K^ 
 
 The 
 
 Philippine 
 
 blem 
 
 •s 
 
 An Address delivered at the. Seventh Annual 
 Meeting of the Anti-Imperialist League 
 
 BY 
 
 Moorfield Storey 
 
 PUBWSHED BY 
 
 THE ANTMMPERIAUST LEAGUE 
 
 20 CENTRAI, STREKT, BOSTON 
 
The 
 
 Philippine Problem 
 To-Day 
 
 An Address delivered at tlie Seventh Annual. 
 Meeting of the Anti-Imperialist League 
 
 BY 
 
 Moorfield Storey 
 
 PUBLISHED BY 
 
 THE ANTI-IMPERIALIST LEAGUE 
 
 20 CENTRAL STREET, BOSTON 
 
^1P 
 
 Gift 
 Author 
 (Person) 
 
 3 1 VI f 07 
 
The Philippine Problem 
 To-Day 
 
 It is very pleasant to meet you all again and to rejoice with 
 you in the progress of our cause, for this has been a year of 
 marked advance. The wave of imperialism, which reached this 
 country in 1898 and for awhile threatened to drown our 
 people's faith in the great principles of free government has 
 spent its force, and the tide is ebbing fast. The theory that the 
 white races are necessarily superior to those whose skins have 
 a richer hue and that white men, therefore, have a divine mis- 
 sion to conquer and govern all others has been rudely shattered. 
 Mt»re recent experience has discredited the belief that white 
 men can govern yellow, brown and black men better than 
 they can govern themselves. The schemes for the partition of 
 Asia among the great powers of Europe are indefinitely post- 
 poned. Govenunent by might the world over totters to its fall. 
 
 When the armies of Russia were defeated in battle after 
 battle, when Port Arthur, that impregnable stronghold, was 
 taken, and finally when the Russian fleet was overwhelmed in 
 the straits of Japan, the superstition that yellow men are infe- 
 rior to white, that Asiatics are not in every way equal to Euro- 
 peans, received its death blow. "The dwarfs with the faces of 
 baboonfi and the brains of monkeys," as the Russians contemp- 
 tuously called them, have brought Russia to its knee:i. 
 
 Not only has Japan freed Asia from the peril of Russian 
 
tyranny; it has emancipated the Russians themselves. The 
 most powerful autocracy in the world, fortified by the traditions 
 of centuries, controlling an enormous and subservient armv, 
 ruling a people poor, ignorant, disorganized and abjectly sub- 
 missive, inspiring terror at home and abroad, possessing every 
 thing that can place tyranny beyond the reach of disaster, has 
 been forced to surrender its authority, and to recognize that 
 even its power cannot endure without the consent of the gov- 
 erned. Whether the Russian revolution terminates like the 
 French in a frenzy of terror and bloodshed, or whether the evil 
 results of long oppression on every class in Russia can be rem- 
 edied by peaceful legislation, we are not wise enough to tell, 
 but when the Czar of all the Russias admits that he cannot gov- 
 ern his people without their consent, no man can hope and uo 
 man need fear that government by brute force will endure any- 
 where. 
 
 The oppression of many years with all the blood that has been 
 shed to maintain order in "Warsaw has not extinguished the 
 spirit of freedom in Poland. Finland has recovered its ancient 
 constitution. Norway peacefully resumes its independence. 
 The tie which subjects Hungary to Austria is strained to the 
 breaking: point. Everywhere the movement of men is toward? 
 popular rights and national independence. In our own country 
 the campaign against the equal rights of men has been arrested 
 in Maryland. The best men in the South are rousing them- 
 selves to oppose the monstrous doctrine that the remedy foe 
 colored ignorance and brutality is to keep the whole colored 
 race ignorant and brutal, to deny them the rights, opportunities 
 and education of white men — in a word, that the way to lift 
 them up is to keep them down. 
 
 The world is beginning to think, and the ancient standards of 
 right and wrong again assert themselves. 
 
 "Great captains with their guns and drums 
 
 Obscure our judgment for the hour, 
 But at length silence comes." 
 
 and in that silence we hear the still small voice which ever 
 teaches that all men are brothers. 
 
 At a time like this when the whole world is moving towards 
 freedom, does it not seem passing strange that this great coun- 
 try, the apostle of freedom, should persist in setting an example 
 
of tyranny; that we should take from another people the right 
 to govern themselves in their own country, establish over them 
 a government in which they have no voice, deny them the pro- 
 tection of any constitution, and rule them absolutely without 
 their consent? Is the Land of the Free the last country in which 
 a universal movement for freedom is felt? There are those who 
 would have us think that the cause of Philippine independence 
 is lost, as their fathers would have led men to believe that slavery 
 was a divine institution and destined to endure in this country. 
 "We do not believe it. We have not lost faith in our country- 
 men. The independence of the Philippines is assured. What 
 are the sig'us of the times? 
 
 THE ADMITTED DESIRE OF THE FILIPINOS FOR INDEPENDENCE. 
 
 Certain disputed propositions are now finally settled. We no 
 longer hear that only a part of the Pilipinos, a few self-seeking 
 agitators desire independence, while the rest are content with 
 American rule, and that were it not for anti-imperial pam- 
 phlets and speeches the talk of independence would die out. It 
 is now admitted that the whole Filipino nation is united in de- 
 manding independence. They have tried benevolent assimila- 
 tion for seven years of pestilence and famine, and they do no^ 
 like it. War, even the extreme severities. of General Smith and 
 General Bell, water cure and like tortures, reconcentration, re- 
 peated and persistent, punishment in every form have all been 
 tried faithfully, but still the Filipinos do not love us. They are 
 strangelv like the Italians, whom the cruelties of Austria only 
 stimulated, like the Dutch who refused to be crushed by the 
 methods of Alva, like the Poles, like the Greeks, like the Irish, 
 like every other race of human beings, for history teaches that 
 oppression always and everywhere fosters the love of freedom. 
 
 The evidence on this point is overwhelming. 
 
 The Filipino Republican party, by authority of its president, 
 issued on August 5th last a manifesto in which after express- 
 ing gratitude to the Americans and reverence for President 
 Roosevelt and Secretary Taft, and after thanking the latter 
 for his insistence "that the Philippines shall be for the 
 
 Filipinos, But we firmly and sincerely believe 
 
 that these pregnant words will remain merely vain promises — 
 since in practice even the constitutional guarantees are illusory 
 in this country — until such time as independence under an 
 
American protectorate sliall be definitely establislind in the 
 archipelago." 
 
 On the 29th of August, in a crowded hall largely iiiled with 
 the best Filipinos, "The Committee of Philippine Interests" 
 presented a petition to the visiting Congressmen in which they 
 stated "that the general desire of the Filipino people is to 
 possess independent national existence as soon as possible, and 
 asked Congress at once to declare that this will be granted, and 
 that "to assure this independence either the Philippine Islands 
 may be declared neutral territory or else be placed under a 
 protectorate of the United States." 
 
 Another petition, presented at the same time, signed by lead- 
 ing Filipinos, was an admirable argument for immediate inde- 
 pendence, and concluded: "By all that we have expressed, and 
 relying upon the justice of the American nation, we petition the 
 Congress of the United States of ISTorth America in the name of 
 the Filipinos for the immediate independence of the Philippine 
 Islands with declaration of perpetual neutrality." 
 
 These petitions were followed by speeches in which the 
 unanimous desire of the Filipino people was vigorously ex- 
 pressed. The visitors were convinced that these speakers truly 
 represented their people. Thus we find in the Boston Tran- 
 script, to which no anti-imperialist for years has looked for 
 sympathy, a letter written by James A. Leroy, formerly secre- 
 tary of a Philippine Commissioner and a member of the Taf t 
 party, in which he says: 
 
 "It need not be said here again, as it is now admitted by all 
 who know the situation in the Islands, that independence is the 
 ideal of nearly all Filipinos." 
 
 And this statement was made under date of August 13, two 
 weeks before the petitions from which I have quoted were pre- 
 sented. 
 
 Congressman Parsons, another member of the Taft party, 
 and a strong Kepublican, writes to the Tribune: 
 
 "There is no question that all the Filipino parties are now in 
 favor of independence." 
 
 I might quote indefinitely — not to prove that the Filipinos 
 desire independence, they have proved that by their long 
 struggle against us — but to prove that their desire is openly 
 asserted and its existence no longer denied. 
 
OUR FAILURE IN HAWAII AND PORTO RICO. 
 
 It is apparent next that all our efforts to govern other people 
 as subjects have failed, as well when they have submitted peace- 
 fully as when they have resisted bitterly. I need not speak 
 of Indians or Negroes. Theirs are "ancient tales of wronj^." 
 Let me deal only with our latest efforts in the light of this new 
 century. 
 
 Vftat says Hawaii. Let me quote the words of Henry E. 
 Cooper, who was prominent in the revolution, has been acting 
 governor and attorney general and who continues to be a leader 
 in the affairs of the Islands, but does not like the result of his 
 labors. He says : 
 
 "Hawaii was an exceptionally prosperous little country just 
 before American absorption, its people were happy and con- 
 tented, there were ideal trade relations with the United States, 
 which resulted in our spending with American merchants from 
 $25,000,000 to $30,000,000 annually, and we had an abun- 
 dance of cheap and eificient labor. This was the state of affairs 
 
 in 1896 Today, while we have no scarcity 
 
 of capital in Hawaii, nobody wants to borrow money, for ths 
 uncertainty and instability of our conditions has paralyzed all 
 business enterprise. Honolulu has lost 700 inhabitants within 
 a recent period and numbers of people have abandoned their 
 homes. Nobody will invest a dollar in any new business, and 
 curtailment is the watchword. Unless there is a radical change 
 in the near future, we shall see the grass gromng in the streets 
 of Honolulu and people of means will, at no distant day, be 
 subsistins' on fish and poi." 
 
 He is not the only American who has found the conditioKs 
 after the revolution changed distinctly for the worse, and wh:) 
 has wished that the islands were again independent. 
 
 Porto Eico is thoroughly discontented. On July 25, seven 
 years from the day when our army landed in Porto Rico, a 
 meeting of delegates from sixty-five out of the sixty-six muni- 
 cipalities of Porto Rico met in San Juan at the invitation of Mr. 
 Todd, the American mayor of the city, and addressed a petition 
 to the Congress of the United States. Let me quote a fevv- 
 sentences from it. 
 
 "Seven years ago today, the twenty-fifth of July, the Ameri- 
 can army invaded this country by the port of Guanica. We 
 knew the history and tradition of your country, we knew that 
 
the flag of your nation forever floated over wortlij homes and 
 dignified communities; the landing of your soldiers meant to 
 us the further enlargement of the horizon of our public life. 
 
 Shortly before that time the nation that discovered this coun- 
 try — having theretofore granted to the inhabitants of Porto 
 Eico the same political rights as to the inhabitants of the Span- 
 ish peninsula — had acknowledged the principle of self-govern- 
 ment in our local administration, and it was natural, therefoxo, 
 that we should have felt confident that the invading nation 
 would not lessen the scope of that principle, especially in view 
 of your own declaration that the war of 1898 was waged for the 
 purpose of liberating countries which were being ruled over by 
 tyranny. 
 
 ********** 
 
 In opposition to the most simple principles of political law 
 obtaining, without a single exception, in countries under a par- 
 liamentary system of government, such as France or Great 
 Britain, or under a representative system such as that of your 
 own country, the legislative and executive powers are merged in 
 the Executive Council, the majority of which, composed of the 
 six heads of departments, heretofore Americans, are the arbiters 
 in the passage of our laws. Then they apply the law by them- 
 selves, modify it at times, and at other times repeal it, as was 
 the case on the third day of June of this year, on which date the 
 Appropriation Act, passed and approved March 9, 1905, was 
 partly repealed. And it was so repealed exclusively by the 
 American membei-s of the Council against the vote of the Porto 
 Eicans. Thus the six Americans appointed by the President 
 have had greater power than the thirty-five representatives of 
 the Island in the House of Delegates and the five Porto Rico 
 members of the Council; in other words, they have had mor'? 
 power than the whole people of Porto Eico. 
 ********** 
 
 Pray, ^rant unto this country all legislative authority and at 
 the same time all responsibility. We cannot accept that public 
 officers be sent to Porto Eico who, as a general rule, are unac- 
 quainted with the language, the customs, and the needs of this 
 country, and within twenty-four hours after their arrival taka 
 their seats in the Executive Council and decide by their votes 
 complicated and transcendental questions. We desire that the 
 opportunity heretofore denied to us be given that we may show 
 
tliat we arc now capable of self-government. Our common- 
 wealth has an old civilization of its own; we have shown our 
 estimation and respect for the laws; we worked out the problem 
 of the abolition of slavery within the most perfect norinjil 
 bounds; we have met without disorder most terrible financial 
 crises. We know ourselves, we fully know our needs and \vc 
 are fully convinced that we can successfully manage our ov.-n 
 
 a if airs. 
 
 * * * * -x- * * * * •:- 
 
 y You have been memoralized firstly and at divers times by the 
 Eepublican party; you were memorialized by the Federal party, 
 now dissolved; you were recently memorialized by the majority 
 in the House of Delegates in a House Memorial addiessed to 
 you; but today it is not part of the people, but the whole of the 
 people who address you. And as the people's faith is in you, 
 and as the people expect from you a generous act, and as thc3 
 people find, to their surprise, that they are being driven to feel 
 anti-American, they appeal to you, to the only power that may 
 save them in this supreme conflict, and rest in the certainty that 
 they will be treated as one who confidently, friendly and re- 
 spectfully presents himself, though dignified and firm, asking, 
 for an undeniable act of equity and justice." 
 
 On the 12th of August the teachers of Porto Eico, in masa 
 meeting assembled, also addressed Congress. They begin : 
 
 "Among the social classes of Porto Rico there exists a pro- 
 found disgust. It finds daily echo in our public press, and it is 
 known throughout the Latin nations of the western h-?misphere. 
 
 We, the school teachers of Porto Rico, congregated in asseir;- 
 bly, have resolved to submit to the consideration of the Ameri- 
 can people and the United States Congress that state of affair-. 
 This we consider our right as citizens; this we consider cur duty 
 as school teachers of the Island." 
 
 They continue: 
 
 ''The two supreme aspirations which are paramount in the 
 mind of the Porto Rican public opinion are both just and gen- 
 erous, as they concur in the letter and spirit with the American 
 constitution. Either Porto Rico should become a state of the 
 Union, or it should be made an independent nation, like Cuba.'* 
 
 They say further: 
 
 "None can speak with higher authority than can we to the 
 American people. Porto Rico suffers; Porto Rico is tired of 
 her imposed government and wants justice done. The big 
 
Beems bigger when it renders justice to the small. The small 
 seems big; when it fights for its rights. 
 
 Our main need is to know definitely which political status 
 shall be bestowed upon us. This uncertainty kills our efforts, 
 and it is quite harmful to public education. 
 ********** 
 
 Our pupils are learning in your own history to detest the 
 colonial regime, and Porto Rico is recognized as a colony by ibe 
 great nation which prides herself with a glorious history. Deep 
 is the abyss yawning between our system of public education 
 and our insular government. 
 
 And it should be to the advantage of the American interests 
 that our status be rendered consistent with our teachings." 
 
 That general discontent prevails in this island is confirmed 
 by private advices from various sources* The Spanish popula- 
 tion despise and dislike the Americans, and the latter look 
 down upon and dislike the Spanish. They are drifting apart, 
 and it is easy to imagine why, if we will only suppose their 
 positions revei*sed. 
 
 *NOTE. 
 
 A letter has been received in this country from Mayor R. H. Todd, of 
 San Juan, P. R., dated November 14, in which he considers the insular 
 situation in the light of the memorial to Congress in favor of a larger meas 
 ure of home rule, which was unanimously adopted last July by the conven- 
 tion of Porto Rican municipalities. Mayor Todd writes to his American 
 correspondent as follows: — 
 
 I hope to be in New York, on my way to Washmgton, the first week in 
 January, and I will communicate with you with a view of asking your 
 advice "regarding the work which I am about to do in Washington to further 
 the petition embodied in the memorial. If the Porto Ricans are not entitled 
 to what they ask for in said memorial, it would have been better for them 
 that the change of flag had not taken place. When your soldiers landed at 
 Ouanica on the 25th of July, 1898, the only things Spanish in Porto Rico 
 were the flag and the captain general. The Porto Ricans had control of the 
 administration of affairs, and in every important position of trust there was 
 a Pcrto Rican. Today, after seven years of American control, a Porto Rican 
 is a nobody in his own country, and if he dares to criticise those acts whicii 
 he considers to be against the welfare of his country, he is branded as an 
 Anti- American agitator. 
 
 Of course, the Porto Ricans are trained in the right of petition, and we 
 will address Congress again and again for what we think is our due, unti\ 
 we get what is ours. At first we thought we would be treated with some 
 more respect and we decided to wait. We are a community of a million 
 inhabitants; our language, our customs, our civilization are entirely differ- 
 ent from yours; and all these considerations together should have coun- 
 seled you to select with extra care the men who were to be sent down here 
 to teach us the science of government. The feeling of disgust, which Is unan- 
 imous, shows plainly that you have failed in your task. If we were to follow 
 in the footsteps of those who have been our teachers in the art of govern- 
 ment, we would have to do things which our standard of right and justice 
 and decency tells us to be wrong. The demands set forth in the memorial 
 are plain and simple. We want self-government. We sustain the theory 
 that no man, that no set of men, can successfully govern a foreign country; 
 
 10 
 
The Porto Eicans are proud and cannot endure the denial ot 
 recognition as citizens. Their commissioner speaks reasonably 
 when he says: 
 
 "It is only a matter of sentiment, and for granting it tlio 
 United States will lose nothing, as if we were citizens we couM 
 not vote on Federal matters or have any hand in the affairs cif 
 the Nation. Citizenship should have been granted with civil 
 government. The two go hand in hand. With citizenship we 
 would be more respected abroad and there would be other ad- 
 vantages, but we are insisting on citizenship as a matter of 
 pride. What are we now? Citizens of no country at all! Wo 
 are even denied the right of naturalization. The most ignorant, 
 worthless European emigrant has more advantage than we." 
 
 How is it with the Philippines? 
 
 CONTINUED RESISTANCE IN THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 A year ago during the Presidential campaign we were assured 
 that tranquillity was established, that "all the rights contained 
 in the bill of rights in the Constitution of the United States 
 except the right to bear arms and the right to trial by jury'' 
 were "secured to every man, woman and child among the 
 Christian Filipinos." 
 
 What are the facts as we gather them from official source-s? 
 Let me quote from first the report of General Carter, command- 
 ing the Department of the Visayas, for the year from July 1, 
 1904, to July 1, 1905, which first saw the light in this country 
 late in August, 1905. His report is dated July 1, 1905, and his 
 last report was probably dated July 1, 1904. He says: 
 
 "Witliin a few days after the rendition of the annual report 
 for last year a serious outbreak occurred in the Gandara Valley, 
 Samar. This was followed by disorders in all the other large 
 islands of the department, Negros, Panay, Cebu and Leyte. 
 The ordinary ladrone element, reinforced to some extent from 
 
 f oreien In language, in customs and in civilization. We claim further tnat 
 no country in America can be free and happy if its people is denied the 
 blessings of the age; namely, a full measure of self-government. We hope 
 to get the support of every good American in our demands. We hope still 
 further that we will be able to convince the American people that we can 
 be entrusted with the government of our own country, with the certainty in 
 advance that we will succeed in our enterprise, and with the still furtner 
 assurance that we cannot do it any worse than our present distinguished 
 local administration. I have extended this letter more than I intended, and 
 will close with the request that you give us your valuable aid in our de- 
 mands, which are based on justice and right. 
 
 11 
 
the idle and crimiual classes, was responsible for the troubles in 
 the last named islands." 
 
 Let me pause here and note first that it was only in the lasc 
 four islands, not in Samar, that the ladrone element was re- 
 sponsible for the troubles. In Samar it was apparently an 
 uprising of the people. 
 
 Let me note in the second place the phase "the ladrone ele- 
 ment reinforced to some extent from the idle and crim.inal 
 classesJ" We have been taught to believe that ladrones were 
 robbers, vicious, lawless people who lived by plundering tlii 
 community, but it seems that ladrones do not belong to tho 
 criminal classes, and this name is used as other governments u=e 
 the word "rebel" to describe an unsuccessful patriot. 
 
 Gen. Carter's report is long, but it tells of an insurrection 
 w'hich spread all over the island of Samar, and at the date of 
 his report he says : 
 
 "The end is not in sight, for the repulses in northern and 
 eastern Samar have resulted in the transfer of Pulajane oper- 
 ations to the southwest coast." It proved too strong for the 
 constabulary, and the troops were called in "after nine months 
 of constant and severe field service." 
 
 General Carter gives a list of thirty-eight encounters in which 
 on the side of the government there were about eighty-six 
 casualities, two lieutenants being killed and one lieutenant and 
 two privates being wounded from the troops, the other casualties 
 being among the Philippine constabulary and scouts, and of 
 these about sixty-five were killed. On the native side 441 
 officers and men were killed, eleven were wounded and ninety - 
 five taken prisoners, of whom forty-seven were taken by one 
 detachment of scouts. The report indicates that the number of 
 wounded was thought in some cases to be large, but only eleven 
 wounded are reported as definitely known, while there are 
 ominous entries like seventy-four killed and no wounded or 
 prisoners, and again, four officers and ninety privates are killed, 
 with no wounded and only six prisoners. In the last affair on 
 the side of the government only two privates were wounded and 
 a guide killed. This was the result of a charge with fixed bay- 
 onets into a camp which was taken by surprise, when, according 
 to the report, the troops "engaged in a hand to hand conflict 
 with a largely superior force, and the fight lasted about thirty 
 
 12 
 
minutes." To describe such an affair as "a conflict" requires 
 imagination. 
 
 Early in his report the General says: 
 
 "Whatever may have been the original cause of the outbreak 
 it was soon lost sight of when success had drawn a large propor- 
 tion of the people away from their homes and fields," a sta*(--- 
 ment which seems to indicate ignorance as to why the people 
 rose. This does not, however, prevent the General from saying 
 later, "The Pulajane insurrection is absolutely without any 
 political significance whatever," as is uniformly the official view. 
 
 When we remember that the people of Samar hsd been so 
 lately and so terribly scourged by Smith and Waller, that they 
 had been so thoroughly taught their own weakness and tho 
 terrible warfare which Americans can wage, that they were sc 
 absolutely stripped of arms, that General Carter, in speaking of 
 two skirmishes in which one American officer, two hospital coid3 
 men and forty-two native scouts were killed and ten men were 
 wounded, says: "The serious nature of these reverses was 
 not wholly in the losses of men, but in the loss of arms 
 and ammunition, of which the Pulajane? were in great need," 
 we may well ask what it was that drove this feeble people to 
 brave a^ain all that the power of the United States could inflict. 
 Men are not lightly goaded to desperation, and when we learn 
 that not only Samar but all the other islands in the group w^re 
 also the scenes of simultaneous insurrection, there must harri 
 been some strong reason, some intolerable misgovernmcnt which 
 drove them to certain ruin and death rather than suffe/ lonffor. 
 This is the tranquillity of which Secretary Taft boastc-d a year 
 ago, but bear in mind that though this revolt was in active oper- 
 ation durinc: the whole Presidential campaign, no hint of its exis- 
 tence reached the United States then or for eleven months after- 
 ward, ^ot even yet have we any reasonable explanation — either 
 the government does not know what caused the trouble, or it 
 does not tell. In any event the people of the United States — 
 charged "u^ith the duty as we are told of governing this people — 
 are not allowed to know when trouble besets their subjects. Our 
 imperialist rulers will neither trust the Filipinos to govern them- 
 pelves nor the American people to govern them. Secretary 
 Taft and a few others alone possess the wisdom to deal with this 
 problem. Alas! on how few lives does the fate of this unhappy 
 race depend! 
 
 13 
 
RECONCENTRATION. 
 
 N"or is this all. On July 4, 1902, President Eoosevelt de- 
 clared the war in the Philippines at an end and issued his 
 proclamation of amnesty. Then "tranquillity" had been fully 
 established. In the year 1902 reconcentration was used to 
 suppress insurrection in Laguna and Batangas. It then affected 
 not less than 100,000 people in camps holding from 8,000 to 
 14,000 people each, according to the official report of Col. 
 Wagner. In 1903, when every Filipino had all the civil rights 
 secured to an American citizen by the Bill of Eights save the 
 right to bear arms and to trial by jury, 300,000 persons wer^ 
 driven from their homes into reconcentration camps in Albay, 
 where very large areas were entirely denuded of population. 
 15,000 people in Tayabas suffered a like fate. In 1904 some 
 20,000 people in Samar and 16,000 in Cavite, close to the walig 
 of Manila, were dealt with in like manner. In the curronLyfia:^ 
 1905, rcDorts reach us of like operations. "We hear from Bakoor 
 that "its unfortunate reconcentrated people, the inhabitants of 
 the districts of Ligas and St. Nicholas, a pleasant land situated 
 by the sea-side, are subjected to vigorous surveillance, not al- 
 lowed to walk abroad with impunity, obliged to snatch their 
 sleep in motley heaps of men, women and children, exposed by 
 night and day to the elements" and every hardship which the 
 terrible word "reconcentration" implies. Like reports corao 
 from Batangas, but these find no place in the dispatches from 
 the Philippine Islands. We learn the facts from the Manila 
 press. 
 
 Imagine three hundred thousand people charged with no 
 crime taken from their homes anywhere in America because the 
 government wished to catch a gang of robbers. Would no con- 
 stitutional right be invaded by such a process? What a mockery 
 it is to claim that the Filipinos are secured in their ci^dl rights 
 when such barbarities are common. Secretary Taft is a good 
 lawyer. Let him reconcile these facts with his claim. 
 
 My fig-ures are unofficial because no official figures are fur- 
 nished. When the British in time of war applied reconcentra- 
 tion in South Africa a blue book issued every month informed 
 the British people how many camps were established, where 
 they were, how many men, women and children were in each, 
 and what the mortality had been in each camp and in each class 
 during the month. 'No similar record exists, as I am credibly 
 informed, of what we have done in the Philippines, but if it 
 
 14 
 
exists auy where it lias never been disclosed to the American 
 people. Our leaders have not dared to tell us the truth. 
 
 And they have good reason to fear. The truth i.^ fatal to 
 their cause. What is reconcentration? "When Spain in the 
 midst of war resorted to it President McKinley said: ''It was 
 not civilized warfare," but " a new and inhuman phase happily 
 unprecedented in the modern history of civilized Christian 
 people.'' By a curious coincidence he is speaking of its appli- 
 cation to 300,000 people, just the number who suffered by it in 
 Albay l ast y ejir, and he concludes, ''It was extermination. The 
 only peace it could beget was that of the wilderness and the 
 grave," a "wilderness" such as General Smith sought to make of 
 Samar. The people of the United States were roused to inter- 
 fere, and made war upon Spain. While President McKinley 
 hesitated to adopt this remedy for cj-uelties perpetrated by a 
 Spanish commander, Theodore Roosevelt said, as we art* told : 
 
 "The steps of the W^hite House are slippery with the blood of 
 the reconcentrados." 
 
 This "civilized Christian people" has hastened to adopt the 
 barbarous practice which in 1898 was unprecedented. It has 
 outdone Spain by employing it in times of reputed peace, and 
 on a larger scale than was ever known in Cuba. The exceptional 
 cruelty of Spain has become the regular practice of the United 
 States. ■ Did the blood shed in Cuba when Weyler was in com- 
 mand stain the steps of the White House, and that whi<.h is shed 
 by the army which Theodore Eoosevelt coimnands leave no spot 
 on his own threshold? Let him reflect that race murder is 
 worse than race suicide. When the President has abated the 
 evils of football, over which he has only the influence of an 
 eminent citizen, perhaps he Avill find time to check the barbar- 
 ism of men over whom he has absolute control. 
 
 THE CONSTABULARY. 
 
 Charges of torture inflicted by the constabulary to extort 
 testimony with names and circumstances have been printed in 
 the newspapers of Manila, and on July 25th last I wrote a letter 
 to the President calling his attention to these charges, and to 
 the accounts of reconcentration. In time I received a reply 
 from the Bureau of Insular Affairs advising me that my letter 
 would be sent to the Philippine Islands for investigation and 
 report, and that I should be informed of the result. Sirce then 
 I have heard nothing, and I cannot say more than that torture 
 
 15 
 
is openly charged and that the prosecution of editors for libel 
 in printing the charges has been in progress for some time. 
 / Mr. Leroy, whom I have already quoted, says on this subject: 
 
 "Of all the departments of government wherein race preju- 
 dice is exhibited toward the Filipinos and the Americans em- 
 ployed are of the least cultured and most intolerant sort, the 
 constabulary is by far the worst. Many non-commissioned 
 officers of the regular ai-my, of scant education, poor manners 
 and a contempt for the natives imbibed during their service in 
 the army, have been made officers of the Philippine constabu- 
 lary. Too often the so-called Eilipino officials of the corps are 
 men of so large a shai-e of Spanish blood, former non-commis- 
 sioned officers in the Spanish insular ai-my or civil guard, that 
 they are decidedly hostile to the Filipinos and are hated by the 
 people, being identified with the Spanish side of internal strife 
 in the past. The secret police, again, is largely recruited from 
 men who turned informers in behalf first of Spain and then 
 of the United States, spies upon their own people; this fact is 
 in itself enough to disqualify them for service under a new 
 civil government, but they are in addition, in a very consider- 
 able proportion of cases, disreputable characters of the worst 
 sort, who keep out of jail only by serving the government. 
 Many of the soldiers of the constabulary rank and file are of 
 the same class of informers, spies and other former servants of 
 the American military government who have frequently their 
 private vengeances to pay, and do not scruple to do so under 
 the cover of the terror which their uniform inspires. Worse 
 yet, the hands of certain of the Filipino constabulary subor- 
 dinates do not seem to be clean of torture in getting and array- 
 ing witnesses for the government in this case. The charges, 
 indeed, .o;o to the extreme of instancing one case of murder 
 committed by a file of soldiers after seizing a humble Filipino 
 who refused to testify to what he was ordered to say, as is bo 
 often the case with witnesses on both sides of a trial in the 
 Philippines." 
 
 He condemns the government for the prosecution which I 
 have just mentioned, saying, "Worse things have occurred than 
 this paper has ever printed." 
 
 THE COURTS IN THE PHILIPPINES. 
 
 ^ He criticises the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, and 
 hints that the judiciary has not been free from executive inter- 
 
 lo 
 
ference, a charge which is sustained by evidence from private 
 sources. Certain it is that Secretary Taft felt that this charge 
 could not be ignored, for in a speech at Manila on August 12th 
 he said: 
 
 ''It is said that the trials in the courts of first instance are 
 too much a matter of executive regulation, and that the de- 
 fendants do not receive justice" . . . and proceeds, "Speaking 
 of my personal and intimate acquaintance derived from close 
 investigation I am able to say that I think no case can be 
 successfully established in which there was an undue inter- 
 ference on the part of the executive." This is a careful 
 statement in a careful speech. No case can be proved of ''undue 
 interference." Who shall decide what is "undue interference"? 
 Here is no denial that there was interference only that no 
 interference "undue" in the Secretarv's opinion can be estab- 
 lished. Is this merely from lack of evidence? 
 
 He proceeds, "that there is under the present system an op- 
 portunity for such interference cannot, I think, be denied," 
 and so e:reat is the danger that he declares himself "strongly in 
 favor" of giving the President alone the power to remove 
 judges and then only for cause, and of giving to the court itself 
 the power assigning judges to particular districts. In brief, he 
 would take from the Commission power over the judiciary, and 
 it is thus reasonably clear that he thinks it unsafe to trust them 
 with the power which they now have. 
 
 THE CONDITION OF THE FILIPINO PEOPLE. 
 
 Economic conditions are very bad, as is abundantly shown 
 by the testimony of leading planters and merchants, who from 
 all parts of the Islands attended the public hearings given by 
 the visiting Congressmen. Let me give you examples. A 
 sugar planter of Iloilo says: 
 
 "Our situation at the present time is, therefore, a very de- 
 plorable one. Seven years of calamities, with a war and 
 plagues, failures of crops, etc., have reduced us to a state of 
 misery to such an extent that in many plantations of I^egros and 
 Panay the cultivation of sugar has been entirely abandoned. 
 Owing to the low price secured by the farmer for his product 
 during the past few years, a great many planters hyve been 
 unable to meet their obligations and today are on the eve of 
 losing their property. They are unable to get credit any 
 longer. There are planters, both in the Island of Panay and 
 
 17 
 
in tliat of ISTegros, who, having the deeds of their property in 
 their hands, apply to the money lenders and to the bankers for 
 a loan, offering to secure the loan by mortgaging their entire 
 property, and are unable to secure even sufficient money to 
 attend to their most pressing personal wants." 
 
 A tobacco planter said: 
 
 "There has never been as severe a crisis in the industry in 
 the Philippine Islands as that which at present prevails. The 
 Philippine tobacco industry in cigars has lost the markets of 
 Ehgland, India and Australia on account of the duties imposed 
 upon that article, and I wish to give these figures to prove my 
 assertion. These figures refer to the exportation of manufac- 
 tured tobacco. In the year 1901 it was 1,559,780 kilograms; 
 in 1902, 1,063,069; in 1903, 1,235,257; in 1904, 705,827; 
 and for the first six months of the year 1905, 149,828; and 
 the proof of the decadence of the industry is that at the present 
 day we have but ten per cent, of the number of women for- 
 merly employed in our factories and but fifty per cent, of the 
 number of men." 
 
 Mr. Macleod, in behalf of the Manila Chamber of Commerce 
 and the Ship Owners Association, read the report of a commit- 
 tee, of which he was one. Its character is indicated by the 
 following passages: 
 
 "The country, generally speaking, is in a state of financial 
 collapse. The agriculturists and merchants are passing through 
 the worst crisis ever known in the annals of Philippinf^ history. 
 A series of calamities has contributed to bring the country to 
 this deplorable state." 
 
 "Consequent on this ruined state, the farmers have had to 
 borrow money to live on, money to plant their crops and culti- 
 vate their lands, and money to bring their harvests to market, 
 60 that almost the entire agricultural land throughout the 
 Islands is mortgaged for more than its full value. Where the 
 money has been advanced by the merchant or middleman who 
 buys the produce the rate of interest has been eight per cent., 
 which is considered moderate for this country, but wiiere the 
 farmer has had to have recourse to other sources, the usurer 
 has taken advantage to charge anything from one to three per 
 cent, per month, and the farmer has year by year sunk deeper 
 into the mire. 
 
 As a natural sequence to the ruined state of the farmers, the 
 merchants and middlemen who acted as bankers have lost many 
 
 18 
 
millions by bad debts, and have still many millions outstanding 
 of doubtful recovery. This has naturally turned all th^ir paper 
 profits into real and actual losses, so that, generally speaking, 
 the commercial firms are a great deal worse off today than they 
 were five years ago. 
 
 Second. Following on conditions such as above described, 
 the country was by no means prepared to meet a tax on land 
 already burdened by debt. The people, therefore, naturally 
 felt very sore when the territorial tax was impose 1, to pay 
 which they had in most cases to raise money at usurious rates 
 of interest. There is a provision in the law governing this tax 
 whereby the Government may order the sale of the land for 
 overdue taxes, and we are under the belief that this has hap- 
 pened in several cases where the owners were unable to raise 
 the money. We are strongly of the opinion that the imposition 
 of this tax and mode of procedure has caused and is causing 
 much of the distress now prevalent throughout the Islands." 
 
 "We beg to draw attention to the necessity of revising the 
 present internal revenue law. The tax of one third of one per 
 cent, on sales falls unequally, and in the case of sales cf native 
 produce there is a clear discrimination against the middleman, 
 who is one of the most useful and necessary members of the 
 mercantile community in his capacity of banker and agent for 
 the producer. 
 
 We consider the present taxation to be excessive foe the pro- 
 ducing power of the Islands. The amount raised for insular 
 purposes alone is estimated at 23,000,000 pesos for the present 
 fiscal year. This does not include municipal and other taxes 
 which we have not been able to estimate. 
 
 Mr. Macleod, (interrupting the reading of the report). 
 While we lall appreciate the great improvements that are 
 going to be brought about and have been brought about by the 
 American government, and the policy they have been carrying 
 out, the increase in the budget from what it was in Spanish 
 times — from 13,000,000 pesos to approximately 30,000,000 
 pesos — has been too high; the country is not able to support it. 
 
 Senator Foster. Do you mean to say that the aggregate of 
 taxation has raised from 13,000,000 pesos to approximately 
 30,000,000 pesos? 
 
 Mr. Macleod. Yes; the Spanish budget of 1894-95, which 
 was the highest ever known in normal times, was 18,579,900 
 pesos. 
 
 19 
 
Eepresentative Hepburn. Did that include all of the exac- 
 tions levied by the Spanish Government upon the people? 
 
 Mr. Macleod. Yes; I will give you a list of them." 
 
 "Third. Following the ruined state of the country and the 
 present heavy taxation, it would be the last straw on the camel's 
 back if the law known as the Frye bill were allowed to go into 
 effect on the 1st of July, 1906. If the carrying trade between 
 here and the United States be limited to American bottoms it 
 simply means that the price of hemp will go down $1 per bale 
 for eveiT dollar that freight goes up. It means that our sugar, 
 already handicapped by being so far away from the principal 
 consuming markets, will certainly not go to the United States; 
 and it means the death stroke to the importation of American 
 goods into these Islands." 
 
 This is certainly a pleasant picture of the results which 
 American rule has produced in the Philippines. Truly it has 
 been a most "benevolent assimilation." Have we a divme mis- 
 sion to establish bad government in the Philippines? 
 
 It is of the internal revenue tax that Prof. Paul S. Eeinsch 
 says, "Outside of Italy it would be hard to find a system of 
 taxation that so efficiently scours the whole field of business. 
 The merchants and professional men of a country like the 
 United States would look upon it as a most unbearable burden." 
 Yet Secretary Taft in a speech at Manila on August 8th, as 
 reported in a dispatch published in the Boston Transcript, al- 
 luding to this tax, said that "people refusing just taxation were 
 unfitted for self-government." Has the Secretaiy forgotten the 
 causes of the American Kevolution, or does he think that the 
 question whether a tax is just is settled bv the opinion of the 
 men who impose it? 
 
 When I contemplate the miserable condition to which in 
 seven years we have reduced the Filipino people, and contrast 
 it with the prophecies of glory, wealth and power with which 
 our leaders sought to still the public conscience when this be- 
 trayal of liberty was proposed, I am reminded of Mr. Emerson's 
 comparison between the man-way and the God-way of attack- 
 ing slavery. 
 
 "The man-way of voluntary co-operation by parties, by leg- 
 islation, by compromise, by treaty," is, he says, "inefficient," 
 and he points out the causes of the failure. Then he proceeds: 
 
 "But the friction or judgment of God. There is strangely 
 
 20 
 
enough, another element which does not prove so friendly to 
 slavery as the Whig or line gentleman party, and that is an 
 unexpected hitck in the working of the thing. There's always 
 something wrong in the machinery, it is out of gear . . . 
 with everything for it, it does not seem to get on." 
 
 THE CAUSES OF OUR FAILURE. 
 
 AVliy should our experiment succeed? If I may boj-row the 
 words which President Eoosevelt aimed at us, the Administra- 
 tion has been guilty of "well meant but silly persistency in 
 trying to apply to people unfitted for them those theories of 
 government and of national action which are only suited for" 
 Englishmen and Yankees. In a word, we have been trying 
 to turn rilipinos into Yankees, palm trees into pines, by force. 
 I agree that it is hopelessly foolish. 
 
 We have argued that it was wrong morally and politically, 
 that it was ruinous to the Filipinos and demoralizing to us, that 
 it was economically disastrous. Let me now ask an intelligent 
 people whether on the whole anything could be more stupid 
 than our whole course since w^e landed on these Islands. 
 
 The Filipinos welcomed us with open arms. There is a 
 pathos now in this announcement of our coming. "Compatriots, 
 Divine Providence is about to place independence within our 
 
 reacli There where you see the American flag 
 
 flying assemble in numbers. They are our deliverers." 
 
 As our allies they helped us to expel the Spaniards, and they 
 were full of affection and gratitude to us. We could easily have 
 led them up. They would have accorded gladly every privilege 
 we could have asked. 
 
 We elected to conquer, not to save. Our commanders were 
 soon told to be on their guard, and to say nothing to commit 
 us. When the fate of the Islands was uncertain we would not 
 consult the friendly people. In vain they sent envoys to Wash- 
 ington, in vain they sought admission to the chamber where 
 the treaty of Paris was made. They were treated not as men 
 entitled to be consulted about tl^eir o^vn dearest interests, but as 
 children to be ignored, amused and deceived. We repelled their 
 love and betrayed their confidence. Whatever our object, was 
 not this policy stupid? 
 
 Before the treaty was ratified President McKinley by proc- 
 lamation made known to the Filipinos our purpose to take their 
 country, a proclamation so certain to provoke resistance that 
 
 21 
 
the general in command, a soldier not a statesman, was un- 
 willing to publish it, and changed its terms. Consultation not 
 merely with the Filipinos, but with our own representatives, 
 a little patience, a little consideration, would have made this 
 blow to a trusting people less brutal! "Was not this stupid? 
 
 .There followed two years and a half of war, exterminating 
 war, with destruction of life, of towns, of crops, of animals, 
 with reconcentration, "water cure," torture, and the drastic 
 measures of Smith, Bell and their associates. It was not civil- 
 ized warfare, few prisoners were taken, few wounded men were 
 left after a battle. No negotiations for peace were entertained. 
 The only terms were unconditional submission, the methods of 
 securing this, which were employed by this Christian and en- 
 lightened nation were most terrible. Desiring to make the 
 Filipinos loyal subjects, we tried in such ways to win their 
 affection. Was not this brutally stupid? 
 
 Then we establish civil government. What was its charac- 
 ter? A recent writer on Eussia, thoroughly familiar wdth his 
 subject, thus describes the government which is now falling in 
 ruins: 
 
 "Arbitrariness is the sole dependable characteristic of the 
 legislative and judicial systems; and this arises not so much 
 from a double dose of original sin in the personnel of the admin- 
 istration, as from the absence of any real responsibility and of 
 any of the guarantees enjoyed in other countries, firstly, 
 through a constitution based upon personal rights, secondly, 
 throuah a representative element in the legislature, and thirdly, 
 through free criticism by the press, public meetings ard organ- 
 ized associations." He adds the lack of "an independent judica- 
 ture," and well says that the evils which exist in Eussia are 
 inherent in the system, and "would exist if the Tsar and his 
 ministers were angels." 
 
 This is the exact government which we have established in 
 the PhiliDpines. There also is no "real responsibility," "no 
 constitution" of any kind, no "representative element in the 
 legislature," no "independent judicature." The two American 
 editors, who without a jury trial were sent to prison for libel, 
 could have much to say about the freedom of the press. The 
 Commission is legislative and executive, and the essence of the 
 system is "arbitrariness." Is it not stupid for us to make a new 
 Eussian despotism in the Philippines just as the original is 
 shattered in Eussia ! Under such a system good government is 
 
 22 
 
impossible anywhere. To criticise its results is not to reflect 
 on those who administer it. The result would be the same if 
 the Commissioners "were angels." The system is radically 
 wrong. 
 
 Whom do we select to administer this system? As a people 
 we recognize fully the necessity of education. To be a lawyer, 
 a minister, a doctor, a plumber, a carpenter, a railroad manager, 
 a manufacturer, a man must be trained for years, lie cannot 
 build a house, try a case, run a mill or even an engine, without 
 training. For the far more difficult task of governing men, 
 foreigners, whose history, whose traditions, whose ideals, whose 
 natures, are different from ours, we think that no training is 
 necessary. We take a judge from the trial of law suits, a lawyer 
 from his office, a naturalist from his study, a professor from his 
 chair, any able man no matter what his work, and s'md him 
 without previous experience, with no knowledge of country or 
 people, with not even the ability to understand their 'anguage, 
 and put him in immediate control of a nation. The difference 
 between Americans and Filipinos is the whole argument of our 
 opponents. Upon that they rest their case, and yet they cannot 
 see that men should be trained to understand what this differ- 
 ence is before they are sent to govern. 
 
 Suppose five New York men were sent to govern Massachu- 
 setts. Should we not find them ignorant of our needs, our 
 demands, our methods? Massachusetts and "New York are 
 inhabited by almost the same people, only an imaginary line 
 divides them. Yet slight as the difference is we ourselves know 
 how true is the statement of Mr. Adams, "New York politics 
 always were the Devil's own incomprehensible." For the most 
 difficult political work that exists we select men wholly without 
 experience or training. We retain them there a, few years and 
 then change them, so that we keep our governors untrained, and 
 the government is bad. . Are we not stupid to expect anything 
 else? If any of our commissioners were called upon to set a leg, 
 or repair a watch we should expect them to fail because they had 
 never learned how. Yet the government of an alien race is far 
 more difficult than either. Can we be surprised that the Porto 
 Eicans object "when public officials unacquainted ^vith the 
 language, the customs, and the needs of this country within 
 twenty-four hours after their arrival take their seits in the 
 Executive Council and decide bv their votes complicated ques- 
 tions?" 
 
 23 
 
Add to this that the men whom we send out to govern these 
 dependencies, and their compatriots who are in the Islands, 
 regard the natives as inferior, do not believe them, do not trust 
 them, too often speak of them as "niggers" or with like terms of 
 contempt, and tell me how it is possible that we should make 
 our subiects contented. The governor who misunderstands and 
 despises the people whom he governs, who does not believe their 
 statements, who has no liking for or sympathy with tliem, can- 
 not succeed, whether that governor is parent, teacher, general, 
 or commissioner in the Philippine Islands. Is it surprising that 
 race preiudice is daily growing more acute in these Islards, and 
 that the Americans and natives are drifting farther and farther 
 apart ? 
 
 We say that we are fitting this people for independence, but 
 we forbid them to speak or think of it. We tell them that gen- 
 erations must pass before they will be ripe for it. We say to 
 men in their own country, whose rights are equal to our own, 
 who feel their manhood, who know that they are able to govern 
 themselves and to remedy the evils which afflict their country, 
 "Is^o matter what you think, we alone are fit to judge of your 
 ability. Meanwhile you shall have no voice in your govern- 
 ment save what we choose to give you." 
 
 The President well said in his letter to the Kegro Business 
 Men's Convention in New York, "It is as true of a race as of an 
 individual that while outsiders can help to a certain degree, yet 
 the real help must come in the shape of self-help. Men learn to 
 be independent by being independent— by their own mistakes. 
 Centuries of English rule in India have carried the Indians 
 father from self-government. The President's statement is 
 sound. :N'o one can read history and doubt it. Why aie we not 
 wise enough to recognize the truth and act upon it? 
 
 We teach the Filipinos English, the language of freedom. 
 We open to them the history of our Revolution, our Declara- 
 tion of Independence. We teach them to read in the speeches 
 of Lincoln, "I^o man is good enough to govern another without 
 that other's consent," and we expect them to be our contented 
 subjects for generations, kissing the rod that smites them, enjoy- 
 ing the contempt which is heaped upon them, loving to be 
 treated as an inferior people. How strange an expectation. I 
 read in the Transcript, the other night, in an article on Eussia 
 this sentence: 
 
 24 
 
"If the object of Kussia lias been to make a discontented 
 people desperate, the methods have been well adapted to that 
 end. Everything that could anger, everything that could hu- 
 miliate, everything that worried the sensibilities of a popula- 
 tion has been done." 
 
 Strange that our people should see so clearly what is wrong 
 in Russia and not see that in the Philippines we are doing the 
 same things. 
 
 r But we are giving them education and public improvements. 
 Let us state this more accurately. We bclect teachers and make 
 the Filipinos pay them to teach what we choose. We decide 
 what improvements are needed, and we make the Filipinos pay 
 for them. Our system is most expensive. Our officers are paid 
 large salaries, and the impoverished Islanders cannot afford 
 to pay them. We are like the rich man who tells his poor 
 neighbor that he ought to have a larger house, better furniture 
 newer clothes, horses and carriages and forthwith orders them, 
 but has them charged to his neighbor without consulting him 
 as to how these bills are to be met. It is a form of charity easy 
 to the soi-disanl benefactor, but ruinous to the unhappy neigh- 
 bor who is compelled to sell his home in order to pay for these 
 luxuries, and who would rather live in rags than die in shining 
 raiment. If we insist upon teaching our subjects English we at 
 least should pay the bill, but our benevolence is tinctured with 
 thrift. 
 
 The American people prides itself on being intelligent and 
 sensible. How long will it persist in a policy which is so obvi- 
 ously fatuous? How long will it force upon the unwilling 
 Filipinos a government which has almost ruined their Islands, 
 and which has cost us enormously both in money and reputa- 
 tion. We have succeeded only at frightful expense in proving 
 that the historian Freeman was right when he said, "If there 
 be one lesson which history clearly teaches it is this, that free 
 nations cannot govern subject provinces." Why not karn this 
 lesson ourselves? 
 
 THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES ARE WAKING UP. 
 
 I am glad to say that the people are waking up to the facts. 
 l!^o longer do we hear of the wealth and glory which these 
 Islands will bring us, no longer do we hear of duty and destiny. 
 The burden has become heavy and we are weary of it. This is 
 becoming every day more apparent. In April last Kfar Ad- 
 
 25 
 
 y 
 
miral Melville, in addressing the American Academy of Polit- 
 ical Science, said: 
 
 "The first inheritance that was thrust upon us by some evil 
 genius was the Philippine Archipelago. Those Islands have 
 been a tax upon the resources of every nation that ever pos- 
 sessed them," and concluded, "It will subserve our financial, 
 naval, commercial and national interests to recognize the fact 
 that there should be no hesitancy to give up distant foreign 
 possessions which we could not hold in time of war against any 
 possible enemy." 
 
 The "Divine Providence" of 1898 has become "s^-)me evil 
 genius" in 1905. 
 
 The Washington Post, speaking under the shadow of the 
 "White House, says: "So long as opposition could be urged 
 against the Philippine feature of the Paris treaty it was in all 
 respects honorable. We believe that more than nine-tenths of 
 the American people greatly regret that failure of opposition 
 to defeat the consummation of that unfortunate compact." 
 
 The Boston Watchman last summer said : 
 
 "Those who opposed the retention of the Philippine Islands 
 were vilified with malignity, but there is no well-informed per- 
 son in the United States at the present time, official or private, 
 who does not realize that the retention of anything more than 
 
 a port or ports in the Islands was a mistake They 
 
 are poorer and more demoralized than under Spanish rule. 
 
 We may be obliged to come to the Dutch plan in 
 Java and hold a few of the chief ports for trade, and leave the 
 rest of the people to themselves." 
 
 The Peoria Star says: 
 
 "The truth of the matter is the mixed population of the 
 Philippines cannot be assimilated with European ideas in one 
 generation, probably not in ten. The sentiment of nationality 
 will always induce them to resent the government by an alien 
 race. As fast as we teach them the arts of civilized life, just 
 so fast we transplant in them a desire for independence. They 
 are already asking ugly questions in this very particular, and 
 when we take our school books and teach them that all men are 
 created free and equal and are entitled to life, liberty and the 
 pursuit of happiness, each in his own wav, and that government 
 must rest noon the consent of the governed, we are fiying in 
 
 26 
 
tlie face of the constabulary, the militia and the methods of 
 benevolent assimilation that we are using. 
 
 There seems to be no other good way of accomplishing the 
 result we are aiming at than to turn the whole thing over to 
 Japan, where the government takes the problem of dealing 
 with these mixed peoples and are on the spot and able to do. 
 Of course, there is a good deal of flub-dub about never hauling 
 down the flag after it has once been erected, and standing by 
 our colors, and the moral duty which we owe to these heathens 
 to brina- them under the blessings of a Christian govrernment, 
 and the benefits we are confering upon them in the way of edu- 
 cation and all that, but the fact of it is we have a very ugly 
 problem on our hands, and it is a matter of plain horse sense to 
 rid ourselves of it as soon as possible and as fast as we can." 
 
 "Duty and destiny" have become "flub-dub." Think of it! 
 / The Minneapolis Tribune says: 
 
 "The Philippines have been a burden of expense ..o us since 
 they dropped in our lap. They will continue to be so for many 
 years, perhaps forever. We bear the burden without much 
 complaining, because it must be carried by somebody, and 
 probablv no one else would take it who is even as fit as we are. 
 If any nation wise and experienced in tropical colonization 
 would take the Philippines off our hands with proper compen- 
 sations and guarantees, we should probably be the most de- 
 lighted people on earth, though we should fight to the last 
 breath against forcible seizure of them. We are beginnig to 
 realize that we are none too fit for the job of governing these 
 queer people." 
 
 The Boston Herald says: 
 
 "It is true, we suppose, that the Philippine question has 
 become a tiresome one to most Americans. The days when it 
 was a simple affair of a glorious expansion of the do.-ninion of 
 the United States and hailed as the assurance of our arrival at 
 the condition of a world power were soon over. Then came the 
 days when the acquisition of the archipelago in the Pacific was 
 gloated over as an opening to boundless wealth. . . . This 
 was the prospect, operating in connection with military jingo- 
 ism, that made the country consent to the horrors of the period 
 of subjugation, demoralizing to our army and decimating the 
 population of the distant possessions. ... A war begim 
 with the declaration tliat it was purely humanitarian and that 
 the acouisition of territory by means of it would be "criminal 
 
 27 
 
aggression," ended by a vast acquisition of territory without the 
 consent of its inhabitants, for which we paid a bonus of 
 $20,000,000 to the government that we called their oppressors, 
 although in the 400 years of its sway it had never punished or 
 humiliated them more cruelly than we have done, '-'he good 
 bargain our commissioners made included not only tht: paltry 
 $20,000,000 paid to Spain. It included in the s-^quel the 
 $500,000,000, probably more, that has been spent in thwarting 
 the TiliDinos' aspirations for independence, and included also 
 the wrench to and perversion of the historic charters and ideals 
 of our own national life. 
 
 "It was a fearful price, and what have we got for it? A con- 
 quered, discontented, impoverished 8,000,000 of alien people, 
 some of them still fighting against us and beino- sl-.ughtered 
 like grouse for the security of our dominion. All this we have 
 done and are doing in a holy zeal to bestow on them the bless- 
 ings of a form of partial self-government lacking thi essential 
 substance, and the blessings of American civilizatioL^ which 
 th-y Drefer to understand and adopt by their own study, in 
 their own time and through a natural, unenforced development 
 of their discretion. Meanwhile it has been proved that their 
 country is not adapted to settlement by our citizens, and that 
 our government of them is one of crushing extravagance as well 
 as of arbitrary and uncongenial force. The Philippines today 
 are not as prosperous nor as hopeful as they were under the 
 sovereignty of Spain. Their trade vath us, outside of the re- 
 quirements of the American military and civil establishments 
 maintained there, shows no important and useful increase. 
 "We strangle their commerce by our tariff exactions and 
 - smother their industry by an enormous taxation." 
 
 Senator Dubois, of Idaho, on his way home after ic-turning 
 from the Philippines with the Taft party, said: "Mj candid 
 judgment is that there was not more than one member of the 
 entire party who was not sorry that we own the Philippine 
 Islands. The exception was Secretary Taft himself. I believe 
 that he conscientiously entertains the view that the Islands 
 were placed in our hands by Providence, and our occupation 
 and control of them are for providential reasons. 
 
 "They are going to be a source of very serious trouble to us. 
 The Pilipinos hate us; the two peoples are growing farther 
 apart every day. In my judgment the Filipino fears our sol- 
 dicTS at the same time that he is nursing his hatred. Our edu- 
 
 28 
 
cation is calculated to equip them to hate us more than they 
 fear us, and some day they will again begin to shoot our sol- 
 diers." 
 
 The Minneapolis Tribune, an imperialist paper, is also pen- 
 itent : 
 
 ''There is an argument against political expansion in the 
 comparative history of the tropical countries annexed to the 
 United States and those brought under its commercial and in- 
 dustrial dominion, while" left to govern themselves. 
 
 ''There is no more striking contrast than that between the 
 prosperity of Cuba and the distress of Porto Rico, between the 
 flourishing industries and commerce of Mexico and the stagna- 
 tion and famine of the Philippines. We have given the Phil- 
 ippines a mild and stable government instead of revolutionary 
 ana]:chy like that with which Mexico struggled for half a cen- 
 tury. But few hope that our government will ever he able to 
 give the Philippines such prosperity as independent American 
 capital and enterprise has given to Mexico under the stable 
 government finally worked out by the efforts of her own people. 
 
 "A far larger proportion of American capital is invested in 
 Mexico than in any tropical American possession. Nearly sixty 
 per cent, of Mexico's trade is ours, and the proportion has more 
 than doubled in ten years. Under the stimulus of the gold 
 standard Mexico's trade is rapidly increasing and nearly all the 
 increment comes to us. American capital prefers Mexico to 
 the Philippines because it is free there from restrictions im- 
 posed by ill-advised American laws. Had the Filipinos been 
 left to establish a republic, it is probable that it would have 
 been more hospitable to American investments than the gov- 
 ernment we gave them has been. 
 
 "The case is even plainer in Cuba and Porto Rico. The 
 marvelous prosperity of Cuban industry and trade is due di- 
 rectly to American capital and enterprise, invited and encour- 
 aged by the government of the republic. The distress and 
 depression of Porto Rico are just as plainly due to acts of 
 American legislation that have repelled American capital and 
 enterprise and left the unfortunate island without railroads or 
 manufactures, energetic agriculture or employment for its 
 people. 
 
 "Clearly the American government does not know much 
 about administering colonial dependencies. For our credit and 
 their comfort it is well that we have no more of them." 
 
 29 
 
The bulletin of the Bureau of Insular Aifairs is very candid. 
 "In fact, apart from the stimulus of patriotism — which is 
 not to be accounted a very active force in things commercial — 
 and the demand created in the Islands for American goods by 
 the presence of army and civil employees of the government, 
 the presence of the flag has thus far brought no special advan- 
 tage to the American exporter, and such development of trade 
 as he has effected in the Islands is more justly to be measured by 
 the terms of trade expansion in a foreign country than under 
 the glamor associated with the flag." 
 
 Bishop Brent praises Japan's government of Formosa, "both 
 in its moral flavor and in considerateness for and understanding 
 of the people of the island" as "the most advanced of all" 
 eastern colonial governments and accounts for it thus: "But 
 there you have orientals dealing with orientals," a confession 
 that Asiatics can govern Asiatics better than Anglo-Saxons can. 
 Even in South Africa we are told that the mine owners find 
 the government of England more expensive than the Boer 
 government, which it cost England so much to destroy. 
 
 Last and most surprising comes Dr. Lyman Abbott rejoicing 
 over the late treaty between England and Japan on the gi'ound 
 that "The E^ast is to be no more the foraging ground of the 
 "West, to be divided up and disposed of without taking into 
 account the rights or wishes of its people," which sounds much 
 more like the Dr. Abbott whom we used to know than the 
 lecturer who considered the "barbarian dog" a usurper in his 
 own house, if "the Anglo-Saxon ox" wished to treat it as a crib. 
 Saul shows at least a tendency to join the prophets. When he 
 is off his guard he reverts to the truths he used to preach. 
 These are very significant straws. "A fault confessed is haH 
 redressed." Our people are anxious to shift this lately coveted 
 "white man's burden" to yellow or brown shoulders, and if this 
 shift is to be made, upon what shoulders can the burden of the 
 Philippines be placed so properly as upon the shoulders where 
 the Almighty placed it, upon their own? Who can understand 
 their needs so well? 
 
 W^HY NOT CORRECT OUR MISTAKE? 
 
 If it was, as these writers admit, a mistake to take the Islands, 
 why not undo it? If we had not taken them their inhabitants 
 would have formed their own government. Spain had been 
 expelled and if we had sailed away they must have governed 
 
 30 
 
themselves, as indeed they were doing until we overtiirew their 
 government. Why should we not do now what we ought to 
 have done then? 
 
 It cannot be claimed that it is impossible to do now what we 
 could have done then. To say that is to admit that till now, 
 so far from fitting them to be independent we have unfitted 
 them; that our seven years have been worse than wasted. If 
 this be so the sooner we stop the process of unfitting them the 
 better. If the imperialist is right they are at leasG as fit now 
 as they were then to govern themselves. 
 
 Let us have the courage to admit our mistake and undo it. 
 An agreement with foreign powers easily made will secure them 
 against foreign aggression, as Switzerland is secured. The 
 method which we adopted in Cuba has proved successful. Why 
 not follow a good precedent and not perpetuate a costly blunder 
 ruinous to the Filipinos and demoralizing as well as expensive 
 to us? We can if we will. 
 
 INVESTMENT IN THE PHILIPPINES IS UNSAFE. 
 
 Meanwhile let no American invest his money in Philippine 
 enterprises because he believes that America will persist in a 
 policy of injustice merely to protect his miserable dollars. !N"o 
 American, in ofiice or out, can give any pledge which will bind 
 the American people to hold these Islands for any hngth of 
 time. He who invests does so at his peril, and must understand 
 distinctlv that at no distant day the conscience of his country 
 will assert itself and will not hold millions of men in subjec- 
 tion that a few Americans may profit. The millions invested 
 in slaves did not save slavery, and ere long we shall again ask 
 in the burning words of Whittier: 
 
 "Is the dollar only real? God and truth and right a dream? 
 Weighed against your lying ledgers must our manhood kick 
 the beam?" 
 
 And be sure that our answer will be a "No" as emphafic as the 
 answer which we gave the same question in 1863. 
 
 How long must the Filipinos and our own countrymen alike 
 suffer from our pride and obstinacy? 
 
 The dawn of freedom for the Philippines is breaking. Have 
 patience and courage. We shall yet live to see the full day. 
 This great nation will yet be more proud of having done an 
 act of justice to their weaker brother^ than if all the fabled 
 wealth of the Orient were won by "criminal aggression." 
 
 31