WAi-VK-i Book thEe national fast. J^ SEIlMiOlNr PREACHED AT COLDWATER, MICH., a-,A.3Nrxj-A.n."5r 4, leex, BY REV. HORACE C. HOVEY. Republican Print, Coldwater, Mich. . 1861. THE NATIONAL FAST. a ■• A_ S PREACHED AT COLDWATER, JIICIL: a"-«a.3xrxj-A.x^'5r ^, xecss., BY EEV. HORACE C. "F Republican Print, Cold water, Mich. 1861. Correspondence. Hey. lIoa.vcE C. IIovey— Z'ear Sir: We, the undersigned, believing the ciuse of Christianity, freedom and humanity wouhl he served by a more extended circuhition of the discourse delivered by you, in this village, on the occasion ot the National Fast- Day —Jan. 4'Lh, 1801— respectfully request a copy of said discourse for publication. S. B. SMITH, K. R. CLARKE, PLATT GILBERT, S. (JLESSXER, ■\V. VV. BARRETT, «- . E. SPRING, S. S. PECKHAM, H. U. SCOFIELD, R. E. H \LL, H. B. ROBINSON, D. H. IWVIS, JAMES FISK. Rev. S. B. Smith, Platt Gii.iiEiiT, and others— Gcntle7nen: If in your judgmeut, the publication of the accompanyi.Tg sermon will promote the cause of truth, it is at your service. No alterations have been made in the discourse, except such as were necessarj to St it for publication. Yours truly, HORACE C. IIOVEY. A. S 'E Tl JSl O N L^AiAH, 58: 5 — 8 — "la it such a fast that I have ehspen? a tlav for a raan to afflict his Fcml? is it to bow down his bead as a bulrush, and to spread sackcloth and asbcy under him? wilt thou call this a last, and an acceptable day to the Lord ? Is not this the fast that I have chosen ? to hiose the bands of wickedness, to undo the heavy bura^ns, and to let the oppressed go free, and that ye break every yoke? Is it not to deal thy bread to the liunirry. and ihat thou brino- the poor "that are cast out to '.bine bouse? when ihou scest the naked, that thou corer him ; and thai thou hide not thyself from thine own flesh? Then shall thy light break forth as the naorning, and tliine health shall .-piii-i;: forth- speedily." Though no uninspired lips can utter a disrourse worthy of such a grand foundation; j-et, God helping me, I shall endeavor faithfully to apply this portion of Divine truth to existing cirtuinstances. In doing this, I cannot suSer myself to be hampered in any way ; cither by unfavorable precedents or by surround- ing prejudices. If the whole truth is ever to be spolcen boldly, now is the day and now is the hour. A careful study of the text, a glance at the dangers- impendina: over our beloved land, und the perusal of that Proclamation which has called us together, combine to dispel forever from mj mind, those mists that have been thrown around it by that class of theorists who would sedu- lously fortify the pulpit against encroachments from questions of social and political reform. The discussion of such subjects, they have told me, is a desecration of the sacred desk. It is the minister's business to preach the go pel. He should confine himself to matters purely religious ; leaving the forms of society andi government to be fashioned by lecturers and politicians. These allegations compel me to inquire into the Peovixce of tue Preacher. They have necessarily, and deeply disturbed the mind of one, wlio having hut recently entered the work of the ministry, stands at the gntc of the Lord's vineyard, anxiously _ asking what labor he is called to perform. Surveying' the broad land in which he dwells, he sees to his alarm, gigantic sins extend" ing themselves to embrace in their unfriendly grasp, all classes of society and all departments of government, threatening tlie very life of the nation. Yet he is told that he must be silent concerning these evils, because they are of a political character. He sees the demon, iUchohol, though apparently crushed again and again by the efforts of temperance organizations, rising anew, with additional strength, to grind beneath his heel the happiness, the hopes, the lives, and the souls of thousands. He longs to see him crushed by the iron grasp of the hiw. But this, he is assured has lis political bearings, and therefore, his lips are to be sealed I He sees, again, a strong and terrible system, binding millions of his fellow- beings in a cruel bondage— a system at war with every true interest of hu- manity and with every principle of religion. Yet he is told tliat the question touching the perpetuity of this system is of ajwUtical nature, and that silence respecting its wrongs is, for this reason, becoming the minister of the gospel. Faith, love, peace, and inward piety, he is plainly informed, are the only topics on which he must dwell ; — abstractions to which the Distiller and the Son of Temperance, the Slave-holder and the Abolitionist can listen compla- cently sitting- side by side. But H'jw, on a day like this, I am constrained to aslc if this silence is any longer right, on the part of one who is stationed as a Captain in the Christian arrny ? "No! No !" I must indignantly exclaim ; "The trumpet of the Lord is on my lips ! Let me sound the charge to-day, with the hope that at some future dav. I may beperuHtted, through the same trumpet to "sound the notes of Jubilee r Where would the principle carry us, that no question of political reform is ad- missable in the pulpit? The aggressions of the defenders of slavery have increas- ed until ihey have become alarming. A few years ago they agitated the minds of but a few friends of humanity. Most of us were taught to believe that African slavery in the United States, was au expiring evil ; and we stood quieilv by, to see the mons-ter breathe his last. But now, the claims ami clamors and menaces of those who support that system, cause our land to vi- brate from the Atlantic to the Pacific. Because this agitation is so widely spread tint it furnishes the chief topic of thought and conversation in all circles, must the ministry, therefore, assume a timid air, and cower behind a "wholesome dread of preaching politics?" God forljid ! For if that be the ca'^e, all the Devil will have to do, when the discussion of aiii/ great moral question grows too hot for him, is to label it — "Politics!" If, before that magical word, the ministry must be dumb, we throw at once the whole power inlo the hands of the Adversary ; for there is hardlv anv subject connected with religion that has not heretofore been, and may not hereafter be, intermingled with politics. It will be (^ranted by any one, v;ho truly understands the province of the preacher, that he should in his pulpit ministrations rigidly abstain fronj all questions that diVa piircJij secular; for his sphere is the round of eternal verities. But when there vrises, with regard to any subject, a discussion that has reli- gious, as well as political bearings; a discussion that convulses church as 4 well as State ; a discussion that affects the well-being of man in the next world as well as in this ; when such a (Question arises, then the messenger of Him who "came not to send peace, but a sword;" is guilty if he does not make the world ftel to the utmost whatever power God has given him. It is the glory and perfection of Christianit}^ that its principles are such as permeate the whole life of man — individual, social, national. Christianity is a religion of particulars. No moral act is too trifling for its cognizance ; none is so lofty as to transcend its sphere of jurisdiction. In establishing this holy religion, then, the minister should suffer no sin to be protected from his assault, because it is hoary with age, or because it is shielded by the great ones of earth. Nor is he to with-hold his cherishing hand from any virtuous cause, on account of its recent origin, or because it is despised and hated among men. Sin — private, or public, individual, or national ; sin — among the lofty or the lowly, the learned or the ignorant ; sin— whether blushed at or gloried in ; of any color, in any shape, occupying any position, sin is the adversary with which the Christian minister is to wage an uncompromising warfiire until it is banished from the earth. And, on the other hand, righteousness, in business and recreation, in the closet, and in the great assembly ; righteousness, among the rulers and the ruled, in the social circle and on the political arena ; righteousness every vfhere and always, is that for which the minister of Christ is to labor and contend, until its dominion is established in every human heart. .Because it farthers so glorious a ic.ork, 1 hail tjus day. In accordance with the President's Proclamation, the Christian people of these United States are now assembled, for no other purpose than to confess all national sijis, and to invoke the Supreme Being for forgiveness, restoration to Divine favor, assistance, deliverance and protection. Whatever the antecedents of this Proclamation may be, and whatever the motives leading to its publication, the document, in itself considered, wil! doubtles^s meet the approval of every careful reader. It is so judiciously worded that no man need be offended at its requirements, whatever may bo the complexion of his political opinions. And yet, harmless as it seems, it may show itself to be the most "incendiary paper" ever issued in our country. It invites us to the free discussion of subjects hitherto interdicted. It invites us to confess our "national sins." Hence it will add fresh fuel to the flames of cxeiten-ient. The tremulous accents of the Proclamation present us moreover, with a pitiable picture of our Chief 3Iagistrate. We see an imbecile old man wring- iiijz his liunds, in the halls of the 'Wliite House, instead of a hero, wielding his [-word on tiie plains of South Carolina, where traitors are preparing the muni- tions of wcr. Thus the picture appears to the eyes of anti-slavery men at the Nortli. and of pro-slavery men at the South. One class of men only, view it in a different light — viz, the pro-slavery men of the North! Oh ! with what flilferent emotions should we conform to the terms of a proclamation like this, had it only been preceded by such a proclamation as that manly one, issued by auotlier President in a similar exigency I Had President Buchanan ventured on some bold measure kindred to that which Jackson adopted on the 11th of Dec. 1S3'2, first clearly defining the relations existing between the several States and the General Government ; showing' with the utmost lucidity, that secession is but the synonym of treason ; and then shaking the thunderbolts of war over the heads of the daring rebels ; and, finally, spreading the arms of paternal affection, and bidding the disobedient children return to the bosom they had wounded — oh I then, as the happy issue of such righteous boldness, we might now be feasting at the table of Thanksgiving, instead of wearing sack-cloth, and sprinkling our heads with ashes ! 5 And yet — I repeat it — 1 hail this day ! It bids us look our national sins in the face ; — a thing we never yet have honestly and fairly done. The language of the Proclamation touching this point is clear enough : — "Let us, with deep contrition, and penitent sorrow, unite in humbling our- selves before the Most High, in confessing our individual and national sins, and in acknowledging tiie justice of our punishment." But tlie President specifies none of tlie "national sins," with a single exception. lie e.xhorts us to "implore God to remove from our hearts that/a^,sc pride of opinion, whicli would impel us to persevere in wrong for the sake of consistency, rather than vield a just submission to the unforsten exigences by wliich we are surround- ed." Tbis exhortation is thoroughly Janus-iaced. It looks Norlhwanl and Southward at once. If it means, as from some other man it might, that the men of the South are to yield prompt allegiance to a constitutionally electeil President, even though his views are adverse to their own, then it meets our iiearty approval. But it is viewed by us all with detestation, if it is intended to instruct a victorious party — a party that has been strugsrling, too, for the maintenance of cherislied principles, to lay aside, at the bidding of traitorous seces!ut orilinary p irtisans do not look for the principles on which tlR-ir parry is founded. Gazing, too constantly, at the gorgeous colors, that wave ovci- the temple of their idolatry, they stumble into dangerous pitfalls. — Such men are to be found in all parties — men who look at the party-flag instead of the party-principles. There are thousands, for esainple, in the Democratic party, who would shoin for joy, were slavery, to-morrow, to be swept away for- ever. And on the other hiiud, there are thou.sands, it is to be feared, in the Kepublican paity who would consent to become holders of slaves, if they tiiouyiif, it would be for iheir pecuniary interest. Such attach themselves to the l)arty, whichever it may be, by mistake, or from love of gaia and power; 7 or because their fathers or their friends have rallied around its banner. They remain in it, ofttimes, long after being convinced of tlicir error, merely because of certain false notions of consistency, which prevail. Omsistcnrij 'is an ad"' mirable virtue ; but none is more thoroughly miaundcrstood. False consistency relates to time ; true consistency to character. False con- siistency requires a har-nonious life ; true consistency, a harmonious soul. False consistency is horizontal ; true consistency is perpendicular. False con- sistency demands that, when a man has once taken his position in social, lite- rary, political or religious life, he should never grow wiser, or better ; true consistency is the result of such moral growth. False consistency is forever recurring to precedents ; true consistency ever points to principles, A man, therefore, who is truJi/ consistent, will never make it his boast that he has "always voted a straight ticket;" he never will shout: "The party right or wrong ;" ho never will adopt as his motto : "Rule or ruir. !" To party-spirit is, it' a great measure, attributable the present unhappy com- motion and disturbance of our beloved land. Party-spirit makes men deaf to argument, remonstrance and entreaty. Tt inclines them to perversenes^ and malevolence, to fraud and to violence. While it has sought, by intimidation, to silence the voice of the patriot and the philantliropist, it has led, through the paths of misrepresentation and falsehood, to distrust and fear, to bittt-rnoss and reviling, to threats and challenges. (jrOD grant that it may not lead to permanent disrupture, amid the atrocities of civil war. While my whole soui glows in sympathy with the anti-slaverj- sentiment which is now so rapidly spreading through the laud, I most earnestly depre* cate that unchristian .spirit of iihpatience and wrath, so often its concomitant. Let us he patient — let us be kind ! True christian love is the only alkahest that can dissolve, simultaneously, the fetters of iron encircling the limbs of the slave, and the fetters of prejudice encircling the soul of his master. And on the other hnnd, I denounce, (and 1 know that you will all join in the denunciation) — I dendnnco tlie spirit o? insubordinutioii — also engendeved bv par rule, (despotism); or you iuu.-^t resolve society into its constituent elements, (anarchy.) Men become so blindly attached to party, that they are even made ^villing, in certain exigences, to take that suicidal step, which if iollowed, would >hi!ttt'r all parties, naticms, conifuunilie-s, and even families, leaving each i!!divih and disappear, it is })etter with CiirusT in the ship, to ride amid the storm, than vvdthout him, to sail over tran(iuil but treacherous seas Another national sin, whi<"h we should abandon and repent of, is III. Lust for Dominion. Ever since the birth of this nation, a desire has been prevalent among its citizens, to see its borders enlarged — not so much for the sake of extending more widely the benefits of our free government, as for the pupose of swelling national pride. This lust for dominion has been gratified thus far, to an extent almost, if not quite, commensurate with our opportupities. And still there are thousands in oar land, to who.'-e ambitious minds no map can seem correctly drawn, which does not make the boundary line of the United States identical with that of the North American continent. Hence, the purchase of Louisiana in 1803 ; hc-nee, the annexation of Tcsa.«, and the ensuing Mexican War, i.tines . Thi:- joutcst, begun years ago, is now becoming more and more violent, and it niu.-^ b(3 settled, before we can safely incre;^se the doujams whicu wc already govern \*'ith so much contention and trouble. i'hi.- train of thought naturally introduces the subject of Slavehy. Tt is introduced as an clement in this fiery contest of which^we are now vnr.kin" Praisc.l be Ood ! It need not be iaclmkd in the catalogue o! h.oso 'LinmdBUXi. for which we are. this day to repent. It is no longer national, hot srctional : and tlioso wl o commit it, and those who keepit m countenance, are the (mes who are called on to repent of the wrongs it brings in Us r.n, - r.nt do then rvpeu}^^ ^^« Boutiiern gales watt to our ears the ly.uddc con- fessions, and penitential sighs of those who have hud the yoke of t'o;-'!''^;- ; nn innocent rice? Ah, no! Still upon those breezes are ^;:'-^;-;;; "^ l^"' dunking of fetters, the crack of the overseer's w.tp, the ^"-7^^^' ^;"' , •.- \n.' 'atelv thev are laden with stranirc threats a,.a ma,ig.ant_ cul^..^, uUK.i .;u;incet£, since slavery has ceased to be a national un, U has occome a ''X:tlt^ of our Lord 1020, two seeds from f^.ivign ^^^^t on Au.ericansoil; and those seeds are now ^^^':'^^f^J^^:Z^,^ In that vear "A Dutch ship, from Anica arriving ^ ^^^^^^ j^, f' ,^ her cargo of negroes was purchased by the colony ^ And t n. ^^ a the w mencement of Negro Slavery Jn^ieJJnUec^tates.^ In the sa.nc u.,... ' ^This'rejoicin^ma^'scem p^matu^e. It is not -^a^tthaTw^ have -:;• on The beaii..g ol' thil sin ; nor tt.at we have do.' -/ , - <^^^ aT MthfuUy followed up, it will not ho 10 band of Pllgrlmf!, landing on Plymouth Kocli, "assumed fur the first time, tho grand principle of a voluntary confederacy of independent men; instituting government, for tho good, not of the governors, but of the gov3rned." Early in the history of our country ihese two forces — Slavery and Liberty — came into collision. Compromise on crimpromise has been made, between these mortal foes, by men afraid to meet the issue at once, and preferring to hand it down to their children — a baleful legacy ! For our datj it has been reserved to witness the final struggle. It is now begun ; — a struggle unaccompanied, as yet, by the clangor of the war 'trumpet, anil the booming of cannon ; — yet a struggle in which the same principles, the same hopes, the same liberty are at strike, as were involved in that otlier conflict, wherein our fathers expended their treasure and their blood. The burning enthusiasm that leaped through the veins of Revolutionary he- roes, is glowing still in the hearts of triany of their sons. The immediafe cause of the trouble raging through our land has been al- luded to, viz : by refusing to adopt slavery as a national sin, we make it a nationtd fue. The majority of the people of these United States, with extraor- dinary composure and dignity, as though aware that they were acting under the gaze of the world and of God, have decided, at the ballot-box, that as a nation, r:e will no longer be held responsible for the sin of slavery. We havo said to the South : "Jletain your vslaves if you will! Catch then), if you can, when they escape ! But ask us not to aid you in planting the Upas tree on the virgin soil of new territories. 'SVa are determined to plant, wherever we lawfully can, ihc fair tree of gospel Liberty — twin sister to that "Tree of Life," whose leaves arc "for the healing of the nations." The warm blood of Southern men boils in their veins. They rage, they storm, they precipitate the country, as rapidly as possible, into the horrors of civil war. And tho only truthful reason assign-id for all this is, that "the North proposes to force them into emancipation by surrounding them with a cordon of free States." Hence they rebel. They will not be led to emanci- pate their slaves, and whatever looks to that end is hated by them. Ileretuforo the Southern men have opposed "p'ditical preaching." But now they are right on that point.* Ministers of the Gospel are to be found in tho foremost ranks of the secessionists. Tho elonuent Palmer, of New Orleans, hesitates not to avow the true position of both the North and the South. Of the former, he truthfully says : "A whole generation has been educated to look upon the system (of slaver3') with ahliornnice as a national blot. They hope, and look, and pray for its extinction within a reasonable time, and can- not be satisfied, unless thingiJ are seen dr.iv.ing to that conclusion," Of tho South, and its relations to slavery, he says: '•Vv^'e, on the contrary, as its con- stituted guardian, can demand nothing less tiian that it should by left open to expansion, subject to no limitations, save those imposed by God and nature." These are tlie words of one of America's mo!~t distinguished divines, and they may be taken as the key-note of t!ie tune that SouLherners now are playing as they prepare for battle. The North is wedded to Prcedom ; the South is wedded to Slavery. And all men, of all parties, are beginning to see that, between these two elements, there is indeed an "Irrepressible Conflict." There is, perhaps, pusdianimity enough still at the North, to n)ake a com- promise acceptable, were not the Soutli uxacti.ig beyond precedent. The only compromise to which the Slave States will listen, is one that will disgrace the *And so are pro-slavery men at the North— provided, the sermon advocates their own senUments; otherwise they are bitter as ever in their opposition. Hear them praise the sermons of Pal.meii, Vaw Dykk, et id genus omnc. 11 Nation forever, by committing it in favor of the propngnmlism of an institu- tion which they abhor. And it is well 1 Compromise would only p. and Truth, to relinquish its hold upon an oppressed race This cn'nt will oecnr speeilily. if the friends of luimanitv and Christian patriots i\rc, faiilifid f i th-'ir trust. If they are otherwise, slavery will ultimately cxten 1 ov.'r the whole Union, and the entire countrv will he as utdiapjiily' situated as a portion of it now is. The deliverence of the slave, is only a question of time. J t will cer- tainly come sooner or later. Suppose all the Slave Stales secede, and orsrani/e a Southern Confederacv. It will be bounded on the north by a free nation, far iuore powerful than Can- ada: ami that nation will, when the time comes, iiave the most intense hatred of slavery. To use the laniTuage of a Kentucky jilanter: "The blue hills of Indiana would bs Canada. Sticession, sir, brings Canada in sight of my plan- tation I" Mad.i effeminate by a life of luxury ; thoroughly intermingled with a race of iii^n whose better feelings they have outraged in a thousand different ways, and whose minds they have excited by foolish falsehoods respecting the plan? and wishes of anti-slavery men ; and above all, disturbed by the forcbodinjrs of a guilty conscience, the Slave States are beginning to fear for them.udvcs the terrible fate of San Domiuiro. With good reason niay they fear it if they continue to grasp after irresponsible po\?er. Sic semper tijrannis — the motto of A irginia — •contains a lesson which every Southern State should learn. It is no part of the divine plan, that wron;r .'ind oppression should achieve a final triumph. — The wisest thing the Southern States can do, is to remain in ihe Union, accede to the will of tilie majority, and by facilitating the speedy emancipation of the slaves, relieve themselves and us from disturbance and peril. But far differ- ent are their present intentions. See how madly they are seeking to alienate from themselves the feelin?:s of the North ! No pains are taken to conciliate us, none are spared to infuriate us. The infatuated States rush on their doom ! They are striking at the hearts of their best and truest friends. Nowhere on the globa is there a peo- ple that love the Southern States so well as we at the North ~w^., wh )m they imagine, and call, and treat as their foes. True, our love for them is mucli 12 like \h\t we have for a petted, spoiled cliiW, with whose waywardness we are vexed, but from wlioin we expect better things. We lore the South! ^Ye^e she assailed by foes from within or without, our blond would flow from her wounds. ]Ve hive the South! But we cannot, for that reason, become rei?ponsible for !ier Kiiw^, nor ailopt them as our own, nor even consent to be silent respecting their existence and continuance. We I'jce the South ! And because we love her, we will not suffer her, in this period of excitement and alarm, to swing away from us into the abyss of ruin. As we woull cling to a maniac brother who sought his own destruction — aye I cling to him, though he raved, and cursed, and fought; so will we clin