantage of fighting the war out 
 in Hannibal's own country, came to Spain with an army 
 (211 B.C.). He did not, indeed, prevent the departure 
 of Hasdrubal for Italy, but after a series of striking cam- 
 paigns he was able in 206 B.C. to return to Italy leaving 
 Rome master of the Carthaginian part of the Iberian 
 peninsula. Two years later he advanced his project 
 a step further by crossing the sea with an army to carry 
 the war into Africa. 
 
354 
 
 The Struggle ivith Carthage 
 
 Hannibal 
 Recalled. 
 
 Zama. 
 
 The 
 
 Punish- 
 ment of 
 Carthage. 
 
 Growth of 
 the Senate's 
 Power. 
 
 413. "The War into Africa." — Hannibal was recalled 
 to defend his country and was overthrown by Scipio at 
 the battle of Zama (202 B.C.).* The war was over; 
 Carthage was ruined, and nothing was left but to seek 
 as favorable terms of peace as possible. They were not 
 too severe; Spain and the Mediterranean islands were 
 given up; the kingdom of Numidia was granted its inde- 
 pendence under King Mas'si-nis'sa, whose claim to the 
 throne of all Numidia Rome had espoused, and war upon 
 it was forbidden; the fleet was reduced to ten triremes; 
 a payment of two hundred talents yearly for fifty years 
 was imposed. Thus Carthage, while not destroyed, lost 
 its political and commerical supremacy and became little 
 more than a dependency of Rome. 
 
 414. The Power and Position of the Senate. — During 
 this long struggle with a foreign enemy the administration 
 of the Roman state underwent some changes. We have 
 seen that the political strife of patrician and plebeian 
 had ended in the victory of the latter and the harmoniz- 
 ing of all interests in a popular government (§§ 362-366). 
 But when war with Carthage came, it was found that a 
 strong administration was necessary to conduct it. The 
 citizens, therefore, let the senate manage affairs, since it 
 was a compact body of the best men in the state and was 
 always at hand in Rome on critical occasions. Thus 
 the senate slowly absorbed the powers of government, 
 which, in theory, belonged to the people. The magis- 
 trates, although elected by the people, were guided by 
 the senate and fulfilled its will. This was to mean much 
 in the future, but at present it worked successfully. The 
 firmness and courage with which the senate went about 
 
 * From this victory Scipio gained the title Africanus. 
 
Senate and Magistrates 355 
 
 its task of carrying on the war, supplying soldiers, en- 
 couraging the people, resisting all appeals for peace until 
 the work was done, is worthy of all praise. The only 
 body in Rome which could give this kind of an adminis- 
 tration was the senate; hence the government came more 
 and more securely into its grasp. 
 
 415. Composition of the Senate. — The strength of this 
 great corporation was due largely to the influence of 
 
 the men who composed it. On the list of its members Ex-Magis- 
 the censors were in the habit of registering all ex-magis- ^■^^ senate.'" 
 trates not already enrolled. Only when these did not 
 suffice to fill the vacancies in the aggregate of three hun- 
 dred did the censors have the liberty to nominate others. 
 Senators held office for life. Only gross misbehavior 
 justified the censors in leaving the names of old members 
 off the list. Accordingly, outside the senate there was 
 rarely anybody who had ever held an important civil 
 or military office; in it were all Romans possessed of 
 knowledge and experience of public affairs. 
 
 416. The Senate and the Magistrates. — Moreover, 
 while the people in Rome chose their magistrates, only 
 senators were qualified to be candidates for the higher 
 positions. The reason for this was that the lower offices 
 — such as the tribunate, qusetorship, aedileship — had to 
 be held first, and on holding them men generally became 
 senators. Hence, what the people did was virtually to Higher 
 select from the senate annual committees of senators to chosen^'*^ 
 hold the praetorships and consulships. Since men were ^^"^ ^^^ 
 
 Senate. 
 
 senators for their lifetime and magistrates for only a 
 single year, they did not care to do anything while 
 consuls or praetors to impair the power of the body 
 to which they were to belong permanently. Thus 
 
356 Senatoidal Government 
 
 the senate was able to retain its control of the higher 
 magistrates. 
 
 41 "7. The Senate and the Tribunate. — Should, how- 
 ever, any officer ignore or defy the senate it was always 
 possible for it to get a tribune to veto his actions. A 
 single tribune was able to stop all public business in 
 Rome — to seal up the treasury, suspend the law courts, 
 reduce every magistrate to inactivity, even prevent all 
 votes of the comitia. Hence the senate had an invin- 
 cible guardian so long as the veto of the tribunes was 
 observed and one of these ten officers was ready to take 
 the senate's point of view. 
 
 418. The Senate and the Assemblies. — The senate, 
 however, was ordinarily able to control the elections and 
 to prevent all but members of the senatorial families 
 from getting elected to the lower offices. It was, indeed, 
 a rare occurrence for a new "man" {novus homo) to rise 
 to the prsetorship or consulship in Rome. This monopoly 
 of office was preserved largely by the way the electoral 
 divisions were formed. There were now thirty-five 
 tribes and the tribes had each one vote in the comitia 
 tributa and ten centuries in the comitia centuriata. Of 
 the thirty-five only four were open to the urban — land- 
 less and freedman — population; so that no matter how 
 many of the residents of Rome flocked down to the Forum 
 or out to the Campus Martius when the comitia met, they 
 could cast only four votes out of thirty-five or forty out of 
 three hundred and fifty. On the other hand, sixteen of 
 the tribes — the so-called "rustic tribes"— lay in the terri- 
 tory immediately around the city. As time passed ^thg 
 land in this district tended to gather in the hands,. pj/,a 
 smaller and smaller number of great landholders; .so.tha.t 
 
Senate and Comitia 357 
 
 the "rustic tribes" became in a sense "pocket boroughs" 
 of the senators. The other fifteen tribes lay up and down 
 Italy, usually at such a distance from the capital that 
 only men of means and leisure resident on them — men 
 who owned town houses and tilled their estates by slaves 
 — were in a position to appear regularly at the public 
 meetings. The net result was that the land proprietors 
 — "the country gentlemen" — who made up the sena- 
 torial or office-holding nobility were able to outvote the 
 masses in the comitia and distribute the ofi&ces among 
 themselves as they pleased. Hence the senate could 
 always count on having the support of at least one tribune. 
 A tribune, however, could prevent the magistrates from 
 calling the comitia together; hence to control the magis- 
 trates meant ordinarily to control the assemblies. 
 
 419. The Constitutional Weaknesses of the Senate. — 
 Should, however, the masses of the countrymen of Italy 
 become dissatisfied and flock to the comitia in tens of 
 thousands to vote for what they wanted; that is to say, 
 should the peasants of Italy want strongly something 
 which the government did not care to give to them, the 
 position of the senate would be in the highest degree 
 perilous. But so long as it was successful in its wars in Success the 
 Italy and abroad, and new land and rich booty were con- ^f ^^^ gen. 
 tinuously provided for the Roman peasants; so long as 
 the struggle for national honor and existence fired the 
 patriotism of every Roman farmer, the senate was the 
 accepted leader of the agriculturists of the peninsula, and 
 the senator's sons were the men whom the citizens natu- 
 rally chose to be their officers in the army and in the state. 
 
 420. The Senate's Method of Transacting Business. — 
 The senate was usually convoked by the consuls. The 
 
 ate. 
 
358 Senatorial Goveriiment 
 
 summons indicated the place and day of the meeting: 
 the time was daybreak, the place a templum, or sacred 
 enclosure, usually the curia Hostilia in the Forum. The 
 summons did not disclose the subject upon which the 
 senators were to tender advice to the magistrates — for it 
 was solely to advise that the senate existed, not to com- 
 mand or legislate. Accordingly, there was no opportu- 
 nity for previous study or manipulation. It was the duty 
 of the presiding oflficer to put the senate into possession 
 of the facts. This he did in laying each matter before 
 the chamber. The senate did not work with the aid of 
 committees, except in so far as each pair of magistrates 
 was its committee; hence no opportunity whatever was 
 given for the mature consideration of public business 
 outside the walls of the senate chamber. The deliber- 
 ate purpose was that the decisions should be reached in 
 the senate itself. That outside pressure might not dis- 
 turb the equanimity of the senators, all debates were 
 held behind closed doors. On either side of the central 
 aisle, at the farther end of which the magistrates took their 
 places in their robes of 'offi.ce on their ivory curule chairs, 
 sat the three hundred senators clad in their white togas 
 slashed with broad purple stripes. At one epoch the 
 tribunes had taken their places at the door of the chamber 
 and thence heard what they could of the discussion; now 
 they had drawn their long bench into the room and sat 
 in the aisle with the magistrates. At the door crowded 
 the sons of the senators — the young men destined for a 
 public life who had not as yet reached the age of office- 
 holding. Others were kept beyond hearing by the lictors. 
 The senators gave their opinions seated ; men rose only 
 when they voted. The speeches were short and pithy — 
 
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Transaction of Bu.si7iess 359 
 
 the blunt opinions of farmers — and each ended with a Discussion 
 motion upon the question at issue. It might simply ^"g 
 be an endorsement of an opinion already given. In fact, 
 the only senator who could not escape the onus of giving 
 a formal opinion (sententia) was the princeps senatus — 
 the oldest ex-censor ordinarily, the man whom the cen- 
 sors on drawing up the list of the senators had put at 
 its head. The others were arranged behind him in ac- 
 cordance with the offices they had held — ex-consuls and 
 ex-praetors having precedence over ex-ccdiles. Within 
 each group the place of the individual was decided by 
 seniority. While each senator in turn was expressing 
 his opinion, the voting was in progress. By leaving their Voting in 
 places and taking their seats in the vicinity of the man 
 with whose opinion they agreed, the senators kept show- 
 ing to the presiding officer how they were voting; so that 
 at the end of the process he had to select the opinion he 
 pleased and put it to the whole for a final vote only 
 when more than two popular views had been expressed. 
 The possibility existed for prolonging the discussion in- 
 definitely; for not only was the method of eliciting the' 
 will of the senate cumbrous, but the senator when called 
 upon could speak for any length of time he pleased upon 
 any subject he pleased. That, none the less, the enor- 
 rrious amount of public business which arose in Rome, 
 Italy and finally in the entire Mediterranean world, was 
 transacted quickly and wisely is the highest tribute that 
 can be paid to the wonderful political sense of the Roman 
 senators. 
 
 421. The Business of the Senate. — The senate could 
 not meet of its own accord, but was dependent upon 
 the magistrates for its corporate existence. It had no 
 
360 
 
 Senatorial Government 
 
 legal power to enforce its decrees, and no judicial process 
 could compel any magistrate to follow the advice it gave. 
 It had no judicial authority of any kind except in cases 
 of crisis or emergency. It had no legislative power; and 
 by the Hortensian law of 287 B.C. it had lost all right to 
 regulate or modify the votes of the comitia. None the 
 less, it was the real government of Rome. The business of 
 a state commonly falls into three groups. There are first 
 the regular foreseen tasks which in Rome the magistrates 
 performed: the care of the streets and public buildings 
 (gediles), the handling of the public funds (queestors), the 
 settling of disputes (praetors), the handling of the troops 
 and convoking the senate and assembly (consuls), the 
 taking of the census and the imposition of the taxes (cen- 
 sors). With these the senate had no concern. There are 
 in the second place the extraordinary and unforeseen 
 measures affecting the mode of life of the entire people, 
 which in Rome required the action of the comitia: the 
 enactment of a new law, the creation of a new magistracy, 
 the declaration of war, the conclusion of a peace or treaty, 
 the foundation of a colony on the public land, the punish- 
 ment of a criminal or traitor. Such matters lay beyond 
 the competency of the senate. In the third place there 
 is the great body of extraordinary but foreseen cases 
 where an important decision has to be reached. It 
 might be something unusual in the work of a magistrate, 
 such as the need for levying troops or imposing a war tax; 
 it might be the demand of the people for a new law or a 
 new colony, or a war or a peace; it might be the arrival 
 of an embassy from a foreign state; it might be a strange 
 omen. For the formulation of a policy on such matters 
 the senate was the only proper authority in Rome. Its 
 
Popular Assembly 361 
 
 province was, in other words, that of the cabinet in the 
 modern parliamentary system. 
 
 422. The Roman Assemblies. — The comitia was sim- 
 ply an arrangement of the citizens for convenience of 
 voting. When the comitia was called all discussion 
 ceased. Debate could take place only at unorganized 
 meetings {contiones) summoned by the magistrates for 
 that purpose. Only those whom the presiding officers per- 
 mitted could address the multitude. When the comitia 
 met, it could consider only a programme of business 
 published three weeks in advance by the convening mag- 
 istrate. Each citizen then went into the compartment Voting 
 assigned to his tribe or century, and on passing out across comitia. 
 a bridge told his vote to clerks who recorded it on wax 
 tablets with which they were provided. When all had 
 passed out the votes were counted and the vote of the 
 tribe or century declared by the presiding officer. The 
 majority of tribes or centuries determined the issue of the 
 vote. As already explained, this system of group voting 
 permitted the urban population to be ''hived" in four- 
 thirty-fifths of the electoral districts; so that the ill- 
 effects of the change which finally occured in the charac- 
 ter of the inhabitants of the city of Rome were for a long 
 time obviated. Still, it was a matter of grave concern to 
 the government that as Rome became the capital of Italy 
 and subsequently of the entire Mediterranean world, it 
 ceased to be essentially an aggregate of small and large 
 farmers and came to resemble more and more closely the 
 great cities of the present day. Probably nothing contrib- Fear of the 
 uted more to the long supremacy of the senate than the ^''^* 
 fear of all reflecting men that the proletariat of Rome 
 should really exercise sovereign power. 
 
362 Senatorial Government 
 
 423. The Financial Problem. — The senate's solution 
 of two problems is noteworthy. To procure money and 
 supplies for carrying on the war it adopted a curious 
 
 The plan. Instead of organizing a financial system of its own, 
 
 it sought the aid of wealthy capitalists and merchants 
 and gave the task into their hands. They supplied the 
 money, the ships, the food, the equipment. The state 
 was thus relieved from a great burden of business; but 
 this relief was dearly bought by bringing the state into 
 bondage to these men of wealth. As their operations 
 widened, the dependence of the administration upon 
 them increased. They began to have an undue influence 
 in shaping its policy. They made the state serve their 
 interests.* But they could not themselves become sena- 
 tors; for a law had been passed in 218 B.C. prohibiting 
 "members of the governing class from taking part in 
 foreign trade, as carriers, as manufacturers, or as partici- 
 pants in the great business of the contract for corn which 
 placed provincial grain on the Roman market." Hence 
 those who engaged in foreign commerce and bid for 
 government contracts became the nucleus of a new class 
 — the influential equestrian order. 
 
 424. The Problem of Conquered Territories. — The 
 other problem was the relation of the newly won terri- 
 tories outside of Italy to the Roman state. We have 
 seen that, in bringing Italy under Roman rule, either 
 the peoples had been made Roman citizens or their rela- 
 tions had been determined by a perpetual treaty (§§ 382- 
 384). But when, at the close of the first Punic war, 
 Sicily and Sardinia became Roman, neither of these 
 
 * Such men were called publicani, "contractors," whence our word 
 "publican." They formed a large part of the equestrian order (§439). 
 
The Provinces 363 
 
 methods was adopted, but a praetor (§ 353) was placed in 
 charge of them. This kind of authority, that of a mili- The 
 tary magistrate dealing with conquered peoples, was 
 called provincia, a name which was also given to the terri- 
 tory thus governed. The praetor maintained order and 
 rendered justice in the province; his authority was sus- 
 tained by a body of Roman soldiers. By this means no 
 new magistrates were appointed nor any new authority 
 created by the Roman administration. The plan worked 
 well enough for a temporary expedient, but the dangers 
 of giving the unlimited authority of a military magistrate 
 to the governor of conquered territories soon became clear 
 as Rome's conquests extended. Of these we shall hear 
 in the coming years. 
 
 425. Rome Ruler of the West. — The year 200 B.C. 
 saw Rome the ruler of the western Mediterranean. The 
 regions that had been dominated by Carthage — North 
 Africa, Spain, Sicily, and the other islands — passed un- 
 der Roman sway. The city, which had successfully 
 united Italy and held it firm against the terrific assaults 
 of Hannibal, had now a larger task, the ruling of the 
 west. Its imperial destiny was becoming clearer. The New 
 questions which now pressed for solution were such as 
 these: Was Rome's dominion to be limited to the west? 
 Could Rome succeed in uniting and governing its em- 
 pire, as it had succeeded with Italy? In these new 
 imperial tasks was Rome itself to remain unchanged? 
 These questions were soon to have their answer. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following noted: 
 Agathocles, Regulus, Fabius Maximus, Philip V, Zama, Me- 
 taurus? 2. Name in order the battles of the second Punic war, 
 3, What is meant by pras tor, quaestor, censor, provincia, Punic, 
 
 Province. 
 
 Problems 
 
364 The Struggle with Carthage 
 
 Latin colony, allied state? 4. What was the duration of this 
 period (dates) and how much of it was taken up with the wars 
 with Carthage? 5. What was the character of the senate 
 during the period of the Carthaginian wars? 6. Explain the 
 position of a tribune in the senate at this time. 7. What was 
 the tribal arrangement? 8. In what state matters had the 
 senate control? Give in detail the method of transacting 
 business in the senate. 9. Describe the system of voting in 
 use in the Roman assemblies. 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the Roman province 
 with the provinces of Egypt (§42), Assyria (§§65, 70), Persia 
 (§8i)and Alexander the Great (§299). 2. Compare Hannibal's 
 invasion of Italy with the Persian invasion of Greece (§§ 165, 
 169-175). 3. "Success is in no way necessary to greatness." 
 Does Hannibal's career justify this assertion? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Rome and Carthage Con- 
 trasted, (o) Rome's Organization, Army and Navy. How 
 and Leigh, pp. 131-143. (b) The Organization and Resources 
 of Carthage. How and Leigh, pp. 143-149. 2. The First Punic 
 War. How and Leigh, pp. 149-162. 3. The Second Punic War. 
 How and Leigh, chs. 21, 22. 4. The Battle of Cannae. How and 
 Leigh, pp. 194-19S. 5. Hannibal's Character. How and Leigh, 
 pp. 171-172. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Cartha- 
 ginian Empire. Shuckburgh, pp. 223-232; Myres, pp. 149-152; 
 Horton, pp. 60-63. 2. The First Punic War. Shuckburgh, chs. 
 18, 19. 3. The Second Punic War. Shuckburgh, chs. 22-25; 
 Myres, chs. 16-18. 4. The Story of Regulus. Seignobos, pp. 
 92-93. 5. Hannibal's March to Italy. Laing, pp. 362-373 
 (source); Munro, pp. 85-86 (source); Horton, pp. 7S-81. 6. The 
 Battle of Cannae. Laing, pp. 372-380 (source); Moray, pp. 117, 
 118; Shuckburgh, pp. 323-328. 7. Fabius Maximus. Plutarch's 
 Life of Fabius. 8. Hannibal as a Man. Laing, pp. 360-362 
 (source); Seignobos, p. 99. 9. Hannibal as a General: His 
 Strategy {a) at Trebia, (6) at Ticinus, (c) at Trasimene, {d) at 
 Cannae — see the histories as referred to above. 10. The Roman 
 Provincial System. Abbott, pp. 88-91; Horton, ch. 14; Morey, 
 pp. 146-148, 
 
Wars with Macedonia 365 
 
 5.— ROME'S CONQUEST OF THE EAST 
 
 200 133 B.C. 
 
 426. Preliminary Survey. — The year 200 B.C. marks preliminary 
 the moment when the separate stream of Roman history ^""^^^y- 
 merges into the main current of the larger history of the 
 
 world of the east. How rich and splendid in its culture 
 that Greek world had become, how active and absorbed 
 it was in its imperial enterprises and how fatally it was 
 weakened through its division into three great monar- 
 chies, has already been described (§§ 307-309, 318, 322, 
 327), Rome's progress, at first only indirectly connected The 
 with the eastern world, had steadily moved in the direction xtng^doms. 
 of closer relations (§ 327). Hardly had the conflict with 
 Carthage been won, when a war broke out with Mace- 
 donia. Thus Rome was involved directly with the poli- Rome 
 tics of the east and could not call a halt until the king- Lord^r 
 doms of Macedonia, Syria and Egypt, with the lesser ^^^ East, 
 powers of Greece and Asia Minor, became either subjects 
 or allies of Rome. Thus was created an empire around 
 the Mediterranean sea, from the Atlantic to the Eu- 
 phrates river. This splendid conquering career with its 
 effects on Roman life we are now to follow in detail. 
 
 427. Wars of Rome with Macedonia, 215-205 B.C. — 
 
 The war with Philip V of Macedonia that followed his al- Overthrow 
 liance with Hannibal (§§ 327, 411) was brought to an end y. "^ 
 in 205 B.C. by a treaty of peace that was hardly more than 
 a temporary truce. Philip, however, was the first to vio- 
 late it by attacking Roman allies in Greece and the east; 
 the Romans were not slow to respond by a declaration of 
 war (200 B.C.). The chief powers of Greece, the iEtolian 
 
366 
 
 Conquest of the East 
 
 and Achaean leagues (§§ 320-322), Joined with them. 
 After two ineffectual years, Titus Quinctius Flam-i-ni'nus 
 led the Roman legions to victory at the battle of Cy'nos- 
 ceph'a-lae (197 B.C.), in Thessaly, where against the Ro- 
 man maniples the Macedonian phalanx as a fighting 
 machine was found wanting. Philip obtained peace at 
 the price of becoming a dependent ally of Rome, losing 
 all territory outside of Macedonia and paying one thou- 
 sand talents. As for Greece itself, the Romans declared 
 its several states to be, henceforth, independent of the 
 authority which Macedon had tried to impose on Greece 
 since the battle of Chseroneia (§ 277). All Greece was 
 free once more to work out its own salvation. Rome had 
 no desire to interfere with its affairs and would see to it 
 that no other power did so. 
 
 428. War with Antiochus, 192-188 B.C.— Antiochus 
 III, king of Syria, however, viewed with increasing dis- 
 favor the appearance of Rome in the east. Roman in- 
 fluence opposed him in Egypt and on the coasts of Asia 
 Minor. To him Hannibal fled a few years after the fall 
 of Carthage and kept his anger hot. Now, upon the over- 
 throw of Macedonia, a suitable time seemed to him to have 
 come to assert his supremacy over Greece. On the invi- 
 tation of the ^tolian league he entered Greece (192 B.C.). 
 But in the next year he was defeated in the historic pass 
 of Thermopylae and driven out of Greece. The follow- 
 ing year (190 B.C.) the Roman army under Lucius Cor- 
 nelius Scipio,* the consul, who was aided by his brother, 
 the victor of Zama, crossed into Asia Minor and over- 
 threw the army of Antiochus at Magnesia. The proud 
 king made a humiliating peace, resigned his possessions in 
 
 * Because of this victory he got the title Asiaticus. 
 
Fall of Macedon 3G7 
 
 Europe and Asia Minor and paid an indemnity of twelve 
 thousand talents to the Romans. He further agreed to 
 keep no war elephants and to add no warships to the ten 
 which he was permitted to retain. The treaty called for 
 the surrender of Hannibal, but the great general escaped, 
 only to flee from place to place until, in 183 B.C., he ended 
 his own life by poison. The territories taken from An- 
 tiochus were handed over to loyal allies; Eumenes, king 
 of Pergamon (§ 326), received a large share, and his king- 
 dom became, along with Rhodes, a bulwark of Roman 
 influence in the east. The Seleucid empire never recov- 
 ered from this blow which proved to the subject peoples 
 in Asia that their Greek masters were not invincible. A 
 long series of revolts and dynastic struggles followed 
 which left only a weakened fragment of the once great 
 empire when it fell into the hands of the Romans. 
 
 429. The Third Macedonian War, 1 71-167 B.C. — Eigh- 
 teen years passed quietly when, in 171 B.C., war broke out 
 a third time with Macedonia. Philip had been followed 
 by his son Perseus, who succeeded in gaining a number of 
 Greek states to unite with him in resisting Rome. They 
 felt that freedom under Roman patronage was not real 
 freedom. Perseus offered a long and vigorous resistance; Pydna. 
 but in 168 B.C. he was defeated by Lucius ^Emilius Paulus 
 at Pydna, where again the Macedonian phalanx was shat- 
 tered. The king fled with his treasure, but was captured; 
 an immense booty was brought to Rome, where Paulus 
 enjoyed the most splendid "triumph" (§385) that the 
 city had ever seen. The state treasury was filled so full 
 that the regular tax upon the citizens was remitted and 
 was not again imposed. Macedonia was divided into 
 four separate independent districts allied to Rome; the 
 
S68 
 
 Conquest of the East 
 
 Settlement 
 of Mace- 
 donia and 
 Greece. 
 
 Revolt of 
 Seleucid 
 Dependen- 
 cies. 
 
 free states of Greece were severely dealt with. The re- 
 bellious leagues of ^tolia and Boeotia were dissolved. 
 The Achaean league, which had stood loyal, had to send 
 one thousand of its leading citizens to Rome, where 
 they were unjustly detained in practical exile for many 
 years. Among them was Po-lyb'i-us, who afterward wrote 
 a history of the Roman conquest of the world. Even the 
 loyal allies of Rome in the east, Pergamon and Rhodes, 
 were treated harshly. 
 
 430. The Maccabsean Uprising in Judea. — The next 
 twenty years (168-149 B.C.) show Rome at a standstill 
 in eastern affairs. All the eastern powers hung upon the 
 word of the senate, and their ambassadors thronged the 
 senate-house. During these years, as we have seen (§§ 
 319, 428), the Jews burst out in rebellion against Antio- 
 chus IV of Syria because he had violated the sanctity of 
 their temple and trampled upon their sacred law. Led 
 by the valiant family called the Maccabees, they heroically 
 and successfully fought off the Syrian armies and sought 
 the aid of Rome, which made a treaty with them, but gave 
 no actual help. At last they secured their independence 
 in 143 B. c, under Simon Mac-ca-bas'us, and set up a king- 
 dom ruled by members of his family. The greater and 
 lesser powers of the east were falling into decay. The 
 Greek states intrigued and squabbled. The kingdoms 
 of Syria and Egypt were rent by internal quarrels. 
 Rome stood grimly by and waited, vexed by the continual 
 appeals for her aid, yet unready to take active steps for 
 interference. 
 
 431. The Roman Attitude toward the Eastern Powers. 
 — Thus far Rome had been drawn on into the affairs 
 of the east with hesitation and uncertainty. The troubles 
 
Prestige of the Romans 3G9 
 
 with Macedonia and Syria had not been of her making; 
 she had avoided responsibility wherever possible; the 
 conquered lands had not been absorbed, but left as 
 dependents or allies. Moreover, the weaker powers 
 were constantly seeking her aid or protection against 
 their more powerful and aggressive neighbors. In this 
 Greek world of unending strife and discord, of intrigue 
 and political corruption, the blunt, practical, sober Ro- 
 man was welcomed as a friend and deliverer by all who 
 looked for protection against the greater powers by whom 
 they were surrounded. How the Romans were looked Attitude of 
 upon by some of the lesser peoples of the east is strikingly j^^^^^' 
 shown by a passage from one of the Jewish books of the Rome, 
 time. When the Jews were making their desperate fight 
 for independence they looked about for helpers. The 
 first Book of Maccabees says: 
 
 And Judas heard of the fame of the Romans, that they are valiant 
 men, and have pleasure in all that join themselves unto them, with 
 their friends and such as relied upon them they kept amity; and 
 they conquered the kingdoms that were nigh and those that were 
 far off, and all that heard of their fame were afraid of them; more- 
 over, whomsoever they will to succor and to make kings, these do 
 they make kings; and whomsoever they will, do they depose; and 
 they are exalted exceedingly: and for all this none of them ever did 
 put on a diadem, neither did they clothe themselves with purple, to 
 be magnified thereby: and how they had made for themselves a 
 senate-house, and day by day three hundred and twenty men sat 
 in council, consulting alway for the people, to the end that they might 
 be well ordered; and how they commit their government to one man 
 year by year, that he should rule over them, and be lord over all their 
 country, and all are 'obedient to that one, and there is neither envy 
 nor emulation among them. — i Maccabees, viii, i, 12-16. 
 
 432. Rome Slowly Changes Its Attitude for the Worse. 
 
 — As time went on, however, the temper of the Ro- 
 
370 Conquest of the East 
 
 mans slowly changed. They could not understand the 
 politics of the east nor the character of its peoples. 
 They despised the cunning and weakness of the Greeks, 
 they were constantly disturbed by the quarrels and in- 
 trigues of the various states and by outbreaks against 
 their own authority. The opportunities for gaining 
 wealth and influence afforded by the decay of the eastern 
 powers attracted them. Thus they came to interfere 
 more and more directly, to make an unrighteous use of 
 their superior position and power in enforcing obedience 
 to their will; they became grasping and arrogant, until, 
 in place of the respect and hope which they had once 
 inspired, the Greeks began to fear and hate them. 
 
 433. Overthrow of Greek Freedom, 146 B.C. — Things 
 came to a head by a rebellion in the Macedonian dis- 
 tricts (149 B.C.) followed by troubles with the Achaean 
 league (146 B.C.). The whole country was seething with 
 discontent now that the freedom accorded by Rome was 
 found to be a hollow sham. The Roman senate, on the 
 other hand, had lost all patience with the Greek states, 
 because of their interminable bickerings. The return of 
 the hostages taken from Achaea after Pydna fostered the 
 discontent in that district. Thus out of a petty incident 
 a pitiful war arose between the Achaeans and Rome. 
 In 146 B.C. the consul Mummius captured Corinth and 
 order was restored in Greece. Macedonia was made a 
 province; the Achaean league was dissolved; Greece 
 was placed under the authority of the governor of Mace- 
 donia. In connection with the subje'ction of Greece, 
 the city of Corinth was deliberately destroyed and its art 
 treasures carried to Rome. Thus the last vestige of 
 Greek freedom perished. 
 
Merchants in Politics 
 
 371 
 
 CARTHAGE. 
 
 a Cisterns 
 
 b Amphitheatre 
 
 r Circus 
 
 d Teitiple ofAesciilaplu: 
 
 e Temple of CHeleste 
 
 434. Destruction of Carthage, 149-146 B.C. — During 
 these years the Roman name was stained by another act 
 of oppression. The years of peace had raised Carthage 
 to a high degree of prosperity which excited the jealousy 
 of her old rival. 
 The Roman mer- 
 
 chants demanded 
 its destruction. 
 The senators took 
 their point of 
 view; none more 
 insistently than 
 M. Porcius Cato, 
 who is said to 
 have ended every 
 speech in that 
 body with the 
 we 1 1 - kn own 
 phrase ^^ Carth- 
 ago delenda est^ 
 A pretext for war 
 was found in the 
 fact that the 
 Carthaginians in 
 self-protection 
 had taken up arms against territorial aggressions on the 
 part of their neighbor Massinissa (§413). Technically 
 this was a violation of the treaty of 201 B.C. To save 
 themselves from war the Carthaginians sent three hun- 
 dred of their leading citizens to Rome and even gave 
 up all their arms. Then came the cruel command that 
 they should abandon Carthage and settle ten miles from 
 
372 
 
 Conquest of the East 
 
 the sea. At this, uncontrollable anger led them to re- 
 sist to the utmost. Two years of fierce fighting followed. 
 Finally the command of the Roman army was given to 
 P. Cornelius Scipio, a son of i^milius Paulus, the victor 
 of Pydna, who had been adopted into the family of 
 Africanus. He proved a general of capacity, and, in 
 spite of its heroic resistance, he forced his way into Car- 
 thage, destroyed the city, and enslaved the surviving in- 
 habitants. Out of the conquered territory was formed 
 the province of Africa (149-146 B.C.). In Spain the 
 wanton injustice and aggression of Roman governors 
 kept the land continually in uproar. Fierce wars were 
 waged with the various tribes. An heroic defender of 
 Spanish freedom arose in Vi-ri-a'thus, who for nine years 
 (149-140 B.C.) not only kept the Romans at bay, but 
 defeated their generals, and was finally disposed of by 
 assassination. Roman territory in Spain was not secure 
 till 133 B.C. when Scipio i^milianus took and destroyed 
 Numantia. The same year (133 B.C.) the king of Per- 
 gamon, the faithful ally of Rome in the east, died, be- 
 queathing his state to the Roman people. Out of it 
 was made the province of Asia. 
 
 435. The Provinces and Their Government. — Thus, 
 by 133 B.C. Rome ruled seven provinces, Sicily, Sardinia 
 (including Corsica), Spain (divided into two), Macedonia, 
 Africa and Asia. Strong colonies dominated Cisalpine 
 Gaul, though it had not yet received a provincial organ- 
 ization. The rapid growth of her foreign domains had 
 made it impossible for Rome to alter the original tem- 
 porary form of government given to them (§ 428) ; it 
 now became permanent. In addition to the praetors, who 
 were too few in number or were sufficiently occupied at 
 
Pj'ovincial Government 373 
 
 home, the government of the province was assigned to 
 officers on whom was conferred the same authority as that 
 of a consul or prgetor. They were in fact consuls or 
 praetors whose terms were prolonged, by vote of the senate 
 and who acted in the place of * these magistrates. Hence The 
 they were called proconsuls or propraetors. A kind of con- '^°'=°"^" ■ 
 stitution was established for each province, determining The 
 such matters as the tribute to be paid, the status of the conltitu-^ 
 different communities in the province and the rights and tion. 
 duties of the provincials. The province was in general 
 a honeycomb of separate cities whose citizens could not 
 bear arms or enter into wars, but had in their own hands 
 almost the entire conduct of local administration. The 
 proconsul simply supervised the cities, thus taking the 
 place, in the east, of the Hellenistic monarchs (§§ 299, 
 319). His rights often depended upon the fact that the 
 Greek cities added the goddess Roma to their circle of 
 deities (§ 300) and sometimes the proconsul himself was 
 deified. His authority was wide, limited only in a vague 
 general way by the terms of the provincial constitution; 
 his obligations were equally extensive. He administered 
 justice, preserved the peace, through a quaestor he directed 
 the finances and saw to the tribute; he was responsible for 
 the prosperity and progress of his province. The collec- 
 tion' of the taxes was, according to the accepted Roman 
 system (§ 423), taken over by contractors, the puhlicani, 
 who assumed the responsibility of paying to the state the 
 amount it required, and made a profit out of what they 
 could squeeze from the unhappy provincials over and 
 above the legal tribute. This " farming out " of the taxes 
 was thus capable of serious abuse. The success of such 
 
 * The Latin word for "in the place of" is pro. 
 
374 
 
 Conquest of the East 
 
 Weakness 
 of the 
 System. 
 
 a system depended upon the character of the governor, 
 since, left practically alone with powers so large, he could 
 carry out his own will without interference. Appointed 
 for but one year, all that he could accomplish for good or 
 ill must be done in this brief time. It was not strange, 
 therefore, that some of them yielded to temptations to be 
 unjust, selfish and cruel. In 149 B.C. it became necessary 
 to establish a court at home where such injustice could 
 be brought to trial. But, as the accused could not be 
 tried till his term of office was over, and as the court was 
 made up of senators who either had been or might become 
 governors of provinces, the remedy was of little avail. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Significance of the events connected 
 with Cynoscephalae, Pydna, Magnesia. 2. For what are the 
 following famous: Viriathus, Simon Maccabaeus, Polybius? 
 3. What is meant by proconsul, Achaean league, phalanx, 
 kingdom of Syria, empire of Alexander? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare Rome's advance into 
 the east with Alexander's (§§ 282, 290, 292, 299). 2. How far was 
 the Jewish praise of the Romans (§ 431) justified in the past 
 history of the Romans? 3. Compare the Greek phalanx and 
 the Roman legion. 4. " I count it glory not to possess wealth 
 but to rule those who do." Show how this reveals the strength 
 and the weakness of the Roman character. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The East about 200 b.c. How 
 and Leigh, pp. 253-260. 2. The First and Second Macedonian 
 Wars. HowandLeigh, pp. 261-265. 3. The Third Macedonian 
 War. How and Leigh, pp. 275-280. 4. Scipio Africanus. 
 How and Leigh, pp. 215-216, 273. (a) His character; (6) His 
 Politics, How and Leigh, pp. 300-305. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The East 
 about 200 B.C. Morey, pp. 125-127; Shuckburgh, ch. 27. 2. 
 The First and Second Macedonian Wars. Plutarch, Life of 
 Flaminius; Botsford, pp. 116-118; Myres, ch. 20; Shuckburgh, 
 ch. 28. 3. The War with Antiochus. Myres, ch. 21. 4. The 
 
Roman Occupations 375 
 
 Third Macedonian War. Myres, ch. 22; Horton, pp. 145-158; 
 Shuckburgh, ch. 31; Seignobos, pp. 126-130. 5. The Life of 
 Scipio Africanus (see Index to Shuckburgh, under his name). 6. 
 Change in Roman Policy toward the East, Seignobos, pp. 130- 
 131; Morey, p. 134. 7. The End of Greek Freedom. Myres 
 pp. 285-289; 8. The Fall of Carthage. Myres, pp. 289-297; 
 Botsford, pp. 123-126; Seignobos, pp. 131-135; Horton, pp. 165-168. 
 9. Summary of the Period before the Gracchi. Heitland, 
 Roman Republic, vol. II, pp. 253-255. 
 
 6.— THE DECLINE OF THE ROMAN 
 REPUBLIC 
 
 133-44 (27) B.C. 
 
 436. Changes in Rome's Inner Life. — -This extension 
 in Rome's foreign relations, by which she came to take 
 the leading part in the Mediterranean world, was ac- 
 companied by a remarkable series of changes in her inner 
 life. The whole process resulted in the transformation 
 
 of the state. Before proceeding to follow the next steps causes, 
 in this transformation, we stop to study the internal 
 changes which had so large a part in bringing it about.* 
 Two things were chiefly responsible for these changes in 
 Rome; one was the growth of capitalism or money-power, 
 the other the incoming of Hellenistic civilization. , Work- 
 ing separately or in unison, they aflfected every phase of 
 Roman public and private life. 
 
 437. Occupations. — Capitalism appeared as the out- 
 come of a process which quite altered the chief occupa- 
 tions of Roman citizens. In this process agriculture, 
 still the prevailing Italian activity, changed its form and, 
 ceasing in the case of the rich to be an occupation, be- 
 
 * The order of the topics treated will be in the main the same as that 
 in §§ 386-397, thus making comparison easier. 
 
376 
 
 Decline of the Republic 
 
 came an investment. The peasant proprietors of small 
 holdings by no means disappeared, but they diminished 
 rapidly in numbers. The rural free laborer gave way to 
 the slave. The second Punic war had devastated wide 
 regions and impoverished many farmers. The serious 
 garrison duties in the new provinces and the long booty- 
 less wars in Spain and along the frontiers kept tens of 
 thousands of them absent from their farms for years at a 
 stretch. The new provinces sent in great quantities of 
 grain which the government after 123 B.C. distributed at 
 a cheap rate. Italian grain raisers could not compete 
 with this; a bad season brought them to ruin. Thus 
 their land went into the hands of capitalists who organ- 
 ized great estates, manned them with cheap slave labor 
 and used them for the pasturage of vast flocks and herds, 
 or turned them into vineyards and olive groves. Industry 
 and manufacturing might have offered occupation for 
 these farmers, but the competition of foreign workers for- 
 bade. The well-developed industrial life of the east 
 (§§ 19, 198, 309), which had now fallen under Roman 
 influence, was far superior to anything that Italy had 
 developed. Such manufacturing as existed at Rome was 
 done largely by slave labor. Rome became not a pro- 
 ducer of goods, but the centre where goods were ex- 
 changed; the Roman merchant flourished on business 
 which he had not created. His chief commodity was 
 money. Banking became a favorite occupation, the 
 possession and investment of capital the main element 
 in Roman business life. The foundation of great fort- 
 unes was laid; the Roman capitalist took his place as 
 one of the powers of the time and reached out to control 
 the world's affairs. 
 
Distinction of Classes 377 
 
 438. Social Classes Sharpened. — This era of capital- 
 ism brought with it a sharp division of social classes. 
 Already the old equality and unity of Roman life had 
 been threatened by the distinctions conferred by office and 
 wealth (§ 379). In place of the patrician aristocracy had The 
 appeared a "nobility,"* whose position was gained by ^°'"''*y- 
 these means. The members of these noble families came 
 
 to regard themselves as alone capable of filling the lead- 
 ing public offices and, therefore, as having a right to them 
 (§418). From them came the majority of the senators; 
 the senate, therefore, represented the interests of the 
 nobility. 
 
 439. The Equites. — Not all men of wealth, however, 
 belonged to the nobility. In many cases the capitalists 
 were of lower birth. But their common interests drew 
 them together, and their wealth was so great as to give 
 them entrance to the class of equites (§ 423), where they 
 
 soon came to have the predominance. Thus the eques- The busI- 
 trian order was sharply marked off from the senatorial '^^^^^^°- 
 class, as representing the wealthy business men. The 
 interests of the two orders often clashed and brought 
 trouble into the state. 
 
 440. The City Population. — Beneath these two classes 
 was the rest of the community. The farmers and their 
 farfiilies came to the city and helped to swell a poor and 
 restless population, whose chief value was that it could 
 vote. Another element of this population was the freed- 
 men, who absorbed more and more of the petty business 
 
 of the capital. The slaves became very numerous. The siave. 
 
 * A citizen who held a "curule" office thereby ennobled his family and 
 won for them the right of placing wax masks representing the features of 
 distinguished ancestors in the atrium and of exhibiting them at public 
 funerals of members of the family. Such families were nobiles. 
 
378 Decline of the Republic 
 
 Vast numbers of them were bought and sold in the course 
 of the great wars. The fortune of war reduced all classes 
 of conq^uered peoples, the rich and the poor, the edu- 
 cated and the ignorant, the strong and the weak, under 
 one common yoke; in course of time thejA were distrib- 
 uted about in the various occupations according to their 
 ability, and their value was thus determined. The aver- 
 age price of slaves ranged from sixty to one hundred 
 dollars. They were employed in the country for farm- 
 ing and herding. They became indispensable in the 
 private houses, in the mercantile and manufacturing ac- 
 tivities of the city and as helpers in the state service. 
 Their lot was hard, particularly that of the country slave, 
 who was numbered with the cattle and the dogs. 
 
 441. Ways of Living. — Wealth and power wrought a 
 striking change in the living of the upper classes. The 
 old simplicity gave way to luxury. The form was de- 
 termined by the models of Hellenistic life, which now be- 
 came the fashion. The house was enlarged by opening 
 a door through the rear and adding a court, which was 
 surrounded by rooms. This was the per'i-style, and it soon 
 became the principal part of the dwelling, the a'tri-um 
 being regarded as a kind of front parlor or state apart- 
 ment. A second story was added and the sleeping-rooms 
 placed in it. The interior was decorated with increasing 
 splendor, elaborate frescoes adorned the walls, mosaics 
 were set into the floor, ceilings were panelled and gilded. 
 Many costly pieces of furniture replaced the former bare 
 and simple furnishings. The sun-dial and the water- 
 clock came from Greece. The bath-room was an indis- 
 pensable part of the new house. Public baths, also, were 
 established, and grew in number and splendor. The 
 
Growth of Luxury 379 
 
 furnishings of the table assumed unusual importance. 
 New kinds of food were introduced. Wider conquests Food, 
 brought new delicacies, nuts and fruits; wild game was 
 much used; the peacock was a special dainty; fish and 
 oysters became popular. A slave who was a good cook 
 was highly esteemed and was worth five thousand dollars. 
 The stool or bench gave way to the couch, on which 
 people reclined at dinner. Abundance of silver plate, 
 costly wines, many courses, rich dresses, music and 
 dancing — all these show that the abstemious, severe Ro- 
 man of the early days was yielding to the new oppor- 
 tunities for rich living that conquest and money put in 
 his way. 
 
 442. Amusements. — Roman amusements disclose sim- 
 ilar changes. The Greek fashion of having games in Games, 
 connection with religious festivals (§ 128) becam.e popu- 
 lar. Greek athletes were often employed. The exhibi- 
 tions of chariot-driving (§ 390) and wrestling soon over- 
 shadowed the religious side of the celebration. The 
 man craving for sensation led to the exhibition of wild 
 beasts, whose contests were heartily enjoyed. The most 
 savage animals were imported from the ends of the 
 earth. Worse than this were the gladiatorial contests, oiadia- 
 which first appeared at Rome in 264 B.C. Etruria, not g"^"^^ 
 Greece, was the home of this demoralizing sport, but it 
 found a congenial place in Roman life. At first exhibited 
 at private funerals, it soon became a part of public life. 
 In the beginning captives fought for their lives before the 
 populace; then men were trained for this purpose and 
 were hired to exhibit their skill in public. The idle and 
 sensation-loving horde of city-folk went wild with excite- 
 ment over such displays. Conservative and decent 
 
380 Decline of the Republic 
 
 Gambling, officials tried in vain to suppress them by law. Gam- 
 bling with dice for high stakes was a growing vice of the 
 rich and no legislation could avail against it. Music and 
 dancing came to be regular accompaniments of luxurious 
 feasts. The sober sense of the old Roman was shocked 
 by the establishment of a dancing-school, where the 
 children of high and low mingled in dances which were 
 far from becoming. 
 
 443. The Theatre. — Greek influence was responsible 
 for the rapid growth of theatrical performances. Tem- 
 porary wooden theatres on Greek models began to be 
 erected about 145 B.C., though a permanent stone struct- 
 ure was not put up till 55 B.C. It held at least seventeen 
 thousand people. The plays were mostly comedies 
 adapted from Greek models. The actors were mainly 
 slaves, hired from a training master. Few well-to-do 
 people were present, as they regarded the performances 
 
 A Debasing as commou and improper. This fact naturally lowered 
 
 Influence. , r ^ ^ ^t-m i i • • 1 • -r-. 
 
 the tone of the theatre. 1 he plays, lacking m their Roman 
 copies the Greek lightness of touch, were often coarse 
 and vulgar and sometimes made sport of virtue and re- 
 ligion. Immense throngs of common people attended 
 them and they grew into great popularity. In course of 
 time their character improved; they came to have some 
 better elements and aided in the growth of culture. 
 
 444. Improvement in Education. — It must not be sup- 
 posed that Hellenistic influence was all for the worse. 
 Roman education, for example, was vastly improved by 
 
 Greek it. Greek literature, with its wondrous charm and 
 
 and power, was thrown open to the Romans; all that was 
 
 Literature neccssary was that systematic instruction in the Greek 
 
 studied. ■' -^ 
 
 language should be given. This the multitudes of Greek 
 
liellenizing of Ro7ne 381 
 
 slaves could easily furnish. It now became the custom 
 that every child, whose education was properly attended 
 to, learned Greek. Soon every educated man could speak 
 Greek and even make speeches in it. To master an- 
 other language than one's own is in itself a liberal edu- 
 cation, but, in addition to this, the Greek language led 
 the Roman to the knowledge of an unparalleled litera- 
 ture. Soon other and higher forms of Greek training Philosophy, 
 came to Rome — the schools of rhetoric and philosophy 
 (§§ 266-267, 324) for the further broadening of the Roman 
 mind. Thus, in addition to the acquirement of knowl- 
 edge for practical ends (§ 393), came education for mental 
 culture. Another educative influence was the wider hori- New 
 zon which opened before the Roman in the new lands y"^^'*^ °^ 
 which fell under his sway. Knowledge of other civiliza- 
 tions than his own, of the wonderful east with its treasures 
 of art and architecture, was possible for him. Young 
 men were sent out to travel in these lands, either with a 
 tutor, or attached to a staff of an official or a general. 
 They came back with a larger outlook on men and things, 
 no longer limited by their own native town; wider ex- 
 perience gave them sounder judgment and prepared 
 them for intelligent leadership. 
 
 445. Birth of Roman Literature. — Roman literature 
 and art likewise received a mighty uplift from Greece in 
 these days. As the Greek school-teacher revolutionized Under 
 Roman education, so he also produced Roman literature, influence. 
 Lucius Livius Andronicus (about 250 B.C.), a Greek 
 from Tarentum, translated the "Odyssey" into Latin, 
 and this book gradually supplanted the Twelve Tables 
 (§ 364) as the chief school text-book. He also adapted 
 Greek plays, chiefly those of Euripides (§ 228), for the 
 
382 Decline of the Republic 
 
 Roman stage. Gnaeus Naevius (about 225 B.C.) and 
 Quintus Ennius (239-169 B.C.) followed in his footsteps 
 in writing Latin plays. Thus the Latin drama on Greek 
 
 Comedy. models was established. Latin comedy, founded on the 
 plays of Menander (§304), was produced. Here the 
 great names are Titus Maccius Plautus (254-184 B.C.) 
 and Publius Terentius (Terence). The latter was born 
 at Carthage after the close of the second Punic war and 
 taken as a slave to Rome (196-159 B.C.). The plays of 
 the former are vivacious and strong; those of the latter 
 are smooth and elegant. Both Nasvius and Ennius 
 wrote historical poems; the one described the first Punic 
 war, the other told the story of Rome from the beginning 
 in rude Latin hex-am'e-ters in Homeric fashion. Prose 
 writing began; the subject was history and the language 
 
 History. was Greek. Thus Quintus Fabius Pictor wrote of Ro- 
 man history down to the second Punic war, in which 
 
 Cato the he himsclf was an actor. Soon Latin prose appeared, the 
 representative of which was Cato the Elder, who wrote his 
 Roman history, called the 0-rig'i-nes, about 168 B.C.; by 
 his various writings on agriculture, war and law he made 
 Latin a literary tongue. He is the real founder of Latin 
 prose. It was not long before two branches of literature 
 appeared in which the native Roman genius displayed 
 
 Satire. itself Supremely — satire and oratory. The founder of 
 
 Roman satirical poetry was Gains Lucilius (148-103 
 B.C.), whose biting couplets were intensely enjoyed by 
 
 'Oratory. all but their subjects. The first of the great orators were 
 two contemporaries, Lucius Licinius Crassus and Marcus 
 Antonius (about 100 B.C.). "To hear both in one day 
 was the highest intellectual entertainment which Rome 
 afforded." At the same time Roman law took a step for- 
 
Hellenizing of Rome 383 
 
 ward by the legal writings of Quintus Mucius Scsevola Law. 
 (se'v 5 la) (about loo b.c), who collected and organized 
 into a series of works the legal material that had been 
 gathering for centuries. Architecture now had the ser- Architect 
 vices of Greek masters and was based on Greek models. ^^ *° 
 Thus around the Forum arose stately public porticoes 
 like those of Athens; elsewhere in Rome marble temples 
 and galleries began to appear. An era of good taste in 
 sculpture and painting began as the Romans came in 
 contact with the masterpieces of Greek art in Syracuse, 
 Corinth and Athens. Unfortunately, they were not satis- 
 fied with admiring these; they began to covet them and 
 soon to exercise the right of conquerors by carrying them 
 off to Rome. In this field even more clearly than in liter- 
 ature the overpowering effect of contact with Greece, is 
 to be seen. It is a new Rome that art and literature re- 
 veal to us after, and in consequence of, the conquest of 
 Greece. 
 
 446. The Transforming Effects of These Influences. — 
 Did all these changes take place in Rome without effect 
 upon the character of her people ? This is the most im- 
 portant question, and the answer to it reveals as startling 
 a transformation as has thus far been recorded. The 
 change may be stated in brief. Capitalism and culture 
 destroyed the old Roman character without putting any- 
 thing better in its place. 
 
 447. Social Ideals Broken Down. — They broke down 
 the old social equality in which all lived for the good of 
 the state (§§ 362, 392). Wealth divided men into classes 
 and introduced new and strange standards of life. Self- 
 ishness took the place of patriotism. Men sought to get 
 something out of the state instead of doing something for 
 
384 Decline of the Republic 
 
 the state. The old Roman idea of doing one's duty in 
 one's place turned into the practice of making the most 
 of one's position and opportunity. Thus each class se- 
 cured all sorts of distinguishing marks; the senators had 
 special seats at the circus; the citizen had a special dress 
 and a ring to separate him from the foreigner; every suc- 
 cessful general sought for some special recognition of his 
 The services. The best side of this change is seen in the in- 
 
 sij"^'^ fiuence of Greek culture on the higher class. The narrow- 
 
 preference of everything Roman passed into a higher 
 appreciation of what other peoples had done in art and 
 literature. The circle of men that gathered about the 
 younger Scipio* was characterized by a generous and 
 broad culture. Greek men of letters were welcomed by 
 Poiybius. them. Thus Polybius, one of the leaders of the Achaean 
 league whom the Romans forced to go to Rome (§429), 
 wrote in the spirit of this finer life a History in Greek, 
 in which he hailed the union of Greek thought and Ro- 
 man action as a good omen for the world's future. It 
 is the first worthy piece of historical literature extant 
 since Thucydides (§ 227). Yet even this circle, because 
 of its broader life, regarded itself as separated from the 
 common herd. 
 
 448. Moral Standards Destroyed.— Capitalism and cult- 
 ure removed the old Roman ideas of right and wrong. 
 Money altered the way in which people thought it proper 
 to live, introducing luxury and show in the place of the 
 former simplicity (§389). Deeds were done for gain 
 
 * Publius Cornelius Scipio, the victor over Hannibal at Zama, was 
 given the title of Africanus. The adopted son of his son was Publius 
 Scipio, called iEmilianus because he was the son of iEmilius Paulus, the 
 victor at Pydna. He is also known as Africanus the younger because of 
 his capture of Carthage. 
 
Decay of Morals 385 
 
 which before would have been despised. The old Ro- 
 man self-respect and dignity changed to pride and arro- 
 gance ; these bred brutality in relation to foreigners. The 
 Greeks, with their fine manners and cringing ways, were 
 treated with contempt and abuse. Slaves, now so numer- 
 ous at Rome, were beneath contempt and often handled 
 with outrageous cruelty. The populace at Rome, once 
 loyal and laborious, were also corrupted by the new spirit 
 of greed and power. The gladiatorial games brutalized 
 them. The low comedies, borrowed from Greece and 
 vulgarized in the process, were as degrading to their 
 morals as they were attractive to their sense. The votes 
 of the citizens began to be estimated by their money 
 value and soon were freely bought and sold. Money 
 even corrupted the home life; Roman matrons and daugh- 
 ters sought to lay up fortunes, and prized gain beyond 
 duty to husbands and fathers. Increa,sing extravagance 
 and greed led to fam.ily troubles. Divorces began to 
 grow in frequency; marriages for money were not un- 
 common. Thus public and private life was drifting 
 away from the old moorings, and the new ways of living 
 offered no stable anchorage. Many, it is true, sought 
 to stem the tide and stood for the old standards. Their The con- 
 foremost representative was Cato the Elder, who fought |"uggi7^ 
 for the ancient ideals of simplicity and patriotism with in Vain. 
 fierce denunciations of the novelties of the time. But he 
 had no success, because he had nothing to put in the place 
 of the new. The past was forever gone and no man 
 could bring it back again. 
 
 449. Roman Religion Discredited. — Roman religion, 
 in its old forms and ideals (§ 396), went the way of all 
 the old life. Greek relisrion had alreadv been discredited 
 
386 Decline of the Republic 
 
 by philosophy (§§ 225, 324), and the old Roman faith was 
 less able than the Greek to stand against the keen Greek 
 intellect. Thus the educated classes lost faith in the 
 ideas that underlay the Roman ritual (§§ 347, 396), and 
 the priests had little confidence in their ceremonials ex- 
 cept as necessary parts of the political machine. The 
 literary men of the time, like Ennius, openly expressed 
 doubts about religion. The mass of the people caught 
 the contagion, laughed at the jests on sacred subjects in 
 the comedies of the time, and soon ceased to be influenced 
 by the old faith. Meanwhile, new forms of Greek re- 
 ligion were offered to them, as strange as they were at- 
 tractive. Such were the worship of Dionysus (§ 134), 
 called in Rome Bacchus, and Cybele, a goddess of Asia 
 Minor (§ 319), who appealed, not to the old Roman 
 sense of duty, but to the feelings, and led men away into 
 all sorts of superstitions. The state did not favor these 
 worships, but, offering nothing to take their place, it was 
 powerless to keep the Roman populace from running 
 after them. Certainly they were better than no religion, 
 and the old Roman faith was decayed and powerless to 
 restrain or to help. Greek culture could help the edu- 
 cated class here by the teachings of philosophy, and, as 
 time went on, the various schools that had flourished in 
 Greece (§ 324) established themselves among the Romans 
 and found many followers. 
 
 450. Effect on Public Life. — Roman public life was 
 deeply affected by all these influences. They showed 
 themselves in various ways. A sharp cleavage was made 
 between the public activities of the different classes. 
 The nobles took a tighter grasp upon the public offices 
 and distributed them among their several families. 
 
Greed for Wealth. 387 
 
 Sometimes one family, like the Scipios, sought to keep 
 them within their own circle. Already it was made illegal 
 for one to be re-elected to an office until a ten years' inter- 
 val had passed. A law fixed an order in which offices 
 should be held and the age at which one could occupy 
 them.* Hence, it was practically impossible for "new 
 men," as non-nobles were called, to get into office (§ 418). 
 The men of business now began to use the state for their 
 own purposes. It was their influence that dictated the influence 
 wars of the period; they secured the destruction of rival Money 
 commercial cities like Carthage and Corinth (§ § 433-434) . Power. 
 The faithful allies, like Pergamon and Rhodes, which 
 had been the leading commercial states of the east, were 
 unjustly treated in order to increase Roman business 
 predominance. The greed of the nobles made futile the 
 attempts to revive Italy's peasant class, since they wanted 
 more and more land for their estates. Colonies ceased 
 to be sent out from Rome. The cruel treatment of 
 slaves on these estates led to uprisings, like the slave 
 revolt in Sicily, which threw that province into a state of 
 anarchy from 136-132 B.C. All provinces came to be 
 the prey of capitalistic robbery and extortion. The mass civic 
 of the citizens, in their turn, began selfishly to shut out 
 others from their privileges. Once citizenship had been 
 a burden; now it was a source of profit, and the faithful 
 allies that had made possible Rome's victory over Hanni- 
 bal were jealously excluded from it. Indeed, little by 
 little these allies saw their ancient rights withdrawn and 
 themselves treated as subjects. In 177 B.C. they were 
 denied their customary share of the spoils of war. Citi- 
 zens began to expect more in the way of festivals and 
 
 * This order was called the ciirsus honorum, the "career of honors." 
 
 Selfishness. 
 
388 
 
 Decline of the Republic 
 
 games from the officials. Their votes were even openly 
 bought. The introduction of the ballot in the assemblies 
 although an improvement on the old method of voting 
 (§ 422), aided bribery. In 156 B.C. a magistrate was em- 
 powered to dispense with holding an assembly of the 
 people, if the auspices (§ 348) were unfavorable; thus 
 religion became a political instrument to thwart the pop- 
 ular will. All these facts show how the original unity 
 of the Roman state was giving way to factions, each in- 
 tent on its own selfish interests. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What is meant by nobiles, auspices, 
 curule office, cursus honorum, peristyle, propraetor, Forum? 
 2. For what were the following famous: Cato the Elder, 
 Ennius, Lucilius, Appius Claudius, Menander, Dionysus? 3. 
 Explain the difficulties in the problems of the senate in this 
 period. 4. What was the Roman attitude toward military 
 service? 5. Characterize the city of Rome. 6. Explain 
 " failure of popular government " as applied to the period 
 of decline. 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the origin and purpose 
 of the Roman theatre with those of the Greek (§§ 160, 206). 
 
 2. Compare a Roman citizen in this period with one in 350 b.c. 
 
 3. What is the difference in the attitude toward money between 
 a Greek of the age of Pericles (§§ 199-201) and a Roman of 
 this age? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Religion and Politics. How 
 
 and Leigh, pp. 288-293. 2. Provincial Administration, How and 
 Leigh, pp. 310-313. 3, Economic Questions, {a) Land, How 
 and Leigh, pp. 305-310. {b) Revenue, How and Leigh, pp. 314-315. 
 (c) Business, How and Leigh, pp. 318. {d) Slavery and Agriculture, 
 How and Leigh, pp. 316-318. 4, Cato the Censor. How and 
 Leigh, pp. 302-305. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Roman Life 
 
 and Manners under Greek Influence. Morey, pp. 148-152; 
 Myres, ch. 23; Seignobos, ch. 11. 2. Delos and Its Relations 
 with Rome and Athens. William Scott Ferguson, (a) The Rise 
 
Difficulties of Senate 380 
 
 of Delos in Trade, Hellenistic Athens, pp. 329-333. {h) Govern- 
 ment and Trade Conditions on Delos. Ferguson, pp. 346-366, 
 381-384, 403-409. (c) Religious Culls on Delos. Ferguson, pp. 
 3S5-399. 3. Corruption of Public Life. Munro, pp. 99-100 
 (source); Myres, ch. 26; Abbott, ch. 5; Seignobos, ch. 12; Bols- 
 ford, ch. 6; Morey, pp. 143-148; Shuckburgh, ch. 32. 4. The 
 Beginnings of Roman Literature. Mackail, pp. 3-38; Laing, 
 pp. 1-62 (translation of the Phormio of Terence). 5. Roman 
 Religion under Greek Influence. Seignobos, pp. 148-251. 6. 
 The Gladiatorial Games. Johnston, pp. 242-252. 7. Cato the 
 Censor. Plutarch, Life of Cato; Munro, pp. 95-97 (source); Shuck- 
 burgh, pp. 518-521; Seignobos, pp. 156-359; Botsford, pp. 143-146. 
 8. How far was Cato's claim true that should the Romans 
 come thoroughly to imbibe Greek literature they would lose 
 the empire of the world? 9. The Effect upon the Proletariat 
 of the Rise in the Standard of Living, Ferrero's Greatness and 
 Decline of Rome, \ol. I, pp. 79-96. 10. How Money was Made 
 and Spent. Greenidge, vol. I, pp. 11-25, 30-58. 11. Land 
 Ownership and Control. Greenidge, vol. I, pp. 64-80. 12. The 
 Slaves — a Problem. Greenidge, vol. I, pp. 80-100. 13. The 
 Thirty-Five Tribes. Botsford, Roman Assemblies, pp. 51-65 
 14. A Summary of Comitial History. Botsford, Roman As- 
 semblies, pp. 473-477. 
 
 451. Difficult Position of the Senate. — The position 
 of the senate became, in fact, more embarrassing from 
 day to day. When the last state which menaced Italy 
 ceased to exist in 167 B.C. the real trial of the government 
 began. There was no longer any great national danger 
 to compel the nobles, the equites and the commons to 
 rally vigorously to its defence. General relaxation fol- 
 lowed. Yet the task of the government was greater than 
 ever before. It had not only to keep the provincial mag- 
 istrates in check; it had to see that officials who changed 
 annually did not misgovern too badly; and it had to 
 guard against the malpractices of contractors upon 
 whom it was dependent for its revenues. Above all, it 
 
390 Decline of tfie Republic 
 
 had to make the most severe military demands upon its 
 citizens and allies without the incentive of pressing 
 danger or expectation of rich booty. Year after year 
 thousands of men had to be stationed in the new prov- 
 inces or held in service in Spain or in the Alps or in 
 Illyricum or some similar district where hard knocks were 
 more plentiful than spoils. How many soldiers were 
 necessary for these tasks it is difficult to estimate, but 
 Augustus a hundred years later thought three hundred 
 thousand too few. That was more than a fifth of the 
 entire body of men of military age in Italy; and as is 
 known Augustus was able to raise only half of his troops 
 there. It is certain that the senate in 133 B.C. could not 
 raise as many. Yet it doubtless needed more. The 
 wars were not dangerous but they were the hardest kind 
 of wars — guerilla struggles in the mountains, forests and 
 deserts in which victory brought little glory while defeats 
 and delays brought serious loss of prestige. The belief 
 became general that the officers mismanaged the cam- 
 paigns and that the senate chose its commanders un- 
 wisely. There were constant appeals for more soldiers; 
 but the recruiting was again and again stopped in Rome 
 by the veto of rebellious tribunes. The city population, 
 when not exempt from service through lack of property 
 was thus freed from it by the power of the tribunate. 
 This power could not be exercised outside the limits of 
 Rome; hence the small farmers of Italy were made to 
 bear the brunt of the levy, and the burden fell with special 
 severity upon the "allies" whose lack of the franchise 
 prevented them from retaliating upon the officials. The 
 burden of empire thus rested squarely upon the shoulders 
 of the peasants of Italy, who on returning from a cam- 
 
Problems of City Government 391 
 
 paign after many years of absence often found their 
 farms gobbled up by the nobles for debt or unfit for cul- 
 tivation through neglect. 
 
 452. The Problem of Administration. — The city of 
 Rome was their natural refuge. This had grown enor- 
 mously in the past century. It may have advanced in 
 population from one hundred thousand to five hundred 
 thousand in this interval. Since it was unable to spread The "Great 
 over a large area like a modern city, congestion was the ^''^■" 
 only possible result. The streets were narrow, the houses 
 high; great insula of little tenements appeared; the 
 menace of fire became horrible, and the preservation of 
 order and decency impossible. What could annually 
 changing aediles do with such a situation, without a 
 police or fire department? How could such a city be 
 provisioned? In Alexandria the problem was com- 
 paratively simple since at its door was the granary of 
 Egypt. Rome, on the other hand, had to import its 
 food from a distance — from Sardinia, Sicily, Africa. 
 For its food supply it was dependent upon the winds and 
 waves, and should the corn ships be delayed by storms, 
 the prices of grain soared in Rome and the urban mob 
 was at once in an uproar. Yet this mob constituted the Failure of 
 bulk of the sovereign assembly; it is true that it con- ^^^^_ 
 trolled only four-thirty-fifths of the total vote in the ment. 
 comitia, but in the meetings which preceded the voting it 
 could reign as king riot. The fact was that govern- 
 ment by a general assembly of the people was possible, as 
 Aristotle held, only when the citizens were few. It had 
 been developed when Rome was an aggregate of peas- 
 ants; now that Rome had a population of half a million, 
 made up of restless, discontented men of a great variety 
 
392 
 
 Decline of the Republic 
 
 of races, languages and stations — "step-sons of Italy," 
 Scipio .^milianus called them — it was antiquated. 
 Long since, Alexandria had ceased to be a self-govern- 
 ing city, and had come under the control of permanent 
 officials appointed by the crown. Was Rome to have the 
 same fate^ If so, who should wear the crown? 
 
 453. The Beginnings of Civil Conflict. — With such a 
 situation in Rome's inner life a conflict of interests and 
 powers was unavoidable. The failure of the leading 
 men to solve the problems of administration was certain 
 to call out attempts from all sides to cope with the difficul- 
 The Action ties which they were not able to meet. The first attempt, 
 Gracchus, which precipitated a century of struggle, was made in 
 133 B.C., by the tribune Tiberius Sempronius Gracchus. 
 A member of the senatorial nobility, the grandson of 
 Scipio Africanus, and brother-in-law of Scipio ^Emil- 
 ianus, he was a valiant soldier of the republic and, at the 
 same time, highly educated in the new learning of the 
 times. The miserable economic decay of Italy, the 
 hard fate of the veteran soldiers and the decline of the 
 class available for military service appealed to him, and 
 he sought to restore prosperity by introducing an agrarian 
 law for the distribution of the public lands among the 
 citizens. "The beasts of the field," ran his impassioned 
 plea, "have their holes and their hiding-places, but the 
 men who fight and die for Italy have not a sod which 
 they can name their own. They are called the lords of 
 the whole earth and their generals urge them to fight for 
 their homes and the graves of their ancestors, yet not a 
 parcel of land is theirs." The limit upon the amount 
 of public land to be leased to any one citizen set, it was 
 alleged, by the Licinian laws of 366 B.C. (§ 368) had been 
 
Tiberius Gracchus 393 
 
 disregarded to such an extent that practically all of it had 
 been taken up in the great estates of the rich proprietors. 
 The law of Tiberius Gracchus established a commission 
 of three {tri-um'vi-rate) to secure the carrying out of the 
 new provisions which contemplated reducing the illegal 
 holdings to their proper limits and assigning the remainder 
 in equal lots of thirty jugera each to landless citizens. 
 The proposal created a storm in which the senate placed 
 itself in opposition to the tribune; even his colleague, 
 Octavius, interposed a veto. Thereupon Tiberius, sup- Tiberius 
 ported by the country population to whom the prospect t/j^e^ 
 of new lots for themselves and their sons was attractive, People, 
 appealed directly to the people, who responded by depos- 
 ing the obstructive tribune and passing the law. The 
 commission was appointed and began its work. To 
 carry out his plans, Tiberius found it necessary to over- 
 ride the law prohibiting re-election (§ 450) and stand 
 again for tribune. But the nobles banded against him; ms Death, 
 a riot was raised at election time, the partisans fought in 
 the streets of Rome, and Tiberius was killed. 
 
 454. Rise of Parties. — In his zeal for reform Tiberius 
 Gracchus had raised issues hitherto unheard of at Rome, 
 and, no doubt, not grasped by himself. He was the 
 first to bring new political ideas into the field, which 
 divided the community into parties. The opti-ma'tes, 
 or aristocrats, and the pop-u-lar'es, or democrats, hence- 
 forth struggle for leadership. Men of all classes array 
 themselves on either side. In appealing to the people The 
 as sovereign in election and legislation without regard pg^^^g'^!'^" 
 to senate and magistrates, he brought a new doctrine 
 into Roman politics. This was a Greek idea (§ 191); 
 at Rome the state depended upon the joint action of 
 
394 
 
 Decline of the Republic 
 
 Murder of 
 Africanus 
 the 
 Younger. 
 
 War 
 on the 
 Senate. 
 
 Court of 
 Extortion 
 Given, to 
 the Equites. 
 
 all three and did not go back to any one as supreme. 
 Party struggles led to civil strife, in which reason gave way 
 to force and the state was shaken to its foundations. 
 
 455. Work of Gaius Gracchus. — Ten years passed; 
 the law prohibiting re-election to ' the tribunate was 
 annulled, the powers of the land commission were taken 
 from it, but not till the number of registered citizens had 
 increased in six years from 319,000 to 394,000. Scipio 
 ^milianus, the captor of Carthage, the victor at Nu- 
 mantia, the sturdiest pillar of the best Roman society, 
 the greatest man of his age, was foully murdered and a 
 judicial investigation of ths crime was suppressed. Then, 
 in 123 B.C., Gaius Gracchus, younger brother of Tiberius, 
 was elected tribune. The senate had put every possible 
 obstacle in the way of his political advancement, but, 
 haunted by a vision of his dead brother and animated by 
 a fierce desire for vengeance on the government which 
 had done the murder, there was no stopping him in the 
 career which he foresaw meant ultimately his own death. 
 Tiberius had been a sincere reformer, and where the 
 evils were so many and complex, what wonder that at 
 times he hesitated ? Gaius showed greater resolution, 
 clearer insight and more vigorous leadership; for his 
 main idea was a simple one, to break down the power 
 of the senate at all cost. It is true that each one of his 
 measures has something to be said in its favor, but in 
 their totality they reveal the spirit of the vendetta. Thus, 
 too, he overreached himself and perished disastrously. 
 He won the support of the urban pro-le-tar'i-at by having 
 grain distributed to it monthly at one-half the market 
 price; he conciliated the country population by restoring 
 the powers of the agrarian commission; above all, he cast 
 
Gains Gracchus 395 
 
 a dagger, as he said, in the midst of the optimates, and 
 at the same time gained an invaluable backing for him- 
 self by transferring the jury courts, which called the 
 provincial governors to an accounting (§435), from the 
 senators to the equestrians. The powerful financial inter- 
 est which henceforth for over forty years was virtually in 
 control of provincial government he further seduced from 
 its old alliance with the senate by requiring that the con- 
 tracts for collecting the tithes in the province of Asia 
 should be awarded in Rome, combined in one, in such a 
 way that none but the rich financial syndicates of the 
 capital could undertake them, 
 
 456. Attitude of Gaius. — It is true that these two 
 measures taken together handed over the Greeks of Asia, 
 bound hand and foot, to the depredation of the tax- 
 gatherer; but Gaius Gracchus had no thought for the 
 lessening of provincial oppression. He made it worth 
 while for the equites to fight for their control of the courts 
 of extortion and their place of advantage over the sena- 
 torial government. That provided for the future deg- 
 radation of the senate. In the meanwhile he was him- The 
 self for two years master of Rome. It did not take long Mast"rstiie 
 for people to discover that to get things accomplished Govem- 
 they had to go to him and not as of old to the senate. 
 Hence, as Plutarch says: "The people looked with 
 amazement at the man himself, seeing him attended by 
 crowds of building contractors, artisans, ambassadors, 
 magistrates, soldiers and learned men, to all of whom 
 he was easy of access." The appearance, if not the fact, 
 of a tyranny was there. Moreover, he rejoiced the Colonies, 
 city population, indeed, by proposing to send colonies 
 not only to Tarentum and Capua, but also to Carthage; 
 
396 Decline of the Republic 
 
 but this project of transmarine colonization menaced the 
 merchants and bankers of Rome who saw in the new 
 city likely rivals of themselves for the business of the 
 provinces. Finally, in order to get more land to assign 
 he proposed to give the franchise to.the Latins (and Latin 
 rights to the Italians) in order to be able, without in- 
 fringing the rights of allied, and hence separate, states, 
 to confiscate Roman public land which their citizens had 
 occupied without a clear title. This roused the anger 
 of the masses who saw their privileges about to be ex- 
 tended to a large part of Italy; hence the coalition of 
 populace, equites and tribunes went to pieces. The 
 senate put forward Lucius Drusus to propose cheaper 
 corn and more attractive colonies. Gains failed of 
 election to the tribunate in 121 B.C. and shortly after was 
 set upon by the consul Opimius and slain, with three 
 thousand of his adherents. The agrarian legislation 
 was futile; the work of the commission languished; 
 fields assigned were abandoned, and by iii B.C. all 
 holders of public land, rich and poor, were confirmed 
 in their possession. But the work of Gaius Gracchus 
 lived after him and the senate never recovered from the 
 wounds he inflicted. 
 
 457. The Senate Fails to Manage Affairs. — When the 
 conflict broke out again, party leaders of a different 
 type came to the front and with them a new force took 
 the field. The victorious senate again tried to conduct 
 affairs. They failed in the notable instance of the Ju-gur'- 
 thine war (11 2-106 B.C.). The king of Numidia, an 
 ally of Rome, left his kingdom on his death to his three 
 sons. One of them, his illegitimate nephew by birth, 
 his son by adoption only, Ju-gur'tha, sought to secure the 
 
Jf^ar with Nuinidia 397 
 
 prize for himself; he killed one brother and made war 
 on the other, Ad'her-bal by name. The latter appealed to 
 the senate, which first divided the kingdom anew, giving 
 to Adhcrbal the capital, Cirta, but assigning to Jugurtha 
 the districts of greatest military value; then, when 
 Jugurtha attacked his rival in his capital, it sent two em- 
 bassies to expostulate, but did nothing to prevent the fall 
 of Cirta (112 B.C.). With it fell Adherbal; but, what 
 was more important, the wild Numidian victors slaugh- 
 tered a flourishing settlement of Italian money-lenders 
 and traders who had been plying their opprobrious busi- 
 ness in the capital. This roused the equites in Rome to 
 action, and the populace became unmanageable. War 
 was declared upon Jugurtha, but the officers put in 
 charge of it accepted the submission of the king and left 
 him in possession of all Numidia. The people believed Bribery, 
 that wholesale bribery had been practised by Jugurtha 
 to secure this end, and, indeed, such was probably the 
 case. He was, accordingly, asked to Rome to give evi- 
 dence (iioB.c). A tribune refused to let him testify, and 
 he had his only rival for the throne, who had taken refuge 
 in Rome, murdered; whereupon he was ordered to quit 
 Italy at once. His parting remark, it is said, was: "A 
 city for sale, and ripe for ruin, if a purchaser can be 
 found." 
 
 The next news was that a Roman army forty thousand Difficult 
 strong had been ambushed and forced to capitulate to 
 Jugurtha. The senate tried to stem the storm of rage by Marius. 
 appointing Metellus, an able and honorable man, to the 
 command and giving him a rising popular hero, the 
 eques Gains Marius, as legate (109 B.C.). This meant 
 serious war, which the senate, alive to the diflSculties of 
 
398 Decline of the Republic 
 
 campaigning with infantry in a vast tract of desert and 
 mountains against a nimble and resourceful foe, had 
 tried to avoid. Metellus conducted the war with skill 
 and vigor, but it could not be brought to an end in a 
 year, or even in three; hence in 107 B.C. the democracy 
 took matters into their own hands and made Marius 
 consul for the purpose of bringing the war to a close. 
 This he speedily accomplished. Jugurtha, betrayed by 
 the king of Mauretania, was surrendered to Sulla, Marius's 
 brilliant young lieutenant, brought a prisoner to Rome 
 and died in a Roman dungeon. 
 
 458. The Terror from the North. — Meanwhile, a 
 serious danger had been threatening Italy from the 
 north. For a long time the Romans had been making 
 war in Gaul on the other side of the Alps (Gallia Transal- 
 pina), and had established a province called Gallia Nar- 
 bonensis, from the name of the capital city, Narbo. 
 Now, down from the distant and unknown north came 
 two peoples, the Cimbri and Teu'to-nes, who sought 
 homes in the more fertile south. With them, in all prob- 
 ability, the Germans make their entrance into history. 
 Breaking their way through the already weakened bar- 
 rier of Gallic tribes, they came face to face with the Ro- 
 man armies and defeated them in four successive battles 
 (in 113, 109, 107, 105 B.C.), the last defeat, sustained at 
 A-rau'si-o on the Rhone, being a disaster comparable in 
 loss of life to Cannae. The route into Italy stood open 
 to them. Dismayed at the prospect, the democracy 
 again stepped forward and elected their hero Marius as 
 consul and defender against this dreaded foe. For four 
 successive years (104-101 B.C.) he was thus chosen. The 
 invaders had separated — the Teutones taking the route 
 
Marius 399 
 
 from the northwest, the Cimbri passing around the Alps 
 and entering Italy from the northeast. In 102 B.C. Ma- 
 rius met the Teutones at Aquae Sextiae and defeated 
 them. The next year (loi B.C.), joining his colleague, 
 who was facing the Cimbri in the Raudine plains (Ver- 
 cellce), he annihilated them. Thus Italy was saved and 
 Marius was its savior. He had gained his success not ms 
 more by his own valor than by the military reforms he ^gf^^g 
 introduced. Doing away with the usual practice of 
 levying soldiers and limiting the levy to men of property 
 (§ 3 5°) J he invited Roman citizens to enroll themselves 
 under his banner regardless of property qualifications. 
 As a result he had an army made up of men who wished 
 to fight and were devoted to their commander. More- Tactical 
 over, important changes in tactics were made by Marius. ^^ Marius 
 He took the spear from the Iriarii, and made all three 
 lines alike in weapons; he threw together a maniple of 
 each line to make the tactical unit subsequently used in 
 Roman warfare — the cohort. It had a normal strength 
 of six hundred, and ten cohorts constituted the legion. 
 To this he gave as a standard, what subsequently was 
 its most precious possession, a silver eagle on a staff. 
 
 459. The New Situation: Marius and Sulla. — Thus the 
 seed sown by the Gracchi had sprung up and borne un- 
 expected fruit. The democracy placed at its head a 
 military hero behind whom stood an army whose first 
 interest was not loyalty to the state, but devotion to its 
 leader. For the defence of the state abroad and the 
 overthrow of enemies at home the democracy did not 
 hesitate to re-elect its chief to the highest offices year after 
 year. Marius held the consulship seven times. This 
 example was soon followed by the other party. Military 
 
400 Decline of the Republic 
 
 MUitary prowcss began to take the place of civic leadership. He 
 
 Lei" the "^^^ Strongest who had an army under his command. 
 
 People. Ambition got the better of patriotism and set military- 
 power against civic right. The conflict of parties passed 
 into the struggle of individuals occupying positions in 
 which they controlled armies. 
 
 One of these men who had gained his military educa- 
 tion under the new captain in Africa and in Gaul was 
 
 Sulla. to outdo Marius on his own field. This was Lucius 
 
 Cornelius Sulla, a man of noble family, an aristocrat in 
 temper and tastes, who took his stand on the side of the 
 senatorial party. Sulla, like Marius, owed his oppor- 
 tunity to the failure of the, senate, with its annually chang- 
 ing officials at home and abroad, to preserve order in 
 Rome and justice and peace in Italy and the provinces. 
 
 Marius. Marius was no statesman. During his sixth consul- 
 
 ship (loo B. c.) the democratic leaders, Sat-ur-ni'nus and 
 Glaucia, plunged Rome into a series of useless civil con- 
 flicts. Finally, the turmoil became so great that the 
 senate called upon the consul to use the military power 
 against his allies. The ideas of Marius were those of the 
 business interests — the equites — to whom he belonged; 
 hence he shrank from lawlessness and violence and did 
 as the senate requested. Saturninus and Glaucia were 
 seized and put in the senate chamber, but a hostile mob 
 tore the tiles from the roof of the building and slew them 
 and their following. Having abandoned the populares, 
 Marius was neglected by the nobles after their victory, and 
 retired to private life a disappointed and embittered man. 
 460. The Franchise Problem. — The one leading ques- 
 tion left unsettled was that of the franchise for the Italian 
 allies, but with this neither optimates nor populares cared 
 
Social War 401 
 
 to deal. Finally, in 91 b. c, from the side of the senate, Drusus. 
 Livius Drusus, son of the tribune who completed the 
 ruin of Gaius Gracchus, proposed, among other things, 
 to give citizenship to them. The proposal was re- 
 jected and Drusus lost his life in the struggle. The 
 long-suffering allies, thus again deluded, rose in arms, re- 
 nounced their allegiance and undertook the founding of 
 a new Italian state, " Italica," with its capital at Corfinium. 
 This formidable revolt, the Social* War (91-88 B.C.), The social 
 was ended with a formal victory for Rome, but a virtual 
 success for the allies, since a series of laws, granting citi- 
 zenship to certain classes among them, was passed during 
 the war and did more than Roman arms to weaken their 
 opposition. 
 
 These laws were the Lex Julia (90 B.C.), granting citi- citizenship 
 zenship to Italian states not in rebellion, and the Lex ^^^^^^ 
 Plau'ti-a Pa-pi^ri-a (89 B.C.), admitting all Italians with- Italians, 
 out distinction to the franchise on application to the 
 praetor within sixty days. At the same time all the cities 
 of Cisalpine Gaul, not already granted the citizenship, 
 received the Latin right. It seems, however, that the 
 advantages of citizenship were limited from the fact that 
 the new citizens were all confined to eight tribes. 
 
 -461. Rise of Mithridates of Pontus. — During the 
 Social War, Marius came again into action, but his 
 services were eclipsed by the victories of his brilliant rival 
 Sulla, who was elected consul in 88 B.C. The situation 
 in the eastern provinces was alarming and a vigorous 
 leader was required to cope with it. Among the states 
 allied to Rome in Asia Minor was Pontus. To the throne 
 of this kingdom, in about 115 B.C., came a remarkable 
 
 * So called from the I^alin word for allies, Socii. 
 
402 Decline of the Republic 
 
 ruler, Mithridates VI, whose ambition contemplated noth- 
 ing less than the revival of an empire on the model of 
 Alexander's, which should drive the Romans out of the 
 east. Left free to act by the incompetence of the senate 
 and its eastern representatives, he built up a vast coali- 
 tion and, taking advantage of a wanton act of aggression 
 on the part of the Roman ofl&cials, he launched his armies 
 against them, defeated their forces and took possession 
 of the province of Asia (88 B.C.). This victory was 
 followed by a great revolt of the Greeks everywhere and 
 by the massacre of all Romans throughout the province 
 to the number of 80,000, and throughout Delos and the 
 yEgean islands to the number of 20,000 more. Such 
 was the fate of the harpies who, in the employ of the 
 equites and, as we have seen (§ 455), beyond the reach 
 of senatorial control, had been plundering and defiling 
 for thirty-five years the fairest district in the eastern 
 world. 
 
 462. Sulla and the Democracy. — Awakened to the 
 growing danger, the senate had arranged that Sulla should 
 take the command against Mithridates, But the de- 
 mocracy, claiming the right to make these appointments, 
 under the leadership of the tribune Sulpicius, in 88 b. c, 
 passed various so-called Sulpician laws, among them one 
 appointing Marius to the position. Sulla, who had col- 
 lected an army for his foreign task and was about to leave 
 Italy, suddenly marched on Rome, and, for the first time 
 in Roman history, a Roman army entered the walls and 
 placed its commander in possession of the state. Sul- 
 picius was killed, Marius fled, and their partisans were 
 overawed. Then, having left his party in power, Sulla 
 departed with his army for the war with Mithridates. 
 
Mithridates of Pontus 403 
 
 "The story of the escape of Marius has grown into a romance: 
 how he fled to Ostia, found a ship and was landed in Circeii, bafHcd 
 by adverse winds; how he wandered by the shore faint and half 
 starved, and just evaded his pursuers by wading and swimming 
 toward two ships that hove in sight along the coast; how the skippers 
 refused to obey the summons of the horsemen to surrender him, 
 and yet, in their fear, abandoned him in his sleep on the land by the 
 mouth of the Liris; how he hid in the marshes by Min-tur'nae, sunk 
 to the neck in mud, was discovered and dragged to prison, and there 
 abashed the Cimbric executioner by the thundering demand, 'Slave, 
 darest thou slay Gains Marius?' how the magistrates set him on 
 ship and sent him away; how he barely escaped with life from the 
 praetor of Sicily, and landed in Africa hoping aid from the Numidian 
 king; how the outcast hero sent back the message to the governor 
 who bade him quit the province, 'Tell your master that you have 
 seen Marius, an exile, sitting among the ruins of Carthage!' " * 
 
 463. First Mithridatic War (87-84 B.C.) — Hardly had Party 
 he disappeared when the consul Cinna, with the support of continue, 
 an army, restored the democracy to power, recalled Marius 
 and took bloody vengeance on its enemies. But its tri- 
 umph was short. Marius did, indeed, enjoy a seventh 
 consulship, but he died soon after his election, and Cinna 
 headed an embarrassed and incompetent government till 
 Sulla's return from the east brought it to an end. He had 
 spent four years in bringing Mithridates to terms (87-84 
 B.C.). The main struggle was in Greece which the van- 
 guard of the army of Pontus had overrun before Sulla's 
 advent. On his arrival with 30,000 veterans of the Social 
 War, these troops took the defensive in the Piraeus and 
 Athens, and kept Sulla at bay for a full year. Finally, 
 Athens was taken by storm and sacked and the PiriEUs 
 evacuated, but the main army of Mithridates had now 
 arrived in Bceotia. This Sulla routed at Chaeronea in 
 
 *How and Leigh, History of Rome, p. 417. 
 
404 
 
 Decline of the Republic 
 
 86 B.C., and he did the same to a second Pontic force at 
 Orchomenus the year after; whereupon the war was 
 carried into Asia and Mithridates sued for peace. He 
 was left in possession of Pontus, but the province of Asia 
 was recovered and its inhabitants forced to pay their ar- 
 rears of tribute and 20,000 talents besides, a punishment 
 which brought them to financial ruin. The other Greeks 
 who had sided with Mithridates were also punished. 
 
 464. The Vengeance of Sulla. — Then Sulla returned 
 home to avenge himself on his adversaries. A decisive 
 victory over the troops opposing him in Italy gave him 
 entrance to Rome, and another in a desperate night 
 battle at the Colline Gate (82 B.C.) over the Samnites, 
 who had joined his opponents and had set forth, 70,000 
 strong, on a wild march to the capital to destroy "the 
 lair of the Roman wolves," placed him in possession of 
 supreme power in 81 B.C. He was appointed dictator 
 for the purpose of refounding the republic. His ac- 
 cession was a signal for bloody massacres of his enemies, 
 the confiscation of their property and the enrichment of 
 his followers. Those whom he singled out especially for 
 extirpation were the equites whom he regarded as mainly 
 responsible for the embarrassments of the senate both at 
 home and abroad. Hence, the names of the rich men of 
 business were most numerous in his lists of the proscribed, 
 whom any man might slay and none might harbor. 
 
 465. The Sullan Constitution. — His political policy 
 was simple, the restoration of the senate to supremacy 
 and the establishment of its position by constitutional 
 authority. The powers claimed by the people were swept 
 away. The consent of the senate was required before 
 measures could be proposed to either comitia; the trib- 
 
Sulla 405 
 
 unes were stripped of all but intercessory powers (§358) Establishes 
 and those holding the office of tribune made thereafter supremacy 
 ineligible for other offices; the courts were restored to °f '^^ 
 
 Senate. 
 
 the senators (§455); the cursus honorum (§450) and 
 the law against re-election to office were revived. But 
 he did not stop with re-establishing and safeguarding 
 the government of the senate. He made some important Suiia's 
 administrative changes. The trials of criminal and other trative 
 offences in the comitia had long since become a farce; Reforms, 
 hence at the same time that Sulla transferred the court 
 of extortion back to the senators, he added six others to 
 it; so that special courts dealt henceforth with such things 
 as peculation, bribery, treason, assassination, forgery and 
 assault and battery. This was a considerable and, as New 
 it proved, a permanent reduction of popular power, and c"™Js,^ 
 it gave Rome, for the first time, a permanent judicial 
 system for criminal cases. Sulla appointed as the presi- 
 dents of these courts the praetors who did not have the 
 trial of civil cases and whom he increased from four to 
 six. There were thus eight prsetors, and like the two 
 consuls, to whom he added the duties of the censors, they 
 were fully employed with civil matters during their year 
 of office in Rome and Italy. Hence he arranged that 
 they should go to the provinces only as propraetors and 
 proconsuls. Since there were at this time ten provinces 
 (Sicily, Corsica and Sardinia, Farther Spain, Hither Spain, 
 Africa, Macedon, Asia, Narbonese Gaul, Cilicia and 
 Cisalpine Gaul*), there was one ex-magistrate for each. 
 When a war should arise of such a magnitude that it ex- The 
 tended beyond the territory of a single province and hence |y"^eme 
 beyond the jurisdiction of a single magistrate, it was ar- 
 
 * It is unknown when Illyricum became a province. 
 
406 Decline of the Republic 
 
 ranged that the senate should be free to designate for its 
 conduct the best citizen available without regard to his 
 position. This relieved it of the obligation to intrust 
 dangerous wars to the consuls who might or might not be 
 competent generals; but it opened the way for ambitious 
 men to secure in succession all the great commands and 
 thus in time to become indispensable to the senate. One 
 further change Sulla made: he increased the number of 
 the senate from three hundred to six hundred and the 
 number of the quaestors from eight to twenty, ten for do- 
 mestic finance, one to keep the money chest of each for- 
 eign magistrate. Since he arranged that ex-quaestors 
 should enter the senate, provision was thus made for keep- 
 ing its number at six hundred. 
 
 Sulla Dies. Thcsc administration changes were the permanent part 
 of Sulla's work. Having thus accomplished his object 
 as he believed, Sulla resigned the office of dictator (79 
 B.C.), retired to private life and died not long after. The 
 senate was once more in the saddle, this time, as it seemed, 
 legally seated in control. 
 
 466. Sulla's Political Reforms Inadequate and Futile. 
 — But, like the work of any man who moves against the 
 
 Failure of irrcsistiblc current of history, Sulla's political reforms were 
 
 Provincial • t-. i • • • i 
 
 Administra- vam. Rome and its provinces were growing more and 
 tion. more dependent upon one another. The food supply of 
 
 Italy was largely met by the importation of grain from 
 the provinces. The business of Rome stretched over the 
 whole civilized world, and its progress depended upon 
 the peace and prosperity of the provinces. Hence, a 
 government that kept the provinces in order, that secured 
 peace and established justice, was absolutely necessary. 
 But just here the old Roman system was a failure. Rome 
 
Senate and Princeps 407 
 
 was a city-state and its government was not organized for 
 imperial rule over a wide domain. Neither senate nor solution of 
 people was equal to the demand. The only way to solve problem 
 the problem was to give large powers to the extraordinary 
 magistrate, and this way, as we have seen, now lay open 
 before the senate; yet this brought with it the danger that 
 the state had been guarding against for centuries — mak- 
 ing the magistrate too powerful, giving him control of the 
 government. We have seen how the state was steadily 
 moving in this direction. Marius and Sulla are examples 
 of the tendency which was growing stronger and stronger. 
 The party conflicts at Rome only opened wider the door 
 of opportunity to the magistrates. Thus the expansion 
 of Rome to an empire brought about the breaking down 
 of the old constitution. 
 
 467. The New Dangers to Rome. — Sulla's legislation 
 was a feeble dam across the current, which soon carried 
 it off. Shortly after his death Roman power was being 
 threatened from three sides, (r) The province of Spain 
 was in possession of the adherents of Marius, led by a 
 gallant soldier, Sertorius. (2) A terrible insurrection of 
 slaves in Italy broke out under the leadership of a glad- 
 iator, Spartacus. (3) The east was in an uproar owing 
 to'the ravages of pirates, having their seats on the coasts 
 and islands of the eastern Mediterranean, especially 
 Cilicia and Crete. They destroyed Roman commerce 
 and even cut off the food supply from Rome. Mithri- 
 dates, also, was recovering from his defeat and organiz- 
 ing a new coalition to sweep the Romans out of the east. 
 
 468. Rise of Pompey. — In the face of these troubles, 
 the senate was forced to find a helper in the person of a 
 young man who had won his spurs under Sulla. This 
 
408 Declhie of the Republic 
 
 was Gnaeus Pompeius,* of noble family, whose father 
 had been a successful general. In 77 B.C. he was given 
 proconsular power by the senate though a private citizen 
 at the time, and w^as sent into Spain, where he overcame, 
 not Sertorius, who had been basely assassinated, but the 
 weakling successor of Sertorius in 72 b.c. Then, return- 
 ing to Rome, he sought the consulship. When the senate 
 opposed him, he allied himself with Crassus, the richest 
 man in Rome. Crassus was leader of the equites and 
 had already brought the war with Spartacus to an end. 
 Sulla's The two leaders turned to the democracy and obtained 
 Over- its support by promising to overthrow the constitution of 
 
 thrown. Sulla. Thus, in defiance of the senate, Pompey and 
 Crassus were elected consuls and restored the powers of 
 the tribunes and the comitia tributa. Sulla's political 
 work perished less than ten years after his death. The 
 most important consequence of the restoration of the 
 power of the tribunate was that henceforth the people, 
 on the initiation of a tribune, could virtually appoint the 
 extraordinary magistrate instead of the senate. This 
 was an important step toward monarchy. 
 
 469. Gabinian Law; Pompey Sent to the East. — 
 Meanwhile, the war with Mithridates was renewed and 
 the Roman general Lu-cul'lus, a man of ability and 
 worth, was able to win several victories (74-68 B.C.). 
 But the devastations wrought by the pirates continued. 
 Accordingly, in 67 B.C., the tribune Gabinius proposed to 
 the people to give Pompey for three years complete con- 
 trol of the entire Mediterranean and power over its coast 
 for fifty miles inland equal to that of the provincial 
 governors. The next year (66 B.C.), by the proposal of 
 
 * The English form of his name, Pompey, will be henceforth used. 
 
PLATE XXX 
 
 Julius Caesar 
 
 Cicero 
 
 Vespasian 
 
 Hadrian 
 
 Faustina 
 
 Commodus 
 
 TYPICAL ROMAN HEADS 
 
Cicero aiid Ccesar 409 
 
 the tribune Manilius, the conduct of the war with Mithri- 
 dates was also conferred upon him; by this "Manihan" 
 law he was given unhmited authority for the settlement 
 of the east. By these two laws Pompey was placed in a 
 position of power which no Roman before him had ever 
 occupied. 
 
 470. New Leaders. — In support of these measures two 
 men came forward who were destined thenceforth to play 
 a large part in Roman life— Marcus Tullius Cicero and 
 Gaius Julius Cassar. Cicero was a countryman, of Cicero. 
 equestrian rank, who was rapidly rising to the position 
 
 of the leading orator at Rome and head of the equites. 
 A man of fine personal character and wide culture, he ms 
 was zealous for the restoration of the old Roman constitu- j^eai!'^^ 
 tion and the revival of the old Roman spirit. This he 
 hoped to secure by giving the Italian element in Roman 
 citizenship a larger place in the state. The people, thus 
 braced and purified by the influence of this worthier and 
 sounder element, he hoped to see unite with the senate 
 in a new and firm government. It was a beautiful dream, 
 and Cicero gave his life to its realization. Caesar belonged c^sar. 
 to one of the oldest and proudest patrician families. He 
 was a daring and far-seeing spirit, cherishing no dreams, 
 eager to play a leading part in the politics of his day. 
 Related by marriage to Marius, he took the side of the 
 democratic party and from that standpoint sought to 
 re-establish and glorify the Roman name. 
 
 471. The Conspiracy of Catiline. — Pompey was in the 
 east five years (67-62 B.C.). During his absence a crisis 
 occurred at Rome which wellnigh destroyed the state. 
 The rapid rise of the democracy encouraged the dis- 
 contented and the miserable to hope for a change of 
 
410 Decline of the Republic 
 
 fortune. A ruined and reckless patrician, Catiline by 
 name, sought to unite all who were like himself in char- 
 acter and fortune in a conspiracy to overthrow the govern- 
 ment and plunder the rich. How widely the plot ex- 
 tended was never known. Even Crassus arid Caesar are 
 thought to have had knowledge of it. To meet the dan- 
 ger feared rather than known, the more conservative 
 citizens, optimates and equites united, elected Cicero as 
 Cicero ouc of the cousuls for the year 63 B.C. He showed un- 
 
 ^^ver ows ^^qj^j^qj^ ^^[\\ ^^^ couragc in grappling with it, unearthed 
 the conspirators and impeached them. Though Cati- 
 line fled, other leaders were seized, and on the author- 
 ity of the senate put to death by the consul. On January 
 5, 62 B.C., Catiline, who had gathered an army, was over- 
 thrown in battle and died fighting. It was Cicero's one 
 splendid political success in uniting the best elements 
 of the state in its defence, and he looked forward to the 
 speedy realization of his dream (§ 470). But he was 
 soon to be sorely disappointed. 
 
 472. Pompey's Victories in the East. — The career of 
 Pompey in the east had been one uninterrupted success. 
 Forty days sufficed for him to clear the sea of pirates; he 
 pursued them to their strongholds and destroyed them. 
 Then he advanced against Mithridates and his son-in- 
 law and ally, Ti-gra'nes of Armenia. A victory in 66 B.C. 
 shattered the Pontic power and brought peace with Ti- 
 granes. The Parthians also allied themselves with Pom- 
 pey. Steadily Mithridates was hemmed in, until, in 63 
 B.C., he fled to his dependency, the kingdom of Bosporus, 
 to the north of the Black Sea, and there killed himself. 
 His kingdom was made part of the Roman province of 
 Bithynia. The kingdom of the Seleucidse (§319) was 
 
The First Triumvirate 411 
 
 brought to an end and Syria became a province (64 B.C.). 
 The Jewish king (§ 430) resisted Pompey, who stormed 
 Jerusalem (63 B.C.) and reduced Judea to a Roman de- 
 pendency ruled by high priests. The Euphrates river 
 became the eastern boundary of the Roman state. Cities 
 were founded, stable government was restored and pros- 
 perity revived. Two new provinces, Bithynia-Pontus 
 and Syria* were added to Rome's eastern possessions; 
 the province of Cilicia, which had been established in 
 102 B.C. at the time of Rome's first operation against the 
 pirates, was enlarged and friendly alliances with the bor- 
 der kings and chiefs were established or renewed. An 
 immense sum was paid into the Roman treasury. Pom- 
 pey had amply fulfilled his task and now returned to 
 Rome, where he triumphed, in 61 B.C. 
 
 473. The First Triumvirate. — The senate took an atti- 
 tude of criticism and disfavor toward Pompey, and re- 
 fused to give lands to his veterans or ratify his acts in 
 the east. Looking elsewhere for allies, he joined with 
 Caesar and Crassus in a coalition which has been called 
 the first triumvirate. It meant that the united influence 
 of all should be used to satisfy the desires of each. They 
 were entirely successful. Caesar was elected consul for 
 59 B.C.; as consul he secured for Pompey the things de- 
 nied him by the senate; also Crassus and his friends were 
 enriched. Csesar also obtained an appointment as pro-' 
 consul in Gaul for five years, beginning in March, 59 B.C. 
 The compact was followed by the marriage of Pompey 
 to Caesar's daughter Julia. 
 
 It turned out that Caesar's proconsulate in Gaul lasted 
 
 * Crete was conquered by Metellus and made a province in this same 
 period. 
 
412 Decline of the Republic 
 
 Its for ten years. When his first term had two years still to 
 
 run, the triumvirate met again (56 B.C.) at Luca and 
 agreed to use their influence to have Pompey and Crassus 
 elected consuls for 55 B.C. The two consuls would then 
 see to it that Caesar's term should be prolonged for another 
 five years, while they themselves were also to have each a 
 five years' term as proconsul, Crassus in Syria and Pompey 
 in Spain. The agreement was duly carried out. Crassus 
 left for Syria in 54 B.C., where he was killed in battle with 
 the Parthians at Carrhae the following year. Caesar re- 
 mained in Gaul. Pompey lingered at Rome. 
 
 474. Rome in Confusion. — Political affairs in Rome 
 had been going from bad to worse. Intrigue and the 
 strife of factions filled the city with confusion and turmoil. 
 Partisan leaders surrounded by armed adherents paraded 
 the streets and fought with one another. An adept at 
 this sort of politics was the young and dissolute patrician, 
 Publius Clodius, a democrat of the type of Catiline, who 
 succeeded in terrorizing foes and friends alike. As trib- 
 une, he proceeded to get Cicero banished in 58 B.C. for 
 having violated the law of appeal by putting the Catili- 
 narian conspirators to death (§ 471). A turn of the wheel 
 brought the great orator back in triumph the next year. 
 Clodius, finally, was killed in a street fight in 52 B.C. 
 Pompey Pompcy had begun gradually to draw away from Caesar 
 ward the and incline toward the optimates. Soon after the con- 
 senate. fercuce at Luca (§ 473) his wife Julia died and, with the 
 death of Crassus, the last link that bound him personally 
 to Caesar was severed. In 52 B.C. he was made sole con- 
 sul and introduced measures which revealed his alliance 
 with the senate and his break with Caesar. Pompey was 
 now at the zenith of his remarkable career. He was at 
 
GAUL 
 
 At tlie time of CtesafN 
 
 3IARCH OF CiESAR AND HIS ARMY 
 
 Campaign 1 
 
 Canipaif;n 2 
 
 Campaign 3' 
 
 Campaign t'^il^'^'Tl'i^'M&Cn.SHS''-^'" 
 
 Campaign B^I^!l,"_^_i»_ ^^^^-^ 
 
Conquest of Gaul 413 
 
 once sole consul in Rome, proconsul of the two Spains with 
 liberty to govern them through legati; he had the right to 
 levy troops in Italy, and was a special commissioner of the 
 corn supply, with unlimited power over the Mediterranean 
 sea and all its coasts and harbors. Such an accumula- 
 tion of powers was substantially monarchy; if they could 
 be enforced against Caesar, it was monarchy. 
 
 475. Caesar in Gaul. — Jealousy and fear of Csesar 
 may have had much to do with the new attitude now 
 assumed by Pompey. For Caesar's career in Gaul had 
 been remarkable. The ten years now drawing to a close 
 (59-49 B.C.) had been occupied with hard fighting and 
 skilful diplomacy. Assigned the provinces of Cisalpine 
 and Transalpine Gaul and Illyricum, he proceeded at 
 once to protect Roman interests on their borders, threat- 
 ened by movements among the tribes beyond. The con- 
 tinual tumult caused by quarrels between these tribes was 
 heightened by the incoming of Germans from across the 
 Rhine. Already the Helvetii, a Gallic tribe living in the 
 country about the sources of the Rhone and Rhine, were 
 hard pressed and prepared to move westward. If the 
 pressure were not removed, the Roman province would 
 sooner or later be threatened with invasion. Requests 
 for help from Gallic tribes gave another opportunity 
 for Cassar's interference. He crossed the Roman border, 
 forced back the Helvetii who had already begun to move, 
 drove the Germans in Gaul over the Rhine and plunged 
 into a series of campaigns which, in successive years, car- 
 ried his arms to the North sea, across the Rhine, to the 
 shores of the Atlantic and into Britain.* Opposition 
 
 * For Ca2sar's famous campaigns, the student is advised to read his 
 equally famous Commentaries, 
 
414 Decline of the Republic 
 
 was crushed or turned by alliance into friendship until 
 the Roman name was supreme throughout all Gaul. 
 No attempt was made to bring the country under the 
 direct rule of Rome, but, following his army, came Ro- 
 man commerce and culture to transform the people and 
 prepare the way for the addition of Gaul to the empire. 
 Importance Caesar's achievement had two results: (i) It turned Gaul 
 ^^^ into a bulwark of civilization to hold back advancing 
 There. German barbarism and thus furnished a means for ex- 
 
 tending this civilization and establishing it in the regions 
 beyond Gaul. Thereby all succeeding periods of west- 
 ern history down to our own day have been stamped with 
 Rome's impress. (2) Caesar gained for himself men and 
 money by which to take a commanding part in the further 
 history of Rome. 
 
 476. Caesar in Conflict with the Senate. — Caesar had 
 sore need of these things, for Pompey, backed by the 
 senate, was rapidly taking a more hostile attitude. 
 Caesar's term as proconsul closed in March, 49 B.C., and 
 he could not enter upon the consulship for which he 
 wished to stand till 48 B.C. Meanwhile, he would be a 
 private citizen and could be brought to trial and ruined 
 on charges which he knew would be trumped up against 
 him. Moreover, he could stand for the consulship only by 
 coming to Rome in person; this he could not do without 
 leaving his province and giving up his proconsulate. He 
 sought to have these conditions waived in his case, but 
 the senate refused. Finally, after endless negotiations, 
 the senate commanded him to resign his province, and 
 Pompey was called upon to save the state from him as a 
 public enemy. In response Caesar crossed the Rubicon, 
 a river which separated his province from Italy, and 
 
Ccesar Monarch 415 
 
 marched rapidly on Rome with an army (January, 49 He 
 
 Mai 
 
 on Rome. 
 
 B.C.). Rome was in alarm, and Pompey, with the ma- 
 
 jority of the senate and a crowd of nobles, fled to the 
 coast and crossed over to Greece, where he gathered an 
 army from the eastern provinces. Caesar found himself, is Master 
 without serious opposition, in possession of Italy and 
 Rome. After a hasty expedition to Spain, where he 
 overthrew Pompey's veteran armies under the command 
 of his legates and thus freed his rear from danger during 
 the coming struggle in the east, he was appointed dic- 
 tator, held the elections, in which he was made consul 
 (48 B.C.), and proceeded to enter upon the war with 
 Pompey and the senatorial party. 
 
 477. Cassar Wins the Roman World. — The decisive Pharsaius. 
 battle was fought at Phar-sa'lus in Thessaly (48 B.C.). 
 Pompey was beaten and his army scattered; he himself 
 fled to Egypt, where he was murdered as he sought to 
 land. But lesser commanders held out in the various 
 provinces against the victor and he was compelled to 
 make a series of campaigns against them. First, the 
 east was brought into order. In Egypt, Cleopatra and 
 her brother Ptol'e-my, descendants of the old Greek 
 rulers, were placed on the throne under Roman pro- 
 tection, and Caesar came under the fascination of the in- 
 telligent and charming but morally unscrupulous young 
 queen. A battle at Zela (47 B.C.) overthrew the son of 
 Mithridates, who attempted to withstand him. It is of 
 these incidents that Byron writes: 
 
 "Alcides with the distaff now he seems at Cleopatra's feet, 
 And now himself he beams and came and saw and conquered." 
 
 The formidable array of Pompeian generals in Africa 
 was annihilated in the battle of Thapsus (46 B.C.). A last 
 
416 
 
 Decline of the Republic 
 
 His Death. 
 
 stand in Spain was made, only to be overthrown in 45 B.C. 
 at the battle of Munda. After four years of fighting, Caesar 
 was master of the situation, and the opportunity was 
 open to him of solving the problems of the state, which 
 had been in the balance for nearly a hundred years. 
 But early in 44 B.C. (March 15) he was assassinated in 
 
 BATTLE OF PHAKSALUS. / 
 
 "^^ '^^^^^#^^ 
 
 fl.«»F '*llll!W^ 
 
 '"V«S^ 
 
 "Jllu-w 
 
 
 the senate-house by a band of conspirators, led by Gaius 
 Cassius and a favorite friend, Marcus Brutus, and the 
 Roman world again plunged into anarchy. 
 
 478. His Work of Reorganization. — In the intervals 
 of his campaigns, however, Cassar set himself to re- 
 establish public order and civil administration both by his 
 example and spirit and by his laws, (r) His attitude 
 toward his enemies was an astonishingly mild one. No 
 murders, no wholesale seizure of property, no gratifying 
 of personal grudges marked his victory; on the contrary 
 
Policy of Cosfiar 417 
 
 forgiveness of injuries and the employment of vanquished 
 opponents in state service was the rule. This can only 
 mean that the welfare of the state and not personal am- 
 bition ruled his spirit. (2) He recognized his victory The 
 as the supremacy of the magistracy over the other organs su^p^em^^ 
 of state-life. The senate and the people had alike failed 
 to administer affairs with success. Now it was the turn 
 of the magistrate. The senate was reduced to its legiti- 
 mate place as his adviser. To this end it was enlarged 
 to nine hundred members, made more representative by 
 being drawn from various ranks of society and districts 
 of the empire; even "half-barbarian Gauls" were there. 
 The people exercised its functions of law-giving and elec- 
 tion under his bidding and direction. (3) He gathered He is 
 all the magisterial powers into his own hand. The par- Magistrate, 
 ticular office by which he ruled the state was that of dic- 
 tator, but he combined with it consular, proconsular, 
 tribunician and censorial powers, all of which were con- 
 ferred upon him by senate and people. (4) The unifi- 
 cation of the empire was one of his chief aims. The His im- 
 centralization of magisterial powers in himself enabled ^q" jjg ** 
 
 him to hold all affairs in his own hands and direct them Realiza- 
 tion, 
 himself. The chief outward sign of this was his favorite 
 
 title, imperator. As imperator he possessed an impe- 
 rium above and inclusive of that of other magistrates.* 
 Hence, he alone ruled the provinces and he was head of 
 the city government. His measures indicate his ideals. 
 (a) Citizenship was conferred on a wider scale than ever 
 before. The Gauls across the Po, colonies in the prov- 
 inces and worthy persons among the provincials were 
 given full rights and the Latin right was conferred upon 
 
 * This is called the mahis im-beriutii. 
 
418 Decline of the Republic 
 
 others, {h) Municipal government (§ 381) was unified 
 and its institutions and powers determined more pre- 
 cisely, (c) New colonies were established at Corinth and 
 Carthage and decaying colonies and towns were revived 
 by new settlers, {d) The city populace of Rome was 
 curbed, political clubs were abolished, the number of 
 those receiving state grain was cut down one-half; Rome 
 began to be reduced from the position of a sovereign of 
 subject lands to the place of a leading city, or capital, of 
 an empire, {e) The soldiers of his armies were settled 
 on lands obtained without confiscation. Thus law, 
 rights, order and prosperity, common to all, began to 
 other appear throughout the one empire. (5) Outside of po- 
 
 Actmties. jj^j^^g^j affairs, the activities of Caesar were notable. He 
 reformed the calendar by substituting for the indefinite 
 lunar year the exact sun year of 3655 days. Public works 
 were undertaken both for the benefit of the state and the 
 employment of needy citizens. Chief among these was 
 the Julian Forum, adorned with the temple of Venus, 
 his patron goddess. We are told that he planned other 
 extensive projects for beautifying the city and benefiting 
 Italy, such as erecting a temple to Mars and a theatre, 
 establishing public libraries, draining the Pomptine 
 marshes and the Fucine lake, building a road over the 
 Apennines, codifying the laws; but his death left them 
 uncompleted. 
 
 479. Literature in His Day. — Caesar's genius was 
 many-sided, almost universal. He possessed striking 
 literary power in an age of vigorous intellectual activity. 
 Some of the chief ornaments of Roman literature flour- 
 ished in his own day, but he shone as brightly as any. 
 Lucretius. Two Romau poets, Lucretius and Ca-tul'lus, belong to 
 
Republican Literature 419 
 
 his time. Lucretius is famous for his philosophical 
 poem ''On the Nature of Things," dealing with the origin 
 and history of the world and man, on the principles of 
 the Epicurean philosophy (§ 324). Not only is its in- 
 sight into truth remarkable, but the poetical power dis- 
 played is rich and strong. Catullus was a lyric poet CatuUus. 
 who died at thirty, but left behind him poems whose lines 
 are so delicate, original and touching, as to rank him 
 among the greatest lyrists of the world. Supreme in ckero. 
 the realm of prose was Cicero (§ 470), who sprang into 
 fame as an orator by his prosecution of Verres, the cor- 
 rupt Roman governor of Sicily, and advanced it by a long 
 series of legal and political speeches like those against 
 Catiline (§ 471). In another sphere, that of political, 
 literary and philosophical treatises, he wrote works such 
 as those On Oratory, On the State, On the Nature of God, 
 On Old Age. These masterpieces are not only notable 
 for their ideas, they are most significant in their marvellous 
 mastery of the Latin tongue, the majestic roll of their 
 sentences, the music of their phrases, the strength and 
 variety of their vocabulary. He made Latin the vehicle 
 of expression for the widest and highest thought, the 
 medium of utterance for generations of scholars and 
 thinkers to come. Among such men Caesar was also 
 famous. As an orator, there were those who placed him 
 on a level with Cicero. But the world knows him best 
 in literature by his unrivalled narratives of his cam- 
 paigns. His Commentaries, notes or jottings on the Caesar 
 Gallic War and the Civil War, are expressed in terse, writer, 
 vivid, clear Latin, "the model and despair of later his- 
 torians." The only man of the time who approached Saiiust. 
 him was Sallust, one of his younger contemporaries and 
 
420 Decli7ie of the Republic 
 
 a trusted officer, whose model for historical writing was 
 Thucydides (§227). His chief work was his History 
 of his own times from the death of Sulla. Only a few 
 fragments of it remain, but two brief treatises, one on the 
 war with Jugurtha and the other on the conspiracy of 
 Catiline, have survived. They show considerable lit- 
 erary power if not an admirable sense for historic truth. 
 Lesser lights of the time were Cornelius Nepos, the biog- 
 rapher, and Varro, the learned antiquarian, whose trea- 
 tises on old Roman life and manners, though preserved 
 in fragments, have been of great value to modern stu- 
 dents. 
 
 480. Caesar's Supreme Genius Analyzed. — Yet, as 
 soldier and statesman, Caesar stands pre-eminent. He 
 possessed four gifts to an extraordinary degree, (i) 
 Quickness of insight and an almost preternatural ability 
 to choose the right course to success. (2) A breadth of 
 view which saw things in their widest issues and could 
 devise measures on a scale proportionate to the problem 
 to be solved. (3) Immense capacity for toil. (4) Mar- 
 vellous power to draw men to himself, to fire them with 
 his own enthusiasm and to set them at work. Any one 
 of these gifts makes a strong man; all of them combined 
 made Caesar the foremost man of his time and one of the 
 few greatest men of all times. His only parallel in the 
 The Results aucicnt world is Alexander of Macedon. His untimely 
 Murden'^ death, like that of his Greek predecessor, changed the 
 whole course of history; for, whereas, Alexander had 
 planned to add the west to his great empire, Caesar, in 
 the year of his murder, was about to start on a campaign 
 to add the far east to the Mediterranean world, from 
 which it had drawn apart, under Parthian rule, during 
 
Effects of Murder of Coenar ^'it\ 
 
 the decay of the Seleucid empire in the second century 
 B.C. The chance to unite the whole world in one state 
 never recurred. Moreover, Caesar's idea of a despotic 
 government, and of the degradation of Italy and the 
 Italians to be, like the provincials, his subjects, was not 
 ripe for execution in his time. Certainly, it was not 
 ripe for execution by any one but himself; and since 
 his successor, as we shall see, turned deliberately away 
 from absolutism and sought to preserve intact the im- 
 perial position of Italy, Caesar's career forms but a brill- 
 iant episode in a development which continued on its 
 course to issue in the principate of Augustus. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what were the following im- 
 portant: Drusus, Jugurtha, Sertorius, Luca, the Rubicon, 
 Lucretius? 2. What is meant by triumvirate, Italica, Agra- 
 rian law, ma jus imperium, populares? 3. Who were the 
 two leading Scipios and how did they receive their names of 
 Africanus and ^Emilianus? 4. Trace the careers of the follow- 
 ing men through the period : Marius, Sulla, Pompey, Cicero, 
 Caesar. 5. What was the the date of Caesar's death? 6. What 
 was the spirit of Tiberius Gracchus's reform measures? 7. 
 How did Gains Gracchus play the game of politics? 8. How 
 were the senate and office of tribune affected by Sulla's legis- 
 lation? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the parties at Rome in 
 origin, aims and character with those at Athens in the fifth 
 century (§§ 16S, 189, 218, 223, 239, 243). 2. With what Greek 
 statesman and soldier would you compare Sulla (see Plutarch's 
 choice) ? 3. In Plates XVIII and XXX compare the heads of 
 Alexander and Caesar and draw some conclusions. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Land Law of Tiberius 
 Gracchus. How and Leigh, pp. 337-344. 2. Gains Gracchus's 
 Measures and Their Fate. HowandLeigh, pp. 346-356, 358-360. 
 3. The Numidian War. How and Leigh, pp. 360-371. 4. 
 Military Reforms of Marius. How and Leigh, pp. 378-3S0. 
 5. The Social War. How and Leigh, ch. 39. 6. The Constitu- 
 
422 Decline of the Republic 
 
 tion of Sulla. How and Leigh, ch. 44. 7. Pompey in the East. 
 How and Leigh, ch. 46. 8. Conspiracy of Catiline. How and 
 Leigh, ch. 47. 9. Caesar in Gaul, How and Leigh, ch. 49. 10. 
 The Legislation of Caesar. How and Leigh, ch. 52. 11. The 
 Food, Clothing and Employment of the Poor. Fowler, Social 
 Life at Rome, pp. 33-59. 12. The Roman Business Man. 
 Fowler, pp. 69-90. 13, The Roman Matrons. Fowler, pp. 143- 
 156. 14. The Economic Aspect of Slavery. Fowler, pp. 213- 
 222. 15. Cicero's Country Homes. Fowler, pp. 251-262. 16. 
 A Letter of an Undergraduate in the University of Athens. 
 Fowler, pp. 199-203. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Roman 
 
 Constitution by the Year 133 b.c. Munro, pp. 47-52 (source); 
 Morton, ch. 19. 2. The Gracchi and Their Times. Plutarch, 
 Lives of the Gracchi; Morey, ch. 19; Seignobos, ch. 13; Botsford, 
 pp. 151-160; Shuckburgh, ch. 35. 3. The Politics of the Gracchi. 
 Abbott, pp. 94-98. 4. The Times of Marius and Sulla. Morey, 
 ch. 20; Seignobos, ch. 14; Botsford, pp. 160-174. 5. TheNumidian 
 War. Myres, pp. 360-368. 6. The Cimbri and Teutones. 
 Myres, pp. 368-372; Horton, ch. 23. 7. Military Reforms of 
 Marius. Myres, 378-380. 8. The Social War. Shuckburgh, 
 pp. 589-592. 9. The Constitution of Sulla. Morey, pp. 176- 
 179; Abbott, pp. 104-107; Myres, ch. 35. 10. Times of Pompey 
 and Caesar. Morey, ch. 21; Botsford, pp. 175-196. 11. Pompey 
 in the East. Shuckburgh, ch. 42. 12. Conspiracy of Catiline. 
 13. Caesar in Gaul. Shuckburgh, ch. 44. 14. Caesar, Pompey 
 and the Senate. Abbott, pp. 129-138; Horton, ch. 30; Morey, 
 pp. 197-200. 15, The Legislation of Caesar. Abbott, pp. 114- 
 116: Myres, ch. 41. 16. Roman Literature of This Period. 
 Laing (quotations and biographies), pp. 63-197; Mackail, pp. 39-88. 
 17. The Effect of Lucullus's Eastern Campaign upon Financial 
 Conditions in Italy. Ferrero, vol. I, pp. 200-224. 18. The First 
 Triumvirate, a Three-Headed Monster. Ferrero, vol. I, pp. 
 324-336. 19. How Caesar became a Demagogue. Ferrero, vol. 
 I, pp. 250-265. 20. Lucullus in the East. Hehland, vol. Ill, 
 pp. 9-10, 13-14, 30-41. 21. Caesar's Last Ambition. Ferrero, 
 vol. II, pp. 282-302. 22. Jugurtha's Claim to the Numidian 
 Crown. Greenidge, vol. I, pp. 321-344. 23. Jugurtha's Visit to 
 Rome: Its Significance. Greenidge, vol. I, pp. 346-353. 24. 
 Jugurtha's Capture Closes the War. Greenidge, vol. I. pp. 
 465-472. 25. The Trials of Verres and Flaccus. Heitland, 
 vol. Ill, pp. 18-21, 141-144. 
 
General Review 423 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART III, DIVISIONS 1-6 
 
 1200(?)-44 B.C. 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. An outline of the main 
 points of Roman history in chronological order from the point 
 of view of Rome's relation to outside peoples. 2. A similar 
 outline from the point of view of Rome's inner life. 3. The 
 peoples that contributed to Rome's greatness, arranged chron- 
 ologically with examples (§§ 344, 346, 348, 364, 370-372, 403, 
 437, 441, 445, 449). 4. The most important dates in Roman 
 history to 44 b.c. 5. The changes appearing in Rome's attitude 
 toward outside peoples (§§ 354, 355, 372, 377, 399, 427, 431, 434, 
 466, 478). 6. Roman farming and the farmer — as illustrating 
 the history (§§347, 357> 359, 3^6, 379, 387, 403. 418, 437> 44©, 
 458). 7. Development of the Roman army (§§ 350, 362, 385). 
 8. A list of the great men of Rome in the different periods of 
 her history to 44 b.c. 9. Roman citizenship in the various 
 periods of Roman history (§§ 371, 381, 447, 450, 456, 460). 10. 
 An enumeration of the influences and tendencies that from the 
 beginning of the state led up to Caesar's supremacy (§§ 419, 
 423, 424, 435, 451, 452, 456, 459, 466, 469)- II- The history of 
 the influence of commerce on Roman history (§§ 339, 344, 372, 
 377, 399, 423, 434, 439, 45°, 455, 457, 459, 461, 464, 468). 
 
 MAP AND PICTURE EXERCISES, i. Prepare a map of repub- 
 lican Rome to accompany paper No. 3 below. 2. Compare 
 the oriental heads in Plate II with the heads of Caesar and 
 Cicero in Plate XXX. 3. In the same way compare the two 
 Roman heads with the Greek heads in Plate XVIII. 4. Make 
 a plan of the Roman Forum and use it to illustrate Plate XXIX. 
 5. Prepare a map of the Mediterranean world to show — by 
 different colored pencils or inks — the expansion of Rome in 
 each of the three periods to 44 b.c. 6. On Plate XXVIII study 
 the Roman coins of this age and compare them with the Greek 
 coins of Plate XXVII. (See Appendix II.) 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. The Roman Magis- 
 trate — ^His Position, Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 150-173. 
 
 2. The -lEdile — His Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 202-206. 
 
 3. The City of Rome down to 44 b.c. Merivale, ch. 78. 4. The 
 Roman Senate — its Position, Powers and Duties. Abbott, pp. 
 220-243; Fowler, City State, ch, 8. 5. Rome's Treatment of 
 
424 
 
 Main Epochs of Empire 
 
 Spain as Illustrative of Its Dealing with Conquered Peoples. 
 
 How and Leigh, pp. 240-245, 464-466; Shuckburgh, pp. 458- 
 463, 538-545. 6. Roman Slavery as Testified to by the Ro- 
 mans Themselves. Sources in Munro, pp. 179-192. 7. The 
 Carthaginian Empire. Mommsen, History of Rome, vol. H, bk. 
 3, ch. I. 8. Roman Roads. Dictionaries of Antiquities, articles 
 "Via" or "Roads"; Guhl and Koner, pp. 341-344; Johnston, pp. 
 282-287. 9' The Story of Terence's " Phormio" as Illustrative 
 of Roman Comedy. Laing, pp. 4-62. 10. How was Justice 
 Administered at Rome? Abbott (§§ 65, 87, 96, 100, 182, 189, 
 200-203, 222, 236, 251, 309). II. Some Roman Traditional 
 Stories : (a) The Secessions of the Plebeians, {b) The Caudine 
 Forks. Munro, pp. 74-77. (c) Cincinnatus. Botsford, Story 
 of Rome; Yonge, Stories of Roman History; Church, Stories from 
 Livy. 12. An Estimate of Caesar Written by Pompey. 13. The 
 Roman Equites (Knights) — History and Privileges. Diction- 
 aries of Antiquities, under the name; Greenidge, "Roman Public 
 Life," index under name. 14. The Financial Administration of 
 the State. Abbott (§§ 184, 213, 239, 280; Greenidge, pp. 229-232, 
 286-287). 15- " We ought to be thankful to Caesar every 
 day that we live." Justify this remark. 
 
 The 
 
 Problem 
 and Its 
 Solution. 
 
 Divisions 
 of the 
 Period. 
 
 481. Preliminary Survey. — The era of expansion be- 
 ginning with 264 B.C. had put Rome in possession of the 
 countries where the main current of historic life had 
 hitherto run its course. A world-empire had arisen, 
 stretching from the Euphrates to the Atlantic. The 
 problem, again thrown into the arena by Caesar's mur- 
 der, was the administration of that empire; the course 
 of the following epochs of ancient history is the solution 
 of that problem — the government of the Roman world. 
 
 Thus the history of the period falls into three main 
 epochs. 
 
 7. The Roman Empire (Principate), 44 b.c.-a.d. 284. 
 
 8. The Roman Empire (Despotism), a.d. 284-395. 
 
 9. The Breaking up of the Roman Empire and the 
 
 End of the Ancient Period, a.d. 395-800. 
 
Flight of Assasshis 425 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY * 
 
 For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. 
 
 Dill. Roman Society from Nero lo Marcus Aurelius. Macmillan. A 
 masterly work. In general suitable only for teachers, but a few 
 passages, judiciously selected, may be helpful for pupils also. 
 
 Bury. The Student's Roman Empire; to the Death of Marcus A urelius. 
 American Book Co. Full of matter, well written, an invaluable work of 
 reference, rather too detailed for continuous reading by the beginner. 
 
 Gibbon. The Student's Gibbon. American Book Co. This well-known 
 abridgment of Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire 
 should be constantly in the hands of the student for the period 
 with which it deals. 
 
 Jones, H. S. The Roman Empire. Putnams. Brilliantly written, up to 
 date and reliable. The best single-volume history from Augustus 
 to Augustulus. 
 
 Merivale. General History of Rome to 476 a.d. American Book Co. 
 Merivale becomes especially useful in the imperial period; his narra- 
 tive is full and clear, though the organization of his material is 
 defective. 
 
 Tucker. Life in the Roman World of Nero and St. Paul. Macmillan. 
 Interesting and reliable. 
 
 7.— THE ROMAN EMPIRE (PRINCIPATE) 
 
 44 B.C. -A.D. 284 • 
 
 482. After Caesar — What? — The thirteen years (44-31 
 B.C.) that followed Ceesar's murder were filled with tur- 
 mail and struggle. Those who hoped that the senate 
 would resume control of the government were soon un- 
 deceived. Antony, consul at the time of Caesar's death, Antony, 
 came forward as his successor, and Brutus and Cassius, 
 placing no reliance upon the fickle populace of Rome, 
 and finding no enthusiasm for their act in Italy, fled to 
 the east, to provinces assigned to them by their victim, 
 Cicero started to follow at their heels, but plucking up 
 
 * For previous bibliographies, see §§ 5a, Sga, 33Sa. 
 
426 The Principate 
 
 courage, he returned to Rome; and, taking advantage of 
 a dissension, which split for a time the followers of Cae- 
 sar, he roused the senate to action and tried to guide 
 
 Octavius. events on lines favorable to republicanism. This brief 
 restoration of senatorial power was due to the appearance 
 of Octavius, the grandnephew and heir of Caesar,* a 
 youth who, though but eighteen years of age, showed un- 
 common prudence and energy. Since Antony declined 
 to recognize his rights, he won over many of Caesar's 
 veterans by a free use of money, which his friends and 
 relatives provided, and by proclaiming his purpose to be 
 to avenge the murder of the great leader. At the same 
 time, he did not hesitate to co-operate with the senate 
 in its struggle with Antony. Cicero thought he could 
 use "the boy" for his own purposes and then throw him 
 aside. He was terribly mistaken. Once the unnatural 
 partners had defeated Antony in a war at Mu-ti'na and 
 Octavius had shown that he could not be ignored, these 
 two united with themselves Lepidus, whom Caesar had 
 appointed to the province of Transalpine Gaul, a man 
 of little force or insight. Supported by the legions, 
 
 The Second they Compelled the senate to appoint them a triumvirate 
 
 vir'atT." ^^^ settling the affairs of the state (43 B.C.). Acting in 
 this capacity, they avenged themselves on their enemies 
 in Rome and filled the city with blood. Their most 
 illustrious victim was Cicero, whose brilliant orations f 
 against Antony in the senate, a few months before, had 
 
 Phiiippi. aroused his hatred. At the battle of Phi-lip'pi (42 B.C.) 
 they overthrew the armies which Brutus and Cassius 
 
 * As adopted son of Cassar his name was C. Julius Caesar Octavianus. 
 t These orations were called Philippics in recollection of Demosthe- 
 nes' speeches against Philip (§276). 
 
Anto7iy and Octavius 427 
 
 had gathered in the east. Then Antony and Octavius 
 set about their task of settling affairs, Antony taking the 
 east and Octavius the west. Antony failed to manage 
 his share of the empire successfully; he became entan- 
 gled with Cleopatra, queen of Egypt, and let matters go 
 at loose ends. Moreover, he quarrelled with Octavius, 
 who in the meantime had restored order in Italy, taken 
 the province of Sicily and the rule of the sea from the 
 pirate king, Sextus Pompeius, Pompey's son, shelved Le- 
 pidus, found his great general, A-grip'pa, and his great 
 diplomat and councillor, Mse-ce'nas, and, in a word, by 
 his shrewd sense and statesman-like conduct won the 
 good-will of all the best Roman citizens. Thus accom- Actium. 
 panied, the one by failure, the other by success, the two 
 met in battle at Actium (31 B.C.), where Antony was 
 beaten. Octavius alone remained at the head of the state. 
 
 In the agony of the struggle at Actium, Cleopatra, who had com- Cleopatra, 
 mand of the Egyptian squadron of Antony's fleet, raised sail and 
 made off for Egypt. She had bound Antony to herself, as earlier 
 Julius Caesar, in order to save her kingdom from Roman attack and, 
 maybe, to become queen of the whole world. Now that she foresaw 
 the destruction of her lover, she wished to save herself and her country, 
 if possible, from participatmg in his fate. What she had not cal- 
 culated on was the blind devotion of Antony, who, leaving his fleet 
 and army commanded ess, sailed away to Egypt with her. Never- 
 theless, Cleopatra did not despair of getting rid of Antony and gaining 
 the support of the young man who now could deal with Egypt as he 
 pleased. She entered into an intrigue with Octavius as he drew near 
 her country, and carried her treachery so far that, having entered into 
 a pact with her lover to commit suicide together, she issued a false 
 report of her death. Antony at once killed himself. Then the 
 hitherto invincible queen tried her seductions on Octavius, but one 
 glimpse of the cold blue eye and the passionlessly polite mien of the 
 victor told her that she had met her match. Rather than be carried 
 
428 The Principate 
 
 to Rome to grace the triumph of Octavius, she took her own life. 
 Thus perished the last of a long line of Egyptian queens — the last of 
 the Ptolemies. Egypt became part of the Roman empire. 
 
 483. The Problem of Octavius. — The questions that 
 had faced Caesar now confronted Octavius — how should 
 the state be reorganized, and what place should he occupy 
 in it? For answering these questions he possessed little 
 of the genius of his uncle, that far-seeing eye, that quick 
 grasp of all the elements in the situation, that daring 
 and enthusiastic spirit which did not shrink from doing 
 in its own way whatever was to be done. Yet Octavius 
 had what was, perhaps, for his time, a better equipment — 
 caution and coolness, attachment to the past, love of 
 peace and order, an iron will which, however, was ready 
 to use the most available means to gain its way. With 
 these qualities he could not follow Caesar's path — break 
 with the past, gather all powers into his own hand and 
 rule the state as supreme magistrate. Had not that 
 path led to assassination ? He proposed to restore the old 
 order and adjust his own position and power to it. 
 Senate, magistrates and people should play their part as 
 before in the conduct of the state. On him should be 
 conferred extraordinary powers for the special tasks of 
 administration which so sorely needed attention in the 
 vast domains of the imperial state. 
 
 484. Augustus, 27 B.C. -14 A.D. — In the year 27 B.C. 
 the arrangement went into force. "I transferred the 
 state," he says, "from my power to the control of the 
 senate and people." He was already consul; now he was 
 given by them the proconsular imperium for ten years and 
 the sacred title of Augustus. With this dual power went 
 supreme authority over all provincial governors and sole 
 
Prince: President 429 
 
 * 
 
 rule over certain provinces on the frontiers where armies 
 were needed; he was therefore master of the legions. 
 Over these provinces he placed lieutenants (legati) re- 
 sponsible to himself. The other provinces were ruled xhePro- 
 by proconsuls and propraetors appointed by the senate.* imped^ 
 
 um 
 
 Principate. 
 
 He already possessed the tribunician power and for some f,"!* ^^^ . 
 
 •' '■ ■ ^ _ Tribunician 
 
 years continued to be elected consul. But, as it was not Power, 
 constitutional to be consul and proconsul at the same 
 time, he laid down the consulship in 23 B.C., although re- 
 taining the rank and power, preferring to take part in 
 civil affairs by virtue of his tribunician authority. To rep- The 
 resent his place in the state in all its aspects he chose the 
 title of princeps or "First Citizen," whence this form of 
 government is called the Principate. Later he was also 
 honored with the title of pater patricE, "Father of his 
 country." From time to time his proconsular power was 
 renewed, as the term for which it was assigned expired; 
 the tribunician power only he held for life. The people 
 elected magistrates and made laws; the senate adminis- 
 tered the state through him and other officials appointed 
 by it. Thus Augustus proudly declared that he had re- The 
 stored the republic. His conduct was in accordance with Restored, 
 his word. In the city he wore the toga of a citizen and 
 lived in his simple home on the Palatine, wearing the 
 clothes woven by the women of his family. No escort ac- 
 companied him about the streets except such as became 
 a magistrate, and every citizen could consult him without 
 
 * The place of Egypt in this arrangement was peculiar. It was 
 assigned as a province to neither, but was regarded as a kind of private 
 possession of Augustus. No senator was permitted to enter it. The 
 reason for this was, no doubt, the monarchical sentiment of the people 
 and the immense importance of Egypt to Rome because of its corn- 
 supply. 
 
430 
 
 The Principate 
 
 Italy the 
 Centre. 
 
 The 
 Freedmen. 
 
 The 
 Provinces. 
 
 ceremony. His position was, in fact, much nearer that of 
 Pompey in 52 B.C. than that of Caesar in 45 B.C. It should 
 be observed that Pompey, too, had been called princeps. 
 
 485. The Good Results. — The advantages of this ar- 
 rangement were clear and its beneficial results im- 
 mediate. A sense of security and satisfaction was felt 
 everywhere. Now, at last, peace under constitutional 
 government was obtained. A proper method of reor- 
 ganizing the state and meeting the difficulties of admin- 
 istration was reached. The evils of the time were met 
 with strong remedies. 
 
 486. The Empire Organized. — The empire was set in 
 order. Here the central thought of Augustus was that 
 the heart of the empire was Italy, from the Alps to Sicily. 
 Over against Italy and dependent upon it were the 
 provinces. It was the "sacred land." Its economic 
 prosperity revived; waste lands were peopled and brought 
 under cultivation; disorder was put down; the munici- 
 palities were given free scope to organize and govern 
 themselves; public roads were repaired. The dignity 
 of Italian citizenship was emphasized. Even the freed- 
 men were given a place in the public life by the institu- 
 tion of the Augustales, a body of men, appointed in each 
 community, who at their own expense attended to the 
 worship of Augustus. To be an Augustal was regarded 
 as a notable distinction by the freedmen, but not by free 
 citizens who could not worship the princeps without ad- 
 mitting their political inferiority. Italy, thus set apart 
 from the rest of the state, as the model and glory of the 
 empire, was governed by the senate. The provinces 
 were dealt with in the same thorough way. Those which 
 were under the direct rule of Augustus were managed 
 
The Provinces 431 
 
 by his legates and procurators,* men selected because they 
 were efficient administrators. They were dependent on Officials, 
 him for advancement and honor; hence they sought by 
 good work to obtain his favor. The borders of the em- 
 pire were protected and the internal affairs of the prov- 
 inces v/ere regulated. An imperial coinage, guaranteed 
 by the state as pure, was put into circulation. The army, Army. 
 which in the civil wars had reached the enormous size 
 of more than fifty legions, was reduced to twenty-five, or 
 one hundred and fifty thousand men. It was kept on 
 the frontiers constantly under arms, trained and pre- 
 pared for defence. It was under the direct command 
 of Augustus. After a victory the soldiers hailed, not 
 their own general, as formerly, but Augustus, as im- 
 perator. Only Roman citizens could serve in the legions. 
 In addition provincials were employed as auxiliaries to the 
 number of not more than one hundred and fifty thousand. 
 Each legion had its particular name and usually its perma- 
 nent quarters in a special province. By virtue of being 
 commander-in-chief, Augustus, like other generals, had 
 his body-guard (the cohors prcetoria) ; as he lived at Rome, 
 his guard was stationed in the city; it was the "praetorian 
 cohort," and under its two prefects or commanders had 
 niuch influence in the state. The finances of the prov- Finances, 
 inces were established on a firm basis. All the income 
 from the provinces under Augustus came into his treasury, 
 called the Fiscus,^ and he had sole power over its man- 
 
 * The procurators were fiscal agents who took the place of many of 
 the piiblkani. 
 
 t The word means "basket"; in Roman households the money-box 
 was a basket. It is also claimed that the Fiscus dates from the time of 
 Claudius. In any case, Augustus controlled the revenues which arose 
 from his own provinces. 
 
432 The Principate 
 
 agement. Hence, there was no more stealing of public 
 money by officials. A map of the empire was prepared, 
 showing the chief towns and roads of every province; a 
 census was taken of the greater provinces, perhaps of 
 all. The farming of taxes with all its abominations was 
 greatly restricted. The land lax and the poll tax, the 
 two direct taxes levied, were collected by the state; the 
 "publican" (§423) still dealt in the customs and other 
 like imposts. Thus a business administration was es- 
 tablished which saved money and gave the state abundant 
 revenues. Augustus spent this money freely on imperial 
 roads and buildings throughout the empire. By these 
 means he created new bonds of unity which held the 
 Roman world together as never before and brought about 
 the extension of Roman civilization from end to end of it. 
 We can hardly conceive the immense advantage to the 
 provinces of this stable and beneficent government. 
 
 487. Foreign Policy. — The policy of Augustus with 
 respect to the peoples outside the Roman world was in 
 
 The East, general a very prudent one. In the east he had no desire 
 to follow up the project of Julius Caesar for a war with 
 Parthia. He was content by skilful negotiation to ob- 
 tain the return of the battle-flags lost by Crassus (§ 454) 
 and to increase by peaceful ways the influence of Rome 
 
 The West, bcyoud the Euphrates. In the west and south he devoted 
 himself rather to reorganization than to expansion. 
 Spain was subdivided into three provinces and com- 
 pletely brought under Roman control. A large number 
 of new colonies was planted in it and every encourage- 
 ment given for the development of urban (municipal) life. 
 In fact, Augustus wished to Latinize Spain and Africa, 
 and provide for their local administration, in precisely 
 
Municipalities 433 
 
 the same way and by precisely the same methods as 
 those followed by Alexander the Great and the Scleucids 
 in Hellenizing Asia (§§ 299, 319, 435). The two districts 
 were to become eventually a honeycomb of municipalities, 
 each with a territory definitely marked off for it and 
 divided into individual holdings by the land surveyors for 
 whom Rome was so famous. The lands between the mu- 
 nicipal territories were to be waste or forest lands (saltus) 
 or belong to the public domain. They were a burden and 
 a source of revenue to the central government. In the 
 years to come some of Rome's greatest citizens had their 
 homes in these western lands. 
 
 In the case of Gaul, outside the old province of Narbo, quite a Gaul and 
 different form of organization was adopted. The whole area was, Egypt Ex- 
 indeed, divided into three provinces, Lugdunensis, Aquitania and "P*'°°^ 
 Belgica, but unity was preserved in that the revenues were collected 
 from all alike by oiBcials attached to the Rhine army and in that dele- 
 gates from all met at Lyons to offer worship on the altar of Roma et 
 Augustus. By this act they acknowledged their fealty to the two 
 powers now existent in Italy (dyarchy). They did not control their 
 own tax payments because Augustus neither permitted the founda- 
 tion of new colonies nor encouraged the growth of municipalities in 
 Gaul. He divided the whole district once for all into sixty-six com- 
 munities {civitates) so that no land was available for colonies; witlvn 
 the communities cantons (pagi) were recognized, and also villages 
 (vici) but the latter lacked anything like a general assembly, senators 
 (decuriones) or magistrates (duoviri) such as were found in the 
 municipalities. They were governed from above by officials of 
 the community or canton chosen from the Celtic nobility. Self- 
 government was thus denied to the people in Gaul as it was denied 
 to the people in Egypt; and, indeed, the organizations of these two 
 provinces have many points of similarity (§311). 
 
 On the north the problem was first of all a military The North, 
 problem. The dangers from the restless Teutonic peo- 
 
434 The Principate 
 
 pies made necessary an advance into this region until a 
 defensible frontier should be reached and the nations 
 bordering on it brought under Roman influence. The 
 natural boundary in the northeast was the Danube; 
 thither Augustus pushed forward his line. Four new 
 provinces were formed: Moesia, Pannonia, Noricum and 
 Rhgetia, extending from the Black sea to the sources of 
 the Danube. Connecting with these on the north and 
 northwest the shortest boundary would be made by the 
 Elbe. Augustus advanced across the Rhine to establish 
 his frontiers on that river. By these means it was felt 
 that the most dangerous border of the Roman world 
 would be safely guarded. 
 
 488. The Imperialism of Augustus. — Within the 
 frontier thus defined lay the Roman world; beyond — to 
 the ends of the earth, to the points reached in the vision 
 of Alexander and Caesar, Augustus did not venture 
 The fact was that he lacked both the will and the power 
 for further conquest and accordingly stayed the restless 
 advance of Rome to universal dominion. He was no 
 soldier or general and had no passion for adventure. His 
 was the purely intellectual type which lacked physical 
 not moral courage. Besides, his scheme of government 
 placed the burden of imperialism squarely on the shoul- 
 A Limit Set dcrs of Italy. From it he demanded one hundred and 
 Expansi^on ^^^^ thousaud men for military service, or one-tenth of its 
 entire male population of military age. He could not 
 demand more — the drain on economic activity was almost 
 intolerable as it was. Nor could he venture to raise more 
 than another one hundred and fifty thousand in the 
 provinces without bringing the supremacy of the Italians 
 into peril. With three hundred thousand men, however, 
 
THE ROMAN EMPIRE 
 
 IN THE 
 TIME OF AUGUSTUS. 
 
 10 200 300 400 50 
 
 Scale of Miles. 
 
 li»S"\';".jaft Bniiinlnrie» of Roman Empire at death of Julius Caetsr. 
 dZZH^ Territory added by Aueustu^ 
 I I Slnten allied to Rome. 
 
 Zi Senatorial. Provinces. 
 
2o' LoiiKitiirte EHst 30" rrom (ireumviili ho" 
 
 E ^ 
 
 -^'J^- '^^-t^^^. 
 
 MYSIA', \ ...Ti IMI"^ '^1f 
 
 'RHODES 
 
 8 B \A 
 
PLATE XXXI 
 
 From the Villa Medici and Terme 
 
 Terra Mater in the Ufifizi 
 
 RELIEFS FROM THE ARA PACTS AUGUSTS— ART OF THE 
 AUGUSTAN AGE 
 
Codsar Wo7\ship 435 
 
 he found it impossible to do more than protect defensible 
 frontiers and preserve internal peace. 
 
 489. The Worship of the Emperor. — Among the Italians Augustus 
 fostered an aristocracy of senators and knights, the senate being 
 its head. To this the whole administration of the central govern- 
 ment of the empire belonged, and of it he was one, its princeps, to 
 be sure. To the Italians belonged the subject world which the 
 aristocracy held and governed primarily for their advantage. Of 
 old the sheep had been flayed; now they were to be merely shorn. 
 Over the subject world there was established a dyarchy or joint rule 
 of the republic and the princeps. These two authorities divided 
 between them the provinces,. the revenues, jurisdiction, administra- 
 tion. Their power was absolute. That is to say, they were superior Legalizing 
 to the local officials in Gaul and Egypt, to the city-states in the Greek Absolutism, 
 half and to the municipalities in the Latin half of the ISIediterranean 
 world. Yet these lesser authorities, being in theory independent, 
 could not accept orders from foreigners without humiliation. Nor 
 did they need to. 
 
 As we have already seen, the Greeks had for generations been in the 
 habit of enrolling their rulers among their deities, and long before the 
 time of Augustus they had accepted as peculiarly their monitor in 
 political affairs a goddess of their own creation — Roma (§ 43 5) . Now 
 Augustus was put by her side, and before the death of the first 
 princeps every province in the empire had its temple or altar to Roma 
 et Augustus. Naturally, Romans could not worship these deities, 
 for to do so meant to become their subjects. Hence, in Rome an 
 altar of the "Augustan Peace" — one of the most notable artistic 
 monuments of his age — was erected, no altar or temple of Augustus 
 himself; hence, too, only freedmen, whom Augustus disfranchised 
 in Rome and in the Roman municipalities, could enter into the 
 body of the Augustales who had charge of the worship of Augustus 
 and his successors in these places. Thus the bond which linked the 
 government of the Italians to the provinces was one of religion. 
 Caesar-worship, as it is called, took its place among the recognized 
 religious cults of the time as a natural testimony to the divine char- 
 acter of the new Roman state, which rose high above all other powers, 
 the symbol of universal order and peace. 
 
436 
 
 The Principate 
 
 490. Social Life Reformed. — Augustus had clear no- 
 tions of the spirit which should inspire the state. He 
 proposed to revive the old Roman ideals. The simple 
 life of duty to the gods and service to the state was again 
 to be supreme in Roman society. He encouraged mar- 
 riage and the rearing of children; divorce, which had 
 grown so alarmingly common, and other forms of im- 
 morality, that were destroying the purity of private life 
 at Rome, were sternly repressed. The different orders 
 of society were clearly marked off and fitting tasks were 
 assigned to each. The senatorial order was purged of 
 unworthy members and set at its task of governing its 
 share of the state. From it he chose officials for all the 
 highest positions in the army and in his provinces. The 
 equestrian order he also controlled and reorganized, and 
 from it he chose the great body of his financial officials. 
 As possessed of tribunician power, he guided and curbed 
 the Roman populace, but he had no sympathy for its 
 pretensions, and after some fruitless attempts to make it 
 less of a mob by giving new powers to its ward officials 
 and by arranging for the casting of votes in the munici- 
 palities of Italy, he decided to give it as little occasion for 
 assembling as possible and advised Tiberius to deprive 
 it of the electoral power altogether. For Augustus the 
 republic meant the senate, not the comitia. Perhaps his 
 supreme passion was the restoration of the old Roman 
 religion. Ancient temples were rebuilt and the venerable 
 worship was revived in stately splendor. In 12 B.C. he 
 became Pontifex Maximus, the head of the Roman 
 church. New and rich endowments were provided for 
 the priestly colleges. The worship of the Lares (§ 347), 
 which, above all else, was typical of the old faith, and 
 
The Augustari Age 437 
 
 which appealed particularly to the freedmen and slaves, 
 who had little interest in the greater national deities, was 
 revived. Three hundred of their shrines were raised 
 along the streets of the city and twice a year they were 
 adorned with flowers. In each was a pair of little images 
 — the dancing and drinking Lares — and between them 
 was set the representative of the genius, or immortal 
 part of Augustus. Thus were the masses taught to 
 reverence the princeps. By all this he sought to show • 
 that it was the ancient gods who had raised him to power 
 and had brought peace, order and prosperity to the world. 
 His plans largely succeeded. Religion, as the old Roman 
 conceived it, in its best sense, lived again. The altars 
 smoked anew with sacrifices. 
 
 491. Literature Revives. — Corresponding to the glad 
 sense of order and peace, literature and art took on new 
 life. One of the world's greatest poets, Publius Ver- vergii. 
 gilius Maro (70-19 B.C.), adorned the Augustan age. 
 His poems, the "Eclogues" picturing pastoral life, the 
 " Georgics", in praise of agriculture, and his chief work, 
 the "iEneid", an epic which glorifies the beginnings of 
 Rome, are all full of the spirit and ideals that inspired 
 Augustus. The religion that made Rome great, the sturdy 
 faith and stalwart patriotism that filled her sons with 
 might — these he hallowed in melodious verse and touching 
 pictures, which gave him wondrous popularity then and 
 have made his name immortal in the world of poetry. 
 His conception of the world-wide mission of Rome, her 
 imperial destiny and the certainty of its success in the 
 hands of Augustus, contributed mightily to the strength 
 of the new regime. He was worthily seconded by the Livy. 
 historian, Titus Livius (59 b.c.-a.d. 17), who used all 
 
438 The Principate 
 
 materials which had come down to him from the past to 
 write his Roman History in one hundred and forty-two 
 books, from Rome's beginning to 9 B.C. He idealized the 
 old days and found consolation for the evils of the present 
 only in a return to the sobriety, fidelity and heroism of the 
 past. The legends of early Rome he retells without criti- 
 cism of their truth, and throws a halo of splendor over the 
 days of the republic. With strong imagination and ro- 
 mantic temper he pictures the noble men and stirring 
 scenes of early times. His style is full and flowing, and he 
 is possessed of a fine literary art which expresses itself in 
 the picturesque grouping of his intensely human charac- 
 ters. Unfortunately, only a small part of his great work 
 has been preserved. Another literary leader was Quintus 
 Horatius Flaccus (65-8 B.C.), the son of a freedman. 
 In his Satires he plays upon the social and literary 
 follies of the Rome of his day; his Epodes are even more 
 satirical; he reaches the height of his genius in the Odes 
 and Epistles. A genial critic of life who sees its weak- 
 nesses yet loves it, with few ambitions beyond a glowing 
 fireside, a good wine and a sympathetic friend, a lover of 
 nature who was at the same time a man of the world, he 
 had the unique power of putting his thoughts into precise, 
 telling phrases and of fitting them into lyrical verse of 
 charming delicacy and force. Vergil, Livy, Horace — 
 these three have given an enduring fame to the Augustan 
 age, of which they are, each in his own way, the char- 
 acteristic products. 
 
 492. Revival of Art. — Monuments in bronze and 
 marble attested the revival of art in this time. Augus- 
 tus himself added to the old Forum a new one and 
 built, among other temples, that of Apollo on the Pala- 
 
Tlie Augustan Age 439 
 
 tine, of marble without, and filled with statues. From 
 him also came the theatre of Marcellus with a seating 
 capacity of twenty thousand persons. Others vied with 
 him in adorning the city. Agrippa, his most trusted 
 officer, built the Pantheon, the temple of Poseidon and 
 magnificent public baths. It is said that Augustus de- 
 clared with pride : "I received a city of brick; I leave a 
 city of marble." A stately list of the edifices built or 
 restored by Augustus forms a part of the record of his 
 achievements — the Monumentum Ancyranum ("Deeds 
 of Augustus") — which he left at his death, and which is 
 one of our chief sources for his reign. 
 
 493. The Culmination. — To show that an old age had The 
 come to an end — a century of vast disorder in the state ^^"="'^^ 
 
 y Games. 
 
 and of ever-present fear for life and property to the in- 
 dividual — and that a new era, one of peace and order, had 
 opened, Augustus chose the celebration of the Ludi 
 ScEculares, a festival which was observed every hundred 
 years. This, the fifth time of its observance, in the year 
 17 B.C., was one of singular splendor. For it Horace 
 wrote a hymn, the Carmen Sceculare. 
 
 494. The Birth of Jesus. — Amid all the splendors of 
 the Augustan age a child was born in one of the most in- 
 significant provinces of the empire whose sway was to 
 surpass in power and extent the wildest dreams of the 
 Ccesars. In the days of Herod, king of Judaea, vassal of a New Era. 
 Augustus, Jesus Christ * was born in Bethlehem of 
 Judaea. We do not know the year. It was four or five 
 
 years before the date traditionally assigned. Yet our 
 
 * "Christ" is the Greek equivalent of the Hebrew word "Messiah," 
 the "anointed" (king) whom the Jews expected to appear as their de- 
 liverer- 
 
440 
 
 The Principate 
 
 chronology turns upon it, for the years of the world's his- 
 tory are numbered according as they precede the assigned 
 year of his birth or follow it.* Jesus was the founder of 
 Christianity, the religion which was to play a large part 
 in the history of the Roman empire and is professed by 
 the so-called Christian nations of Europe and America. 
 495. The Shadows in the Scene. Moral Corruption. — 
 But there was another side to all the grandeur of the 
 Augustan age. The people of the city of Rome had too 
 long been a prey to moral corruption to be reformed 
 by example and precept. Unbounded luxury and gilded 
 vice continued to be fearfully rampant among the higher 
 classes. Even Julia, the daughter of Augustus, created 
 scandal by her loose behavior. The lower classes still 
 clamored for free bread and games. To them Augustus 
 had to yield in part, and his doles to them and the shows 
 he exhibited before them surpassed even those of his 
 predecessors. Over against the fine spirit and high ideals 
 of a Vergil must be placed the example and popularity of 
 other poets of the time, among whom the most prominent 
 was Publius Ovidius Naso, better known as Ovid (43 
 B.c.-A.D. 18). He was not untouched by the nobler 
 memories and hopes of his time, as his Fasti show — a 
 gathering up of the ancient Roman religious customs ar- 
 ranged according to the religious calendar. But his 
 Met-a-mor' pho-ses, a collection of myths of transforma- 
 tion, his Art of Love, his Love Stories and other poeti- 
 cal trifles, reveal the gay and profligate character of the 
 society of which he was the pride and ornament. Pos- 
 sessed of a vivid, brilliant and graceful poetic gift, a born 
 
 * That is, B.C., "before Christ," and a.d., anno Domini, "the year 
 of the Lord." Christ was crucified in the reign of Tiberius. 
 
Incompetence of the Senate 441 
 
 story-teller, he used his powers for frivolous and un- 
 worthy ends. Banished to Pontus by Augustus because 
 of his intrigues, he exhibits in his Tristia the baseness 
 of his spirit by his fawning praise of the princeps who 
 had justly condemned him. 
 
 496. Administrative Difficulties. — Augustus's scheme 
 of government did not work altogether as was expected. 
 The balance of power between the senate and himself Growth of 
 steadily swung toward his side. The senate showed in- p^n^eps. 
 competence in the sphere of administration assigned to it, 
 and he was compelled to take more and more of its proper 
 activities upon himself. In Rome, for example, he took 
 charge of the supply of corn and its distribution to the poor 
 and also of the water supply. The police and firemen 
 were also under prefects appointed by him. In Italy 
 and the senatorial provinces he had large powers. All 
 the military forces throughout the empire were under 
 his orders. Sometimes he was compelled to undertake 
 the financial reorganization of a province which had 
 gone bankrupt under senatorial administration. Thus it 
 gradually became clear how difficult it was to conduct 
 affairs on this division of powers. No wonder that those 
 who had hailed him as the restorer of the republic began to 
 question whether he had not become its master. The 
 nobles murmured. At least three conspiracies were Conspira- 
 formed against him; though they failed, the motive which *^'^^' 
 inspired them was obvious. That Augustus was able to 
 hold his position for so many years, without falling a vic- 
 tim to the spirit that had killed Julius, is a testimony to 
 his prudence and vigilance. He was fortunate, also, in His coun- 
 having two wise counsellors, Maecenas and Agrippa. ^* °"' 
 Maecenas was a diplomatist of uncommon tact and wis- 
 
442 The Pinncipate 
 
 dom; at the same time he was a man of the v/orld, enor- 
 mously rich, a patron of art and hterature. Agrippa was 
 the man of action as well as of counsel. He won the 
 battle of Actium for Augustus and was intrusted by the 
 princeps with the direction of every critical piece of work 
 in military or civil affairs. Both died before their mas- 
 ter, and he was wont to say during the later and darker 
 days of his reign: "This would not have happened had 
 Maecenas or Agrippa been alive." 
 
 497. The Disaster of Varus. — For darker days did 
 come as the long years of Augustus drew to their close. 
 A severe blow was struck at his military prestige, when 
 Varus, the incompetent commander of the legions on the 
 northern frontier, was slain and his army cut to pieces in 
 the Teutoberg forest by the Germans under Arminius 
 
 The (a.d. g). Augustus decided that it was impossible to 
 
 Spl™d."^ keep the frontier at the Elbe and withdrew his forces to 
 
 the Rhine. He enjoined this policy of cautious defence 
 
 of the borders upon his successors. 
 
 498. Augustus the Only Successful Princeps. — The 
 state of Augustus did not come into existence at one 
 stroke. To conceive grandly and execute promptly was 
 not his way. His motto was "hasten slowly" (festina 
 lente), and all his life he kept adding and subtracting — 
 building a new order round his own personality. Augustus 
 and his state became, in fact, a unity, and that was the 
 tragedy of the principate. None but a man of Augustus's 
 temperament could make a successful princeps: he must 
 be zealous, yet careless of the appearance of power; he 
 must guide and direct, yet observe all forms scrupu- 
 lously — was he not simply the first citizen, entitled to influ- 
 ence, of course, but not to command ? He must keep the 
 
The Succession 443 
 
 army in the background and yet dominate it beyond fear 
 of rivalry; he must be able to mingle freely in the society 
 of the nobles as one of themselves, yet surpass all in per- 
 sonal dignity. Around Augustus himself the institutions 
 of state were moulded. Where could another Augustus 
 be found to take his place? 
 
 499. Problem of the Succession.— The vv^eakest point 
 in the arrangement between Augustus and the senate con- 
 cerned the imperial succession. If he had received his 
 appointment as princeps from the senate and people, then 
 they could appoint as his successor whomsoever they 
 might choose. As his was an extraordinary office, they 
 might decide not to continue it after his death. But, in 
 fact, Augustus was determined not only that the princeps 
 should remain, but that the one whom he should point 
 out should succeed him. But how should this successor 
 be indicated? Augustus decided to associate with him- The De- 
 self this destined successor during his lifetime in such a 
 way as to make his purpose clear. Whom, then, should, 
 he thus designate? He himself had married twice; his ms Family, 
 first wife bore him a daughter, Julia, whom he married to 
 his friend and counsellor, Agrippa. Two promising sons 
 of this marriage died before their grandfather. The 
 third son was an impossible candidate. Agrippa, his 
 son-in-law, was at one time thought of as the chosen suc- 
 cessor, but he, too, passed away in the lifetime of Augus- 
 tus. Augustus's second wife, Livia, had been divorced 
 from her former husband after she had borne him two 
 sons, Tiberius and Drusus. Drusus died before Augus- 
 tus. Tiberius alone remained. Though Augustus dis- Choice of 
 liked him, he was a capable, vigorous man and the choice 
 was narrowed to him. In a.d. 4 Augustus adopted him 
 
 vice of 
 Augustus. 
 
 Tiberius. 
 
444 The Principate 
 
 as his son, and bestowed upon him the imperium for ten 
 years and the power of the tribunate; in a.d. 13 he re- 
 newed the command and defined it as equal to his own. 
 Thus there could be no doubt whom the princeps desired 
 to follow him. Having gone thus far, he could not vent- 
 Death of ure farther. The next year he himself died at the age 
 Augustus, ^f seventy-five years. 
 
 We are told that in the hour of death he called for a looking-glass 
 and bade them arrange his hair and his beard. He asked his friends 
 whether he had played well the "farce" of life. Then, alone with 
 his own family, he asked after the health of a little child of the family 
 who was ill, then suddenly kissed his wife Livia and expired quietly, 
 breathing out the last words, "Livia, 'live mindful of our union; 
 farewell." 
 
 500. The Achievement of Augustus. — The nearly half 
 a century during which Augustus had conducted the plan 
 of administration devised by himself had established 
 it as an abiding work. Herein is his glory, that he 
 founded a new and permanent government for the shat- 
 tered Roman state. He had done what Julius had failed 
 to do. Order, peace, prosperity, permanence — these 
 things he restored to the Roman world. Defective and 
 illogical as his scheme may have been in some points, it 
 was thoroughly timely and practical. It saved Rome from 
 going to pieces; it formed a working basis for unity and 
 progress; it preserved Roman civilization for centuries 
 and gave it the opportunity to expand to the ends of the 
 earth. For these blessings, the results of which we enjoy, 
 we are indebted to Augustus Cagsar. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following famous: 
 Agrippa, Antony, Livy, Varus, Maecenas, Vergil, Livia? 2. 
 What is meant by princeps, Fiscus, Augustales, Ludi Saecu- 
 
The Julio -Claudian Line 445 
 
 lares, Praetorian Cohort, Pontifex Maximus? 3. What is the 
 date of the battle of Actium, of the death of Augustus, of the 
 birth of Jesus? 4. What burdens did the imperialism of 
 Augustus inflict upon Italy? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. What ideas of the divinity of man 
 had appeared in the eastern world which resembled Caesar- 
 worship? 2. Compare the differing conditions in which Vergil 
 and Homer (§§ 104-111) lived as illustrating the differences 
 in their poetry. 3. Compare the political position and ideas 
 of Augustus with those of Alexander (§§ 282, 290, 292, 294, 
 297-300). 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Foundations Laid by 
 Augustus for a New Rome. Jones, pp. 3-12, 40-41. 2. The 
 Military System Reconstructed. Jones, pp. 12-18. 3. Augus- 
 tus's Settlement of the Eastern Question. Jones, pp. 21-24, 38. 
 4. The Disappointments of Augustus's Private Life. Jones, 
 pp. 19-21, 25-26, 30-33. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Period 
 
 of the Second Triumvirate. Morey, pp. 203-212; Shuck- 
 burgh, ch. 46. 2. ThePrincipate. Munro, pp. 143-148 (sources); 
 Abbott, pp. 266-273; Myres, pp. 545-549; Seignobos, pp. 266- 
 268; Merivale, ch. 51. 3. The Provinces in the Scheme of 
 Augustus. Moray, pp. 220-224; Abbott, pp. 283-285; Merivale, 
 pp. 409-410; Myres, pp. 553-555. 4. The Foreign Policy of 
 Augustus. Myres, pp. 544-553; Abbott, p. 282. 5. The Charac- 
 ter of Augustus. Botsford, p. 218; Morey, pp. 228-229; Horton, 
 pp. 316-318. 6. Roman Literature of the Augustan Age. Laing, 
 pp. 198-386 (biographies and quotations); Mackail, pp. 91-168. 
 7. Social and Financial Rome in the Last Century B.C. Fer- 
 rero, vol. II, pp. 42-54. 8. The Corn Trade of the Ancient 
 World. Ferrero, pp. 321-325. 9. The Death of an Aristoc- 
 racy. Ferrero, vol. Ill, pp. 215-226, 229-238. 10. New 
 Revenues and Expenditures in Augustus's Reign. Ferrero, vol. 
 IV, pp. 159-165. II. The Vit9.1 Elements of Augustus's Policy. 
 Ferrero, vol. V, pp. 348-351. 
 
 501. The Successors of Augustus — the Julian Line. — 
 
 Tiberius succeeded his stepfather without opposition. 
 He was the first of four members of the house of Ceesar 
 to occupy the position of princeps. These were: 
 
446 
 
 The Principate 
 
 Germani- 
 cus. 
 
 Tiberius (stepson of Augustus), a.d. 14-37. 
 Gaius, surnamed Ca-lig'u-la (great-grandson of Augustus and 
 grand-nephew of Tiberius), a.d. 37-41. 
 
 Claudius (uncle of Gaius and nephew of Tiberius), a.d. 41-54. 
 Nero (nephew of Gaius and stepson of Claudius), a.d. 54-68. 
 
 502. Tiberius, A.D. 14-37. — Tiberius had force of 
 character and genuine ability, but he came to his position 
 when fifty-five years of age, and the weight of administra- 
 tion hung heavy upon him. His originally sensitive 
 temperament had been rendered gloomy and suspicious 
 by bitter experience; now placed at the head of the state, 
 he lapsed into injustice and cruelty when opposed by the 
 senatorial nobility. At the death of Augustus the legions 
 on the Rhine and the Danube rose in revolt hoping to 
 extort booty, lands and other concessions from the new 
 ruler. The Rhenish legions offered to support the nephew 
 of Tiberius, Germanicus, in a contest for the position of 
 princeps. It was a trying time for the newly established 
 principate. The maintenance of imperial authority was 
 due largely to the loyalty of Germanicus, who diverted 
 the thoughts of the legions from treason by a military 
 campaign across the Rhine in which the Germans were 
 punished for the defeat of Varus. Following the cautious 
 policy of Augustus, Tiberius did not try to hold any terri- 
 tory overrun by Germanicus beyond the Rhine. In the 
 east the Parthians required a display of Roman arms, 
 and here Germanicus was sent by Tiberius, but his un- 
 timely death ended a career full of promise. Tiberius 
 restrained the wealthy, who longed to regain their old 
 liberty of plundering the provinces, thereby earning the 
 gratitude of the subject world. He rebuilt twelve cities 
 of Asia Minor that had, been destroyed by an earth- 
 
The Julio- Claudian Line 447 
 
 quake. He was loyal to the principles of Augustus and 
 he even outdid his model in repressing the populace, one 
 of his acts being to transfer to the senate its right of elect- 
 ing magistrates. He established the preetorian guard 
 permanently within the city. The law of treason together Law of 
 with the tribuniciary sanctity of the prince permitted al- ^'■^^^°° 
 most any act or word to be construed as lese-majesty 
 (treasonable). Taking advantage of this opening and of Delators 
 the peculiar temperament of Tiberius, a crop of de-la'tors 
 (delatores) sprang up who prosecuted with indiscriminate 
 zeal good and bad alike. In Tiberius's old age he fell Sejanus. 
 under the influence of a brilliant but unscrupulous favor- 
 ite, Se-ja'nus, the praetorian prefect (§ 486). Weary of his 
 social and imperial burden, the old emperor retired for 
 repose to the island of Capri, where he performed only 
 the necessary duties of his position, leaving the conduct of 
 affairs to Sejanus. The latter had already the substance 
 of imperial power, but he wished to have the visible form 
 also. Hence by base deception and intrigue he got the 
 natural heirs of Tiberius put out of the way one after 
 another and eventually formed a conspiracy against the 
 prince himself. Its detection led the unfortunate old man 
 to suspect the loyalty of everybody. Prosecutions thick- 
 ened. Trials for treason multiplied among the nobility, 
 and amid a reign of terror Tiberius died at the age of 
 seventy-eight. 
 
 503. Caligula, A.D. 37-41. — Gaius, as a youth, was a 
 universal favorite. The soldiers on the frontier, among 
 whom a part of his childhood was spent, idolized him.* 
 His elevation to the principate, at twenty-four years of 
 
 * They called him Caligula, "little boots," because of the soldier's 
 boots which he wore while amono; them as a child. 
 
448 The Principate 
 
 age, was followed by a series of acts which promised well. 
 But hardly a year had passed when he entered upon a 
 course of life unparalleled for extravagance and brutality. 
 The riches which the frugal Tiberius had gathered were 
 dissipated in costly games and wild vice. He heaped con- 
 tempt on the institutions and representatives of the re- 
 public. He proposed to make his horse consul. He de- 
 manded worship as a god. It is charity to assume that a 
 sudden illness which fell upon him early in his career had 
 left him a madman. A conspiracy in his palace brought 
 him to his death, and Rome drew a long breath of relief. 
 504. Claudius, A.D. 41-54. — Up to the time of his be- 
 coming princeps, Claudius was known as a timid, in- 
 capable pedant. He was found cowering in the imperial 
 palace by the praetorian guards who had just slain his 
 freakish nephew, and, with the tardy assent of the senate, 
 he was thrust into the highest position in the state at the 
 age of fifty-one. None the less, he showed surprisingly 
 excellent administrative qualities. He still pursued his 
 antiquarian researches, made tedious speeches and wrote 
 tiresome books. His weakness of character made him as 
 he grew older a prey to designing women and intriguing 
 servants. The government was really in the hands of a 
 trumvirate of freedmen, Pallas, Narcissus and Polybius, 
 able but conscienceless men, who not only managed the 
 emperor, but also filled the imperial service with men of 
 their own class. Freedmen, not senators, were thus run- 
 ning the empire under Claudius. To their influence we 
 may attribute the startling liberality of the prince in ex- 
 tending the franchise to Celtic nobles in Gaul, and perhaps 
 also his abandonment of the foreign policy of Augustus. 
 For Claudius made a notable addition to the empire by 
 
The Julio -Claudian Line 449 
 
 annexing Britain in 43 B.C. From that time the island, Annexa- 
 tion of 
 Britain. 
 
 though not entirely subjugated, began to come under the ''°° °^ 
 
 direct influence of Roman civilization. The same ruler 
 enlarged the empire in Africa, where he formed two new 
 provinces. Dependent kingdoms like Thrace and Judaea 
 were turned over to procurators who ruled them as agents 
 of the Fiscus. The freedmen were thus imperialists, but 
 Italy was not neglected during their regime; the Fucine 
 lake was drained; a harbor for Rome was artificially 
 constructed at Ostia; two new aqueducts, one the famous 
 Claudian, carried pure water into the heart of the great 
 city. Claudius's ambitious wife, his niece A-grip-pi'na, 
 succeeded in having her own son Nero designated for the 
 succession, whereupon the death of the emperor occurred 
 and it was whispered that he died by poisoning. 
 
 505. Nero, A.D. 54-68. — All men hoped the best things The Reign 
 from Nero. He was fond of art and literature and had prindpied" 
 imbibed a taste of wisdom from his tutor Seneca, the Mettante. 
 philosopher. The latter, with Burrus, the praetorian 
 prefect, guided the first activities of the new ruler, who 
 was a mere youth seventeen years old. His mother, a 
 capable, imperious woman, had a strong influence over 
 him. But the quartette fell out one with another. Nero 
 was encouraged to emancipate himself from his mother's 
 authority, and plunged into wild excesses, while his able 
 ministers conducted public affairs successfully. But 
 soon his frivolous, brutal temper, thus roused, played 
 havoc on every side. His mother was murdered. Seneca 
 was condemned and committed suicide. Nero gave him- 
 self loose rein. He posed as a poet and public singer. 
 Extravagant revels and unending shows wasted the im- 
 perial treasures; abominable vices and unspeakable 
 
450 The Principate 
 
 cruelties disgraced the court. So low had he fallen in 
 public esteem that a frightful conflagration, which de- 
 stroyed the greater part of Rome, was laid at his door. 
 Patience was at last exhausted, the legions in the prov- 
 inces rebelled and Nero fled to die at length by his own 
 hand. His last words were: "That such an artist as I 
 should perish!" 
 
 506. The Principate as Tyranny. — During these years 
 the position of the princeps changed. The balance in 
 his favor over against the senate was complete. His 
 powers were, it is true, voted to him by the senate and 
 people, but he had made sure of the position before 
 election. Hereditary descent was recognized as giving a 
 claim to it. The principate, therefore, in theory and 
 form constitutional, was, in fact, a tyranny. The pos- 
 session of military power was decisive; the princeps was 
 first of all imperator — and emperor* we shall henceforth 
 call him. The senate was little more than his tool. Its 
 fear of him was intensified by his assuming the right 
 to accuse anyone of treason; an accusation meant con- 
 demnation and was followed by immediate execution at 
 the hands of the soldiery. By this means many of the 
 leading men of Rome were put to death. Yet a section 
 of the proud and independent nobility, though silenced, 
 was not subdued. They knew their rights and steadily 
 opposed the tyranny. The emperor, in turn, knew that 
 constitutionally he was dependent upon the senate, and 
 did not dare go so far as to destroy it and rule alone. 
 As a result, he looked for support to the weapons of his 
 praetorian guard. Such an ally was dangerous; it might 
 in time become the master. 
 
 * Emperor is only the English form of imperator. 
 
The Flavian Line 451 
 
 507. Political Progress. — The growth of the princeps' 
 power was an advantage to the empire as a whole. His 
 imperial administration came to be better organized. 
 The emperor's helpers were now to be found in every 
 department and district of the empire. Every great Freedmen 
 noble had freedmen to manage his private affairs, write '° ^®"' 
 his correspondence and keep his accounts. But the em- 
 peror's accounts and correspondence were those of an 
 empire, and the men who attended to these became of 
 
 great importance to the state. Under this improved Prosperity, 
 public service the prosperity of the provinces advanced. 
 The unifying of the empire by a common government and 
 by the spread of commerce and culture went on rapidly. 
 The personal character of the emperors and their doings 
 at Rome, whether good or bad, did not affect the well- 
 ordered system. Egypt, for example, was never so pros- 
 perous as under Nero. The same progress is found in The 
 relation to the frontier. In general the cautious policy '■°°''"- 
 of Augustus was followed (§§ 487, 488). Military roads 
 and fortifications strengthened the Rhine frontier. 
 
 508. The Flavian Caesars. — The revolt of the legions, The One 
 before which Nero took his own life and thus left the prin- i^o^gYear. 
 cipate vacant, was followed by a brief period of anarchy 
 
 (a.d. 68-69), ^1^ which four generals, Galba, Otho, Vitel- 
 lius and Ves-pa'sian,.were proclaimed imperators by their 
 troops and each was recognized by the senate. In the 
 struggle that followed, Vespasian came out victor. He 
 and his two sons who followed him constitute the house 
 of the Flavian Caesars. They reigned as follows: 
 
 Vespasian, a.d. 69-79. 
 Titus, a.d. 79-81. 
 domitiax, a.d. 81-96. 
 
452 The Principate 
 
 509. Vespasian, A.D. 69-79. — Vespasian was an ex- 
 perienced commander and administrator. He was of 
 humble origin, the son of a Sabine centurion and money- 
 lender. He brought to the principate shrewd common- 
 sense and practical ability, coupled with unpolished man- 
 ners and provincial speech, which were a stock subject of 
 ridicule with the Roman nobles. But he knew how to 
 rule wisely and well, joining firmness with justice and 
 forbearance toward his enemies, and restoring the shat- 
 tered finances of the state by such careful economies that 
 he was thought stingy and sordid. He appreciated the 
 dignity of his office and was worthy of it. When at the 
 age of seventy years the pains of death came upon him, 
 he struggled to his feet declaring that the emperor should 
 die standing. 
 
 510. Titus, A.D. 79-81 — The early life of his son 
 Titus led men to expect in him a second Nero. They 
 were happily disappointed. He, like his father, sought 
 to live up to his high position; he abandoned his vices 
 and boon companions. To his enemies he was splen- 
 didly gracious; to the people lavishly generous. He 
 thought that day lost in which he had not given some- 
 thing away. "The darling of humanity" is the descrip- 
 tive phrase of a later historian. The terrible eruption of 
 Vesuvius, which destroyed Pompeii and Her-cu-la'ne-um 
 (a.d. 79), a disastrous fire at Rome, a wasting pestilence 
 which devastated Italy, gave him unequalled opportuni- 
 ties for exercising his benevolence, and he was not found 
 wanting. It has been questioned whether in time the 
 vexatious problems of imperial rule would not have 
 changed him for the worse. As it was, after scarcely two 
 years of power, he died, loved and mourned by all. 
 
The Flavian Line 453 
 
 511. Domitian, A.D. 81-96. — His younger brother, Do- 
 MiTiAN, was a passionate, ambitious character who, held 
 back by his father and brother during their lifetime, was 
 all the more eager to rule. People called him a "bald- 
 headed Nero," but if, like that ruler, he was corrupt and 
 vicious in his private life, as an administrator he was able 
 and successful. In many respects he resembled Tiberius, 
 whom he took as his model. His haughty air and lordly 
 bearing made enemies for him among the nobility, and 
 their renewed hostility turned him into a suspicious and 
 cruel tyrant. He perished by the daggers of his attend- 
 ants after a reign of fifteen years. 
 
 512. Political Progress. — Two important political 
 changes date from the Flavian emperors, (i) They 
 made much of the office of censor, by which they had 
 large power over the senate. Domitian held it for life. 
 
 By virtue of this censorial authority Vespasian enlarged Reorgan- 
 the senatorial order (§ 490), which had become thinned Jhe se°nate. 
 out by civil war and executions. He chose new senators 
 from the most honorable citizens throughout Italy and 
 the empire. Thus to the old republican nobility, which 
 had practically died out during the persecutions of the 
 Julio-Claudian time, was added a new official aristocracy 
 created by the emperor and friendly to him. (2) Ves- The 
 pasian met the problem of the succession by emphasiz- S"'="^^'°°- 
 ing the hereditary right of his oldest son to follow him. 
 In the same way Titus made his nearest of kin, his brother 
 Domitian, a colleague. The name Caesar was taken as an 
 imperial title, as though these emperors were descended 
 from Augustus. The result of all these measures was to 
 raise the dignity and mark the supremacy of the princeps. 
 The senate had less and less importance; the people none. 
 
454 
 
 The Prmcipate 
 
 513. Imperial Advance. — Apart from the reorganiza- 
 tion of the finances of the state and the restoration of 
 order and peace b}^ these emperors, three imperial tasks 
 call for special mention, (i) The province of Judaea 
 (§ 472) broke out in a fierce rebellion in a.d. 66. Ves- 
 pasian had been sent against the rebels, and it was while 
 he was fighting there that his legions proclaimed him 
 emperor. When he went to Rome he left the conduct 
 of the war to Titus. Among the Jews there were many 
 who preferred Roman rule, but a body of violent fanatics 
 gained the upper hand, destroyed the Roman garrison in 
 Jerusalem and slaughtered right and left. Finally, Titus 
 shut up the rebels in Jerusalem, For five awful months 
 the Romans besieged and assaulted the city, until at last 
 the rebels held only the Temple hill. The whole was 
 finally taken by assault and burned to the ground (a.d. 
 70). (2) Under the reign of Domitian the empire was 
 extended in the west and north of Britain. The legions 
 were under the command of an able general, A-gric'o-la, 
 who advanced into Scotland. His fleet also circum- 
 navigated the island. (3) On the German frontier 
 Rome advanced across the upper Rhine and a fortified 
 wall more than a hundred miles in length was begun, to 
 connect the upper waters of the Rhine and the Danube. 
 Behind this rampart lay a strip of land called the Agri 
 Decumates, which was thus added to the empire. It was 
 in no sense a change in the defensive policy of Augustus, 
 but a measure of protection for Roman colonists and a 
 stronger means of defence against the Germans. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Name the emperors of this century 
 in chronological order. 2. What is meant by Agri Decumates, 
 praetorian prefect, the title Caesar? 3. For what are the fol- 
 
PLATE XXXII 
 
 Spoils of the Jewish War 
 
 RELIEF FROM THE ARCH OF TITUS IN ROME 
 
Review 455 
 
 lowing famous : Seneca, Sejanus, Jerusalem, Pompeii, Agri- 
 cola ? 4. What is the date of the annexation of Britain, of the 
 fall of Jerusalem? 5. Had Tiberius a definite administrative 
 policy? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the policy of the Flavian 
 Caesars regarding the problem of the succession with that of 
 Augustus. 2. As far as good government goes, how does the 
 first century a.d. of Roman rule compare with the first cen- 
 tury B.C.? 3. What was the difference between the demands 
 made upon an emperor by the city of Rome and by the prov- 
 inces? Could they be reconciled? 4. "I wish that the Roman 
 people had but one neck, that I might strike it off with one 
 blow." " I wish to govern the state not as my property, but 
 that of my people." Show how both these sayings are char- 
 acteristic of a Roman emperor. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Difficulties of Tiberius. 
 
 (a) Military. Jones, pp. 44-49; (b) The Control of Sejanus. 
 Jones, pp. 49-52. 2. Claudius's Influence on the History of 
 the Empire. Jones, pp. 61-64. 3- The Contradictions in 
 Nero's Reign. Jones, pp. 69-83. 4. The Flavians' Conduct 
 of Roman Affairs, (a) Business Administration. Jones, pp. 
 115-118. {b) The Extension and Strengthening of the Frontiers. 
 Jones, pp. 119-124, 139-145. (c) The Building in the City. 
 Jones, pp. 127, 130, 132. {d) A General Estimate of the Flavians. 
 Jones, p. 148. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Problem 
 
 of Tiberius. Munro, pp. 149-152 (source); Merivale, pp. 430- 
 436; Abbott, pp. 288-289; Bury, pp. 189-195, 209-213. 2. Life 
 and Character of Sejanus. Merivale, pp. 438-442. 3. Internal 
 Politics under the Julian Caesars. Abbott, ch. 13. 4. Imperial 
 Politics under the Julian Caesars. Morey, ch. 24; Merivale, pp. 
 430-478; Bury, pp. 166-187, 206-209, 238-245, 258-270, 305-321. 
 5. The Burning of Rome under Nero. Laing, pp. 424-431 
 (source); Bury, pp. 285-288. 6. The Flavian Caesars — Their 
 Personality and Achievement. Merivale, pp. 501-513; Abbott, 
 ch. 14; Bury, ch. 21. 7. The Jewish War. Merivale, pp. 495- 
 500; Bury, pp. 366-373. 8. The Destruction of Pompeii and 
 Herculaneum. Laing, pp. 455-460 (source). 
 
 • 514. Social Progress. — The century of imperial Rome 
 closing with the death of Domitian presents a brilliant 
 
456 
 
 The Principate 
 
 and instructive picture, when viewed from the side of 
 social hfe. In studying it, we must observe, however, 
 that our information comes chiefly from the capital. 
 Rome was the centre of literature, and its life is reflected 
 in the writings which have come down to us. Italy and 
 the provinces contributed but little to the picture, and 
 what little comes from them reveals, in many respects, 
 a notable difference in the purity and simplicity of their 
 life and manners from those that prevailed in the great 
 city. 
 
 515. Social Classes, — In social classes and their re- 
 lations the old Roman distinctions (§ 490), emphasized 
 by Augustus, grew more rigid. At the summit stood the 
 princeps and the senatorial order. The rulers that fol- 
 lowed Augustus imitated him in the formal rejection 
 of special titles and in not encouraging an elaborate court 
 etiquette. Yet little by little, with increasing powers, 
 they assumed greater state. A court grew up; " friends" 
 of the emperor paid him formal visits every day; his 
 house became a palace,* and was filled with servants and 
 courtiers. A similar stateliness appears in the house- 
 holds of the senatorial nobility. Immensely rich and 
 standing next to the emperor, they kept up splendid es- 
 tablishments. A curious feature is the system of clients. 
 The old Roman client (§ 342) became a mere courtier 
 and parasite. Every morning he visited his noble patron 
 to pay his respects. If a poet, he recited his verses; if a 
 wit, he amused the great man by jests; if a common man, 
 he followed in his train when the senator went out on| 
 the street. For these services all expected rewards, 
 
 * Our word "palace" comes from Palatium, the Palatine Hill, wherej 
 the emperor dwelt. 
 
Classes of Society 457 
 
 food or money or patronage of some sort. Beneath the Knights, 
 senatorial was the equestrian order (knights), whose 
 members were immersed in business or official duties. 
 They, too, were men of great wealth. Next came the Lower 
 mass of ordinary citizens, divided into a middle class, ^^^' 
 doubtless respectable and well-to-do, but of whom we 
 know little, and the lowest classes, who were restless and 
 wretchedly poor, dependent on state doles for food and 
 on the public shows for amusement. Then there were 
 the freedmen, who were often wealthy and influential by 
 reason of their positions as confidential servants in the 
 imperial administration, and great houses, or because 
 of their business activities. The various foreigners from 
 the provinces formed another body, a crowd of Egyptians, 
 Syrians, Jews and others, who had sought the capital for 
 the opportunities afforded by it of making an easy living. 
 Beneath all was the enormous body of slaves who per- 
 formed all sorts of tasks in the household, the manufac- 
 tories and the mines, on the streets and the farms. A 
 Roman house could not be managed without slaves. In 
 the great mansions they performed all sorts of services for 
 the members of the household. Their duties were care- 
 fully specialized; besides a slave to keep the door, or a 
 slave to call the name of the guest, the noble sometimes 
 had a special slave to put on his sandals and a special 
 slave to fold his clothes. 
 
 516. Occupations. — In considering the occupations of 
 the period we observe that some activities which hitherto 
 were thought unworthy have risen into favor. Such 
 were teaching and medicine. Citizens became wealthy 
 and distinguished as physicians. An income of ten 
 thousand dollars a year was obtained by one famous 
 
458 The Principate 
 
 specialist. Other Romans trained themselves as teach- 
 ers of rhetoric and philosophy and gained large fees. 
 We hear of successful booksellers. The law became a 
 most important profession. The immense extension 
 of Roman business and political interests gave a rich 
 field for the lawyer. To win this case he must be a good 
 speaker, and Roman legal oratory was famous the world 
 over. 
 
 The increase of Roman wealth and the expansion of 
 the Roman horizon resulted in the improvement of the 
 art of living. This is seen in studying {a) the house, {b) 
 food and dress, (c) the amusements of Rome. 
 
 517. The House. — The simple one-room house of old 
 Rome (§ 389) had grown into an extensive and magnifi- 
 cent mansion. The improvements of the later day 
 (§ 441) were carried further. The height of splendor 
 was reached in the famous palace of Nero, the " Golden 
 House," "the most stupendous dwelling-place ever built 
 for mortal man." Country-houses were of great size 
 and marvellously adorned. Ivory, marble, gems and 
 gold were lavishly employed for decoration. Even a 
 provincial town like Pompeii (pom-pa'e), could boast 
 elegant private mansions. There the house of Pansa oc- 
 cupied an entire square. It had more than sixty rooms 
 on the ground floor, of which half, being on the street and 
 separate from the interior, were rented for shops. Back 
 of the peristyle (§ 441) were five great rooms opening on 
 a long veranda which faced a garden covering a space one- 
 third as large as the house. The most remarkable orna- 
 mentation in houses of this age was the mosaic and fresco 
 work. Statues, paintings and bric-a-brac abounded; the 
 furniture was highly ornamental and costly. 
 
H 
 
 H 
 
 > 
 
 M 
 
 W 
 H 
 
 O 
 
 M 
 
 O 
 
 a 
 a 
 
Luxury 459 
 
 518. Dress. — Little change is seen in Roman dress 
 except in the costhness of the materials. The lacerna, or 
 cloak, was often worn in addition to the toga. Garments 
 of silk and linen began to appear. Extravagant display 
 of jewels, a weakness of Roman women (§ 389), is char- 
 acteristic. The popular gem was the pearl; strings of 
 pearls of great size and purity were highly prized. Ca- 
 ligula's wife had a set of pearls and emeralds valued at 
 nearly two million dollars. The growing refinement of Food, 
 taste in food and the lavish extravagance at banquets, al- 
 ready referred to (§ 441), reached a great height. Rare 
 and costly dainties were sought from the ends of the earth; 
 dinners of twenty courses were given. Gluttony became 
 
 an art and the Roman nobles were unrivalled masters in 
 it. This wanton extravagance, however, testifies to a 
 greater variety of food and a finer taste among all classes 
 of society. Three courses, consisting of kid or chicken 
 with eggs and asparagus and fruit, was probably an or- 
 dinary bill of fare for a dinner among well-to-do people 
 and indicated a variety and refinement in eating of which 
 old Rome knew nothing. 
 
 519. Amusements. — In a society of luxurious wealth 
 and idle poverty amusements are a necessity, and the 
 Romans never plunged so deeply into them as at this 
 
 time. The number of holidays grew; there were eighty- Holidays, 
 seven in a year under Tiberius. Two favorite holiday 
 seasons were the Sat'ur-na'li-a, beginning December 17, 
 and New Year's Day. The former was a season of 
 riotous fun, when the ordinary conditions of life were re- 
 versed. Slaves could do as they liked; crowds thronged 
 the streets, laughing and feasting. New Year's Day was 
 an official and religious holiday. Visits were exchanged 
 
460 
 
 The Principate 
 
 among friends. The emperor received the people in 
 state. At both seasons gifts were made. All classes of 
 the people were accustomed to give something to the 
 emperor, and in return he made a splendid festival or 
 reared statues and temples. But the chief centres of 
 amusement remained, now as before, the amphitheatre, 
 the circus and the theatre. The splendor of the shows 
 and the races almost surpasses description, while the 
 buildings in which they were held were of extraordinary 
 number and size. Of amphitheatres the greatest was the 
 Col-i-se'um at Rome, built by the Flavian emperors. It 
 covered nearly six acres and accommodated eighty thou- 
 sand spectators. Here were held the gladiatorial contests 
 (§ 442), which had now become a favorite spectacle. 
 More elaborate methods of fighting were introduced. 
 The whole system occupied a recognized place in Roman 
 life. All sorts of contests were held. Wild beasts were 
 imported to fight with each other or with men. The 
 arena was flooded and naval battles were fought. The 
 shows were advertised, and the entire population of Rome, 
 from emperor to slave, attended and enjoyed the scenes 
 of blood. In the circus the races were almost equally 
 popular. Here organization increased the interest; rival 
 establishments were distinguished by their colors, the red, 
 the white, the green, the blue. The populace, and even 
 the emperors, took sides and great sums were wagered. 
 Successful charioteers, although slaves or freedmen, and 
 without social rank, became popular idols and gained im- 
 mense wealth. An inscription in honor of one Crescens, 
 who died at twenty-two, tells us that he won forty-seven 
 races and received seventy-eight thousand dollars. The 
 Circus Maximus was enlarged to accommodate the crowds 
 
THEM.N. WORKS 
 
i(\»" 
 
 / -*J^*, 
 
 The City of 
 
 ROME 
 
 under the Empire. 
 
 500 1000 
 
 Scale of Feet. 
 
 Baths 
 
 Fora and Porticoes 
 
 Circuses, Theatres etc 
 
 Temples 
 
 Imperial Palaces 
 
 Aqueducts 
 
 f^- 7* Gardens of '"'x^ 
 ' Maecenas 
 
 "%ffitt^P'' _j| 
 
 Baths of Diocletian. 
 Baths of Constantlne. 
 Baths of Titus. 
 Baths of Caracalla. 
 Baths of Agrippa. 
 Baths of Nero. 
 Colisseum. 
 Cii-cus Maximus. 
 Circus riaminius. 
 Theatre of Mareellus. 
 Theatre of Balbus. 
 Stadium of Domitiaii. 
 Odeum of Domjtian. 
 Circus. 
 
 Amphitheatre Castrense. 
 House of Gaius. 
 House of Tiberius. 
 House of Augustus. 
 House of Domitian. 
 Pompey's Portico. 
 Forum of Trajan. 
 Forum of Augustus. 
 Forum^of Vespasian. 
 The Forum. 
 Portico of Phillppl. 
 Portico of Octavian. 
 House of Vectillan. 
 Temple of Venus and Rome. 
 Temple of Jupiter 
 Emporium. 
 
 Mausoleum of Hadrian. 
 CltadeL 
 
Theatre. 
 
 Amusements 461 
 
 that flocked to these races until it held four hundred 
 thousand persons. The theatrical exhibitions were of a The 
 low order; pantomime was the favorite form of acting, 
 and the crowds that attended were amused by vulgar 
 jests and debasing scenes. Another form of amusement The Bath. 
 must be mentioned — the bath. Public bathing-houses, 
 established at an earlier day (§ 441), became numerous 
 and splendid. People bathed for pleasure several times 
 a day. Bathers, for a fee of less than one penny, had 
 entrance to what was practically a luxurious club-house. 
 In connection with the bath proper were bowling-alleys 
 and a gymnasium. Colonnades and resting and loung- 
 ing rooms adorned with pictures, a restaurant, shops 
 and a library completed the outfit of a first-class bathing 
 establishment at Rome. Even a daily paper, published by 
 the government, containing news of the city and official an- 
 nouncements, was at the service of curious and idle readers. 
 
 520. Amusements Outside Rome. — The Romans The spread 
 carried with them these forms of pleasure all over the Giadia- 
 world. In Africa, on the Danube and in the borders of *°"^i 
 
 Games. 
 
 the eastern desert the ruins of amphitheatres and baths 
 may be seen to-day in the cities where the Romans ruled. 
 In Pompeii, which was a small Italian town, there were 
 three bathing establishments, two theatres, seating re- 
 spectively 1,500 and 5,000 people, and an amphitheatre 
 with a capacity of 20,000 persons. When we remember 
 that these admirably built and decorated structures were 
 for the use and enjoyment of the people at large, w^e may 
 realize the place and influence of these amusements in 
 the life of the Roman world. 
 
 521. Art. — Turning to the higher life of the century 
 we observe first the art and literature. At no previous 
 
462 
 
 The Principate 
 
 period in human history were these so widely diffused. 
 Cities had their hbraries and their fine public buildings 
 adorned with statues of the emperors and other distin- 
 guished men of the past and present. The private houses, 
 if we may judge from those of Pompeii, were beautified 
 with mosaics and wall-paintings; artistic objects, large 
 and small, abounded. Rich men were patrons of artists 
 and writers, and could criticise their productions with 
 taste and judgment. A marvellous number of good works 
 of -art have come down to us from these times. Yet no- 
 where is there evidence of originality or genius. The 
 artists are imitators or copyists of the past. Yet the 
 Roman portrait statues are notable artistic successes. It 
 was characteristic of the Roman to wish to preserve por- 
 traits of his ancestors (§ 392) and the noble art of sculpture 
 gave him the opportunity to make these portraits endur- 
 ing in marble and bronze. While seeking to portray his 
 subjects to the life, the artist seems sometimes to have per- 
 mitted himself to idealize them; a portion of the Greek 
 grace and charm has been joined with the Roman vigor 
 and literalness. The long series of the statues or busts 
 of the emperors is the supreme illustration of this art. In 
 the achievements of architecture and engineering the Ro- 
 man shows his power. The massive buildings, the endur- 
 ing roads, the extensive and graceful aqueducts, the ruins 
 of which remain in all the lands that acknowledged the im- 
 perial sway, these are the witnesses of that practical genius 
 so truly characteristic of the Roman. That genius reached 
 its height under the empire in such buildings as the Coli- 
 seum, the palaces of the Caesars and the aqueducts of Rome. 
 522. Literature.— The literature of the time, like the 
 art, was widely distributed and highly finished, but it was 
 
The Silver Age 
 
 463 
 
 not genuine and powerful. Following the Augustan 
 writers (§ 491) came a variety of authors of whom only 
 a few strike high. It is remarkable, also, that they hail 
 mostly from the provinces. To the period of the Julian Seneca. 
 Cassars belongs Seneca, the minister of Nero, as its chief 
 
 THEWOKiD 
 
 Accordlns to 
 Ptolemy 150 A.i>. 
 
 literary star, (a.d. 4-65). He wrote essays and letters 
 
 on morals in the spirit of the Stoic philosophy and in an 
 
 ornate rhetorical style which is always clear and strong 
 
 and sometimes eloquent. His tragedies, while attaining 
 
 some fame, are less significant works. Another courtier Petronius. 
 
 of Nero, who was also a writer, was Pe-tro'ni-us, who has 
 
 the distinction in literary history of having written the 
 
 first known novel. The fragments of it which have been 
 
 preserved are witty and realistic. One of its characters. 
 
 Tri-maFchi-o, a rich fool, has been the original of many 
 
 similar personages in fiction. A richer literary life opens under the 
 
 under the Flavian Caesars — a period which, in compari- c«J^° 
 
 son with that of Augustus, has been called the Silver Age. 
 
 Its chief poet was Statius (about a.d. 45-96), whose epic statius. 
 
464 
 
 The Principate 
 
 poem, the The-ba'is, centring about the mythical wars of 
 Thebes, falls just short of greatness. Martial (43-101 
 A.D.) wrote Epigrams, short stanzas, witty, stinging or 
 complimentary, as desired by the patrons to whom he paid 
 court. They present a vivid picture of Roman life in his 
 day. Pliny (plin'I), the elder of the name, was the great 
 scholar of the time (23-79 a.d.). He was an imperial offi- 
 cial who, in the course of his duties, gathered a mass of 
 information which he condensed into the most important 
 of his works that has been preserved, the Natural History. 
 He was a diligent student and careful observer. While his 
 conclusions are valuable only as illustrating the ideas of 
 his time, the facts he gathered are of the greatest interest' 
 to all later students of the geography and history of the 
 empire. Another learned prose writer was Quintilian, 
 a distinguished teacher of rhetoric. He gathered the re- 
 sults of his observation and study in a notable work on 
 the Art and Science of Rhetoric, which formed for cen- 
 turies the standard treatise on the subject. Two sub- 
 jects treated in it still have living interest, a criticism of 
 the great Greek and Roman writers of the past and a 
 theory of how children should be educated. Such a work 
 covered in reality the whole subject of education, since 
 the method and subjects of that discipline were based 
 upon what the ancients called rhetoric. To become a 
 good speaker and writer, to argue your cause skilfully, 
 or to express your thoughts with elegance and force — ■ 
 this was the end of education. 
 
 523. Morals — The Dark Side. — When looked at from 
 the point of view of its moral and religious life, this cen- 
 tury shows strange contradictions. It seems impossible 
 to believe that a world which ran after amusements such 
 
Regeneration of Society 405 
 
 as the brutal gladiatorial shows, or was wedded to such 
 luxury and extravagance as we have described, could be 
 moved by. serious things. Other sides of life disclose like 
 dark pictures. The mad thirst for money led to all sorts 
 of wickedness. The legacy-hunter who paid court to rich 
 old bachelors in order to be remembered in their wills was 
 a recognized character in society. Others did not hesi- 
 tate to forge wills or to remove by poisoning those who 
 stood in the way of their inheritance. Marriage was now 
 a mere civil contract and the wife retained control of her 
 property. Common and easy as divorce had become, 
 marriage was, nevertheless, regarded as undesirable. A 
 man who married, some thought, was out of his sober 
 senses. He would be much more sought after in society 
 if he remained single. 
 
 524. Morals — The Brighter Side. — To offset this dark 
 side, we need to remember that such scenes are found at 
 Rome only and that they are characteristic of a society in 
 which both the rich at the top and the poor at the bottom 
 are idle — a perfectly unnatural state of things. In the 
 provinces a healthy and sober life was the rule, and from 
 them a stream of new strength was poured into the capital. 
 Moreover, the worst phases of Roman life appeared under 
 the Julian Cassars. In the time of the Flavians a much 
 higher tone of morals is to be observed. In the first half 
 of the century the Romans had gone crazy from excess of 
 power and riches; in the latter half they came back to 
 reason. 
 
 525. Moral Philosophy. — The popularity of philoso- 
 phy in Rome throws a brighter gleam over these times. 
 
 The moral system of the Stoics was the favorite. When The stoics, 
 we recall the principles of that school (j^ 324), wc cannot 
 
466 The Principate 
 
 fail to see how they would fall in with the practical bent 
 of the Roman mind. For the old Roman notion of do- 
 ing one's duty to the state and the gods, the Stoic only 
 substituted a larger obligation to the world, to nature. 
 Virtue came to be a fad, and devotion to virtue even unto 
 death an exquisite delight. Thus suicide was elevated 
 into a sacred duty. The Stoic idea of the brotherhood 
 of man had a softening influence upon the harsh treat- 
 ment of the slave. "Treat slaves," says Seneca, "as in- 
 feriors in social rank to whom you stand in the position 
 of protector." The education of the poor was encouraged 
 by free schools, such as Vespasian founded, and many 
 rich men gave donations for free education to their native 
 towns. Humane feeling was roused at the sight of suffer- 
 ing, weakness and helplessness. The disasters and pes- 
 tilences that afflicted parts of the empire gave occasion for 
 social help and sympathy. Even kindness to animals 
 was approved. Seneca protests against the cruelty of the 
 amphitheatre. But his own actions illustrate the strange 
 contradictions of his day. He preached virtue and en- 
 couraged Nero in vice. He commended poverty and was 
 worth millions. Many rich men flung themselves with 
 equal zeal into the pleasures of life and the instructions of 
 virtue. They employed philosophers to teach them the 
 way of right living and received their teachings with en- 
 thusiasm, but did not practise them. Yet, after all, the 
 standards of morals and the ideals of life were sensibly 
 lifted by the influence of philosophy. 
 
 526. Religion. — The first century of the empire could 
 hardly be said to be deeply religious. The vigorous at- 
 tempt of Augustus to revive the old Roman faith resulted 
 in little more than giving it an official and formal life. 
 
New Religions 467 
 
 Not much genuine religious feeling was involved in the casar- 
 worship of the Caesars, which Augustus had seen grow up ^g^^gio'^ed 
 in the provinces, and from which Roma (§ 489) had gradu- 
 ally been eliminated, but it continued to meet a popular 
 need for the expression of gratitude, awe and satisfaction 
 felt by high and low alike in view of the grandeur and 
 the beneficence of the imperial organization. Assemblies 
 were organized in the provinces for the purpose of carry- 
 ing on this worship and holding a religious festival in 
 honor of the emperor. Officials were elected to superin- 
 tend the affair, and participation in the worship was re- 
 garded not only as a privilege, but also as a sign of proper 
 loyalty to the state. Oriental faiths, pre-eminently that Eastern 
 of Isis, the Egyptian goddess, which had made its entrance 
 into Rome from the Hellenistic world (§ 319) in the later 
 Republican time, continued to be popular with the lower 
 classes, who found cheer and inspiration for their wretched 
 lives in the emotional appeal of the noisy and startling 
 performances of such cults and in the promise of future 
 happiness which they held out. 
 
 527. Rise of Christianity. —Among these new religions 
 from the east one which began to make its way in the 
 Roman world of this age requires special consideration. 
 Jesus, whose birth in Judaea has already been men- 
 tioned (§ 494), began at the age of thirty to preach 
 and teach in Palestine. He proclaimed himself the 
 Mes-si'ah, or Christ, for whom the Jews were looking as 
 a deliverer. But he taught a spiritual deliverance from 
 sin as the highest good and would not lead a rebellion 
 against Rome. The Jewish authorities denounced him TheCruci- 
 before the Roman governor, Pilate, and he was crucified 
 after having taught a little more than two years (a.d. 29). 
 
468 
 
 The Principate 
 
 Paul. 
 
 The New 
 Testament. 
 
 Organiza- 
 tion. 
 
 But he left behind him a band of disciples who proclaimed 
 that he had risen from the dead and thus had sealed the 
 truth of his teaching. They, also, were bidden by him 
 to preach the new doctrine of salvation from sin through 
 the risen Christ to all who would hear, with the assurance 
 that he would soon return to earth to rule as supreme 
 lord. Among those who were gained for the cause was 
 a Jew named Paul. He carried the name and doctrine 
 of the Christ to non-Jews or Gentiles and gathered com- 
 panies of believers in the cities of Asia Minor and Greece. 
 These believers were first called Christians in Antioch. 
 Soon assemblies, or churches, of Christians were founded 
 in the west, at Rome and as far as Spain and Gaul. To 
 many of these churches Paul, afterward executed by 
 Nero, wrote letters explaining the doctrines of Christ as 
 he understood them. Soon narratives of the life and 
 work of Jesus were written down and sent about among 
 the churches. Thus a book of Christian writings was 
 begun, the book we call the New Testament. The or- 
 ganization of these churches was very simple at first. 
 Each church was a unit, its members managing its affairs 
 and choosing officers to lead — deacons to minister to the 
 poor, elders* to preside at its assemblies.! Admission 
 to the circle was conditioned on confession of faith in 
 Christ as Saviour and submission to the rite of baptism. 
 At stated seasons the members met and partook of bread 
 and wine in obedience to the command of Jesus at his 
 Last Supper with his disciples. 
 
 528. Opposition to Christianity. — ^The new brother- 
 hood soon came under the notice of the imperial author- 
 
 * These elders appear under two names, both Greek, presbyter, or 
 priest, and episcopos, or bishop. 
 
 f See for Hellenistic associations of the same general characte ■ § 319. 
 
Persecution of ChristiaiiH 469 
 
 ities. Its secret meetings and ceremonies were suspected 
 of evil designs, and the belief of its members in one God 
 brought them into opposition to the worship of the em- 
 perors. The first action against them was taken by 
 Nero, not indeed as Christians, but as malefactors, upon 
 whom he laid the charge of setting fire to Rome. At 
 this time many of them were put to death with horrible 
 tortures. They were later accused of evil practices and 
 systematically punished. Gradually the refusal of the Persecu- 
 Christians to join in the worship of the emperors came cu'iJyaity 
 to be the chief ground of their punishment. They were 
 regarded as disloyal to the empire and punished as trai- 
 tors, for that was what refusal to worship Ceesar signi- 
 fied (§§ 299, 435, 489). Thus Domitian is said to have 
 persecuted them cruelly on this account. The empire, 
 therefore, at the end of the first century regarded all 
 Christians as worthy of death. In spite of this, the new 
 religion spread widely, especially in Asia Minor, Greece 
 and Egypt. The city of Rome possessed a flourishing 
 church, and its adherents were found even in the im- 
 perial court. The pure morals, the brotherly love, the 
 joyful spirit and the hopeful confidence of the members of 
 this faith commended it to those everywhere who by 
 reason of poverty or sinfulness or scepticism sought 
 light, strength and peace — and many such there were in 
 the Roman world. All who joined it looked forward to How Far 
 the speedy return of Christ to earth; they cared nothing 
 for society and the state; they would not join in heathen 
 worship; they doubted whether it was right to serve in 
 the army. By this separateness they were laying up for 
 themselves hatred and contempt on the part of the people 
 and the empire. 
 
 Justified. 
 
470 The Principate 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. For what are the following signifi- 
 cant : Seneca, Paul, Crescens, Pliny the Elder, Isis, Martial? 
 
 2. What is meant by Messiah, imperial client, Saturnalia, 
 Gentiles, legacy-hunter, Stoicism, New Testament? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare the Stoicism of Rome 
 with the Stoicism of Greece (§ 324). 2. Why was the craze 
 for amusements in Rome so much greater than in Athens? 
 
 3. "As many slaves, so many enemies." How does this say- 
 ing reveal Roman character? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Assessment and Col- 
 lection of Taxes. Tucker, Life in the Roman World of Nero 
 and St. Paul, pp. 85-91. 2. The Life of the Roman Working 
 People. Tucker, pp. 244-255. 3. An Ordinary Roman Dinner- 
 Party. Tucker, pp. 229-237. 4. The Household Servants of 
 a Well-to-do Roman. Tucker, pp. 200-206. 5. Roman Mar- 
 riages and Matrons. Tucker, pp. 292-308. 6. The Roman 
 Woman's Dress. Tucker, pp. 308-313. 7. The City Streets 
 and Water-Supply. Tucker, pp. 130-137. 8. Building Materials 
 and Town-Houses. Tucker, pp. 137-138, 143-163. 9. The 
 Lighting and Heating of a Roman House. Tucker, pp. 161-162, 
 186-188. 10. The Senate as a Rival of the Emperor. Dill, 
 Roman Society from Nero to Marcus Aurelius, pp. 39-57. 11. 
 The Position of the Clients and Freedmen. Dill, pp. 93-99, 102- 
 114. 12. Municipal Income and Expenditure. Dill, pp. 218- 
 230. 13. The Roman Colleges : Their Wide Organization and 
 Influence. Dill, pp. 250-286. 14. Roman Society Seen through 
 Pliny's Writings. Dill, pp. 179-190. 15. The New Stoicism. 
 Dill, pp. 301-321. 16. The Belief in Immortality among the 
 Romans. Dill, pp. 499-515. 17. The Influence of the Eastern 
 Cults, {a) The Religion of Mithra, Dill, pp. 600-610. ih) The 
 Great Mother. Dill, pp. 547-559. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. Social Life 
 at Rome in the First Century. Morey, ch. 25; Botsford, ch. 
 15; Bury, ch. 31. 2. Roman Amusements. Munro, pp. 207- 
 216 (sources); Bury, pp. 607-626; Thomas, ch. 4; Wilkins, ch.. 3; 
 Johnston, ch. 9. 3. Education of the Time. Munro, pp. 193- 
 197 (sources); Bury, pp. 598-600. 4. Literature of the Silver 
 Age. Botsford, pp. 239-242; Bury, pp. 457-475; Mackail, pp. 171- 
 204. 5. The Rise of Christianity. Seignobos, pp. 362-366; Bots- 
 ford, pp. 262-264, 281-282; Gibbon, pp. 109-111 
 
The Five Good Emperors 471 
 
 529. The Emperors of the Second Century. — Domi- 
 tian was followed by a series of rulers equal in character 
 and achievement to Tiberius and Vespasian. In the 
 century of their leadership the empire reached its climax. 
 Their names are as follows: 
 
 Nerva, a.d. 96-98. 
 
 Trajan (adopted son of Nerva), a.d. 98-117. 
 
 Hadrian (relative and adopted son of Trajan), a.d. i 17-138. 
 
 Antoninus (adopted son of Hadrian), a.d. 138-161. 
 
 Marcus Aurelius (adopted son of Antoninus), a.d. 161-180. 
 
 COMMODUS (son of Aurelius), a.d. 180-192. 
 
 530. Nerva, 96-98 A.D. — On the death of Domitian 
 the senate chose as princeps, Nerva, a senator of more 
 than sixty years. An aged, kindly ruler, his chief service 
 to the state during his short reign was the selection of 
 Trajan as his successor. 
 
 531. Trajan, 98-117 A.D. — Trajan was a Spaniard 
 by birth and an able general. As princeps, he showed 
 himself equally vigorous in the management of the em- 
 pire. He was a tall, strong, handsome man, of genial 
 manners, not highly cultured, but with a broad and active 
 mind. He selected his officials wisely and won their 
 respect, yet kept careful watch upon their doings and 
 required minute reports from them. During long periods 
 he was occupied on the various frontiers with military cam- 
 paigns. In them he gained brilliant victories and en- 
 larged the empire. In this respect he struck out a new 
 path. He died in Asia Minor while returning from a 
 victorious war in the east. 
 
 532. Hadrian, 1 17-138 A.D. — Ha'dri-an, his succes- 
 sor, is a most interesting character. A tried soldier, he cosmo- 
 proved himself also a practical administrator. But his p°''*^°'=™- 
 
47^ The Principate 
 
 most striking trait was his wide interest in all the affairs 
 of politics and life. He was well educated and dabbled 
 in literature, art and philosophy. He travelled into every 
 nook and corner of his wide domains. He was not at- 
 tracted by military glory. A peaceful reign, with the 
 opportunity it gave him for consolidating and improving 
 the state and for following out the bent of his eager in- 
 quiring spirit, was his ambition. He was the first em- 
 peror to wear a beard, and his love of letters gave him 
 the nickname of "Greekling." He had no capacity for 
 personal friendship; men respected, but did not love 
 him. The Roman world was his pride and joy; he left 
 it happier and stronger than it had ever been before. In 
 the hour of death he composed the famous poetic address 
 to his soul, two lines of which are characteristic of the 
 man: 
 
 "Whither wilt thou hie away, 
 Never to play again, never to play." 
 
 533. Antoninus Pius, 138-161 A.D. — A senator of Gal- 
 lic descent, An'to-ni'nus, became his successor at the 
 age of fifty-two. From his name, he and his two succes- 
 sors are called the Antonines. He was a quiet, frugal 
 ruler, without striking qualities, yet sustaining with 
 dignity and honor the duties of his position. So econom- 
 ical was he in the finances of the empire that he was called 
 the "cheese-parer." His devotion to religion was par- 
 ticularly marked. From this trait he received the name 
 Pius, "devout." 
 
 " It was in the field of jurisprudence, and there only, that the reign 
 of Antoninus could show any positive achievement. We have already 
 seen that Hadrian had formed a school Of jurists whose most eminent 
 
The Royal Philosopher 473 
 
 members had seats on his privy council and exercised a marked in- 
 fluence on legislation. Their labors continued to bear fruit under 
 his successor, and Roman law was modified in many particulars by 
 the principles of equity upon which the dominant philosophy of 
 Stoicism laid stress. A wide conception of humanity found expres- 
 sion on the provisions which facilitated the enfranchisement of slaves 
 and limited the use of torture. It should be noted also that the 
 Antonine jurists did much to give to Roman law the systematic form 
 which it had hitherto lacked,, and to present it in a compendious 
 form to the student." 
 
 534. Marcus Aurelius, 161-180 A.D. — In this respect xhePhi- 
 he prepared the way for Mar'cus Au-re'li-us, the most 'f^^Z^^' °° 
 
 r r J 'the Throne. 
 
 extraordinary man who occupied the imperial throne. 
 From his youth Marcus had been a student of moral 
 philosophy of the Stoic type (§ 324), and in his exalted 
 station he sought only to carry out his high ideals. 
 Much of the activity of an emperor was distasteful to 
 him, but he was proud that everywhere he did his duty as 
 a philosopher should. He sought to carry into practice 
 the sentiments of love for mankind which he cherished. 
 Severe toward himself, he disdained luxury and pre- 
 ferred hardship in spite of the fact that he was always 
 in poor health. Though he loved peace and desired to 
 relieve suffering, his reign was darkened by a series of 
 disastrous wars and a terrible pestilence. His family 
 life was not pleasant, perhaps through his own fault. His 
 son was unworthy of him. His sole joys were found in the 
 circle of his fellow-philosophers and in his own thoughts 
 which he expressed in his lofty Meditations. He died at 
 the age of sixty, while campaigning against barbarian in- 
 vaders on the Danube. 
 
 535. Commodus, 180-192 A.D. — His worthless son, 
 Com'mo-dus, followed him at the age of nineteen and 
 
474 
 
 The Principate 
 
 Emperors 
 Constitu- 
 tionally 
 Chosen. 
 
 The 
 Succession. 
 
 Civil 
 
 Service 
 
 Reform. 
 
 brought the happy age of the Antonines to a sorry end. 
 Cruel and depraved in tastes, weak and vain in disposi- 
 tion, he preferred games to government. His highest 
 glory was to win in the gladiatorial contests and to be 
 hailed as the Roman Hercules. To his praetorians only 
 was he attentive and they were the bulwark of his rule. 
 He was strangled by a wrestler after eleven years of folly 
 and disorder. 
 
 536. Political Progress. — The emperors of the second 
 century received their position through election by the 
 senate. Hence they were constitutional rulers. So far 
 as election went, therefore, the principate was practically 
 restored. These emperors ruled also in harmony with 
 the senate. It was an era of good feeling in the state. 
 Some measures were even brought before the comitia of 
 the people. But each emperor took care to indicate his 
 successor. The method chosen was that of adoption 
 and association in government. The senate never failed 
 to elect the successor thus indicated. 
 
 537. Advance in Organization. — In the imperial or- 
 ganization two notable advances are seen, (i) The 
 offices of Caesar's household, formerly filled by f reed- 
 men (§ 504), were now given to members of the eques- 
 trian order. Thus Caesar's administration was dignified 
 and an honorable public career in the civil service was 
 opened to equestrians. (2) The emperor gave to the 
 counsellors, who had been called in from time to time 
 to advise him, a more official and stable character. They 
 constituted the imperial council, made up of officials 
 and senators. (3) The edicts of the praetors were col- 
 lected and arranged in a code — the so-called Perpetual 
 Edict. Trom time immemorial the officials had taken 
 
2 
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 I— » 
 
 < 
 Pi 
 
 H 
 
 O 
 'Z 
 P 
 
 O 
 
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 w 
 W 
 
 H 
 
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 M 
 
 w 
 
Conquests of Trajan 475 
 
 account of the law of other peoples {ius gentium) in ad- 
 ministering justice in Italy and the provinces. Thus a 
 body of legal decisions had grown up alongside the law 
 of the Twelve Tables. Now this ill-defined mass was 
 classified and withdrawn from the control of magistrates. 
 All of these changes were the work of Hadrian. 
 
 538. Imperial Progress. — The second century was a 
 stirring period in the external history of the empire. 
 Two epochs of special importance are to be observed, 
 (i) The reign of Trajan marks a significant extension Eniarge- 
 of the empire in north and east. After completing the ^^\°^ '^^ 
 rampart begun by the Flavian emperors protecting the 
 Agri Decumates (§ 513), Trajan proceeded to deal with 
 a formidable danger that had arisen on the Danube. 
 Here just across the river the Dacians had established a Conquest 
 kingdom under an able ruler, De-ceb'a-lus. He had al- ° °^'^'^' 
 ready been able to make terms with Domitian, and his 
 strength menaced the security of the Roman frontier. 
 Trajan determined to crush him. Two campaigns were 
 necessary, each taking two years (a.d. 101-102; 105- 
 106). The struggle was fierce and desperate. Only on 
 the death of Decebalus in battle did Dacia submit and 
 become a Roman province. The splendid victory is 
 commemorated in the Column of Trajan raised at Rome 
 to the height of a hundred feet and decorated with sculpt- 
 ured scenes of the war. In the east the question of the The 
 relation of Armenia to the empire was reopened; Trajan g^gg^tion 
 determined to take issue with Parthia and settle it. He 
 took the field in a.d. 115, overcame Armenia, advanced 
 southward into Mesopotamia and did not stop till he 
 reached the Persian gulf. The Roman arms were su- 
 preme in the seats of the oldest civilization. Three new 
 
476 The Principate 
 
 provinces were created, Armenia, Mesopotamia and 
 Assyria; the Parthian king received his crown from the 
 hand of the Roman emperor. Already the province of 
 Arabia Petraea had been created. Thus the entire ori- 
 ental world was under the authority of Rome, and the 
 Roman empire had reached its greatest extent. What 
 would have been the verdict of time on these eastern con- 
 quests we cannot know, for hardly had Hadrian come to 
 the throne when he voluntarily withdrew his troops, aban- 
 doned the provinces of Mesopotamia and Assyria and 
 restored Armenia to its position as a dependent kingdom. 
 It seems likely that Rome would not have been able to 
 maintain them permanently against Parthia, however 
 important they were to the protection of the older Ro- 
 man provinces in the east. (2) The other epoch was a 
 much less brilliant one. In the reign of Marcus Aurelius 
 Teutonic peoples began pressing down to the Danube 
 and seeking peaceably or by force to enter the empire. 
 Chief among these were the Mar'co-man'ni, and in the en- 
 deavor to drive them back, Marcus Aurelius was involved 
 in a series of fierce conflicts. The invaders were finally 
 overcome and driven across the Danube. The impor- 
 tance of the struggle lies in the fact that it was the 
 pressure from behind that forced these barbarians into 
 the empire, the beginnings of those movements which in 
 the coming centuries were to break it in pieces. 
 
 539. Organization. — The changes in internal organiza- 
 tion were all in the direction of more unity under the 
 imperial administration. The emperor and his officials 
 were everywhere active. Hadrian is the great example 
 of this. His visits to the provinces, which covered a 
 dozen years, were not simply for pleasure, but for the 
 
THE MEDITERRANEAJir WORLD 
 
 with the boundaries of 
 THE ROMAN EMPEEIE Reference to Colors. 
 
 at its greatest extent. 
 
 100 200 300 400 
 
 _B20 
 
 Scale Of Miles. 
 
 over.9,000Xeet> 
 3.000 to 9,000 feet 
 600 to 3,000 feet 
 Sea Level to 600 feet 
 
 Longitude East from G 
 
Administrative Reforms 477 
 
 purpose of inspecting their resources and organization. 
 As a result of them, a more careful and minute super- 
 vision of the details of administration was introduced. 
 Imperial officials were appointed to look after the affairs 
 of the municipalities which were thus taken up directly 
 into the structure of the empire. Hadrian built many 
 fine buildings for these cities and brought their finances 
 into order. The chief benefit of such measures was that its Good 
 they consolidated the powers of the state and its interest, ^^^f^ 
 bringing all under the guidance of a central authority, 
 produced greater efficiency and stimulated the life of the 
 members. A wider extension of the franchise was nat- 
 ural in these circumstances, but this was not followed 
 by greater zeal for the state and a patriotic devotion to it. 
 Citizenship was rather looked upon as a personal honor 
 and prized because it gave special privileges. In this 
 imperial administration Italy began to stand on the same 
 basis as the provinces, and Rome itself was treated like 
 any other municipality. The use of barbarians in the 
 legions still further relieved the citizens from military 
 service. Likewise the extension of imperial courts of 
 justice throughout the Roman world and the supremacy 
 of -Roman imperial law which was characteristic of the 
 time, while it was a bond of union, served as another 
 means of making individuals and local communities de- 
 pendent on the central government. 
 
 540. Social Life. — Society breathed more freely under 
 the emperors of the second century, and as a result new 
 life sprang up on all sides. Trajan and Hadrian were Art and 
 mighty builders. The finest memorial of the former is his jtectJre. 
 Column at Rome, already referred to (§ 538). Hadrian's 
 three chief buildings at Rome were the temple of \^enus 
 
478 The Principate 
 
 and Roma, the largest and most magnificent of all Ro- 
 man temples; the Pantheon — originally the work of 
 Agrippa — a temple of all the gods; and a massive mauso- 
 leum which he built on the other side of the Tiber, now 
 known as the Castle of St. Angelo. Yet, most charac- 
 teristic of the times was the stately villa of Hadrian at 
 Tibur, conceived on a grand scale and filled with works 
 of art; a theatre, libraries, temples, porches and gardens 
 found place in it. From it have been taken statues, 
 reliefs, mosaics and silver ornaments sufficient to stock 
 several museums. 
 
 541. The Literary Revival. — Literature flourished un- 
 der the liberal patronage of the emperors and in the 
 free atmosphere of the times. A striking sign of the 
 unity in the world of letters under the empire is the fact 
 that as many works of lasting fame were written in Gre'ek 
 Tacitus. as in Latin. One of the greatest historians of antiquity, 
 Cornelius Tac'i-tus, belongs to this century. His chief 
 works are the Histories and the Annals, which deal 
 with the empire under the Julian and Flavian Caesars. 
 Unfortunately, large parts of these works have been lost, 
 but what remains is our chief source of knowledge for 
 the times. Tacitus aspired to bring back to life and 
 power just the ideas and institutions which the history 
 of the empire had shown to be fruitless and hopeless. 
 He sought to exalt the senatorial nobility as over against 
 the princeps, Rome and Italy as over against the prov- 
 inces. But so keen is his insight into characters and 
 manners at Rome, and so brilliant his way of expressing 
 his estimates of them, that his bitter and one-sided judg- 
 ments have colored all subsequent views of the times. 
 Two lesser works of his are the Agricola, an appreciation 
 
The Silver Age 479 
 
 of his father-in-law, the general of Domitian, and the 
 Germania, a description of the Germans, in which their 
 simplicity and purity of life are favorably compared with 
 the depravity of imperial Rome. Side by side with juvenai. 
 Tacitus stands Juvenal, the satirist of the empire. What 
 the former condemned as an historian, the latter held 
 up to scorn and ridicule in his powerful verse. Hypo- 
 critical philosophers, parasitical clients, rich fools, os- 
 tentatious luxury, fortune-hunting and the trials of poor 
 men of letters are painted in strong and vivid colors. 
 Suetonius wrote the Lives of the Twelve Ccesars, a gossipy Suetonius 
 work, yet very helpful as a source for the reigns of the 
 early Caesars including Domitian. 
 
 542. Plutarch and Lucian. — Of Greek writers the Greek 
 most famous is Plutarch (a.d. 46-125), who wrote the "^"'"^• 
 Parallel Lives, forty-six in number, setting the biography 
 
 of a Roman hero over against that of a Greek. He was a 
 diligent collector of anecdotes and used them shrewdly 
 to show the traits of his characters. The book has ever 
 been a storehouse of information and at the same time 
 a hand-book of morals — history teaching by the examples 
 of the greatest men of the ancient world. Not so well 
 known, but a brighter, keener mind than Plutarch, was 
 Lucian (about a.d. 125-180). His career was typical of the 
 time; he was a travelling lecturer. His peculiar gift re- 
 vealed itself in the writing of witty and satirical dialogues. 
 The weaknesses and inconsistencies of the religion of his 
 day are daringly ridiculed in his D ialogues of the Gods , while 
 similar keen and amusing criticism is passed on various 
 types of people of his day in the Dialogues of the Dead. 
 
 543. Representative Men of the Times. — Two men 
 may be chosen to represent the higher life of this 
 
480 The Principate 
 
 Pliny the ccntury I Pliny the Younger and Marcus Aurelius, the 
 ounger. emperor. Pliny was a trusted official of Trajan and 
 reveals himself and his times in a series of Letters to 
 friends. In these he appears as a cultivated gentleman, 
 such as might be met among us to-day. He takes long 
 walks in the woods and delights in the beauty of nature. 
 He discusses the latest books. With a modesty that 
 approaches vanity, he tells of his gifts to his native town 
 in behalf of education. He entertains his guests by tak- 
 ing them around the grounds of his villa and inviting 
 their admiration. He gives public readings from his 
 works, and we feel him tremble as he gets on his legs 
 before his cultured audience. A good-natured, indul- 
 gent master to his slaves, a devoted husband, an upright, 
 earnest, if somewhat commonplace, character, he ex- 
 hibits the Roman gentleman produced by the broad, 
 serious and refined culture of the early second century. 
 
 544. Marcus Aurelius, Emperor and Philosopher. — 
 On a higher plane we meet with the impressive and mel- 
 ancholy figure of the emperor-philosopher, Marcus 
 Aurelius. From his youth he was a Stoic in word and 
 deed. His Meditations, which he wrote down in Greek 
 from time to time wherever he happened to be, in the 
 camp or in the palace, reveal to us his thoughts. He 
 aspired to be a perfect man and he thought it possible to 
 attain his ideal by the old Stoic rule of following nature 
 (§ 324). His philosophy was tempered by practical ex- 
 perience, and hence he insisted much on the duty of a 
 true man to society. From his experience, perhaps, 
 came also his sense of the need of divine help. He turned 
 his thought into life; this separates him from the profes- 
 sional philosopher and makes him interesting, for he 
 
Progress of Christianity 481 
 
 passed his life on the throne. A sober and high-minded 
 personahty, he did his duty in this high sphere and came 
 near to practising what he preached. 
 
 545. Religion. — Yet this emperor persecuted the Persecu- 
 Christians! Such are the contradictions of history. The chrisdans. 
 growing popular hatred of the Christians is not remark- 
 able. We have already suggested a reason (§528). As 
 Tertullian, a Christian writer, said: "If the Tiber rises, 
 if the Nile does not rise, if the heavens give no rain, if 
 there is an earthquake, famine, or pestilence, straightway 
 the cry is, 'The Christians to the lions!' " The imperial 
 authorities in some cases sought to stand against the mob 
 and protect the Christians from unwarranted violence. 
 Trajan wrote Pliny not to search out Christians for 
 death, but only to deal with cases that were brought be- 
 fore him. Marcus Aurelius was more severe, and under 
 his command Christians were hunted down and put to 
 death. He regarded their refusal to join in the religion 
 of the empire as "mere obstinacy" and thought it a part 
 of his duty to punish those who professed what Pliny 
 called "a degrading and unreasonable superstition." 
 The Christians, in their turn, went willingly in great 
 numbers to death, which they called "martyrdom," 
 that is, "witnessing" to their faith. Yet they grew in Their 
 numbers and in unity, impelled both by persecution from ^°^^^^^- 
 without and by the false doctrines that some within the 
 fold were teaching. Among them appeared literary de- 
 fenders, some of whom addressed to the emperors what 
 are called Apologies, or arguments in defence of Chris- 
 tianity as a reasonable and worthy religion; others wrote 
 books maintaining the true or "orthodox" doctrine 
 against the false doctrine or "heresy." Thus out of the 
 
482 The Principate 
 
 various churches all over the empire was slowly forming 
 the Church, the one body of believers in Christ, standing 
 over against the empire and the heretics. It was soon 
 to make its power felt in both directions. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i . What is meant by mausoleum, heretic, 
 Imperial Council, martyrdom, dyarchy, apology? 2. Name 
 the emperors of this century in chronological order. 3. For 
 what are the following famous : Hercules, Pliny the Younger, 
 Decebalus, Tacitus, Plutarch? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. In what were Marcus Aurelius 
 and Solomon alike? 2. Compare the empire of Augustus 
 in extent with the empire of Trajan. 3. Compare Pliny 
 the Younger with Cicero in ideals, activities and character. 
 4. Why is Juvenal more a type of this period than of Athens 
 in the fifth century? 5. What reasons may be given for the 
 famous saying of Gibbon quoted below? * 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. An Estimate of the Character 
 of the Good Emperors. Nerva, Jones, p. 149; Trajan, Jones, 
 p. 156; Hadrian, Jones, p. 179; Antoninus, Jones, pp. 196-197; 
 Marcus Aurelius, Jones, pp. 204-208. 2. The Eastern Conquests. 
 Jones, pp. 164, 170-172, 175, 203, 208, 212. 3. The Barbarians 
 Threaten the Empire. Jones, pp. 221-228. 4. The Material 
 Welfare of Italy. Jones, pp. 165-168, 171, 180-182. 5. East- 
 ern Ideas Triumphant Over Western Ideas. Jones, pp. 212-220. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Empire 
 
 in the Second Century. Seignobos, ch. 22; Botsford, pp. 243- 
 256; Morey, ch. 26; Merivale, pp. 513-542; Gibbon, ch. i. 2. The 
 Inner Politics of the Empire. Abbott, ch. 15. 3. The Dacian 
 Wars of Trajan. Bury, pp. 421-430. 4. Personality and Work 
 of Hadrian. Merivale, pp. 524-529. Bury, ch. 26. 5. Marcus 
 Aurelius. Merivale, pp. 538-539; Bury, ch. 28; Munro, pp. 176- 
 178 (source). 6. The Literature of the Second Century. Bots- 
 ford, pp. 256-262; Bury, pp. 475-487. 7. Pliny and the Chris- 
 tians. Laing, pp. 468-471 (source); Munro, pp. 165-167 (source); 
 
 * "If a man were called upon to fix the period in the history of the 
 world during which the condition of the human race was most happy 
 and prosperous, he would, without hesitation, name that which elapsed 
 from the death of Domitian to the accession of Commodus." 
 
Age of the Severi 483 
 
 Bury, pp. 445-448. 8. Tacitus the Historian. Mackail, pp. 205- 
 220; Laing, pp. 399-424. 9. "As an emperor I am a Roman, 
 but as a man my city is the world." How does this saying 
 reveal the spirit of the time ? 
 
 546. Septimius Severus, 193-211 A.D. — The praetori- 
 ans, after the death of Commodus, held the succession to 
 the empire in their hands. Having finally sold it to the 
 highest bidder, they were met by the opposition of the 
 three frontier armies on the Rhine, the Danube and the 
 Euphrates, who proclaimed their own commanders as 
 emperors. In the civil war that followed, Sep-tim'i-us Se- 
 ve'rus, of an African family, general of the army on the 
 Danube, secured the throne and ruled with vigor as the 
 
 first military emperor (a.d. 193-211). He reorganized The Prince 
 the praetorians by substituting his own soldiers for the the interest 
 Italians, and by drawing troops from the regular army °^ ^® 
 into Italy he increased its military establishment from 
 ten thousand to forty thousand. He extended the em- 
 pire by recovering Mesopotamia, abandoned by Hadrian 
 (§ 538). He ruled as a practically absolute monarch, dis- 
 regarding the prerogatives of the senate. By taking the 
 name of Antoninus he sought to attach himself to the 
 previous dynasty, while he appointed his sons as his suc- 
 cessors. The centralization and extension of the power 
 of the princeps were his manifest aims, the vigor and 
 prosperity of his administration were evidences of his 
 success. Yet the military basis of his throne was un- 
 sound and dangerous. 
 
 547. Caracalla, 21 1-2 17 A.D. — His son Car'a-cal'la 
 was a cruel and wasteful ruler who was murdered by the 
 prefect of the guard. Two achievements have made him 
 famous: (i) the building of the "Baths of Caracalla" at 
 
484 The Priiicipate 
 
 Rome, a colossal and elegant series of public baths; (2) 
 his edict, of which the beginning has been recently found 
 in an Egyptian papyrus, bestowing citizenship upon all 
 the inhabitants of the empire except the dediticii, that is 
 to say, those destitute of rights in some one of the organ- 
 ized municipal or city-states (a.d. 212). This last act 
 was intended by him to facilitate the supervision of local 
 government by making it more uniform, to increase 
 the number of citizens, from whom alone was collected 
 a tax on inheritances and on sales which went to pro- 
 vide pensions for the veterans, and to bring to completion 
 the long process of civilizing by means of urban institu- 
 tions which Alexander the Great — the model of Caracalla 
 — had begun (§ 299). 
 
 548. Alexander Severus, 222-235 A.D. — Alexander 
 Severus a distant relative of the house of Septimius, was 
 no soldier. Indeed, his reign marks a reaction toward 
 constitutional rule. Though young, he had an earnest 
 and serious spirit and sought to conform his life to the 
 highest models. An oriental by birth and sentiment, he 
 was deeply religious. In a sanctuary in his palace he 
 placed statues of Abraham, Orpheus, Apollo and Jesus. 
 But such a temper did not attract the legions. His cam- 
 paigns were unsuccessful and he was slain by a mob of 
 his own soldiers. 
 
 549. The Golden Age of the Jurists. — Under the em- 
 perors of the house of Septimius Severus the importance 
 of the jurists is notable. The prefect of the praetorians 
 had come to have charge of the administration of justice 
 under the emperor. He was, therefore, chiefly a great 
 lawyer and only secondarily a military man. Under these 
 emperors he became the chief minister and adviser of the 
 
Ag-e of the Sevein 485 
 
 crown. Since he was a "knight," and not a senator, his The oid 
 elevation meant the ehmination of the highest aristocracy ceas^^s^tr^ 
 from all but the chief military positions; and, indeed, the Furnish the 
 Severi began, what Gal'li-e'nus (253-268 a.d.) completed, 
 the removal of the senators from the army also. The 
 glory of their reigns were the prefects Papinian and 
 Ulpian. To them the emperor was the source of justice 
 and law, the supreme authority. Thus they gave a new 
 theory of the Roman constitution. They gathered the im- 
 perial judgments ("decrees"), instructions ("rescripts") 
 and orders ("edicts"), and brought them into harmony 
 according to the highest ideals of the time. This they 
 did by writing commentaries on the decisions of the em- 
 perors, by giving official legal interpretations {responsa) 
 and discussing doubtful points of law. Thus was pre- xheHar- 
 pared the way for a code of imperial law. The spread of ^°he 'cJii 
 the Grasco-Roman civilization reached its acme in the i^^w. 
 age of the Severi. It is true that the empire was a trifle 
 greater in territorial extent in the last year or two of 
 Trajan's reign; but the growth of new municipalities, 
 which is the mark of expanding culture, continued to its 
 culmination in the epoch now under consideration. 
 
 During the regime of the jurists, moreover, the ties of law which Supervision 
 bound the municipalities to the central government were perfected, °^ Mumc- 
 and the various officials already established — notably by Hadrian — ernment. 
 to check their extravagance and to remedy defects in their adminis- 
 tration of justice were as yet interfering only in a salutory way with 
 local freedom. There is no clear evidence for a lessening of a healthy 
 interest in municipal politics. It is true that men of wealth did 
 not always volunteer for public officers, but this was nothing 
 new. Seeing that rich men paid their taxes by holding offices, they 
 had been compelled to become candidates for the magistracies since 
 the time of the republic. 
 
486 The Principate 
 
 For over two hundred and fifty years a territory, which 
 has to-day a population of over one hundred and ninety 
 millions, and which may have had one-third of that num- 
 ber in antiquity, had seen no great war or serious dis- 
 turbance of economic production. 
 
 550. Growth of Municipalities. — The results were 
 apparent in the existence of many thousand towns 
 and municipalities in which the peasants as well as the 
 traders and citizens lived. These were well equipped 
 with sewers and aqueducts, streets and sidewalks, tem- 
 ples and amphitheatres which stand in their ruins to- 
 day, sometimes far out in the desert, as impressive testi- 
 monials of the achievements of the "Roman peace." 
 
 551. The People Not Warlike. — Around the frontiers 
 ran, where a natural barrier was wanting, the great 
 limes, a wall here, a chain of forts there, along which 
 lived the soldiers, now permitted by the Severi to have 
 wives and homes in the towns which had grown up at 
 the military posts. Only these men on the border 
 had weapons, military organization and knowledge of 
 war. Two centuries and a half of relaxation and peace 
 had converted a population almost every man of which 
 at the time of Julius Caesar had been potentially a sol- 
 dier into a great flock of sheep of which the soldiers were 
 the watch-dogs. In return for their services they re- 
 ceived pay while in the army, and pensions and immu- 
 
 The Sol- nity from municipal taxes after their discharge. They 
 Masters! wcrc really the masters of the world, and during the 
 time of the Severi they became conscious of this fact. 
 Accordingly each great army corps now sought to gain 
 for itself the possession of the empire; they left the 
 frontiers and setting out for the capital engaged in a 
 
First Barbarian Invasions 487 
 
 protracted war (235 a.d to 270 a.d.) with one another, 
 while in their rear the barbarians whom they had held 
 in check swept over the limes and plundered and harried 
 at will. 
 
 552. The Break-up of the Roman Empire. — During Barbarian 
 this horrible welter of civil and foreign war Franks and 'f"^^^'°"s- 
 Alamanni invaded Gaul and pushed south into Spain 
 
 and Italy. Goths swept from beyond the Danube to the 
 Mediterranean, and taking ship crossed the Black sea and 
 ravaged Asia Minor. They even sailed the entire length 
 of the Mediterranean, plundering Greece and Africa on 
 their way. The Sassanids, who in 227 a.d. had set the 
 Parthian dynasty of the Arsacids aside and re-established 
 a Persian empire in Asia, claimed all the territory once 
 ruled by Cyrus, and again and again sacked Asia Minor 
 and Syria. Even Antioch was twice captured by them. 
 Down the Nile came the Arab Nomads; into Numidia 
 swarmed the Moors. The whole civilized world was at 
 one time or other overwhelmed by the barbarians. A xhePiague. 
 horrible plague broke out which raged in the empire for 
 fifteen years. Great cities like Alexandria fell to half 
 their size. Whole towns were left without inhabitants, 
 and in every direction stood tumbled-down houses and 
 deserted farms. This frightful period culminated in the Gaiiienus. 
 reign of the unhappy Gallienus (253-260 a.d.). 
 
 553. The Thirty Tyrants. — One of his predecessors, 
 his father, Decius, was slain in battle against the Goths; 
 another. Valerian, was made prisoner by the Sassanian 
 
 king. AuRELiAN (a.d. 270-275) had better success. He Aureiian. 
 restored the unity of the empire by overthrowing Queen 
 Zenobia, who had set up an independent kingdom in the 
 east with its capital at Palmyra, and Tet'ri-cus, the head 
 
488 
 
 The Great Upheaval 
 
 Probus. 
 
 New • 
 Platonism. 
 
 of a similar kingdom in Gaul. The barbarians were 
 beaten back, Rome was fortified with the so-called Aure- 
 lian wall and a splendid ''triumph" was held in the city. 
 He was compelled, however, to abandon Dacia to the 
 invaders. Probus (a.d. 276-282) was equally successful 
 against the barbarians. He thrust them back from the 
 northern frontiers and restored the wall connecting the 
 Rhine and Danube. He transplanted numbers of these 
 tribes into the empire as settlers and added many to 
 his armies. This desperate measure was necessary to 
 strengthen the waning size and vigor of the Roman mil- 
 itary and civic body. Both he and Aurelian, however, 
 were at last slain by their own soldiers while in the field, 
 but not till the one had restored the unity of the empire 
 and the other cleared it of the invaders. It remained 
 for a more adroit and fortunate man to build anew a 
 wonderful imperial system. But he could not undo what 
 had been done in the generation between Alexander and 
 Aurelian — the age of the Thirty Tyrants, as it is some- 
 times called; for in that awful time the noble culture of 
 antiquity perished beyond the hope of restoration. The 
 barbarian invasions of the third century with their attend- 
 ant wars and calamities were more far-reaching in their 
 effects upon ancient life than were the Germanic move- 
 ments of the fifth century. 
 
 554. Religion. — It is not surprising that religion had a 
 large place in the life of this age of disaster. The 
 troubles and woes of the time led men everywhere to look 
 to the heavenly powers for mercy and help. All sorts of 
 religions found favor. Magic and astrology were very 
 popular with all classes. In Alexandria a new school of 
 philosophy sprang up called "New Platonism," because 
 
PLATE XXXVII 
 
 THE PANTHKOX, ROM K 
 
 From a p/iotogrn/'h Ity R. Moscwui 
 
 THE WALLS OF AURELIAN 
 
Religious Revival 489 
 
 it revived the ideas of Plato (§ 266) and sought to find 
 comfort and a rule of life in them. The soldiers had 
 their religion and, as they were the leading force of the 
 time, it spread widely. This was the worship of Mithra, Mithraism. 
 a Persian deity, represented as a young hero slaying a 
 bull or bearing it off on his shoulders. He had his 
 priests and his temples; he promised victory over sin and 
 immortal happiness to his followers. The worship of 
 the sun as the source of all life, the unconquerable lord, 
 was a popular cult. The emperors of the time were very 
 favorable to these various religions; they saw in them a 
 source of strength for the hard-pressed Roman world. 
 
 555. Christianity. — Only against one faith were all 
 alike opposed. Christianity had to battle with them 
 for her life and no one could foresee the result. Yet she 
 grew through all the century, undismayed by persecution. 
 The effect of her independent position, opposed as she 
 was by the state and attacked by the people, began to 
 appear. Her organization became more centralized. Growth of 
 Among the elders or bishops of the churches, here and ^^n^"'^^" 
 there, a leader appeared who stood at the head of the 
 Christians of the city and became the bishop; the elders 
 or presbyters became "priests"* under the bishop's 
 authority; churches of a district united for the settle- 
 ment of questions common to them by sending their 
 priests to a synod, presided over by a bishop. Thus a 
 distinction between the clergy and the lay members began 
 to arise. Bishops in such centres as Antioch, Alexan- The 
 dria or Rome, where the Christians were many, were 
 called archbishops or metropolitans. The church at The 
 Rome came to have a special position. It was thought church 
 
 * The word "priest" is a contracted form of the word "presbyter." 
 
 Hierarchy. 
 
490 ' The Great Upheaval 
 
 that Peter, the leader of Jesus' disciples, was its founder 
 and thus gave it leadership over the other churches. Its 
 bishop was thus led to make peculiar claims to head- 
 ship in the Church. In all this advance of the Church 
 we see it begin to shape itself on the model of the imperial 
 organization and to stand up over against it. Leaders 
 of thought began to come forward. In Alexandria, a 
 school of Christian teaching was formed, the most brill- 
 iant ornament of which was Origen. In North Africa, 
 Christianity was particularly strong. Here the great 
 names were Tertullian and Cyprian, who by their writ- 
 ings defended the Church against enemies within and 
 without. A Christian art began to appear. Upon grave- 
 stones and chapels the dove, the good shepherd and the 
 lamb, favorite symbols of the new faith, were rudely 
 carved or painted. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. Name the chief emperors of the third 
 century. 2. For what are the following significant : Zenobia, 
 Ulpian, Origen? 3. What is meant by coloni, priest, New 
 Platonism, edict, Sassanian? 4. What is the date of the 
 Edict of Caracalla? 5. Describe the conditions existing on the 
 Roman frontier in the third century. 6. From what regions 
 did the invaders come into the Roman territory? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare Greek religion in the 
 sixth century b.c. (§ 134) with the religion of this age — what 
 similar conditions and results? 2. How do the barbarian in- 
 vasions resemble those that afflicted the oriental world (§§ 12, 
 16, 35, 48, 71. 74)? 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. The Concessions of Severus 
 to the Military Element. Jones, pp. 244-249. 2. Two Opinions 
 upon the Edict of Caracalla. Jones, pp. 256-257. 3. Ten Years 
 of Respite under Severus Alexander. Jones, pp. 268-276. 
 4. Strife between the Senatorial and Military Orders. Jones, 
 pp. 280-286, 306-310. 5. Aurelian, One of the Great Com- 
 manders. Jones, pp. 318-335. 
 
Restoration 491 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Em- 
 pire in the Third Century, Gibbon, pp. 21-83; Money, 
 ch. 27; Merivale, pp. 542-569; Seignobos, pp. 373-390. 2. The 
 Emperor and His Administration. Abboti, pp. 329-334; Bots- 
 ford, pp. 276-278. 3. The Jurists of the Empire. Seignobos, 
 pp. 383-384; Botsford, pp. 269-270. 4. Severus Alexander. Gib- 
 bon, pp. 37, 38; Merivale, pp. 555, 556. 5. The Sassanian Kings. 
 Gibbon, pp. 39-42; Botsford, pp. 271-272. 6. Zenobia and 
 Palmyra. Gibbon, pp. 70-73. 
 
 - 8.— THE LATER ROMAN EMPIRE 
 (DESPOTISM) 
 
 A.D. 284-395 
 
 556. The Empire Reorganized. — The new organiza- 
 tion of the state which was demanded by the times was 
 started by an emperor at the close of the century. Among 
 the able lieutenants that the valiant emperors Aurelian 
 and Probus gathered about them and trained in the 
 fierce battles with Goths and Persians were Di'o-cle'tian 
 and Max-im'i-an. The legions chose Diocletian as em- Diocletian 
 peror (a.d. 284-305) to defend and restore the decaying ^l^-^\^°^ 
 empire. He responded by a new plan of imperial or- xhePian 
 
 ganization to meet the difficulties of the times, (i) To of Reorgan- 
 ization, 
 solve the problem of the succession he associated with 
 
 himself as colleague Maximian, giving him the title of 
 
 Augustus, and took as assistants Galerius and Con- 
 
 STANTius, giving them the title of Caesar. Hence, there 
 
 was always one at hand to succeed to the throne. (2) 
 
 To meet the necessity of defending so great an empire 
 
 from its enemies, he assigned Maximian to Italy and the 
 
 western provinces with Constantius under him in charge 
 
 of Gaul, Spain and Britain, and himself took the east with 
 
 Galerius under him in charge of lUyricum. His cap- 
 
492 
 
 The Despotism 
 
 Bureau- 
 cracy. 
 
 End of the 
 System of 
 Augustus. 
 
 ital was at Nicomedia in Asia Minor; that of Maximian 
 at Milan in Italy. Thus there was no general of a large 
 army who was not already a member of the government. 
 (3) For a better administration of the state, he split up the 
 provinces, making one hundred and sixteen in all. These 
 were united into twelve " dioceses." (4) To guard against 
 misuse of power, he separated the military from the civil 
 authority. Governors of provinces were civil ofHcers. 
 Generals (counts and dukes) had charge of the soldiery. 
 (5) A very complex organization of the officials of the state 
 was introduced; all were closely bound together, each de- 
 pendent on the one above him in rank, until the culmina- 
 tion was reached in the emperor. Each rank of officials 
 had its appropriate title. The supreme emperor was 
 far above all other mortals and surrounded himself with 
 oriental pomp and form; he wore a diadem and was 
 called Dominus, "lord"; the subject was servus, "slave." 
 This kind of a government had existed in Egypt since the 
 time of the Ptolemies (§ 311). 
 
 557. A Despotism. — Thus by these measures the prin- 
 cipate perished and an absolute monarchy took its 
 place. The republic with its constitution and magis- 
 trates, princeps, senate, assemblies, citizens became as 
 insignificant as titles of nobility in a modern republic. 
 The pre-eminence of Rome and Italy vanished. All 
 that had been built up by Augustus with such marvellous 
 skill, and, for three centuries, had, in form at least, been 
 the basis of Roman government, passed away. That it 
 should perish was proper, for it had done its work and 
 was unei^ "al to the new demands. But the meaning' of 
 the change now introduced must not be overlooked. 
 The empire of Rome was essentially transformed. The 
 
Diocletian 493 
 
 experiment in government, which sought to combine re- 
 publican institutions with effective administration of an 
 empire, was over. 
 
 558. The Personality of Diocletian. — His plan of re- 
 organization proves Diocletian to have been a wise and 
 practical statesman, as well as a skilful soldier. He was 
 of humble origin, the son of a freedman of Dalmatia, 
 and had worked his way up from the ranks. Tall and 
 spare of body, he had a clear mind, reflected in a face 
 with finely cut features, and an attractive personality 
 which made firm friends. With a strong will that pur- 
 sued its way resistlessly, and used all men to further its 
 designs, he had one weakness common to his age — a vein 
 of religious superstition which caused him to set much 
 store by omens and signs, and to pay passionate heed to 
 the utterances of magicians and astrologers. 
 
 559. Good Results of the New Plan. — Under his skil- 
 ful ministration the exhausted empire was revived and 
 leaped to its feet. The coinage was improved and fi- 
 nances restored. New taxes were imposed, but their 
 burden was unwisely distributed among the various 
 classes of society. Military reforms, particularly the concentra- 
 creation of a field-army in addition to the legions on 
 the frontiers, available wherever the need was greatest, 
 brought the disturbed frontiers into order. Laws were 
 issued bearing on all sides of life; it was even attempted 
 to regulate prices by legislation. Imperial cities were 
 adorned with new and splendid buildings, and old foun- 
 dations were renewed. Inscriptions of the time hail the 
 period as the "happy era" of general betterment. 
 
 560. Bad Results of the New Plan. — The complicated 
 administrative system of Diocletian, while it preserved the 
 
 tion of 
 Troops. 
 
494 The Despotisjn 
 
 empire as a structure, sapped its inner life. The cost of 
 maintaining so great a body of officials was an enormous 
 drain. Taxation grew by leaps and bounds accompanied 
 by scarcity of money, increase of poverty and decline of 
 population. Class distinctions still further weakened the 
 effectiveness of the body politic. The senatorial class was 
 rich and powerful and was exempted from many civic 
 burdens. These fell largely on the next lower class, 
 called the curials or decurions. All who possessed at 
 least twenty-five acres of land were included in this class. 
 They were responsible for the collection of taxes, de- 
 ficiencies in which they must make up out of their own 
 private fortunes. These obligations were hereditary; a 
 son of a curial entered the order at the age of eighteen; 
 severe laws were passed to prevent any from avoiding the 
 civic burdens, which often proved their ruin. As the 
 result of wars and taxation many small freeholders lost 
 their liberty to migrate and became coloni on the estates 
 of the nobles, to be sold with the land to which they 
 belonged. The artisans formed a separate class to which 
 all members were likewise perpetually bound. The re- 
 sult of all these arrangements was that the imperial 
 machine with its rigid system and universal sweep was 
 crushing the life out of the middle classes, destroying all 
 civic patriotism and individual ambition, in the praise- 
 worthy endeavor to hold the state together. 
 
 561. Persecution of Christians. — The religious policy 
 of Diocletian brought upon him a serious conflict. In 
 his zeal for the revival of the ancient Roman worship, 
 he sought to suppress the Christians. Although they 
 were in his court and his legions and formed an influ- 
 ential and progressive element in the state, his unre- 
 
Constantine 495 
 
 lenting, almost fanatical, spirit did not flinch from the 
 struggle. He did not use bloody means; his plan was 
 rather by destroying churches, silencing leaders and seiz- 
 ing property to bring Christianity gradually into con- 
 tempt and weakness. He failed. His edict against the its Failure, 
 faith was only partially respected in the west, and down 
 to the end of his reign the struggle went on. During his 
 own lifetime — after his abdication (§ 562) — his succes- 
 sor, Galerius, issued his Edict of Toleration (a.d. 311), 
 which gave the Christians freedom to worship in public 
 and private on condition of paying due respect to the 
 laws. 
 
 562. Difficulties of the Succession.^A more remark- 
 able weakness in his system revealed itself. Worn out 
 with his incessant labors, Diocletian determined to re- 
 tire from his imperial position. In a.d. 305, after twenty- Abdication 
 one years of rule, he abdicated and retired to Dalmatia August! 
 to spend in private the remainder of his life. He per- 
 suaded his colleague, Maximian, to follow his example. 
 
 The Cassars stepped into their places and new Caesars 
 were appointed. But without Diocletian the system would 
 not work. His successor as senior Augustus lost control 
 of the situation, and a year later the son of Constantius, 
 Constantine, was proclaimed imperator by his legions 
 in the west. The Roman world saw the emperors involved 
 in conflict with each other for the supremacy. The out- 
 come was the victory of Constantine, who in a.d. 323 
 became sole emperor (a.d. 323-337). 
 
 563. Constantine, 306-337 A.D. — Constantine was at His Per- 
 this time about forty years of age, a man of heroic ^°°^''^- 
 stature, handsome and strong. Tradition tells of his 
 piercing eye and commanding dignity. A brave warrior, 
 
496 The Despotism 
 
 he won many of his battles by his own personal cour- 
 age and strength in single combat. Shrewd and self- 
 contained, never thrown off his guard, quick to seize an 
 opportunity, with a religious sense akin to Diocletian's 
 and a love of praise and pomp which he gratified by the 
 oriental splendor of his dress and court, he carried out 
 the spirit of Diocletian's policy to the end. From the 
 men of his own time and from succeeding ages he has 
 His Two won the title of "the Great." Of all his achievements 
 tions"to"" ^wo have given him this special claim to remembrance: 
 Progress. (j) hjs transference of the imperial capital from' Rome 
 to a new city on the Bosporus, named from him Con- 
 stantinople; (2) his reconciliation of the empire with 
 Christianity. 
 
 564. The New Capital. — Constantinople was placed 
 on the site of the Greek city of Byzantium. It was most 
 wisely placed for the capital of an empire that extended 
 from the Euphrates to Britain. From it the emperor 
 could survey his domain on either side and most easily 
 Advantages control its scvcral parts. Commerce found it a most con- 
 venient centre and its harbors were unsurpassed. It lay 
 near, yet not too near, to the Danube, the frontier whence 
 danger from the barbarians was most pressing. It was 
 easy of defence by land and sea, lying on seven hills and 
 protected on three sides by water. The emperor pro- 
 posed to call it New Rome, and, although the name com- 
 memorating its founder has been preferred by after ages, 
 the result contemplated by him took place — the suprem- 
 acy of old Rome passed to its new rival. Here the court 
 was set up, here magnificent palaces were built, from 
 here the imperial administration ruled the Roman world. 
 Rome sank to the level of a provincial city, mighty in 
 
PLAIE XXXIX 
 
 The Arch of Constantine at Rome 
 
 A Roman Aqueduct in Gaul 
 CHARACTERISTIC ROMAN ARCHITECTURE 
 
Constantine and Chinstianity 497 
 
 its past alone, until it rose again to be the capital of a 
 spiritual state, the seat of the Roman Church. 
 
 565. Recognition of Christianity. — Already, before he 
 became sole emperor, Constantine had seen how great 
 a power Christianity had become, and by his friendly 
 attitude won the Christians to his side. His father, 
 though never breaking with the old religion, had inclined 
 to the worship of the Christian god, and the son followed 
 his example. In a.d. 313 he published the Edict of 
 Milan, by which Christianity was put on a par with the 
 other religions of the Roman empire. As time went on 
 and he became the lord of the Roman world, his favor 
 was shown more clearly by his edicts and by his personal 
 kindness to Christian bishops. He read the Scriptures. 
 He presided at a famous council of Christian bishops at consiantine 
 Ni-cae'a (a.d. 325), where an important theological ques- ^^^^_ 
 tion was decided — whether Jesus Christ was the same as 
 God or only like him.* In the hour of death he was 
 baptized into the Church, and thus personally confessed 
 Christianity. But, as emperor, he refused to take sides; 
 if he granted favors to Christians, he also consecrated 
 temples and gave privileges to priests of the old Roman 
 cult. Nor was his conduct ever deeply influenced by 
 Christian teaching. He sought to reconcile all wor- 
 shippers of every god and use them for the upbuilding 
 of the empire. Yet his personal attitude toward Chris- 
 tianity was more potent than his official neutrality. 
 From his reign dates the beginning of the victory of 
 Christianity over the ancient faiths of the Roman world 
 and the union between the Church and the empire. 
 
 * Those who held the latter view were led by the Bishop Arius and 
 were hence called Arians. The question was decided against them in 
 the Nicene Council. 
 
498 The Despotism 
 
 Eu-se'bi-us, the Church historian and friend of Constantine, tells 
 us, in his life of the emperor, that Constantine, before he became sole 
 emperor, while marching against one of his rivals, uncertain as to his 
 duty to God, beheld a wonderful vision. As the day was declining, 
 he saw the representation of a cross of light in the heavens, above the 
 sun, and bearing the inscription. Conquer by this ! At this sight he 
 himself was struck with amazement, and his whole army also, which 
 followed him on the expedition and witnessed the miracle. While 
 pondering on the vision, he fell into a sleep in which Christ appeared 
 to him with the same sign and bade him make a likeness of it as a 
 standard for his army. He obeyed, and produced what was called 
 the Labarum, a banner hung from a cross-bar on a spear, at the top 
 of which was a wreath containing in its centre a monogram for the 
 name of Christ. From this time forth Constantine was at heart 
 a Christian. 
 
 566. Successors of Constantine. — On the death of Con- 
 stantine, his three sons followed him as emperors in the 
 east and west (a.d. 337-353) until one of them, Con- 
 STANTius, became sole emperor (a.d. 353-361). After 
 him came another member of the house of Constantine, 
 Julian (a.d. 361-363). His death on the eastern fron- 
 tier was followed by the elevation of several generals of 
 the armies, one of whom was the unfortunate Valens 
 (a.d. 364-378), until a vigorous and successful warrior, 
 The'o-do'si-us (a.d. 379-395), at first emperor in the 
 east, succeeded in uniting the empire again. The renewal 
 of barbarian invasions after his death on a scale hitherto 
 unparalleled, and the establishment of their independent 
 states in the empire, has made the year of his death, 
 a.d. 395, a significant turning point in history. 
 
 567. Christianity and the Empire. — While the inroads 
 on the Danube and the Rhine continued, and the Per- 
 sians in the east were constantly threatening the Ro- 
 man provinces, the uppermost question in the history 
 
Struggle with and xvlthin Church 499 
 
 of this half- century was the relation of the empire to 
 Christianity. The Church, superbly organized under 
 its bishops, and having its greatest strength in the cities,* 
 offered itself as a useful ally to the imperial power. 
 A fierce conflict about the doctrine which had been in The War of 
 dispute at the council of Nicaea (§ 565) was rending the in°the°^^ 
 Church in twain. Arianism sought to reassert itself church, 
 against its opposing view, which being accepted in that 
 council was called Orthodoxy or the "right doctrine." 
 The sons of Constantine had been reared as Christians, 
 but Constantius accepted the Arian view. Hence, the 
 Arians sought to obtain his help to gain their victory. 
 Although, as emperor, he sought to remain, like his 
 father, neutral in religious matters, he could not help 
 being drawn into the struggle. The empire took the 
 side of Arianism. Over against him as representing 
 orthodoxy was Athanasius, the brilliant and unscrupu- 
 lous bishop of Alexandria. The result of the conflict its Effect, 
 was the triumph of Arianism by the aid of imperial 
 authority. The moment was full of meaning, not be- 
 cause of the triumph of this or that doctrine, but because 
 it brought the union of the empire and the Church a long 
 step nearer. Julian, who sought to revive paganism 
 and repress Christianity, was an interesting character, 
 but his attempt was futile. In Christian annals he is 
 branded as "the apostate." The emperors who foUowed 
 favored the Church more and more. One of them, 
 Gratian, withdrew all imperial support from the public 
 
 *A remarkable illustration of this are our words "Pagan," which 
 means "dweller in a village," and "Heathen," "dweller on the heath" 
 or "country." Christianity made its way very slowly among the country 
 people. Hence "Paganism" and "Heathenism" are used to signify the 
 non-Christian religions of the ancient world. 
 
500 The Despotism 
 
 worship of the heathen gods. In a.d. 392 Theodosius 
 issued an edict forbidding all practice of the old religion. 
 This date marks the formal downfall of paganism and 
 the victory of Christianity in the Roman world. At the 
 same time, this emperor exalted the orthodox doctrine; 
 he forbade and punished Arianism and all other false 
 teachings of the true faith. He practically made Chris- 
 tianity the religion of the empire. Henceforth bishops 
 and emperors joined hands for the rule of the Roman 
 world. 
 
 568. Union of Empire and Church. — Let us stop a 
 moment to consider what this meant. In the ancient 
 world, the part of religion was to serve the state. It was 
 one of the elements of public life which made up the 
 state. The ruler was the head of the religious system. 
 But Christianity had grown up outside public life; it 
 obeyed no earthly ruler; Jesus Christ, the son of God, 
 was its supreme master. Hence, in uniting with the 
 state, it came in as an equal, nay, rather, as representing 
 The Victory a Lord to whom the emperor, too, must bow. Therefore, 
 over the union of Christianity and the empire brought with it 
 
 Empire. ^^^ victory of the Church over the empire. Before the 
 authority of its Christ there could be no equal power. 
 Hence, this moment in history reveals to us that we are 
 approaching the border of a new age. The ancient world 
 is passing away. 
 
 The position occupied by the Church is illustrated by the famous 
 "penance" of Theodosius. He had been stirred by a rebellious act 
 of a mob in the city of Thessalonica to order the massacre of the 
 inhabitants. At least seven thousand people perished. Ambrose, 
 the bishop of Milan, was horrified by this crime. When Theodosius 
 approached the church to worship, he was met by the bishop, who 
 
victory of Ckristianity 501 
 
 forbade him entrance and laid before him the conditions on which 
 God's pardon could be obtained. Taking off his royal robes, he 
 must appear in the church as a penitent and beg for mercy from God. 
 The emperor submitted, and, after eight months of probation, Am- 
 brose absolved him from guilt and restored him to the communion 
 of the Church. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What is the meaning of bishop, 
 diocese, Orthodoxy, pagan, New Rome, labarum? 2, For 
 what are the following famous: Ambrose, Gratian,Athanasius, 
 Julian, Mithra? 3. What is the date of the Edict of Tolera- 
 tion, of the Council of Nicaea ? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. What circumstances and con- 
 ditions existed at this time to justify and make possible the 
 despotism which did not exist in the time of Augustus? 2. 
 Compare the position of Christianity in the state under Con- 
 stantine to that of religion in the ancient oriental states 
 (§§ 34). 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i. Diocletian's System: Its 
 Success. Jones, pp. 354-362. 2. Diocletian's Reorganization 
 of (a) The Army, Jones, pp. 365-369. (b) The Finances, Jones, 
 pp. 369-372. (c) Espionage of Officials, Jones, pp. 372-373. 3. 
 Constantine's Attitude toward Christianity. Jones, pp. 385- 
 386, 388-389. 4. A New Capital. Jones, pp. 389-390. 5. The 
 Tax System and Municipal Administration. Jones, pp. 392- 
 395. 6. The New Social Orders. Jones, pp. 396-398. 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Reor- 
 ganization of the Empire. Morey, ch. 28; Botsford, pp. 278- 
 280, 2S5-288; Merivale, ch. 70; Gibbon, pp. 91-95, 132-143; 
 Seignobos, pp. 390-392, 406-409. 2. Constantine and Christian- 
 ity. Munro, p. 175 (source); Botsford, pp. 2S2-283; IMerivale, 
 ch. 71; Gibbon, pp. 120-240. 3. The Edicts of the Emperors in 
 Relation to Christianity. Munro, pp. 174-176 (sources); Gib- 
 bon, pp. 118-119. 4. The Council of Nicsea. Seignobos, pp. 
 400-401. 5. Julian and Pagan Learning. IMerivale, ch. 73; 
 Seignobos, pp. 412-413; Gibbon, ch. 12. 6. Theodosius. Meri- 
 vale, pp. 616-623; Seignobos, pp. 416-420; Gibbon, pp. 207-221. 
 7. Constantinople and Rome. Munro, pp. 236-237 (source); 
 Gibbon, pp. 123-132; Botsford, pp. 2S3-2S5; Merivale, pp. 587- 
 590; Seignobos, pp. 403-404. 8. Society in the Fourth Century. 
 Davis, .\n Outline History of the Roman Empire, pp. 192-195. 
 
502 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 9.— THE BREAKING UP OF THE ROMAN 
 
 EMPIRE AND THE END OF THE 
 
 ANCIENT PERIOD 
 
 A.D. 395-800 
 
 569. The Last Four Centuries of Rome. — The four 
 centuries a.d. 400-800 form the last great era of tran- 
 sition in the history of the ancient world. Everything 
 was in confusion; everywhere ancient races were yield- 
 ing to fresh and vigorous peoples, old and established 
 forms of organization were breaking down and new in- 
 stitutions were forming to correspond to the new life. 
 The struggle was long, the changes slow in taking place, 
 but the end was the transformation of the old world into 
 the Middle Age. 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY * 
 
 For bibliography for advanced students and teachers, see Appendix I. 
 Church. The Beginning of the Middle Ages. Scribners. Not a new 
 
 book, but by an admirable scholar and of permanent value for the 
 
 period a.d. 400-800. 
 Dill. Roman Society in the Last Century of the Roman Empire. Mac- 
 
 millan. An interesting and helpful work, particularly for teachers. 
 Emerton. Introduction to the Middle Ages. Ginn and Co. The 
 
 clearest and the most illuminating account of the transitional period. 
 Robinson. History of Western Europe. Ginn and Co. An excellent 
 
 book, especially strong on the social elements of the history. 
 Thatcher and Schwill. A General History of Europe. Scribners. 
 
 The early chapters have a full and spirited account of the decline 
 
 of the empire and the rise of the barbarian kingdoms. 
 
 570. The Barbarian Deluge. — The death of Theo- 
 dosius placed the administration of the empire in the 
 hands of his two sons. Arcadius received the eastern 
 
 * For previous bibliographies, see §§ 5a, 89a, 338a, 481. 
 
Vlsigoth.s and Vandals 503 
 
 portion, Honorius the west. Both were young and in- 
 capable. Meanwhile the flood of Germanic invasion 
 which in the course of the following century was to over- 
 whelm the fairest provinces of the western empire had 
 already begun. The Visigoths (West Goths), fleeing 
 before the Huns, who had already conquered the Ostro- 
 goths (East Goths) settled for a time in Dacia, but 
 with the consent of the Roman ofScers they crossed the 
 Danube in the reign of Valens. Feeling misused by 
 their hosts, they rose in rebellion and in the bloody battle 
 of Adrianople (378 a.d.) they slew the emperor himself 
 and destroyed his army. The best that Theodosius could 
 do was to leave them in Moesia where only his strong arm 
 restrained their further movements. Meanwhile, Van- 
 dals, Suevi, Burgundians, Alamanni and Franks burst 
 into the western provinces. The very year of the death Visigoths, 
 of Theodosius (a.d. 395), the Visigoths rose under Al- 
 aric, their chieftain, and marched into Greece, Seven 
 years later they attacked Italy. Stiri-cho, the general of 
 Honorius, successfully resisted them, until, out of jeal- 
 ousy and fear, he was murdered by his royal master. 
 Then Al'a-ric was able to overrun Italy and even to capt- 
 ure Rome (a.d. 410). It was in this crisis that the Ro- 
 man legions departed from Britain, leaving it exposed to 
 the attacks of the Picts and Scots. The Suevi had pene- Vandais. 
 trated into Spain, where they were followed by the Van- 
 dals. Upon the death of Alaric, the Visigoths left Italy 
 and moved westward into Spain, where they set up a king- 
 dom (a.d. 412) which was to last for three hundred years. 
 The Vandals retired before them into Africa (a.d. 429), 
 where they captured Carthage ten years later and therein 
 established a kino;dom under their shrewd and enter- 
 
504 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 prising leader Gai'ser-ic. As if this were not enough, the 
 cause of this tremendous upheaval of the German tribes 
 now appeared on the scene in the advance of the Huns, 
 a people of alien race and strange manners, wild savage 
 warriors, rushing down out of the far northeast from 
 their homes in Central Asia. Under their king, At'ti-la, 
 they were united and organized into a formidable host, 
 which included also Germans and Slavs. Attila had 
 no less a purpose than to overthrow the Roman empire 
 and set up a new Hunnish state upon its ruins. " Though 
 a barbarian, Attila was by no means a savage. He prac- 
 tised the arts of diplomacy, often sent and received em- 
 bassies and respected the international laws and customs 
 which then existed." After ravaging the east as far as 
 the Euphrates, he turned to the west, crossed the Rhine 
 and invaded Gaul. There he was met by an imperial 
 army under Aetius and was defeated and turned back in 
 a fierce struggle at the "Catalaunian Fields" (Chalons) 
 in A.D. 451, which is justly regarded as one of the de- 
 cisive battles of history. The next year he penetrated 
 into Italy and the destruction of Rome seemed imminent, 
 but mysteriously the heathen king stayed his advance 
 on the receipt of the message from Pope Leo the Great: 
 "Thus far and no farther." In 453 A.D. he died, and 
 with his death his vast empire dissolved and the Hun- 
 nish peril was over. 
 
 571. Weaklings on the Throne. — The emperors dur- 
 ing this period were weak men and ineffective rulers, 
 often set up and always upheld by their armies, which 
 were made up almost entirely of Germans and led by men 
 of the same race. Stilicho was a Vandal. Ric'i-mer, 
 another imperial general, was a Suevian. The emperors 
 
Fall of Western Empire 505 
 
 of the west emphasized still more their importance by 
 placing the seat of government at Ra-ven'na, an almost 
 inaccessible fortress on the Adriatic sea. The rest of 
 Italy might suffer from the marches and contests of rival 
 armies, while they were secure. Thus they beheld, in 
 A.D. 455, the capture and sack of Rome by Gaiseric, the 
 Vandal king of Africa, repeated in a.d. 472 by Ricimer. 
 Following Honorius, a succession of nine weaklings kept 
 up a pretence of imperial rule, until Romulus Augustu- 
 Lus, a mere boy, was set upon the throne. His Ger- Faii of 
 man mercenaries, irritated by a refusal to grant them Ei^p^^e'^ 
 lands on which to settle, took as their leader O'do-va'car, 
 the Rugian, captured the emperor and forced him to 
 resign his ofi&ce (a.d. 476). Then the imperial insignia 
 were sent to the emperor of the east, Zeno, who thus be- 
 came sole emperor and appointed Odovacar governor of 
 Italy. In fact the latter ruled Italy as a king, while, as 
 we have seen (§ 570), other parts of the west did not even 
 formally acknowledge the emperor's authority. For this 
 reason the year a.d. 476 is often regarded as a turning 
 point in the history of Rome as marking the fall of the 
 Western Empire. 
 
 .572. Ostrogoths in Italy. — But peace was still far off. 
 The Ostrogoths, who lived an unsettled and warring life 
 in the Danubian provinces of the eastern emperor, set 
 out, under their leader, The-od'o-ric, to contest with Odo- 
 vacar the possession of Italy. The struggle ended with 
 Theodoric as victor and king of Italy. He ruled it for 
 more than thirty years (a.d. 493-526), wisely and pros- 
 perously. "He restored the aqueducts and walls of 
 many cities, repaired the roads, drained marshes, re- 
 opened mines, cared for public buildings, promoted 
 
506 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 agriculture, established markets, preserved the peace, 
 administered justice strictly and enforced the laws. By 
 intermarriages and treaties he tried to maintain peace 
 between all the neighboring German kingdoms, that they 
 might not mutually destroy each other." * Nominally 
 a subject of the emperor, he was in reality sole lord of 
 Italy. 
 
 573. Influence of Rome on Invaders. — It must not 
 be thought that these waves of barbarian invasion com- 
 pletely shattered the structure of Roman politics and 
 society. Such attacks on the borders had been going on 
 for centuries. Multitudes of Germans had already been 
 settled in the provinces. The armies were almost entirely 
 made up of them. They were found in numbers in the 
 ofhces of the imperial administration and in close touch 
 with the court of the emperor. Not only had the splen- 
 dor and the strength of the empire, its civilization and 
 its wealth, attracted them, but they had been deeply 
 influenced by it. Many of them had been converted to 
 Christianity. We can, therefore, understand the famous 
 saying of one Gothic chieftain, that once, in his youth, 
 he had the ambition to overthrow the Roman power, 
 but now his highest ambition was to sustain the law and 
 order of Rome by the swords of the Goths. Accord- 
 ingly, the moment these invaders reached their goal, 
 they fell into the ways of Rome. They came not to de- 
 stroy, but to enter into the Roman heritage. They were 
 proud to be made the bulwark and support of its civiliza- 
 tion and even of its throne. Thus, it was not long be- 
 fore the superior culture, the organizing and civilizing 
 power of old Rome, worked them over and they settled 
 
 * Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 27. 
 
Justinian 507 
 
 down to maintain the most substantial parts of the im- 
 perial structure. This appears most clearly in their laws, 
 which were gathered up into codes that show the deep 
 influence of Roman law. 
 
 574. The Imperial Reaction. — With the passing of the 
 fifth century, the empire, sorely smitten in the storms 
 of barbarian invasion, raised its head and asserted its 
 ancient authority over the Roman world. A series of Justinian 
 able rulers in the east prepared the way for the brilliant 
 
 and vigorous reign of Justinian (a.d. 527-565). Under 
 him the imperial armies were again victorious, and ter- 
 ritories lost for a time were again united to the empire. 
 His able generals were Belisarius, a Thracian, and Narses, 
 an Armenian; under their skilful administration and 
 admirable generalship, the army was reorganized and 
 led out successfully to recover lost territory. In a.d. 534 Military 
 Africa was won back from the Vandals. In 553, after Achieve- 
 
 ments. 
 
 a long and fiercely contested struggle, Italy was rescued 
 from the Ostrogoths. The Visigoths were deprived of 
 parts of Spain. The German tribes on the Danube, as 
 well as the Avars, who were related to the Huns, were 
 kept in check. The Persians in the east were less suc- 
 cessfully resisted. 
 
 575. Peaceful Victories. — The achievements of Jus- 
 tinian in more peaceful spheres were equally splendid. 
 He was occupied with building, with law and theology, 
 with commerce and manufactures, as well as with war. 
 In architecture and painting he is renowned for the won- 
 derful cathedral of St. Sophia in Constantinople. " When 
 one enters into this church to pray," says a contemporary 
 of the great emperor, "one feels at once that it is not the 
 work of human power and industry, but rather the work 
 
508 
 
 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 The Code 
 of Jus- 
 tinian. 
 
 Centred in 
 Constanti- 
 nople. 
 
 of God himself; and the spirit, rising up to heaven, under- 
 stands that here God is quite near and that he rejoices 
 in the dwelling-place which he himself has chosen." In 
 law, he is immortalized in the code which bears his 
 name. To do away with the inconsistencies and con- 
 tradictions which existed among the laws of the empire, 
 he appointed a commission with Tribonian at its head 
 to collect, harmonize and arrange them. The result 
 was the famous Code of Justinian. "Besides the laws, 
 the opinions, explanations and decisions of famous 
 judges were collected (§ 549). As in the practice of law 
 to-day, much regard was had for precedent and decisions 
 of similar cases, and these were brought together from 
 all quarters in a collection called the Digest (Pandects). 
 For the use of the law students, a treatise on the general 
 principles of Roman law was prepared, which was called 
 the Institutes. Justinian carefully kept the laws which 
 he himself promulgated, and afterward published them 
 under the title of Novellae." * 
 
 576. The Continued Influence of the Empire. — Thus 
 once more, under the guidance of Justinian, the Ro- 
 man empire proved itself a power in the earth. And 
 though its newly recovered provinces were soon lost, it 
 long continued on its way a light and a fruitful source 
 of culture to the world. The wisdom of Constantine's 
 choice of New Rome for its capital was proved. Behind 
 its impregnable walls, the city was able to bid defiance 
 to barbarian assailants and to send forth again and again 
 its armies to regain its lost territories. Its unrivalled 
 commercial advantages drew irresistibly the trade of the 
 world, and riches continued to flow into it, while learning 
 
 * Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 36. 
 
The Byzanti7ie Einpire 509 
 
 and culture found refuge and encouragement within its 
 bulwarks. When the west succumbed to barbarian in- 
 vasions and within its borders Roman civilization faded 
 out and disappeared, it was revived and renewed by the 
 influences which went forth from the eastern capital. Its 
 citizens were alert and progressive, combining the gifts 
 of Greek and Roman; its palaces were many and mag- 
 nificent. Above all, it was the centre of a Christian life 
 and thought, which transformed the hordes of eastern 
 and northern barbarians that settled on its borders. 
 A sense of nationality was aroused among the motley 
 populations that fell under its spell; Byzantine imperi- 
 alism, by infusing ancient Graeco-Roman forms with the 
 Christian spirit brought to the support of the state the 
 fanaticism hitherto existent only for the church. 
 
 577. The New Persian Peril. — The occasion for this 
 alliance was the advance to the Mediterranean and even 
 to Cyrene of the great Sassanid monarch, Chosroes 
 (Kos'-roz) , who threatened to extirpate both the Grgeco- 
 Roman state and the Christian religion. The hero of a 
 war which assumed the character of a religious crusade 
 was Heraclius (a.d. 610-641) who drove the Per- 
 sians back into the interior of Asia. His triumph, how- 
 ever, was brief. At this point a new religion appeared 
 in the orient and was spread by force of arms throughout 
 the eastern world. This was Mohammedanism. 
 
 578. Mohammed.— In far Arabia, on the southwestern 
 side, near the Red sea, lay the city of Mecca, a sacred 
 shrine of Arabian heathenism and a centre of trade for 
 the wandering tribes of the desert. Here, about a.d. 
 570, was born, in poverty but of a noble family, Mo- 
 hammed, who was to be the founder of a religious and a 
 
Faith. 
 
 510 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 political power of wide extent and influence. As he 
 grew up and came somewhat in contact with the world 
 without, he became deeply impressed with the idolatry 
 His New and wicked practices of his people. Of a highly sensi- 
 tive nature, perhaps in early life a prey to some nervous 
 disease, he felt himself in a vision called to be the prophet 
 of Allah, the supreme god of the Arabs. After long 
 trial and struggle, in the course of which, in 622 a.d., 
 occurred the flight (He-gi'ra) * from Mecca to Me-di'na, 
 the Arabs were won for his doctrine. Mohammed 
 founded a church, and his utterances, which Allah com- 
 missioned him to speak, were gathered into a sacred 
 book, the Koran, the law and gospel of his followers. 
 He claimed to be the supreme prophet of God, and, 
 therefore, all men were called upon to obey his word. 
 To the emperor and to the Persian king he sent his mes- 
 sengers calling for submission to God and his prophet. 
 When he died (a.d. 632), his followers were ready to go 
 forth to the conquest of the world on behalf of the true 
 faith. 
 
 579. Spread of Mohammedanism. — Despite the vigor 
 of Heraclius the fanaticism of the Mohammedans car- 
 ried all before it. Syria and Egypt were lost. A Mo- 
 hammedan capital was established at Damascus, from 
 which the successors of the prophet, called Caliphs, 
 ruled over a wide empire that included Persia, Arabia, 
 Syria and Egypt. They entered Asia Minor, and in a.d. 
 673 appeared before the walls of Constantinople. They 
 were repulsed, but the empire had forever lost its eastern 
 provinces. 
 
 * His followers still use this date as a point for reckoning time as wp 
 do the birth of Christ. 
 
Mohammedans and Franks 511 
 
 Filled with missionary zeal and warlike fury, the Mo- 
 hammedans pressed westward along the northern coast 
 of Africa and added it to their empire. Thence they 
 crossed over into Spain, and in a.d. 711 overthrew the 
 kingdom of the Visigoths (§ 570). From there they 
 advanced into Gaul. It seemed as though the western 
 Roman world, like the eastern, was to fall into their 
 power. But the force that held them in check had been 
 growing strong during these same centuries on Gallic 
 soil. This was the kingdom of the Franks, to the his- 
 tory of which we now turn. 
 
 580. The Franks. — The Franks had advanced but 
 slowly into the empire, appearing first on the lower 
 Rhine. Thus they kept in touch with their German 
 brethren and renewed their native vigor by constant ad- 
 ditions from the old stock. In a.d. 481 a petty tribal Kingdom 
 king, Clovis, united the Frankish tribes under his author- 
 ity, defeated a Roman governor and took possession of 
 upper Gaul. From here he pushed eastward and con- 
 quered the Alamanni. Still unsatisfied, he drove the 
 Visigoths from southern Gaul into Spain and overcame 
 
 the Burgundians to the southeast. At his death, in 
 A.D; 511, the kingdom of the Franks stretched from the 
 Pyrenees and the ocean to beyond the Rhine. His sons 
 extended the kingdom eastward in Germany to a point 
 beyond the farthest conquests of the Romans. In time 
 this territory was divided up between members of the 
 royal house, and two kingdoms appeared, Austrasia in 
 the east and Neustria in the west. 
 
 581. Rise of Mayor of the Palace. — ^The Frankish 
 nobility, like many ancient aristocracies in states just 
 emerging from the tribal conditions (i^ io6j, succeeded 
 
512 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 in course of time in gaining more and more power over 
 the king. The way in which this took place, however, 
 was pecuHar. An important officer of the royal house- 
 hold was the major domus, or "mayor of the palace," 
 through whom admission to the king's presence was 
 secured. The noble families were able to put in this 
 position men from their own body and thus to control 
 the king. The major domus possessed royal authority 
 though he did not have the royal name. The kings were 
 mere figureheads, "do-nothing-kings." 
 
 A contemporary thus describes them. "Nothing was left to the 
 king except the kingly name; with long hair and flowing beard, he 
 sat on the throne to receive envoys from all quarters, but it was 
 only to give them the answers which he was bidden to give. His 
 kingly title was an empty shadow, and the allowance for his support 
 depended on the pleasure of the mayor of the palace. The king 
 possessed nothing of his own but one poor farm with a house on it, 
 and a scanty number of attendants, to pay him necessary service and 
 respect. He went abroad in a wagon drawn by oxen, and guided 
 by a herdsman in the country fashion; thus was he brought to the 
 palace or to the annual assemblies of the people for the affairs of the 
 realm; thus he went home again. But the government of the king- 
 dom, and all business, foreign or domestic, were in the hands of the 
 mayors of the palace." 
 
 582. Charles Martel.— One of the mayors of the pal- 
 ace of the Austrasian kingdom. Pippin by name, con- 
 quered Neustria and Burgundy, and when he died, left 
 the domains thus gained to his son, Charles Martel (a.d. 
 Battle of 714), his successor in the mayoral office. The new ruler 
 confronted the advancing Mohammedans and defeated 
 them near Tours in a.d. 732. They retreated into Spain, 
 and, owing to disturbances in the Mohammedan empire, 
 
 Tours. 
 
Growth of the Church 513 
 
 no further attempt was made to extend their power be- • 
 yond the Pyrenees. The possible fate of western Chris- 
 tendom, if the victory had been gained by the Moham- 
 medans, has placed the battle of Tours among the world's 
 decisive battles, 
 
 583. Growth of the Church. — During these centuries, 
 which had seen the barbarian deluge, the establish- 
 ment of barbarian kingdoms, the revival of the em- 
 pire and the rise of Mohammedanism, one imperial in- 
 stitution, the Christian church, had suffered the least 
 and perhaps had gained the most. Since its recognition 
 as the religion of the state, it had advanced rapidly. 
 Its ministers became imperial officials and its religious 
 enactm.ents in its great councils had imperial authority. 
 Among its leaders were men of learning and eloquence, Leaders, 
 whose writings have deeply affected the history of Chris- 
 tian thought. John Chrys'os-tom (''he of the golden chrysos. 
 mouth") was one of the most powerful preachers of his '°'°" 
 age (a.d. 347-407). As patriarch of Constantinople, 
 he was the idol of the people for his eloquence and the 
 aversion of the court for his fearless denunciation of vice 
 and hypocrisy. He was twice banished by the empe- 
 ror.. Jerome (about a.d. 346-420) was the most learned jerome. 
 man of his time. His services to the church are twofold: 
 (i) He translated the Bible into Latin so successfully, 
 that with some modifications his translation, called the 
 Vulgate,* remained the accepted version of the Latin 
 church. (2) He aided powerfully the "monastic" move- Monasti 
 ment. Very early in the history of Christianity its fol- ^^^^' 
 lowers, coming into contact with the Roman world that 
 in their eyes was evil and that also persecuted them, 
 
 * Latin, Vidgata, i. c, "in common use." 
 
514 End of the Ancient Pe?iod 
 
 were moved to flee from it, to hide in the deserts or other 
 solitary places, that thus they might escape from tempta- 
 tions and trials, and be enabled to live a worthier life. 
 The men who followed this impulse were called "as- 
 cetics." When Christianity became the religion of the 
 empire, the reason for this mode of life changed some- 
 what. Now it was thought to be the one means of ob- 
 taining a higher kind of goodness; it was a method of 
 reaching perfection of character. Soon such persons, 
 who had fled from the world, found that they could better 
 gain these ends by living together in secluded commu- 
 nities. Men and women had separate establishments; 
 they were called "monks" and "nuns" respectively.* 
 All the church leaders praised and encouraged this mode 
 of life and it soon became immensely popular. Jerome 
 fervently preached and rigorously practised the monastic 
 life and succeeded in inducing many wealthy and noble 
 women to take it up. Such persons refused to marry, de- 
 voted their wealth to charity, ate coarse and scanty food 
 and dressed in the simplest way. Jerome went so far 
 as to denounce the study of heathen literature, even the 
 Augustine, noblcst works of antiquity. The greatest of the Chris- 
 tian leaders of the age was Augustine, bishop of Hippo 
 in Africa (a.d. 354-430). Trained in the best culture of 
 the day, he devoted his powerful mind to the defence 
 and upbuilding of orthodox Christianity. He wrote in- 
 numerable books, the greatest of which was The City of 
 God. This book was inspired by the capture of Rome by 
 Alaric (§ 570), and compared the splendid city of the 
 empire, now fallen, with the true spiritual capital of 
 
 * The words "monk," "monastery" and "monasticism" come from 
 the Greek word monos, meaning "alone," "separate." 
 
Power of the Pope 515 
 
 mankind, the Christian church. Its eloquence and its 
 logic, its splendid survey of the past, and its prophetic 
 insight into the future have given this work a place among 
 the classics of all time. 
 
 584. Increased Importance of the Roman Church. — 
 In the general progress of the church especial promi- 
 nence was secured to the church and bishop of Rome. 
 In the troubles that fell upon Italy this church was fore- 
 most in asserting the power of Christianity and in repre- 
 senting its spirit. Its bishops were the friends and 
 helpers of the oppressed, the fearless opponents of in- 
 justice and cruelty. They also secured recognition for 
 their own claims to superior position among Christian 
 churches (§555). Leo I, the Great (a.d. 440-461), Leo the 
 obtained an imperial decree (a.d. 445) commanding all ^"^'' 
 the bishops of the west to recognize the supreme head- 
 ship of the Roman bishop and to receive his word as law. 
 It is true that a little later a church council declared that Spiritual 
 the bishop of Constantinople was the equal of the Ro- "*^°"'y 
 man and that both were to be superior to all others. 
 But, as the western church, now slowly separating from 
 the eastern, refused to accept this ruling, the Roman su- 
 premacy was established. It has been well said that with 
 Leo (§ 570) the history of the papacy began. The Roman 
 bishop became "pope" of the church in the west with the 
 claim to be the head of all Christendom. Likewise, as an Temporal 
 imperial official, he had authority over the territory about ^°^^''- 
 Rome, and this he exercised to its fullest extent during the 
 dark years of the fifth century. He " watched over the 
 election of the city officials and directed in what manner 
 the public money should be spent. He had to manage 
 and defend the great tracts of land in different parts of 
 
516 
 
 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 Gregory 
 the Great. 
 
 Boniface. 
 
 Italy which, from time to time, had been given to the 
 bishopric of Rome. He negotiated with the Germans 
 and even directed the generals sent against them." * 
 Thus, as the empire declined, his power grew in two 
 directions: (i) in spiritual headship over western Chris- 
 tendom; (2) in worldly, or temporal, authority over 
 parts of the empire. 
 
 585. Conversion of the Barbarians. — As leader of 
 western Christendom the papacy entered upon the most 
 important task of winning the barbarians for the true 
 faith. Some of these peoples were already Christians, 
 although in the Arian form (§ 567). Others were still 
 pagan. In the work of conversion the popes employed 
 the monks, whose freedom from family ties and zeal 
 for the Gospel made them admirable instruments for 
 this purpose. The leading spirit in this movement was 
 Pope Gregory I (a.d. 590-604), to whom is due the send- 
 ing of a missionary monk to England. Its result was not 
 merely conversion of the Angles and Saxons who had 
 entered and occupied the land, but their acceptance of 
 the primacy of the pope. Another famous missionary 
 whom the popes sent out was Boniface (a.d. 718), through 
 whose labors the Germans across the Rhine were con- 
 verted and churches organized among them. 
 
 586. The Franks and the Faith.— The Franks, how- 
 ever, were to prove the most potent allies of the popes in 
 their progress toward headship in the west. Clovis em- 
 braced orthodox Christianity on the occasion of his vic- 
 tory over the Alamanni (§ 580), and ranged his people 
 on the side of the papacy. Christianity flourished ex- 
 ceedingly among them, although the purity of life among 
 
 * Robinson, History of Western Europe, p. 52. 
 
Pope and Franks 517 
 
 the priests and bishops was not on a par with that of the 
 doctrine. When, however, Boniface, having completed 
 his, labors among the Germans, sought to reform the 
 Frankish church, he found a helper in Charles Martel. 
 The decisive step was taken in a.d. 748, seven years after Acceptance 
 this king's death, when the bishops of Gaul agreed to supremacy, 
 uphold the orthodox faith and obey the commands of 
 the pope at Rome. Thus the strongest force in the new 
 world was won for Christ and the Roman church. 
 Henceforth the history of the Franks and the papacy were 
 inseparably connected. 
 
 When Charles Martel died, his mayorial power was 
 handed on to his sons, Carloman and Pippin. The 
 former soon retired to a monastery, leaving Pippin alone 
 in the office. "Deeming that the time was now ripe, 
 Pippin laid his plans for obtaining the royal title. He 
 sent an embassy to Rome to ask Pope Zacharias who 
 should be king; the one who had the title without the 
 power, or the one who had the power without the title. 
 The pope, who was looking abroad for an ally, replied Pippin, 
 that it seemed to him that the one who had the power the°Fr°anks. 
 should also be king; and acting on this, Pippin called an 
 assembly of his nobles at Soissons (a.d. 751), deposed the 
 last phantom king of the older line, and was himself 
 elected and anointed king." * 
 
 587. The Lombards.— This alliance between Roman 
 pope and Frankish king soon had practical results. The 
 pope found his temporal authority (§ 584) threatened by 
 the Lombards. This people had entered Italy soon 
 after the Ostrogoths had been overcome by the Emperor 
 Justinian. By a.d. 568 they were in possession of north 
 
 * Thatcher and Schwill, .1 General History of Europe, p. 47. 
 
518 
 
 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 Emperor. 
 
 Italy with their capital at Pavia. Then, in separate 
 bands, they spread southward, settling here and there, 
 conquering large parts; only Ravenna, the seat of ,the 
 emperor's representative, the exarch, and the district 
 about Rome were able to maintain themselves. When, 
 however, the Lombards united under a king, the pope 
 The Pope's fouud himsclf hard pressed. He appealed to his over- 
 th^e'^Eastern lord and natural protector, the Emperor Leo, the Isau- 
 rian (a.d. 717-740), in the east. But the latter had intro- 
 duced a violent controversy into his realm by command- 
 ing the removal from Christian churches of all images as 
 tending to encourage idolatry. His violence in enforcing 
 this command gained him the name of Iconoclast 
 ("Image-breaker"). The pope refused to obey the de- 
 cree and was supported by the western churches. Thus 
 the fellowship between the two was broken off and no 
 help came from the east. The pope turned to the west 
 and appealed to Pippin to deliver him. "Pippin made 
 two campaigns into Italy and compelled the Lombards to 
 cede to the pope a strip of territory which lay to the south 
 of them (a.d. 755). This marks the beginning of the 
 temporal sovereignty of the pope. He was freed from the 
 eastern emperor, and recognized as the political as well 
 as the ecclesiastical ruler of Rome and its surrounding 
 territory, under the overlordship of Pippin, who had the 
 title of Patricius." * The Lombards were made tribu- 
 tary to the Prankish king. 
 
 588. Accession of Charlemagne. — His two sons. Carlo- 
 man and Carl, succeeded to the kingdom on Pippin's 
 death (a.d. 768). The former's early death left Carl 
 sole king. He is the first prominent figure of the times 
 
 * Thatcher and Schwill, A General History of Europe, p. 130. 
 
 Pippin His 
 Savior. 
 
Pope and Charlemagne 519 
 
 of whom we know something distinct and detailed. The 
 reason for this is not far to seek. With him the old world 
 passed away and the new world stepped into its place. 
 To later ages he was Carl the Great, Carolus Magnus, 
 whence the common form, Charlemagne. His personal 
 appearance is described to us by his contemporaries. 
 
 589. Appearance of Charlemagne. — Wecopytheadmirableconden- 
 sation of this description made by Robinson: "He was tall and stoutly 
 built: his face was round, his eyes were large and keen, his nose 
 somewhat above the common size, his expression bright and cheerful. 
 Whether he stood or sat, his form was full of dignity; for the good 
 proportion and grace of his body prevented the observer from 
 noticing that his neck was rather short and his person somewhat too 
 stout. . . . His step was firm and his aspect manly; his voice was 
 clear but rather weak for so large a body. He was active in all 
 bodily exercises, delighted in riding and hunting, and was an expert 
 swimmer. His excellent health and his physical alertness and en- 
 durance can alone explain the astonishing swiftness with which he 
 moved about his vast realm and conducted innumerable campaigns 
 in widely distant regions in startlingly rapid succession." 
 
 590. His Relations with the Pope. — With the details 
 of the organizing activity of Charlemagne or with the 
 way in which he corrected and expanded the frontiers of 
 his empire, the student of ancient history does not need to 
 acquaint himself. The king's relations to Italy and the 
 pope alone require attention. A noteworthy feature in 
 this connection is the conquest and Christianizing of the 
 Saxons. The troubles of the papacy with the Lombards 
 continued in his time, until, on the appeal of the pope, 
 he entered Italy, conquered the Lombards, made himself 
 their king (a.d. 774) and restored to the pope his terri- 
 tories. When a party in Rome sought to deprive Pope 
 Leo III of his temporal authority and drove him from 
 
520 End of the Ancient Period 
 
 the city, he again appealed to Charlemagne, who rein- 
 stated him.- A service of thanksgiving was held in St. 
 Peter's Church on Christmas Day, a.d. 800, at which 
 Charlemagne was present. While the king was kneeling 
 before the altar, the pope placed upon his head the im- 
 perial crown and hailed him "Emperor of the Romans." 
 
 591. Crowning of Charlemague. — A Prankish chronicle 
 gives the following reasons for this act which seems to 
 have taken Charlemagne by surprise. 
 
 "The name of emperor had ceased among the Greeks, for they 
 were enduring the reign of a woman [Irene], wherefore it seemed 
 good both to Leo, the apostolic pope, and to the holy fathers [the 
 bishops] who were in council with him, and to all Christian men, 
 that they should name Charles, king ' of the Franks, as emperor. 
 For he held Rome itself, where the ancient Caesars had always dwelt, 
 in addition to all his other possessions in Italy, Gaul and Germany. 
 Wherefore, as God had granted him all these dominions, it seemed 
 just to all that he should take the title of emperor, too, when it 
 was offered to him at the wish of all Christendom." 
 
 592. What This Act Means. — This assumption of the 
 imperial title by Charlemagne has two aspects, (i) In 
 one sense it is only a continuation of the past. The 
 years of confusion in the west were over and a well- 
 ordered state came into existence, embracing in its unity 
 the old imperial provinces, and ruling in the name of 
 Rome, a name hallowed by centuries of splendid history. 
 So it was looked upon at the time. Charlemagne was 
 regarded as a successor of the line of eastern emperors.* 
 But (2) in a more important sense it was entirely new. 
 A new race, a barbarian people, upheld the imperial 
 
 * The Empress Irene was on the throne, and it was regarded as a 
 disgrace that the imperial seat should be occupied by a woman. 
 
A New Era 521 
 
 throne and were represented in its occupant. The old 
 Roman blood and institutions were swallowed up in the 
 Teutonic. Even more significant is the union of this 
 new imperial people with the Christian church. More- 
 over, in the east the Semitic 'Arabs, inspired with zeal 
 " for a new faith, had forced back almost to the walls of 
 Constantinople the eastern empire, now shorn of its an- 
 cient strength. Such a breaking up of the past institu- a New Era. 
 tions and such a combination of new historical forces 
 introduces us to a new order and indicates that the an- 
 cient world has passed away and another world is rising 
 on its ruins. 
 
 REVIEW EXERCISES, i. What do Alaric, Attila, Gaiseric, 
 Theodoric, Clovis stand for? 2. Why are the following im- 
 portant: Catalaunian Fields, Code of Justinian, exarch. 
 Tours? 3. What has rendered the following famous : Jerome, 
 Charles Martel, Gregory, Justinian, Stilicho, Augustine? 4. 
 What is the date of the fall of the Western Empire, of the 
 death of Mohammed, of the battle of Tours^ of the crowning 
 of Charlemagne? 
 
 COMPARATIVE STUDIES, i. Compare Charlemagne and Con- 
 stantine. 2. Compare the origin and growth of Mohamme- 
 danism and of Christianity. 3. In what was the relation of 
 the barbarians to the empire like that of Philip of Macedon 
 to the Greeks (§§ 272, 27S, 279)? 4. Compare the rise of the 
 Franks with the rise of the Roman state. 
 
 SELECT LIST FOR READING, i, Julian, the Last of Constan- 
 tine's House. Jones, pp. 403-40S. 2, The Arian Controversy. 
 Jones, pp. 409-417. 3, The Invasions of the Empire. Jones, 
 pp. 420-424, 429-434 4, The Barbarians as Makers of History. 
 Boniface, Jones, pp. 436-438; Attila, Jones, pp. 440-443; Ricimer 
 and Odovacar, Jones, pp. 444-446. 5, The Decay of the Mid- 
 dle Class, Dill, Last Century of the Western Empire, pp. 245- 
 281. 6, Roman Feeling about Barbarian Invasions. Dill, 
 pp. 303-345. 7. Relations of Romans and Invaders. Dill, pp. 
 346-382. 
 
52!^ E7id of the Ancient Period 
 
 TOPICS FOR READING AND ORAL REPORT, i. The Ger- 
 mans and Their Culture. Laing, pp. 401-409 (source); Seigno- 
 bos, pp. 440, 441; Botsford, pp. 293-296. 2. The Visigoths and 
 Alaric. Seignobos, pp. 421-425, 442; Gibbon, pp. 226-238; Bots- 
 ford, pp. 297-303. 3. The Ostrogoths and Theodoric. Botsford, 
 pp. 312-315; Seignobos, pp. 444-446. 4. The Vandals and 
 Gaiseric. Botsford, pp. 303-306; Seignobos, pp. 429, 442. 5. ■ 
 The Conquest of Britain. Botsford, pp. 321-322. 6. The Huns 
 and Attila, Merivale, pp. 648-651; Seignobos, pp. 427-429; Gib- 
 bon, pp. 200-203, 251-263. 7. The Lombards. Gibbon, pp. 
 378-383; Botsford, pp. 319-321; Seignobos, pp. 446-447. 8. 
 Theodoric. Gibbon, ch. 19. 9. Justinian and the Eastern 
 Empire. Gibbon, chs. 20-22; Seignobos, pp. 449-456. 10. The 
 Decay of Society — Causes and Course. Seignobos, pp. 432-438. 
 II. The Fathers of the Church. Morey, p. 324. 12. Rise of 
 the Roman Church. Gibbon, pp. 383-384; Seignobos, pp. 460- 
 465. 13. The Iconoclasts. Gibbon, pp. 428-432. 14. Monas- 
 ticism. Seignobos, pp. 465-467. 15. Mohammed. Gibbon, 
 pp. 451-465; Seignobos, pp. 467-471. 16. The Victories of 
 Mohammedanism. Gibbon, pp. 465-483; Seignobos, pp. 471- 
 475. 17. The Rise of the Franks. Seignobos, pp. 443-444; 
 Botsford, pp. 322-328; Gibbon, pp. 274-277. 18. Charlemagne. 
 Seignobos, pp. 479-4S5; Botsford, pp. 328-331. 
 
 GENERAL REVIEW OF PART III, DIVISIONS 7=9 
 
 44 B.c.-.\.n. 800 
 
 TOPICS FOR CLASS DISCUSSION, i. Follow the different 
 steps in the relation of the emperor to the institutions of the 
 republic (§§ 483, 484, 496, 506, 512, 515, 536, 546, 549, 556, 557). 
 2. Progress in the administrative organization of the empire 
 (§§ 507, 537, 539, 546, 556, 576). 3- External causes tending 
 to weaken the empire (§§ 487, 53S, 552, 553, 570, 573, 577). 
 4. Internal causes tending to weaken the empire (§§ 496, 498, 
 499, 523, 539, 551, 560, 568, 571). 5. The problem of the suc- 
 cession in its various stages (§§ 499, 512, 536, 546, 556). 
 6. Stages in the organization of Christianity (§§ 527, 545^ 
 555, 567, 568, 583, 584). 7. Important dates in the history 
 of the empire. 8. A chronological list of the invasions of 
 the barbarians. 9. Trace the gradual separation of the em- 
 pire into an eastern and a western part (§§ 556, 562, 564, 565, 
 567, 570, 571, 576, 584, 586, 587.) 
 
General Review 5i23 
 
 PICTURE EXERCISES, i. With Plate XXV before you, compare 
 the figures and note differences of artistic and historical im- 
 portance. 2. On Plates XXVII and XXVIII compare coins 6 
 and 8 with coins g and 14. What important differences are 
 seen? 3. Compare coins 11 and 13. Bearing in mind whose 
 coins these are, what historical conclusions can you draw? 4. 
 Compare Plates XXXVIII and XL to register the advance or 
 decline in artistic character. 5. Why have Plates XX and XL 
 decided differences in subject and style? 6. On Plate XXX 
 study head 6; does this style suit the man? How? 7. Why 
 are the illustrations of Plates XXXVI, XXXVII and XXXIX 
 characteristic of Rome? 8. What does Plate XXXIII tell us 
 of Roman life in the first century a.d.? 9. Find other pictures 
 like Plate XXXI. 10. Wherein does Plate XXXIV differ from 
 Plate XIX. 
 
 SUBJECTS FOR WRITTEN PAPERS, i. The City of Rome 
 under the Empire. Merivale, ch. 79. 2. The Persecutions 
 of the Christians. Munro, pp. 164-176 (sources); Univ. of Pa. 
 Translations, Vol. IV, No. i; Gibbon, ch. 9; Seignobos, pp. 366- 
 372. 3. The History of Roman Law. Gibbon, ch. 23. 4. 
 Rome in Juvenal's Time from His Own Report. Laing, pp. 
 433-449 (translation). 5. What the German Gave to the Roman 
 and Received from Him. See Select List § 592. 6. An Account 
 of the Parthian Kingdom, Its History and Relations to Rome. 
 Encyclopedia Britannica, Article. "Persia" (the part dealing witli 
 Parthia). 7. A Letter from Pliny to Tacitus Describing His 
 Own Life and Activities, Interests, Pleasures, etc. Laing, pp. 
 451-471 (contains translations of Pliny's letters); The Atlantic, June, 
 1886; Thomas, Roman Life under the Caesars, ch. 14. 8. The Gifts 
 of Rome to Human Civilization. Morey, ch. 30. 9. An Ac- 
 count of the Historical Event Suggested by Plate XXXIII. 
 
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE 
 
 The Orient 
 
 B.C. 
 
 ?298o-2475. Old Egyptian Kingdom (Capital at Memphis) : Khufu and 
 the Pyramids; rise of Thebes. 
 
 ?2i6o-i788. Middle Egyptian Kingdom (Capital at Thebes): feudal 
 organization; Nubia subdued; contact with Crete; internal im- 
 provements; coming of the Hyksos. 
 
 ?25oo. Sargon of Accad. 
 
 ?i95o. Hammurabi of Babylon; old Babylonian Empire; code of Lawc. 
 
 1580-1150. Egyptian (New) Empire (Capital mostly at Thebes): the 
 eighteenth dynasty; campaigns in Asia; first great empire in 
 history; commerce with Babylonia, Syria, ^Egean; Egyptian 
 remains in Crete and Mycenae; Seti I (conflicts with the Hit- 
 tites); Ramses II (wars with the Hittites); great hall at Kar- 
 nak completed; decadence. 
 
 745-727. Tiglathpileser III makes Assyria first power of ancient world. 
 
 722-705. Sargon II: Assyria at its height; captivity of Israelites. 
 
 705-626. Sennacherib, Esarhaddon, Ashurbanipal: Capital at Nineveh; 
 brilliant age of Assyria; cruel wars. 
 
 606. Assyrian Empire ends with destruction of Nineveh. 
 
 605-562. Nebuchadrezzar (Chaldean or New Babylonian Empire); 
 building of temples; fortifications; palaces. Babylonian cap- 
 tivity of the Jews. 
 
 539. Babylon becomes Persian province under Cyrus. 
 
 ^GEAN District 
 ?2ooo-i35o. Bloom-time of Cretan Age. 
 1 500-11 50. Mycenaean civilization at its best. 
 1000-700. Epic Age. 
 776. First Olympiad. 
 750-550 (about). Period of colonization. 
 750-650 (about). Period of the nobles at Athens. 
 700-500 (about). Cultural development; lyric poetry and philosophy. 
 683. Yearly archons at Athens. 
 650-594. Period of the heavy-armed at Athens. 
 624 (about). Codification of Draco. 
 594. Reforms of Solon. 
 560-510. Pisistratid tyranny. 
 
 524 
 
Chronological Table 5^5 
 
 550. Sparta supreme in the Peloponnesus. 
 508. Reforms of Cleisthenes. 
 
 Relations with Persia and Carthage, 500-479 
 499-494. Ionic revolt: Sardis, Lade, Miletus. 
 492. First Persian attack under Mardonius. 
 
 490. Second Persian attack under Datis and Artaphernes (Marathon). 
 487. Choice of archons at Athens by lot. 
 480. Third Persian attack under Xerxes (Thermopylae, Artemisium; 
 
 Athenians withdraw from Athens; Salamis). 
 480. Himera (Gelon and the Carthaginians). 
 479. Campaign of Mardonius (Platsea); Mycale. 
 
 The Supremacy of Athens, 479-431 
 477-454. Delian Confederacy. 
 474. Hieron defeats Etruscans off Cumae. 
 462. Cimon goes to help Sparta against the Helots; decline of the 
 
 Areopagus. 
 459-445. Athenian Land League: Tanagra; (Enophyta; The Thirty 
 
 Years' Truce (445). 
 445-431. Golden Age of Athens under Pericles: the bloom of art and 
 
 literature. 
 
 The Peloponnesian War, 431-404 
 A. The Archidamian War, 431-421. 
 
 429. Death of Pericles (rise of Cleon). 
 
 427. Revolt of Lesbos; surrender of Platffia. 
 
 425. Pylos (peace negotiations). 
 
 424. Brasidas and the Chalcidice; Delium. 
 
 422.. Amphipohs: death of Brasidas and Cleon. 
 
 421, Peace of Nicias. 
 
 B. Period of the Sicilian Expedition, 421-413 
 418. Mantinea (Alcibiades and Nicias rivals at Athens). 
 416. Fall of Melos. 
 415-413. Sicilian expedition. 
 
 C. The Decelean War, 413-404 
 412. AlUance between Persia and Sparta; revolt of Chios, etc. 
 411. The Four Hundred at Athens (recall of Alcibiades). 
 410. Cyzicus (peace negotiations) . 
 407. Notium (retirement of Alcibiades). 
 
5^Q Chronological Table 
 
 406. Arginusas (peace negotiations and condemnation of Athenian gen- 
 erals). 
 405. ^gospotami. 
 
 404. Surrender of Athens and end of the war. 
 405-367. Dionysius I, tyrant of Syracuse. 
 
 The Supremacy of Sparta, 404-371 
 404-403. The Thirty at Athens. 
 401. Expedition of Cyrus (Cunaxa). 
 399-394. War between Sparta and Persia: Agesilaus and Conon 
 
 (Cnidus). 
 395-387. Corinthian War: Agesilaus and Iphicrates; peace of Antal- 
 
 cidas (387). 
 379. Liberation of Thebes (Pelopidas and Epaminondas). 
 371. Leuctra (end of the Spartan supremacy). 
 
 The Leadership of Thebes, 371-362 
 
 371-362. Theban invasions of the Peloponnesus; Pelopidas in Thessaly 
 
 and Macedonia. 
 3*62. Mantinea (death of Epaminondas and decline of Thebes). 
 
 The Period of Philip of Macedon, 362-336 
 
 357-355- Social War. 
 
 356-346. Sacred War: Philip and Demosthenes; peace of Philocrates 
 
 (346). 
 345-337. Timoleon of Syracuse. 
 338. Chaeronea (end of Greek freedom). 
 
 Alexander and the Persians, 336-323 
 336~323. Alexander the Great : Granicus (334); Issus (333); Tyre and 
 Alexandria (332); Arbela (331). 
 
 Hellenistic Period, 323-146 
 323-322. Lamian War (death of Demosthenes). 
 323-301. War of the Diadochi; Ipsus (301). 
 
 The Separate Kingdoms 
 (i) Egypt under the Ptolemies; Ptolemy I, Ptolemy II, Ptolemy 
 III. 
 
 (2) Syria under the Seleucidae: Seleucus Nikator, Antiochus III_ 
 
 (3) Asia Minor: kingdoms of Pergamon, Bithynia, Pontus; 
 Rhodes. 
 
Chronological Table 527 
 
 (4) Macedonia: the Antigoni. 
 
 (5) Greece. 
 
 289. Death of Agathocles of Syracuse. 
 
 280 (251). Achaean League (Aratus). 
 
 222. Macedonian supremacy restored (Cleomenes III). 
 
 196. Rome declares Greece free from Macedon. 
 
 146. Destruction of Corinth. 
 
 Roman History to the Samnite Wars, 753 (?)-343 (?) 
 753 (?). Founding of Rome. 
 
 510 (?). Establishment of the Republic: two consuls; two quaestors. 
 494 (?). First secession: two plebeian tribunes; two plebian asdiles. 
 451 (?)-449 (?). Decemvirate; twelve tables; second secession. 
 445 (?). Canuleian law. 
 
 444 (?). Military tribunes with consular power. 
 443 (?). Two censors. 
 396. Capture of Veil. 
 
 390. Sack of Rome by the Gauls (Allia River) , 
 367. Licinian laws; praetor; two curule aediles. 
 
 Conquest and Organization oe Italy, 343-264 
 343-341. First Samnite War. 
 340-338. Great Latin War. 
 
 326-304. Second Samnite War. (Caudine Forks, 321). 
 300. Valerian law. 
 
 298-290. Third Samnite War (Sentinum, 295). 
 287. Hortensian law. 
 
 281-272. War with Tarentura and Pyrrhus: Heraclea, Asculum, Ben- 
 eventum. 
 
 First Punic War, 264-241 
 260. Mylae. 
 
 256. Ecnomus (Regulus in Africa). 
 255-241. War in Sicily. 
 
 241. Agates Islands. Rome gains Sicily; Sardinia and Corsica (later). 
 225-222. Extension of Italy to the Alps. 
 
 Second Punic War, 218-201 
 218. Ticinus and Trebia. 
 217. Trasimenus. 
 216. Cannae; Hannibal gets new allies, but Syracuse and Capua are 
 
 recovered by Rome. 
 218-207. Constant war in Spain. 
 
528 Chronological Table 
 
 207. Metaurus (Hasdrubal). 
 
 202. Zama. Rome gains Hither and Farther Spain. 
 
 Conquest of the East, 201-133 . 
 
 200-197. Second Macedonian War (Cynoscephalae). 
 
 192-189. War with Antiochus III (Thermopylae and Magnesia). 
 
 1 71-168. Third Macedonian War (Pydna). 
 
 149-146. Third Punic War (Destruction of Carthage). 
 
 146. Destruction of Corinth. 
 
 146. Addition of Africa and Macedonia. 
 
 133. Addition of Asia. 
 
 133. Surrender of Numantia. 
 
 Decline of the Republic, 133-27 
 
 133. Reforms of Tiberius Gracchus. 
 
 123. Reforms of Gains Gracchus. 
 
 120 (about). Addition of Gallia Narbonensis. 
 
 111-105. Jugurthine War (Marius) . 
 
 102. Addition of Cilicia. 
 
 102. Marius defeats Teutons at Aquae Sextiae. 
 
 loi. Marius defeats Cimbri at Vercellae. 
 
 100. Insurrection of Saturninus and Glaucia (decline of Marius). 
 
 91. Attempted reforms of Drusus. 
 
 91-88. Social War (Sulla). 
 
 88. Sulpician laws. 
 
 88-84. First Mithridatic War (Cinna and Marius at Rome). 
 
 82-79. Sulla's dictatorship: proscriptions and constitution. 
 
 81. Gallia Cisalpina added. 
 
 79-72. Sertorian War in Spain. 
 
 73-71. War of the Gladiators (Spartacus). 
 
 70. Consulship of Pompey and Crassus (overthrow of Sulla's constitu- 
 tion) . 
 
 67. Pompey clears the sea of pirates (Gabinian law). 
 
 66-63. Pompey ends the third Mithridatic War (Manilian law). Prov- 
 inces added: Pontus and Bithynia, Syria, Cilicia (reorganized 
 and enlarged), Crete. 
 
 63. Consulship of Cicero (Conspiracy of CatiUne). 
 
 60. First Triumvirate (Pompey, Caesar, Crassus). 
 
 59. Consulship of Caesar. 
 
 58-51. Caesar's conquest of Gaul. 
 
 56. Conference of Luca. 
 
Chronological Table 529 
 
 52. Pompey "sole consul" (Clodius and Milo). 
 
 49-45. War between Caesar and the republicans: Dyrrachium, Phar- 
 
 salus [Zela], Thapsus, Munda; Caesar supreme. 
 44. Death of Caesar. 
 
 43. Second Triumvirate (Antony Octavian, Lepidus). 
 42. Battle of Philippi. 
 31. Battle of Actium. 
 
 The Roman Empire: Augustus to Theodosius 27 B.C.-395 a.d. 
 The Julian Ccesars 
 27 B.C.-14 A.D. Augustus: establishment of the principate; the bloom- 
 time of literature. 
 
 Provinces added: ^gypt, Moesia, Pannonia, Rhaetia, Noricum, 
 Galatia, Lusitania. 
 
 A.D. 
 
 14-37. Tiberius (Crucifixion of Christ). 
 37-41. Caligula. 
 
 Clajidian CcBsars 
 41-54. Claudius (Britain added). 
 54-68. Nero. 
 68-69. Disputed succession. 
 
 The Flavian Ccesars 
 69-79. Vespasian (Destruction of Jerusalem, 70). 
 79-81. Titus. 
 81-96. Domitian. 
 
 "The Five Good Emperors" 
 
 96-98. Nerva. 
 
 98-117. Trajan. Provinces added: Arabia, Dacia, Armenia, Mesopo- 
 tamia, Assyria. 
 1 1 7-138. Hadrian. 
 138-161. Antoninus Pius. 
 161-180. Marcus Aurelius. 
 
 Later Emperors 
 211-217. Caracalla (all freemen become Roman citizens). 
 270-275. Aurehan (new wall). 
 284-305. Diocletian (Absolutism). 
 313. Edict of Milan. 
 
530 Chronological Table 
 
 323-337. Constantine sole emperor (further reorganization and council 
 
 of NicEea, 325). 
 378. Adrianople (Visigoths). 
 395, Final division of the empire (Theodosius). 
 
 Period of Transition, 395-800 a.d. 
 410 and 455. Sack of Rome by the Visigoths (Alaric, 410); by the Van- 
 dals (Gaiseric, 455). 
 451. Chalons (Attila and the Huns). 
 476. Odovacar (end of Western Empire). 
 493. Theodoric (the Ostrogoths) conquers Odovacar. 
 496. Clovis becomes an orthodox Christian (the Franks). 
 527-565. Justinian (codification of the law). 
 622. Hegira of Mohammed. 
 732. Tours (Martel and the Arabs). 
 800. Charlemagne crowned emperor in the west. 
 
APPENDIX I 
 
 BIBLIOGRAPHY FOR ADVANCED STUDENTS AND 
 TEACHERS 
 
 I. GENERAL WORKS 
 
 Andrews and Gambrill. Bibliography of History for Schools and 
 Libraries. Longmans. 
 
 BONHAM, Andrews and Others (New England History Teachers 
 Association). Catalogue of Collection of Historical Materials. 
 Houghton, Mifflin Co. Information as to maps, charts, pictures, 
 models and other aids to visualizing history. 
 
 Cunningham. Western Civilization in Its Economic Aspects: Ancient 
 Times. ■ Cambridge Univ. Press. Uniquely valuable for its point 
 of view, which is ordinarily overlooked. Covers with special ful- 
 ness the classical period. 
 
 Foster, Gushing and Others (New England History Teachers Asso- 
 ciation). History Syllabus for Secondary Schools. Heath. An ex- 
 cellent bibliographical aid for teachers. Also useful for class work. 
 
 Harpers. Dictionary of Classical Antiquity. Harper and Bros. 
 
 Hazen, Bourne and Others. Historical Sources in Schools. Mac- 
 millan. 
 
 Helmolt. History of the World. Vol. Ill, Western Asia and Egypt; 
 Vol. IV, The Mediterranean Countries. Dodd, Mead and Co. The 
 most recent and best of the great general histories. 
 
 Murray's Classical Atlas. For Schools. Edited by G. B. Grundy. 
 - London: Murray. Is the most artistic and accurate school atlas 
 published. 
 
 Sanborn's Classical Atlas. Edited by J. K. Lord. Boston: Sanborn 
 and Co. A close rival of the Grundy-Murray work. 
 
 Seyffart. Dictionary of Classical Antiquity. Ed. Nettleship and 
 Sandys. Macmillan. 
 
 Tozer. Classical Geography (Literature Primers). American Book Co. 
 
 II. THE EASTERN EMPIRES 
 
 Encyclopedia Biblica, edited by Cheyne and Black. 4 vols. Macmillan 
 Dictionary of the Bible, edited by J. Hastings. 4 vols. Scribners. 
 
 These latest Bible dictionaries have elaborate and valuable arti- 
 cles and maps dealing with the ancient oriental peoples. 
 531 
 
532 Appendix I 
 
 Harper. Assyriayi and Babylonian Literature. Appletons. A useful 
 collection of accurate translations from these ancient documents. 
 
 Jackson. Zoroaster. Macmillan. The best account of the founder 
 of the Persian religion. 
 
 Jastrow. The Religion of Babylonia and Assyria. Ginn and Co. 
 The standard treatise on this subject. 
 
 McCuRDY. History, Prophecy and the Monuments. 3 vols. Mac- 
 millan. An elaborate survey of the oriental vs^orld from the Hebrew^s 
 as a centre. Learned and instructive. 
 
 Maspero. History of the Ancient East. i. The Dawn of Civilization. 
 2. The Struggle of the Nations. 3. The Passing of the Empires. 
 3 vols. Appletons. A most elaborate work by an excellent scholar. 
 Full of illustrations. Costly but of great usefulness for school study. 
 
 Myres. The Dawn of History. (Home Univ. Library.) Henry Holt 
 and Co. Especially valuable for the relations established betweer> 
 the land and the people. 
 
 Paton. The Early History of Syria and Palestine. Scribners. An 
 admirable little book, well constructed and accurate. 
 
 Perrot and Chipiez. History of Art in Ancient Egypt. 2 vols. His- 
 tory of Art in Ancient Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. Dodd, 
 Mead and Co. These are the best works on ancient oriental art, 
 fully illustrated. They are costly, but fully repay constant con- 
 sultation. The same is true of the other works of these authors. 
 
 Rawlinson. The Five Great Monarchies of the A ncient Eastern World. 
 3 vols. Scribners. Always entertaining and useful, but now largely 
 antiquated by the advance of knowledge. 
 
 Records of the Past First Series, 12 vols. Second Series, 6 vols. (New 
 York: Pott.) Translations from Egyptian and Babylonian-Assyrian 
 documents by various hands. An excellent series. 
 
 Rogers. History of Babylonia and Assyria. 2 vols. Eaton and 
 Mains. Besides a good historical survey the book has an elaborate 
 introduction dealing with the history of excavation and the decipher- 
 ment of inscriptions. 
 
 Steindorff. The Religion of Ancient Egypt. Putnams. An excellent 
 survey by a competent scholar. 
 
 III. THE GREEK STATES 
 
 ^SCHYLUS. Translated by Plumptre. D. C. Heath and Co. 
 Aristophanes. Translated by Frere ("Acharnians," "Knights," 
 
 "Birds," in Morley's Universal Library). Routledge. 5 vols. 
 Aristotle. On the Constitution of Athens. Translated by Kenyon. 
 
 Macmillan. Politics. Translated by Welldon. Macmillan. 
 
Appeiidix I 533 
 
 Becker. Charides. Longmans. This time-honored scholastic tale 
 of ancient Greece is still useful for reference. 
 
 Bevan. The House of Seleuciis. 2 vols. Arnold. A well-written, de- 
 tailed history of the Seleucid empire. 
 
 Blumner. Home Life of the Ancient Greeks. Cassell. 
 
 Bury. The Ancient Greek Historians. Macmillan. The best critical 
 appreciation of the less-well-known as well as the famous Greek 
 historians. For teachers. 
 
 CuRTius. History of Greece. 5 vols. Scribners. See Holm. 
 
 Davidson. Education of the Greek People. Appletons. 
 
 Demosthenes. 5 vols. Translated by Kennedy. Macmillan. On 
 the Crown. Translated by Collier. Longmans. 
 
 Dickinson. The Greek View of Life. New Edition. Doubleday, 
 Page and Co. Singularly clear, interesting and instructive. 
 
 DiEHL. Excursions in Greece. Gravel. 
 
 DuRUY. History of Greece. Dana, Estes and Co. Profusely illus- 
 trated and written with French clearness and grace. Not, however, 
 the work of a great scholar. 
 
 Euripides. Translated into prose by Coleridge. Bell. In verse by 
 Way. Macmillan. 
 
 Freeman. History of Federal Government. Macmillan. One of Free- 
 man's best works. Deals in great detail with the Achaean and 
 ^tolian leagues. 
 
 Gardner, E. A. Ancient Athens. Macmillan. The work of an ex- 
 pert in Greek art and archaeology. 
 " A Hand-hook of Greek Sculpture. Macmillan. 
 
 Grant. Greece in the Age of Pericles. Scribners. 
 
 GuLiCK. Life of the Ancient Greeks. Appletons. 
 
 Ha WES. Crete, the Forerunner of Greece. Harpers. 
 
 Herodotus. Translated by Rawlinson, edited by Grant. 2 vols. 
 Scribners. 
 
 Hogarth. Ionia and the East. Clarendon Press. Lectures on the 
 oriental background of Homer. 
 " Philip and Alexander of Macedon. Scribners. A stirring 
 
 exposition of the ideals and achievements of these heroes. 
 Especially appreciative of Philip. 
 
 Holm. History of Greece. 4 vols. Macmillan. See Curtius. Curtius 
 and Holm are very different in point of view and treatment. Cur- 
 tius emphasizes the esthetic; Holm the political. Curtius is the 
 more interesting; Holm is more recent and hence more accurate 
 and satisfactory. 
 
534 Appendioc I 
 
 Homer. Iliad. Translated by Lang, Leaf and Myers. Odyssey. 
 
 Translated by Butcher and Lang. Macmillan. Excellent prose 
 
 versions. 
 Jebb. Classical Greek Poetry. Houghton, Mifflin Co. 
 Mahaffy. Social Life in Greece. Macmillan. 
 
 " Greek Life and Thought from Alexander to the Roman Con- 
 
 quest. Macmillan. 
 
 " The Silver Age of the Greek World. Chicago Univ. Press. 
 
 Largely a reprint of Mahaffy's Greek World under Ro- 
 man Sway. 
 
 " The Ptolemaic Dynasty. Vol. 4 of Petrie's History of 
 
 Egypt. Scribners. 
 Mahaffy's books are stimulating, full of learning, sometimes rather 
 
 opinionated. 
 Murray, G. The Rise of the Greek Epic. New Edition. Clarendon 
 
 Press. A brilliant work on the Homeric question. 
 Perrot and Chipiez. History of Art in Primitive Greece. 2 vols. 
 
 Practically a discussion of Mycenaean Civilization. 
 Plato. Socrates. A translation of the Apology, Crito and Parts of the 
 
 Phaedo of Plato. Scribners. 
 Schuckardt. Schliemann's Excavations. Macmillan. 
 Sophocles. Antigone. Prose translation by G.H. Palmer. Houghton, 
 
 MifHin and Co. Works. In Prose, translated by Coleridge. Bell. 
 Symonds. Studies in the Greek Poets. Macmillan. 
 Thucydides. Translated by Jowett. Clarendon Press. 
 Tsountas and Man ATT. The Mycenaan Age. Houghton, Mifflin 
 
 Co. A thorough discussion of recent discoveries in primitive 
 
 Greece (up to 1897). 
 Wheeler. Alexander the Great. Putnams. The best life of Alexan- 
 der. Well illustrated. 
 Xenophon. Works. Translated by Dakyns. Macmillan. These are 
 
 the best translations, but in the Bohn series others may be obtained 
 
 at less expense. 
 
 IV. THE EMPIRE OF ROME 
 
 Abbott. The Common People of Anciettt Rome. Scribners. A good 
 treatment of a series of related topics, such as "Diocletian's Edict 
 and the Cost of Living," "Corporations," "A Roman Politician." 
 
 Anderson and Spiers. The Architecture of Greece and Rome. Bots- 
 ford. The best volume on this subject. 
 
 Appian. Translated by White. 2 vols. Macmillan. 
 
Appendix I . 535 
 
 Arnold. Roman Provincial Administration. New Edition. Macmillan. 
 
 A standard authority. 
 Becker. Callus. Longmans. Of the same character as his Charicles. 
 BoTSFORD. The Roman Assemblies. Macmillan. A sober, well-informed, 
 
 detailed treatment. 
 Bryce. The Holy Roman Empire. Macmillan. Of great value for 
 
 the closing epoch of Ancient History. 
 Bury. The Later Roman Empire. 3 vols. Macmillan. 
 Carter. The Religious Life of Ancient Rome. Houghton, Mifflin Co. 
 A study in the development of religious consciousness from the founda- 
 tion of the city until the death of Gregory the Great. 
 Cicero. Letters. Translated by Shuckburgh. Bohn. 
 
 " Works. Translated in Bohn's Library. 
 
 CuMONT. The Oriental Religions in Roman Paganism. Open Court 
 
 Publication Co. A fascinating narrative of a great movement. 
 Davis, W. S. Influence of Wealth in Imperial Rome. Macmillan. 
 
 Graphic. 
 Duff. Literary History of Rome. Scribners. 
 Duruy. History of Rome. 8 vols. Dana Estes and Co. Of the 
 
 same character as his History of Greece. 
 Ferrero. The Greatness and Decline of Rome. Putnams. 5 vols. 
 The Women of the Ctpsars. Century Co. Clever, with many of the 
 qualities of the historical novel; not dependable, however. 
 Firth. Augustus Casar. Putnams. Useful. 
 Fowler. CcEsar. Putnams. 
 
 An excellent volume in the series "Heroes of the Nations." 
 *■ The Religious Experience of the Roman People. Macmillan. 
 
 From the earliest times to the age of Augustus. 
 " Roman Festivals. Macmillan. 
 
 Friedlander. Roman Life and Manners under the Early Empire. 
 Translated by Magnus and Freese. 3 vols. Dutton 
 and Co. Has long been the standard work on the 
 subject. 
 " Toun Life in Ancient Italy. Translated by Waters. 
 
 Sanborn. Clear, concrete, picturesc[ue. 
 Gibbon. Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. Edited by Bury. 
 
 7 vols. Scribners. 
 CiREENlDGE. Roman Public Life. Macmillan. Fuller than Abbott's 
 
 Roman Political Institutions; scholarly, valuable. 
 Greenidge. a History of Rome. Dutton. The best account of the 
 
 period from 133 to 105 B.C. 
 GuHL .'\ND KONER. Life of the Greeks and Romans. Scribners. 
 
536 Appendix I 
 
 GwATKiN. Early Church History to A.D. 313. Macmillan. 2 vols. 
 Heitland. The Roman Republic. 3 vols. Cambridge Univ. Press. A 
 
 recent English work, highly valuable for the period of the revolution. 
 Hill. Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins. Macmillan. 
 HoDGKiN. Italy and Her Invaders. 7 vols. Clarendon Press. 
 
 " Theodoric. Putnams. 
 
 " Charles the Great. Macmillan. 
 
 Horace. Translated by Martin. 2 vols. Scribners. Or, into prose 
 
 by Lonsdale and Lee. Macmillan. 
 Inge. Society in Rome under the CcEsars. Scribners. 
 Johnstone. Mohammed and His Power. Scribners. See Macdonald. 
 Juvenal. Translated by Gifford. Bohn. 
 
 Lanciani. Ancient Rome in the Light of Recent Discoveries. Hough- 
 ton, Mifflin and Co. 
 
 " Ruins and Excavations of Anciefit Rome. Houghton, 
 
 Mifflin and Co. 
 Lecky. History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne. 
 
 2 vols. Appletons. 
 LiVY. Translated by Spillan. 4 vols. Bohn. 
 Lucretius. Translated into prose by Munro. Bell. 
 Macdonald. Development of Muslim Theology, Jurisprudence and Con- 
 stitutional Theory, Scribners. Johnstone. Mohammed and His 
 
 Power. 
 
 The above two useful works in small compass cover the whole 
 
 field of Mohammedan history, life and thought. 
 Marcus Aurelius. Meditations. Translated with introduction by 
 
 Rendall. Macmillan. 
 Mau. Pompeii, Its Life and Art. Macmillan. The most authoritative 
 
 work on the subject. Well illustrated. 
 Merivale. History of the Romans under the Empire. 6 vols. Apple- 
 tons. From Augustus to the Antonines. Not a great work, but 
 
 clear, in full detail and interesting. 
 Mommsen, a History of Rome. 5 vols. Scribners. 
 
 " The Provinces of the Roman Empire. 2 vols. New Edi- 
 
 tion. Scribners. 
 These seven volumes" contain Vols 1-3 and 5 of the German 
 
 original. The fourth volume of the History, covering the period 
 
 from Julius Caesar to Augustus, was left unwritten. 
 Oman. Seven Roman Statesmen. Longmans. A good biographical 
 
 treatment of the revolutionary epoch. 
 Ovid. Translated by Riley. Bohn. 
 
Appendix I 537 
 
 Platner. Topography and Monuments of A iicicnt Rome. New Edition. 
 AUyn and Bacon. The best work in English on the subject. 
 
 Pliny, the Younger. Letters. Translated by Melmoth-Bosanquet. 
 Bohn. 
 
 PoLYBius. Translated by Shuckburgh. 2 vols. Macmillan. 
 
 Preston and Dodge. Private Life of the Romans. Leach. 
 
 Ramsay. The Church in the Roman Empire before A.D.i-jo. Putnams. 
 A stimulating discussion by an unusually competent scholar. 
 
 Sellar. Roman Poets of the Augustan Age. Clarendon Press. A 
 standard treatise on its theme. 
 
 Shuckburgh. Augustus. Fisher Un win. Has in an appendix a trans- 
 lation of the autobiography of Augustus. 
 
 Stanley. History of the Eastern Church. Scribners. Vivid pictures 
 of the relations of the Church and the Empire in the fourth and 
 fifth centuries. 
 
 Steachan-Davidson. Cicero. Putnams. Perhaps the fairest of the 
 biographies of the orator. 
 
 Strong. Roman Sculpture from Augustus to Constantine. Scribners. 
 The best work on the subject. Well illustrated. 
 
 Suetonius. Lives of the Twelve Ccesars. Translated by Thompson- 
 Forester. Macmillan. 
 
 Tacitus. Translated by Church and Brodribb. 2 vols. Macmillan. 
 
 Taylor. A Constitutional and Political History of Rome. Methuen. 
 Clear and accurate; somewhat old-fashioned. 
 
 Thomas. Roman Society under the Ccesars. Putnams. 
 
 Translations and Reprints from the Original Sources of European His- 
 tory, Department of History, University of Pennsylvania, \'ol. 5. 
 No. I. Monumentum Ancyranum, The Deeds of Augustus. Trans- 
 lated by Fairley. 
 
 Vergil. Translated into prose by Bryce. 2 vols. Bell. 
 
 WiCKHOFF. Roman Art. Macmillan. 
 
APPENDIX II 
 
 NOTES ON THE ILLUSTRATIONS 
 
 PLATE I. The Parthenon and its FRiEZE.^The attempt ■ 
 is made in this plate to reproduce the effect wrought by the use 
 of color on Greek temples. It is taken from Fenger's work on 
 the subject. We are looking at the northeast corner of the Par- 
 thenon. (See Plate XVII and § 205.) The top of the Doric 
 column is impressively shown. The sculptured "metopes" in 
 high rehef represent various scenes, the meaning of which is 
 doubtful. On the right side is a knight in battle array and a 
 combat between footmen. On the other side are female figures. 
 The refinement, coupled with vigor in the pose and execution of 
 the figures, should be marked. At the bottom of the plate the 
 portion of the frieze pictured is taken from that upon the east 
 side of the building. From the right the procession of maidens 
 bearing sacrificial vessels is advancing toward a group of men 
 conversing. These are presumably the archons of the city. To 
 the left, seated facing them, are the gods and goddesses. The 
 one farthest to the left has been identified with Poseidon, next 
 to him in order are Dionysus, Demeter (?), Aphrodite with Eros 
 at her knee. On the sculptures of the Parthenon, see Tarbell, 
 ch. 8, and Gardner, Ancient Athens, ch. 7. 
 
 PLATE II. Typical Oriental Heads.- — i. The portrait of 
 Hammurabi stands on a hmestone slab found near the site of 
 ancient Accad (§ 11). The king is in the attitude of adoration 
 with hands uphfted. Study the cap, the hair, and the beard as 
 illustrating the style of dress. 2. The head of Rameses II is 
 taken from his mummy now in the Museum at Cairo, Egypt. 
 The remarkable profile betokens a man of imperious character. 
 3. The head of Esarhaddon, the Assyrian, is from a stone tablet 
 found in Syria. The conical cap betokens royalty. The curled 
 beard and hair are characteristic of Assyrian-Babylonian style, 
 
 538 
 
Appendix II 539 
 
 and may be compared with those of head i. The king holds in 
 his upHfted hand an object which he is offering (?) to his god. 
 The Semitic type of face is evident. 4. The Syrian head is equally 
 Semitic. The thick shock of hair, bound with a fillet, and the 
 beard are characteristic of the Syrian in distinction from the 
 shaven Egyptian and the carefully barbered Assyrian. 5. The 
 head of the Philistine illustrates by its unlikeness to the features 
 of the other heads the non-Semitic character of this people. The 
 helmet or head-dress (of feathers?) is likewise peculiar. 6. The 
 Hittite is distinguishable from Semitic heads by nose and chin. 
 The hair hangs in a pigtail and the eyes are oblique, suggestive 
 of the Chinese. Heads 4, 5, and 6 are from Egyptian reliefs. 
 Observe that all of these heads are in profile. Why was this 
 characteristic of oriental art? See Tarbell, pp. 33, 38-42. 
 
 PLATE III. (a) The Sumerian Army in Action. — The pha- 
 lanx formation of the Sumerians is noteworthy. "The great, rec- 
 tangular, nail-studded shields, which protect the entire body, 
 form a wall, out of which issue the levelled spears of the front 
 lines. A helmet, probably of leather, with neck-guard, protects 
 the head." The king strides in front, boomerang-like sceptre 
 in hand (below he is about to hurl his spear). The machine 
 passes over the bodies of the slain enemy. Note the bird-like 
 heads of the Sumerian soldiers. 
 
 {h) Babylonian Cylinders. Round the surfaces of the cyl- 
 inders ran scenes such as those shown in the plate. They were 
 used to stamp documents (which were made of moist clay) with 
 a seal or a signature. The upper scene on the right comes from 
 the Gilgamesh Epos (§ 28). The scene in the same corner at the 
 bottom shows a lion hunt. Observe in others a god or goddess 
 standing on the back of a wild animal. Observe also the fond- 
 ness for monstrosities. 
 
 PLATE IV. Painting from an Egyptian Tomb. — These 
 pictures adorn the wall on the tomb of a noble in the time of 
 the twelfth dynasty (§8). At the top is a hieroglyphic inscrip- 
 tion giving the usual prayers for the dead. Following in order 
 from top to bottom are represented (i) the making of sandals, 
 (2) the making of arrows, chairs, and boxes, (3) goldsmiths' 
 
540 Appendix II 
 
 work, (4) the making of pottery, (5) the preparing of flax and 
 the making of linen, (6) harvesting and threshing, (7) ploughing 
 and sowing. The picturing of these on the wall of the tomb, 
 together with the sacred words above, was thought to assure to 
 the dead the enjoyment of such things in the world to come. 
 Besides the representation of Egyptian life here, the student 
 has an excellent opportunity to study the merits and defects of 
 Egyptian art. 
 
 PLATE V. Swamp-Hunting in a Reed Boat (Egypt). — 
 The Theban tombs have preserved exquisite examples of New 
 Empire painting hke "the hunt in the marshes, exhibiting a 
 fine touch of animal savagery in the fierce abandon of a lithe 
 cat as she tramples two live birds beneath her feet and sinks her 
 teeth at the same moment into a third victim." 
 
 "In a light boat of papyrus reeds, accompanied by his wife 
 and sometimes by one of his children, the noble delighted to float 
 about in the shade of the tall rushes, in the inundated marshes 
 and swamps. The myriad life that teemed and swarmed all 
 about his frail craft gave him the keenest pleasure. While the 
 lad}'- plucked water-lilies and lotus flowers, my lord launched 
 his boomerang among the flocks of wild fowl that fairly darkened 
 the sky above him, finding his sport in the use of the difficult 
 weapon which for this reason he preferred to the more effective 
 and less difficult bow." — Breasted, A History of Egypt, pp. 47, 89/. 
 
 PLATE VI. Babylonian and Egyptian Temples. — 
 (a) This restoration of the temple at Nippur was made by Pro- 
 fessor Hilprecht. As one passed through the great oblong tower- 
 gate in the outer wall, he entered the outer court, measuring 
 260 by 260 feet, containing a small shrine. Through similar 
 but greater gates the inner court was reached. There, directly 
 in front, was the mighty stage-tower, its sides 190 by 128 feet. 
 At the top of the tower was a shrine to the god. Besides the stage- 
 tower was the temple proper, the "house of Bel." It consisted 
 of one-story roofed chambers and open courts. Off to the right 
 of the picture is one of the city gates. In front of the temple 
 area was the canal. 
 
 {h) The Egyptian temple lay along the Nile. Leading up to 
 
Appendix II 541 
 
 the entrance was a road bordered by sphynxes. In front of the 
 gate were two obehsks, symbolizing, perhaps, the rays of the sun- 
 god, and some sitting statues of the kings or gods. A square 
 entrance, flanked by huge buttresses called pylons, admitted to 
 the court, surrounded by a portico upheld by pillars. Through 
 this was the passage by pylon gateways into a covered hall, 
 thence into another pillared court. The "holy of holies," the 
 shrine of the god, was in the low rooms at the rear of the long 
 series of courts and halls. Thick high walls and lofty pylons shut 
 off entrance except through the front of the temple. Light was 
 admitted through the courts. The chambers were entirely dark. 
 The length of the whole structure was over 790 feet, its width 
 over 100 feet. 
 
 PLATE VII. Ancient Systems of Writing.- — The Rosetta 
 stone contains in Greek, demotic, and hieroglyphic script a de- 
 cree of the Egyptian priests passed in 197 B.C. It was found by 
 Napoleon in 1802. By its aid Champollion in 1822 deciphered 
 the hieroglyphics. The demotic writing (/. e., the cursive form 
 used in Egypt in the first millennium B.C.) was first read by 
 Brugsch in 1849. The Brick of Hammurabi is inscribed with 
 Babylonian cuneiform characters. Cuneiform writing was first 
 deciphered by Grotefend in 1802, but it was not till Henry Raw- 
 linson, in 1847, had read the long Behistun inscription of Darius 
 that the key to the language was really obtained. Neither the 
 pictographic nor the linear Cretan writing has been deciphered 
 as yet. These new scripts were discovered by x^rthur Evans. 
 
 PLATE VHI. Typical Assyrian Scenes. — (a) This relief 
 is cut from the surface of a limestone slab, and was one of a series 
 which lined the walls of the Assyrian royal palace. King Ashur- 
 banipal (§ 65) is galloping after a lion and in the act of discharg- 
 ing an arrow at him. An attendant follows with fresh javelins 
 and arrows. The energy and life of the scene, as well as the sub- 
 ject, are typical. A study of the dress and, indeed, of the various 
 objects represented, as well as of the excellences and defects of 
 the pose, will reward the student with new light on Assyrian 
 life and art. 
 
 {p\ This relief represents the siege and assault of the city of. 
 
542 Appendix II 
 
 Lachish by King Sennacherib (§ 65). See 2 Kings 18:14. A 
 breach has been made in the walls directly in front, where the 
 Assyrian mihtary engines are playing. Torches are being hurled 
 down upon the besiegers; the fire is being put out with pans of 
 water; archers are pouring clouds of arrows on the defenders. 
 Scaling-ladders are raised against the walls. In front, prisoners 
 are impaled on stakes. From one of the towers captives are com- 
 ing forth with their effects. The animation and variety of the 
 scene are only equalled by the grotesqueness of the art. Try to 
 get the artist's point of view and study the details of the scene 
 for the collection of facts concerning ancient military hfe. 
 
 PLATES IX and X. Decoration of a Cretan Sarcopha- 
 gus. — "On the best-preserved side (Plate IX), at the extreme 
 right, is the erect figure of the dead closely swathed, standing 
 before his tomb, beside which grows a sacred tree. Three per- 
 sons approach him with offerings, the first bearing the model of 
 a ship, to typify perhaps the voyage of the dead, the other two 
 carrying young calves, which are drawn as if galloping — an ab- 
 surd and slavish imitation of a well-known Minoan type. On the 
 left a priestess is pouring wine into a large vase standing between 
 two posts surmounted by double-axes upon which birds, prob- 
 ably ravens, are perched. A lady and a man in long rich robes 
 attend the priestess, the man playing a seven-stringed lyre. In 
 the writer's eyes these double-axes are not fetishes, but are em- 
 blems referring to the lineage or status of the deceased. The 
 opposite side (Plate X) shows a bull sacrificed, a priestess before 
 an altar, and a man playing a flute, followed by five ladies. . . . 
 Whereas the priestesses and offerants on the sarcophagus wear 
 a short skirt of pecuUar cut, the lay persons taking part in the 
 rehgious rites, two men and six women, all wear long rich robes, 
 and the flute-player keeps to the ancient Minoan fashion of dress- 
 ing his hair in long curls." — Crete the Forerunner of Greece, by 
 C. H. and H. Hawes, pp. 86 /. 
 
 PLATE XL Kamares Pottery. — For the time and vogue of 
 this work, see § 94. It seems to have been peculiarly Cretan. The 
 view above to the right is simply the interior of the vessel shown 
 below. Note the similarity in artistic effect with Plates IX and X. 
 
Appendix II 543 
 
 PLATE XII. Throne of Minos and Pillar of the 
 Double-Axes. — The double-axe, Labrys, seems to have been 
 the sacred symbol of a male Cretan deity — perhaps the Carian 
 Zeus, Zeus of Labraunda. It has been suggested that the name 
 Labyrinth is derived from this word. The symbol is of frequent 
 occurrence in Cretan monuments. 
 
 "No more ancient throne exists in Europe, or probably in 
 the world, and none whose associations are anything like so full 
 of interest." — Baikie, The Sea Kings of Crete, p. 72. 
 
 The connection with Minos is fanciful. 
 
 PLATE XIII. Lion Gate and Bee-Hive Tomb. — In these 
 two Mycenaean structures the aperture over the doorway is to 
 be noted. By means of it the lintel is relieved of the superim- 
 posed weight. In the case of the gate the slab which filled the 
 aperture is still in place. It is adorned with two lions rampant on 
 either side of a sacred pillar which, in the typical Mycenaean 
 fashion, has the smaller end of the base. The gate is set back in 
 such a way that assailants were exposed to a cross-fire from the 
 wall. Mycenae was surrounded by walls, such as those which 
 abutted the gate. Below we look down the walled passage which 
 led into a bee-hive tomb. The wall at the end continues so as to 
 enclose a conical space. Each ascending tier of stories projects 
 inward until the top is closed by a single slab. Inside the bodies 
 of the great dead of Mycenae were placed, and with them objects 
 which would be needful for a king or queen iii the spirit world. 
 
 PLATE XIV. Gold Cups of the Mycen^an Age. — 
 These cups were found at Vaphio, in Laconia, in 1888, and hence 
 are called the Vaphio cups. The upper design represents a hunt 
 of wild cattle. The centre one is caught in a net. On the right 
 another is in full flight, while on the left a third has thrown one 
 hunter and is goring another. In the lower design the bulls are 
 tame and under the care of a herdsman. The material is beaten 
 gold. A sense of abounding life, coupled with some crudity, is 
 the characteristic impression made by these works. See Tarbell, 
 pp. 67-69; Tsountas and Manatt, pp. 227-228. 
 
 PLATE XV. Wild Goat and Young— Cretan Art of 
 the Twentieth Century B.C. — This plaque was probably 
 
544 Appendix II 
 
 applied to a backing of colored plaster. Several examples of it 
 have been found all taken from one mould. A vitreous glaze of 
 siliceous composition has been put over a body of porous paste. 
 The surface color of the faience is here a pale green with dark 
 sepia markings. "The scene is laid on a mountain crag of 
 Dicta or of Ida and the animal here is the Cretan wild goat, or 
 Agrimi. The suckhng kid is shown in almost identically the 
 same posture as a calf in a parallel design. In front, another kid 
 looks up at its mother and bleats to her its desire, while the mother 
 goat, in an attitude of serene impartiality, seems to chide the 
 impatience of her offspring. This design, apart from its beauty 
 and naturalism, is characterized by a certain ideal dignity and 
 balance. ... In beauty of modelling and in hving interest, 
 Egyptian, Phoenician, and, it must be added, classical Greek 
 renderings of this traditional group are far surpassed by the 
 Minoan artist." — A. J. Evans, in Annual of the British School 
 in Athens, IX, pp. 71 J". 
 
 PLATE XVI. Art or Greece in the Time of the Persian 
 War. — Pieces of a single monument, possibly a pedestal. The 
 upper three pieces are in Rome, the others in the Boston Museum 
 of Fine Arts. The subject of the composition is Aphrodite, the 
 goddess of love, who is seen rising from the sea. She inspires the 
 flute girl and the lyre player. The maiden at the left may be 
 concocting a love potion or simply burning incense. The some- 
 what realistic figure of an old woman in the upper corner may be 
 a nurse. The central scene above probably portrays the love 
 rivalry of two maidens. 
 
 Eros holds the balance. On each weight a man is sketched. 
 The two seated figures sympathize with its movement, the one 
 rejoicing, the other sorrowful, according as the weight incUnes 
 toward her or rises away from her. 
 
 PLATE XVII. The Acropolis.— This restoration of the 
 buildings on the Acropolis is, like all such attempts, probably 
 not accurate, but it represents the general situation and rela- 
 tion of the different structures (§ 205). The entrance at the 
 western end was by the Propylaea, at the head of which stood the 
 colossal statue of Athena. To the right was the Temple of Vic- 
 
Appendix II 545 
 
 tory. At the centre of the elevated platform, the Parthenon lay- 
 on the right and the Erechtheum on the left. The Parthenon 
 was entered at the eastern end. Other smaller temples filled up 
 the enclosure. The Acropolis was about i,ooo feet long by 500 
 feet wide; it was a sort of oval, with its long axis lying east and 
 west. (See Plan of Athens, facing p. 147.) 
 
 PLATE XVIII. Typical Greek Heads.— i. The first is 
 taken from a full-length statue of Sophocles (§206). It is an 
 ideal representation of the poet, no doubt, but it is instructive 
 as illustrating the Greek type. The arrangement of hair and 
 beard should be noticed. The failure to work out the detail of 
 the eye gives the aspect of blindness, and is a defect of Greek 
 sculpture. Compare some modern statue in this respect. 2. The 
 head of Pericles bears a helmet as a sign of leadership (§ 195). A 
 calm, thoughtful, somewhat reserved expression on the face is 
 discernible. 3. The head of Socrates is noticeable for its origi- 
 nality, and offers some instructive comparisons with the preced- 
 ing. The breadth of the face contrasts with that of the, others. 
 4. The head of Aphrodite is taken from the statue found in the 
 island of Melos. The grace and purity of the face illustrate 
 the Greek ideals of love and of woman. It dates from the early 
 Hellenistic Age (§ 323). 5. The head of Alexander is taken from 
 a relief on a sarcophagus now in Constantinople. He wears a 
 lion's head instead of a helmet, and the ram's horn appears, 
 typical of his divine descent from the Egyptian god Amon. The 
 characteristic Greek profile is instructive. This, too, is early 
 Hellenistic. 6. The last head is taken from a Graeco-Egyptian 
 portrait painted on a wooden panel placed in a grave along with 
 the mummy and intended to represent the features of the dead. 
 It is clear that the Greek in Egypt remained in all essential traits 
 a Greek. The thin beard, the oval face, the large eye, the straight 
 nose find their counterparts in the other heads. A golden wreath 
 in the hair is exquisitely done. 
 
 PLATE XIX. The Hermes of Praxiteles. — This statue 
 was found at Olympia in 1877. The god Hermes has the infant 
 Dionysus on his arm. The god's mantle is thrown over a tree- 
 trunk and he stands with his body gracefully curved, its weight 
 
546 Appendix II 
 
 resting on the right leg and left arm. It would seem that the 
 right arm held something which was being offered to Dionysus. 
 The material is Parian marble. The child is not successfully 
 modelled, but the figure of Hermes is of extraordinary excel- 
 lence. Forget the mutilation as far as possible. A special study 
 should be given to the head. For a full description, see Tarbell, 
 pp. 221-223, 
 
 PLATE XX. The Alexander Mosaic. — This mosaic came 
 from the floor of a room in the so-called house of the Faun in 
 Pompeii. In the lower left-hand corner a portion of it has been 
 broken away. It represents probably the battle of Issus (§85) 
 at the point where Darius turns to his chariot to flee and Alex- 
 ander on horseback presses on in his charge. "At the head of 
 the Greek horsemen rides Alexander, fearless, unhelmeted, lead- 
 ing a charge against the picked guard of Darius. The long spear 
 of the terrible Macedonian is piercing the side of a Persian noble, 
 whose horse sinks under him. The driver of Darius's chariot is 
 putting the lash to the horses, but the fleeing king turns with an 
 expression of anguish and terror to witness the death of his 
 courtier. . . . The grouping of the combatants, the characteri- 
 zation of the individual figures, the skill with which the expres- 
 sions upon the faces are rendered, and the delicacy of coloring 
 give this picture a high rank among ancient works of art." See 
 May, Pompeii, Its Life and Art, p. 288. 
 
 PLATE XXI. Realistic and Romantic Art oe Hellen- 
 istic Period. — The bronze statuette to the left formed part of 
 the cargo of a ship which sank off the coast of Africa (Mahdia) 
 in about 100 B.C. while en route from Athens to Italy. For the 
 rest of the cargo, see Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens, p. 376. The 
 figure is that of a dwarf. She belonged in all probability to an 
 ancient vaudeville troupe. Note the realism evidenced in the 
 choice of the subject and its faithful portraiture. 
 
 For the purpose and subject of the relief reproduced to the 
 right, see § 313. This scene should be compared with that of 
 Plate XV. The two are ahke in theme and use, though one 
 thousand five hundred years fall between their times of com- 
 position. 
 
Appendix II 5Vil 
 
 PLATE XXII. Typical Sculptured Figures.— (a) The 
 statue of Khafre is of green diorite, a very hard stone. The 
 Pharaoh is seated on the royal chair in an attitude of regal com- 
 posure and majesty. The head-dress, false beard, and body gar- 
 ment are characteristically Egyptian, Special attention should 
 be given to the face and the pose. The right leg of the statue 
 is badly broken. In judging of Egyptian art the other speci- 
 mens in Plates III, IV, and V should be taken into account, and 
 also the examples in Tarbell, pp. 16-35. 
 
 ih) Posidippus was an Athenian playwright of the third cen- 
 tury B.C., and the statue is a striking example of the portrait 
 statuary of the period. The easy grace of the pose, as well as 
 the cultured refinement of the face and bearing, are especially 
 worthy of note. The student will be profited by a study of the 
 dress, the chair, and other accessories. It would be well to com- 
 pare these two figures with each other, and also the face of the 
 Greek with those of the typical heads of Plate XVIII. 
 
 PLATE XXIII. The Laocoon Group.— This group rep- 
 resents the scene described by Vergil in the ^Eneid (II, 199-233), 
 where the priest Laocoon, advising against admitting the Trojan 
 horse into Troy, is, with his sons, slain by serpents. It is a work 
 of the school of Rhodes about 150 B.C. The exhibition of horror 
 and agony is the salient feature of the work. The Laocoon 
 has been variously judged. For examples, see Tarbell, 264-267. 
 
 PLATE XXIV. Classical Temples.— (a) The Greek tem- 
 ple at Psestum, in southern Italy, belongs to the sixth century 
 B.C. It is, therefore, an early type. A double row of sturdy 
 Doric columns surrounds the shrine. The temple was built of 
 limestone and covered with stucco. 
 
 {h) The Roman temple is a modification of the Greek. This 
 temple, 59 by 117 feet, is surrounded by a single row of Corin- 
 thian columns 30 feet 6 inches in height. It dates probably from 
 the time of Hadrian (a.d. 122). Changes in certain features of 
 the temple of the Greek type can be clearly seen by comparison 
 of these two structures. 
 
 PLATE XXV. Typical Sculptured Figures.— ((z) The 
 statue of Ashurnatsirpal is the only fully wrought Assyrian statue 
 
548 Appendix II 
 
 known. The king stands in royal majesty, his arms bare. The 
 right hand holds a sceptre, the left a mace. The hair and 
 beard as well as the royal dress deserve notice. See Good- 
 speed, History of Babylonians and Assyrians, p. 202; Tarbell, 
 pp. 40, 41. 
 
 {h) The statue of Trajan represents him probably in the act 
 of addressing his soldiers. He wears a cuirass, and his mantle is 
 draped over his shoulder and around his arm. A series of instruc- 
 tive comparisons may be drawn between the two royal figures on 
 this plate. 
 
 PLATE XXVI. Wall Paintings from Campanian Tombs. 
 — Campania was the seat of a rich culture before the Roman con- 
 quest. It had learned much from the Greeks, who were settled 
 near by on the Bay of Naples. The Etruscans had been its over- 
 lords for many generations, and had brought their customs south 
 with them. The art of Campania in the fourth and third cen- 
 turies B.C., as we see from these grave monuments, was Greek 
 in its general characters. The knights of Campania were fa- 
 mous warriors. To the left one of them rides on his tomb as 
 he often rode in the flesh. Note particularly his plumed helmet. 
 To the right is a bloody combat of gladiators. Observe frightful 
 wounds inflicted where the body is unprotected. The gladiatorial 
 games arose, we are told, from combats of victims which formed 
 part of funeral ceremonies. 
 
 From an early date they were given in the cities along the entire 
 western slope of Italy. » 
 
 PLATES XXVII and XXVIII. Typical Coins.— i. A coin 
 of Lydia of the type of the Babylonian "stater." One of the 
 earliest known coins (§ 129). Date about 700 B.C. The material 
 is electrum. 2. A Persian gold "daric" (§81) of Darius I. 
 3. A gold "stater" of Mithridates of Pontus (§ 461). Here is 
 the king himself represented, with hair blown back as though he 
 were driving a chariot. The reverse shows a stag feeding. A 
 long period of growth in the artistic production of coins Hes 
 between 2 and 3. 4. Another oriental gold coin, representing 
 Queen Berenice of Egypt, wife of Ptolemy III (§ 318). Both 
 this and the preceding are noticeable because on them are por- 
 
Appendix II 549 
 
 traits of the reigning monarchs. 5. A silver medallion of Syra- 
 cuse. The coins of this city reached the highest artistic excel- 
 lence. The head is that of Persephone surrounded by dolphins. 
 The reverse shows the victor in a chariot race; over the chair 
 hovers Victory conferring the laurel. The design and workman- 
 ship of this coin are specially worthy of study. 6. A silver 
 "stater" of the Greek city of AmphipoHs and dating about 400 
 B.C. The head of the god Apollo appears on one side, and 
 on the other a torch such as the racers bore. The god's head is 
 remarkable for animation. 7. A silver " tetradrachm " of Athens, 
 about 550 B.C., earlier and ruder than the preceding. On 
 one side is the head of Athena, patron goddess of the city, on 
 the other the olive branch and sacred owl. 8. A silver "shekel" 
 of Judaea in the time of Simon Maccabseus (§ 430). A cup, a 
 pot of manna, and triple lily are the emblems, and the letters 
 signify "shekel of Israel," and "Jerusalem the holy." g. A 
 bronze "sestertius" of Nero. The emperor appears on horse- 
 back armed with a spear and accompanied by a mounted soldier 
 carrying a banner. 10. A silver coin of the Roman Republic 
 about 100 B.C. The head of Roma, Victory in a chariot, and an 
 ear of corn are represented. The name of the ofificial who coined 
 the piece also appears. 11. A gold "sohdus" of the Emperor 
 Honorius (§ 570) from Ravenna. The portrait of the emperor is 
 given in the style characteristic of this late age. He wears the 
 diadem and holds the sceptre. 12. A bronze "sestertius" of 
 Antoninus Pius (§ 533). An excellent wreathed portrait-head of 
 the emperor stands on one side; on the other is Roma with the 
 palladium, and the inscription "Roma aeterna." 13. A silver 
 coin of Augustus (§484). The emperor appears on one side; 
 on the other, one of his favorite symbols, the Sphynx. 14. A 
 silver "denarius" of the Repubhc (99-94 B.C.). The bust of 
 Roma appears. On the other side are three citizens engaged in 
 voting — a typical scene. 15. A silver "argenteus" of the Em- 
 peror Caracalla (§ 547). His portrait, with his head surrounded 
 with the sun's rays, is characteristic of the time. (See § 554.) 
 16. A bronze "as" of Rome, weighing one and one-fifth ounces. 
 The symbols are the head of the god Janus and the prow of a 
 
550 Appendix II 
 
 galley. The date is just before 217 B.C. The symbols are 
 characteristic in view of the date. Why? (See § 404.) 
 
 PLATE XXIX. The Roman Forum.— This plate represents 
 the Forum and its surroundings in the imperial period. The 
 Forum itself was never very large (§340) and was early sur- 
 rounded by buildings and filled with statues. At the upper end 
 into which we look stood the Rostra. The various public build- 
 ings are named upon the plate itself. A plate representing the 
 Forum at the present day will be found in Morey, Roman His- 
 tory, frontispiece. 
 
 PLATE XXX. Typical Roman Heads.— i. The striking 
 head of Julius Caesar is that of a man of force and ideas. The 
 high forehead, the prominent cheek-bones, the firm mouth, and 
 thin lips reveal the general and the statesman. He is also the 
 typical Roman patrician. The sculptor evidently sought to 
 produce an exact likeness. 2. Cicero is the typical urbane and 
 cultivated Roman of the middle class. His face has a strikingly 
 modern character, being distinctively Roman, perhaps, in its 
 dignity and the traces of sternness. The chin and nose of both 
 these typical Romans are noteworthy. 3. Vespasian's head 
 illustrates exactly that of the Roman peasant, honest, unyield- 
 ing, practical. Notice the cropped hair, thick neck, and decided 
 mouth. 4. Hadrian's head and hair are characteristic of the 
 ruler of the later imperial age. His face is of the western type, 
 yet not Roman. 5. Faustina, the wife of Marcus Aurelius, is 
 the typical Roman matron. The features are strong and simple 
 without the ideal grace of the Greek type. Such a woman would 
 naturally accompany her husband on his campaigns. Notice 
 the dressing of the hair. 6. The bust of Commodus represents 
 him as Hercules. The characteristic club is in his hand and the 
 lion's skin on his head. The curling beard and hair, and, indeed, 
 the whole representation, disclose the vain and frivolous weakling*. 
 It is a long step from Juhus Caesar to Commodus. The artistic 
 skill of the sculptor is worthy of notice. 
 
 PLATE XXXI. Art of the Augustan Age. — "First two 
 fiamines and behind them a beautiful young figure, with drapery 
 drawn over the head; he is the bearer of the sacena, the 'ofl&cial' 
 
Appendix II 551 
 
 axe borne as a symbol of sacrifice, though not actually for use. 
 Behind again comes a stately middle-aged personage (Agrippa?) 
 to whose drapery clings a small boy. A lady in the background 
 (Julia?) places her right hand on the child's head as he looks back 
 at a stately matron. This second lady . . . fronts the spec- 
 tator and turns in three quarters to the left. . . . She can be 
 no other than the Empress Livia herself. Behind Livia come 
 two young men, the first of whom is thought to be Tiberius." — 
 Strong, Roman Sculpture, pp. 44/. 
 
 "If we study these trains of priests and ofiicials, of proud 
 youths, of beautiful women, and well-bred children, who walk 
 behind the Emperor (Augustus) in long rows, or come forward 
 to welcome him, we must confess that there are few works of 
 art which would have rendered with equal success the conscious- 
 ness of high worth combined with elegance of deportment. It 
 is an historical picture of the first order, which shows us the 
 people, who first conquered the world and were then governing 
 it, united together." — Wickhoff, Roman Art, pp. 31 /. 
 
 "A woman of gracious mien sits on a rock. The back of her 
 head is covered by an ample veil which is then drawn round her 
 from waist to ankles. On her lap is abundance of fruit — apples, 
 grapes, nuts; on the left knee, which is raised, sits a little child 
 whom she holds with her left hand, while a somewhat bigger 
 child scrambles up on her right. . . . To the right and to the 
 left are the fertilizing genii of the earth — Air mounted on a swan 
 and Water figured as a nereid riding a sea monster, . . . while 
 below in the meadows spring the trees and flowers among which 
 the animals pasture." — Strong, pp. 44/. 
 
 PLATE XXXII. Relief from the Arch of Titus. — The 
 Arch of Titus commemorated his victory over the Jews and the 
 capture of Jerusalem (§ 513). It stood on the Sacred Way. 
 Unhke the Arch of Constantine (Plate XXXIX), it had but one 
 central archway and within the vault of this was the relief of 
 our plate. A group of soldiers lead captives and bear the spoils 
 of the Jewish temple. The golden table of the shewbread and 
 the seven-armed golden candlestick are prominent among them. 
 Laurels crown the heads of the soldiers and they carry Roman 
 
552 Appendix II 
 
 military standards. The work is of Pentelic marble, and testi- 
 fies to the artistic taste and skill of the time. 
 
 PLATE XXXIII. Room in the House of the Vettii. 
 — The House of the Vettii at Pompeii was unearthed in 1894 
 and contains some of the best preserved memorials of Pompeian 
 art. This room, one of the two dining-rooms, with its variegated 
 marble work, its paintings, and its frescoes, illustrates notably 
 the character of the better Roman house of the time. The sub- 
 jects of the paintings are taken from Graeco-Roman mythology. 
 On the right is Bacchus coming on the sleeping Ariadne. On the 
 left are Daedalus and Pasiphae. The subject of the painting 
 facing us is the punishment of Ixion. Hermes, who has brought 
 Ixion, is in front, at his feet a veiled figure. To the right is the 
 goddess Hera, and on the left Hephaestus has just fastened Ixion 
 to the wheel. See May, Pompeii, Its Life and Art, pp. 333-334. 
 
 PLATE XXXIV. Roman Portraiture. — Roman art is 
 distinguished for the excellence of its portraiture. Corbulo was 
 Nero's brilliant general in the Parthian wars. Summoned home 
 treacherously by his jealous master, he was forced to commit 
 suicide. Compare the other portraits in Plate XXX. 
 
 PLATE XXXV. Relief from Trajan's Column.— The 
 Column of Trajan stood in his Forum (Plate XXIX). It was 
 128 feet high and was surmounted by a statue of the emperor 
 twenty feet high. A spiral staircase of 185 steps led to the top. 
 Around the column wound a series of bronze reliefs in twenty- 
 three tiers representing scenes in the Dacian war (§ 538). The 
 reliefs contained 2,500 figures. In the centre of this relief- appears 
 Trajan receiving from his soldiers the heads of Dacian spies. 
 To the left a siege is going on, Roman soldiers advancing to the 
 assault under a testudo. Observe carefully the dress and weap- 
 ons of the soldiers. 
 
 PLATE XXXVI. Castle of St. Angelo: Hadrian's 
 Mole. — In the front flows the Tiber. In the rear to the left is 
 St. Peter's. In the foreground rises the huge mass of Hadrian's 
 Mole. In it were buried the emperors from Hadrian to Caracalla. 
 Begun by Hadrian in 136, it was completed by Antoninus Pius 
 in 139. It was a fortress in the Middle Ages and played an im- 
 
Appendix II 55S 
 
 portant part in the struggles of the popes for the control of Rome. 
 Its modern name is derived from the statue of the archangel at 
 its summit. 
 
 PLATE XXXVII. The Pantheon and the Walls of Au- 
 RELIAN. — The Pantheon was first constructed by Agrippa, in the 
 time of Augustus, but the present dome dates from the reign 
 of Hadrian. The portico, supported by sixteen Corinthian col- 
 umns of granite forty-one feet in height, is part of the original 
 structure. In the rear were colossal baths. As it stands to-day 
 it is one of the most beautiful and impressive monuments of 
 Rome. First a "very sacred" pagan temple, it became in the 
 Middle Ages a Christian church, and is now the tomb of the 
 Italian kings. 
 
 Great walls of brick were built in 271, at the command of Aure- 
 lian by the Roman guilds of workmen to protect the city from the 
 Germanic invaders. By a desperate Italian campaign the em- 
 peror had just saved Rome from sack. They form one of the 
 most conspicuous and picturesque monuments of antiquity to 
 be seen in modern Rome. At intervals towers were set such as 
 those in the plate. 
 
 PLATE XXXVIII. Early Christian Art.— These scenes 
 from the life of Jonah were painted on the walls of a chamber 
 in the catacombs. They are dated about the beginning of the 
 third century a.d. They are notable not merely for the crudity 
 of their execution, but also for the religious symbolism which 
 they set forth. The experiences of Jonah had a twofold mean- 
 ing, for the Christian: (i) they were types of the death and resur- 
 rection of Jesus (Matt. 12: 39-49), and (2) they encouraged the 
 persecuted believers to persevere in the trials of the present life 
 and hope for the life to come. The "great fish" is thought to 
 be copied after the dragon that figures in Graeco-Roman mythol- 
 ogy; for example, in the story of Andromeda, representations 
 of which in the art of the time were not uncommon. The sym- 
 bolism of this picture is further carried out by the mast and yard 
 of the ship, which are arranged to form a cross. 
 
 PLATE XXXIX. Typical Roman Architecture.— (a) The 
 highly decorative character of this arch is at once evident. 
 
554 Appendix II 
 
 Some of the adornments were taken from other monuments, for 
 example, the four great statues and some reliefs from an arch 
 of Trajan. At the top were originally a chariot and horses, and 
 statues. The arch was built in a.d. 315, to commemorate the 
 victory of Constantine over Maxentius in 312. Its proportions 
 are fine and its adaptations of Greek architecture are instructive. 
 Compare it with the Arch of Titus and consider whether it does 
 not lack dignity in comparison with that. See Seignobos, p. 322. 
 
 {b) This aqueduct is a remarkable union of simplicity, strength, 
 and beauty. Its length is 882 feet, its height 162 feet. The 
 water channel above is covered with large slabs of stone about 
 fourteen feet wide. The character of Roman engineering and 
 architectural work is most fully illustrated by it. It was built 
 for the needs of a Gallic city, the like of which, in size and im- 
 portance, were to be found scattered all over the Roman Empire. 
 The various features of it will reward study. 
 
 PLATE XL. Christ Enthroned. — This fresco stands over 
 one of the doors in the Mosque of St. Sophia in Constantinople, 
 once a Christian church (§ 575). Christ sits on his throne raising 
 his hand in blessing. On either side are Mary, his mother, and 
 Michael, the archangel. Before him lowly kneeling is the em- 
 peror in the attitude of a subject. By some this figure is said 
 to be the Emperor Justinian (§ 574). The Greek words signify 
 " Peace be unto you. I am the light of the world." Study both 
 subject and style of execution as characteristic of Byzantine art 
 and the times in which it arose. 
 
INDEX 
 
 References are to pages; /. indicates "following page"; f., 
 "following pages"; w., "notes." 
 
 Ab-de'ra, i86. See map following 
 p. 88. 
 
 Academy, 218. 
 
 A-can'thus, 183. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 A-car-na'ni-a, 219. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Ac'cad, 10. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 A-chae'an cities, 170. 
 
 A-chae'an League, struggle with 
 Macedonia, 265; relations to 
 Rome, 366, 368; dissolved, 370. 
 
 A-chae'us and A-chse'ans, 92. 
 
 A-che-men'i-dae, 239. 
 
 A-chil'les, 85, 87. 
 
 Ac'ra-gas ( Agrigentum) , 140. See 
 map facing p. 89. 
 
 A-crop'o-lis, of Athens, 115, 164. 
 
 Ac'ti-um, 427. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Adoption, in ancient East, 19; at 
 Rome, 336 f. 
 
 A-dras'tus, 95. 
 
 A-dri-a-no'ple, 503. See map facing 
 P- 517- 
 
 A-dri-at'ic sea, 278. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 ^-e'tes, 96 f. 
 
 ^-e'ti-us, 504. 
 
 yE'gse, 220, 222. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 ^-ga'le-os, mt., 138. 
 
 ^-ga'tes, islands, 348. See map 
 following p. 278. 
 
 iE-ge'an sea, 41, 65 f. See map 
 facing p. 77. 
 
 ^-ge'ium, 263. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 i^-gi'na, 83, 99, 169. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 ^-gos-pot'a-mi, 196. 
 
 ^-gyp'tus, 93. 
 
 ^-mil'i-us Paul'us, 352, 367. 
 
 ^-ne'as, 287. 
 
 ^-ne'id, 437. 
 
 M,'o-\\x?,, and the ^-o'li-ans, 92. 
 
 ^'qui, 300, 304. 
 
 ^s'chi-nes, 225. 
 
 iEs'chy-lus, 140, 142, 165. . 
 
 ^'son, 96. 
 
 ^-to'li-a, 219. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 iEtolian League, 268, 365 f., 368. 
 
 Africa, province of, 372. 
 
 Ag-a-mem'non, 95. 
 
 A-gath'o-cles, 272 f., 344, 
 
 A-ge'nor, 94. 
 
 A-ges-i-la'us, 204 f. 
 
 Agrarian problem, in Greece, 104, 
 117, 119, 163, 172; at Rome, 
 306, 317, 327, 392 ff., 396. 
 
 A-gric'o-la, 454, 478. 
 
 Agriculture, in ancient East, 14 f.; 
 at Rome, 331 f., 375 f. 
 
 A'gri Dec'u-ma'tes, 454. 
 
 Ag-ri-gen'tum, 347. See Acragas. 
 
 A-grip'pa, 427, 441 ff. 
 
 A'haz, 50. 
 
 Al-a-man'ni, 503, 511. 
 
 Al'a-ric, 503. 
 
 Al'ba Lon'ga, 2S8 f. See map on 
 p. 301. 
 
 Al-cffi'us, 100. 
 
 555 
 
556 
 
 Index 
 
 Al-ci-bi'a-des, 190 ff., 197. 
 
 Alc-mae-on'i-dae, 116, 120, 154. 
 
 Alc'man, loi. 
 
 Alexander, 38; youth and train- 
 ing, 231; campaigns in Greece, 
 232; invasion of Persia, 233; 
 development of plans, 239; 
 lord of Persia, 239; organiza- 
 tion of empire, 239 ff., 241 f.; 
 world ruler, 242; death, 242; 
 characterization, 242 ff.; Alex- 
 ander II, 249. 
 
 Alexandria, in Egypt, 236 f.; 
 Egyptian Alexandria under the 
 Ptolemies, 255 ff.; Christian- 
 ity in, 489 f., 499; other Alex- 
 andrias, 244. 
 
 Al'li-a, 318. See map on p. 301. 
 
 Alphabet, 21, 42, 99. 
 
 Alps, Hannibal's passage of, 351. 
 
 Am'a-sis, King of Egypt, 37, 89. 
 
 Am-bra'ci-a, 219. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Am'brose, 501. 
 
 Am'on, god of Egypt, 32 ff.; Alex- 
 ander and, 237. 
 
 A-mor'gos, 248. 
 
 Am-phic'ty-o-ny, 92; the leading 
 ones, 94 f.; and Philip of Mace- 
 don, 223, 226. 
 
 Am-phip'o-lis, 183, 222. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Amphitheatre, 460. 
 
 Amusements, in ancient East, 24; 
 in Greece, 98, 100, 120, 141 f., 
 162 f., 164 f., 167 f.; at Rome, 
 334 f-) 379; under the Empire, 
 459 ff- 
 
 A-myc'le, 74. See map facing p. 77. 
 
 An-ab'a-sis, of Cyrus, 204 f. 
 
 An-ac're-on, loi. 
 
 An-ax-ag'o-ras, 186. 
 
 An-ax-im'e-nes, 102. 
 
 Ancient history, earliest seats of, 
 I, 3; divisions of, 4; end of, 
 502, 521. 
 
 An'cus Mar'tius, 288. 
 
 An-dro-ni'cus, 381. 
 
 An'dros, 88, 260. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 128. 
 
 Angles and Saxons, 516. 
 
 An-tal'ci-das, 206. 
 
 An-tig'o-ne, 95, 165. 
 
 An-tig'o-nus I, 249 f.; IT, 259 f. 
 
 An'ti-och, 263. See map follow- 
 ing p. 476. 
 
 An-ti'o-chus I, 261; II, 260; III, 
 268, 366; IV, 368. 
 
 An-tip'a-ter, 232, 248 f. 
 
 An-to-ni'nus Pius, 472 f. 
 
 An-to'ni-us, M., the orator, 382; 
 the triumvir (Antony), 425 ff. 
 
 A-pel'la, 114. 
 
 Ap'en-nine, mts., 277. See map 
 following p. 278. 
 
 A-phro-di'te, 86. 
 
 A-pol'lo, 86 f.; at Delphi, 88 f., 98. 
 
 Ap'pi-an Way, 285, 342. 
 
 Ap'pi-us Clau'di-us, the censor, 
 325, 342; the consul, 315 f. 
 
 A-pu'li-a, 279, 352. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 A'quae Sex'ti-ae, 399. See map 
 facing p. 412. 
 
 Aqueduct, 339, 342, 462. 
 
 A-qui-ta'ni-a, 433. See map fac- 
 ing p. 412. 
 
 A-ra'bi-a Pet-ras'a, 2; province of, 
 476. 
 
 Arabians, invade Babylonia, 9. 
 
 Ar-a-me'ans, original home, 3; 
 invasions by, 39 f.; Kingdom 
 at Damascus, 46. 
 
 A-ra'tus, 264. 
 
 A-rau'si-o, 398. 
 
 Ar-be'la, 237 f. See map facing 
 
 P-3- 
 
 Ar-ca'di-a, early history, in, 114; 
 democracy in, 149; united by 
 Thebes, 210. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Ar-ca'di-us, 502.. 
 
Index 
 
 557 
 
 Archbishop, 489. 
 
 Ar-chi-da'mus, 271. 
 
 Ar-chil'o-chus, 100. 
 
 Ar-chi-me'des, 258. 
 
 Architecture, in ancient East, 24, 
 S^; Egyptian, 24 f.; Assyrian, 
 51; Persian, 61; Greek, 163 f.; 
 Roman, 339, 383; in Augustan 
 age, 438 f.; first century a.d., 
 462; in second century, 477 f.; 
 in Constantine's time, 496; in 
 Justinian's time, 507 f. 
 
 Ar'chon, official at Athens, 116, 
 
 131, 151- 
 
 A-re-op'a-gus, council of, 116, 118; 
 decline of, 150 f. 
 
 A'res, 86. 
 
 Ar-gi-nu'sae, 196. See map fac- 
 ing p. 180. 
 
 Ar'go, 84, 97. 
 
 Ar'go-nauts, 96 f. 
 
 Ar'gos, early history, in; in Per- 
 sian wars, 127, 133; democracy 
 at, 149; takes part in Pelopon- 
 nesian War, 191. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 A-ri-ad'ne, 94. 
 
 A'ri-ans, 487 n. 
 
 A-rim'i-num, 349. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 A-ri'on, 107. 
 
 Ar-is-tag'o-ras, 127 f. 
 
 Ar-4s-tar'chus, 258. 
 
 Ar-is-ti'des, 131 f., 138, 145 f. 
 
 Aristocracy, in Orient, 17; in 
 early Greece, 80 f.; decline of, 
 104; in Athens, 115 f.; revival 
 in Greece, 200; at Rome, 286 f.; 
 297, 299, 305 f.; becomes oli- 
 garchy, 326; the nobility, 377; 
 under the Empire, 453, 456; 
 Frankish, 511 f. 
 
 Ar-is-to-de'mus, 96. 
 
 Ar-is-to-gei'ton, 120. 
 
 Ar-is-toph'a-nes, 185. 
 
 Ar'is-tot-le, 231, 244 f. 
 
 A'ri-us and A'rians, 487 n., 499 f. 
 
 Ar-me'ni-a, 40; and Rome, 410, 
 475 f. See map following p. 234. 
 
 Ar-min'i-us, 442. 
 
 Army. See "Warfare." 
 
 Ar'no, 278. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Art, in ancient East, 24; in My- 
 cenaean Greece, 72 £f.; in Peri- 
 clean Athens, 163 f.; in the 
 fourth century B.C., 215 f.; in 
 Hellenistic Age, 257; at Rome, 
 339 f-, 383, 438 f., 461 f.; early 
 Christian, 490; Byzantine, 507 
 See "Architecture," "Sculpt- 
 ure." 
 
 Ar-ta-ba'zus, 140. 
 
 Ar-tax-erx'es I, 194; II, 204; III, 
 212, 233. 
 
 Ar'temis, 86. 
 
 Ar-te-mis'i-um, 136. See map fol- 
 . lowing p. 66. 
 
 A'runs, 301. 
 
 As, 332. 
 
 As-cu-la'pi-us, 341. 
 
 As'cu-Ium, 324. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Ash'dod, 42 n. 
 
 Ash'ur, 52. 
 
 Ash-ur-ban'i-pal, 49; rebellion 
 against, 51; library of, 51 f.; 
 death, 53. 
 
 Ash-ur-nats'ir-pal, 49. 
 
 Asia, province of, 372, 404 f. See 
 map following p. 434. 
 
 Asia Minor, :^2, 42, 49, 89. See 
 map following p. 424. 
 
 As'kal-on, 42 n. 
 
 Assemblies, in Greece, 81; in Spar- 
 ta, 114; in Athens, 116, 118, 
 150 ff., 154, 184; at Rome, 287, 
 
 300, 307, 309. 338, 356 f., 474, 
 492; provincial, 467. See"Co- 
 mitia. " 
 As'sur, city, 13, 48. See map fac- 
 ing P- 3- 
 
558 
 
 Index 
 
 As-syr'i-a, 3, 13; physical features, 
 48; Kingdom, 13; empire, 49; 
 organization, 49 f.; civilization, 
 51 f.; contribution to history, 
 52; fall, S3; Roman province 
 of, 476. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Astronomy, 25, loi f. See "Sci- 
 ence. " 
 
 Ath'a-mas, 96. 
 
 Ath-a-na'sius, 499. 
 
 A-the'na, goddess of Athens, 86, 
 93, 115, 164, 166. 
 
 Athens, geographical position and 
 people, 115; early organization, 
 IIS f-; lawgivers, Draco, 117; 
 Solon, 117 f.; tyranny of 
 Pisistratus, and its fall, 119 ff.; 
 legislation of Cleisthenes, 121 f.; 
 early expansion, 117 f.; comes 
 in contact with Persia, 127 f.; 
 change in political policy under 
 Themistocles, 131 f.; destroyed 
 by Persians, 139; rival of Sparta, 
 144; rebuilt, 146; after Persian 
 wars, 144; progress under The- 
 mistocles, 146 f.; fortified, 146; 
 commercial and political de- 
 velopment, 147; growth of im- 
 perialism, 147 f. ; population, 
 156; the citizen of, 159; in- 
 come, 168 f.; politics under 
 Pericles, 169; decline of land 
 empire, 170; thirty years' peace, 
 170; expeditions against Per- 
 sia, 170 f.; empire of, 171 f.; 
 interferes between Corinth and 
 Corcyra, 175; war with Sparta, 
 169 f.; plague at, 179; parties 
 at, 179; end of first period of 
 war, 183; spirit of the people 
 during the war, 184; expedition 
 against Syracuse, 191 f.; in third 
 period of war, 193 ff.; surrender 
 of, ig6; glory and weakness in 
 the war, 198 f.; second naval 
 league, 211; intellectual splendor 
 
 in fourth century, 216 ff., 244 f.; 
 relations to Philip, 212, 225 f.; 
 to Alexander, 232; literature in 
 third century, 265 f. 
 
 Ath'e-sis, 278. 
 
 Ath'os, mt., 129, 132. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 A'tri-um. See "House." 
 
 At'ta-lus, 267. 
 
 At'ti-ca, 117, 118. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 At'ti-la, 504. 
 
 Au'gur, 295. 
 
 Au-gus-ta'les, 430. 
 
 Au'gus-tine, si4- 
 
 Au-gus'tus, his problem, 428; solu- 
 tion of it, 428 ff.; provincial ad- 
 ministration, 429; foreign policy, 
 432 f.; imperialism, 434 f.; de- 
 fects in his scheme of admin- 
 istration, 441 f.; achievement, 
 444. 
 
 Au-re'li-an, 487. 
 
 Au-re'li-us, Marcus, 471, 473, 476, 
 480 f. 
 
 Aus'pi-ces, 29s, 388. 
 
 Aus-tra'si-a, 511. See map facing 
 
 P- 517- 
 Av-a'ris, 30. 
 A'vars, $07. 
 Av'en-tine hill, 294 f. 
 
 Bab'y-lon, 9; under Nebucha- 
 drezzar, ss; Alexander at, 242. 
 
 Bab-y-lo'ni-a, physical features 
 of, i; beginnings, 8; first em- 
 pire, 10 ff.; why so called, 9; 
 new Babylonian empire, 55 f. 
 See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Bac'chus, 386. 
 
 Bac-chyl'i-des, 140. 
 
 Bac'tri-a, s8. See map following 
 P- 234. 
 
 Bal-e-ar'ic islands, Phoenicians in, 
 41. See map following p. 476. 
 
 Baths, at Rome, 461. 
 
Index 
 
 559 
 
 Bar-di'ya, s8. 
 
 Bee-hive tombs, 75. 
 
 Bel, god of Babylonia, 8, 11, 27. 
 
 Bel'gi-ca, 433. See map follow- 
 ing p. 434- 
 
 Bel-i-sa'ri-us, 507. 
 
 Ben-e-ven'tum, 324. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Bi'as, 102. 
 
 Bible, 513. 
 
 Bishop, 468 n., 489; of Rome, 
 489 f. See "Papacy." 
 
 Bi-thyn'i-a, 410. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 434. 
 
 Black sea, 88. See map facing p. 
 
 3- 
 
 Boe-o'ti-a, in Persian wars, 133, 
 i37> 139; democracy in, 150; 
 complications with Athens, 169 f. 
 See map following p. 66. 
 
 Bon'i-face, 516 f. 
 
 Book of the Dead, 28. 
 
 Bos'por-us, 410, 496. See map 
 following p. 128. 
 
 Bou'le, of Athens, 118, 121, 151. 
 
 Bras'i-das, 182 f. 
 
 Bren'nus, 319. 
 
 Bribery at Rome, 385, 388. 
 
 Britain, Phoenicians in, 41; Csesar 
 in, 411 f.; under Claudius, 449; 
 under Flavians, 454; Anglo- 
 Saxons in, 516. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 434. 
 
 Brut'ti-um, 353. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Bru'tus, 416, 425 f. 
 
 Burgundians, 503, 511. 
 
 Bur'rus, 449. 
 
 Business, Greek, 159. See "IMer- 
 chant," "Industry." 
 
 By-zan'ti-um, 88, 496. See map 
 facing p. 89. 
 
 Ca'diz, 41. See Gades. 
 Cad-mei'a, 207. 
 Cad'mus, 94. 
 
 Cae'li-an hill, 284. See map on 
 p. 286. 
 
 Cte're, 320. See map following p. 
 278. 
 
 Cae'ri-tan rights, 320. 
 
 CcEsar, Gaius Julius, his rise, 409; 
 first triumvirate, 411; in Gaul, 
 411 ff.; conflict with senate and 
 Pompey, 414 f.; death, 416; 
 his measures, 416 f.; as a writer, 
 418 f.; his work and personality 
 estimated, 420 f. 
 
 Caesar, the title, 453, 491. 
 
 Caesar-worship, 435, 467. 
 
 Ca-la'bri-a, 279. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Calendar, 25, 339, 418. 
 
 Ca-lig'u-la, 447. 
 
 Ca'liphs, 510. 
 
 Cal'li-as, 171. 
 
 Cal-li-crat'i-das, 196. 
 
 Cal-lim'a-chus, 259. 
 
 Cal-lis'the-nes, 240. . 
 
 Cam-a-ri'na, 348. 
 
 Cam-by'ses, 37, 58. 
 
 Ca-mil'lus, 303, 319. 
 
 Cam-pa'ni-a, 320. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Cam'pus Mar'ti-us, 285. 
 
 Ca'naan-ites, 3, 44. 
 
 Canary islands, Phoenicians in, 
 41. 
 
 Can'nas, 352. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Can-u-lei'an law, 316. 
 
 Capitalism at Athens, 158 f.; at 
 Rome, 362, 375 ff., 383 ff. 
 
 Cap'i-to-line hill, 284, 294. 
 
 Cap'ri, 447. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Cap'u-a, 352. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Car-a-cal'la, 483 f. 
 
 Car'di-a, 249. 
 
 Ca'ri-a, 166, 172. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 128. 
 
560 
 
 Index 
 
 Carl, 518 f. 
 
 Carl'o-man, 517 f. 
 
 Car'mel, mt., 43. 
 
 Car'men Sec-u-la're, 439. 
 
 Car'rhas, 412. See map following 
 p. 476. 
 
 Carthage, founding of, 41; com- 
 merce of, 41; in Sicily, 135,203 f., 
 271 ff.; expansion in the West, 
 343 f.; early relations to Rome, 
 344 ; wars with Rome, 345 ff. ; be- 
 comes a dependent ally, 354; de- 
 stroyed, 372; Caesar's colony, 
 418. See map facing p. 89. 
 
 Cas'pi-an sea, 49, 57. See map 
 facing p. 3. 
 
 Cas-san'der, 249. 
 
 Cas'si-us, Spurius, 300, 306; Gaius, 
 416, 425 f. 
 
 Cat-a-lau'ni-an Fields, 504. 
 
 Cat'i-Iine, 410. 
 
 Ca'to the Elder, as writer, 382; as 
 censor, 385. 
 
 Ca-tul'lus, 418 f. 
 
 Cat'u-lus, 348. 
 
 Cau'dine Forks, 322. See map 
 following p. 278. 
 
 Cavalry, Persian, 59 f., 141; Mace- 
 donian, 221 f., 234; Roman, 296, 
 
 Ce'crops, 82, 93. 
 
 Celts, 3; in Greece and Asia 
 Minor, 254 f.; in Italy, 302; at 
 Rome, 318 f. 
 
 Cen'sor, 305, 338 f.; under Flavi- 
 an Caesars, 453. 
 
 Census, under the Empire, 432. 
 
 Centuries, 296 f. 
 
 Ce-phis'sus, 115. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Cer'ber-us, 96. 
 
 Ce'res, 293. 
 
 Chae-ro-nei'a, 227. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Chal-cid'i-ce, 221. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Chal'cis, 83, 88. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Chal-de'ans, invasion by, 39; in 
 Babylonia, 51; victory over 
 Babylonians, 55; empire of, 55. 
 
 Chal'ons, 504. See map facing p. 
 
 517- 
 
 Char'le-magne, his personality, 
 518 f.; achievements, 519; em- 
 peror, 520; significance, 520 f. 
 
 Charles Martel, 512 f., 517. 
 
 Chei'lon, 102. 
 
 Children, 19 f., 60, 112, 161 f., 
 335 ff. See "Education." 
 
 Chi'os, 83. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Chos'roes, 509. 
 
 Christianity, founded, 440; be- 
 ginnings of, 467 f.; persecutions, 
 469, 481, 494 f.; growth in 
 unity, 481, 489 f., 499; and 
 power, 513; toleration of, 495; 
 recognition of, by Constantine, 
 487; in the cities, 499 n.; re- 
 ligion of the Empire, 498 f.; 
 Julian's attack, 499; as an im- 
 perial power, 500 f.; the mo- 
 nastic movement, 513 f.; lead- 
 ers in fourth century, 513; and 
 the barbarians, 516; and the 
 Franks, 516 ff. See "Papacy." 
 
 Chronology, eras of, 98, 287 n., 
 440. 
 
 Chrys'os-tom, 513. 
 
 Cic'e-ro, his rise and ideals, 409; 
 and Catiline, 410; banished 
 and recalled, 412; as an orator 
 and writer, 419; death, 426. 
 
 Ci-li'ci-a, 88, 411. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 234. 
 
 Cim'bri, 398. 
 
 Cim-in'i-an forest, 320. See map 
 following p. 278. 
 
 Ci'mon, 148 f., 150, 171. 
 
 Cin-cin-na'tus, 304. 
 
 Cin'na, 403. 
 
Index 
 
 561 
 
 Cir-ce'ii, 403. See map following 
 
 p. 278. 
 Circus Max'i-mus, 285, 291, 335, 
 
 460. 
 Cir'ta, 397. See map facing p. 
 
 493- 
 
 Cis-al'pine Gaul, 350, 372, 401. 
 See map following p. 278. 
 
 Ci-tha;'ron, 115. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Cit'i-um, 41. See map facing p. 
 89. 
 
 Citizen. See "Common People," 
 "Franchise." 
 
 "City of God," 514. 
 
 City-state, in Orient, 8; in Greece, 
 81 ff.; culmination in Greece, 
 156, 167 f.; Rome, 281, 406 f. 
 
 Civilization. See " Society. " 
 
 Clau'di-us, 448 f. 
 
 Cla-zom'e-nse, 206. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 128. 
 
 Cleis'the-nes, 121; his legislation, 
 121 f. 
 
 Cle-o-bu'lus, 102. 
 
 Cle-om'bro-tus, 137, 208. 
 
 Cle-om'e-nes, 127 f., 266 f. 
 
 Cle'on, 179 ff. 
 
 Cle-on'y-mus, 272. 
 
 Cle-o-pa'tra, 415, 427 f. 
 
 Cle'o-phon, 196. 
 
 Cler'u-chi, 172, 326. 
 
 Client, Roman, in early period, 
 286; in the imperial period, 456. 
 
 Cli'tus, 240. 
 
 Clo'di-us, 412. 
 
 Clo'vis, 511, 516. 
 
 Clu'si-um, 301. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Cni'dos, 206. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Cnos'sos, great palace at, 73; 
 people, 73. See map facing p. 
 
 77- 
 Code of Hammurabi, 11 f.; of 
 Moses, 43 f.; of Justinian, 508. 
 
 Coinage, of Persian Empire, 59; 
 in Greece, 99, 1 13, 158; at Rome, 
 332 f., 431, 493. See "Ex- 
 change. " 
 
 Col'chis, 96 f. See map following 
 p. 476. 
 
 Col-is-se'um, 460, 462. 
 
 Col-o'nus, 194. 
 
 Colony, in Egyptian Empire, 35; 
 of Phoenicians, 41; of Greeks, 
 87 f.; Roman, 327 f.; Latin, 
 328; failure at Rome, 387; 
 Caesar's colonies, 418. 
 
 Col'o-phon, 83. See map follow- 
 ing p. 128. 
 
 Comedy, at Athens, 165, 185, 251; 
 at Rome, 382. 
 
 Co-mit'i-a, meeting of, 338; un- 
 der empire, 429, 450, 474, 492; 
 Cu-ri-a'ta, 286, 300; Cen-tu- 
 ri-a'ta, 300, 309, 327; Tri-bu'- 
 ta, 307 f., 313, 327, 408. 
 
 Commerce, early Egyptian, 6, 16; 
 early Babylonian, 16, 18; in 
 Kassite Babylonia, 13; of Phoe- 
 nicians, 40 f.; of Damascus, 46; 
 of Assyria, 52; of Mycensean 
 age, 74 f.; of Greek middle 
 (Homeric) age, 83, 89, 104; at 
 Athens, 117 ff., 124 f.; pre- 
 dominance of Athens in, 132, 
 146 f., 156 ff.; how regarded in 
 Greece, 79, 156 ff., 159; of 
 Ptolemaic Kingdom, 255 f.; 
 Rome's commercial position, 
 284; Etruscan, 290, 292; atti- 
 tude of early Romans toward, 
 332; development of Roman, 
 343 f-, 387, 406 f. 
 
 Com'mo-dus, 471, 473 f. 
 
 Common people, in ancient East, 
 17 f.; in Greece, 150 f., 156, 167 
 f.; at Rome, 286 f., 377 f., 440, 
 457. See "Assemblies." 
 
 Con-nu'bi-um, 327 n. 
 
 Co'non, 206. 
 
562 
 
 Index 
 
 Con'stan-tine, 495; his achieve- 
 ments, 496. 
 
 Con-stan-ti-no'ple, 496 f., 508 f., 
 510. See map facing p. 505. 
 
 Con-stan'ti-us, elder, 491; young- 
 er, 498. 
 
 Consul, 299, 30s, 310 f., 314, 317, 
 
 373, 405, 429- 448. 
 
 Consular tribunes, 317. 
 
 Co'ra, 86. 
 
 Cor-cy'ra, 107, 174 f. See map 
 facing p. 89. 
 
 Cor-fin'i-um, 401. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Cor'inth, 83, 88, 106 f., 134, 169, 
 174 f., 227; destroyed by Rome, 
 370. See map following p. 66. 
 
 Cor-i-o-la'nus, 304. 
 
 Co-ri'o-li, 304. See map on p. 301. 
 
 Cor-o-nei'a, 206. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Cor'si-ca, 343, 349. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Cor-u-pe'di-on, 253. 
 
 Cos, 260. See map following p. 
 128. 
 
 Cosmogony, in ancient East, 26; 
 Greek, loi; Roman, 464. See 
 "World." 
 
 Council. See "Senate." 
 
 Cran'non, 248. 
 
 Cras'sus, 382, 408, 410 ff., 432. 
 
 Crem'e-ra, 303. See map on p. 
 301. 
 
 Cre-mo'na, 349. 
 
 Cre'on, 95. 
 
 Cres'cens, 460. 
 
 Cres-phon'tes, 96. 
 
 Crete, 42, 72 ff. See map facing 
 
 P- 77- 
 Cri-mi'sus, river, 271. 
 Crit'i-as, 201 f. 
 
 Croe'sus, King of Lydia, 56, 89. 
 Cro'ton, 89. See map facing p. 89. 
 Cu'mae, 140. See map following 
 
 p. 278. 
 
 Cu-nax'a, 204. See map follow- 
 ing p. 234. 
 
 Cu'nei-form, 21. 
 
 Cu'ri-ffi, 287. See "Comitia curi- 
 ata." 
 
 Cu-ri-a'ti-i, 288. 
 
 Cur'sus hon-o'rum, 387 n. 
 
 Cu'rule, 377 n. 
 
 Cyb'e-le, 262, 386. 
 
 Cy'lon, 117. 
 
 Cy'me, 89. See map facing p. 
 180. 
 
 Cyn-os-ceph'a-lae, 366. 
 
 Cyp'ri-an, 490. 
 
 Cy'prus, 40, 74, 169, 171, 236. 
 See map following p. 234. 
 
 Cyp'selus, 106. 
 
 Cy-re'ne, 88. See map facing p. 
 89. 
 
 Cy'rus, of Persia, 56, 58, 236; the 
 younger, 196, 204. 
 
 Cyz'i-cus, 88, 195. See map fac- 
 ing p. 89. 
 
 Da'ci-a, a province, 475, 488. See 
 
 map following p. 476. 
 Dacian war, 475. 
 Dal-ma'ti-a, 495. See map facing 
 
 p. 509. 
 Da-mas'cus, 46, 47; overthrow, 
 
 50; Mohammedan, 510. See 
 
 map facing p. 3. 
 Dan-a'us, 93. 
 Da-ri'us, I, organizer of Persian 
 
 Empire, 59, 61 f.; II, 194, 204; 
 
 ■III, 233. 
 David, of Israel, 44 ff. 
 Deb'en, 18. 
 Debt, law of, in ancient East, 18 f.; 
 
 in Greece, 117 f.; at Rome, 306, 
 
 313- 
 
 Dec'arch-y, 200 f . 
 
 De-ceb'a-lus, 475. 
 
 Dec-e-le'a, 193. See map follow- 
 ing p. 128. 
 
 De-cem'vir-i, 311, 314 f. 
 
Index 
 
 5G3 
 
 De'ci-us, 487. 
 
 De'ci-us Mus, 341. 
 
 De-la'tors, 447. 
 
 De'li-an, Confederacy, organiza- 
 tion of, 145 f.; growth of Athe- 
 nian power in, 147 £.; becomes 
 an Athenian empire, 171 f. 
 
 De'li-um, 182. See map facing p. 
 180. 
 
 De'Ios,amphictyony of, 98; Apollo 
 at, 120; treasury of Delian Con- 
 federacy, 146. See map facing 
 p. 171. 
 
 Del'phi, Apollo's oracle at, 89, 98; 
 in Persian wars, 127, 133. See 
 map following p. 66. 
 
 Deme, 121 f. 
 
 De-me'ter, 86, 103, 166. 
 
 De-me'tri-us, 249 ff. 
 
 Democracy, rise of, Greek, 108, 
 119, 121 f.; Solon's service to, 
 118 f.; development at Athens, 
 131 f.; in the Greek world, 149 
 ff . ; the Athenian democracy de- 
 scribed, 150 ff., 161, 167 f.; its 
 defects, 1S4, 198; at Rome, in 
 time of the Gracchi, 391 f.; 
 struggles with the senate, 396 f. 
 See "Assemblies," "Common 
 People." 
 
 De'mos, 105, 107. 
 
 De-mos'the-nes (general), 181 f., 
 193; (orator), 225 f., 248 f. 
 
 De-na'ri-us, 333. 
 
 Deportation, 49. 
 
 Deu-ca'li-on, 92. 
 
 De-vo'ti-o, 341. 
 
 Di-an'a, 293. 
 
 Di-cas'ter-ies, 153. 
 
 Dictator, 299, 303, 304, 319, 415. 
 
 Di'o-cese, 492. 
 
 Di-o-cle'ti-an, 491 ff. 
 
 Di-o'do-tus, 180. 
 
 Di-o-nys'i-a, 120, 165. 
 
 Di-o-nys'i-us, I, 203, 210;. II, 210, 
 217. 
 
 Di-o-ny'sus, 86; religion of, 103; 
 at Athens, 120; at Rome, 386. 
 
 Diplomacy, meaning of, 35 n. 
 
 Dis-pa'ter, 293. 
 
 Do-mi'ti-an, 453, 469. 
 
 Do'ri-ans, migration, 76 f.; organ- 
 ization, 79 f.; Dorus and, 92. 
 
 Dra'co, 117. 
 
 Drama. See "Theatre." 
 
 Dran-gi-an'a, 241. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 234. 
 
 Drep'a-na, 347. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Dress, in ancient East, 23; at 
 Rome, 334, 338; in imperial 
 Rome, 459. 
 
 Drink, in ancient East, 23. 
 
 Dru'sus, 396. 
 
 Dy'ar-chy, 433, 435. 
 
 Dynasty, 6 n. 
 
 E'bro, 350. 
 
 Ec-cle'si-a, of Athens, 151 ff. See 
 
 "Assemblies." 
 Ec-bat'a-na, 57. See map facing 
 
 P-3- 
 
 Ec'no-mus, 348. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Edict of Toleration, 495. 
 
 Education, in ancient East, 52, 60; 
 in Greece, 161 f., 167 f.; at 
 Rome, 337 f., 380 f., 457, 464. 
 
 Egypt, physical features, i; first 
 kingdoms, 5 ft'.; empire of, 31. ff. 
 (organization, 35; ruling classes, 
 36; the army, 36; the priests, 
 36; splendor, i2> f-); under As- 
 syrian sway, 37; conquered by 
 Nubians, 37; conquered b}^ Per- 
 sia, 37; Greeks visit, 89; revolts 
 from Persia, 130; Athenian ex- 
 pedition to, 171; conquered by 
 Alexander, 235 ft".; kingdom of 
 Ptolemies, 225 ff., 25S f.; grad- 
 ual reduction under Rome, 365, 
 36S; under .\ugustus, 429 n.; 
 
564 
 
 Index 
 
 under Nero, 451. See "Alex- 
 andria." 
 
 Eighteenth dynasty, 31 f. 
 
 Ek'ron, 42 n. See map facing p. 
 
 3- 
 
 E'lam-ites, home, 3; invade Baby- 
 lonia, 9, 51; conquered by As- 
 syria, 49. 
 
 El'be, 434, 442. See map follow- 
 ing p. 476. 
 
 El-e-gi'ac poets, loi. 
 
 Eleu'sis, 165 f. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 E'lis, 115, 149. See map following 
 p. 66. 
 
 Empire, meaning of, 10 n. See 
 "Imperialism." 
 
 Engineering, Egyptian, 24 f.; Ro- 
 man, 462. 
 
 En'ni-us, 382, 386. 
 
 E-pam-i-non'das, 209 f. 
 
 Eph'e-sus, 83. See map facing p. 
 89. 
 
 Eph-i-al'tes, 150, 155. 
 
 Eph'ors, 114. 
 
 Epic poetry, Babylonian, 21; 
 Greek, 84 f., 97; Roman, 437. 
 
 Ep-i-cu'rus, 266. 
 
 Eq'ui-tes, 296, 377, 389; under 
 Augustus, 436; in first century 
 A.D., 459; in second century 
 A.D., 474. 
 
 Er-a-tos'the-nes, 258. 
 
 E-rech-the'um, 94. 
 
 E-rech'theus, 82, 93 f. 
 
 E-re'tri-a, 88, 127. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Er'os, 86. 
 
 E-sar-had'don, 49. 
 
 Es'qui-line hill, 284. See map on p. 
 286. 
 
 E-te'o-cles, 95. 
 
 Et-e-o-cre'tans, 71. 
 
 E-thi-o'pi-a, 8. See "Nubia." 
 
 E-tru'ri-a, 280, 290. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 E-trus'cans, 279; at Athens, 173; 
 at Rome, 290 ff.; expansion, 
 290; Roman wars with, 300 ff.; 
 conquest of, 320. 
 
 Eu-boe'a, 83, 88. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Eu'clid, 258. 
 
 Eu-er'ge-tes, 260. 
 
 Eu-me'nes, 249; of Pergamon, 367. 
 
 Eu-mol'pus, 82. 
 
 Eu-phra'tes, river, i. See map fac- 
 ing p. 3. 
 
 Eu-rip'i-des, 184, 188 f., 381. 
 
 Eu-ro'pa, 94. 
 
 Eu-ro'tas, 109 f. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Eu-rym'e-don, 149. 
 
 Eu-rys'theus, 95 f. 
 
 Eu-se'bi-us, 498. 
 
 Ex'arch, 518. 
 
 Exchange, means of, in ancient 
 East, 18, 59; in Greece, 99, 143; 
 at Rome, 332. See "Coinage." 
 
 Fa'bi-i, 303. 
 
 Fa'bi-us Max'i-mus, 351; Pictor, 
 382. 
 
 Family, in ancient East, 19 f.; in 
 Greece, 160 f.; at Rome, 286, 
 335 ff.; decline of, 385; in Au- 
 gustus's time, 436. 
 
 Fa-yum', 8. 
 
 Festivals, Greek religious, 98, 103, 
 119 f., 164 f.; Roman, 292, 459. 
 
 Feudal government, in Egypt, 7. 
 
 Fi-de'nas, 303. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Finances, at Athens, 168 f., 214; 
 at Rome, 362, 431 f.; under Au- 
 gustus, 362, 431 f.; in later em- 
 pire, 493. 
 
 Fis'cus, 431. 
 
 Flam-i-ni'nus, T., 349. 
 
 Fla'vi-an Caesars, 451. 
 
 Food, in ancient East, 23; at Rome, 
 32>2>, 379; in imperial Rome, 459. 
 
Index 
 
 565 
 
 Foreigners, in Greek cities, 156, 
 159 f.; at Rome, 295, 457. 
 
 Fo'rum of Rome, 285. 
 
 Fourth Egyi^tian dynasty, 6. 
 
 Franchise, in Greece, 108, 121 f., 
 214; at Rome, 295 f., 299 f., 
 325 f., 387 f., 396, 400 f.; ex- 
 tension of, by Caesar, 417; by 
 emperors, 477; edict of Cara- 
 calla, 484. 
 
 Franks, cross the Rhine, 487, 503; 
 settle in Gaul, 511; kingdom of, 
 511; "do-nothing" kings, 512; 
 and the pope of Rome, 516 ff. 
 
 Freedmen at Rome, 377, 457; 
 under Augustus, 430; as officials 
 under Claudius, 448 f. 
 
 Future life, belief in, in Egypt, 28; 
 in Babylonia, 28; in Greece, 87, 
 103, 218. 
 
 Ga'bi-i, 291. See map on p. 301. 
 
 Gabinian law, 408. 
 
 Ga'des, 41. See map facing p. 89. 
 
 Gai'ser-ic, 504. 
 
 Gai'us (Caligula), 447 f. 
 
 Ga-la'ti-a, 255, 267. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 434. 
 
 Gal'ba, 451. 
 
 Ga-le'ri-us, 491, 495. 
 
 Gal-li-e'nus, 485. 
 
 Gath, 42 n. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Gau-ga-me'la, 89. 
 
 Gaul, Greek colonies in, 89; Ro- 
 man province in, 398; Caesar in, 
 413 f.; divided into provinces, 
 433; Franks enter, 511; Mo- 
 hammedans in, 511 f. See map 
 facing p. 412. 
 
 Gauls. See "Celts." 
 
 Gau'ma-ta, 59. 
 
 Ga'za, 42 n., 236. See map facing 
 
 P-3- 
 Ge'lon, of Syracuse, 134, 140. 
 General. See"Strategoi." 
 Gens, 287. 
 
 Ger-man'i-cus, 446. 
 
 Germans, enter Gaul, 413; cross 
 the Danube, 476; settled in the 
 Empire, 488; how affected by 
 Rome, 506; conversion of, 516. 
 
 Germany, and Augustus, 434, 442; 
 and the Flavians, 454. 
 
 Ge-ru'si-a, 114. 
 
 Gil'ga-mesh, 21. 
 
 Gladiatorial shows, 379, 460. 
 
 Gods, of Babylonia, 27; of Egypt, 
 27; of Israel, 43 ff.; of Assyria, 
 52; of Persia, 60 f.; of Greece, 
 86, 103; of Rome, 292 ff., 340 f. 
 
 Gor'di-um, 234. 
 
 Goths, cross the Danube, 487; in 
 the Empire, 503. See "Ostro- 
 goths," "Visigoths." 
 
 Grac'chus, Tib. Semp., 392 f.; 
 Gains, 394 ff. 
 
 Gran-i'cus, 233. See map follow- 
 ing p. 234. 
 
 Gra'ti-an, 499. 
 
 Greece, first appearance in Oriental 
 history, 37; physical geography, 
 65 f.; relation of its physical 
 geography to its history, 66 f.; 
 people, 68, 71; outline of its 
 history, 68 f.; Neolithic Age, 
 70; colonization, 87 f.; contact 
 with the East, 89; Mycenaean 
 age, 71 f.; middle age, 79 f.; 
 age of political adjustment and 
 expansion, 91 f.; elements of 
 unity, 91; summary of progress 
 to 500 B.C., 123 ff.; significance 
 of victory over Persia, 141; 
 summary of progress to suprem- 
 acy of Philip, 229; revolt from 
 Macedonia, 248; experiences 
 under Alexander's successors, 
 248, 250 f., 265 ff.; influence on 
 Italy, 290; declared free by 
 Rome, 366; becomes Roman, 
 370; transformation of Roman 
 life by Greek civilization, 37S flF. 
 
566 
 
 Index 
 
 Greg'o-ry, 516. 
 
 Gy'ges, king of Lydia, 56, 89. 
 Gy-lip'pus, 192 f. 
 Gymnastics, 161 f. 
 
 Ha'des, 87. 
 
 Ha'dri-an, 471 f., 476, 478. 
 
 Hal-i-ar'tus, 206. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Hal-i-car-nas'sus, 166, 234. See 
 map following p. 128. 
 
 Ha'lys, river, 56. See map facing 
 
 P-3- 
 
 Ha-mil'car, 348. 
 
 Har-mo'di-us, 120. 
 
 Har'most, 201. 
 
 Ha-rus'pi-ces, 295. 
 
 Has'dru-bal, 350 f. 
 
 Hebrews, home, 3; divisions, 43. 
 See "Israel." 
 
 Hel-i-se'a, at Athens, 118, 152 f. 
 
 Hel'le, 96. 
 
 Hel'len, and the Hel-Ie'nes, 92. 
 
 Hel'les-pont, 88, 120. 
 
 He'lot, 109, 148. 
 
 Hel-ve'ti-i, 413. 
 
 He-phaes'tus, 86. 
 
 He'ra, 86, 95. 
 
 Her-a-clei'a, 324. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Her-a-clei'dae, 96. 
 
 Her'acles, 86, 95 f., 220. 
 
 Her-a-cli'tus, 102. 
 
 He-rac'li-us, 509. 
 
 Her-cu-la'ne-um, 452. 
 
 Heresy, 481. 
 
 Her'mae, 192. 
 
 Her'mes, 86, 96; of Praxiteles, 215. 
 
 Her'ni-ci, 300. 
 
 Her'od, 439. 
 
 Her-od'o-tus, 8, 41; on Cyrus, 58; 
 on the Persians, 60, 106 f., 127 f., 
 133 f.; on battle of Plattea, 140; 
 on Athens, 144; his work, 166 f.; 
 compared with'Thucydides, 188. 
 
 Her-oph'i-lus, 258. 
 
 Hes'i-od, 91 f., 100, 102. 
 
 Hez-e-ki'ah, 50. 
 
 Hi-e-ro-glyph'ics, 21. 
 
 Hi'e-ron, tyrant, 150; king, 344. 
 
 Him'e-ra, 140. 
 
 Hip-par'chus, 120. 
 
 Hip'pi-as, 120. 
 
 Hip'po, 514. 
 
 Hip-po-da-mi'a, 95. 
 
 Hi'ram of Tyre, 45. 
 
 Hit'tites, home, 3; invasions, 32; 
 kingdom, 2,2) ', Egyptian wars, 34. 
 
 Homer, 84, 100, 119. 
 
 Hon-o'ri-us, 503. 
 
 Horace, 438 f. 
 
 Ho-ra'ti-i, 288. 
 
 Ho-ra'ti-us Co'cles, 302. . 
 
 Horse, in Egypt, 31. See "Cav- 
 alry." 
 
 Hor-ten'si-an law, 360. 
 
 House, in ancient East, 22 f.; in 
 Greece, 162; at Rome, 333, 378; 
 in imperial Rome, 458. 
 
 Huns, 503. 
 
 Hy-das'pes, river, 241. 
 
 Hyk'sos, 29, 30. 
 
 Hy-perm-nes'tra, 93. 
 
 Hyph'a-sis, river, 241. 
 
 Hyr-ca'ni-a, 57. See map facing 
 P-3- 
 
 I-am'bic, 100. 
 
 la-pyg'i-ans, 279. 
 
 Iconoclastic controversy, 518. 
 
 Ic-ti'nus, 166. 
 
 Ikh-na'ton, 32. 
 
 Il'i-ad, 84 f. 
 
 Illyrians, 279; pirates, 350. 
 
 Il-lyr'i-cum, 491. See map follow- 
 ing p. 476. 
 
 Im'bros, 206. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Immortals, 59. 
 
 Im-per-a'tor, 450. 
 
 Imperialism, in earliest history, 
 8 f., 10 f.; rise in Greece, 142 f.; 
 
Index 
 
 567 
 
 its conflict with the opposing 
 Greek ideal, 177, 207, 210, 212 f., 
 224; defeat of Athenian, 198 f.; 
 Sparta's imperial policy, 200 f., 
 203 f.; Theban imperialism, 
 210; revival at Athens, 211; 
 Isocrates's view, 218 f.; achieved 
 finally by Philip, 227 f.; im- 
 perialism of Alexander's suc- 
 cessors, 249 ff.; of the Ptolemies, 
 255; Roman, 326 ff., 363, 368 f., 
 387, 406 f., 420 f., 430 ff., 434 f., 
 450 f., 476 f., 491 f. 
 
 Im-pe'ri-um, 299, 417, 428. 
 
 India, Darius I in, 62; Alexander 
 in, 240 f. 
 
 Indo-European, or Indo-Germanic, 
 family, 3 f., 54, 279. 
 
 Industrial activities, in ancient 
 East, 15 f.; in Phoenicia, 40; in 
 Crete, 72, 75; in Greece, 79, 
 157 f.; at Rome, 332, 376. 
 
 Interest, rate in Greece, 159. 
 
 Invasions, of Babylonia, 9, 13; 
 of Egypt, 29, 32 f.; by Hittites, 
 58; by northwestern peoples, 
 22,, 37, 42; by Arameans, 39; 
 by Chaldeans, 39; of Greece 
 by Dorians, 76 f.; Barbarians 
 in Roman Empire, 475 f., 487, 
 498, 502 ff., 517 f.; Mohamme- 
 dan, 510 f., 512. 
 
 I'on, and I-o'ni-ans, 92. 
 
 Ionian revolt, 127 f.; cities to 
 Persia, 206. 
 
 I-phic'ra-tes, 206. 
 
 Ip'sus, 252. See map following 
 p. 234. 
 
 I-ran', 57. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 I-re'ne, 520. 
 
 I'sis, 262, 467. 
 
 I-soc'ra-tes, 218 f. 
 
 Is'ra-el, appearance, 43; in Egypt, 
 43; in the desert, 43; settle- 
 ment in Palestine, 43; conflicts 
 with Philistines, 43; religion of, 
 
 43 f.; organization of kingdom, 
 
 44 f.; disruption of, 46; king- 
 dom of Israel in the north, 46; 
 destroyed, 50. 
 
 Is'sus, 234. See map following p. 
 
 234- 
 
 I-tal'i-ca, 401. 
 
 Italy, the name, 329; physical 
 geography, 277 f.; historical 
 contact with the East, 276 f.; 
 peoples, 279 f.; historical geog- 
 raphy, 280; influence on early 
 Rome, 289 f.; union of Italy 
 under Rome, 328 f.; economic 
 decay of, 375 f., 387, 390 ff.; 
 under Augustus, 430 ff. 
 
 I-tho'me, mt., 149, 210. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Jan-ic'u-lum hill, 284, 313. See 
 map following p. 460. 
 
 Ja'nus, 292. 
 
 Ja'son, 96 f.; of Pherae, 208. 
 
 Je-ho'vah, God of Israel, 43 ff. 
 
 Je'rome, 513. 
 
 Jerusalem, capital of Israel, 44; 
 destroyed by Nebuchadrezzar, 
 55; visited by Alexander, 236; 
 stormed by Pompey, 411; by 
 Titus, 454. See map facing p. 3, 
 
 Jesus Christ, 439 f., 467. 
 
 Jewelry, 25, 334, 336, 459.^ 
 
 Jews, deported to Babylonia, 55, 
 58; restored to Judea, 236; and 
 Alexander, 236; the Maccabees, 
 368; and Rome, 368; feeling 
 toward Rome, 369; subjected 
 by Rome, 411; Judaea a prov- 
 ince, 411; revolt, 454. 
 
 Jo-cas'ta, 94. 
 
 Joseph in Egypt, 36 f. 
 
 Jo-se'phus, 29, 236. 
 
 Judah, kingdom of, 46; vassal of 
 Assyria, 50; overthrown, 5$. 
 See map following p. 434. 
 
 Ju-gur'tha, 396 f. 
 
568 
 
 Index 
 
 Julia, daughter of Julius Caesar, 
 411 f.; daughter of Augustus, 
 440, 443. 
 
 Julian, 498; Julian Caesars, 445 ff.; 
 law, 401. 
 
 Ju'no, 293. 
 
 Ju'piter, 289, 293. 
 
 Justice, administration of, in an- 
 cient East, II f., 17, 19, 26, 49; 
 in Greece, 80 f., 116, 153; in 
 Roman Empire, 339, 477, 484 f., 
 508. 
 
 Jus-tin'i-an, 507 f. 
 
 Ju'venal, 479. 
 
 Kal'di, 39. See "Chaldeans." 
 Ka-ma'res, epoch, 72; pottery, 72; 
 
 painting, 72; frescoes, 72. 
 Kar'nak, 33. 
 
 Kas'sites, in Babylonia, 12 f., 29. 
 Kef'tiu, 71. See "Cretans." 
 Kha'ti, See "Hittites." 
 Khe-ta'sar, 33. 
 Khu'fu, 24. 
 King. See "Ruler." 
 Knights. See "Equites." 
 Ko-ran', 510. 
 Kryp-tei'a, iii. 
 
 Lab'a-rum, 498. 
 
 Lab'y-rinth, 8, 73. 
 
 Lac-e-dae'mon, no. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 La'de, 128. See map facing p. 
 171. 
 
 La'gash. See "Shirpurla." 
 
 Lam'a-chus, 192. 
 
 Lamia and Lamian war, 248. 
 
 Lamp'sa-cus, 196. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 128. 
 
 Land. See "Agrarian." 
 
 La-oc'o-on, 257. 
 
 La'res, 293, 436 f. 
 
 Latin colony, 328. 
 
 Latins, 280, 286; league of, 288 f., 
 292, 300, 321. 
 
 La'ti-um, 287 f., 322, 327. See 
 map following p. 278. 
 
 Lau'ri-um, 131. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Laut'u-lse, 322. 
 
 La-vin'i-a, 287. 
 
 Law, importance of, in ancient 
 East, 19; international law in 
 Greece, 99; lawgivers in Greece, 
 105; at Sparta, 113 n.; at 
 Athens, 117, 150; Greek law at 
 Rome, 173; of Twelve Tables, 
 311 f.; laws securing plebeian 
 rights, 313 ff.; securing fran- 
 chise to Italians, 401 ; conferring 
 powers on Pompey, 408 f.; 
 jurists under the military em- 
 perors, 484 f.; German laws as 
 affected by Rome, 507; code of 
 Justinian, 508 f. See "Justice." 
 
 League, Peloponnesian, 114 f.; 
 Delian, 145 f.; leagues in later 
 Greek history, 262 f., 271; 
 Latin, 289, 291, 300, 304, 321. 
 
 Leb'a-non mts., 33, 40. See map 
 facing p. 3. 
 
 Legion, 297, 329. 
 
 Lem'nos, 206. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Leo, pope, 516; emperor, 518. 
 
 Le-on'i-das, 136. 
 
 Lep'i-dus, 426 f. 
 
 Leuc'tra, 208. See map following 
 p. 66. 
 
 Libraries, in ancient East, 22; 
 Ashurbanipal's, 51 f.; at Athens, 
 119; at Alexandria, 258; at 
 Rome, 418, 462. 
 
 Lib'y-a, 346. See map following 
 p. 476. 
 
 Li-cin'i-o-Sextian laws, 317. 
 
 Ligurians, 279. 
 
 Lil-y-bee'um, 274. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Lin'dos, 102 n. See map follow- 
 ing p. 128. 
 
Index 
 
 569 
 
 Li'ris, river, 320. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Literature, in ancient East, 21, 34; 
 in Egyptian empire, 34; in 
 Assyria, 52; beginnings in 
 Greece, 83 f.; development in 
 Greece corresponding to politi- 
 cal and social progress, 91 f.; 
 great names and periods in 
 Greece, 141 f., 165, 166 f., 185, 
 187 ff., 215 ff., 225 f., 244 f., 
 265 f.; in Alexandria, 256 f.; 
 258 f.; beginnings at Rome, 340, 
 381 f.; in Caesarian period, 
 418 ff.; in Augustan age, 437 f., 
 440 f.; in the first century a.d., 
 462 ff.; in the second century 
 A.D., 478 f.; Christian, 468, 
 481, 490, 513, 514. 
 
 Liv'i-a, 443 f. 
 
 Liv'i-us (Livy), 437 f.; Androni- 
 cus, 381. 
 
 Lo'cri, 89, 105. See map facing 
 p. 89. 
 
 Lom'bards, 517 ff. 
 
 Lu'ca, 412. See map following p. 
 278. 
 
 Lu'ci-an, 479. 
 
 Lu-cil'i-us, 382. 
 
 Lu-cre'ti-us, 418 f. 
 
 Lu-cul'lus, 408. 
 
 Lu'di SsEc-u-la'res, 439. 
 
 Lug-du-nen'sis, 433. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 476. 
 
 Lux'or, 33. 
 
 Ly-curgus, 105, 113 n. 
 
 Lyd'i-a, empire of, 55, 89, 126; 
 kingdom of, 56; coinage of, 99. 
 See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Lyn'ce-us, 93. 
 
 Lyric poets, of Greece, 100, 141 f.; 
 of Rome, 419. 
 
 Ly-san'der, 196 f., 201 f., 204 ff. 
 
 Ly-sim'a-chus, 252 f. 
 
 Ly-sip'pus, 215. 
 
 Mac'ca-bees, 261, 368. 
 
 Mac-e-do'ni-a, Athenian difficulties 
 with, 212; early history, 220 f.; 
 under Philip, 221 ff., 226 ff.; 
 under Alexander, 231 f.; under 
 Alexander's generals, 248 ff.; 
 wars with Rome, 365 ff. See 
 map following p. 66. 
 
 Mse-ce'nas, 427, 441 f. 
 
 Magistrate, at Sparta, 114; at 
 Athens, 116 ff., 150, 154; at 
 Rome, 299 f., 305 f., 308 f., 310 
 ff., 314 f., 327, 338 f., z^^ ff., 
 358 ff., 361 ff., 373 f-, 388, 389, 
 393, 405 ff-, 408, 417, 429, 433, 
 441, 450, 453, 492. 
 
 Magna Grsecia, 89, 271 f.; and 
 Rome, 323 f. 
 
 Mag-ne'si-a, 83, 366. See map 
 following p. 128. 
 
 Mal'ta, 41. 
 
 Mam'er-tines, 344. 
 
 Ma-mil'i-us, 303. 
 
 Man'e-tho, 6 n., 29. 
 
 Man-il'i-an law, 409. 
 
 Man-ti-ne'a, 191, 210. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Manufactures. See " Industrial 
 Activities. " 
 
 Mar'a-thon, 129 f. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Mar-co-man'ni, 476. 
 
 Mar-do'ni-us, 129, 139. 
 
 Mar-e-o'tis, lake, 236. See map 
 on p. 237. 
 
 Mar'i-us, Gaius, 397 f., 401 ff. 
 
 Marriage, in ancient East, 20 ff.; 
 at Rome, 336, 465. 
 
 Mars, 293. 
 
 Mar'ti-al, 464. 
 
 Mas-sil'i-a, 89. See map facing 
 p. 89. 
 
 Mas-si-nis'sa, 354, 371. 
 
 Mau-so'lus, his tomb, 215. 
 
 Max-im'i-an, 491. 
 
 Mayor of the palace, 512. 
 
570 
 
 Index 
 
 Mec'ca, 510. 
 Me-de'a, 97. 
 Medes, rise, 53 f.; empire of, 55; 
 
 overthrow by Persians, 56. 
 Medicine, in ancient East, 26; in 
 
 imperial Rome, 457. 
 Me-di'na, 510. 
 Mediterranean sea, i, 9, 10, 31, 33, 
 
 40. 
 Me-don'ti-dae, 116. 
 Medo-Persians, home, 3. 
 Meg-a-lop'o-lis, 210. 
 Meg'a-ra, 83, 88, 100, 115, 117 f., 
 
 169. See map following p. 66. 
 Me-gid'do, 32. See map facing p. 3. 
 Me'Ios, 191. See map following 
 
 p. 66. 
 Mem'phis, 6. See map following 
 
 P- 234. 
 
 Me-nan'der, 251. 
 
 Men-e-la'us, 95. 
 
 Me'nes, 6. 
 
 Merchants, in ancient East, 18 f.; 
 in Greece, 159; at Rome, 332. 
 
 Mes-o-po-ta'mi-a, 2; Roman prov- 
 ince, 476, 483. See map fac- 
 ing p. 3- 
 
 Mes-sa'na. 344. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Mes-se'ni-a, wars with Sparta, 
 no f.; alliance with Thebes, 
 210. See map following p. 66. 
 
 Mes-si'ah, 439 n., 467 f. 
 
 Me-tau'rus, 353. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Met'ics, 159 f. 
 
 ' ' Metropol i tan , " 489 . 
 
 Mi'das, king of Phrygia, 89. 
 
 Migrations. See " Invasions. " 
 
 Mil'an, 492, 500. See map fac- 
 ing p. 517. 
 
 Mi-le'tus, 56, 83, 88, loi, 127 f. 
 See map facing p. 89. 
 
 Mil-ti'a-des, 129 ff. 
 
 Mi'na, 18, 158. 
 
 Mi-ner'va, 294. 
 
 IVIi-no'an, periods, 72. 
 
 Mi'nos, 73. 
 
 Min'o-taur, 94. 
 
 Min-tur'nae, 403. 
 
 Mith'ra, 489. 
 
 Mith-ri-da'tes, 402 ff., 408 ff. 
 
 Moe'si-a, 434. See map follow- 
 ing p. 434. 
 
 Mo-ham'med, 509 f. 
 
 Mo-ham'me-dan-ism, 510 f., 513. 
 
 Mo-los'si, 220. 
 
 Mon'arch-y. See "Ruler." 
 
 Mo-nas'ti-cism, 513 f. 
 
 Mon'ey. See "Coinage" and 
 "Exchange." 
 
 Monks, 514. 
 
 Moors, 487. 
 
 Morality, in ancient East, 7, n f., 
 19, 43 f., 69 f.; in Greece, 86, 
 103, 142, 165 f., 184, 186 f., 189, 
 218, 244 f., 266; at Rome, 340, 
 369, 383 ff., 387; under Empire, 
 436, 440, 464 f., 480. See 
 "Christianity." 
 
 Mosaic, 462. 
 
 Moses, 43. 
 
 Motives of progress in Ancient 
 History, expansion, 8 f., 10, 31, 
 177; religion, 31, 43 f.; inva- 
 sion, 9, 29 f., 39, 71, 76 f., 79 f., 
 140, 219, 506; commerce, 16, 
 18, 40 f., 290; wealth, 15, zy> 
 organization, 59 f., 430 ff., 491 f. 
 
 Mu'ci-us, Scsev'o-la, 303, 383. 
 
 Mum'mi-us, 370. 
 
 Mun'da, 416. See map follow- 
 ing p. 476. 
 
 Mu-ni-cip'i-a, Cesar's law for, 418; 
 in Empire, 430, 477. 
 
 Museum at Alexandria, 258. 
 
 Music, Greek, 100, 161 f. 
 
 Mut'i-na, 426. 
 
 Myc'a-le, 140. See map follow- 
 ing p. 170. 
 
 My-ce'nas, 72. See map follow- 
 ing p. 76. 
 
Index 
 
 571 
 
 My-ce-nffi'an civilization, 71, 74; 
 pottery, 72; houses and forti- 
 fications, 74; commerce, 75; 
 respect for dead, 75; religion, 
 75 f.; decline of, 76. 
 
 My'lse, 346. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Myr'til-us, 95. 
 
 Mysteries, 103 f., 165 f. 
 
 ]\Iyt-i-le'ne, 83. See map follow- 
 ing p. 128. 
 
 Na'bu, 52. 
 
 Nse'vi-us, 382. 
 
 Na'ram Sin, 10. 
 
 Nar'bo, 398. 
 
 Nar'ses, 507. 
 
 Nau-cra'ries, Council of, 116. 
 
 Nau'cra-tis, 37. See map facing p. 89. 
 
 Nau-pac'tus, 169. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Navy, 107, 131, 170 f., 194, 195 f., 
 235 f-, 345, 346 iJf. See "Com- 
 merce. " 
 
 Nax'os, 148. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Ne-ar'chus, 241. 
 
 Neb-u-chad-rez'zar, 55. 
 
 Neph'e-le, 96. 
 
 Ne'pos, 420. 
 
 Nep'tune, 293. 
 
 Ne'ro, 449 f., 469. 
 
 Ner'va, 471. 
 
 Neus'tri-a, 511. See map facing 
 
 P- 517- 
 
 New Comedy, 251. 
 
 New Platonism, 48S f. 
 
 New Testament, 468. 
 
 Ni-cas'a, 487, 499. See map fac- 
 ing p. 509. 
 
 Nic'i-as, 179, 192 f. 
 
 Nic-o-me'di-a, 492. See map fac- 
 ing p. 509. 
 
 Nile, I. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Nin'e-veh, 48; fall of, 51, 53. See 
 map facing p. 3. 
 
 Nip'pur, 8, 13. See map facing 
 
 P-3- 
 
 Nobility, in ancient East, 17; at 
 Rome, 377. 
 
 Nome, 5. 
 
 Nor'i-cum, 434. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 434. 
 
 Not'i-um, 195. See map facing 
 p. 180. 
 
 Nu'bi-a, 8, 31. See map facing 
 
 P- 3- 
 Num'a, 288 f., 293. 
 Nu-man'ti-a, 372. 
 Nu-mid'i-a, 354; war with, 396 f. 
 
 See map following p. 434. 
 
 Occupations, of early civilized 
 man, 14 f.; of Greek middle age, 
 79; of early Romans, 331 f.; 
 change in, 375 f.; under the Em- 
 pire, 457 f. 
 
 Oc-ta'vi-us, 426. See "Augus- 
 tus." 
 
 0-do-va'car, 505. 
 
 0-dys'seus, 84. 
 
 Od'ys-sey, 84 f. 
 
 CE'cist, 88. 
 
 CEd'ip-pus, 94 f. 
 
 CE-no-ma'us, 95. 
 
 CE-noph'y-ta, 170. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 0-guI'ni-an law, 310. 
 
 Ol'bi-a, 88. See map facing p. 
 89. 
 
 Oligarchy, 200. See "Aristocra- 
 cy." 
 
 0-Iym'pi-a, festival at, 98. See 
 map following p. 66. 
 
 Olympiads, 98. 
 
 0-lym'pus, 86. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 0-lyn'thus, 207. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 O'men, 294, 338. 
 
 O'pis, 242. See map following 
 p. 234. 
 
572 
 
 Index 
 
 Oracles, Greek, 98. 
 
 Or-chom'en-us, 404. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Oriental world, physical features, i, 
 2; peoples, 2; its beginnings, 5. 
 
 Or'i-gen, 490. 
 
 Or'tho-dox-y, 499. 
 
 O-si'ris, 28. 
 
 Os'ti-a, 403. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Os'tra-cism, 122. 
 
 Os'tro-goths, 503, 505, 507. 
 
 O'tho, 451. 
 
 Ov'id, 440 f. 
 
 0-vin'i-an law, 325 n. 
 
 Pa'dus, 278. See"Po." 
 
 Pas-o'ni-us, 215. 
 
 Pag'a-sae, 74. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Palace epoch, 72. 
 
 Pal'a-tine hill, 284, 429, 456 n. 
 
 Pal 'es- tine, 43; origin of name, 43; 
 under Ptolemies, 252, 255. See 
 map facing p. 3. 
 
 Pal-my'ra, 487. See map follow- 
 ing p. 476. 
 
 Pan-ath-en-ae'a, 164, 166 f. 
 
 Pan'dects, 508. 
 
 Pan-no'ni-a, 434. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 434. ■ 
 
 Pan-or'mus, 347. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Pan'sa, 458. 
 
 Pa'pa-cy, 515 ff- 
 
 Pa-pin'i-an, 485. 
 
 Pa-pin'i-an law, 401. 
 
 Pa-py'rus, 15. 
 
 Par-me'ni-o, 240. 
 
 Par-nas'sus, 92. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Par'nes, mt., 115, 202. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Par'non, mt., no. 
 
 Pa'ros, 130. See map following 
 p. 180. 
 
 Par'the-non, 164, 166. 
 
 Par'thi-a, 58; and Rome, 410, 412, 
 432, 475 f.; Sassanid dynasty, 
 487. See map following p. 60. 
 
 Parties, in Athens, 179; in Greek 
 cities, 214; rise at Rome, 387, 
 
 393- 
 Patricians, 286. 
 Paul, 468. 
 Pau-sa'ni-as, 139, 144 f., 148 f.; 
 
 II, 204. 
 Pa'vi-a, 518. See map facing p. 517. 
 Pe'li-as, 96 f. 
 Pel'la, 223. See map following 
 
 p. 66. 
 Pe-lop'i-das, 209, 210. 
 Peloponnesian League, founded, 
 
 114; in Persian wars, 134, 144; 
 
 and Athens, 169; declares war, 
 
 175- 
 
 Peloponnesian War, 177 ff. 
 
 Pel-o-pon-ne'sus, 65. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Pe'lops, 95. 
 
 Pel'tast, 213. 
 
 Pe-na'tes, 293. 
 
 Per-dic'cas, 233, 249. 
 
 Per'ga-mon, 257, 267, 372. See 
 map following p. 128. 
 
 Per-i-an'der, 102 n., 107 f. 
 
 Per'i-cles, 164; age of, 156 ff., 168; 
 and Peloponnesian War, 178; 
 death, 179; and the higher life 
 of Athens, 186 f. 
 
 Per-i-oe'ci, no. 
 
 Perpetual Edict, 474. 
 
 Per-seph'o-ne, 86. 
 
 Per-sep'o-lis, 57, 238. See map 
 facing p. 3. 
 
 Per'seus, 367. 
 
 Persia, physical features, 57 f.; 
 empire of, rise, 56; extent, 58 f., 
 59; organization, 59 f.; people, 
 60; civilization, 61; expansion, 
 62; threatens Greece, 127; ex- 
 peditions against Greece, 129 f., 
 
Index 
 
 573 
 
 132 f.; driven from Greece, 140; 
 from the Mediterranean, 140; 
 Athenian expeditions, 170 f.; 
 peace of Callias, 171; re- 
 appearance in Peloponnesian 
 War, 194; dominating influence, 
 202; war with Sparta, 205 f.; 
 condition at invasion of Alex- 
 ander, 233; overthrown by 
 Alexander, 239; revival under 
 Sassanians, 487, 507; conquered 
 by Mohammedans, 510. See 
 map facing p. 3. 
 
 Pe-tro'ni-us, 463. 
 
 Pha-le'rum, 250. 
 
 Pha'raoh, title, 6. 
 
 Phar-na-ba'zus, 194. 
 
 Phar-sa'lus, 415. 
 
 Pha'rus, 236. 
 
 Phei'don, iii. 
 
 Pher'ffi, 208. See map following 
 p. 66. 
 
 Phid'i-as, 164. 
 
 Philip of Macedon, 212, 221 ff.; 
 his ideals and purposes, 223 f.; 
 master of Greece, 227 f.; death, 
 231; V, 268; allies with Hanni- 
 bal, 352; wars with Rome, 365 f. 
 
 Phil-ip'pi, 222, 426. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Phil-ip'pics, 426 n. 
 
 Phil-is'tines, 40, 42 f. 
 
 Philosophy, early Greek, loi; at 
 Athens, 186 f.; in the third 
 century B.C., 265 f.; at Rome, 
 381, 386; under the Empire, 
 465 f-, 473, 488 f. 
 
 Phi-lo'tas, 240. 
 
 Pho-cae'ans, 89. 
 
 Pho'ci-ans, 169, 226. 
 
 Phoe-ni'ci-ans, home, 3; geogra- 
 phy of Phoenicia, 40; civiliza- 
 tion, 40; commerce, 40 f.; ser- 
 vice to civilization, 42; empire 
 of, 41; influence on Italy, 290; 
 in Graeco-Persian wars, 235 f. 
 
 Phrat'ry, 79 f. 
 
 Phrix'us, 96. 
 
 Phryg'i-a, 89. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Phy'le, 202. See map facing p. 
 171. 
 
 Physical geography, influence on 
 history, 15, 280, 283 f., 494. 
 
 Pi'e-tas, 295. 
 
 Pi'late, 467. 
 
 Pin'dar, 140, 141 f. 
 
 Pin'dus, mts., 65. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Pip'pin, the elder, 512; the young- 
 _er, 517. 
 
 Pi-ras'us, 131, 146, 157, 199, 202. 
 See map following p. 66. 
 
 Pirates, 410. 
 
 Pi-sis' tra-tus, 119 f., 156. 
 
 Pit'ta-cus, 102 n., 105. 
 
 Pla-cen'ti-a, 349. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Pla-t£e'a, 129, 139 f., 179. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Plato, 217 f., 244. 
 
 Plau'tus, 382. 
 
 Ple-bei'ans, 286; struggles with 
 patricians, 306 ff . ; victory over 
 them, 313. 
 
 Plin'y, the elder, 464; the young- 
 er, 480, 481. 
 
 Plu'tarch, 479. 
 
 Plu'to, 86. 
 
 Po river, 278. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Po-ly'bi-us, 368, 384. 
 
 Pol-y-nei'ces, 95. 
 
 Pol-y-per'chon, 249. 
 
 Pom-pei'i, 452, 461. See map 
 following p. 278. 
 
 Pom'pey, 407 f. ; victories in the 
 East, 410 f.; first triumvirate, 
 411; sole consul, 412; conflict 
 with Caesar, 414 f. ; death, 415. 
 
 Pon'ti-fex, 293, 339, 436. 
 
 Pon-ton'o-us, 84. 
 
574 
 
 Index 
 
 Pon'tus, wars of Rome with, 402 
 ff., 410. See map following p. 
 434- 
 
 Pope, 515 f., 517 ff- 
 
 Pop-lic'o-la, law of, 313. 
 
 Population, of Greek cities, 156, 
 214; of Roman Italy, 327. 
 
 Por'sen-a, 301 ff. 
 
 Po-sei'don, 86, 93. 
 
 Prae'tor, 299. 
 
 Prtetorian guard, 431, 450, 483. 
 
 Prax-it'e-les, 275. 
 
 Prefects, Roman, 327, 431. 
 
 Pri-e'ne, 102 n. 
 
 Priesthood, in ancient East, 21, 23, 
 26 f.; in Egyptian empire, 36 f.; 
 in Greece, 80, 98; at Rome, 293. 
 
 Prin'ceps, 429; growth of power, 
 441, 451; as tyranny, 453; in- 
 creasing state of, 456; imperial 
 council of, 474; theory of, by 
 third-century jurists, 485; trans- 
 formed into absolute ruler, 492. 
 
 Pro'bus, 488. 
 
 Proconsul, 373. 
 
 Prophets of Israel, 44, 58. 
 
 Pro-tag'o-ras, 186. 
 
 Provincial government, in Egyp- 
 tian empire, 35; in Assyrian 
 empire, 49; in Persian empire, 
 59 f.; origin of Roman provin- 
 cial system, 362 f. ; Roman prov- 
 inces in 133 B.C., 372; Roman 
 provincial organization, 372 ff.; 
 trial court for governors, 374; 
 defects of, 387; importance of 
 provinces to Rome, 406; reor- 
 ganization under Augustus, 429; 
 imperial provinces, 430 f.; un- 
 der Julian Caesars, 451; assem- 
 blies, 467; under Diocletian, 
 491 f. 
 
 Pryt'a-ny, 122. 
 
 Psam-met'i-cus, 37. 
 
 Ptol'e-my, I, 250 ff., 255; II, 
 255 f., 259 f.; Ill, 260; IV, 268. 
 
 Public land. See "Agrarian." 
 
 Pub-li-ca'ni, 362, 373, 432. 
 
 Pub-lil'i-an law (Vol 'e-ro) ,312,314. 
 
 Pu'nic wars: first, 345 ff.; sec- 
 ond, 350 ff.; third, 371 f. 
 
 Pyd'na, 367. 
 
 Py'los, 180 ff., 183. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Pyramids, 6, 24, 26, 102. 
 
 Pyr'rha, 92. 
 
 Pyr'rhus, of Epirus, 253; in Italy 
 and Sicily, 273 f., 324. 
 
 Py-thag'o-ras, 102. 
 
 Quaes'tor, 299. 
 Quin-til'i-an, 464. 
 Quir'i-nal, 284. 
 
 Ram'ses II, 32 ff., 43; III, ;^^, 42. 
 
 Raph'i-a, 268. 
 
 Rau'dine plains, 399. 
 
 Ra-ven'na, 505, 518. See map fac- 
 ing p. 517. 
 
 Re, Egyptian god, 27, 34. 
 
 Red sea, 6, 43. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Re-gil'lus, battle of Lake, 303. 
 
 Reg'u-lus, 347 f. 
 
 Religion, in ancient East, 26-28; 
 of Israel, 43 f.; of Assyria, 52; 
 of Persia, 60 f.; of early Greece, 
 85 ff.; influence of Zeus and 
 Apollo in, 87, 97 f.; Greek prob- 
 lems of, 100 f.; progress of, as 
 related to growth of civilization, 
 103; in iEschylus, 142; influ- 
 ence of Greek philosophers on, 
 186; Stoicism and Epicurean- 
 ism, 265 f.; of early Rome, 292 
 ff., 295, 340 f.; decline of, 385 f. 
 revived under Augustus, 436 f. 
 in the first century a.d., 466 f. 
 of Alexander Severus, 484 
 in third century, 488 f. See 
 "Christianity." 
 
 Re'mus, 287. 
 
 Rex sa-cro'rum, 297. 
 
Index 
 
 575 
 
 Rhfe'ti-a, 434. See map follow- 
 ing p. 434. 
 
 Rhetoricians at Athens, 184; at 
 Rome, 381, 458. 
 
 Rhine, river, 413. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 434. 
 
 Rhodes, and Rome, 367 f. See 
 map following p. 128. 
 
 Rhone, river, 413. See map fac- 
 ing p. 493. 
 
 Ric'i-mer, 504. 
 
 Roman church, 489 f., 515. See 
 "Papacy." 
 
 Rome, origin, 281, 287; geography, 
 283 f.; union of peoples in, 286; 
 a city-state, 286; early legends 
 of, 287 f.; influence of Italy on 
 its origin, 288 f.; under Etrus- 
 can Kings, 290 ff.; political 
 reorganization by Servius, 296 f . 
 overthrow of kingship, 297 f. 
 struggle with neighbors, 299 ff. 
 struggle of patricians and ple- 
 beians, 305 ff.; the Celtic terror, 
 318 f.; its result, 319; expan- 
 sion in Italy, 320 ff.; victory 
 of plebeians, 313 ff.; rise of dis- 
 tinctions of wealth and office, 
 325; organization of Roman 
 Italy, 326 ff.; Roman society 
 and manners, early period, 
 331 ff.; relations to Carthage 
 
 - and wars, 343; early embassy to 
 Greece, 173; war with Magna 
 Grascia and Pyrrhus, 323 f.; 
 early complications with Greek 
 world, 273 f.; attitude toward 
 Eastern powers, 368 f.; wars 
 with Macedonia, 365; with 
 Syria, 366 f.; Rome an imperial 
 state, 368 ff.; society and man- 
 ners under Hellenistic influence, 
 375 ff.; era of party struggles, 
 392 f.; victory of Cassar, 416; 
 a world-empire, 424 ff.; under 
 Augustus, 427 ff.; under Julian 
 
 Caesars, 445 ff.; fire at, 450; 
 under Flavian Cfesars, 451 ff.; 
 society and manners in the first 
 century a.d., 456 ff.; under the 
 constitutional emperors, 471 ff.; 
 under the military emperors, 
 483 ff.; city fortified, 488; un- 
 der the Despotism, 491 ff.; 
 rivalled by Constantinople, 496; 
 captured by Alaric, 503; by 
 Gaiseric, 505; and the Roman 
 church, 489 f., 515 f.; division 
 into Eastern and Western Em- 
 pires, 502 f.; fall of Western Em- 
 pire, 505; influence on the bar- 
 barians, 506 f.; revival under 
 Justinian, 507 f.; influence of 
 Eastern Empire, 508 f.; Mo- 
 hammedan attacks, 510; pass- 
 ing of Empire with Charle- 
 magne's accession, 520 f. 
 
 Rom'u-lus, 287 f. 
 
 Rom'u-lus Au-gust'u-lus, 505. 
 
 Rox-a'na, 239, 249. 
 
 Ru'bi-con, 414. 
 
 Ruler, in ancient East, 17; in 
 Egyptian empire, 17; in Per- 
 sian empire, 61; in early Greece, 
 74, 80, 81, 82; in Sparta, 114; 
 the Greek tyrant, 105 ff.; king 
 at Athens, 115 f.; divinity of, 
 246; king at Rome, 287, 295 ff.; 
 in Roman Empire (see "Prin- 
 ceps"); absolute monarch, 491 f.; 
 Frankish king, 511 f.; ca- 
 liphs, 510. 
 
 Sa-bel'li-ans, 2S0. 
 
 Sa'bines, 2S8, 300. 
 
 "Sacred Band" of Thebes, 209. 
 
 Sacred war, 223, 225. 
 
 Sa-gun'tum, 350. See map fac- 
 ing p. 343. 
 
 Sa'is, 37. 
 
 Sal'a-mis, 118, 137 f. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
576 
 
 Index 
 
 Sal 'lust, 419 f. 
 
 Sa-ma'ri-a, 46; destroyed, 50. 
 See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Sa-mar'i-tans, 236. 
 
 Sam'nites, 280; Roman wars with, 
 320 ff. 
 
 Sa'mos, 83, 172. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 128. 
 
 Samuel, 44. 
 
 Sap'pho, loi. 
 
 Sar-din'i-a, Phoenicians in, 41; 
 Carthaginians in, 343; Romans 
 take, 349. See map following 
 p. 278. 
 
 Sar'dis, 56. See map facing p. 180. 
 
 Sar'gon of Accad, 8; autobiogra- 
 phy, 9; conquests, 10; his 
 library, 22; his empire, 9; of 
 Assyria, 49. 
 
 Sas-sa'ni-ans, 487. 
 
 Sa'trap, 59 f. 
 
 Sat-ur-na'li-a, 459. 
 
 Saul, 44. 
 
 •Saxons, 516. 
 
 Scasv'o-la, Mucins, 303; the ju- 
 rist, 383. 
 
 Science, in ancient East, 25; in 
 Greece, loi; at Rome, 339, 
 464. 
 
 Scip'i-o, Pub. Cornelius, 353; L. 
 Cornelius, 366; the younger, 384, 
 
 394- 
 
 School. See "Education." 
 
 Sco'pas, 215 f. 
 
 Scribe, in ancient East, 21. 
 
 Sculpture, in ancient East, 25, 
 33 f.; Assyrian, 51; Greek, 164, 
 215 f.; at Rome, 339 f.; por- 
 trait statues, 462. 
 
 Scy'ros, 206. See map following 
 p. 66. 
 
 Scyth'i-ans, invade the east, 55; 
 Darius I attacks, 62, 126 f. 
 
 Se-ja'nus, 447. 
 
 Se-leu'cus, 249 f.; kingdom, 261 f., 
 367, 410 f. 
 
 Sel-Ia'si-a, 267. 
 
 Sem'ites, origin and home, 2; 
 distribution, 2 f.; passing of 
 their power, 55. 
 
 Senate, Greek, 80, 114, 116, 118, 
 121 f., 151; Roman, origin, 287; 
 early history, 300; practical 
 dominance of, 326, 354 ff.; 
 plebeians admitted to, 309; 
 methods of doing business, 
 357 ff.; powers of, 359 f.; and 
 the nobility, 377; difficulties 
 of, 389 f.; struggle with the 
 democracy, 392 ff.; failure in 
 administration, 396; legally su- 
 preme under Sulla, 405 f.; con- 
 flict with Caesar, 414 f.; re- 
 organized by Caesar, 417; joint 
 rule with Augustus, 428; Au- 
 gustus reorganizes, 436; and 
 Augustus, 441; and Julian 
 Caesars, 450; and Flavian Cae- 
 sars, 453; and constitutional 
 emperors, 474; under absolute 
 monarchy, 492. 
 
 Sen'e-ca, 449, 463, 466. 
 
 Sen-nach'er-ib, 49 ff.; and Judah, 
 50 f. 
 
 Sen-ti'num, 323. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Ser-a'pis, 262. 
 
 Ser-to'ri-us, 407 f. 
 
 Ser'vi-us Tul'li-us, 291, 296. 
 
 Ses'tos, 140. See map following 
 p. 128. 
 
 Se'ti I, 32 f. 
 
 "Seven against Thebes," 84, 95. 
 
 "Seven Wise Men" of Greece, 102. 
 
 Se-ve'rus, Sep-tim'i-us, 483; Alex- 
 ander, 484. 
 
 Shek'el, 18. 
 
 Shir-pur'la, 8. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Sib'yl, 295. 
 
 Sic'i-ly, Phoenicians in, 41; Greek 
 colonies in, 88; in Persian wars, 
 134 f.; democracy in, 149 f.; 
 
Index 
 
 577 
 
 Syracuse and Athens, 192 f.; 
 empire of Dionysius, 203; events 
 after its fall, 270 f., 272 ff.; 
 Carthage and Rome in, 343 ff., 
 346 ff.; Roman province, 362 f.; 
 slave wars in, 387. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Sic'y-on, 107, 115. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Si'don, 40. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Si-ge'um, 118. See map facing p. 
 180. 
 
 Silver Age, 463. 
 
 Si-mon'i-des, 140. 
 
 Si'na-i, 6, 31. See map facing 
 
 P- 3- 
 
 Si-no'pe, 88. See map facing p. 
 89. 
 
 Sixth Eg}T3tian dynasty, 6. 
 
 Slavery and Slaves, in ancient 
 East, 18; in Egyptian empire, 
 33j 35 ; in Greece, 160; at 
 Rome, 377 f., 385, 387, 407, 
 457; 459i 466; coloni, or serfs, 
 494- 
 
 Slavs, 3. 
 
 Social war, in Greece, 212; in 
 Italy, 401. 
 
 Society, organization in ancient 
 East, 16 f.; in early Greece, 
 79 f., 85; in Athens in age of 
 Pericles, 162 f., 167 f.; in early 
 -Rome, 331 ff.; transformation, 
 375 ff., 383 ff.; at Rome under 
 Augustus, 436, 440 f.; classi- 
 fication of, at Rome in first cen- 
 tury, A.D., 455 f.; in the sec- 
 ond century a.d., 479 f.; in the 
 third century, 486. 
 
 Soc'ra-tes, 189, 216 f. 
 
 Sois-sons', 5x7. See map facing p. 
 
 517- 
 Solomon of Israel, 45 f. 
 So'lon, lawgiver of Athens, 102, 
 
 105, 117 f.; his legislation, 118 f.; 
 
 outcome, 156. 
 
 So-phi'a, St., church of, 507, 
 
 Soph'ists, 184. 
 
 Soph'o-clcs, 95, 165. 
 
 Spain, Phrenicians in, 41; Greeks 
 in, 89; Carthaginians in, 343, 
 350; becomes Roman, 353; un- 
 der Augustus, 432; Moham- 
 medans in, 511. See map fac- 
 ing p. 89. 
 
 Sparta, primitive organization, 
 109 f.; expansion, no; wars 
 with Messenians, no f.; Spar- 
 tan character, 112; development 
 of culture and its suppression, 
 113 f.; final organization of 
 political system, 114 ; headship 
 of Peloponnesian League, 115; 
 in alliance against Cyrus, 115; 
 in Persian wars, 135 f., 139 f., 
 144 ff.; jealousy of Athens, 148; 
 growth of oligarchy, 150; com- 
 plications with Athens, 169; 
 war with Athens, 170 ff.; fifty 
 years' peace signed, 183; vic- 
 tory over Athens, 196; terms of 
 peace, 199; imperialistic pro- 
 gramme, 200 ff.; war with Per- 
 sia, 205; peace of Antalcidas, 
 206; Sparta supreme, 207; 
 revolt of Thebes, 208; later his- 
 tory, 265, 266 f. 
 
 Spar'ta-cus, 407 f. 
 
 Sphac-te'ri-a, 181. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 66. 
 
 Spu'ri-us Cas'si-us, 300, 306; Mse'- 
 li-us, 306. 
 
 Sta'ti-us, 463 f. 
 
 Stil'i-cho, 503. 
 
 Sto'i-cism, 265 f.; at Rome, 
 46s f. 
 
 Strat'e-goi, at Athens, 122, 131, 
 154; in later Leagues, 263. 
 
 Succession, problem of, in Roman 
 Empire, 443 f., 453, 474, 4S3, 
 
 491. 
 Su-e'vi, 503. 
 
578 
 
 Index 
 
 Sul'la, L. Cornelius, 398, 400 ff.; 
 
 his administration, 404 f.; its 
 
 failure, 406 f. 
 Sul-pi'ci-us, 402. 
 Su-me'ri-ans, 8. 
 Su'sa, 57, 238. See map facing 
 
 P- 3- 
 
 Syb'a-ris, 89. See map facing p. 
 89. 
 
 Syr'a-cuse, founded, 88; Gelon, 
 tyrant of, 134 f.; wars with 
 Carthage, 135, 203, 270 f.; 
 Hieron, tyrant of, 149 f.; de- 
 mocracy in, 149 f.; Athenian 
 expedition against, 191 ff.; 
 under Dionysius I, 203; Hieron, 
 king of, 344; complications 
 with Rome, 344 f. See map 
 following p. 88. 
 
 Syr'ia, 5; under Babylonian sway, 
 12 f.; under Egyptian sway, 31; 
 empires of, 39-48; under Assyr- 
 ian sway, 48 ff.; complications 
 with Rome, 366 f.; becomes a 
 Roman province, 411. See map 
 facing p. 3. 
 
 Tac'i-tus, 478 f. 
 
 Tal'ent, 18, 158. 
 
 Tan'a-gra, 169. See map follow- 
 ing p. 66. 
 
 Ta-ren'tum, 89, 271 f.; treaty 
 with Rome, 323; war with Rome 
 and submission, 324 f.; revolt 
 and subjugation, 353. See map 
 following p. 278. 
 
 Tar-quin'i-i, 287. 
 
 Tar-quin'i-us, Priscus, 290; Super- 
 bus, 291, 295, 302, 304. 
 
 Tar'sus, 234. See map facing p. 
 
 493- 
 
 Tar'tar-us, loi. 
 
 Taxes, in ancient East, 17 f.; 
 35 f., 45, 49, 59; Athenian, 160, 
 168; Roman, 367, 373; im- 
 perial, 432. 
 
 Ta-yg'e-tus mts., no. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Teaching at Rome, 457 f. 
 
 Teg'e-a, 114. See map following 
 p. 66. 
 
 Tel-el-A-mar'na letters, 35. 
 
 Tem'e-nus, 96. 
 
 Temple, in ancient East, 24; in 
 Egypt, 33; of Solomon, 45; at 
 Athens, 163 f.; at Rome, 436, 
 438 f. 
 
 Ten Commandments, 44. 
 
 Ter'ence, 382. 
 
 Ter-pan'der, 113. 
 
 Ter-tul'li-an, 481, 490. 
 
 Tet'ri-cus, 487. 
 
 Teu'to-nes, 398. 
 
 Teu-ton'ic peoples. See "Ger- 
 mans." 
 
 Tha'les, loi f. 
 
 Thap'sus, 415. See map follow- 
 ing p. 476. 
 
 Tha'sos, 149. See map following 
 p. 66. 
 
 The-ag'e-nes, 117. 
 
 Theatre, at Athens, 120, 165, 167; 
 at Rome, 335, 380, 461. 
 
 Thebes (in Boeotia), in Persian 
 wars, 127, 133; rises against 
 Sparta, 208; imperialistic ideal 
 of, 210; failure, 211; real 
 achievement, 211; destroyed 
 by Alexander, 232. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
 Thebes, capital of Eg3^t, 7, 30, 
 31, 33. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 The-mis'to-cles, 131, 138, 141, 
 146, 148 f. 
 
 The-oc'ri-tus, 256. 
 
 The-od'or-ic, 505. 
 
 The-o-do'si-us, 498, 500, 503; 
 penance of, 500 f. 
 
 The-og'nis, loi. 
 
 The-ram'e-nes, 195 f. 
 
 Ther-mop'y-lse, 135 f. See map 
 following p. 66. 
 
Index 
 
 579 
 
 The'ron, 140, 201 f. 
 
 The'seus, 82, 94. 
 
 Thes'pis, 120. 
 
 Thes-sa-lo-ni'ca, 500. See map 
 
 following p. 66. 
 Thes'sa-ly, tyrants of, 210. See 
 
 map following p. 66. 
 Thirty, at Athens, 201 f. 
 Thrace, 449. See map following 
 
 p. 128. 
 Thras-y-bu'lus, 106. 
 Thu-cyd'i-des, the historian, 187 f.; 
 
 on founding of Athens, 82. 
 Thu-cyd'i-des, son of Mel-e'si-as, 
 
 172. 
 Thu'ri-i, 173. See map following 
 
 p. 278. 
 Thut'mose, III, 31 f. 
 Ti'ber, 279. See map following 
 
 p. 278. 
 Ti-be'ri-us, 443, 445 £f. 
 Ti'bur, 478. See map on p. 301. 
 Ti-ci'nus, 351. See map following 
 
 p. 278. 
 Tig-lath-pi-le'ser, III, 49 f. 
 Ti-gra'nes, 410. 
 Ti'gris, river, i. See map facing 
 
 P- 3- 
 Ti-moc'ra-cy, 108. 
 Ti-mo'le-on, 270 f. 
 Ti-m^o'theus, 211. 
 Tir'yns, 74. See map facing p. 
 
 ■77- 
 Tis-sa-pher'nes, 194, 196. 
 Ti'tans, loi. 
 Ti'tus, 452. 
 To'ga, 296, 334, 338. 
 Tours, 512. See map facing p. 
 
 517- 
 Trades, in ancient East, 16; at 
 
 Rome, 332. See "Industrial 
 
 Activity." 
 Tradition, meaning of, 10 n. 
 Tra'jan, 471, 475, 477. 
 Tra-pe'zus, 88. See map facing 
 
 p. 89. 
 
 Tras-i-me'nus, 351. See map fol- 
 lowing p. 278. 
 
 Treaty, Ramses and Hittites, 2,2>\ 
 Greek, 171, 199, 206 f.; Roman, 
 323, 328, 343, 349> 354, 365- 
 
 Treb'i-a, 351. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 
 Tribal system, 79, 511. 
 
 Tribe, at Rome, 325, 327. 
 
 Tri-bo'ni-an, 508. 
 
 Trib'une, origin, 307 f.; trans- 
 formation, 309. 
 
 Tribuniciary power of Augustus, 
 429, 436. 
 
 Trib'ute. See "Taxes," "Prov- 
 ince. " 
 
 Tri'remes, 107. 
 
 Tri'mnph, 330. 
 
 Tri-um'vi-rate, 393; first, 411; 
 second, 426. 
 
 Tro'jan war, 84, 287. 
 
 Troy, 74. See map facing p. 3. 
 
 Tul'lus Hos-til'i-us, 288. 
 
 Tu'nis, 348. 
 
 Twelfth Egyptian dynasty, 7. 
 
 Twelve Tables, law of, 311, 338 f. 
 
 Tyrants, of Greece, 105 £f. 
 
 Tyre, 40, 41, 45; siege by Alex- 
 ander, 236. See map facing 
 
 P- 3- 
 Tyr-rhe'ni-an sea, 290. See map 
 
 following p. 278. 
 Tyr-tas'us, 113. 
 
 Ul'pi-an, 485. 
 Um'bri-ans, 279, 323. 
 Um-bro-Sa-bel'li-ans, 279. 
 University, at Athens, 265, 
 Ur, 8. See map facing p. 3. 
 U'ti-ca, 41. See map facing p„ 
 
 Va'lens, 503. 
 Va-le'ri-an, 487. 
 Valerian law, 312. 
 Va-le'ri-o-Horatian laws, 316. 
 
580 
 
 Index 
 
 Van'dals, 503, 507. 
 Var'ro, 420. 
 Va'rus, 442. 
 
 Ve'i-i, 301 ff. See map facing p. 89. 
 Ven'e-ti, 279. 
 Ve'nus, 293. 
 
 Ve-nus'i-a, 327. See map follow- 
 ing p. 278. 
 Ver'gil, 257; works, 437 f. 
 Ves-pa'si-an, 451 f.; and senate, 
 
 453- 
 Ves'ta, 292. 
 Ve-su'vi-us, 452. 
 Vim'i-nal hill, 285. See map on 
 
 p. 286. 
 Vir-gin'i-us, 315 f. 
 Vir-i-a'thus, 372. 
 Vis-i-goths, 503, 507, 511. 
 Vi-tel'li-us, 451. 
 Vol'sci, 300, 304, 320. 
 Volturnus river, 323, 
 Vul'can, 293. 
 Vul'gate, 513. 
 
 Warfare, of Sumerians, 8; develop- 
 ment in Egypt, 31, 36; of Philis- 
 tines, 42 f.; in Persia, 61 f.; 
 naval, 107; at Athens, 116; at 
 Marathon, 129 f.; new tactics 
 of Epaminondas, 209 f.; Greek 
 development in, 213 f.; Mace- 
 donian army, 221 f.; tactics of 
 Alexander, 233 f., 238, 242 f.; 
 army at Rome under Servius, 
 
 296 f.; development and reor- 
 ganization, 309 f., 329 f.; reforms 
 of Marius, 399; army under Au- 
 gustus, 431; army supreme in 
 Roman Empire, 486 f.; im- 
 provements by Diocletian, 493. 
 Wealth. See "Capitalism." 
 Woman, in ancient East, 19 f.; 
 in Greece, 161; at Rome, 33s ff., 
 459, 465- 
 World, ideas of, in ancient East, 
 26; in Greece, 100 f.; in Rome, 
 463, 465 f. See "Cosmogony." 
 Worship. See "Religion." 
 Writing, materials, 15; systems of , 
 20 f.; in Greece, 99; in Italy, 
 290. 
 
 Xen-oph'a-nes, 102. 
 
 Xen'o-phon, 205; on Leuctra, 208; 
 
 his works, 216 f. 
 Xer'xes, 130, 132, 135 ff, 
 
 Zach-a-ri'as, 517. 
 
 Za'gros mts., 57. 
 
 Za-leu'cus, 105. 
 
 Za'ma, 354. See map following 
 p. 476. 
 
 Ze'la, 415. 
 
 Ze'no, philosopher, 259, 265; em- 
 peror, 505. 
 
 Ze-no'bi-a, 487. 
 
 Zeus, 86, 98. 
 
 Zo'ro-as-ter, 60 f. 
 
 3477-1 
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