o o £.... Author Title Imprint 16—47372-3 GPO PRESIDENTS ELECTED FROM NEW YORK "When Cleveland Was Governor'' BY WILLIAM GORHAM RICE State Civil Service Commissioner [Subject headings for cataloging this pamphlet: Presidents Elected from New York," "New York State and the Presidency," "Presidential Election of 1884," " Grover Cleveland"] Reprinted from the State Service Magazine for April 1918 ALBANY THE STATE SERVICE MAGAZINE COMPANY, INCORPORATED 1918 WHEN CLEVELAND WAS GOVERNOR Story of the exciting days in Albany in 1884, after the State's chief executive had been nominated for president by the Democratic convention at Chicago By WILLIAM GORHAM RICK Stall Civil Servia Commission?) William Gorham Rice, author of this article, was a secretary to Governor Grover Cleveland. He was inti- matel) cognizant of the events going on in the executive chamber at that time and is in a position to relate many interesting incidents preceding the presidential election of 1884, when Mr. Cleveland was first elected president of the United States. The controlling influence of New York State in national politics was well illustrated in the ascend- ancy to public life of Grover Cleveland, who rapidly rose from being sheriff of Erie county to mayor of Buffalo and governor of New York. This brought him into national prominence in a few years. Colonel Rice gives some elec- tion figures which will not fail to attract attention in this and other states during this gubernatorial year, when can- didates for the presidency are certain to be brought into the limelight. — Editor. l\ ii am i i:ii ham Ria A T I O N A L pa rt y con - ventions, both Demo- cratic and Republican have always specially considered the m er i t and ii t n e s s of New York men for the presidential nomina- tion Gubernatorial experience in New York a true service record has almost inevitably given its possessors a preferred rating and often has put such governors at the head of the lisl As a result, the assembled delegates on ten different occa- sions have selected <>ne who was then, or previously had been, governor of New York a- the best qualified leader of his party. Five turn s the governor thus chosen has won in a presidential election following, [ntei i i in everal of these elections in which New York governors were national candi- dates rose to a fierce intensity after the polls closed, for the result of the campaign con- tinued in doubt for many hours. What the outcome would be was uncertain once until almost the very hour of the presidential inauguration. This last was the prolonged Tilden-Hayes contest in J 876, which began while Tilden was governor in the old capitol. Eight years later came the stirring Cleveland- Blaine con- test, with Cleveland as governor, the execu- tive chamber being then, as now, in the present capitol. The Roosevelt-Parker con- test of 1904, the Wilson-Roosevelt-Taft con- test of 1912. and the Wilson-Hughes contest of 1916. each again brought the record of a New York governor under scrutiny, for Roosevelt and Hughes both had shown dis- tinguished administrative ability in their occupancy of the office of governor. An I looking into the near future one does not need to be practiced in presidential hor< >sc< >py to perceive the stars of 1920 giving predic- tion that the present chief executive of New York will bear a commanding part as the lines of the next presidential campaign are formed. Two other governors besides those already mentioned are also to be recalled as associ- ated with the presidency. These are Martin Van Buren and Horatio Seymour. Governor Van Buren, twice nominated for president as the candidate of his unified party, was successful m 1836 but lost the election in 1840. Again nominated in ISIS, but this lime as the courageous protest candidate of the "tree soil" third party, again he was defeated. Governor Seymour, though in the years from 1853 to 1865 lour times a candi- date lor the governorship, and twice elected 191 STATE SERVICE to that office, nevertheless was defeated for the presidency in 1868. losing to General Grant. No New York State man has ever been elected president of the United States unless he has previously served as governor. It would seem also that, without exception such successful candidates from this State have shown in the office of governor charac- teristics which appealed definitely to inde- pendent political sentiment outside of party lines. By these characteristics they drew to themselves the large unattached vote which always has existed in the Empire State., a vote which has been a deciding factor in not a few elections, both in the State and in the nation at large. Study of the vote for presidential electors indicates clearly that Van Buren, Tilden, Cleveland, and Roose- velt all gained the support of this unattached or independent element. My story here is to concern itself par- ticularly with 1884, when Mr. Cleveland was governor. Elsewhere, and particularly in the Century Magazine for June, 1912, and in the NortJi American Review for January, 1914, I have spoken of these events. more in detail, and have recorded additional facts which may have at least some minor his- torical value. I went to the Democratic convention at Chicago in 1884 T prepared to answer ques- tions about the record of Governor Cleve- land, because as a secretary in the executive chamber,. I knew what he had done in legis- lation, what appointments he had made, and what opinions he had expressed. While he was one whose rugged integrity showed more and more in office, one whose record has come increasingly to give him a place in our history as a great American, his early polit- ical advance was due to the far-seeing discrimination and untiring effort of a small group of men who thoroughly believed in him. The words, " Public office is a public trust," defined his character to them even before he had become governor. Nor did he fail as a high office holder to exemplify that sentiment as a rule both of faith and practice. In these words he affirmed a measure of duty and set a standard which definitely elevated political life throughout the United States. That Cleveland's was an ever-increasing hold upon public sentiment would seem to be indicated by his constant popular major- ity. However, notwithstanding his increased popular majority, he failed to receive in 1888 a majority of the electoral vote, for Harrison then gained the presidency. In 1884 Mr. Cleveland's popular majority was 62,683; in 1888 it was 98,017; in 1892 it was 380,810. In passing it may be noted that Tilden, though not seated in. the presidential chair, had a popular majority of 250,935 over Hayes in 1876; that Roosevelt had 2,545,515 over Parker in 1904, and that Wilson's popular majority over Hughes in the last election was 591,385. Analysis seems to prove that Mr. Cleve- land's ever-increasing vote came chiefly from independent sources, for substantially always and everywhere his vote was greater than that of his party associates who were candi- dates in the same election. Tilden, Roose- velt, and Wilson appear likewise to have led their tickets. Neither bis nomination for the presidency in 1884 nor the canvass affected Governor Cleveland. It was, in fact, a source of con- tinued surprise to us in the executive chamber to see how, during the summer and autumn of 1884, he fulfilled with his usual care and patience his daily duties at Albany. He determined pardon applications; he investi- gated public health complaints; he considered personally the many prosaic matters that make up the routine work of a governor. Several times during that summer he went fishing for a day. There comes clearly to my mind one morning when the governor and Daniel Manning, then president of the National Commercial Bank and proprietor STATE SERVICE of the Albany Argus, started off for such a him, he was always calm and well settled as trip. Looking from the executive chamber to his course. His candidacy made little into the street below, I saw the fishermen as change in his accustomed life. His speech they came from the capitol and walked of acceptance was delivered on a bright July day, at the executive mansion, to the national committee of notification together down State street. Cleve land, by the way, always used the private entrance and stair- case to the executive chamber, then conveniently existing. The future president and his future secretary of the treasury both wore large Panama hats; their shoul- ders were broad and they had much the same ample generosity of waist meas- ure. There was indeed a pervasive atmosphere of rotund jollity atout them both, which it is a pleasure to remember. With the cares of state and care- of business laid aside they were i iff for a day of enjoyment. Nor w ere they afraid to show it. Just where they went that morning, I do not know. Possibly it was for a fore- noon to be spent with Seth Green on the island below the city, with a planked shad dinner at noon, or possibly for a whole day of fishing on Lake George. Later the governor took his usual vacation in the Adirondack^. Saranac lake was then his destination, and his friend. Dr. Samuel B. Ward, of Albany, was his companion. Paul Smith, too, of North Woods' lame, often found his way to the good-fellowship of the cam]), which was not far from the Smith domain. All through the 1884 campaign Governor Cleveland spenl his time chiefly in the large room of the executive chamber. He met there and advised with those who called upon him from all parts of the country; he sought no one; he saw freely everybody who came. In the political excitemenl about Groti i Cleveland in 1884 when he was govt rnoi and a candidate f oi president and a score of other guests. Among these guests was the very charming girl, Miss Frances Folsom, of Buffalo, who two years later be- came the mistress of the White House. Mr. Cleve- land's acceptance speech, his later letter of accept- ance, and two brief ad- dresses, one in New Jersey and one in Connecticut, constituted virtually all his extended formal public ut- terances during the presiden- tial campaign. In fact, he went out of the State only twice, and then but for the few hours re- quired to make the Newark and Bridgeport speeches above referred to. Mr. Cleveland, painstaking, deliberate, unversed in political manoeuvers, and comparatively unknown, in many respects besides that of speech- making, was the antithesis of the brilliant secretary of state, the experienced cam- paigner, the shrewd party manager, and in- timate of great business interests, Mr. Blaine, the candidate of the opposing party. Alter a campaign perhaps unequalled in party heat from beginning to end, interest suddenly intensified, flamed up after the polls had closed, and centered upon the vital question whether Blaine or Cleveland had carried New York State. To which side would the balance go? If in the one direc- tion. Democracy, after its long exclusion from power, would be triumphant in the nation; it in the other. Republicanism would remain dominant. At once remembrances of STATE SERVICE the prolonged 1876 controversy became There was no telegraph wire at the executive vivid. Again the country was confronted mansion that night, and the telephone had with the danger of a disputed title to the gone out of commission in a rain storm, which. presidency. Again the possibility even of civil war came to men's minds. Mr. Cleveland, after voting in Buffalo early on election day, returned to Albany. For the evening he invited a very few as the hours progressed, became almost a deluge. Messengers were the only means of contact with the outside world. In this situation I decided to go to the Albany Argus newspaper office, hoping to intimate friends to receive the returns with get definite figures upon which to form a him at the executive mansion. The gover- nor's house, while in the same location on Eagle street as now, was at that time a much smaller affair, the main drawing-room on the north having been added, and many other judgment. Arrived at that office, I began before long to obtain from the working press wire fairly exact, though fragmentary re- turns. Assembling these partial totals, I soon found myself at variance with the gen- enlargements made during Governor Hill's eral opinion that New York State had given seven years' administration. Among the Mr. Cleveland a large majority. My con- friends there November 4th, at the beginning elusion was based upon a maintained per- of the evening were: Governor Cleveland's centage of majority shown by the continued sister, Mrs. Hoyt, the adjutant-gen eral and Mrs. Farnsworth and Miss Farnsworth, Mrs. Isaac Vanderpool, Justice Rufus H Peckham, Charles B. An- drews, Edgar K. Apgar, and Colonel and Mrs. Lamont. Later, Eugene T. Cham- berlain, Charles Tracey, John Boyd Thacher, A. Bleecker Banks, and Dr. Samuel B. Ward came in. Mrs. George Evans and Mr. Lawrence Turnure were there also for a brief time. Mrs. Hoyt or another sister, Miss Rose Elizabeth Cleveland, was always with Mr. Cleveland at the executive mansion during the time he was governor. building up of exact figures from more and more election districts, both in cities and in rural communities throughout the State. This method of figur- ing to early determine the trend of election returns is-now well known, but in those days it was not so often used. Nevertheless it was one which I had worked out in previous elections with marked suc- cess, and one with which Colonel Lamont was con- versant. The detailed figures shower! the drift constantly favorable to Mr. Cleveland. Yet the percentage of majority was so Daniel Manning, sem- slight that it indicated that he had Soon after the polls closed con- > ( "- v °J " ,c " eas,ir y "" der carried the State by only about gratulatory telegrams began to Presidmt Ckvek ""' pour in at the executive mansion. Many of these dispatches and friendly newspaper bulletins asserted that New York State had gone for Mr. Cleveland by many thousands. But very few detailed figures were received. 2,000. This rather startling de- duction I wrote out, with totaled district figures sustaining it, and sent it about eleven o'clock, by special messenger, to Colonel Lamont, who was still with Mr. Cleveland at the executive mansion. The situation STATE SERVICE immediately became a subject of careful con- sideration there by four or five men who had been in particularly close touch with the contest in New York State. Soon after midnight, Apgar, Tracey. La- mont and one or two others and I met and began to send duplicates of a form telegram to two or more prominent party associ in virtually every county of the State, urging them to call to their assistance at once vigorous and courageous friends, and to see that every vote cast was honestly counted. We signed this telegram with the name of Daniel Manning, chairman of the Democratic State committee, though he was not present. With more time at my disposal, I should probably be able to refresh my memory from various sources and record more of the names of those to whom this telegram went. At present I think of the following: Daniel Magone, in St. Lawrence county; 0. U. Kellogg Cortland; Francis ' ynde Stetson New York; Alfred C. Chapin, Kings; William Church Osborn, Putnam; Smith M. Weed, Clinton; (i. H. P. Gould, Lewis; Jeremiah \Y. Finch Warren; Robert Hamilton, Wash- ington; W S, Waterbury, Saratoga; Daniel G. Griffin, Jefferson; Wilson S. Bissell Erie; James Shanahan Montgomery; Samuel A. Beardsley, Oneida: Robert A. Maxwell, Genesee; William A. Beach "Billy" i li. ( 'nondaga; Ward Gregory. Tompkins; Samuel J. Tilden, Jr., Columbia; Henry A. Reeve- Suffolk; Alton B. Parker. Ulster; Samuel J'. Benedict, Schenectady; and David B. Hill, Chemung. D-Cady I Lerrick fulfilled this request in Albany county. Later, early in the forenoon of Wednesday, telegrams to other representative citizens of the highesl standing asked them to go to the clerk'- office in their respective counties, to remain there until the n turn- were filed, and then to oi it; i in certified copies ol such returns and -end these copies without delay by special messenger to \ll>am Thus gradu- ally semi-official returns were assembled at the executive chamber and Mr. Cleveland's majority was more accurately known there than anywhere else. The exact majority determined finally by the State canvassing board in the following December was 1,047. When the executive chamber tabulation of detailed returns covered the whole State, and Mr Cleveland was satisfied that the Is told the truth, he sent to Edward Murphy, of Troy, this telegram: I believe 1 havi > elected pn lent, and nothin the grossi si frau I i in keep me out of it, and that we will ni >1 permit. This declaration was bulletined throughout the country. But it was not until about 10 o'clock in the morning of Friday. November 7th, the third day after the election when the man- ager of the Western Union Telegraph Com- pany, Mr. F. W. Sabold, came himself to the executive chamber and delivered into Mr. Cleveland's own hand a message received • a cleared special wire, that the situation was relieved of doubt. I remember well the arrival of Sabold and his saying that he had a message of the utmost importance which he could give to Mr. Cleveland only. This was the message that he brought: i,i ernor Clevei and: 1 heartilj i ou oi our eli ction. All ■ i li thai your administration as governor has been wist and conservative, and in the lai I thai you will do still better, and that the vast business interests ol the country will be entirely safe in your nan Is. .1 \v Goi ii' Coming from one of the most conspicuous of his opponent'- supporters from one whose control of the Western I'nion Telegraph Company gave him unusual opportunities for information, from one who had continued until then to claim Mr. Blaine's election it satisfied Mr. Cleveland that the contesl was i iver and the victory won. \iier readme this telegram, Mr. Cleveland STATE SERVICE handed it to me, and said: " Well, Rice.. I guess it is time to write our Thanksgiving Day proclamation. Where is your little book? " The little book was " Synonyms and Antonyms," by Bishop Fallows. Mr. Cleveland had some time before discovered this upon my desk, and he made use of it many times. Thereupon, at his desk, the same large one that now occupies the center of the executive chamber, he wrote with his own hand, dating it the next day, when it was to be issued, the proclamation beginning : The people of the State of New Yori should permit neither their ordinary occupations and cares, nor any un- usual cause of excitement, to divert their minds from a sober and hum- ble acknowledgment of their depen- £ dence upon Almighty God for all that contributes to their happi- ness and contentment, and for all that secures greatness and prosperity to our proud common- wealth. This I have always considered his first writing after he felt assured of the presidency. Subsequently Mr. Cleve- land gave me the Jay Gould telegram and the original draft of the Thanksgiving proclamation, as mementoes 6f those eventful days when he was governor. This chapter of my story cannot be con- cluded better than with some words con- cerning the count in New York State, spoken to me late in October, 1912, at Princeton, by Mrs. Cleveland: "You and I know," she said, " the presidency would have pos- sessed no interest for Mr. Cleveland had he felt there was the remotest taint upon his title." When Mr. Cleveland began to consider his cabinet and other important matters, letters came to him in great numbers. Some letters Last photograph of M> CI: r. Iniirl tah ii iii 1908 were serious; some were amusing. Some asked office; some gave advice. Some were congratulatory, some denunciatory. They ran through that whole gamut of sentiment which correspondents, known and unknown, pour out upon every occupant of high public office, and particularly upon a president- elect. One group of these was most curious. The writer of them was a newspaper man of high reputation and of wide acquaintance with Washington life. He called on Mr. Cleveland at Albany soon after elec- tion, and when he left, stated he would send from time to time information about public men, un signed, but in his own handwriting. Thereupon there began tc come a daily envelope containing unsigned cards of conven- ient form for filing. These cards treated of nearly everybody proposed for the cabinet, of distin- guished visitors announced in the public press as on their way to Albany, and f well-known men generally who might be commended for office themselves or might ask office for others. There was a sep- arate card for every person, and his good points were written in red ink while discreditable facts and undesirable characteristics appeared in black. Thus each card embodied a concise record of the deeds and a keen estimate of the character and influence of the man named therein. Giving as they did an incisive, impartial, and I believe, upon the whole an accurate analysis of those about whom they were written, they presented a comment of unusual wit and wisdom upon American national politics. The point of view was that of an experienced and able observer of current events, and the whole record made STATE SERVICE a kind of judgment day book of men of both parties conspicuous in national affairs; in civil life and in the army and navy. It can readily be imagined that not a few visitors who came to see Mr. Cleveland were surprised at the knowledge of the political affiliations of prominent men shown by the the supposed unsophisticated president-elect. Mr. Cleveland continued as governor until the next meeting of the legislature, when, again at the large central desk in the executive chamber, and again with his own hand, he wrote out this shortest message on record: To the Legislature: January 6, 1885. I hereby resign the office of governor of the State of New York. Grover Cleveland Here was no pointing with pride; no glori- fication of self nor laudation of party; only the laying down by a man of simplicity and truth of one place of public service to take up at the call of his country another and more arduous task. His quality was recognized when Lowell gave to him the words of Pal- inurus, the pilot of /Eneas: " Jove, you may save me if you will, you may sink me if you will, but come what may, I will keep my rudder true." N< )TES I Millard Fillmore of New York became president through the death of Zachary Taylor. Chester A Arthur of New became president through the death of Jam i ,, I rheodore Roosevelt ol New York became president, first, through the death of William McKinley, ubsequently became president bj election No\ [904. ful candidate to call to himself the vote ol independent political sentiment outside party lines. In late Cleveland, Roosevelt and Wilson are examples of candi- dates for public office who have gained the support of the independent vote [Albany Knickerbocker /'■ Editorial, April 14. 1918 In the April number ol State Servk e, \\ illiam Gorham Rice, who was a secretarj to Governor Grover Cleveland, has writ ten an excellent and interesting article in which he calls attention to the fact that national party conventions, Democratic and Republican, have always specially con- sidered the ment and fitness of New York men for the a! nomination. He calls attention to the fact that on ten different occasion- one who was then, or previously had been, governor of New York Stale was nominati l foi the presidency, and that five times the governor thus chosen had won the al election. The fai I referre 1 to bj Mr. Rice is worth; oi the necessitj i ngfo In State Service Mr. William Gorham Rice, who had experience in secretarial service in the Executive olhce at Albany from 1883 to 1889, writes ol New York nominees for president. Ten times a governor or forme'. governor ol New York has been nominated for president. five times elected president. "NoNewY< - man." Mr Rice tells us. " has ever been elected president of the United States unless he lias previously served as governor. It would seem, als >. that, without exception, such sui i ful candidates have shown in the office ol governor characteristics which appealed definitelj to independent cal sentiment outside ol party hues." New Editorial, April 17. 1918.]