^^^. ■>^ -\ -^ -.■N -/;, \^ '^^ ,\;- Ci-, ^ \V' . . •■■ ,- '->- s ' // ^ -' -i^ ^"^Z. =^ ■y^ IS ^^.x^^^ S5»^'C-J''^. \V -z^. .xx^'-^ 0^ ■ C ^0 O '>, '' / c- n'\- A- ■^•,^' ■-.. .,^' v\>' -^V 0^ .0 o^ -^ ^ ^ A C^ /- '' ^ o^- ^/. ^ (J 1 1 " \^^ 1^. \' ^ % 't<. .^^^ ; '""^- / - .*? - -y* — ^- -■:■ . ■■^ o'^ .vL~^ ■-/., -- x^.^^-. .J .^\ x^' •/>. ,-■■ .0- * ' V . '■ ^ '■ aV ^ "Si ,-> V ,<\^ -.^^ '''t: ■-^/- .xX^ xV ./>, /'■'v ">. A^ ?-- a"- -^ \X- -■^:s- .^' . ,A^- ~ %.^' x^' -^x. ^ ; ^f^T^^^^Pz^^: ^ KngravPtl for llolUslers Hislorv of Ci.nnrcticul. THE HISTORY GOIIECTICUT, FROM THE FIRST SETTLEMENT OF THE COLONY TO THE ADOPTION OF THE PRESENT CONSTITCTION. BY G. H. IIOLLISTER. 3n (^uio llolumt'0: VOL. II, ' Their force would be most disproportionately exerted against a brave, jeiierons, ami united peo- ple, Willi arini in tlieir hands and cciurnn;e in their hearts ; three millions of people, the genuine descendants of a valiant and pious ancestry, driven to those deserts by the narrow maxims of a superstitious tyranny." — Earl of Chathavi. NEW HAVEN: DURRIE AND PECK. 1855. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1855, BY G. ir. IIOLLISTER, iu the Clerk's Oft'ice of the District Court of Connecticut. V\A R. H. HOBBS, Stereotvper, Hiirttbrri, Ct CASE, TIFFANY &• CO., Printers. Ilnrlfurii, Conn. PREFACE. When employed in writing the fii-ist volunie of this work, it was a pleasure to dwell upon the ti'aits of individual imn who tVll under my observation. But on reaching the period of the last Fivneh war, the papulation of the colony was found to have multiplied so rapidly that the task became more difficult, and when the attempt was made to give an account of men who lived, and events which transpired three quarters of a century later, it appeared almost impossible to embrace within a small volume even an outline of our history. Aware of the many imperfections of this work, it would be ungrateful in me not to acknowl- edge that it would have been mueii more (ii)en taey in Connecticut. — The Stratford Church ; resolve of the General Court ; the society for propagating the gospel in foreign parts ; first attempt to introduce episcopacy in Connecticut ; Mr. Muirson ; Mr. Pigot ; Dr. Cutler ; Dr. Samuel Johnson ; Rev. James Wetmore ; Mr. Beach ; efforts to obtain a bishop ; Dr. Learn- ing ; consecration of Bishop Seabury; .sketch of his character; Bishop Jarvis 539 CHAPTER XXV. Other licUgious Denominations. — Methodism ; its rise and progress in Connecticut; Jesse Lee; Rev. Dr. Fisk; sketch of the progress of the Baptists ; the Wightmans ; other distinguished clergymen ; the "great awakening." 554 CONTENTS. XV CHAPTER XXVI. Schools, Colleges, Science, Art, and Literature. — Early legislation on the subject of Education ; the school fund; Honorable James HiU- housc ; Yale College ; its presidents and benefactors ; its graduates ; Jonathan Edwards ; Dr. Bellamy ; Litchfield Law School, and Female Academy ; other institutions ; our poets, the Athens of America ; Trumbull, Barlow, General Humphreys, and Dr. Dwight, were the first American poets who made any impression upon the popular mind ; since their day we have had a new era in letters ; Uillhouse, the most stately and artistic of those who have passed from the stage of life ; Brainerd, his " Falls of Niagara ;" Lemuel Hopkins, Richard Alsop, Elihu Hubbard Smith, Mrs. Laura Thurs- ton, Miss Martha Day, James Otis Rockwell, Hugh Peters, E. P. Moxson, and others ; the propriety of mentioning our living poets in the text : Fitz Green Hallack, his " Marco Bazzaris," his works o - compared with those of Gray ; his poem upon Connecticut ; Per- / cival, John Pierpont, Prentice, Mrs. Sigourney, Mrs. Ann Ste- vens, ilrs. Emma Willard, Goodrich, Nichols, Wetmore, Hill, Brown, Dow, Burleigh, Park, and William Thompson Bacon ; John Trumbull, the artist; Whitney, Fitch, Junius Smith, Morse, Mansfield, Kirby, Treadwell, Ballamy, the conclusion G44 APPENDIX. Delegates to the convention that ratified the constitution of the United States ; delegates to the convention that formed the constitu- tion of 1818; Common Schools; Trinity college; biographical sketches ; Andrew Adams ; Ethan Allen ; L'a Allen ; John Allyn ; Richard Alsop ; Samuel Austin ; E. C. Bacon ; Azel Backus ; A. Bald- win ; S. Baldwin ; Joel Barlow ; Colonel Beebe ; Lyman Beechcr ; E. Boardman ; J. Brace; S. Bradley; J. Buel ; Aaron Burr; Charles Chauncey ; W. Chipman ; Daniel Chipman ; Thomas Chittenden ; Samuel Church ; Leman Church ; John P. Cushman ; David Dag- gett; Silas Deane ; Daniel S.Dickinson; Timothjr Dwight ; Eli- phalet Dyer; WiUiam Edmond ; Jonathan Edwards; Pierpont Edwards ; Henry W. Edwards ; Tliomas Fitch ; John Fitch ; Samuel Foote; Thomas Gallaudet; Calvin Goddard; Nathan Gold ; Chauncey Goodrich; Elizur Goodrich; Gideon Granger; Edward D. Griffin; Alexander Griswold ; Matthew Griswold ; Stanley Griswold ; Lyman Hall ; James Hillliouse ; William Hillhouse ; Benjamin Hinman ; Royal R. Hinman ; Peter Hitchcock ; Samuel XVI CONTENTS. Fagk J. Hitchcock ; Horace Holley ; Abiel Holmes ; Samuel Hopkins ; Titus Hosmer ; Stephen T. Hosmer ; Samuel Huntington ; Joseph Huntington ; Jabez Huntington ; Jedediah Huntington ; Benjamin Huntington ; E. Huntington ; I. W. Huntington ; Jarcd Ingcrsoll ; I. Ingcrsoll ; AV^illiam Johnson ; S. S. Johnson ; James Kilbournc ; James S. Kingslcy; Ephraim Kirby ; James Lanman; Richard Law ; Jonathan Pijchard Law ; Jarcd Mansfield ; Charles Marsh ; Jeremiah Mason f* R. J. Meigs ; J. Meigs ; Samuel J. Mills ; S. W. Mitchell ; J. Morse ; Amasa J. Parker ; E. Phelps ; Samuel S. Phelps; Timothy Pitkin ; William Pitkin; D. Plumb; Peter B. Porter ; Samuel Prentiss ; James Riley ; E. Root ; J. Root ; Gurdon Saltonstall ; Theodore Sedgwick ; Horatio Seymour ; E. Silliman ; Gold Selleck Silliman ; Richard Skinner ; T. Smith ; Junius Smith ; Nathan Smith ; Perry Smith ; Ambrose Spencer ; Harriet Beech- er Stowe ; J. Strong ; M. Stuart ; J. Talcott ; Gideon Tomlinson ; Uriah Tracy ; Samuel Wales ; R. H. Walworth ; Noah Webster ; E. Wheelock ; John Wheelock ; E. Whittlesy ; Calvin Willey ; E. Williams ; William Williams ; Elisha Yale ; E. Young ; sketch of Colonel Thomas Knowlton 611 HISTORY CONIECTICUT. CHAPTER I. THE LAST FRENCH WAE. It is needless to tell the reader that a turn in our path presents to the eye a landscape more extensive than any that we have before caught glimpses of as we journeyed together. I do not mean to say, that the character of the scenery is entirely unlike any that we have before paused to look upon; but we seem now to be rather in the condition of travelers who, having started in company to explore some navigable stream, began with the slender rills that almost lost them- selves in the gorges of the mountains before they met ; as we advanced, committing our birchen canoes to the strength- ening current where it could be safely trusted, bearing them upon our shoulders where rocks, rapids, or cataracts were interposed — until the opening hills disclose at last a deep cur- rent rolling between banks well-defined, though irregular enough to fill the soul with beautiful forms, and bearing us so steadily upon its bosom as it flows towards the ocean, that we become almost unconscious that we are moving. Yet before yielding ourselves up to the will and rythm of the stream, we must pause once more and explore the fountains of some of its beautiful tributaries. At the May session of the legislature, 1726, the county of Windham was incorporated, and the several county officers were appointed. It consisted of the townships of Windham, Lebanon, Canterbury, Mansfield, Plainfield, Coventry, Pom- fret, Killingly, Ashford, Voluntown, and Mortlake (now Brooklyn.) 34 18 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Willington was sold by the colony in May 1720, for five hundred and ten pounds, to the following gentlemen, viz., Roger Wolcott, Esq. of Windsor, John Burr of Fairfield, John Riggs of Derby, Samuel Gunn and George Clark of Milford, John Stone and Peter Pratt of Hartford, and Ebenezer Fitch. The population had so increased in 1728, that the Rev. Daniel Fuller was ordained to the pastoral office over the church and congregation. East Haddam was vested with town privileges in 1734, having previously for many years been a parish of Haddam, The first minister of the place, the Rev. Stephen Hosmer, was ordained May 3, 1704. This town has produced its full share of eminent men, among whom I may name the Hon. Epaphroditus Champion, member of Congress, and Col. Henry Champion. The " Moodus Noises" in East Haddam formerly attracted much attention. They appear to have consisted of subterranean rumblings, resembling continuous shocks of earthquakes, some of which were so violent as visibly to shake the ground and buildings. Mr. Hosmer says — "Oftentimes I have observed them coming down from the north, imitating slow thunder, until the sound came near or quite under, and then there seemed to be a breaking, like the noise of a cannon shot, or severe thunder, which shakes the houses and all that is in them." They sometimes occur- red several times in a day; and sometimes only at long intervals.* Somers constituted the south-east part of the ancient town of Springfield, granted by Massachusetts to Mr. Pyncheon and his company. In 1726, it was made a distinct ecclesi- astical society by the General Court of Massachusetts, and was named East Enfield. The first permanent settlement was made in 1713, when Edward Kibbee, James Pease, Timothy Root, and Richard Montgomery, with their fami- lies, moved on to the tract. The town was incorporated in 1734. * See Trumbull, ii. 91, 93. CANAAN, KENT, SHARON, 19 The settlement of Union began in 1727, and tiie town was incorporated in October, 1734. Among the first settlers were William McNall, John Lawson, and James Sherrer, from Ireland. Harwinton was incorporated in October, 1737, about six years after the settlement commenced. The early and most prominent settlers bore the names of Brace,* Messenger, Hopkins, Catlin,f Webster, Phelps, and Wilson. The Nau- gatuck river forms the western boundary of Harwinton, separating it from Litchfield. Canaan was sold at auction in New London, in January, 1738, and the settlement on the lands was commenced during the same year by John Franklin, Uaniel and Isaac Lawrence and others. The town was incorporated in 1739 ; the Rev. Elisha Webster was ordained as pastor in October, 1740. This town is largely engaged in the manufacture of iron. The Housatonic at this point has a perpendicular fall of sixty feet, and the stream for several miles is quite rapid, affording one of the best water powers to be found in the state. The tract embracing the present towns of Kent and War- ren, was sold at auction in Windham in March, 1738, and the settlement commenced the same year. It was incor- porated as a single town in October, 1739, and was named Kent. The first minister was the Rev. Cyrus Marsh. On the west side of the Housatonic, in the lower part of this town, was the seat of the Scatacook tribe of Indians. The legislature at an early date made a reservation of certain lands in that vicinity for the benefit of these Indians, and a few individuals of the tribe still occupy a portion of the reservation. The Moravians established a mission among the Scatacooks in 1743. They baptized one hundred and fifty of them, among whom was the chief sachem. Sharon was surveyed by a legislative committee in 1732; * The late Hon. Jonathan Brace, an eminent citizen of Hartford, was a native of Harwinton. t This name has furnished many able and highly esteemed men, and has been a conspicuous name in the town from its organization to the present time. 20 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. was sold in October, 1738; and began to be settled in 1739, during which year it was incorporated. Sharon is a rich township of land, and has nurtured a goodly number of excellent and talented men, some of whom lived and died within her borders, while others became prominent in neigh- boring or distant states.* The settlement of New Hartford began in 1733, and the town was incorporated soon after. The first settlers were Watson, Merrell, Gillett, Olcott, Kelsey, Andrus, Marsh, Shepard, Douglas, Goodwin, and others. As this was long a frontier town, fortifications were erected as a defense against the Indians. The township contains 23,940 acres. In October, 1707, the legislature granted to Nathan Gold, Peter Burr, Jonathan Wakeman, Jonathan Sturgess, John Barlow, and others, of Fairfield, a township of land lying north of Danbury, and bounded west by the New York line and east by New Milford, which they called New Fairfield. It was originally fourteen miles long, and embraced the present town of Sherman. The fact that the Indians of that region were thought to be unfriendly, together with the additional circumstance that the New York boundary line was then unsettled, retarded the growth of the place for many years. On the 27th of April, 1730, the tract was laid out into fifty-two equal divisions, exclusive of four hundred acres which were to be reserved to each of the twelve original proprietors. At the May session of the legislature, 1740, the town was incorporated. Cornwall was laid out in fifty-three rights, and sold by the * Tlie Hon. John Canfield was the first lawj'cr in Sharon in point of time. He was elected a member of the continental congress in 1786, but died in October of that year, aged 40. His nephew, the Hon. Judson Canfield, was much in pub- lic life. Col. Samuel Elmore, a brave revolutionary oflScer ; the Hon. Ansel Sterling, member of Congress and Judge of the County Court; and the Hon. John Cotton Smith, L.L. D., were residents of Sharon ; as is also General Charles F. Sedgwick, the historian of the town, a gentleman highly esteemed both in public and private life. The lion. Messrs. G. II. Barstow, A. J. Parker and F. G. Jewett, members of Congress from the State of New Yoi'k, are natives of Sharon. <=^^nT7€?z. 7^ ^I^-^pt^'hJ^^J^^^^^^ [1741.] TORPJXGTOX AND SALISBURY. 21 colony at Fairfield in 1738. In 1740, the first permanent settlement was made in the town, thirteen families having moved in during that year. Their names were Jewett, Spaulding, Allen, Barret, Squires, Griffin, Roberts, and Fuller. In August 1741, the Rev. Solomon Palmer, of Branford, a graduate of Yale College, was ordained as their pastor. He declared himself an episcopalian in 1754, and soon after went to England for ordination. In the beautiful valley of South Cornwall, the Foreign Mission School was establisiied in 1818 by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. At this school were educated many heathen youth, from among the American Indians, and from the Islands of the Pacific — some of whom became missionaries to their own country. The town contains 23,G54 acres. Torrington was named at the May session of the legisla- ture 1732, and the survey of the town was completed in 1734. The first family who located there was that of Ebenezer Lyman, of Durham, in 1737. Soon after, Jona- than Coe, also of Durham, married and settled on the lands which he had purchased in Torrington. When the first minister, the Rev. Nathaniel Roberts, was ordained in the summer of 1741, there were but fourteen families in the township. The town was incorporated in 1744. The township of Salisbury was surveyed into twenty-five rights in 1732, which were principall}" sold at Hartford by the governor and company in 1737. One of these rights was reserved for the first minister who might be settled, one for the ministry, and one for schools. The charter was granted in 1741. Besides being the locality of the most valuable bed of iron ore to be found in the state, it is famed for the richness of its soil, and for the independent circum- stances and general intelligence of its inhabitants.* It has * The number of emigrants from this town who have become eminent abroad, is quite remarkable. Among them have been Goveniors T. Chittenden, J. Galusha, and M. Chittenden, of Vermont ; Chief Justice Chipman, and tlie Hon. Daniel Chipman, of the same state; Chief Justice Spencer of New York; General Peter B. Porter, Secretary of War, Member of Congress, &c. ; Hon. Josiah S. Johnston, U. S. Senator from Louisiana ; and ten members of Congress 22 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. various large manufacturing establishments, particularly of iron. The mountains and lakes with^ which it abounds, present some of the most beautiful and diversified scenery to be found in New England. N Goshen was sold at New Haven on the^ first Tuesday in December 1737; began to be settled in 1739 ; and was incor- porated in 1749. The Rev. Stephen Heaton, ' of North Haven, the first minister, was ordained in 1740.. • The land, though rough and hilly, is excellent for grazing; and large quantities of beef, butter and cheese are annually sent to market. By the twelfth article of the treaty of Utrecht, that part of the old French dominion called Acadia, or Nova Scotia, had been ceded to Great Britain. Yet France evidently intended, from the first, to resume as soon as she could her old sway over the country thus torn from her hands. She now renewed her claim to a large part of the territory, by invading the new settlements, building fortifications and establishing garrisons in them. The situation of the French and English colonies "was not such as to answer a long peace." The English, follow- ing the habitudes of the nation that still ruled them, were engaged in the pursuits of trade and agriculture. Although in their new retreat a boundless continent lay stretched out before them, inviting them to take possession, yet the voice of the waves, that had been the lullaby of their infancy, still echoed in their ears, and true to their earliest associations, they sought the friendly neighborhood of the sea. Hardly an English settlement had been formed one hundred and fifty miles from the coast, while they had already occupied the harbors and mouths of the rivers of the whole North Ameri- can sea-board. The English had emigrated for the main purpose of enjoying civil and religious liberty without from different states. The Holley family has been eminently distinguished both at home and abroad, in various public stations. The late Hon. Samnel Church, L.L. D., Chief Judge of the State, and the late Leman Church, Esq., of Canaan, a celebrated lawyer, were also natives of Salisbury. THE FKENCn AND ENGLISH SETTLERS. 23 restraint. The religion of the rival colonists was the very religion that they abhorred and dreaded as the worst of all national calamities and fatal to the moral and intellectual culture of individuals. On the other hand, the French, with little practical acquaintance with the principles of civil liberty, and wedded to a religion that did not recognize the rights of an individual conscience as the English understood the term, had no sea- ports to tempt them to engage in commerce, and they were little inclined to agriculture. They had possession of the head waters of the St. Lawrence, a river that did not allow them to communicate with the ocean at all seasons of the year, and of the Mississippi, that was still less available for maritime communication, and were as much shut away from the coast, as if the vast prairies of the west — to which they laid claim, and over which they roamed in quest of the buffalo, or with the more eager passion to spread the religion that they loved so ardently and propagated with such zeal — were walled in by the high mountains. They saw with jealousy the steady growth of the English settlements, stretching along the sea and extending slowly like a fire rang- ing over a forest, still further into the interior of the con- tinent. The English population was constantly increasing ; while, from their roving habits and unsettled mode of life, the French were subject to sudden checks and liable at any time to be diverted into other channels. Their numbers could by no means compare with those of the English. Still, they were far from being an insignificant enemy. Their two colonies of Canada and Louisiana were peopled by bold and daring men, who were united by the common sentiments of national pride and religious enthusiasm. The first emigrants Irom an old country to a new one, are always strong-willed and fearless men, and almost always above the common range of the peasantry. It is only after a new country is partly settled, that the lowest classes venture to seek their fortunes there. So it was with the French settlers of Canada and Louisiana. The very 24 mSTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. extent of the territory that they occupied was calculated to keep them on the alert, and to give them a celerity of motion, and a facility of execution that made them still the more to be dreaded when taken in connection with the fact, that they were not divided by local boundaries, as the English colonies were, and could concentrate their power without the inter- vention of those tedious negotiations that often crippled the enterprises of their neighbors. The old national hatred, that had existed since the third Edward of England had laid claim to the throne of France in the early part of the four- teenth century, was kept more glowingly alive in the breasts of the French emigrants, than in those of the English, who had so many other enemies to subdue, that their attention could not be confined to a single object of hatred or pursuit. The French had also succeeded much better than the Eng- lish, in availing themselves of the friendship and services of the Indians, and had, from becoming familiarized with the horrid modes of warfare practiced by their savage allies, and, from the rough nurture and hardships of the western wilds, had acquired, (if indeed it was not natural to them,) a ferocity of disposition that stains the pages of their colonial history with the most revolting scenes of butchery and murder that are known to the annals of the world. Such being the relative condition of the parties, it is not strange that they should have been embroiled in wars for many years previous to the final struggle that put an end to the French power in the west. Regarding with well gi"ounded fear the progress of the English emigration, and the steady advance in wealth and strength that attended it, the French resolved to check the commerce, the agriculture, and the trade, that they could not rival. They therefore conceived the plan of confining the English within their old limits by means of a line of fortifications stretching from Quebec to New Orleans, that would be in the nature of a breakwater to keep back the tide of British enterprise.* Nor did they confine this barrier to the two great rivers, the * Holmes, i. 49. ENCROACHMENTS OF THE FRENCH. 25 St. Lawrence and the Mississippi, and the lands that lay con- tiguous to them ; but they brought the fortresses so near the English settlements, that vast regions lay between the banks of those rivers and the arbitrary line thus established ; tracts of territory that they could hardly be justified in claiming by right of discovery, and that they appeared as little anxious to occupy as the remorseless savages whose aid they had invoked. Long before this, a shrewd French officer had recom- mended that New York should be seized by his nation as a convenient harbor whence they might ship their furs and carry on their commerce ; and now, more than ever before, some maritime channel was felt to be necessary to the pros- perity of the French colonies. As early as the year 1731, this jealousy of the French began to evince itself in the erection of a fort at Crown Point, on Lake Champlain, so many miles to the eastward of any other French settlement, as to excite very great alarm among the English — especially as the site of the fort was within the territory of the six nations, their faithful allies, who had never been led estray by the arts of France. This invasion alarmed the province of New York, who looked upon it as the entering wedge to the dismemberment of her territory, and was watched with eagerness by Massachusetts, whose authorities had not forgotten the revelation of Gallic faith in taking possession of the province of Nova Scotia. The treaty of Aix la Chapelle left all questions of boundary to be settled by the negotiations of commissaries.* This gave the French an opportunity to prepare the way for new encroachments before the hearing was had. Very soon after the treaty was signed, and before the appointment of the commissaries on either side, they attempted to establish themselves at Tobago, and were only driven from the project by the decided steps taken to defeat it by the British mer- chants. Still, as the French had been restored by the treaty * This treaty was signed on the Tth October, 1748. By it Cape Breton was given up to the French. 26 niSTORY OF CONNECTICUT. to the possession of Cape Breton, they saw with much dis- trust that Nova Scotia was being fast peopled with English emigrants who must ultimately interfere with this isolated domain. The attack made upon the colonists of Nova Scotia by the Indians, who were known to be in alliance with the French, soon after the arrival of Cornwallis* in that province with emigrants to people it, was supposed to point to a general invasion from Canada. This storm, that had been gathering so long, at last burst upon the English. Early in the year 1750, a French army of two thousand five hundred men, and with a numerous body of Indians, were sent by the governor of Canada to reduce a large part of Nova Scotia. Such was the celerity of their movements, that they took possession with little difficulty of the vast region stretching from Chignecto along the north side of the bay of Funda to the Kennebeck river. This tract they declared ^vas under the jurisdiction of their king, and they called upon all French neutrals to resort to it for shelter.f This incursion was followed by skirmishes attended with various success, between the troops of Cornwallis and the French and Indians. Forts were built and destroyed, and settlements were made and abandoned, on both sides ; but the French, if they gained no decisive victory, found themselves able to keep their footing and strengthen their posts. Corn- wallis, alarmed at the growth of an enemy that was agile and keen, as well as too numerous for them to cope with, begged for aid from Massachusetts to subdue them. This prayer was denied on the ground, that all the forces of that colony would be needed at home to protect their own borders. * The Hon. Edward Cornwallis, governor and commander-in-chief of Nova Scotia, accompanied three thousand seven hundred and sixty adventurers from Groat Britain to that island, in 1749. They settled at the bay of Chcbucto, which place was fixed upon as the seat of government, and was named Halifax, in honor of the Earl of Halifax, their first commissioner of trades and plantations. t Holmes, i. 41 ; The " French neutrals" were the French inhabitants of Nova Sootia, who were permitted to remain there on their taking the oath of allegiance to the king of England. [1751.] THE OHIO COMPANY. 27 At last, the commissioners appointed by France and Eng- land, to settle the questions arising under the treaty of Aix la Chapelle, met at Paris ; but not until those hostile measures had been taken to widen still more the breach that separated the two nations. The countless documentary proofs, the voluminous maps, tiie claim of jurisdiction by discovery, by possession and by purchase ; the discordant parole testimony, the falsehoods that were dressed up in the guise of truth and presented by diplomatic lawyers, whose object it was to mis- lead and confound the commissaries — all helped to distract rather than enlighten the minds of the men who had been chosen for this delicate task. It is not surprising that they gave up all hope of ever coming to a friendly issue, and abandoned their undertaking in despair. The fault of this failure to avail themselves of this last opportunity of settling their old disputes by means of amicable negotiations, can be exclusively charged to neither party, but must be attributed in part to a necessity growing out of the complex nature of the claims, the remoteness of the territory, the uncertain sources of the evidence, and especially enhanced by the natural hatred and the tares which had been sown with the seeds of emigration upon the new continent. Nor were the signs of French ambition visible only in the north and east. The arts of peace had already drawn the enterprising traders of Virginia deeper into the interior re- gions of the continent than even the adventures of Smith and Raleigh had at first tempted them. A number of noblemen, merchants, and planters, of West- minster, London, and Virginia, had already procured a char- ter grant of six hundred thousand acres of land on and near the Ohio river, far in the interior, in a soft, sunny land that lay beyond the Alleghany mountains. By the superior advantages held out to them, in the prospects of a large and thriving trade with the Indians, as well as from the fertility of the soil, the iiardy adventurers hoped to make up for the inconveniences arising from their distance Irom the sea. The navigable waters of the vast stream that had lent its 28 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. name to their company, helped to supply this deficiency in a good degi'ee. The intention of the French, to keep the English hemmed in by the Alleghanies, was now made apparent, by unmis- takable proofs. They claimed all the lands between the Mississippi and the mountains, by right of their first discovery of that river ; and to secure their claims and to keep open the communication between Canada and Louisiana, they had already built a fort on the south side of Lake Erie ; another about fifteen miles south of that, on a branch of the Ohio ; and a third, at the confluence of the Ohio and the Wabash. The governor of Canada, therefore, as soon as he became aware of the contemplated settlement, gave public notice that he would treat as public enemies all subjects of Great Britain who should venture to settle on or near the Ohio river, or should dare to trade with any of the Indians who dwelt there. No sooner did he find that the Ohio company had set his threat and pretended title at defiance, than he proved himself as good as his word by seizing a number of British traders, whom he caused to be taken to the French fort on Lake Erie. The policy of restricting English emigration to the line of the seaboard, was fully disclosed, and they had no other course than to throw oft' the already threadbare cloak of dis- simulation, and show their intentions. They immediately built a fort at Niagara, and two others upon the banks of the Ohio. Their line of fortifications was now completed from the mouth of the Mississippi to the St. Lawrence. The English colonies were by this time thoroughly aroused, and with the cooperation of the disappointed noblemen and merchants who formed the Ohio company, were able to gain the ear of the English government.* A memorial was pre- sented by Lord Albemarle, the British ambassador at Paris, calling in decided terms for reparation ; demanding that the fort at Niagara should be evacuated and razed to the ground, and that the French military chieftains in America should be * Graham's History United States, vol. iii. p. 361. [1754.] FORT DU QUESNE ERECTED. 29 instructed to desist from all further encroachments upon the English colonies. This remonstrance produced a qualified effect upon the French government. A polite though very equivocal answer was given to it. A few English prisoners who had been sent to France, were set at liberty, and the English government were assured that such orders should be sent to the governor of Canada as would be satisfactory. Thus was England again lulled into security. The governor of Canada heeded the public instructions given him from the court as little as it was intended he should do. Instead of deserting and dis- mantling the forts that inspired the English with such well- grounded fears, he continued to strengthen them ; and instead of putting an end to the depredations complained of by the British minister, he stirred up the Indians to join his own people in renewed attacks upon the English settlers in Nova Scotia and along the banks of the Ohio.* The English colonies soon became aware that the frontier line stretching like a belt of fire tor a thousand miles along the western horizon, bristling with the arms of a proud, im- placable enemy, must be removed still further toward the setting sun, were it to be done, as Louisbourg had been taken, without the aid of the mother country. On the other hand, the British government was willing to aid in the enterprise with more than its usual energy, as it was seen that the dominion of Nova Scotia and the central regions of the con- tinent drained by the Ohio, would be likely to go hand in hand with that of the gulf of Mexico, the southern Atlantic, and the West Indies On the very ground, where the mer- chants of Virginia had begun their fortifications upon the Ohio, the French had already erected a fort that they named Fort Du Quesne. This stronghold was the key to the Ohio and Mississippi rivers. The British ministry now directed the Virginians to resist the French aggressions upon the Ohio by force of arms. Orders were also given, that several independent companies * Graham's United States. 80 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. should be raised in other colonies to aid Virginia in the undertaking. Major George Washington, (then a modest retiring planter,) was elevated to the rank of colonel, and appointed to the command of the Virginia troops. As soon as the tidings reached South Carolina, that the attempt was to be made to drive the French from the Ohio, Captain James Mackay set out on his march with an independent company to join Colonel Washington. The companies from New York were also ordered to unite with them. Colonel Wash- ington, without waiting for further recruits, advanced with the Virginia and Carolina forces, consisting of about four hundred men, to meet the enemy. In May, 1754, he fell in with a party from Fort Du Quesne. under Jamonville, and totally defeated them. De Villier, who was the chief officer in command at Fort Du Quesne, enraged at the discomfiture of the advance party, now marched against Washington with nine hundred French troops and several hundred Indians. The young Virginian, whose name is now known and honored where- ever throughout the world there beats a heart that loves liberty or does homage to valor, had hastily thrown up a frail protection for his handful of provincials, that he called Fort Necessity. Behind its slender embankments he hoped to be able to defend himself until the arrival of the two companies that were expected from New York. If Washington was ever known to commit a rash act, it was in setting out upon this dangerous march before he had been reinforced, and the early lesson that was taught him at Fort Necessity, may have tempered his then impetuous nature with that happy element of caution and foresight that could alone have sustained the leader of the colonies in the long struggle for which he was then unconsciously undergoing a preliminary discipline. Whether this is true or not, the brave and desperate defense that he made when assailed at Fort Necessity, induced De Villier to tender him honorable terms of capitulation, and allow him to retreat to Virginia without further molestation.* * Trumbull, ii. 354. [1751.] PROPOSED UNION OF THE COLONIES. 81 Letters had already arrived from the lords of trade and plantations, advising a meeting of commissioners from the several colonies to devise a general plan of union and defense against the common enemy, and to make a league in the king's name with such of the Indian tribes as could be induced to join in it. In accordance with this recommendation, in June 1754, a convention of the governors and principal gentlemen of the several colonies met at Albany. The commissioners from Connecticut, were William Pitkin, Roger Wolcott, and Elisha Williams.* After a short conference, the convention became satisfied that a union of the colonies was necessary to make a stand against the enemy. It was proposed that " a grand council should be formed of members chosen by the assemblies, and sent from all the colonies ; which council, with a governor general to be appointed by the crown, should be empowered to make general laws, and to raise money in all the colonies for the defense of the whole." This plan did not meet with the approbation of the Connecticut commis- sioners. Indeed, it might easily have been foreseen that it could not do so, by those who composed and advocated it, had they remembered with what determination the colony had resisted all attempts on the part of the crown and the gov- ernors of other provinces to merge the charter government in a larger one ; and at a later day, to get the control of the train-bands and to draw money from the pockets of the peo- ple without their consent. Consolidation was the one thing that had been dreaded by the colony for years, and her com- missioners now regarded it as a worse enemy even than the French. That provision in the proposed plan that authorized a governor general appointed by the crown, to exercise authority over the colony, to command her troops and handle her money at pleasure, was enough of itself to secure the dissent of Connecticut. When the commissioners returned home and reported this scheme to the General Assembly, it was attacked in a most * Colonial Records, MS. 82 mSTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. merciless manner by the colonial orators and rejected with indignation. It was declared to be the opinion of the assem- bly that the limits of the proposed plan of union were of too large extent to be administered by a governor general and council. They added, too, with characteristic good sense, that "a defensive war managed by such a government, hav- ing so large a frontier, will prove ruinous to it ; that the same in course of time may be dangerous and hurtful to his majesty's interest, and tends to subvert the liberties and privileges, and to discourage and lessen the industry of his majesty's good subjects inhabiting these colonies."* The assembly further desired the governor to send a copy of their resolution to the agent of the colony in England, with in- structions to use his influence against the proposed formation of a general government, and if any attempt should be made there to enforce it, by act of parliament, to resist it to the last. Nor did the assembly stop here. They begged the gov- ernor to have an eye upon the other colonies, and see that no meas-ures were taken by them to circumvent Connecticut and bring her into an alliance that was so revolting to her. But all these precautions proved unnecessary. The con- templated union was as unpopular in England as in Connec- ticut. Thus the mutual jealousies of the mother country, and of the most free-born of all her colonies, actuated by different motives, united to defeat a union that would have been premature and ineffective had it been formed. The ministry had hit upon another scheme that would be likely to secure their own purposes much better. They pro- posed that the governors of the respective colonies, with one or more of their councils, should form a convention to devise measures for the general defense, build forts and levy troops at discretion, and draw upon the British treasury for such sums of money as they should need to pay the bills ; while on the other hand, the colonies were to be taxed by parlia- ment to supply the ultimate funds to meet this contingent * Colonial Records, MS. [I7r)5.] DEFEAT OF COL. WASHINGTON. 33 demand. Had this measure met with the approval of the other colonies, whose inhabitants were habituated to the arro- gance of a provincial court holding at the pleasure of the crown, it is certain that Connecticut would have resisted it much more vehemently tiian she had opposed the one recom- mended at Albany. But the other colonies viewed as she did this shrewd contrivance to inveigle them into the net cunningly baited and spread by the hands of politicians and court favorites, who were eagerly awaiting the opportunity held out by it to provide for themselves and their needy rela- tives at the expense of honest men. When the news of Colonel Washington's defeat reached England, the whole country was filled with indignation. Again the court remonstrated against the French in America, and in turn the French government made evasive answers, filled with hollow professions of friendship. The British ministry now ordered active measures to be taken to put an end to these disturbances by force. They bade the colonies arm themselves against the enemy. The plan of operations for the compaign was, to fit out lour expeditions and march into the several districts invaded by the French, and compel them to retire within their old limits. One detachment, under command of General Braddock, was to repair to the Ohio settlement, another was to hasten to the province of Nova Scotia, a third was to make an attack on Crown Point ; and the last was to restore Niagara to its old dominion. As the position of the French on the Ohio appeared to be the most threatening to the peace of the English colonies, and to the general interests of the British government, it was thought expedient that this point of attack should be reached as speedily as possible. About the middle of January 1755, therefore. General Braddock embarked at Cork with about fifteen hundred veteran troops for Virginia.* The French were equally vigilant in their prej)arations. Early in the spring, a powerful armament set sail for Canada. It consisted of twenty ships of the line, with a corresponding * Graham's History United States ; see also, Holmes' Annals, ii. 59. 35 84: HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. number of frigates and transports, and four thousand regular troops, with a large amount of military stores.* The army was under the command of Baron Dieskau. Admirals Boscawen and Holborn, with seventeen ships of the line and seven frigates, were sent out by the English with a land force of six thousand men, to watch the motions of the French. Boscawen sailed for the coast of Newfoundland with all haste. Scarcely had he arrived there, when the French fleet touched at nearly the same point ; but owing to the thick fogs that settle over that coast like clouds during the spring months, these dangerous war-dogs did not discover each other. A part of the French fleet sailed up the St. Lawrence, and the other found an entrance into the river by the straits of Belisle. While the English squadron lay off Cape Race, two French ships, the Alcide of sixty-four guns, with four hundred and eighty men on board, and the Lys also a sixty-four gun ship, though mounting only twenty-two guns, with eight companies of land troops, fell in with the Dunkirk under Captain Howe, and the Defiance under Captain Andrews ; and after a severe struggle, that lasted several hours, were compelled to strike their colors. f These ships were prizes, aside from the soldiers that they contained, as they had on board many brave officers and skillful engi- neers, and about £8,000 in money. The other French ships found a safe passage to Canada. While these preparations were going on, the English colonies were far from being inactive. In the spring of 1755, special assemblies were convened in all the northern provinces, and messengers were sent from one to another to encourage them in the work, to learn the measures adopted by each other, and to devise some general plan of operations. DurinfT the winter. Sir Thomas Robinson, one of the king's principal secretaries, had addressed to Connecticut a letter » Trumbull, ii. 358. f Holmes, ii. 68. Eight companies of French troops were taken prisoners by the capture of the Alcide and Lys. [1755.] PROPOSED EXPEDITION AGAIXST CROWN POINT. 35 in his majesty's name, informing her that troops were about to be sent to America, and calling upon her to raise her share of the forces that the colonies would be expected to furnish for the war.* In obedience to this requisition, the General Assembly was convened on the 8th of January 1755. The legislature, after making a grateful acknowledgment to the king for the tender regard that he manifested for the welfare of his colonial subjects, declared their readiness to respond to the call, and to show their sincerity by unmistakable signs. f They authorized the governor to comply in every particular with the king's requisitions, at the expense of the colony. To meet any contingent expenses that might arise, bills of credit were again issued to the amount of £7,500. J Soon after. Governor Shirley and the General Court of Massachusetts sent to Connecticut a proposal that a provin- cial army should be raised, including Shirley's regiment, upon the following basis : Massachusetts was to furnish twelve hundred men. New Hampshire six hundred, Rhode Island four hundred, and Connecticut one thousand. It was proposed that this army, when raised, should proceed to Crown Point and erect a fort as near that of the enemy as should be found practicable, and prevent any further encroach- ments there, even should they fail in driving the French from their position. § This large number of troops was allowed by the assembly with great unanimity. The governor was authorized to raise five hundred more troops, should they be called for, to rein- force the army. The assembly desired the governor to write letters to the other colonies, pressing upon them the necessity of making a like provision for a reinforcement.|| Bills of *This letter was dated at White Hall, Oct. 26, 1754, and was laid before the assembly at a session in January 1755. t Colonial Records, MS. J Colonial Records, MS. §This proposition was laid before the assembly in March 1755, through the Massachusetts commissioners, Messrs. Samuel Welles and John Choate. II To meet the exigoncicB of the war, all outstanding bills were ordered to be paid, with interest. Taxes were levied amply sufficient to redeem all the notes called in, and for the reimbursement of the expenses of the war. 86 HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. credit with interest at five per cent, were emitted to the amount of £l2,500. At the same session, the officers of the army were appointed, and their wages, with those of the soldiers, fixed.* Wilham Johnson, Esq., of New York, was agreed upon as the commander-in-chief of the army ; Phineas Lyman, Esq., was appointed major-general. The first Con- necticut regiment was placed under the immediate command of General Lyman The second regiment was under the command of Elizur Goodrich, Esq. John Pitkin and Nathan Whiting were appointed lieutenant colonels, Robert Denni- son and Isaac Foot, majors. f The expedition against Crown Point was prepared with such haste, that the troops arrived at Albany, their place of rendezvous, before the end of June. Johnson and Lyman, when they reached Albany, were at the head of an army of about six thousand men, together with a large body of Indians under Hendrick, sachem of the Mohawks. Major General Lyman soon marched with the main body of the army along the banks of Hudson's river, as far as the "carrying place," fourteen miles south of the southernmost waters of Lake George ; while General Johnson stayed at Albany to forward the artillery, batteaux, and military stores. J At this place, where the overland transportation between the river and the lake was to commence, it had been thought necessary to build a fort, to protect the military stores as well as to afford a safe retreat for the army to fall back upon, should it happen to prove unsuccessful. Six weeks were consumed in erect- ing the fort and in transporting the cannon, provisions, bat- teaux, and stores, before the army was in readiness to advance to Lake George. It was not until late in August, therefore, that General Johnson set out from Fort Edward for the southern point of Lake George. He was not long in reaching the lake ; but the bringing forward of the batteaux * In addition to their regular pay, each soldier was to receive a premium of thirty shillings on enlisting; and each soldier who shall equip himself, should re- ceive an additional premium of sixteen shillings. t Colony Records, MS. i Trumbull, ii. 363. [ITf)"),] FORT EDWARD. 37 and the other baggage, preparatory to crossing the lake, was a work that was certain to consume a good deal of time, and as the army would be exposed to a stealthy enemy, ac- quainted with the country, of which the English were them- selves ignorant — an enemy unscrupulous in the mode of war- fare as were the hordes of savages that followed in their train — he therefore pitched his camp upon a piece of upland, with the lake in the rear, and flanked by a dense wood and a swamp that appeared to be inaccessible, while the front was protected by a breastwork of trees. Hardly had the army become domiciled in the new camp, when the Indian runners, who were sent out daily to reconnoitre and guard against surprise, brought to General Johnson the unwelcome tidings, that a large body of the enemy was advancing from Ticon- deroga, by south bay, towards Fort Edward.* The garrison that had been left to keep this important post, consisted of only five hundred provincial troops from New York and New Hampshire, under the command of Colonel Blanchard. Should this garrison be overpowered, and the fort, with the military stores, fall into the hands of the French, the expedi- tion would be nipped in the bud, and the whole army perhaps would fall victims to Indian torture and the vengeance of their more civilized masters. f Startled at this intelligence, the general sent out several expresses, one after another, to inform Colonel Blanchard of the danger that wms impending, and strictly commanding him to call in all his detached parties, and to keep his whole force within the entrenchments of the fort. In the dead of the night, one of these couriers returned to the camp with the news that the enemy had approached within four miles of Fort Edward. A council of war was immediately called, and early the next morning, pursuant to their advice, a party of one thousand men under the com- mand of Colonel Williams of Massachusetts, and Colonel Whiting of Connecticut, with the Mohawk sachem, and his warriors, were sent forward to intercept the enemy. J * Holmes, ii. 63. + Trumbull, ii. 366. t Trumbull, Holmes, Graham. 88 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Meanwhile, Baron Dieskau, v/ho had received intelligence that Fort Edward was fortified with cannon, and that the camp upon Lake George was but ill prepared to withstand a sudden attack, abandoned his first design, and hastened to- wards the camp of the main army, where he was confident of an easy victory. Scarcely had Colonel Williams with his detachment left the borders of the lake, on his way to relieve Fort Edward, when the advanced parties sent out by Baron Dieskau, dis- covered them and made known the fact to their leader, who immediately ordered his whole force to lie in ambush and surround them. Wary as the Mohawks were, and practiced as they had long been in the tactics of the French, and their Indian allies, they allowed themselves to be caught off^ their guard, and fell with Williams and his men into the snare. Rising as one man from behind their leafy screen, the whole party of French and Indians poured into the lines of the un- suspecting English a deadly volley of musketry. Colonel Williams, Hendrick, the Mohawk sachem, and many other brave officers and men, fell dead upon the spot.* Had a thunderbolt fallen from a cloudless sky, it could not have been more sudden and blinding than this storm of bullets that swept over the ranks of the provincial soldiers. Panic- stricken as they were at the yells of the Indians, the sound of their guns, and the sight of their superior numbers as they bristled around them in such deadly array, Colonel Whiting, the next officer in command, found it no easy task to rally them and bring them into some manageable condition so that he could extricate them from the dangerous defile, and set their faces towards the camp. The best he could do, was to sound a retreat ; but he in vain sought to bring them off in good order. At first a few individual soldiers took to their heels and ran in defiance of all discipline, with- out waiting for their companions ; and then whole companies, following their example, broke their ranks and fled. As the firing began at the distance of only about three * Holmes, ii. 64. [1755.] THE AMBUSCADE. 39 miles from the camp, it was plainly heard there, and as the pursuers and pursued drew nearer, each successive discharge was more fearfully distinct. Thus forewarned of the ap- proaching enemy, General Johnson addressed himself eagerly to the work of defense. A few pieces of ordnance had been brought on from Fort Edward, but they had been deposited on the lake shore at the south landing a good half mile from the camp. Parties of athletic men were sent out to bring in such of the lighter arms as could be moved. The most nimble footed of the retreating detachment soon came running into the camp, followed by the fragments of the broken companies, in a comparatively defenseless condition ; and in the rear, appeared the ranks of Dieskau's veteran troops in good order pressing hard behind the fugitives, and making, with as much dispatch as was consistent with discipline, toward the centre of the camp. At the distance of thirty rods, they halted and began the attack, opening a brisk fire, by platoons. The Canadians and Indians screened the ilank of the regu- lar troops, and commenced a dropping and irregular fire that burst along their whole line, each marksman following his own impulse and loading and firing as he chose. This waver- ing fire from the flank, making a jarring contrast with the steady volleys of the regulars, the suddenness of the onset, the uncertain rumors that had floated through the camp as to the numbers who had fallen in the ambuscade ; the efl^ect wrought upon the imagination by the shadows of the woods, that might perhaps conceal as many of the enemy as it gave to view ; all added to the general consternation that perva- ded the camp to such a degree that the oflicers could hardly keep their soldiers in their places. But the French had com- menced their fire before they had come within iiiir musket range of the English, After receiving a few rounds of shot and finding that they had sustained little harm, the courage of the besieged provincials was restored. They returned the enemy's fire with spirit, and in a few minutes the two armies were engaged in a determined and bloody conflict.* * Trumbull. 40 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. A few cannon had been hastily mounted, and were now brought to bear upon the invaders. It was never a part of Indian discipHne to withstand the fire of artillery, and their friends, the Canadians, scarcely less savage and unschooled, were little more disposed to encounter the heavy globes of metal that tore up the earth and rived the trunks of the forest trees that they relied upon as their only breastwork. They all fled into the woods, out of the reach of the engines that were so terrible to them, and of course too far from the camp to harm the English or lend any further aid to the French.* Finding the flank of his army now exposed to a murder- ous and well-sustained fire, and perceiving that he could make no impression upon the centre of the camp, Baron Dieskau moved first to the left and then to the right, looking sharply for an assailable point where he could force an entrance. But the friendly shelter of the redoubt, where the ground was dry and the footing sure, enabled the English to keep up their fire that did fatal execution along his whole line, raking both front and flank of his exposed and defense- less troops — who had no embankments, not even the cover of a few fallen trees, to thwart the unerring aim of the pro- vincial marksmen. With a sad heart, he abandoned the attempt in despair. No sooner did the English army see that the fire had abated, than they leapt over their breastworks and made such a determined attack upon them from every side, that they fled like wild deer when the circle of huntsmen is first seen to have surrounded them. At the beginning of the action, the French army number- ed two thousand men. Of these, seven hundred now lay dead upon the field, and about thirty were taken prisoners. The brave Baron Dieskau was himself found entirely alone a little way off" from the field, dangerously wounded, and trying to hold up his sinking frame by grasping the stump of a tree. J * Holmes, ii. 64. X In this position, and while feeling for his watch to sun'cnder it, one of the [17:,5.] THE PROVINCIALS VICTORIES. 41 The loss in the provincial army was only about two hun- dred; and most of these were of Colonel Williams' regiment, and were killed in the woods before they could reach the camp. About forty of them were Indians, at the head of whom, as I have already said, fell Hendrick, the bold and noble sachem of the Mohawks. Of the provincial officers who fell in the woods, besides the gallant Colonel Williams, were Major Ashley, six captains, and several subalterns. At the camp fell Colonel Tidcomb, who had distinguished him- self at the siege of Louisbourg. General Johnson also, and Major Nichols, were wounded.* Thus was the provincial army victorious rather from the force of circumstances and the false moves of the enemy, than from any cause that was subject to its own control. Had Baron Dieskau marched directly to Fort Edward, as he would have done but for the messenger who told him of the defenseless state of the camp, the fate of the fort would have been sealed. Even the ambuscade that cost New England some of her best officers, contributed to the overthrow of the French, as the firing in the woods gave General Johnson the opportunity of dragging up from the landing the cannon that frightened from the field the Canadians and Indians, who were the best marksmen in the invading army, and upon whom Dieskau relied for the protection of his flank. This battle stimulated the colonies to fresh exertions. Connecticut, as usual, did more than could have been expected of her. Just before the battle, General Johnson had written to Governor Fitch, begging him to send on more troops. In answer to this request, a special assembly was called on the 27th of August, and it was voted to raise two regiments and send them forthwith into the field. The officers were ajijjointed at the same session, as follows: colonels — Samuel Talcott, and Elihu Chauncey; lieutenant colonels — Eliphalet Dyer, soldiers, supposing he was searching for hia pistol, poured a charge through his hips. The baron was carried to England as a prisoner of war where he died of his wounds. + Trumbull, ii. 3G8. 42 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. and Andrew Ward, Jr.; majors — Joseph Wooster, and Wil- liam Whiting; physicians and surgeons — doctors Timothy Collins of Litchfield, Jonathan Marsh of Norwich, and Samuel Ely of Durham ; chaplains — Rev. Benjamin Troop of Norwich, and Rev. John Norton of Middletown.* These regiments, consisting of seven hundred and fifty men each, were mustered, equipped and on the march, within a little more than a week after the alarm was given. The colony now had in active service between two thousand and three thousand men.f Although so complete a victory had been gained over the French at Lake George, yet the surprise of the party under Colonel Williams, and the danger to which the fort and the camp had both been exposed, awakened the most lively solicitude throughout the northern colonies. It was clear to every mind possessed of any military prescience, that nothing but the most strenuous efforts on the part of the army, rein- forced as it was, would avail against such enemies as they must meet in this protracted frontier war, without the benefit of strong fortresses that would furnish secure retreats where stated garrisons might be kept, where provisions, guns and ammunition might be safely lodged, and where detachments might be sent as the emergencies of the campaign called for their assistance. It was resolved, therefore, that Fort Edward should be made thoroughly defensible, and that a fortification should be erected at the south landing near the spot where so many Frenchmen had fallen, before the army ventured to cross Lake George. In this way a communication could be kept open with Albany, and the rigors of war would be mitigated to the sick and wounded. It was quite obvious that these preliminary labors would consume the autumn, and that it would be impossible to advance to Crown Point until the opening of a new campaign. The utmost zeal was mani- fested in constructing the works. By the end of November a good fort had been built at the south landing and the old one was fairly completed. The soldiers who were not need- * Colonial Records, MS. t Trumbull. [1755.] CLOSE OF THE CAMPAIGN, 43 ed to garrison the two fortifications, returned home to spend the winter with their famihes. Although the main object of the expedition had not been accompHshed, yet much had been done. The colonial army had penetrated far into a pathless wilderness, had cut down the trees and made convenient roads, had constructed a large number of boats and batteaux, had built two forts, manned and furnished them with necessaries for the winter, and had gained over veteran enemies a complete victory with little loss to themselves. Hence, they were gratified with the approval of the colonies, and with the commendation of the king, who conferred upon their leader the title of baronet as the just reward of his valor.* The parliament also voted him five thousand pounds. The expedition against Niagara did not thrive as well. Governor Shirley, who was at the head of it, did not march from Albany with his first division until about the middle of July, and did not arrive at Oswego until the 18th of August. On the news of Braddock's defeat, so many of his boatmen deserted him that he could not carry on provisions enough for his troops. He was on this account unable to cross the lake to Niagara. He therefore spent the rest of the season in erecting two new forts — one on the eastern bank of Onon- daga river, about four hundred and fifty yards from the old fort that had been built there in 1727, commanding the entrance of the harbor, and called Fort Ontario ; the other, about the same distance west of the old fort, and was named Fort Oswego. Colonel Mercer, with seven hundred men, was left at Oswego to garrison these forts, and on the 24th of October, the rest of the army decamped and returned to Albany.f * General William Johnson now became Sir William Johnson, lie was a native of Ireland, but can]e to America in 17.31, and took up liis residence upon the Mohawk, about thirty miles west of Albany. lie learned the Indian language, and acquired a wonderful influence over tlie surrounding tribes. In 1759, he commanded the expedition against Niagara, and look six hundred men prisoners. He died in 1774, aged 60. t Trumbull, ii. 371 44 • HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, Thus the campaign of 1755, proved to be only a prepara- tion for future strufjffles. Not a sing-le fortress alona; the whole line to which the French had so ambitiously laid claim, had been taken from them, nor had they been compelled to yield possession of a foot of land along the northern or south- ern frontier. On the other hand, owing to a want of coopera- tion between the colonies of Virginia, Maryland, and Penn- sylvania, and on account of local disturbances and quarrels between the rulers and the people, a comparatively small number of French and Indians were allowed to burn, murder, and pillage the settlements of the south with atrocities that even now, after the expiration of one hundred years, take such a vital hold of the nerves of the reader that he shud- ders, as he reads their details.* As they are foreign to my subject, I will not attempt to depict them ; but hurry forward to the delineation of scenes less remote but not less revolting. * TrumbuUjii. 371,372. CHAPTER II. CAMPAIGNS OF 1756 AND 1757. Although England and France had been in a state of actual war so long, still there had as yet been no formal manifesto of the hostile intentions of the two nations. The British ministry still continued to indulge the hope so conso- nant with its own weak views and vascillating policy, that a firm basis of peace might be obtained by friendly negotia- tions. The French court, relying upon its old resources of intrigue and duplicity, had fed this hope with assiduous delicacy, to keep it alive as long as it could serve their purposes. But each successive inroad made by the French upon the English dominion, every attack made upon the southern and western settlements, every barbarity added to the long list of Canadian murders and Indian scalpings, did its part in goading the thick skin of the British ministry into a surface warmth that finally penetrated deep enough to quicken its pace. On the 18th of May, 1756, Great Britain made a formal declaration of war against France,* who soon returned the compliment with the most hearty good will, as it would give her an opportunity of making a diversion in favor of her American subjects by attacking the German possessions of King George, where, as was generally believed, his affections were fixed much more strongly than upon any other portion of his almost boundless realms. Two months before this, a reinforcement had sailed for America under General Abercrombie, who, in place of Shirley, * "Wade, 446. — In the royal declaration, the grounds of hostilities are alleged to be, the encroaehments of the French on the Ohio and in Nova Scotia ; the non- evacuation of the four neutral islands in tlie West Indies, agreeably with the treaty of Aix-la-Cliapello ; and the invasion of Minorica. 46 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. had succeeded to the command of the British forces.* An act of parHament was passed, giving the king power to grant the rank and pay of mihtary officers to foreign protestants residing in the colonies or naturahzed there. f Another act, authorized the king's officers to recruit their regiments from the indented servants of the colonists, with the consent of their masters. There had already been held in New York a council of colonial governors, who had mapped out the plan of the cam- paign for the year 1756. The attempt upon Crown Point was to be renewed with an army of ten thousand men ; six thousand of whom were to march to Niagara, and three thousand were to try what could be done toward wiping out the stains that had, in defiance of the advice of Colonel Washington, been allowed to fall upon the British banner at Fort Du Quesne.J It was further determined that two thousand men should go up the Kennebeck river, destroy the French settlements upon the Chaudiere, and, following that river to a point where it loses itself in the St. Lawrence, within three miles of Que- bec, do what they could to distract the attention and divide the forces of the enemy. To render Crown Point the more assailable, it was also decided that Ticonderoga should be seized in the winter, while the lakes were frozen over.§ General Winslow was appointed to the command of the expedition against Crown Point. || When he came to review his troops, he found that instead of ten thousand that had been allotted to him, he had but seven thousand, and from this small number it was necessary to take men enough from active service to supply the garrisons at the forts. The im- portance of this expedition, and the difficulty of bringing it * General Abercrombie brought over with him from England the tliirty-fifth regiment, and the forty -second, or Lord George Murray's regiment of Highland- ers. These two regiments, together with the forty-fourth and forty-eighth, four independent companies from New York, four from Carohna, and a considerable body of provincials, now composed the British troops in North America. + Twenty-ninth George II., chap. 5. i Holmes, ii. 69. § Holmes, ii. G9 ; Graham, iii. 409. |1 Colonial Records, MS. fl756.] SITUATION OF CROWN POINT. 47 to a successful issue, rendered this deficiency of force very discouraging.* Crown Point had been, as early as the year 1731, very skillfully selected by the French as the key to Lake Cham- plain — that gate through which all communication between Canada and the fort must necessarily pass. Over the waters of this long, stream-like lake, and under the beetling summit of Crown Point, had passed all those stealthy hordes of maraud- ing and scalping parties of French and Indians, that had then for many years stolen from Canada, and like vampires from the grave, made their nocturnal visits to the frontiers of New York and New England, where they sated themselves with blood and withdrew, ere the morning light dawned upon the settlements that they had desolated, beyond the vigilance of their pursuers. This fortress, from its position, standing midway between Canada and the English colonies, interposed a perpetual barrier to. the reduction of Canada from that quarter, while it afforded to the French a stronghold to which they might retire — a magazine for their ammuni- tion and stores, a hospital where they might receive and recruit their sick and wounded, and an observatory whence they might look along the gray waters or shadowy shore for the first appearance of danger from the east. Could this post be reduced, the frontier of the northern Eng- lish colonies would be safe from surprise, and the enemy would be compelled to retire into those regions lying north of the lakes, so that the way would be open to the very heart of Canada. On the 25th of June, General Abercrombie proceeded to Albany with the British regiments, for which he had been so long waiting. This new force swelled the numbers of the army to the original estimate of ten thousand. Of the seven thousand provincials, Connecticut had herself raised two thousand five hundred efiective troopsf — more * Holmes, ii. 69. tTho quotas of the other colonies were as follows : Massachusetts, tlirce thou- sand five hunflred ; New York, two thousand; Rhode Island, one thousand; New Ilainpshiro, one thousand. 48 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, than double the number that she had been called upon to furnish. While the arrival of Abercrombie with the British regi- ments made up the complement of men that had been thought requisite for this expedition, it proved to be the fruitful theme of jealousy and dispute between the colonial and the British officers, growing out of the order made by the crown in relation to military rank. The act of parliament author- izing such a step, had awakened much ill-feeling in America, not only among officers, but among the common soldiers, who chose to be governed by their own countrymen. Even Winslow, when inquired of by Abercrombie, did not hesitate to express his sentiments on this delicate matter with all frankness. If the colonial soldiers were placed under British officers, he said, it must cause general dissatisfaction, and he had no doubt that a large number of them would desert their colors and quit the service.* This difficulty was finally settled by an agreement that the provincials should march against the enemy, while the British regulars should man the garrisons. Scarcely had the discordant elements that had so long kept the army in a state of fermentation, been composed, when it w^as again disturbed by the arrival of a new digni- tary, who delayed the expedition by another set of negotia- tions. The new party to this dispute was the Earl of Lou- doun, who had been appointed governor of Virginia, and a kind of viceroy to superintend the whole plan of military operations in America. He did not set sail until May, when he ought to have been in America and ready to commence the expedition, if he would have aided in its effective con- summation.! There never was a more untoward appoint- ment than this. His lordship was to have the supervision of every movement, and was to direct all the complex arrange- ments both north and south, that were to be made to deliver the English colonies from their embarrassing condition. He * Holmes, ii. 69, 70 ; Graham, iii. 409, 410. tSee Graham, Trumbull, Holmes. [1756.] THE EARL OF LOUDOUN. 49 arrived at Albany on the 29th of July, ignorant of the coun- try and of the army, and brought with him all the captious- ness and tenacity that made British rule so odious to the Americans. It was a sore affliction that brought Abercrombie to Albany to delay the provincial troops, who, had they been led on by Winslow, would probably have taken Crown Point without British aid ; but the functionary who now presented himself with his dogmatical persistency and almost unlimited commission, was quite too heavy a clog upon the activities of the campaign. No sooner had he arrived, than he demanded of the officers of the New England regiments whether they or the men who were under them were willing to join with the British regulars and obey the commander-in- chief whom the king had appointed ? To this interrogatory those gentlemen responded with one voice, that they would obey his lordship and act in conjunction with the king's troops ; but, inasmuch as the New England soldiers had enlisted for that campaign with the express understanding that they should be under the control of their own officers, they humbly begged that his lordship would permit them to act separately as far as was convenient with the interests of the public service. With a pompous condescension, the viceroy yielded to this request. It is quite certain that the troops from Connecticut would not have consented to any other arrangement without strenuous opposition, for this was one of the few points that the colony would never yield even for the common good.* While this fine army was thus passing the summer in shameful inactivity, settling points of etiquette and waiting for leave from its officers to do what at an earlier day Major Treat, or at a later day, Putnam, would have done in six weeks with six thousand effective men, the enemy was gain- * The Assembly of Connecticut, as if to guard against the aiinoyaneo of kingly officers, usually guaranteed to those who might enlist, that they should have the privilege of .selecting their own company officers, and that the officers of a higher grade should bo filled by the assembly. :i6 60 niSTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ing every advantage by the delay. Not only had they time to provide against any attempt that the English could make upon them ; but they had even leisure to project and execute a complicated plan of offensive operations. They had already reduced a small fortress in the territory of the five nations, who were known allies of the English, and murdered in cold blood its little garrison of twenty-five soldiers. At the same time the woods were filled with their spies and scouting parties, who kept a sharp eye on all the motions of the English army. Having learned that a large convoy of provisions was on the way from Schenectady to Oswego, a party of French and Indians secreted themselves in a thicket on the northern bank of the Onondaga river, to intercept them. Finding that the convoy had already passed this point, the French resolved to await the return of the detachment. This body was under the command of Colonel Bradstreet-7-an officer of keen sagacity, who was in hourly expectation of an attack, and was well prepared for it. As he was sailing along the current of the Onondaga with his company, in three divis- ions, with no sound to break the silence of the wooded shores save that of the waves that rippled against the banks and sank, after a momentary disturbance from the oar, into their old repose, the war-whoop of the Indians rang put from the covert with a distinctness that almost drowned the voice of musketry that accompanied it. The north shore was on a sudden alive with Indians, who immediately forded the river and attacked the English. Bradstreet, who, with a part of his men, had taken possession of a small island, made such a desperate defense that they were compelled to with- draw. Learning that there was another body of French nnd Indians iarther up the river, he landed on the south shore and advanced with about two hundred men to meet them. He attacked them so suddenly and with such energy that many fell dead upon the spot and the rest in their dismay leapt into the river, where many of them were [175r..] MOXTCALM. 51 drowned. He then marched still further up the river and routed a third party.* In these several actions, extending over a period of three hours, about seventy of his naen were killed and wounded. Twice that number of the enemy were killed, and about seventy of them were taken prisoners. From these prisoners he learned that a large body of the enemy had stationed themselves on the west side of Lake Ontario, with artillery and all the other equipments for. the siege of Oswego. Brad- street hastened to Albany with the news. Before this, Gen- eral Webb, with one regiment, had received orders to hold himself in readiness to march to the relief of that post ; but when Lord Loudoun arrived in Albany, he had not begun his march.f General Winslow, with seven thousand New England and New York troops, had already advanced to the south land- ing of Lake George. In perfect health, high spirits, and well provisioned, they were impatient to be led against the enemy. This army left to itself, with such a leader as Winslow was, would have taken possession of Crown Point before that time, if they had been allowed to move forward. But large numbers of batteaux-men still lay at Albany, Schenectady and other places, and three thousand soldiers were kept loitering behind to guard the lazy generals who lingered at Albany until about the middle of August. Even General Webb did not begin his march until the 12th of August. If he had been sick of a camp fever during the whole summer, he would have been quite as useful, and would have had a much better reputation in his own and in after time. J But the reader is not to infer that the operations of the enemy were confined to casual ambuscades and irregular skirmishing. On the other hand, the Marquis de Montcalm, § * Graham. tTrunibulI. i Tninibull. § Montcalm, Louis Joseph do St. Veran, marquis do, was a native of Caiidiac,and descended from a noble family. Having been bred to arms, he was particularly distinc^uislied at tlie battle of Placenza in 17'lfi. TIo rose to the rank of field marshall and was made ffovernor of Canada in 175G. After having successfully 52 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. one of the ablest military chieftains of that age, with about three thousand men, proceeded to invest the forts at Oswego.* He blockaded the harbor with two armed vessels, and stationed a strong party on the roads between Albany and the forts, as if he was in league with Webb and the other officers, who were lagging behind, and was striving to save their sensitive nerves from any shock that might be occasioned by some piece of ill-timed intelligence relating to the remote and dangerous region bordering upon lake Ontario. On the 12th of August, Montcalm opened his trenches before Fort Ontario at midnight with thirty-two pieces of cannon and a number of brass mortars and howitzers. This fortress was situated upon a high hill and commanded Fort Oswego so completely as to protect it and render it secure as long as the English garrison could man their guns and bring them to bear upon an enemy from this more elevated site. But strange as it doubtless seemed to the marquis, the garrison, after throwing away their shells and ammunition with little injury to the French, the next day spiked their cannon and retired to Fort Oswego, where they could be more easily reached by the shot of the besiegers. f The French lost no time in seizing the eminence that had been so unnecessarily given up to them, and pointing the deserted guns toward the lower fort, opened such a brisk fire upon it, and sustained it with such unabated vigor, that the garrison suffered severely from the attack. Colonel Mercer, who commanded, was killed by a cannon ball on the 13th, and after his death the officers were so divided in opinion as to the proper course to be pursued, and the soldiers were in such a state of conster- nation, that the eneiny were not long in gaining possession of the fortress. On the 14th, the garrison, consisting of fourteen hundred men, capitulated, and surrendered into the hands of their conquerors one hundred and twenty-one pieces of cannon, fourteen mortars, a well-stored magazine, opposed Lord Loudoun and Abcrcrombie, he was killed at tlie siege of Quebec in 1759. * Holmes, ii. 70. t Holmes, ii. 70. [1750.] WOOD CREEK FILLED UP. 53 two sloops of war that had been built to cover the troops in the Niagara expedition, two hundred boats and batteaux, and provisions enough to have held out until relief could have been looked for from any quarter except Albany.* The garrison consisted of the regiments of Shirley and Pepperell, and surrendered upon the express terms that they should not be plundered by the Indians, should be treated with humanity, and conducted safely to Montreal. All these conditions were shamefully violated. Instead of sending them to Montreal under a force sufficient to jirotect them, Montcalm instantly delivered up twenty of his prisoners to his Indian allies as victims to atone for the death of an equal number of savages who had fallen by the common fortune of war during the siege. The rest of the garrison, so far from being pro- tected, were exposed to the bitterest taunts of savage exulta- tion. Most of them were plundered, many were scalped, and some were assassinated. The forts were at once dis- mantled and all those precious munitions that had been transported through the wilderness at such cost and at so great an expenditure of labor, were carried off to strengthen the French fortifications against that evit day that had been protracted so long by the inefficiency of the English generals. By this untoward capitulation, the French gained the exclusive dominion of the two great lakes, Erie and Ontario, with the whole country of the five nations. The territory bordering on Wood Creek and the Mohawk was also laid open to their ravages. General Webb had advanced as far as the carrying place between the Mohawk river and Wood Creek, when tidings reached him of the fall of Oswego. Dreading an attack from the enemy, he began to cut down trees and cast them into the river. In this way he soon rendered it impassible even for canoes. The French, who were as ignorant of his numbers and resources as he was of theirs, adopted the same * See Holmes, Truiubull, Bancroft, etc. 54 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. measure to prevent his advancing. He was therefore obhged to retrace his steps, which he did in a very stately and orderly manner. Indeed his march in either direction was more like the movement of a funeral proces- sion, than like the hurried steps of an invading or retreating army. The Earl of Loudoun, who appears to have thought that the fall of Oswego was quite a suitable close of this painfully protracted drama, although he had yet left him three good months for operation before winter would set in, and although the army, now at the southern landing of Lake George, could have made an attack upon Ticonderoga and Crown Point in ten days, declared that the season was already too far spent to render it safe to make any attempt upon either of those places during that year. He therefore passed the autumn in preparations for an early campaign the next spring. He strengthened the two forts, Edward and William Henry, and overwhelmed them with garrisons. The pro- vincials returned home to spend the winter, and the regulars who were not employed at the forts, went into winter quar- ters at Albany.* • : . .^^ , , The reader cannot fail to be impressed with the difference between this campaign and that of the preceding year. In 1755, a small army of colonial troops, officered by men of their own choice, had cut through the woods, constructed roads and bridges, erected two forts at well chosen points, built ships in addition to a vast number of boats and batteaux, and to crown all this work, in itself glorious enough without such a consummation, this ill-equipped and comparatively undisciplined army had gained a brilliant victory and taken captive the leader of the French army. They had also taken all the preliminary steps of a vigorous campaign in 1756, and had rallied to the rendezvous as early as the season would allow them to take the field in the spring — burning with a noble ardor to meet the enemy and complete what they had before so well begun. » Trumbull, il. 377. [ITr.C] INDIGNATION OF THE COLONIES. 55 On the other hand, the campaign of 1756 — with the finest army that had ever set foot upon the continent, with the patronage of the British government, with regular troops, with arms and ammunition in abundance, with roads, boats, forts, and the precious experience of the preceding year — • lost two forts, and sustained a disreputable defeat, without driving tlie enemy from a single position, or taking possession of a single foot of unoccupied land, and went into W'inter quar- ters almost before the frost had shaken down the leaves from the forest trees. The mortification and chagrin that pervaded New Eng- land, when the result of British generalship was made known, contrasted strangely enough with the Hattering demonstra- tions of joy that had welcomed Abercrombie and Loudoun to America.* Thus all the plans of operation, that had been concerted with such wisdom by the provincial governors, were paralyzed. Even General Winslow, who, I have no doubt, would have taken Ticonderoga and Crown Point with the provincial troops, had the British oflicers allowed him to do so, was not permitted to advance against these fortresses, but was obliged by Lord Loudoun to remain in his camp and fortify It against the incursions of the French — that had no existence except in the imaginations of the British oflicers. To repel this anticipated invasion. General Webb, with fourteen hun- dred British regulars, and Sir William Johnson, with one thousand militia, were kept idle during the whole summer.f Never, surely, were so many able-bodied men so busily em- ployed in doing nothing. Throughout Connecticut the indig- nation of the people flashed out from the lively features of the freemen, who discussed the bad policy of the viceroy * The people of New England had formed liigh expectations of I^oudoun and Abercrombie. Loudoun, in i)artieular, was everywhere greeted with entliusiasni. " III New Haven," says Dr. Trumbull, " the Rev. President Clap, and the prin- cipal gentlemen of the town, waited on him in the most respectful manner. The president pri'sented his lordship with their joint congratulations on the safe arrival of a peer of the realm in North America." + Holmes, ii. 71. 56 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. with a freedom that would have shocked his sense of pro- priety had he been able to listen to it. In the face of all these calamities, the British parliament made great preparations to prosecute the war with vigor as soon as the spring of 1757 should open. In May, Admiral Holborn and Commodore Holmes sailed from Cork for America, with eleven ships of the line, a fire- ship, a bomb-ketch, and fifty transports, with six thousand regular troops on board. The fleet and armament arrived at Halifax in good order on the 9th of July. General Hopson had charge of the land force.* The colonies, supposing that the expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point was to be renewed, again levied their requisite quotas of men. Connecticut, who had the year before raised double the number that had been required of her, once more brought her full complement of soldiers into the field. It is not difficult, therefore, to imagine their disappointment, when thev learned that their darlinjr enterprise was to be abandoned, after all this expense of time and money, and that the colonial troops were to be employed in an idle attempt upon Louisbourg. To say nothing of the chddish and whimsical policy of the British government, the colonies felt ill at ease under the prospect of having their forces called to act at such a distance from home, while all the vast regions that lay to the west and north were open to the incursions of an enemy whom twelve thousand troops had been found inadequate to keep at bay, and who, flushed with recent victories, might be expected to prove more dan- gerous now than ever before. Even if the French should confine themselves to the limits of the country that they then held, they would at least have another year to strengthen their posts and fortify themselves in their position. In January, Lord Loudoun had met at Boston a council of the governors of New England and Nova Scotia, and with the most unfeeling insolence, and a shocking disrejiard of truth, had charged upon the colonial army and provincial * Trumbull, ii. 379 ; Holmes, ii. 74. [1757.] EXPEDITION AGAIXST LOUISBOURG. 57 governments all the disasters of the campaign of 175G. He must have seen a Hat negative to this arrogant declaration in the faces of the gentlemen composing the council, for he hastened to soothe their insulted feelings by informing them that he should require only four thousand provincial troops,* who were to be sent to New York and there placed under his command for some important and secret service that his duty and fidelity to his sovereign tbrbade him to disclose. As the numbers demanded were so much less than the colonies had reason to expect, the requisition was complied with, and in the spring more than six thousand provincial troops were placed at his disposal and embarked at New York for Halifax. It was not known tiiat the expedition against Crown Point was given up, until tiie troops had reached New York f Perhaps the colonies were partly reconciled to this foolish departure from the original plan, by the reflection that Lou- doun, by absenting himself, would at least be prevented from doing any further mischief If he could not restore the forts that he had lost, he could lose no more ; and if he could not drag out of Wood Creek the logs and tree-tops with which he had obstructed its navigation, he would not again encum- ber the waters of that great highway to the west. But his lordship's naval operations were as disastrous as those that he conducted by land. He was as ignorant of the strength of Louisbourg as he had been of that of Crown Point. He found to his astonishment, on arriving in the neighborhood of Cape Breton, that it was not only a fortified place, but that it was a stronghold of a very formidable character, containing a garrison of six thousand veteran * ilolmes, ii. 74. The apportionment made by Lord Loudoun for New Eng land, was as follows : Massachusetts, eighteen hundred men; Connecticut, four- teen hundred ; Rhode Island, four hundred arid fifty ; New Hampshire, three Jiumlred and fifty. The Connecticut troops were placed under the command of the following oflleers, viz. Phineas Lyman, colonel ; Nathan Whiting, lieut. colo- nel; and Nathan Payson, major. Israel Putnam was cajitain of one of the four- teen companies. t (Iraliarn, iv. 5. 58 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. troops, and a large body of militia. To add to the obstacles that were in the way of his achieving a military reputation as boundless as his desires and as solid as his inactivity, while the army was lingering at Halifax, gleaning informa- tion of the fortress, it was made still more inaccessible by the arrival of seventeen line-of-battle ships, that quietly moored themselves in the harbor and showed what the good earl thought to be such evident signs of participating in the quarrel, that he prudently gave up the enterprise and returned to New York.* While this farce was being enacted, the Marquis de Mont- calm, elated with the successes of the previous year, and exulting at the news that the British and provincial troops were taking a pleasure trip to Halifax, summoned all his povvers of mind, and rallied all his forces, to strike a blow at the vitals of the English power in the north. General Webb commanded in that quarter, and Montcalm, astute and keen in his knowledge of men, had by this time learned what sort of opposition he was likely to meet at such hands. He resolved to avail himself of the absence of so large a share of the British and provincial troops, and sieze upon Fort Wil- liam Henry. I have already described the position of this fortress, and have spoken of its relative importance. In ad- dition to this, as it stood near the spot where his predecessor, the Baron Dieskau, had been taken captive, it would add not a little to the reputation of Montcalm could he blot out the stains of the inglorious defeat that had fallen upon the French arms w^ithin sight of the fort. Summoning his forces from Ticonderoga, Ci'own Point, and the adjacent stations, and rallying to his standard a larger number of Indians than his nation had ever employed before on any one occasion, he set out with an army of about eight thousand men. A few days before he crossed the lake, General Webb, whose head-quarters were at Fort Edward, ordered Major Israel Putnam, f of Connecticut, with two hundred men, to * Holmes, ii. 74. tlu il;iy 1 750, the assembly granted " to Captain Israel Putnam, the number of [1757.] PUTNAM KECONXOITRES THE ENEMY. 59 escort him to Fort William Henry. Ilis object in visiting this ibrt was to inspect it, and find out by actual observation the strength of the place. What could have stimulated the general to such a pitch of temerity, is to this day a mystery. His conduct on the occasion was at variance with his whole previous and subsequent life. Had he suspected the ])ossi- ble approach of the enemy, no character in all history would have been less likely to have visited Fort William Henry. Yet not only did he allow Putnam to conduct him to that fortress, but he permitted him to go down the lake in broad day light, and, having landed at North-west bay, to stay on shore there until he could learn what was the condition of the enemy at Ticonderoga, and the other posts in that quarter. Putnam proceeded with eighteen volunteers, in three wliale boats, and before he had reached North-west bay, he dis- covered a party of men on an island. As he had not approached near enough to the island to alarm the enemy, he left two of his boats to fish at a safe distance, and hastened back to the fort w^ith the tidings. The general, when he saw the leader of the scouting party rowing back his boat alone, and with such velocity that it almost flew through the water, took it for granted that the rest of the company had been taken captives, and sent a skiff wdth strict orders that Put- nam alone should come ashore. Putnam, who was able to see no good reason why the lives of seventeen brave men should be wantonly sacrificed, explained to General Webb their situation and begged earnestly that he might be permit- ted to return, complete his mission, and bring back his companions. With much reluctance General Webb finally yielded to his solicitations. With a glad heart Putnam returned, and passing by the spot where the occupants of the whale boats were still engaged in fishing, as if sport only had tempted them to explore the fifty Spanish milled dollars, and thirty such dollars to Captain Noah Grant, as a pratuity, for their extraordinary services and j^ood conduct in ransrlng and scout- ing the winter past for the annoyance of the cueiny near Crown Point." 60 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. windings of the most beautiful of American lakes, he rowed his boat still nearer to the North-west bay until, pausing upon the crystal waters, he could see by the aid of a good glass a large army in motion and advancing towards him. Had they been a flock of wild fowl gliding over the bosom of the lake, Putnam could not have regarded them with emotions less akin to fear. Long and earnestly he gazed upon them, scanning their equipments and trying to esti- mate their numbers, in order that he might come to some conclusion as to their probable destination. So lost was he in the contemplation of this exciting spectacle, that several of the canoes filled with wild graceful forest-men, like the light clouds that fly with vapory wings in the van of the black thunder-storm, had come up with him and almost surrounded him, before he thought of flight. But the bows ot these swarthy voyagers, rent from the sasafrass-tree, were not more elastic than his muscles, nor were the sinews of the deer that bent them into the shape of the crescent moon, more tough and wiry than his own. He dashed through the midst of them, and leading back his little party, reported to General Webb the approach of a hostile army. At the same time he expressed his conviction that the expedition was designed for the capture of Fort William Henry. Gen. Webb enjoined upon him the strictest silence in regard to so delicate a subject, and bade him put his men under an oath of secrecy while he made ready without loss of time to return to Fort Edward. " I hope your excellency does not intend to neglect so fair an opportunity of giving battle, should the enemy presume to land," interposed Major Putnam, who saw at a glance how easy it would be, with such an army as could be mustered from the two forts, to cut off" the whole expedition. " What do you think u-e should do here ?" asked General Webb, whose blood must have curdled at the suggestion of the provincial major. The next day he returned to his head-quarters, and the day after he dispatched Colonel Monroe with his regiment to re- [ITJT.] JOHNSON ATTEMPTS TO RELIEVE THE FORT. 61 inlbrce the garrison. Monroe took with him all his rich baggage and camp-equipage, in spite of Putnam's advice to the contrary. On the day after Colonel jMonroe arrived at Fort William Henry, the Marquis de Montcalm landed his army and opened the siege. I have said that the army of the French general amounted to about eight thousand men. As the garrison did not number more than about twenty-five hundred, it was easy to prophecy what w(>uUI l)e its fate. Still, with the walls of a strong fortress to protect him, Monroe was not without hope that General Webb, who was only fourteen miles off' with four thousand troops, would march to his assistance. He therefore, made a resolute stand,' and discharged his shot with considerable effect into the camp of the besieging army. For many tedious days and nights this gallant officer continued to wage the un- equal conflict, awaiting with sleepless anxiety the return of messenger after messenger whom he had sent to implore General Webb to save the brave little garrison from impend- ing destruction. Meanwhile the arrival of Sir William Johnson with his troops had very much augmented the army under General Webb, which was now of sufficient force to have annihilated the French army, could Montcalm have been fool-hardy enough to await their coming. Sir William Johnson now joined his solicitations to the sup|)licating messengers from the besieged fort, and Putnam in his bold manly way begged that he might be permitted to lead his handful of rangers to the scene of action. Trembling and irresolute day after day the general resisted these appeals, though they were seconded by the eloquent roar of the guns that still answered the over- whelming artillery of the beleaguering army. At last, on the 8th or 9th day after the landing of the French, vSir William Johnson prevailed on General Webb to allow him to march with the provincials, militia, and Putnam's rangers, to the relief of the garrison. But scarcely had this scanty force advanced three miles from Fort Edward when the order was countermanded, and the reinlbrcement returned. 62 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. One of Montcalm's Indian videttes, seeing the provincial army marching toward Fort WilHam Henry, as he scoured the woods in the neighborhood of Fort Edward, fled to the French camp with the startling intelligence. The French general questioned him as to the numbers of the approaching enemy. "If you can count the leaves on the trees you can count them," re|ilied the courier,in the vague, metaphorical language of his people. Immediately the guns of the besiegers were silenced, and the army was ordered to make preparations to re-embark and abandon the attempt upon the fort, when the arrival of an- other runner who had seen the reinforcement on its return- march to Fort Edward, induced the marquis to begin the siege anew. With an admirable train of artillery, plenty of ammunition, and inspired with new hope, now that he had learn- ed how little he had to fear interruption from abroad, he made such a fierce attack upon the fort that Colonel Monroe, whose ammunition had begun to fail, now saw that he could not hold out much longer. Still he fought on at desperate odds, and would have continued to do so for many hours had it not been for the receipt of a letter from General Webb, addressed to himself, advising him to surrender without delay.* This letter had been intercepted by the enemy and was adroitly sent into the garrison at the most favorable time to make an impression. f Thus counseled by the dastard who could have saved him without so much as lifting a finger, had he but permitted others to do what his cowardly soul rendered him incapable of attempting, the deserted and heart-broken commander of Fort William Henry was compelled to capitulate. The terms of the surrender were very favorable. It was stipulated that the English should not serve against the French for eighteen months, unless they were exchanged for an equal number of French prisoners. The garrison was to march out with arms, baggage, and one piece of cannon, in * Rider's Hist. xlii. 9, 12 ; Wright's Hist. i. 11. tTrumbull, ii. 381. 382. [1757.] MASSACRE AT FOIiT WILLIA?,i: HEXRY. 63 honor of Colonel Monroe for the brave defense that he had made. They were also to be furnished with an escort to Fort Edward by French troops to protect them against the ferocity of the Indians.* The terms of the treaty, however, were not kept by Mont- calm, who neglected to provide the suitable escort that he had promised ; and the Indians who fought under him, amazed at the leniency shown by the French commander to soldiers of the garrison, resolved not to be deprived of the spoils that they regarded as justly belonging to them by the rules of war. Falling upon the English, they stripped them of the few articles of clothing and other personal property that had survived the destructive effects of the siege, and then com- menced that memorable scene of assassination that has given a kind of fabulous interest to the capture of Fort Wil- liam Henry, like that with which fiction invests the more common-place details of history. The Indians who had aided the garrison, and who had been included in the capitulation, were the first victims. They were dragged from the ranks where they were marching, and tomahawked and scalped. Nor were the English themselves spared. Men and women had their throats cut, their bodies ripped open, and hacked in pieces. Children, even little infants, were taken by the heels and dashed against stones and trees. For about seven miles did those infuriated devils hang like a horde of hungry wolves upon the skirts of the English army, who no longer could be said to march, but rather to flee before them, until by the joint exertions of the insulted soldiers and the tardy though ])erhaps honest eflbrts of Montcalm, they were beaten ofF and sent yelling into the wilderness. Those who escaped by flight or by the protection of the French arrived at Fort Edward in the most deplorable condition. f * Trumbull, ii. 382. tMiiiot, ii. 11—52; Marsliall, i. 411— 41G; Maiito, b. 2 ; Tnimbuirs Hist. U. S., ch. xi : Smith's New York, ii. ch. vi. ; Dr. IJelknap (Hist. New Hampshire, ii. 299,) intimates that a principal txuis > (if tlu' oonduct of the Indians may bo found in the fact that they had joined the expedition of Montcahn on a promise 64 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The next day after the massacre, Major Putnam, who had been sent with his rangers to keep an eye on the movements of the enemy, came to the shore of the lake whose peaceful waters liad been desecrated as we may hope they will never be again, while yet the rear of the French army was scarcely beyond the range of his muskets. Language can indeed render to the mind's e) e an outline of the horrors that he saw there ; but nothing save the imagination can fill up the details of such a picture. The fort was a total ruin. The barracks, the out-houses, the booths that had been occupied by the sutlers, lay in heaps of promiscuous desolation ; and the smoke that rose in volumes from the still consuming rub- bish, could but ill conceal with its black drapery, the count- less fragments of human bones and bodies half consumed, that bore such ghastly witness to the nature of the sacrifice. In other places, dead bodies deformed with frightful wounds and streaked with the blood-currents that had deposited their dark pools here and there upon the ground, were scattered at random, evincing every shade of mutilation that savage ingenuity could contrive, from the battered skull and the head reft of its scalp, to the gashed trunk and the severed limbs. More than one hundred women were lying there, many of them entirely naked, and some with their throats cut and their faces marked with grotesque wounds — some of them probing deep as the fountains of life, others slight and whimsical as if they had resulted from the innocent sportive- ness of a child Putnam turned away his eyes from the sickening spectacle, little thinking that it was but a vision that foreshad-^wed the tortures that he himself was so soon to endure.* of plunder, a 1 were hence particularly enraged at the terms granted to the gar- rison. " The New Hampshire regiment, happening to be in the rear, felt the chief fury of the errevny. Out of two hundred, eighty were killed and taken." Carver, in his Travds (pp. 132, 136,) says that fifteen hundred persons were either killed or made prisoners by the Indians, after the surrender. * Most of the adventures of Putnam that are alluded to in this chapter, are taken from Gen. Humphreys' life of that hero, and can be relied upon in every particular. I have also had access to other sources of information equally authentic. [1757.] CONDUCT OF MOXTCALM. 65 Such was the massacre at Fort William Henry. It has in it those elements ot" vitality that would themselves preserve the name of Montcalm from oblivion. How much blame that truly gallant chieftain deserves to bear for not carrying out the terms of the capitulation, that he had himself stipulated to perform, I am unable to say. He has been charged with instigating the Indians to this atrocious butchery. Others have asserted that he furnished no escort at all to protect the English garrison.* But Montcalm himself repelled these accusations with scorn, and to the last asserted his innocence in the most positive terms. Had not a similar act of bar- barity been just before perpetrated, for which he may be fairly held responsible, I should implicitly credit his own testimony upon a question so vitally atTecting his honor as a soldier. Even now, shrouded in mystery as this horrible afluir still remains, when I contrast it with the noble emulation and chivalry that crowned his military career, I would gladly believe him to have been too confident of his own moral power over the passions of his savage allies, too negligent, too trusting, but never treacherous ; and that his nature revolted, as does the common sentiment of the world, from the com- mission of such a crime. When it was too late to avail anything by adopting the most active measures, General Webb suddenly roused him- self and made great exertions to protect the northern fron- tier. He made large demands on the colonies for troops, which were responded to with a promptness thai, would have been incredible had not fear lent wings to every movement. The sudden capture of the fort, the massacre thatfollowed it, and the possibility that Montcalm would suminr n his savage hordes and descend like a whirlwind upon Albany, filled the minds of the colonists with a well-grounded alarm that showed its depth and power in the efibrts that were made to avert such a calamity. * Tills Is die statement made by Carver and otlnrs. Certain it is, that if tlicro was a guard, it was either insufficient, or it was furnished too late to be of any avail. 66 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. In answer to this call from General Webb, Connecticut in a few days raised and sent into the field, in addition to the forces she had already furnished, five thousand men. New York and the other colonies sent on large reinforcements to Albany, until the English army numbered about twenty thousand regular troops, besides a larger body of provincials than had ever been brought together on any one occasion during the war. The regulars were stationed at Albany and Fort Edward. With this noble army, large enough to have driven before it all the French troops on the continent, Webb accomplished nothing, but passed the rest of the campaign in a *' masterly inactivity" that is believed to be without a parallel in history. Thus ended the campaign of 1757. The con- trast between the two campaigns described in this chapter, and that of 1755, which was under the direction of colonial officers, and the burden of which rested solely upon colonial troops, needs no commentary to make it more conspicuous, than a plain recital of the facts has already done. CIIArTEPv III. CAMPAIGN OF 1758. Early in 1758, the Earl of Loudoun called a convention of the o;overnors of New England and New York to meet him at Hartford. The meeting proved to be a very unsatis- factory one. The governors did not respond with any cordiality to the propositions made by his lordship that they should send fresh troops into the field to further the ends of a new campaign. With much frigid politeness, their several excellencies informed him that before they could promise any forces or supplies, it would be necessary for them first to convoke their respective legislatures and procure the assent of the people. Angry at this apparent subterfuge, the earl dismissed them in a fit of ill-temper, and repaired to Boston, where he repeated his demand for provincial troops. Here, too, he met with a decided rebuft". Neither Governor Pow- nall nor the Assembly would consent to furnish him with a single soldier until he would inform them of the minutest details of the proposed campaign. Chagrined at a refusal that bespoke so plainly how little confidence they had in him, he retired to his lodgings to deliberate in what way he could best answer and punish this provincial insolence. He was aroused from these meditations by the unwelcome tidings that he was no longer able to use the king's authority as his own, either in punishing his enemies or rewarding his friends. He had been superceded, and the command of the army had been given to General Abercrombie. I do not suppose that there was ever a government in the world that was capable, in the hands of bad or weak minded men, of so misrepresenting the true spirit and character of the nation under its control, as that of Great Britain. Hence we find throughout British history, the most startling contrast of strength and weakness characterizing the public enter- 68 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. prises of the nation. In earlier times, England was great or insignificant according to the individual traits of the monarch who governed her. In later days the ministry will be found to have taken the place of the king, and the public acts of the empire will be marked by the most puerile imbecility, and by the want of moral as well as executive power; or on the other hand, by the most exalted patriotism and self-sacri- fice exhibiting themselves in results so grandly wrought out by means at once the most practical and daring, as to com- mand the admiration of the world. The period of history now under consideration admirably illustrates this remark. In the course of two years, we have seen, by the dismantling of an English fort on the southern border of Lake George, the dominion of that lake and of Lake Champlain passing in an instant from the hands of the English ; we have seen Oswego fall a needless prey to a small force, and thus those vast inland seas that connect the waters of the St. Lawrence with those of the Mississippi, subjected to the dominion of the French ; going still further south, we have seen the whole continent lying west of the Alleghanies, claimed and held in defiance of right, and with a sacrifice of British and colonial lives truly revolting;* and this series of calamities is known to be attributable, not to the soldiers who were in the field, but to the officers who misdirected their energies or imprisoned them at points where they could in no possible way exert their strength. We are now to see the workings of a new ministry under the ordering of William Pitt, who united the eloquence of Pericles with the executive force of Julius Caesar; a man borne into power u}»on the shoulders of the indignant people, and by new men and measures directed towards American affairs, changing at once the relations of the two powers that con- tended for the mastery upon the ocean. The new minister was unable to receive regular communi- cations from the Earl of Loudoun. This of itself was a cause of removal in the mind of a man constituted as Pitt * Holmes, ii. 79, 80. [1758.] TEOOPS TO BE RAISED. 69 was, with the most rigid and exact business habits. He was bold to say that he made the removal because " he could never ascertain what Lord Loudoun was doing."* The same ship that brought the news of this happy change, also brought over letters from Mr. Pitt to the colonies, of a very flattering and persuasive tone, and eloquent with the great soul that spoke from the correspondence, as it bean^ed from the eye, of that unrivalled man. On the 8th of March, 1758, a special assembly was con- vened at New Haven in honor of the letter addressed to the colony. This letter was listened to by the members of the two houses with intense interest. It spoke directly to the heart of the people. After alluding to the disappointments and losses of the campaign that had just closed, and assert- ing how much the king desired to wipe out the disgrace of such defeats as his arms had sustained in America, it declared in bold terms the resolve of the king's government, by the blessing of God, to take the most vigorous measures to avert the impending danger. It stated the intention of his majesty to send out a fleet and armament to defend the rights of his subjects in North America, and expressed the hope that his faithful and brave subjects in the colonies would cheerfully lend their aid to an enterprise, where they were to be the principal recipients of favor. Without making an arbitrary demand for troops, the minister adroitly hinted that twenty thousand men would be the fair proportion to be raised by the colonies of Connecticut, Massachusetts, New^ Hampshire, Rhode Island, New York, and New Jersey, and called upon Connecticut to raise as large a part of them as her population would permit her to spare, and have them ready for the field as soon as possible. That no motive might be wanting to stimulate the people to exertion, the minister added, that par- liament would be solicited to make appropriations to defray the expenses of the provinces according to the promptitude and zeal that they should respectively manifest in answer to the call of the government.f * Grabam, iv. 18. + Colonial Records, MS. 70 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. A keen vision, that laid bare before him, wherever he glanced, the governing motives of men, was a marked trait of Pitt's character. He had struck, as he seldom failed to do, the right nerve, and the representatives of the people were touched with a lively emotion and heartfelt, pervading enthu- siasm. This out-spoken minister, so unlike the mysterious Earl of Loudoun, who kept all his plans locked up in his own breast, as if they had been solemn state secrets, was the one man of all the world with whom they could co-operate and whom they could love. Haughty to his king, despotic to the nobility, this great commoner seemed to the people of Connecticut to understand their wants, and to entertain for them the sympathies of a brother and the confiding regard of a friend. This was no Dudley, striving to get possession of the chartered liberties of the people ; no Fletcher, to demand the control of the militia ; no Cornbury, pluming himself upon an alliance with royalty ; no Loudoun, to spend the precious months of a campaign in settling the question of official precedence ; but a man, appealing to their common sensibilities to strike home for the honor of a common coun- try. They felt that they would have died for such a cham- pion. So emulous were they, and so jealous lest the other provin- ces should share too largely in the laurels that were to be won, that, forgetting how much more than her proportion of troops Connecticut had sent into the field in the two former campaigns, they voted to raise five thousand good and etfective men from the thin population of her few towns, already bowed down with service and oppressed with the weight of accumulating taxes. Having thus resolved to furnish one quarter of the number of troops that were to be provided by the northern colonies, the Assembly proceeded to form them into four regiments, and to appoint the requisite officers. It was resolved that each regiment should be divided into twelve companies, and should be officered by a colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, and other subordinate officers. Chaplains and surgeons were [1758.] BILLS OF CEEDIT, 71 also appointed to accompany each regiment. Tlie Hon. Phineas Lyman, (who had held a general's commission in 1755,) Nathan Whiting, Eliphalet Dyer, and John Read, were appointed colonels.* To encourage speedy enlistments, a hounty of lour pounds was offered to each volunteer who would equip himself for the field, in addition to his wages. The most thorough measures were taken to get the troops in readiness as soon as they should be needed. Provision was made at the same time for the support of this large army, by ordering that thirty thousand pounds lawful money should be issued in Bills of Credit, at five per cent interest ; and that for a fund for sinking of the same, a tax of eight-pence on the pound should be levied upon the grand list of the colony to be brought in for the year 1760. f That the soldiers might be kept in good heart and spirits, a tax of nine-pence on the pound, on the list of October 1757, was ordered to be levied to pay the troops on their return home from the service at the close of the season. This tax was to be collected by the last of December 1758. A committee was further appointed to borrow the sum of twenty-five thousand pounds, to be paid before the 20th of May 1761 ; and for a fund to repay this large sum, a tax was ordered of five-pence on the pound on the list of 1759, to be paid into the treasury by the last of December 1700. J At the October session, commissioners had been appointed to meet those from the other colonies to consult for the gen- * The lieutenant-colonels — Nathan Payson, Benjamin Hinman, James Smedley, and Samuel Coit ; the majors — William Pitkin, Joseph Spencer, Israel Putnam, and John Slapp ; the chaplains — Rev. Messrs. George Beokwith, Joseph Fisk, Benjamin Pomeroy, and Jonathan Ingersoll ; the surgeons — Elisha Lord, Joseph Clark, John Bartlett, and Gideon Wells. + Colony Records, MS. X As considerable sums of money were expected from England to reimburse the colony for provisions furnished to Lord Loudoun, in 1756, it was ordered that said money, when received, should he applied to discharge the notes given for the bor- rowed money ; and that if sufiieient should be received in season to discharge all the notes so given, then tho tax last laid should not be collected. 72 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, eral safety.* These gentlemen were now authorized to meet the other commissioners at Hartford on the 19th of April, to take into consideration the impending crisis, and to devise measures for the union and harmony of the colonies in the contest before them. At the same time, the governor was desired to give to General Abercrombie the earliest advices of the measures to be adopted by the colonies, and of their preparations for an early and successful campaign. The new ministry did something more than incite the provinces to action. In February, the armament designed for the reduction of Louisbourg sailed for America. The fleet vi^as under the command of Admiral Boscawen, and the land army was committed to General Amherst, under whom was Brigadier General Wolfe. The fleet and armament arrived safely in America, and on the 28th of May left Hali- fax for Louisbourg. On the 2d of June, they dropped into the harbor in fine condition. It was a formidable army for that wild coast, and made an era in the history of the fortress as it spread its broad canvass on the line of the horizon in entering Chapeaurouge Bay. It consisted of one hundred and fifty-seven sail, with fourteen thousand British troops on board. f For six days and nights the surf rolled so high that no landing could be effected, nor indeed could any boat live a moment near the shore. During all this time, the British officers had the mortification to see the enemy fortifying themselves with great industry and skill, erecting, at every point along the shore where a landing was deemed practica- ble, batteries mounted with cannon, that, without any inter- ference from the waves, would be likely to prove formidable barriers to the British troops. J General Amherst, with a number of his officers, as he approached to reconnoitre the shore, saw the French lines bristling with infantry. On the 8th of June, the surf began to subside, although * The Connecticut commissioners were, Ebenczer SiUimaii, Jonathan Trumbull, and AVilliam Wolcott, esquires. tGraliain, vi. 27 ; Trumbull, ii. 3S7 ; Holmes, ii. 80. J Trumbull, ii. 387. [1758.] GENERAL WOLFE. 73 there was still a heavy swell of the sea. General Amherst resolved to make trial, and before day-break the troops were embarked in boats in three divisions. The one on the right and the one in the centre were designed to divert the atten- tion of the enemy from the left division, that was commanded by General Wolfe, and was to make a sudden and fierce attack at a moment when they were least prepared to receive it. Before the boats had reached the shore, five frigates and some other ships of war opened a fire not only on the cen- tral, but on the right and left divisions, raking them in front and flank with such effect that it soon became apparent that no feint could avail anything in such a crisis ; and that the only course to be pursued was to press toward the land. Still, the order of the attack was pursued as it had been first planned, and Wolfe, after having received the shot from the ships for about fifteen minutes, brought the left division, with little loss, near the shore. The French reserved their shot until the boats had almost touched the land, and then opened upon them a general discharge of musketry and cannon, that did fearful execution. iMany of the boats were upset, — and others were dashed in })ieces. While some of the troops were hurled overboard by the crushing stroke of the cannon- shot, or shattered to atoms, others in dismay leapt blindly into the sea and perished. General Wolfe, whose spirit always rose triumphant above the most stormy and dangerous crisis, imparting something of the fire of his own fearless soul to his men, pushed impetuously to the shore. As fast as they dis- embarked, they were formed in columns, and, marching in the face of the enemy's artillery and infantry, drove them from their entrenchments. The central division, moving to the left, dropped in behind that of Wolfe, and this was fol- lowed by the one upon the right ; so that, had they been marching upon firm ground the English could not have moved in more admirable order.* The garrison of Louisbourg consisted of two thousand five hundred regulars, and six hundred militia, and was under Trumbull, ii. 388. 74 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the command of the Chevalier de Drucourt, a brave and veteran officer.* Aside from the strength of the fortress, its harbor was guarded by five ships of the line, a fifty gun ship, and five frigates — three of which were sunk across the mouth of the basin. f On account of these gruff neighbors, the English had been compelled to land at a distance from the town, and even as it was, they proved very annoying and did much mischief to the boats that were employed in getting ashore the tents, stores, and artillery. Even after the army, with the necessary equipments, was landed, it was no easy matter to bring their guns to bear upon the fort. The ground, in some places rough, in others was wet and miry ; and the French fought with great courage, resisting the advances of the besiegers at every step. But, calm as the fortress that frowned upon him, Amherst kept his steady purpose, and Wolfe, with fiery haste, overleaping such obstacles as he could not sweep away, never faltered in his aim or flagged in his efforts. By the 12th of June he had taken possession of the light-house battery and was master of all the posts in that quarter. On the 25th, he had silenced tiie island-bat- tery ; but still the enemy kept up a constant fire upon him from the ships until the 21st of July. At last, the explosion of a shell set fire to a large ship, that soon blew up and involved two others in the same fate. Admiral Boscawen, to avail himself to the full extent of this lucky accident, sent six hundred men in boats to get possession of two ships of the line that still secured the harbor to the enemy. In the face of a murderous fire both of artillery and musketry, this daring feat was accomplished. One of the French ships was burned up and the other was towed off in triumph. J This gallant exploit was conducted by two young captains, Laforey and Balfour,§ and is worthy of a more minute description than seems to belong to this narrative. It was decisive of the victory. The English had now the undis- puted possession of the harbor, the town was in many places * Holmes, ii. 80. t Graham, iv. 27 ; Holmes, ii. 80. t Graham, iv. 28 ; Holmes, ii. 81 ; Trumbull, ii. 389. § TrumbulL [1758.] TICONDEllOGA AXD CROWX POINT, 75 consumed, and the walls were sadly shattered at several points of attack. The next morning, the governor proposed terms of capitula- tion. The garrison, consisting of five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven men, was delivered into the hands of the English, with two hundred and twenty-one cannon, eighteen mortars, and an ample supply of stores and ammunition. St. John's was surrendered with Louisbourg, and thus were the English again masters of the coast from the mouth of the St. Lawrence to Nova Scotia.* I have thought it necessary to describe this second siege of Louisbourg that the reader might better see all the relations of this campaign, in which Connecticut acted so conspicuous a part. While yet the fate of Louisbourg hung in doubtful scales, the expedition against Ticonderoga and Crown Point, under General Abercrombie, was begun with as much zeal as it had been the preceding year. On the 5th of July the general embarked his army at the southern landing of Lake George. It was a formidable array, consisting of sixteen thousand men — of whom the provinces, in addition to the troops that they had raised and sent forward for the siege of Louisbourg, had furnished more than nine thousand able-bodied soldiers. One hundred and twenty-five whale boats and nine hundred batteaux were employed to transport this army and the large train of artillery and baggage that had been provided by the munificence of the British government and the generous * Holmes, ii. 81. In eflfecting this conquest, upwards of four humlrcil of the assailants were either killed or wounded. " The garrison lost upwards of fifteen hundred men ; and the town was left almost an heap of ruins." The colors captured at Louisbourg were carried to England, and were conveyed v.illi great pomp from Kensington to St. Paul's Cathedral, London, and a form of thanks- giving was ordered to be used in all the churches in England. In New England also the joy was great, and was celebrated by a public thanksgiving. The inhabitants of Cape Breton were carried to France in English ships ; but the garrison, sea-officers, sailors, and marines, amounting as stated in the text to five thousand six hundred and thirty-seven, were carried as prisoners to England. Rider's Hist, xliii. 127, 13j; Wright's Hist. i. 95, 103; Graham, iv. 29. 76 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. sacrifice of the colonies.* There were several rafts, also, on which cannon were mounted to ensure a safe landing. Early the next morning they landed in good order and without any show of resistance on the part of the enemy, and, having formed in four columns, began their march for Ticonderoga. They placed themselves under the direction of guides who were but ill-qualified to conduct them through the dense woods, and, before they had proceeded far on their way, the troops were so lost and so encumbered by bushes that they fell into disorder and mingled their columns together as helplessly as a herd of wild deer when surrounded by a circle of huntsmen. The advanced guard of the French, who had been stationed near the lake shore and had fled on the approach of the English army, had also mistaken the way, and fallen into a like confusion ; and thus by mere accident these hostile troops fell in with each other. This guard con- sisted of about five hundred French regulars and a few Indians, and soon opened a random fire upon the left of the English army.f Lord Howe, who was marching in front of the centre when he heard the discharge of muskets, turned suddenly to Major Putnam, who was near him, and said abruptly, "Putnam, what means that firing?" "I know not — but with your lordship's leave I will see," answered the Connecticut ranger. "I will accompany you," returned the nobleman. "My lord," said Putnam earnestly, "if /am killed, the loss of my life will be of little consequence ; but the preservation of yours is of infinite importance to the army." This appeal, so affectionate and so evincive of the idolatry with which the whole army worshipped him, touched the chords of sympathy in the nobleman's chivalrous soul, without shaking his purpose. "Putnam," he added with emotion, "your life is as dear to you as mine is to me. I am determined to go. "J * Graham, iv. 29. + Holmes, ii. 82 ; Graham, iv. 30. i Humphreys' Life of Putnam, 49, 50. [175S.] DEATH OF LORD HOWE. 77 His voice and look were not to be misinterpreted. Put- nam ordered one hundred of his men to file off with Lord Howe in the direction of the enemy. They soon met the left flank of the French advanced guard, by whose first fire his lordship fell dead. The British regulars, confused by the darkness of the woods from whose labyrinths they could find no way of escape, and unused to contend with an enemy that they could, not see, were thrown into utter consternation. Put- nam and the other provincial officers, who knew the modes of Indian warfare too well to be frightened at the terrible yells that now made the woods and the welkin ring, rallied the colonial troops who covered the flank of the regulars, and soon put the enemy to flight. Cutting his way through the ranks of the French, Putnam, with his little party, and several other small companies, attacked them in the rear with such impetuosity that they soon scattered. They left three imn- dred men dead upon the field, and one hundred and Ibrty- eight w'ere taken caj)tive.* The fall of Lord Howe was a heavy blow to the army, especially to the colonial soldiers. From his first arrival in America he had conformed to all the usages of the country, and had submitted to all the deprivations incident to the lot of the provincial troops. He cut his own hair short, and fitted his clothing with reference to usei'ulness and activity, rather than to display ; and divested himself of every super- fluous article of camj) equipage. f Of course, his regiment, who almost adored liim, imitated his example, and were proud to appear no better clad than the provincials, as long as their commander was as plainly attired as Putnam. Lord Howe's manners were suited to all these outward appearances. He was aflable and courteous as well to the American as to the British officers and soldiers, not iVom a desire to win j)opu- larity, but rather from the spontaneous flow of a nature that can afford, from the prodigality of its endowments and from a happy modulation of their harmonics, to depart from the ♦Humphreys' Life of Putnam, 51. t Humphreys, 78 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. _, common track of rank and station and rej^ulate its course by loftier influences peculiar to itself, that are at once instinctive and infallible * Putnam, whose humanity and almost womanly tenderness were as conspicuous a part of his moral nature as his honesty and courage, lingered on the field until nightfall to see after the wants of such of the enemy as had been left there wounded and suffering. He gathered these wretches into one place, covered them with blankets, gave them liquor and such little delicacies as he had provided for his own men, and attended them with as much tearful anxiety as a mother watches over the sick bed of her children. As he was ministering to the wants of a French officer in this way, placing him in an easy position against the trunk of a tree, the wounded man, who could no longer repress some demonstration of his gratitude, unable as he was to speak, grasped his protector silently by the hand. "Depend upon it, my brave soldier," said Putnam, "you shall be brought to the camp as soon as possible, and the same care shall be taken of you as if you were my brother." If the poor fellow lived until the next morning, he probably shared the fate of the other wounded, all of whom Major Rog- ers, who had been sent to reconnoitre the field and take the disabled to the camp as Putnam had desired, killed in cold blood, rather than have the trouble of removing them.f This truly murderous deed is not to be mitigated from any consideration of policy, and must be regarded by us as it was by Putnam and the other provincial officers, as an indelible stain upon the character of a brave man. J After the death of Lord Howe, the army returned to the landing-place, where they arrived about eight o'clock in the morning. § * Lord Howe was a bi'other of Sir William Howe who commanded the British army iu America during the Revolution. His lordship was but thirty-four years old when killed. The General Court of Massachusetts caused a monument to be erected to his memory in Westminster Abbey, at a cost of £250. t Humphreys, 51, 52. X Holmes ; Trumbull. § It is difficult to ascertain precisely how many Connecticut troops were engaged [1758.] COL. bradstreet's manceuvre, 79 On the 7th of July, Colonel Bradstreet was sent with a detachment to take possession of a saw-mill that stood about two miles from Ticonderoga. As this place had been abandoned by the enemy, the feat was easily accomplished. General Abercrombie had been informed that the actual force at the fort was about six thousand men, and that a reinforce- ment of three thousand was soon expected. He judged it expedient, therefore, to make the attack as speedily as possi- ble. With this view he sent his engineer to inspect the forti- with Abercrombie on and near Lake Cieorge. From the "orderly book" of Col. Whiting, of the 2d regiment, I ascertain that lie, Colonels Lyman, Fitch, and Wooster, were in that vicinity with their troops, during the unfoitunate campaign against Ticonderoga. And as Major Putnam who figured conspicuously there, belonged to the 3d regiment, we are led to infer that there were three or four Connecticut regiments under Abercrombie. This " orderly book" of Colonel Whiting, which is still in possession of his descendant, Major Jason Whiting, of Litchtiekl, contains many interesting en- tries — tlu; first being dated at Green Bush, June 12, 1758, and the last at Ltike Ceorge, October 9, 1758. On the 21st of June, is an order from General Aber- crombie that the regiments of Colonels Pribbels, Ruggles, and Bagley, are to re- main at Fort Edward : those of Colonels Nichols, Wm. Williams, and Doughty, are to remain at Fort Miller ; those of Colonels Whiting and Fitch, are to garri- son at Saratoga ; and those of Colonels Wooster and Lyman, are to garrison at Still- water; one company of each of the nine regiments "will march with all expedi- tion to the lake." On the 25tli of June, Abercrombie declares the capitulation of Fort William Henry null and void, because the enemy had broken its terms "by murdering, pillaging, and captivating" many of his majesty's subjects ; and the ofhcers and soldiers embraced in said capitulation are commanded to serve in the same man- ner as if it had never been made. If any of said officers or soldiers, falling into the enemy's hands, are treated with violence, he threatens to retaliate upon such prisoners as are or may be in his liands. Early in July, preparations are making for embarking on the lake ; the boats, batteaux, provisions, medicine chests, are ordered to be in readiness ; the precise manner and order of proceeding, after embarkation, is agreed upon, and also, tho order of forming and marching, and the mode of forming the line of battle. On the 10th, (after the disastrous attempt upon Ticonderoga, Col. Whiting orders all comm.-inders of companies to call over the roll, and make return of " the killed^ wounded^ and missing,^^ distinguishing between the officers and privates. The " present strength of each regiment" is to be speedily ascertained ; orders are issued concerning the wounded ; the number of arms, blankets, and knapsacks lost, is to be ascertained, &c. Col. Whiting was an efficient and popular officer, an excellent disci[)linarian, and a good man. 80 • • HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. fication and report to him its condition and probable strength. Tliat oflicer, probably without going within cannon shot of the works, reported that the w^alls were weak and could easily be carried without the aid of artillery.* The general fell in with this suggestion at once. A glance at the locality will suffice to show how fool-hardy was this advice. Ticonderoga, surrounded on tiiree sides by the waters of the lake, was still more thoroughly protected on the fourth by a deep morass that stretched far back from the shore, while the remainder of the land side, and indeed the only part of it that could be easily assailed, was guarded with an embankment eight feet liigh, well mounted with artillery. For a space of about twenty rods in front of this line, the marshy plain was covered with vast forest trees, that had been cut and rolled together with their tops interwoven and projecting outward and sharpened to a point, so that, had the guns of the French been silenced, it would have been impossible for the best disciplined troops in the world to have marched over the ground thus obstructed without breaking their ranks and climbing over the tree tops. The attempt to take such a place with muskets, therefore, when a fine train of artillery could have been brought to the spot in a few hours, bespeaks the incapacity of Abercrombie to control the destinies of a large army, even more than it indicated his inactivity in the preceding campaign. Where the attack was made, even field-pieces could have availed little without first removing the outworks. Never did troops rush upon their destruction with more desperate resolution. For four long hours were the British regulars exposed to the murderous fire of the French, that mowed down their ranks in platoons, while they stood helpless and without the power of harming the enemy. f The French marksmen could range at will behind their regular works or under the screen of the fallen trees, and select their men with as much security as they could have shot squirrels from the tops of the same trees had they been standing. Every * Graham, iv. 31 ; Holmes, ii. 82. t Trumbull. [1758.] THE RErULSE. 81 part of this ill-contrived attack seemed to vie with every other in clumsiness and folly. Had the provincials been placed in front, where every man might to a degree have exercised his discretion and fought under a leader of his own choice, in the irregular way that suited the nature of the ground and their habits of woodland warfare, they nn'ght have scaled the outworks, and, attacking the garrison in the rear, driven them from their retreat. Instead of this, the British troops, ignorant of any other discipline than the old one of standing still and shooting the enemy or being shot by them, were placed between the French and the provincials, who, having been stationed in the rear, soon became maddened with the shock of a battle in which they were not allowed to mingle, and in the hurry and fury of their excite- ment, turned their guns upon the British troops and did some execution before their ofHcers could make them aware of the fatal mistake. Major Putnam, who acted as aid, evinced great skill and judgment in this crisis, checking the impetuosity of the colonial troops, and bringing the regiments one after another into a condition where their marksmen might harm the enemy without injuring their friends. The Connecticut soldiers behaved with great valor, and left the marks of their forest discipline in the skulls of many of the French, whose heads were alone visible above the breastworks. But it was impossible for the invading army to withstand this dreadful shock any longer. Already four hundred and sixty-four British regulars and eighty-seven provincials lay dead upon the field ; while eleven hundred and seventeen regulars and two hundred and eighty-nine provincials were wounded.* The loss sustained by Connecticut was very severe. * General Abercrombie's return estimates the number of killed, woundecl, and missing, ;it nineteen hundred and forty-one. Almost lialf of the Highland regi- ment, commanded by Lord John Murray, with twenty-five of its oflicers, were either killed or dangerously wounded. The loss of the enemy was Inconsiderable. Holmes, ii. 83. 38 82 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, It was necessary to abandon the attack and withdraw the army. Still, the condition of General Abercrombie, had he known how to avail himself of the advantages that it held out to him, was far from discouraging. He had at the land- ing, only a little way from the fort, an admirable train of artillery that could have been brought to bear upon the for- tress, in spite of the roughness of the road, in a short time, had he manifested half the resolution shown by the officers and soldiers of Connecticut at the first siege of Louisbourg. His large army, numbering nearly fourteen thousand effec- tive men, could of course easily be removed to a safe locality, where the handful of French and Indians who had been so powerful behind their entrenchments, would not dare to attack them. He had plenty of provisions, and could therefore choose his time for the second attempt upon Ticonderoga with all the precautions and guards necessary to ensure suc- cess. Putnam and the other provincial ofHcers earnestly desired him to make this attack, and had he done so, there can be no doubt that within the space of a week the defenses of the enemy would have been swept away, and the garrison with all its munitions would have fallen an easy prey into his hands.* Putnam saw at a glance, before the commencement of this engagement, what would be its probable termination. He saw thAt there were along the extended line of the enemy several weak points that might be easily approached under cover of the woods, and that the number of the British army •was so great that it would be easy to distract the French by making the attack from more than one point at the same time. He saw, too, that the place where the assailing army was ordered to advance, was the best defended part of the works, and afforded the best protection to the enemy. Hav- ing seen his worst anticipations realized in the unhappy repulse that followed, and observing the high eminences com- manding the fort that might easily be scaled, as well as the fastnesses of the woods that would enable the army to sur- * Trumbull ; Humphreys ; Graham. [1758.] ABERCROMBIE RETREATS. 83 round the garrison should they venture from behind their entrenchments, he heard with ill-sup{)ressed indignation the orders to sound a iiasty retreat, more inconsiderate and ill- timed if possible, than the attack itself had been. This feel- ing of indignation was shared by all the colonial troops. They considered themselves more than adequate to conquer the enemy, even should the reinforcements that were so con- fidently expected by General Abercrombie to arrive at the fort, be added to the three thousand men already there. This feeling was unanimous both among the officers and soldiers of the provincial troops.* Yet, without consulting Putnam or any other colonial officer, the general, who had not been within sight of the battle-field since the commence- ment of the action, and who had remained snugly quartered at the mill two miles from the place where the slaughter of his men had made the whole ground red with blood, or without so much as venturing forth after the battle to see whether something might not yet be done to retrieve his sinking fortunes, lost no time in drawing off his army ; and so anx- ious was he to "add wings" to the speed of this preci})itate movement, that he did not even stop at the shore or pause to look behind him, until the waters of the lake were fairly in- terposed between his large army and the garrison of three thousand men at Ticonderoga !f General Abercrombie by this shameful defeat, and the re- treat that followed it, sunk so low in public estimation that he was seldom spoken of by the provincial soldiers in any * Trumbull, ii. 392. •fThe repulse of the English at Ticonderoga took place July 8, 1758, and tho retreat, July 9. On the 10th, the following entries occur in Col. Whiting's orderly book (in addition to those already quoted :) " The general thanks the officers and soldiers for their gallant behavior at the French lines, of which the commanding officers of corps are to take care that their men are informed." " A return to be given in at tattoo this night of the number of officers and men sent to Fort Edward, and of those remaining to be sent to-morrow. As a part of the provisions in the battcaux are in bad condition, the whole is to be unloaded," &c. The captains are to see that their nun have provisions and are refreshed ; but they are cautioned not to " take advantage of the general confusion''' and obtain more than a supply for a single day. 84 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. '. " ' Other terms than those of contempt. They no longer called him General Abercrombie, but substituted for his title the very provoking one of "Mrs. Nabbycronibie." This allusion to petticoats was not of course openly made, but it was none the less efficacious for being secret, and had the keen edge that ridicule always has when directed toward men in high places whose character and conduct are assailable. Even that noble enterprise resulting in the capture of Fort Fron- tenac, a fortress situated on the northern bank of the St. Lawrence and commanding the entrance of that river from Lake Ontario, as it had been projected by Colonel Braclstreet,* a provincial officer, and carried into effect almost exclusively by provincial troops — took away nothing from the distrust with which the British <2;eneral was regarded, and the scorn that attended him wherever he went. The splendid victory of General Forbes, at Fort Du Quesne, that followed the de- feat at Ticonderoga, and the brilliant exploits of Amherst and Wolfe, that preceded it, only made his incompetency for the trust that had been reposed in him still more glaringly apparent to the world. In the month of August, Major Rogers, f and Major Put- * This efficient officer, a native of Massachusetts, was appointed Lieut.-Governor of St. John's, Newfoundland, in 1746 ; served with success through all the French and Indian wars in this country; and was made a major general in 1772. He died in New York, Oct. 21, 1774. By the capture of Fort Frontcnac, sixty cannon, sixteen small mortars, and an immense quantity of provisions and goods, fell into the hands of the English, to- gether with nine armed vessels. It gave to the captors once more the communi- cation between Albany and Oswego, and the command of Lake Ontario. " This fort," says Rogers, " was square faced, had four bastions built with stone, and was nearly three quarters of a mile in circumference." Besides commanding the entrance to the lake, it was the grand magazine for supplying Niagara, Du Quesne, and all the enemy's southern and western garrisons. + Major Robert Rogers, whose name is so intimately connected with the history of the French and Indian wars in America, was the son of James Rogers, an Irishman, who was an early settler of Dunbarton, N. II. Having served as com- mander of " Rangers" for many years, he was appointed governor of Michilli- mackinac in 17G6 ; but being accused of a plot for plundering the fort and join- ing the French, he was carried in irons to Montreal, and was there tried by court martial. He joined the enemy in the Revolution. He visited London two or [IToS.] FIRING AT A MARK. 85 nam, were sent with six hundred men to w^atch the motions of the French near Ticonderoga. When they arrived at South Bay they separated, Rogers taking ins ])Osition on Wood Creek, with one halt' of the men, and Putnam, remov- ing twelve miles distant from him with the other half. Soon after this they were discovered by the enemy and re-united their forces with an intention of returning to Fort Edward. They marched through the woods in three divisions, the right commanded by Rogers, the left by Putnam, and the centre by Capt. D'Ell. The first night they pitched their camp on the bank of the Clear river near the ruins of Fort Ann. The next morning. Major Rogers and a British officer whose name was Irwin fell into some debate about tlieir rela- tive merits as marksmen, and, to settle the question of superiority, indulged in the imprudence of firing at a mark. Putnam was much opposed to this dangerous amusement, and expressed his disapprobation of it, as likely to attract the attention of the enemy who were lurking in the neigh- borhood.* A copious dew had fallen during the night, and this delayed the army from beginning their march at as early an hour as they would otherwise have done. As soon as they were able to move forward they formed themselves in one body with Putnam in the front, D'Ell in the centre, and Rogers in the rear. Putnam had anticipated an ambuscade, and urged the adoption of this oi'der in their march, as the dense growth of shrubs and bushes that had sprung up out of the ashes of the old trees that had been cleared away some years before, impeded their movements and afforded a cover for the French should they be anxious to improve this favorable opportunity of lying in wait for them. While they were forming in marching order, Molang, a French partizan of great celebrity, who had been sent out with five hundred men to intercept the party under Rogers three times, and there publislied " A Concise History of North America," and a " Journal of the French War," 1765. * Ilumplireys. 86 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. and Putnam, and who had been attracted by the report of the guns in the woods, was lying in ambuscade for them in a well selected covert not more than a mile and a half from their camp. Marching cautiously in front of his men, Put- nam was just emerging from the bushes and passing under the shadows of the primitive forest-trees whose great trunks stood up tall and gray in the dim light of the wilderness whence not even the meridian sun could quite banish the gloom, when the crack of musketry upon the right of his division, mingled with the yells and whoops of Indians, told him that he was not mistaken in his anticipations of mischief He instantly sounded a halt and returned the fire of the enemy, and then ordered the other divisions to advance and support him. Captain D'Ell came at his call. The firing, at first strafffiflinfj and irregular between man and man, soon grew to be of a more extended and general character. It was one of those savage conflicts that mark that era of wild strife, in which Putnam was as well fitted to mingle as in the open and hard fought fields of the revolution. He proved himself worthy of the occasion. Finding that he could not cross the Creek, he resolved to stand his ground and die, or drive the French from their position. There was a galvanizing power in the look, voice, and action of Putnam, that always acted upon everybody who came within the sphere of his influence. His officers and soldiers felt it alike, and fought around him in squads or single combat as the nature of the ground would permit, with a determination that could be equalled only by the ferocity of their adversaries. Sometimes they took deliberate aim from behind the trees ; at others, sallying out into little open spaces they aimed at each other's skulls with the tomahawk, the club, and the scarcely less ponderous stock or barrel of the musket. Within a few feet of each other, might be seen a solitary Indian strip- ping the scalp-lock from his enemy as a trophy, and a des- perate brace of combatants rolling among the dry leaves in the agonies of the death-struggle.* * Humplireya. The subjoined pithy extract from Colonel Whiting's orderly [1758.] ROGERS DESERTS TUTNAM. 87 The Connecticut soldiers who were present at the battle, fought with the most deterniined valor, as appears by memo- rials now on file in the department of state, memoranda made by the oflicers present, entries upon the fly leaves of old books still unelfaced, and by the testimony of those who participated in the fight, many of whom were living from thirty to forty years ago.* The officers as well as the privates were obliged to mingle in this promiscuous conflict and fight with their hands to guard their own throats. Putnam soon found himself in a position that would have appalled a man of less courage. He looked in vain for Rogers, who had been the author of the mischief, to come to his relief Rogers had no intention of interfering in behalf of his friends, and contented himself with falling between Putnam's men and Wood Creek to pro- tect their rear, as he afterwards said, in answer to some im- putations that were cast upon his extraordinary conduct. Finding himself thus deserted, Putnam made up his mind to sell his life at as dear a rate as he could. Several times, with the same deliberate aim that silenced the howling of the book is well worthy of preservation : " The general thanks the officers and men whi) went out with majors Rogers and Putnam, captains Deal [D'Ell,] and Deleel, for their good behavior in the action, and hopes that they are fully satisfied that the Indians are a despicable enemy to those that will do their duty.'''' *The late Colonel Bezaleel Beebe, of Litchfield, (who died in 1824,) was a member of Major Rogers' corps of " Rangers" in this campaign. During one of the " forest-fights," when the rangers were dispersed by order of their commander, and each man was fighting, in true Indian fashion, from behind a tree, Beebe chanced to be sUitioned near Lieutenant Gaylord, also from Litch- field county. He had just spoken to Gaylord, and at the moment was looking him in the face for a reply, when he observed a sudden break of the skin in his forehead, and the lieutenant instantly fell dead — a ball from the enemy having passed through his head. Peter Wooster, of Derby, in a memorial to the legislature, states that he, " be- ing an ensign in Colonel Whiting's regiment at Wood Creek, on the 8th of Au- gust, [1758,] had six musket halls shot through him; his left elbow, wrist, and hand broken to pieces by the blows of a hatchet, and had nine blows on the head with a hatchet, till he was killed, as the enemy supposed — on which they scalped and stripped him, and left hiin on the ground ; that being taken up by liis friends, he has recovered a considerable degree of health, but that his arms are so dis- abled as to prevent his working." [The Assembly granted him £40.J 88 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. wolf in the cave, he discharged his carbine with fatal effect. While the French and Indians were thus indiscriminately falling before him, a tall athletic warrior approached him in a menacing attitude. Putnam thrust the muzzle of his piece sternly against the breast of the savage, and snapped it. It missed fire. Springing upon him with the yell of a demon, the Indian, with his tomahawk uplifted, forced him to yield. He secured his prisoner fast to a tree, and then hastened back to spread the tidings and mingle again in scenes so congenial to his nature, and so well suited to his mode of life.* Captains D'Ell and Harman now commanded. They soon fell back a little to gain a better footing. The French and Indians, elated with their success and thinking that the rangers were retreating, now charged upon them with redoubled cries, that filled the woods with unearthly echoes ; but D'Ell and Harman soon rallied their yet remaining handful of desperate men, and turning upon them, drove them beyond the spot where the battle had commenced. Here the enemy again made a stand. This shifting of the ground brought Putnam directly between the fire of both parties. The balls flew like hailstones from either hand, as if the tree to which the prisoner was bound had been the common target for his friends and his foes. Some passed through the sleeves, and others through the skirts of his coat, whistling in his ears and rat- tling among the limbs over his head and on either side of him. In this horrible condition, while the battle still hung in trembling scales, for nearly an hour did he remain in the momentary expectation of death, — yet without the power to move his body or his limbs. Still the monotony of his situa- tion w^as relieved by episodes of a very exciting character. At a moment when fortune appeared to favor the French, a young Indian warrior discovered Putnam in this helpless attitude. With a refinement of cruelty often practiced in those wars, instead of killing the wretched man at a blow, he * Holmes, ii. 85. [I75S.] SUFFERINGS OF PUTNAM. 89 prepared to test the strength of liis nerves by hurling a toma- kawk as near his head as possible without liitting it. Again and again did the weapon pass almost within a hair's breadth of the prisoner's head and lodge quivering in the bark of the tree to which he was bound. Soon after this amusement was over, a French officer came up to Putnam, and pointing a fuzee within a foot of his heart, snapped it, but it missed fire. Putnam explained to him that he was a captive, and claimed the rights due to him as such by the rules of war. He might as well have asserted them in the ear of the savage who had just left him. Several times the Frenchman pushed the muzzle of his piece with violence against the ribs of the prisoner, and, after giving him a brutal blow upon the jaw with the heavy end of it, left him. At last the victory that would, with the aid of Rogers, have been so easy, was won without him by the bravery of the other rangers, and the enemy retreated from the field with their prisoner. He was stripped of his clothing, loaded with ])acks. and with his wrists tied as closely together with a cord as they could be strained, was forced to march many miles over rough and tedious paths, before he was allowed to stoj) even to get breath. His hands were now so swollen with the tightness of the ligature as to be scarcely recogniz- able as parts of the human I'rame, and the blood dropped fast from his naked feet where the briers and brambles iiad pierced them. Agonized with pain, he entreated an Irish in- terpreter to beg of his tormentors that they should knock him on the head at once or cut the thongs from his hands. After a brief interval of rest he was ordered to renew his march. The Indians inflicted upon him every outrage that they could devise. He carried to the day of his death the marks of a blow that one of them wantonly gave him upon his left cheek with a tomahawk.* One day while plodding on at a tired and weary rate, he was led into a dark forest. Here the Indians made a halt. It was soon quite obvious to Putnam what was their design. * Holmes, ii. 85. 90 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. They stripped him even of the few articles of Indian clothing that had been substituted for his own, lashed him fast to a tree, and piled up dry branches in a circle around him, keep- ing up all the while a discordant and horrible funeral dirge, such as might be only fitted for the obsequies of a demon, did evil spirits need the last rites that are accorded to mortals. They then set fire to the fuel. A sudden fall of rain extin- guished it. With looks of murder glaring in their eyes they stooped down to rekindle it. At last it triumphed over its adverse element, and, coiling itself like a serpent, ran hissing around the circle. Finally, it streamed up in a broad blaze, and sent into the vitals of the victim its forked tongues of flame. Bound fast as he was, he could only writhe his body from side to side as the heat grew more intense. This sign of suffering was greeted by the Indians with yells of delight. As it now appeared certain that this was his last hour, he resolved to die like a man and a christian. He summoned all his resolution, and such was his power of will that in full view of the awful solemnities of another world, and in the recollection of domestic endearments never to be renewed, he was able to forget the presence of the fire that was con- suming his body, and of those who kindled it. Even the bitterness of death was over, and nature had now little else to do than yield to a change that was merely mechanical. As if by a voice that was meant to pierce the depths of the grave, the hero was suddenly called back to the realities of this world. Its tones were those of salvation. It was the voice of that gallant Frenchman and partizan, Molang. He brushed aside the inquisitors, leapt over the circle of flame, unbound the captive, and restored him to his old master.* This was one of the many hardships that beset Putnam during his captivity. He was taken to Ticonderoga and put under the care of a French guard. Here he had an inter- * I have in another work, for purposes of fiction, described a scene borrowed from this awful reality. This story of Putnam needs no confirmation. Those who would know more of the details of liis sufferings on this march, can find them in Gen. Humphreys' life of him, p. G3. Holmes, ii. 85. [17jS.] SCHUYLER AND ruTXA:\r. 91 view with the Marquis de Montcahii, who placed him in the custody of an officer and ordered iiim to be conducted to Canada. When he arrived at Montreal, Colonel Peter Schuy- ler, then a prisoner there, called upon the interpreter to learn if he had a provincial major in his keeping. In what condi- tion he found him, without a coat, waistcoat, or stockings, his face gashed and bruised, his body and limbs torn with thorns and blistered with heat, I will forbear to tell. The memorial alluded to in the Ibllowing note, copied from the colonial records, has reference to this captivity.* I have dwelt more fully than usual upon the details of this campaign that the reader may see how much our ances- tors suflered before the American revolution was thought of, in battles that have almost faded from the recollection of most men, who, in the cares of the office or of the counting- house, have forgotten to be grateful for the liberties that their fathers won for them and consummated by the shedding of blood. Although the expedition against Ticonderoga had failed, yet when the campaign of 1758 was brought to a close, it was found that much had been done towards breaking down the French power in the west. Not only had Louisbourg been taken, but Fort Du Quesne had finally fallen into the hands of the English, and, under the new name of Fort Pitt, a flag with a new devise waved from its embankments, giving the waters of the Ohio a new master and preparing the way for the capture of Quebec. * " Memorial of Israel Putnam, of Pomfret, showing that some time in the month of August last, he being then in the service of this colony, had the mis- fortune to be taken prisoner and carried to Canada, where he continued for the space of three months and suflered much liardship, and was obliged to expend about sixty guineas for his neeessaiy support ; praying that this assembly would order said sum to be refunded to him as per petition on file. "The assembly ordered that seventy pounds lawful money bo paid said Putnam." The capture of Fort Frontenac, affording occasion for an exchange of prisoners, Major Putnam was set at liberty. CHAPTER IV. CAMPAIGJsS Oi' 1759 AND 17G0. The sea-coast and the soutliern frontierwerenow won,and the way was open to the vitals of Canada. The British minister resolved at one shocic to stop the flow of her blood in all its avenues. As soon as the St. Lawrence should be free of ice in the spring, General Wolfe was ordered to advance with an army of about eight thousand men, accom- panied by a squadron of ships, and lay siege to Quebec, while General Amherst, with twelve thousand regulars and provin- cials, was to renew the project that had so often been foiled through the cowardice or imbecility of the British command- ers, of driving the enemy from Ticonderoga and Crown Point. After accomplishing this long desired object, he was expected to pass down the tSorei river to the St. Lawrence, and form a union with Wolfe at Quebec. Another branch of this great enterprise was committed to the hands of Brigadier General Prideaux, who, with the New York pro- vincials under Sir William Johnson, and the warriors of the five nations, was to reduce Niagara. He was then instruc- ted to embark on Lake Ontario, drop down the St. Lawrence, and take possession of Montreal. It was hoped that these several strongholds of the French would all be subdued so early in the season that there would yet be time for all the troops to unite themselves under General Amherst, and bring into subjection the little that would then remain of Canada.* To carry out this magnificent plan of operations, requisi- tions were again made upon the colonies to furnish respec- tively the same number of troops that they had done the year before. On the 9th of December, 1758, Mr. Pitt had written a letter to Governor Fitch calling for twenty thou- * Holmes, ii. 88. [1759. FRESIT TKOOrS EAISED. 93 sand men from the colonies and as many more as they would furnish. Governor Fitch, in obedience to this requisition, on the 8th of March, 1759, convened the General Assembly of Connecticut, at Hartford. This letter, like all other com- munications from that great man, was frank in its avowal ot the designs of the approaching campaign. It alluded to the successes of the last campaign, and expressed a fixed resolve to repair the loss that had been sustained by General Aber- crombie at Ticonderoga. It breathed a lofty spirit of conli- dcnce in the justice and ultimate triumph of the British cause. The Assembly was disposed to respond liberally to this call ; yet, oppressed with debt as the people were, wasted in resources and thinned in numbers by the campaigns of the last four years, it was thought impracticable for the colony to raise and equip five thousand troops.* After a long debate, the following resolution was adopted : "Resolved, That last year, animated by great zeal in his majesty's cause, this colony agreed to raise a larger body of men than it was able fully to complete, upon a diligent trial and exertion ; that many of our men have died or became unfit for the service ; that many of our inhabitants have lately enlisted as recruits to the king's regiments here ; and others are engaged in the batteaux and carrying service ; by all of which means our numbers are diminished and our strength and treasures exliausted ; yet that the great and salutary designs of his majesty may be promoted to the utmost of our ability, it is " Resolved, That there be raised in this colony three thou- sand six hundred elfective men, as soon as may be, for the service. "t * RTassaehusetts also at fiivst was unwilling to raise the same quota that the had furnished in 1758. She finally yielded to the exigencies of the campaign, and did all tli.it was required of lier. t'l'lic officers appointed were the following, viz: — Phineas Lyman, Esq., major gcnrral and colonel of the first regiment ; Nathan Payson, liout.-coloncl ; John Slajjp, major. Second regiment — Nathan Whiting, colonel ; Joseph Spencer, lieut.-colonel ; David Baldwin, major. Third regiment — David Wooster, colonel ; 94 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. It was also resolved that Bills of Credit should be issued to the amount of forty thousand pounds, at five per cent in- terest, payable on or before the 1st of March, 1764, to fill up the exhausted treasury ; while as a sinking fund for these bills, a tax was levied on the grand list of the colony of ten-pence on the pound, to be brought in, in October 1762, and collec- ted by the last day of December, 1763.* The number of troops furnished by the Assembly, although it was more than the fair proportion that should have been expected from Connecticut, did not satisfy the zeal of Gov- ernor Fitch, and of many of the principal men in the colony, who, in consideration of putting an end to the war by a last decisive blow, were of the opinion that more soldiers should be sent into the field. Out of respect to these gentlemen, the Assembly finally added four hundred men to those already voted — jTfiaking the aggregate four thousand. t When the Assembly met at Hartford in the following May, the wishes of General Amherst were made known, that Con- necticut should furnish as large a force as she had done in the previous campaign. Governor Fitch seconded this request of the commander-in-chief with many earnest rea- sons, set forth with such warmth and clearness, that the representatives of the people, after reciting the details of the part that the colony had taken in this protracted struggle, generously resolved, that although " this Assembly is of opin- ion that the three thousand six hundred men voted and order- ed last March to be levied and raised for said service, with the encouragement then given for four hundred men more to enlist, is as many as the number of the inhabitants will James Smedley, lieut.-colonel ; David Waterbury, major. Fourth regiment — Eleazcr Fitch, colonel ; Israel Putnam, licut.-eoloncl ; John Durkee, major. Commissaries — Thomas Chandler, Anthony Carpenter, David Seymour, and John Williams. * Trumbull. t Colony Records, MS. Allusion is made in the records to " seven chests of money" which " came per Mr. Taggert, from Mr. Agent Partridge, for the account of the colony." Jared Ingersoll, esq., had, previous to this date, gone to England as the agent of the colony — Mr. Partridge being deceased. [1759.: AMHERST PASSES LAKE GEORGE. 95 allow ; yet considering the very great importance of exert- ing ourselves in the present critical and decisive moment, for the security of our country, and from a deep sense of our duty to our king, and from the gratitude we owe to the king- dom of Great Britain for the great expense and succors sup- plied for the immediate defense and future safety of our rights and possessions in America, and humbly relying on the gracious assurances which the king was pleased to allow his secretary of state to give, that recommendations should be made to parliament to grant a reasonable compensation, as his colonies should appear to merit ; and that the zeal and ardor of the people may be enlivened and quickened to go forth in the defense and for the future safety of our country : and that all proper encouragements may be given and motives used to promote the raising of as many more men as can any way be induced to enlist themselves and engage in said ser- vice : It is resolved and enacted, that one thousand able bodied men, in addition to the four thousand afore-mentioned, be allowed to enlist into the service."* The energy of the colony was also evinced in the speedy preparations that were made for cari'ying these resolves into execution. The colonies all vied with each other in this respect and joined General Amherst with great despatch. By the end of May, they had reached the head quarters at Albany.f The army of Amherst was first to open the cam- paign. In July, he passed Lake George without opposition. The Marquis de Montcalm, who was aware of the difference between the tactics and character of Amherst and those of Abercrombie, and who by this time was acquainted with the colossal plan of the British government for the campaign, had instructed the leader of the garrison not to run too great a risk of losing men whom he could ill afford to spare, but to retire, if necessary, and retreat towards Quebec, the centre * Trumbull, ii. 399, 400. A bounty of seven pounds was offered to each man who would enlist ; and those who had been in the service the preceding year, and would enlist for this campaign, were to be allowed pay from December last. tUolrnes, ii. 88. 96 ' HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. and heart of the French power, where, should it be neces- sary, a union might be effected and a last stand taken against the invaders. The commander, therefore, when he saw the English army advancing in good order, readily abandoned those lines that had proved so fatal to the troops of General Abercrombie, and withdrew into the interior of the fortifica- tion. It was on the 22d of July, when the English army arrived at the place, and although some resistance was made and the guns of the garrison were brought to bear upon the besiegers, yet little injury was done them beyond the loss of the gallant Colonel Townsend, who was killed by a cannon ball. On the 27th of July, they blew up their magazine and fled during the night to Crown Point. But their new retreat offered very few attractions to them, and on the 1st of August they again retired from the steady approach of the English general, and took refuge in a fort at Isle Aux Noix, on the northern extremity of Lake Champlain. General Amherst sent forward his light rangers to take possession of Crown Point, and on the 4th of August he arrived there himself with the main body of the army. Thus these two fortresses, that had cost the British and provincial governments an expenditure of so much blood and so much treasure, fell into the hands of this cautious yet brave military chieftain, almost without striking a blow.* Still, tlie French, though driven from their old haunts, were formidable on Lake Champlain, and were capable of working much harm to the British arms in that quarter. The garri- son, at Isle Au^ Noix, under the command of Monsieur de Bourlemaque, numbered three thousand five hundred veteran men, was in a good position, well entrenched for defense, and was provided with an excellent train of artillery. Floating upon this long slender lake, where they could not be easily eluded, there were also four large French ships of war, well *Mante, vi. 5, sa3's, "In the acquisition of Ticonderoga, fifteen soldiers were killed, and about fifty wounded ; and Colonel Roger Townsend was killed by a cannon ball. Ills spirit and military knowledge entitled him to the esteem of every soldier ; and the loss of him, was universally lamented." [IToit.] AMHERST IS BLAMED. 97 mounted with cannon and manned with the piquets of several regiments. These ships were also admirably officered, and were commanded by Monsieur La Bras, an old French naval officer ot^ courage and experience.* General Amherst did not deem it safe to advance toward Quebec until he had entirely driven the enemy from Lake Champlain. He therefore ordered Captain Loring, who had already built several vessels upon Lake George, to construct as speedily as he could, a sloop of sixteen guns, and a radeau eighty-four feet in length, that could carry six twenty-four pounders. 7 As it would be necessary to leave garrisons at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and as the works at the former were partially demolished, and at the latter were almost in ruins, he employed the army meanwhile in placing both these fortresses in a condition to defy all invasions from their old masters. Thus, instead of being dens for the shelter of those terrible scalping and marauding parties that had so long kept the English frontier in a state of alarm, they would prove sleepless guardians to watch over the settle- ments that were stretched along the whole northern border. The amount of fatigue endured by the Connecticut troops during this summer, is almost incredible. They labored with the better heart, as they saw that a change had come over the fortunes of the two nations. Nor was the valor of her officers less commendable. After the sloop and the radeau had been completed, two of the enemy's vessels were destroyed. One of the principal and most daring actors in this enterprise was Colonel Putnam. J It was a topic of some impatient remark at the time, that General Amherst was over-cautious in his operations upon Lake Champlain, and that lie might have advanced upon Quebec in season to have shared in the glory of Wolfe's vic- tor}', if not to have saved the life of that hero, had he not attributed too much importance to the movements of the enemy upon Lake Champlain. But wdien we consider the * Trumbull, ii. 401. t Trumbull; Graham. * Ilunipliroys. 39 98 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. long struggle that had preceded the flight of the French from Ticonderoga and Crown Point, the importance of those forti- fications, the necessity of obtaining the entire dominion of the waters of the lake that they in a good degree commanded, and the strength of the garrison still ready, as there was good reason to believe, to make a desperate stand at Isle Aux Noix, especially when we consider how fierce and sudden were the storms that convulsed the lake very early in the autumn months — we shall hardly blame the policy of the English general in doing thoroughly what he had undertaken, although he was delayed so long that winter overtook him at Grown Point. He had succeeded in accomplishing a great and almost bloodless victory by means steady and certain as the wit of man could devise. The army sent to besiege Niagara had been equally suc- cessful. General Prideaux had reached the fortress about the middle of July, and surrounded it with great skill. A few days after his arrival there, he was killed by the bursting of a cohorn ; and was succeeded in the command by that brave provincial chieftain. Sir William Johnson.* As soon as General Amherst learned of this accident, he sent General Gage from Ticonderoga, to take command of the beleaguering army. The French in the meantime, hoping to save this important post, sent detachments of men from forts Detroit, Venango, and Presque Isle, amounting in all to about twelve hundred men, together with a large body of Indians, to rein- force the garrison at Niagara. Aware of their approach, Sir William Johnson sent out his light infantry, with a body of grenadiers and other regulars, to occupy the road leading from Niagara Falls to the fort, and intercept the enemy as they should arrive. Pie also stationed parties of Indians along his flanks ; and to prevent an attack from the garrison at this critical time, he posted a large body of troops to guard his trenches. f Before the battle the Indians of the five nations who fought under Sir William Johnson, went out and proposed a conference with the Indians who marched * Holmes, ii. 89. t Trumbull, ii. 402 ; Holmes, il. 89, 90. [1759.] FORT NIAGARA TAKEN". 99 in the train of the French army that was now close at hand. This proposition was rejected. About nine o'clock in the morning, the Indians attached to the French reinforcement raised the war-cry, that most fearful of all notes that ever stirred contending armies to mingle in mortal conflict. Fearfully it rang above the roar of the mightiest of earth's cataracts, and echoed among the precipices and rifts of rock that keep in its shattered chan- nel the river that drains a succession of inland seas. But this terrible war-cry, that had so often been the herald of defeat to British troops, was now a familiar sound to them, and iell upon the ear of the provincials and the brave war- riors of the five nations, as unheeded as the voice of deep calling unto deep from the chasm of the flood, that has been represented by a poet of Connecticut, as a "chronicler of the ages."* So well were the enemy met in front, and so galled on either flank by the warriors of the five nations, that in less than an hour their little army was totally ruined. f D'Aubry, its commander, and sixteen other officers, were taken prisoners, and the remnants of his broken companies were pursued through the woods for a distance of five miles, J with such slaughter that their way could literally have been tracked by the blood that stained it. After the battle, General Johnson informed the leader of the garrison of his victory, and begged him to surrender while yet the fierce Indians who served under him and who had already tasted blood, were vnider his control. Tlie pro- position was accepted, and thus the fort of Niagara, the con- necting link between Canada and Louisbourg, fell into the hands of the English. While Amherst, with Putnam and other brave provincial officers, were driving the enemy from Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and destroying their vessels upon Lake Cham- * See Brainard's " Falls of Niafjara," one of the most sublime poems of its length in the English language. It lias in it a sweep, majesty, and condensed power, worthy of the subject that inspired it. + Graham : Holmes. J (Jen. Johnson's Letter to Amherst. 100 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, plain ; and while Prideaux and Johnson, were engaged in reducing Niagara, thus cutting off the extremities of French colonial power upon the continent ; General Wolfe, with an army of eight thousand men, under convoy of an English fleet commanded by Admirals Saunders, Holmes, and Durel, proceeded up the St. Lawrence, and on the 2d of June, landed his army on the Isle of Orleans, a fine large island in the river a little below Quebec, teeming with inhabitants, abounding in grain and all the conveniences required for the support of his troops. The attempt upon Quebec was considered the capital enter- prise of the campaign, and was committed to Wolfe, as the man most likely to accomplish whatever is within the range of human achievements. He had also under him some of the most daring officers whose names are recorded on the rolls of British fame. Among them were Brigadiers Monck- ton, Townsend, and Murray, all men of true genius, and fitted like their leader for the most delicate and dangerous crisis. Wolfe was himself a man of transcendant genius and lofty chivalry, of a temperament highly practical, possessing all the enthusiasm of the best Irish blood that flowed so largely in his veins, and all the enduring fidelity to a cause once espoused, that distinguishes the nation to whose historic pages he looked to perpetuate his fame. The island where he was encamped, lying within full view of the fortress and of the precipitous river bank for miles, gave the English general a fair opportunity to calculate the chances of success.* A man diflerently moulded would have quailed before the prospect. Situated upon a i)eninsula formed by the meeting of the St. Lawrence and the St. Charles rivers, upon the brow of a rock that beetled over these streams and the country that lay spread like a map beneath ; well garrisoned and provisioned, Quebec seemed well fitted to keep watch and ward over the noblest of all navigable rivers, that was here so compressed that a cannon ball from the top of Cape Diamond could be * Holmes, ii. 90. [1750.] SITrATION OF QUEBEC. 101 made to do fatal execution beyond the brink of the southern shore. Across the mouth of the St. Charles had been stretched a boom that was supposed to be a complete barrier, and the rocky channel of that stream was filled with armed vessels and floating batteries, while on its eastern bank, a large body of French troops with safe entrenchments were stationed along the shore of the river to the Falls of Montmorenci.* The black skirts of a forest filled with all the savage tribes and more savage provincials that had enlisted under the banners of the French king, were in their rear, afibrding a covert as impervious as their lines seemed insur- mountable. Above the town, the high rock, on which the city and for- tress were built, rose sheer and high along the St. Lawrence for a great distance, and formed what were called the Heights of Abraham. These heights also were guarded with troops. There was theretore no way of approach to the town except by crossing the St. Charles, or by passing up the river and scaling the rocky wall above described. f The English com- mander in addition to all these natural obstacles, had taken the field against Montcalm, the French nobleman, already re- ferred to, who had been trained to chivalry and the practice of arms, and had repeatedly met the British armies only to see them fly before him. He had also under his command a well trained army of ten thousand men, so that he might well have felt himself to be, in an open field without the aid of rock, river, or wood, more than a match for the invader whose forces he far outnumbered. Looking out from his bold clifi' like an eagle from his eyrie, the haughty marquis regarded with scorn the few tents that dotted, like so many white- fleeced lambs destined for his destruction, a little patch of the island that lay at his feet. General Wolfe saw at a glance all the disadvantages that surrounded him. But obstacles to such a mind as his, often act as quickening influences to stimulate to daring deeds. * Holmes ; Trumbull ; Charlevoix. ■}■ Trumbull, ii. 405. 102 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Nor were a natural desire to overcome difficulties and to discharge his duty as a soldier and a patriot, the only motives for exertion. Pride had her part to perform. The delays of the Earl of Loudoun, the cowardice of Webb, and the inefficiency of Abercrombie, incited him to exhibit to the world a brilliant and ojorious contrast. The life-giving energy of Pitt, the great controlling spirit of the age, also acted upon his sensitive frame like a powerful magnet, keep- ing his eye turned toward the pole-star of victory. No time was lost. He caused batteries to be erected on the west point of the Isle of Orleans and on Point Levi, upon the south- ern side of the river, whence he jjoured a continual and deadly fire upon the lower town. Admiral Saunders seconded the operations of the army, having taken his station below the north channel of the Isle of Orleans opposite Montmorenci ; while Admiral Holmes passed up the river and took a position above the town, where he could distract the movements of the enemy and divert their attention from the batteries. Wolfe now resolved to cross the Montmorenci and bring Montcalm to an engagement. He landed thirteen companies of English grenadiers, and a part of the second battalion of royal Americans, at the mouth of that river. At the same time two divisions under Tovvnsend and Murray, were ordered to cross it farther up the stream, where it was thought that its current could be forded. His object was to get pos- session of a redoubt near the shore, and thus bring on a for- mal engagement. The French resisted this bold manoevre with such success, that Wolfe was obliged to withdraw his troops to his encampment, after having lost five hundred of his bravest men.* He now adopted other measures. He detached Murray with twelve liundred men in transports to join Admiral Holmes above the town in doing such damage as could be done to the French shipj)ing, and to divide the attention of the enemy, by making attacks upon certain exposed points on * Holmes, ii. 91. [1759.; PLAN OF THE ATTACK. 103 the banks of the river. iMurray finally succeeded in destroy- insr a valuable mao;azine at Chambaud, but neither he or the admiral could do any harm to the ships in their secure posi- tion. He returned, therefore, to the camp, bringing the in- telligence received from his prisoners, that Fort Niagara was reduced, and that General Amherst had driven the French from Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and was advancing to attack the army at Isle Aux Noix. Wolfe now saw that he could not be joined by General Amherst during that cam- paign, and that he must either abandon the siege before the winter, that was now fast pressing on, should make both fleet and army an easy prey to the enemy, or he must strike at once a decisive blow.* A council of officers was held, in which it was proposed to remove the whole army up the river, and renew the attack above the town. The camp was deserted, and the army embarked on board the fleet and was landed in part at Point Levi, and the residue at a f)lace further up the stream. For several days, Admiral Holmes played his ships along the northern shore in such a manner as to draw the enemy as far as possible from the fortress. To watch the fleet and pre- vent the landing of the troops, Montcalm sent fifteen hun- dred men from the camp under Bourgainville, to guard the northern shore. f ^till he had little fear that so impractica- ble a thing would be attempted. Meanwhile, Wolfe was suflfering from the most excruciating bodily infirmities. In his agony he ordered his three brigadiers to hit upon some plan of attack. These daring young noblemen, after con- sulting together, proposed to him that the river bank should be scaled in the night, and that the enemy should be drawn into a general engagement upon the plains of Abraham. J Even to those who now pass down the river and look up towards the frowning rocks, the project seems rather a crazed and giddy dream than a sober reality. The swiftness and power of the current, the ledgy shore, the narrowness of the landing, the appalling height of the clitf bristling with senti- * Holmes, ii. 91, 92. f Holmes. * Holmes, ii. 91. 104 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT. nels ready at the sound of a rolling pebble, or the flitting of a bird's wing, to give the alarm, the army of veteran troops with a train of artillery that might be expected to meet them and sweep them back, should they ever reach the plain — all conspired with the darkness of the night to throw shades of doubt and discouragement upon this wild proposition. Am- herst, brave as he was, would have shrunk from it with hor- ror; and doubtless Scipio would have felt it to be a tempting of the gods. Wolfe, on the other hand, sleepless from watch- ing and racked with pain, accepted it with joy. His power- ful mind was now bent with undivided force to carry it into execution. He no longer felt the pangs of physical pain. His clear mind saw all the details of this fearful undertaking, and with a calmness and stern business capacity, equal to the magnificence of the conception, he attended to the minutest preparations. On the 12th of September, the whole fleet sailed up the river several leagues above the place where the landing was to be attempted, and at suitable intervals, as if testing the strength of the river bank, without any definite plan, made a feint of attempting to land his troops. Thus the day was spent. The early watches of the night were consumed in a different way. About one o'clock in the morning, the troops who had all been embarked in flat-bottomed boats, with the ebb of the tide and the strength of the stream began to drift down the river toward the landing place. Lest they should miss this point, they were obliged to keep close under the northern shore on account of the darkness. Once or twice they were overheard by the keen sentinels stationed upon the heights, and challenged. A Scotch officer answered in French, that they were a part of Bourgainvillc's forces exploring the river to watch the doings of the English. This answer deluded the sentinels and they were permitted to pass.* As they dropped down the river, silence was commanded, on pain of death, in all the boats except the one that bore the general and his officers. Wolfe iiad a few days before * Graham. [1759.] OX THE PLAINS OF ABRAIIA^M, 105 received from England a copy of Gray's Elegy, that had then just been given to the world; and in that one boat, his im- passioned voice blending with the rippling of the waves, he recited to his officers in a low subdued tone, that most per- fect and plaintive strain of the British muse. When he had completed it, he exclaimed witli animation, "Gentlemen, I would rather be the author of that poem than to take Quebec."* An hour beibre day-break they touched the landing. Wolfe was the first to set foot upon the dangerous shore, and, looking up the ragged sides of the ledge, observed ([uietly to an officer who stood near him, "1 doubt if you will get up; but you must do what you can." Following a detachment of Scotch Highlanders and light- infantry under Colonel Ilowe, grasping and ]ndling them- selves up by vines and shrubs, the gallant army scaled the clitl"; and when day broke over the brow of Cape Diamond, it revealed to the garrison the whole British army arranged in battle order upon the plains of Abraham. f jMontcalm would not credit the intelligence when it was made known to him. He could believe that a handful of desperate men had been lorced up this almost perpendicular wall for the purpose of throwing him of!" his guard and draw- ing him from his position, as a preliminary step to a general engagement, which he knew had been desired from the first by the English general. But that an army of eight thousand men could have scaled a wall so rough, and at the same time so sheer and high, in a single night, and in the face of his own argus-eyed sentinels, he conceived to be incredible. But there was no resisting the evidence of his senses. Fired with the recollection of his former success, and roused by the promptings of a noble emulation, he resolved no longer to spare the trial of strength that he had up to that time so cautiously avoided ; but to fling the old French banner against the fresh September breeze, and }mt upon a single die the dominion of his king to the western world. * Graham. t VVricht's History, i. 210 ; Holmes, ii. 1)2, 93. 106 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. He planned his order of battle in the most masterly man- ner. His right and left wings were composed each of Euro- pean and colonial troops in about equal proportions. The centre was formed of two battalions of the best French regu- lars that he had under his command ; and there hovered in front of his main army, lurking among the thickets that skirted the table-land over which they moved like a pesti- lence, fifteen hundred French and Indian sharp-shooters, whose business it was to advance and begin the battle with a selection of the most shining marks that glittered along the lines of the English army.* As soon as Wolfe saw that his cherished wish was about to be realized, and that the enemy was advancing to meet him, he becian to form his line consisting of six battalions and the Louisbourg grenadiers. His right wing was com- mitted to Monckton ; his left, to Murray. Howe's light in- fantry protected the rear and the left ; and the right was covered by the Louisbourg grenadiers. It was obvious from the form in which they advanced that their design was to out- flank his army on the left. To counteract this movement, Wolfe detached General Townsend, with the regiment of Amherst, and two battalions of royal Americans formed with a double front. A single regiment drawn up in eight divis- ions, with large intervals, constituted his body of reserves. When the French commander had advanced near enough to make it practicable, the concealed marksmen, that skulked in the thicket in advance of his army, opened from their hiding-places a well directed fire, that proved fatal to some of the best British officers. f This was the signal for the opening of the battle. Wolfe had selected his station on the right of his army, and Mont- calm a corresponding one upon the French left. About nine o'clock in the morning, the French army advanced rapidly to the attack, and the battle became fierce and general. Per- haps never in so small an army as that of the English, was there to be found so many otlicers of high courage and * Holmes, ii, 93 ; Trumbull, ii. 410. t Holmes ; Trumbull ; Graham. [1759.] Wolfe's victory. 107 determined purpose, wlio looked upon death with sucli com- posure ; nor a soldiery who were willing to sell their lives at a rate more ruinous to their enemies. With a discipline that seemed like the movements of a piece ot" mechanism, they advanced in the face of the fire that was directed against them with such deadly effect, until they had come within forty yards of the French line. Then they began that fear- ful and long-sustained discharge of musketry, that was kept up with unremitting regularity, until the advancing tide of the battle was checked and began to roll backwards along the whole line of the French army. Montcalm made the most desperate exertions to sustain his position. Early in the action fortune seemed to favor him. Wolfe, wiiile he stood in the front line, a fair mark for the Canadians, was sin- gled out and wounded in the wrist. Without showing a sign of pain, he wrapped a handkerchief around the wound, and continued to issue his orders with the same coolness as before. A second bullet, better aimed, soon pierced his groin ; but still unruffled and persevering, he concealed this probably fatal injury, and was leading on his grenadiers, with the same chivalrous bearing, when a tln'rd musket ball entered his breast, and he iell. The fall of their leader, often so fatal on the battle-field, so far from being the signal for defeat to the English army, fired them with the spirit of revenge ; and they fought first under Monckton, and, after he was disabled, under Tovvnsend, with new zeal. About the time that Wolfe received the last shot, his gallant rival, Montcalm, fell of a mortal wound. The command of the French now devolved upon General Senezergues, who shortly fell, and with him Iell the courage and hopes of the army. The British right wing, where Wolfe had fought, with fixed bayonets charged home upon them. At this critical time the impetuous Murray, coming up, broke their centre ; and the Scotch Highlanders — an enemy of whom they had a superstitious horror — drawing their claymores and rushing wildly ui)on them, swept them from the field. The victory was complete. One thousand 108 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. of the enemy fell in the battle, and in the flight that followed it ; and about the same number were made prisoners. In killed and wounded, the loss of the English was less than six hundred men.* After Wolfe had received the wound in his breast, he was placed under the charge of a lieutenant, who, whh such ten- derness as mothers I'eel for their expiring offspring, placed the head of the general upon his shoulder and supported him in the position that seemed most easy for him. As the officer saw the French lines break and give back, he exclaimed aloud, "They run! they run!" "Who runs?"' cried the dying hero, a momentary beam of intelligence again lighting up his pale cheek and flashing in his glazed eye. " The French," replied the lieutenant. " Then I die happy," exclaimed Wolfe, in a cheerful tone, and instantly expired. f Thus the truism so beautifully expressed by the poet had proved to him a prophecy: " The paths of glory load but to the grave !''+ The provincial troops who were engaged in this action, fought with as much steadiness and bravery as the British regulars, and America as well as England exulted alike in the capture of Quebec, and mourned as well over the fall of one of the most brilliant military chieftains that have shed light upon the history that belongs in common to all the nations that inherit the blood and speak the language of the Saxon. The campaign of 1759, brilliant and glorious as it had been, had still left much to be done. The remnants of Montcalm's * Holmes, ii. 94 ; Mante, iv. 4, 6 ; Rogers' Journal. tGen. James Wolfe was only thirty-three years of age at the time of his death. An incident similar to the above, occurred in the last hours of Montcalm. On being told that he could live but a few hours, ho replied, " So much the bet- ter ; I shall not then live to see the surrender of (Juebec." jFor the anecdote of the '• Elegy," the reader is referred to Graham, iv. 51. This careful and learned author has given a better account of this battle than any other that I have seen. He has placed all writers who will succeed him under obligations that for one, I am proud to owe to a Briton who has the manliness to do justice to America. [1759.] EFFORTS OF IMUEEAY. 109 army, still formidable, had retired to Trois Rivieres and Mon- treal, and besides, there was still a large force at Isle Aux Noix. Cut off as these troops were from all chance of recruits or supplies either from the ocean or the continent, they had no other alternative now left to themselves, than to surrender at the discretion of their conquerors, or to make a last and desperate etibrt to redeem their lost fortunes. The defeated army of Montcalm, now under the command of the brave Monsieur Levi, still outnumbered the land army of Wolfe, that had taken Quebec from the French. The Eng- lish fleet had already left the St. Lawrence, and could not be expected to return until alter the breaking up of the ice in the spring.* Immediately after the sailing of the English fleet, Monsieur Levi had begun to make preparations to recover Quebec. lie took possession of Point Levi, and prepared snow shoes and scaling ladders for the enterprise. But Murray, who commanded at the fort, as soon as the river was frozen over, sent a party across upon the ice and drove the enemy from this position. Levi finally determined to postpone the attempt until the next spring. The amount of labor pertbrmetl by the garrison at Quebec during the winter was astonishinix. They repaired more than five hundred houses, built eight redoubts, raised foot banks along the ram}iarts, opened em- brasures and mounted cannon. f They also protected the suburbs with a stockade, and removed into the highest parts of the city provisions enough to last eleven months. Under the keen vigilance of such a leader as Murray, they seemed able to achieve everything but impossibilities. But even Murray could not overcome the rigors of the climate. The winter proved to be unusually severe. The vegetables on which the troops depended in a good degree for subsistence were destroyed, and before the end of April one thousand of the soldiers had died from the excessive use of salt food. J As soon as the rigors of the season had sufficiently abated, * Trumbull ; Rogers ; Graham. tTiumbull, ii. 417. t Rider's History ; Gov. Muri'ay to Soerutary Pitt. 110 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Monsieur Levi under convoy of six armed frigates, that gave him the entire command of the St. Lawrence, dropped dov^n the river with his army. The British detachments stationed along the shores, abandoned their posts and fled towards Quebec at his approach. On the night of the 26th of April, he landed his main army at Point au Tremble. It consisted of five thousand regular troops, six thousand Canadians, and about five hundred Indians.* Alter this landing was effected, his army was augmented to fifteen thousand effective men. This was a formidable army for a little garrison of three thousand men to oppose, even with the advantages afforded by the walls of such a fortress as Quebec. But Murray was not a man to be daunted by dangers, nor was he satisfied with merely acting on the defensive. He had been one of that immortal council of officers who had conceived the plan of scaling the Heights of Abraham ; he had himself acted a chief part in carrying out that daring scheme, and he now resolved, in the face of the lesson taught him by the defeat of Montcalm, to go forth upon the heights already consecra- ted by British valor, and give battle to this large army, by making an assault upon the position of Levi at Sillery. It was a bold, rash stroke that has never been justified by mili- tary men. Still, the attack was fierce, and sustained with a steadiness that seemed for some time likely to result in victory. When he saw that the enemy was in the act of taking pos- session of an eminence in his front, and that the main army was marching in single column, he began the battle before the French lines could be formed. He charged their van so furi- ously that it was compelled to give way and fall back upon the main army. The light infantry were now ordered to regain the enemy's flank, but, after a severe charge, they were obliged to retire, so sadly cut in pieces as to be entirely disabled. Otway's regiment was now ordered up to sustain the right wing, which was done so effectually that the enemy tried in vain to pierce it. The left brigade of the English drove the * Wright's History, ii. 256 ; Rider, xlvi. 168, 169. [17G0.] DEFEAT OF MURRAY. Ill enemy from two redoubts, and witli a resolution almost mirac- ulous, withstood the whole shock of the French right until relieved by the third battalion of royal Americans from the reserve, and Kennedy's from the centre. But it was vain for this handful of Englishmen and Americans to conquer such an army as now poured a steady and fatal fire into their centre, and were extending around their flanks in the form of a semi- circle. Retreat alone saved them. After an action of an hour and three-quarters, they had sustained a loss of one thousand men and gained nothing.* Murray regained the fortress with his remnant of two thousand men, and without being disheartened at the defeat, set himself about the defense of the place with all his energies. f The next night the enemy opened the siege. Murray was just able by the superiority of his guns, to check the violence of their first assault, but still the success of the siege was, he plainly saw, a problem depending in part upon his own exer- tions, but no less upon the early or late arrival of ships to relieve the garrison. Long and anxiously did he look off upon the river in hope to s])y the first approach of the fleet that could alone save him from the overwhelming numbers of the besiegers. The suspense was made still more fearful b}^ the possibility that the French might first get possession of the river. At last, on the 9th of May, a single English sail was seen making up the stream. She anchored in the basin, and proved to be the Lowestofie, and gave the joyful intelligence that Commodore Swanton, with a small reinforce- ment, and the English fleet under Lord Colville, were approaching. J On the 15th, Commodore Swanton anchored above Point Levi. Murray immediately begged him to take early measures to remove the French squadron that was anchored above the town. Commodore Swanton therefore ordered two frigates early the next morning to slip their cables and attack the squad- ron. The French ships fled, at their approach, in confusion. * See Holmes, ii. 99. t Trumbull, ii. 419, 420, 421. , i Holmes ; Trumbull. 112 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. One of their frigates was driven upon the rocks above Cape Diamond ; another ran aground at Point au Tremble, and was burned. Without making any show of defense, the whole French fleet was either destroyed or taken.* This was a terrible blow to the besieging army. Panic- stricken at the sight of their burning ships and at the tidings that a large English fleet was approaching, they broke up the siege in the night and fled in precijiitation, leaving their tents standing in their camp, and their artillery and magazines to fall into the hands of the English. On the 19th of May, Lord Colville arrived with his fleet and again placed Quebec in a condition to defy the armies of France. Thus early did the campaign of 17G0 open with the auguries of success. As in former years, Connecticut responded to the call of the ministry. On the 13th of March, the General Assembly convened at New Haven. Mr. Pitt's letter, asking for fresh troops and holding out promises of completing the conquest of Canada, in such glowing colors, as clothed all the images of his sublime imagination, was received with a warm wel- come. With one consent the legislature voted to raise four regiments, each consisting of twelve companies, making an aggregate of five thousand eflective men. They were to be levied at the expense of the colony with all haste, and were to be clothed and paid from the treasury of the colony. f The plan of this campaign was a fit sequel to that of the preceding year. General Amherst took the field with a fine army very early in the season. He designed to advance upon Montreal from three diflerent points, and, after a union had been formed, to give the enemy battle and decide the fate of Canada at a blow. With one branch of the army. General Haviland was ordered to proceed by the way of * Trumbull. t Colony Reeorfls, MS. Phinoas Lyman, Esq., was appointed major jjoneral, and colonel of the first regiment ; the otluir oflicers were — colonels — Nathan ^Vhiting, David Wooster, and Eleazer Fitch ; lieut. colonels — Nathan Payson, Joseph Spencer, James Smedley,and Israel Putnam ; majors — .lohn Slapp, David Baldwin, David ^yaterbury, and John Durkcc. Thomas Knowlton, was an ensiiin in the first recimeut. [1760.] Putnam's enterprise. 113 Lake George, and Lake Champlain. Murray was directed to go up the St. Lawrence with as many men as could be spared from Quebec, while the commander-in-chief passed into Canada, by the way of Lake Ontario, and the St. Lawrence.* In June, General Amherst began iiis march from Schenec- tady to Oswego with the main army, consisting of ten thou- sand regular and provincial troops, and one thousand Indians. f In about three weeks he reached the lake shore in safety. This was a march of great fatigue, and when we consider the roughness of the roads, the distance traveled, the amount of stores, munitions, and camp equipage thus transported, we cannot but form a favorable opinion of the skill of the com- mander and the discipline of his troops. But the labors and dangers of his march had but just commenced. Lake Ontario was a wide expanse yet to be traversed, and its short, sharp waves were more perilous than the long deep swell of the Atlantic ocean. To make this voyage he had only open boats and rude galleys, such as a hasty emergency had been adequate to supply. Should he reach the outlet of the lake he must afterwards expose his army to the tossings of the rapids that convulse the navigation of the St. Lawrence. He succeeded in passing the lake without any misfortune. General Amherst determined to pass down the river imme- diately, and attack Oswegatchie and Isle Royal. Two armed vessels obstructed the passage, and prevented the attempt upon Oswegatchie. As the channel was narrow, and the English army in the open boats was sadly exposed to these ships, Putnam with one thousand men in fifty batteaux, under- took the dangerous task of boarding them. General Amherst fell in with the proposition. Putnam proceeded with charac- teristic determination to carry out the plan. He commanded all the men on board his little fleet to strip themselves to their waistcoats, and advance, when he should give the signal. " I will join you," said he, " if I live, and show you the way * Holmes, ii. 99, 100. t Holmes. These Indians were under the commaml of Sir William Joluison. 40 114 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. up the sides of the ships." He now placed himself with a chosen crew of his old comrades into the van, and began to advance. A beetle and some wedges lying in the bottom of the boat, were the unheard of weapons that he designed first to employ in wedging the rudders of the French ships so that they would be but lifeless hulks upon the water and un- able to turn their broadsides upon his batteaux as they drew near. Silently and swiftly the other batteaux followed. Putnam's shot over the water, impelled by the sinewy strength of such men as dared venture themselves in the same bottom with him, upon an errand that no British officer in the whole army would have dared to attempt. Dazzled and amazed at this sudden and novel mode of attack, and seeing the calm celerity with which these brave provincials advanced in their half naked state, the French in dismay ran one of their vessels aground. The other struck her colors without firing a gun ; and the victory was now complete.* But the fortress, firmly planted upon an island in the river, was still safe, and presented a formidable obstacle to the progress of the English army. Aside from the natural strength of the place and the ordinary embankments and trenches of a fort, the enemy had surrounded the entire island with an abattis of black ash tree-tops with sharp points stretching outwards, that projected over the water's edge on every side and seemed to defy all approach. Gen. Amherst was again at a loss how to proceed, and all the operations of the army were brought to a stand. Again Putnam suggested a way of overcoming this difficult obstruc- tion, and otiered his own personal services to conduct the enterprise. He proposed to surround a sufficient number of boats with fascines so closely fitted as to be musket-proof, and of course, a perfect screen for the men, to be employed in scaling the abattis. A wide plank, twenty feet in length was then to be provided for each boat and fastened by ropes on both sides of the bow, so that it might be raised and lowered with ease. This plank was to be held erect while * Himiphroys. [1761.] PUTNAM S DRAW-BRIDGE. 115 the oar's-men should bring the bow of the boats violently against the abattis, and then suddenly dropped upon the sharpened points of the tree-tops, was to serve as a kind of draw-bridge over which the escalading party was to pass. This singular contrivance met with the warm approbation of the general. Putnam lost no time in getting the boats ready to commence the attack, and advanced upon the enemy with such admirable address that they did not dare to withstand the shock, and capitulated without firing a gun.* Thus through the wisdom and daring of a provincial offi- cer, was a bloodless entrance forced into Canada. Early in September, General Amherst arrived at Montreal. A union was soon effected between the three divisions of his army, and two days afterwards, that town with all the other posts in the hands of the French, and the whole country claimed by them, were surrendered to the British crown. f At the close of this campaign, days of public thanksgiving were appointed and celebrated throughout the New England colonies. At their October session, the General Assembly of Connecticut, resolved to present to his majesty their written congratulations on the triumph of the British forces in vari- ous parts of the world, and especially in North America, in the entire conquest of Canada, and in the submission of that vast country to his majesty's government. J Notwithstanding the conquest of Canada, the war still raged between the two nations with unabated vigor. In the spring of 1761, another requisition was made upon the colo- nies for troops. Mr. Pitt asked for two-thirds the number of men from Connecticut that she had furnished during the pre- vious campaign On the 26th of March, the Assembly was convened, and it was resolved that two thousand three hun- dred men should be immediately raised for the service. * Ilumplireys. t llolinc's, ii. 100 ; Marshall, 1. c. 13 ; Universal History, xl. 241, 240. After the capitulation, C4en. Gage was appointed governor of Montreal, with a garrison of two thousand men ; and Gen. Murray returned to Quebec, where his garrison was augmented to four thousand. i Colony Records, MS. 116 HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. Provision was also made to clothe and supply them with all the necessary food and equipments.* The object of the campaign was to repair and place in a state of perfect defense, all the forts and military posts that had fallen into the hands of the English, or had been con- structed by them at so much cost and labor ; to build new ones wherever it should be thought necessary to guard the avenues to the English settlements should Canada, by some unhappy turn of fortune, again fall into the hands of its old masters ; to repair old roads and construct new ones from fort to fort, and from settlement to settlement, leading through desolate swamps and vast forests ; to erect houses and bar- racks for the garrisons at the several stations along the northern frontier lines ; and to bring out of the chaos of war a state of order and completeness that would promise security for the future against the troubles that had so long dis- turbed the continent. The labor performed by the Connec- ticut troops during that year, affords as a good commentary upon the courage and endurance of our people as any thing that they had done in the wars of the preceding campaign. At the close of the campaign of 1761, upon this continent, a large part of the regulars with a body of provincial troops embarked for the West Indies, where they were joined by an armament from Great Britain. The reduction of INIartinique, was the object of the expedition. On the 14th of February, 1762, that island capitulated, and one after the other, Grenada, St. Lucia, and St. Vincents, followed in its train, until the French force was broken in the Carribean sea, and the beautiful chain of islands that stretches from the eastern point of Hispaniola, almost to the continent of South America, was in possession of the English. f * Tlicse troops wore divided into two i'eo;imcnts, and were placed under the command of Phincas Lyman and Nathan "Whiting, Esqrs. + Universal History, xli. 195, 200, 231 ; Smollet, iv. 364, 370. The entire re- duction of Martinique was effected with the loss of but seven British officers, and about one hundred j)rivates killed ; about one hundred and fifty only were wounded. The French lost above one thousand of their best men, killed, wounded, and taken [1762.] A XEAV PAETr TO THE "WAR. 117 Meanwhile, a new party was added to the scene of the conflict that was occupying the whole world for an arena. This party was Spain, and as the Enghsh army was ah'eady victorious over the French in the West Indies, it was resolved to strike a capital blow at the Spanish posses- sions in that quarter. The laud army under Lord Albemarle, was one of the finest that had ever been sent from England ; and the fleet was commanded by Admiral Pocock, who had just returned from a brilliant career of success in the East Indies. On arriving at Cape Nichols he was joined by Sir James Douglass, with a fine squadron. The whole fleet now numbered thirty-seven ships of war, with about one hundred and fifty transports ; and the land army under Albemarle, were to be joined by a body of provincials made up of five hundred men from New Jersey, eight hundred from New York, and one thousand from Connecticut — all under com- mand of Major-General Lyman. The immediate command of General Lyman's regiment devolved on Lieutenant-Colonel Putnam. Havana was the first and principal object of attack. The fleet that carried the provincials sailed from New York and arrived safely off the coast of Cuba. A terrible storm now arose, and the transport that bore Lieutenant- Colonel Putnam, with five hundred men, making one half of the Connecticut regiment, was driven on a rilt of craggy rocks and wrecked. Thus separated from the rest of the fleet, so that he could hope for no aid from any external source, the serf rolling mountaiii high and dashing against the sides of the ship with such force that she threatened to part her timbers at every stroke of the sea, this brave offi- cer, looking calmly in the face of death, maintained above the noise of the waves, a discipline that enabled him to issue all his orders without interruption, and secured an obedience to them as perfect as if the bold-hearted men whom he com- manded had stood upon the ridges of their own corn-fields. prisoners. There were on the island, at the time of its reduction, ten thousand white men capable of bearing arms ; and above forty thousand negroes. 118 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. In this appalling situation, every man who could wield a saw or a hammer was employed in making rafts from spars, planks, and the scanty and scattered materials that came to hand. In this way a part of the men were landed at the great risk of being drifted far out into the sea. After a few of the men had been safely disembarked, ropes were lashed to the rafts and those who had thus gained the shore aided in pulling their companions to the beach. Such was the address and caution exercised by Putnam in this most criti- cal of all conditions that not a man was lost. Colonel Put- nam now pitched his camp and remained several days within twenty-four miles of the enemy at Carthagena. At last the storm abated, and the convoy soon after took them aboard and carried them to Havana.* The climate proved fatal to a large proportion of our soldiers who went upon this expedition. Of the thousand brave men who sailed for Plavana, and who aided in reduc- ing it, with all its shipping and militar)^ stores, to the domin- ion of the British crown, but a mere handful ever returned to lay their bones in their native soil.f A few officers, and here and there a straggling soldier, wasted to a skeleton, were the sole survivors of that fatal campaign, in which victory and death went hand in hand. The peace of 17G3 followed soon after, and gave the people of Connecticut time to breathe and prepare for another struggle. Thus ended the memorable French war, ranging over a period of eight years of suffering and privation for our peo- ple that no pen can ever record. During these toilsome years the sons of the colony had found their graves in every part of the continent, and had been laid to rest beneath the waters of the West Indian seas. No colony in proportion to her population had furnished an equal number of men. Again and again she had sent into the field a duplicate sup- ply of troops beyond those demanded of her, to make up for the deficiency that she had but too good reason to think would exist in some of those provinces less imbued with tlie * Humphreys. t Trumbull, ii. 449. [1764.] CONNECTICUT OFFICERS. 119 spirit of liberty and less devoted to tiie cause of humanity. She had also paid out of her own treasury, after deducting the pittance that she had received from parliament, more than four hundred thousand pounds — far surpassing, accord- ing to her wealth, the amount paid by any other of the colo- nies; and the exploits of her gallant officers — her Lymans, her Whitings, her Parsons, her Dyers, her Spencers, her Hinmans, her Coits, her Fitches, her Durkees, her Woosters, her Putnams, and her Wolcotts, — were as glorious as their fame will be immortal. CHAPTER V. THE STAirP ACT. For nearly three-quarters of a century England had been almost constantly engaged in war. I have minutely delineated some of the conflicts that had so long occupied her attention, as they were as much a part of the History of Connecticut as of England. These wars, waged with some of the most pow- erful nations of the globe, in the Orient, in Europe, among the islands of the western seas, and upon the continent of North America, had proved a constant drain upon the re- sources of the empire. An old national debt, by gradual accre- tions, had grown at last to the appalling sum of seven hun- dred millions of dollars. Even at the beginning of the last French war, the alarm of the government had been excited and the Board of Trade had proposed a plan of taxing the American colonies. But in the whirl of those exciting cam- paigns that followed one another like a succession of autumn gales upon an exposed ocean-shore, the scheme had been allowed to slumber for about eight years. No sooner had the peace of 1763 given the nation an opportunity fo look at its internal condition, than the British ministry again turned its eye toward the American colonies, as the proper field for financial experiment. The precedents existing in relation to the inter-colonial trade, the regulation of postage, laws of naturalization, the administration of oaths, the restrictions upon trade and manufactures, and some other encroachments, gradually made, at first bitterly complained of, and then submitted to without violence — had encouraged the British government to further acts of injustice. Already custom-houses had been erected in the colonies along the coast, and already the enlarged jurisdiction of courts of admiralty had in jjart supplanted the right of trial by jury. [17G3.] NEW MINISTRY. 121 But the avowed object of these acts of parliament was to regulate trade and navigation, and as the revenue arising out of these several acts was incidental and comparatively trifling, the colonies had not ventured openly to resist them. A new administration had now succeeded that of Pitt. It was headed by Lord Bute, the most obstinate of Scotchmen, who had called to his aid Lord Grenville, a cold, self- reliant man, ignorant of the character of the Ameri- can people and solicitous to acquire, as chancellor of the exchequer, a high reputation for financial ability. Grenville now proposed a stamp tax for revenue. On the 22d of September, 1763, he held an interview with two other lords of the treasury, in a dingy chamber in Downing-street, to consult in relation to this most delicate and critical scheme. What doubts may have interposed themselves to darken the visions of ambition and political intrigue ; what stings of con- science premonitory of those of remorse and disappointment of a later day, haunted these grim men as they sketched the outline of the plot that was to rob the British empire of half its glory, and deluge a continent in blood ; or whether, indeed, they allowed their thoughts to range beyond the circle of their own party aggrandizement, cannot now be known to the world. We only learn the result of the meeting from this brief record of his instructions to Jenkinson. "Write to the commissioners of the stamp duties to pre- pare the draft of a bill to be presented to the parliament, for extending the stamp duties in the colonies." The mandate was executed ; not with the hot haste that follows the con- ceptions of giddy youth, inflamed with passion and bubbling with wine, but deliberately, with a steady force and a leisurely cool resolution, that seemed to say to the English people and to the colonies, bring forth your strong reasons, kindle the fires of faction at home, petition the king, remonstrate with the hereditary aristocracy, appeal to the sympathies and sense of justice of the Commons, we are not to be shaken from our purposes by supplication, by argument or by threat. We give you timely notice to do your worst. 122 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The measure was slowly reduced to form and laid before parliament, not to be acted upon hastily, but to be debated, revised, and perfected. The proposed impost was to be laid upon "every skin, or piece of vellum, or parchment, or sheet or piece of paper," on which should be engraved or written any pleadings in courts, any deed, lease, bond, or policy of insurance, and was to be so framed, with specifications em- bodied in the bill, as to embrace nearly all the transactions of a business nature between man and man. The material used to perpetuate contracts, records, nay, the very elements of learning and the vital thoughts of genius, was to be taxed and paid for according to a fixed rate throughout all the American colonies. Strange to say, this proposition did not at first attract much attention in America. A terrible war had again broken out on the western frontier, and diverted the thoughts of the people from this threatened calamity. A part of the colonial agents resident at London, wrote to their constituents, informing them of the proposition, and asking for instruc- tions; but their correspondence excited little alarm. Thus passed away the winter of 1763. In March 1764, Grenville, who had now become prime minister, presented to the House of Commons his matured plan of taxing the colo- nies. The house advised the minister that he had a right to do what he had so much at heart, and advised the passage of a Stamp Act, after giving the colonies notice to hit upon some other method, if they should choose, of raising the sum of money demanded by the British government. The " Sugar Act," however, was passed without delay, taking off a part of the duty formerly imposed on foreign sugar and molasses, and laying a duty on coffee, French and India goods, wines from Madeira and the Azores, and prohibiting the exporta- tion of iron from the colonies to any other country except England.* This act added something to the already over- grown stature of the colonial courts of admiralty, while its * Ilildretb, i. 2d series, 520 and ante. [ITCL] COXNECTICUT OPPOSES IT, 123 preamble stated in plain terms that its primary object was revenue. The American colonies were inhabited by an earnest yet philanthropic people. They had sprung from the blood of the better order of England, and their culture, as we have before seen, had eminently fitted them to think before they ventured to act. When the news of the passage of the sugar bill, and of the still more odious proposition for a stamp act, reached Boston, there were visible everywhere tokens of astonishment and apprehension. Men were seen standing in groups at the corners of the streets, and entbrcing, with animated gestures, words that could hardly have been called respectful or conciliatory ; yet there was at first no violent demonstration. The waters trembled, but it was long before they began to roll their angry waves and toss their white foam against the foundations of a throne sanctified in its supremacy by so many hallowed associations. At length, Samuel Adams, under instructions from Boston, entered a written protest against the doings of the ministry. The news soon reached Hartford. The General Assem- bly of Connecticut, at its May session, before the protest of Adams was framed, and before any decided action was taken by the Legislature of Massachusetts, selected Ebenezer Silliman, George Wyllys, and Jared Ingersoll, a committee to assist Governor Fitch in preparing a state paper that should set forth at length the reasons against the bill. This committee met from time to time during the summer of that year to confer with each other, and to suggest all the argu- ments that occurred to their minds against the odious mea- sure that was pending. The document, setting forth their views, was drawn up by Governor Fitch, and was presented to the General Assembly at their October session.* It is a paper of great clearness, and shows a perfect knowledge of the history of the colony, the immunities conferred by its charter freely granted by the king, and acquiesced in by all the departments of the national government for more than a * Colonial Records, MS. 124 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. hundred years ; it shows too an intimate acquaintance with the principles of the British constitution, and the rights of the subject under it, that is unsurpassed, it is beheved, by any paper originating in any other colony during that exciting period. The deformities of the proposed measure, its injus- tice, its defiance of the liberties innnemorially vested in the people ; the blind force with which it tramples upon the rights of trial by jury and of the people to represent and to tax themselves, are animadverted upon with great force. The Assembly adopted these reasons as their own, and resolved that a copy of them with an address to parliament, that was also to be drawn up by the governor, should be sent to Richard Jackson, Esquire, the agent of the colony in London. Mr. Jackson was directed "firmly to insist on the exclusive right of the colonies to tax themselves and on the privilege of trial by jury."* These cardinal doctrines of their political faith they declared that they "never could recede from." Mr. Ingersoll, who soon after sailed for England, took out with him about one hundred printed copies of a pamphlet containing the reasons set forth by the colony against the stamp act. He presented one to Lord Grenville, who praised the mild temper with which it was written, and said that he had seen no better arguments than those exhibited by Con- necticut, lie regarded the reasoning as fallacious, however, as it premised what he said was not true, that the colonies were not represented in parliament. Soon after Mr. Inger- soll arrived in Londun, he was made acquainted with the re- solve of the Asseini)ly, associating him with Mr. Jackson to represent the colony as its agent in England. Meanwhile the preparations for perpetrating this fraud upon the colonial treasuries went forward with cold pre- cision. In vain did Franklin, Jackson, Ingersoll, and other gentlemen, remonstrate in behalf of their constituents ; and to no purpose did the London merchants, interested in * Colonial Records, MS. [1TG4.] LORD HALIFAX AND CONNECTICUT, 125 the American trade, forward statements of their grievances that were doomed to be cast aside without being read. The passage of the bill in some form^was obviously decreed in the councils of the government. Still the lords of the treasury were willing if they could to smooth the path to obedience by any modifications that were not likely to interfere with the prospect of raising the desired revenue. Information was therefoi-e sought from the colonies that might show the min- istry where to strike the surest blow, and at the same time mitigate the pain. Lord Halifax addressed inquiries to the governor and com- pany of Connecticut, asking for statistics and data that might serve as the basis of the proposed law. He desired to know the modes of doing business in the colony, the kinds of business carried on there, and the amount of revenue that they would yield ; and called for an inventory of all the in- struments in use for public records, pleadings in courts of justice, and the various relations of private life, as well as an appraisal of their respective values. This seeming leniency was only a refined mode of cruelty, like that of an executioner who should compel the victim upon the platform to tie the fatal knot about his own neck. Still the requisition was loyally obeyed, and the schedule made out and dispatched to England as soon as practicable. Yet, lest the colony should appear by this act of comjjliance to have acquiesced in the doings of the ministry. Governor Fitch accompanied the list with a letter, pleading in the most manly and earnest tones for the forbearance of the government. "It will appear by this list," writes his excellency to Lord Halifax, "that the public can be charged with no burden but what must lie im- mediately upon the colony treasury, which is already exhaus- ted by the war to that degree as not to be capable of such a recruit as is requisite to answer the necessities of the gov- ernment for some time to come. The people in general are also so involved, that new burdens will not only be distress- ing but greatly discouraging in their struggles to extricate themselves from their debts incurred during the late war. 126 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT, Suffer me, my lord, to entreat on their behalf that they may be excused from this new duty, which appears to them so grievous." Mr. Ingersoll was also interrogated in a similar way by Thomas Whately, one of the joint Secretaries of the Trea- sury, and was answered in language that seems now almost prophetic, as we read it by the light of those events that have made the year 1765, nearly as renowned as the one that gave birth to our national Independence. In this noble letter words of warning are added to those of remonstrance. "The people think if the precedent of a stamp act is once established, you will have it in your power to keep us as poor as you please. The people's minds, not only here, but in the neighboring provinces, are filled with the most dreadful apprehensions from such a step's taking place ; from whence I leave you to guess how easily a tax of that kind would be collected." In the same letter he says, "don't think me im- pertinent, since you desire information, when I tell you that I have heard gentlemen of the greatest property in neigh- boring governments say, seemingly very cooly, that should such a step take place, they would immediately remove themselves with their families and fortunes, into some foreign kingdom. You see I am quite prevented from suggesting to you which of the several methods of taxation that you men- tion would be the best or least exceptionable, because I plainly perceive that every one of them, or any supposable one, other than such as shall be laid by the legislative bodies here, to say no more of them, toould go doivn ivith the people like chopt hay." It did indeed prove to be dry food in the throats of the parties who from choice or compulsion attempted to swallow it. But listen still further to this keen-sighted poli- tician. "As for your allied plan of enforcing the acts of trade and navigation, and preventing smuggling, let me tell you that enough would not be collected here in the course of ten years to defray the expense of fitting out one, the least, frigate for an American voyage ; and that the whole labor would be like hurnins:: a ham to roast on egff .'" So wrote [1704.] COL. BARRE's SPEECH. 127 Jared Ingersoll of New Haven, throwing against the darhng project of Grenville, and his financial compeers, great masses of sohd sense and homely scorn, hard to be withstood, and dangerous to the ribs as if they had been square blocks of the native trap rock of his own town. Nor were there wanting those in parliament who, born and bred in England and having her cause most fondly at heart, had the sagacity to foresee the danger, and the courage to forewarn its authors in good time. Among these was the gallant Colonel Barre, who had served in America during the late war, and knew well the courage and spirit of the people. Townshend, one of the ministers, had indulged in rash declarations against the colonies, and among other things had spoken of the Americans as "children planted by our care, nourished by our indulgence, and protected by our arms." The reply of Colonel Barre, is one of the most spontaneous and soul-stirring in all the repositories of eloquence, ancient or modern. It is to .Tared Ingersoll, who was in the House of Commons and heard it, that we owe its preservation. It was reported by him at the time, and soon after sent to Con- necticut, and was first given to the world in the columns of a New London newspaper. " The sentiments of Colonel Barre," says Mr. Ingersoll in a letter to Governor Fitch, "were thrown out so entirely without premeditation, so forcibly and so firmly, and the breaking ofl" was so beauti- fully abrupt, that the whole house sat awhile as if amazed, intently looking, and without answering a word. I, even I, felt emotions that I never felt before, and went the next morning and thanked Colonel Barre, in helialf of my country." As a part of the language of this speech was soon after- wards the watchword of organized opposition throughout the American colonies, and as it was preserved for the admiration of the future ages by a son of Connecticut, it seems naturally to belong to her history. It is as follows : "They planted by your care ! No, your oppressions plan- ted them in America. They fied from your tyranny to a then uncultivated and inhospitable country; where they 128 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. exposed themselves to almost all the hardships to which human nature is liable ; and among others, to the cruelties of a savage foe, the most subtle, and I take it upon me to say, the most formidable of any people upon the face of God's earth ; and yet, actuated by principles of true English liberty, they met all these hardships with pleasure, compared with those they suffered in their own country, from the hands of those who should have been their friends. " They nourished by your indulgence ! They grew by your neglect of them. As soon as you began to care about them, that care was exercised in sending persons to rule over them, in one department and another, who were, perhaps, the deputies of deputies to some member of this house, sent to spy out their liberties, to misrepresent their actions, and to prey upon them ; men, whose behavior on many occasions, has caused the blood of those sons of liberty to recoil within them ; men promoted to the highest seats of justice, some, who to my knowledge, were glad by going to a foreign country, to escape being brought to the bar of a court of justice in their own. " They protected by your arms ! They have nobly taken up arms in your defense ; have exerted a valor amidst their constant and laborious industry, for the defense of a country whose frontier, while drenched in blood, its interior parts have yielded all its little savings to your emolument. And, believe me, remember I this day told you so, that same spirit of freedom which actuated that people at first, will accom- pany them still ; but prudence forbids that I should explain myself further. God knows I do not at this time speak from motives of party heat ; what I deliver are the genuine sentiments of my heart. However superior to me in general knowledge and experience, the re- spectable body of this House may be, yet I claim to know more of America than most of you, having seen and been conversant in that country. The people, I believe, are as truly loyal as any subjects the king has ; but a people jealous of their liberties, and who will vindicate them, if they should [1705.] INGERSOLL AND THE STAMP ACT, 129 be violated; but the subject is too delicate, and I will say no more."* In spite of those manly and eloquent voices raised against the consummation of this great wrong, the blind and stiff- necked ministry persisted in their course. Yet, although Con- necticut was not able to avert the impending blow, she was still able, through the agency of Mr. Ingersoll, to lighten its grevious weight by interposing such arguments as induced the ministry to modify the bill in some of its more oppressive provisions. f When Mr. Ingersoll arrived in England in the winter of 1764, he found the stamp act already drawn, but still remaining in the hands of his friend, Mr. Whateley, as Secretary of the Treasury, tor revision and amendment before it should be put upon its passage. Mr. Ingersoll availed himself of his personal influence with that gentleman to soften as much as he could the rigors of the bill. Thus the duty on marriage licenses that might, among the poor, prevent many honest and worthy people from sharing the blessings of connubial life ; on registers of vessels ; and on the salaries of judges and magistrates who could ill-allbrd to pay for the honors that scarcely served to feed and clothe them, were crossed from the bill. Connecti- cut had also the honor, through the solicitations of Ingersoll, to render the whole country a still more important service, by getting the day of its going into operation postponed until the 1st of November, 1765. This postponement, as will appear in the sequel, was of the utmost consequence. * Colonel Isaac Barre, the uoblo dcieiider of the colonies, had been in early life an officer in the army, and as such, had spent much time in America. In parlia- ment he obtained a high reputation as a debater. For several years previous to his death, (which took place in 1802, at the age of seventy-five,) he was afflicted with blindness. tl am indebted to Hon. I. William Stuart, for the extracts quoted from Fitch's and Iiigersoll's letters, and for much of tlie information relating to Ingersoll, Jack- son, and others. As Mr. Stuart was kind enough to oftl-r me his noble lectures upon the Stamp Act, in MS., with the liberty to use whatever I could find in them, I have availed myself of liis generosity. When those lectures arc published, the public will have a more lively picture of the scenes of that day than 1 can hope to sketch 41 180 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Thus modified, the stamp act passed the House of Com- mons on the 22d of March, 1765. As a part of this financial scheme, a clause was inserted in the mutiny act giving to the ministers the power of sending as many troops to America as they should see fit. Another odious enactment, called the quartering act, obliged the colonies to find quarters, fire- wood, bedding, drink, soap, and candles for all the soldiers that might from time to time be sent into their borders and stationed there. It has been already stated that the administration had no fears that they should be unable to enforce the stamp act. Even Dr. Franklin was of the same opinion. He therefore advised Mr. Ingersoll, as he had done all that he could to oppose the passage of the bill, to avail himself now of the appointment of stamp agent for the colony of Connecticut.* If the law was to be enforced, it was difficult to see why Mr. Ingersoll should not have the collateral benefit flowing from it that could hardly fall into hands more deserving. He therefore did not hesitate to accept the trust — an act for which he was blamed in moments of party heat, but with motives as honor- able as those of Franklin who sanctioned it. But Grenville and Franklin were both mistaken. Although Connecticut had shown such an early opposition to the pas- sage of the stamp act, there was afterwards manifested in the colony a disposition to submit to it in silence. Some of the principal civil functionaries were of the number. Of the cultivated classes, the clergymen were for awhile almost alone in their opposition to the measure. The successors of Hooker, Davenport, Wareham, Smith, Prudden, Fitch, Pierpont, Stoddard, and Stone, still retained the patrician rank that had fallen upon their shoulders with the mantles of those bold pioneers, and, though less learned in the dead languages, had inherited all the jealousy of oppression that had character- ized their fathers, and all their sharpness of intellect, firm- ness, courage, and strong nervous eloquence. One of these. * These facts are asserted in one of Ingersoll 's letters to Governor Fitch, and in a note to one of his letters to \\'hately. Stuart's M8. [1765.] REV. STEPHEN JOHNSON. 131 the Rev. Stephen Johnson, of Lyme, seeing with pain the dangerous lethargy that had lulled the judges to sleep and had taken strong hold of the council, began to write essays for the Connecticut Gazette, which he sent secretly to the printer by the hands of an Irish gentleman who was friendly to the cause of liberty.* With a bony grasp, this fearless soldier of the cross seized the noisome dragon of ministerial tyranny by the throat, and clung around its neck with such strangling force, that it was compelled to disclose its deformi- ties to the people by the writhings of its pain. Other clergy- men took up the warfare. They impugned the stamp act in their sermons, they classed its loathed name in their prayers with those of sin, satan, and the mammon of unrighteousness. f The people were soon roused to a sense of danger. The flames of opposition, so long suppressed, now began to break forth. The name of "sons of liberty," given by Colonel Barre to the Americans, was adopted by the press, and sent to every part of the country. Societies, originating, as is believed in Connecticut, and made up of men the most bold, if not the most responsible in the land, were suddenly formed for the express though secret purpose of resisting the stamp act by violent means should it become necessary. The members of these associations were called " Sons of Liberty." The principal business reserved for them was that of com- pelling stamp-masters and other officials to resign their places. They were also to see that no stamps were sold in the colony, and that all stamped paper should be taken wherever it could be found. This powerful institution soon extended itself into New York, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, and New Jersey. Public meetings were also held in every part of the colony, for the avowed purpose of protesting against the execution of the odious law. Town meetings, too, were convened, and * Gordon, i. 117. t " The congregational ministers," says Gordon, " saw farther into the designs of the British administration than the bulk of tiie colony ; and by their publications and conversation, increased and strengthened the opposition." Hist. Ilevolutiou, i. 119. 132 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. town clerks authorized to receive and record deeds and other instruments passing the title to property, without regard to the stamp act.* Short, pithy sentences, ridiculing the ministry and setting forth the stamp act in vivid, though not always refined lan- guage, circulated from sheet to sheet of the colonial news- papers, or passed from neighbor to neighbor in familiar dis- course ; quaint proverbs, scornful satires, jests with biting edge, pamphlets, their pages all glowing with indignant remonstrance or wailing with the cry of expiring freedom ; handbills, with single sentences of dark warning, posted upon the doors of public offices or hawked about the streets b}-- daylight, moon-light, and torch-light ; anonymous letters ad- dressed to gentlemen in high judicial or executive places — all ilew hither and thither upon their several errands. The passions and the understanding were also addressed through the eye. Copies of the stamp act were carried in proces- sions and buried with funeral honors as equivocal as could well be conceived. Sometimes it was burned with the effi- gies of the officers who had been appointed to execute it. Grotesque caricatures of the ministry and their functiona- ries were circulated on the most public occasions and placed in situations the most provokingly conspicuous. Still, Gov. Fitch, and a part of his council, fearful lest they should expose the charter of the colony to a new attack, remained firm in their determination to sustain the law, much as they loathed *Iu Norwich, April 7, 1765, a public meeting was convened by the town clerk, and the question was submitted by him to the freemen whether he should proceed in the duties of his office as heretofore, without using the stamps. It was unanimously voted " in full town meeting, that the clerk shall proceed in his office as usual, and the town will save him harmless from all damage that he may sustain thereby." In many other towns, the stamp act was the occasion of public meet- ings, some of which were informal gatherings of the people, and had not the dignity of " town meetings." Some of them were riotous in their character. In New Haven, at the regular town meeting in Sei)tembiT for the choice of repre- sentatives, the gentlemen elected were unanimously desired " to use their utmost endeavors to secure the repeal of the stamp act." It was also resolved — Mr. stamp-master Ingersoll, being present — that Mr. Ingcrsoll is desired to resign liis stamp-office immediately." ' « [17G5.] INGERSOLL REFUSES TO RESIGN. 133 it. Colonel Trumbull had been one of the first to decide upon a different course of action. Governor Fitch at last made the proposition in open council, that they should all take the oath in conformity with the stamp act. Trumbull's eye flashed, and his cheek darkened with anger at the proposal. He refused to witness the hollow-hearted ceremony, and rising indignantly, turned his back upon the governor, and walked out of the chamber, followed by a majority of the assistants. Only four members of the council remained.* The time had now arrived for action. Mr. Ingersoll, having accepted the place of stamp-master, was determined to discharge its duties. Still he sought to conciliate his fel- low-townsmen at New Haven, who for the most part were opposed to the law. " The act is so contrived," he argued, " as to make it for your interest to buy the stamps. When I undertook the office I meant a service to you." " Stop ad- vertising your wares till they arrive safe at market," said one. " The tioo first letters of his name are those of a traitor of old," shouted a second ; and added bitterly, " It was decreed that our Saviour should suffer ; but was it better for Judas Iscariot to betray him so that the price of his blood might be saved by his friends ?"f At last the citizens gathered around his house in great numbers. " Will you resign ?" was the pointed inquiry that they put to him. " I know not if I have the power to resign," answered the resolute man. On the 17th of September, a town meeting was held there, and Ingersoll was called upon by a public vote, to resign his office without delay. " I shall await to see how the General Assembli/ is inclined," said the stamp-master, evasively. Affairs began now to assume a very threatening attitude. The Sons of Liber hj from Norwich, New London, Windham, Lebanon, and other towns, had already taken the field, and with eight days' provisions, were riding up and down the country on horseback to search him out and force him to resign. He could no longer stay in New Haven with safety. » Gordon, i. 118. t See Connecticut Gazette, vol. i. 184 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. He therefore set oft' for Hartford, where the Assembly was about to meet. He intended to take the advice of the representatives of the people, hoping it might be more to his mind than the will of the constituency. Governor Fitch accompanied him to protect him from insult. On their way they were met by two men on iiorseback, with peeled clubs in their hands, who did not conceal the fact that they were couriers of a much larger company. His excellency bade them go back and tell their associates to disperse. To his astonishment they refused to obey him. "We look upon this," said they, "as the cause of the people; we will not take directions about it from any one /" Mr. IngersoU sent a message by them to the efl'ect, that he would meet the multi- tude at Hartford. They then withdrew. On Thursday evening, the very day on which the session was to begin, IngersoU resumed his journey for Hartford alone. He rode through the woods many miles, and passed up the valley of the Connecticut for a good long way, with- out molestation. What thoughts served to while away the time of this solitary traveler, history does not tell us, and we are left at liberty to conjecture each for himself He had arrived within two or three miles of Wethersfield, when he saw four or five men advancing to meet him. He probably needed little explanation as to the object of their errand. About half a mile further up the river, he met a second escort of thirty men. Still no violence was offered to him. The stamp-master and his guard rode on with the solemnity and decorum of a funeral procession. But still more con- spicuous honors awaited him. He soon saw a cavalcade of about five hundred freeholders and farmers, all well mounted and armed, not with carbines and steel blades, but with long and ponderous clubs. They were ghastly white too, for the bark had been stripped from every one, in rude imitation of the ominous baton carried at that day by officers of the peace. This formidable company, under the command of Durkee, rode slowly forward behind two militia officers dressed in full uniform, and inspired by the presence of three [17G5.] IXGEllSOLL REMONSTRATES. 135 trumpeters wiio made the woods echo witli martial music. They rode two abreast, and opened their line to receive Mr. IncjersoU with the profoundest courtesy. They then rode forward along the western bank of the Connecticut, over those fair acres that were then cultivated farms, and have since been converted into gardens, until they came to Weth- ersfield. In the wide main street of this oldest of all the towns in the colony, the grandsons and great-grandsons of tho pioneer planters, who had left the straightened settlements of Massachusetts to enjoy pure liberty and "brave meadow- lands" — halted between the two rows of houses whose fronts kept their gentlemanly distance of twenty full rods from each other ; and looking up at the blue vault, as if the open heavens wxre best fitted to witness the triumph of principles that had descended as legacies to them, they exclaimed signi- ficantly, "we cannot all see and hear so well in a house ; we had as good have the business done here." Then they commanded him to resign. " Is it fair," inter- posed Ingersoll, " that the counties of New London and Windham should dictate to all the rest of the colony?" "It don't signify to j)arley," was tlie answer, "here are a great many people waiting, and you must resign." Then ensued in substance the following dialogue between the people and the stamp-master. Ingersoll. " I wait to know the sense of the government. Besides, were I to resign, the governor has power to put in another." People. " Here is the sense of the government ; and no man shall exercise your office." Ingersoll. "What will follow if I won't resign?" People. "Your fate." Ingersoll (calmly.) "I can die, and perhaps as well now as at any time. I can die but once." Durkee (impatiently.) " Don't irritate the people !" Ingersoll. "I ask for leave to proceed to Hartford." Durkee. " You shall not go two rods till you have resigned." 136 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. IngersoU now bethought him of a new expedient to gain time. Under the pretense of reflecting upon the propriety of complying with the demand of the people, he retired into an upper-room of a house that was standing near by the spot where this parley had taken place. A committee of the people attended him. Here he contrived to put ofl' the multi- tude with promises and excuses for three tedious hours, dur- ing which he sent a messenger to Hartford to inform the governor and the legislature of his situation. At last the crowd began to lose all patience. "Get the matter over before the Assembly has time to do anything about it," said some ; while others, probing his motives to their depths, exclaimed in their blunt strong English, " this delay is his artifice, to wheedle the matter along till the Assembly shall get ensnared in it." The passions of the multitude were now at fever heat. Striding to the door of the house where IngersoU had retreated, and stalking up the stairs, Durkee again confronted the stamp-master. " I can keep the people off no longer," said he, in a tone of warning. These words were like a death-knell to IngersoU. He saw the stalwart farmers filling the hail with their dark forms, their white staves gleaming as they pressed upon each other, and their great bright eyes flashing with indignation. The heavy tramp of others was heard ascending the stairs. He saw that he must surrender at discretion or be torn in pieces. "The cause is not w'orth dying for," said he, with the cool irony that marked his character, as he set his hand to the formal resignation that had been prepared for him, and of which the following is a copy. " Wethersfield, September 19th, 1765. " I do hereby promise, that I never will receive any stamped papers which may arrive from Europe, in consequence of an act lately passed in the Parliament of Great Britain ; nor officiate as Stamp-Master or Distributor of Stamps, within the colony of Connecticut, either directly or indirectly. And I do hereby notify to all the inhabitants of his Majesty's colony of Connecticut (notwithstanding the said office or [1765.] INGERSOLL'S RESIGNATION. 137 trust has been committed to me,) not to apply to me, ever after, for any stamped paper ; hereby declaring that I do resign the said office, and execute these Presents of my own free WILL AND ACCORD, witliout any equivocation or mental reser- vation. " In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, "J. Ingersoll." "Swear to it/' cried the people when he had written his name. He begged that they would excuse him from taking an oath. " Then shout Libert// and Property three times," said the sovereign crowd. Against this spontaneous form of abjuration he could raise no valid objection. He swung his hat about his head and uttered the charmed words three several times, with such well-feigned earnestness that the people set the seal to his repentance by giving three huzzas, that must have echoed to the eastern bank of the Con- necticut. The party now dined in perfect good humor. By this time the company had doubled its numbers, and after dinner one thousand horsemen were ready to attend his triumphant entry into Hartford.* The highway was thronged with freeholders, standing in front of their houses, to get a fair view of the stamp-master and his retinue. The windows were crowded all the way, with the faces of grave matrons, and sparkled with the glances of ruddy-cheeked girls who could as ill conceal their curiosity as their mischievous merri- ment at such a spectacle. At last they reached the capitol. Here Durkee drew up his dragoons four abreast, and, while the trumpeters redoubled their exertions to enliven the scene, led the main body over * As an indication of the good humor that prevailed on the part of Ingersoll and the populace, General Humphreys mentions a jest that passed between them while the cavalcade was escorting tlie ex-stamp-niaster to Ihirtford — which was given and received with entire good nature. Mr. Ingersoll, who chanced to ride a white horse, being asked what he thought to find himself attended by such a retinue, replied, " that he had now a clearer idea than ever he had before conceived of that passage in the Revelations which describes death on a pale horse, and hell following him.''' I/ife of Putnam, p. 32. 138 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the familiar haunts where the train-bands had defied the tyranny of Fletcher, and where the charter had eluded the grasp of Andross. He then ordered them to form around the court-house in a semi-circle. The stamp-master was set in a conspicuous place, and commanded to read his recanta- tion aloud in the hearing of the Assembly and in the presence of the people. He went through the ceremony to the univer- sal satisfaction of his audience, and after the shout of Liberty and Property had been again followed by a round of hearty cheers, these lords of the soil whose ancestors had helped to frame the constitution of 1G39, returned to their farms to pray for the king and supplicate Heaven that the eyes of the ministry might be opened to repeal the unhallowed and execrable stamp act.* ^ * Hutchinson's Letter to Governor Pownall ; Ingersoll's account ; Connecticut Courant, No. 44, under date Sept. 23, 1765 ; Bancroft's account of the transaction in his fifth vol. p. 318, 319, 320. Notwithstanding the puUicity of Ingersoll's resignation and recantation, it would seem that the Sons of Liberty were fearful that he might still exercise the duties of the hated office. This suspicion induced him to make a still further public announcement, as follows : — " Whereas, I have lately received two anonymous letters, calling on me (among other things,) to give the public some further assurance with regard to my inten- tions about exercising the office of distributor of stamps for this colony, as some others have done since receiving our coiimiissions or deputations of office for that purpose ; and that I confirm the same by oath. And although I don't think it best ordinarily to take notice of such letters, nor yet to take oaths upon such kind of occasions ; yet, (as I have good reason to think those letters came from a large number of people belonging to this colony, and do respect a subject of a very inte- resting nature, and the present times being peculiarly difficult and critical, and I myself at no loss or difficulty about making known my resolutions and intentions respecting the matters aforesaid,) I have concluded to make the following declara- tion and to confirm the same by an oath — that is to say — " 1. I never was nor am now desirous, or even willing, to hold or exercise the aforesaid office, contrary to the mind and inclination of the general body of people in this colony. " 2. I have for some time been and still am persuaded, that it is the general opinion and sentiment of the people of this colony (after mature deliberation,) that the stiimp act is an infringement of their rights and dangerous to their liberties, and therefore I am not willing, nor will I, for that and other good and sufficient reasons, as I suppose, (and which I hope and trust will excuse me to those who appointed me,) exercise the said office against such general opinion and sentiment [1765.1 PUTNAM ANJ) FITCII. 139 Colonel Putnam, who had been one of the principal instiga- tors of this movement, was ])revented by unavoidable circumstances from being present. Soon after this event he was deputed to wait on Governor Fitch, and express to him the sentiments of the people on this delicate matter. The interview exhibits, in the following dialogue, the spirit of the times and the moral courage of this deputy of the Sons of Liberty : Governor. " What shall I do if the stamped paper should be sent to me by the king's authority ?" Putnatn. " Lock it up until ive* shall visit you again." Governor. " And what will you do then?" / Putnam. " We shall expect you to give us the key of tiie room in which it is deposited : and if you think fit, in order to screen yourself from blame, you may forewarn us upon our peril not to enter the room." Governor. "And what will you do afterwards?" Putnam. " Send it safely back again." Governor. "But if I should refuse admission?" Putnam. " Your house will be leveled with the dust in five minutes!"f Thus ended the colloquy. It was soon repeated in New York, and alarmed those agents who had charge of this con- traband property to such a degree that they did not dare to send their freight into Connecticut. J of the people ; and, generally and in a word, will never at all, by myself or other- wise, officiate under my said deputation. And as I have, so I will, in the most effectual manner I am able, apply to the proper board in England, for a dismis- sion from my said office. "J. I.VGERSOLL. "New Haven, ss., Jan. 8, 1700." " Then personally appeared Jared Ingersoll, Esq., and made oath to the truth of the foregoing declaration, by him subscribed, before mo, " David Lyman, Just. Peace." * " TTe," probably means Sons of Liberty. + Humphreys' Life of Putnam, pp. 33, 34. t It appears from an article in the " Comieeticut Couraiit," of March 21, 176G, that during that month several vessels arrived at New London from Barbadoes and Antigua, which had lodged " certain stamped papers with the emblems of slavery ," at the custom-house in that place. The collector was immediately waited 140 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Thus ended the exhibition of popular feeling in the colony against the stamp act. The law was repealed in March, 1766, but with such a bad grace on the part of the British ministry that it failed to conciliate the exasperated colonies. In vain did they insist on the inseparable existence of taxation and representation, in vain did Pitt sound the alarm, and in vain did Lord Camden reiterate the words " it is itself an eternal law of nature ;" the sullen ministry insisted still upon the right to continue the law, while from prudential motives they repealed it. Such blind instruments did they prove them- selves to be, in preparing the way for a separation. upon by a committee of the Sons of Liberty, who demanded an instant surrender of any stamped paper lodged in his office. They were forthwith given up with the utmost politeness. A mock court was instituted, which, after due delibera- tion, brought in a verdict of guilty, against the offending papers, and passed sen- tence that they should " receive thirty stripes at the public whipping-post, and be committed to the flames." "Whereupon, (says the account,) the sentence was duly executed in the presence of the court, amidst the acclamations of a numerous assembly, whose hearts were filled with the most ardent wishes for the honor, health, and welfare of George the Third, the best of kings, and illustrious family — success of the mother country — freedom and unanimity in the British Parliament.'' CHAPTER VI. THE BOSTON PORT BILL. The repeal of the Stamp Act was followed by other oppressive statutes of a kindred sort. The Rockingham administration was at an end, and the idol of the colonies, William Pitt, now created Earl of Chatham, was authorized to form a new ministry. The Duke of Grafton was placed at the head of the treasury ; Lord Shelburne was joined with General Conway, as one of the Secretaries of State ; the Earl of Camden, was made Lord Chancellor, Lord North and George Cooke, joint-paymasters ; and to crown all these incongruities, the passionate, eccentric, unprincipled Charles Townshend, the old friend of Grenville, and the plotter against the peace of America, was nominated Chancellor of the Ex- chequer. But the strange elements that the Earl of Chatham had gathered aroimd him, could only have been kept together by the controling will of that great man. His health soon failed, and the government nominally under his direction, fell into hands that were hostile to the interests of the American colonies. Townshend w^as Chancellor of the Exchequer, and of course had mainly in his charge the financial relations of the government. Although he had originally aided in the passage of the Stamp Act, he had afterwards used all his influence to effect its repeal, and now possessed the confi- dence of the colonies to such a degree that they regarded him rather with favor than suspicion. Massachusetts had even gone so far as to give him a vote of thanks for his zeal in the service of the colonies.* Never was confidence more sadly misplaced. It soon became obvious that if the friendship formerly subsisting * Gordon's ILst. i. 1-1.']. 142 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. between Lord Grenville and Townshend had grown cold, the ex-minister was not without his influence. Chagrined at his ill-fated attempts to oppress the Americans, Grenville took every occasion in the House of Commons to taunt the new ministry with weakness in allowing the colonies to remain unburdened with the weight of taxation. " You are cowards," he exclaimed one evening, turning his eye towards the seats occupied by the ministers ; " you are afraid of the Americans ; you dare not tax America." Townshend was in a raire at this sudden attack. Should he, the gallant, the chivalrous man of genius, be branded with cowardice in the discharge of an official duty? His proud spirit spurned the imputation. Rising in his place he threw back the barbed arrow that had fastened itself in his flesh. "Fear — fear," repeated he scornfully: " coivards ; — dare not tax America ! / dare tax America." Grenville saw his advantafre ; he paused a moment, and then added with a sneering look, "Dare you tax America? I wish to God I could see it ?" " I will — I will," responded the Chancellor of the Exchequer.* Accordingly, at the very first se!?sion of parliament, he presented a plan for drawing money from the American provinces that was thought to be unexceptionable. He pro- posed to keep up a standing army in the colonies, and to give executive and judicial officers such salaries as would make them independent of the provincial legislatures. The new revenue bill was to be so framed as to pass for an act regulating trade, and not for a direct tax levied upon the colonies. The act provided that tea, paints, paper, glass, and lead, (all of them articles of British production,) should pay a duty at the colonial custom-houses. As a condition of this bill, another was brought forward to encourage the exporta- tion of tea to the colonies allowing a drawback for five years of the whole duty, payable on the importation of that * MS. of Wm. Samuel Johnson, LL D., then in England as Agent for Connecti- cut, ritkin's United States, i. 217. [17GS.] RIOT AT BOSTON. 143 article. These insidious measures were so cunningly devised, and called by such innocent names, that they passed, in the absence of Lord Chatham, with little opposition. The new acts of parliament excited much alarm throughout the colonies, as soon as their provisions were made known in America. A deep-seated opposition was soon manifested in Massachusetts, who, from her commercial importance, felt the first blow, and thence spread throughout the colonies.* An act, passed about the same time, suspending the legisla- tive functions of the Assembly of New York, served to rouse the spirit of the continent. f The petition, letters, and other state documents, prepared by Massachusetts and forwarded to England, were of a high, manly tone, and breathed such bold sentiments as seemed easily convertible into the most terrible opposition. Meanwhile the new board of commissioners of the customs entered upon the discharge of their duties at Boston. Their first act was to sieze the sloop Liberty, belonging to John Hancock, for a violation of the revenue laws. J This vessel was removed from the wharves by armed boats and placed under the charge of the Romney, a British ship-of-war, then lying at anchor in the harbor. This unusual spectacle inflamed the popular indignation to a very high degree. The citizens of the town who had assembled to witness it, having tried in vain to prevent this outrage upon the pro- perty of one of their favorites, now began to retaliate by acts of violence offered to some of the custom-house officers. The people attacked the houses of the collector and comp- troller, broke their windows, and those of Mr. Williams, the inspector-general ; tliey then siezed the collector's boat, drag- ged it through the town and burned it on the Common. This was on Friday the 10th of June. On Monday morning, at an early hour, the commissioners took refuge on board the Romney, and soon after fled to the castle for protection. § * Gordon ; Bancroft. f Hildreth ; Graham ; itc, tllildrctb, ii. .')44 ; Pitkin's ilniteil States, ii. 228. § Pitkin, ii. 228; lliUlrotli,!. T)!!. 144 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. It had before been determined to quarter standing troops in Boston. Two days, therefore, before this disturbance. Lord Hills- borough directed General Gage forthwith to order one regi- ment or more, if he should deem it necessary, to Boston, to be quartered there. The arrival of an armed force and the presence of British ships in the harbor only increased the excitement at Boston. The people resolved to prevent the landing of the troops, and made preparations on so large a scale that all the British ves- sels were put in requisition. Fourteen ships of war, with their broadsides toward the town, springs on their cables, and their guns ready to open upon it, could scarcely serve to keep the people at bay while a single regiment was landing. About noon of the first of October, under the cover of the fleet, seven hundred men v.ere sent ashore, and with loaded muskets and fixed bayonets marched into the Common to the music of drum and fife. In the evening, the selectmen were required to quarter two regiments in town, but per- emptorily refused to do it. But as one of these regiments was destitute of camp equipage, and as the weather was cold, the soldiers were allowed as a matter of favor to pass the night in Faneuil Hall, and its chambers. The next day was Sunday, and Governor Bernard, ordered the State House to be opened for the reception of the troops. They took posses- sion of all the rooms except the one belonging to the council. Even the hall of the representatives of the people bristled with British bayonets. This rash step was felt to be a bitter insult both to the town and to the whole province. Acts of retaliation soon follow^ed, and deeds of violence on either side, that hastened the crisis. But it is quite beyond the scope of this work to dwell upon these interesting details, that would of themselves fill a volume. It is needless to say that blood- shed and all the horrors of civil war follow^ed in the train of such evils.* About the beginning of April, some gentlemen of Boston * Gordon, i. IGG, 167. [176S.] NON-IMPORTATION AGREEMENTS. 145 and New York, wrote letters to some of their friends in Philadelphia, asking if they would unite with them in stop- ping the importation of goods from Great Britain until the op})ressive acts, so subversive of their rights as British sub- jects, should be repealed. A well-attended and dignified meeting of merchants followed this correspondence. An address was read on the occasion, that recited in fearless terms the unjust doings of the ministry, and closed with the significant words, "united loe conquer, divided loe die." The Pennsylvania merchants, however, refused to sign at that time any agreement for the non-importation of British goods. The Boston merchants, many of them, on the 1st of August, signed articles of this sort.* The merchants of Connecticut and New York, during the same month, entered into a like agreement, pledging them- selves in the most solemn manner not to import either on their own account, or on commission, or to purchase of anybody who should import, any tea, paper, glass, or painters' colors, until the act imposing duties on those articles should be repealed. In September, a festival was held by the people of Nor- wich, in mockery of the list of holidays appointed by the commissioners of customs for persons under their employ. One of these gala days was the " 8th of September," the day on which their commissions bore date. This very day was singled out by the people for festivities of a quite difierent sort. Toasts of a very patriotic character were drank on the occa- sion, every one closing with the words "and the 8th of Sep- tember." On the 4th of October a town meeting was called to consider the "critical and alarming conjuncture of affairs." * Amoncjthe pledges numerously signeil, wore tlic following: — "Wo will not semi lor or import from Great Britain, this fall, any other goods than what are already ordered for the fall supply." " Wo will not purchase of any factor or others, any kinds of goods imported from Great Britain, from January 1769, to January, 1770." " VV^e will not import, on our own account, or on commission, or purchase of any, who shall import from any other colony in America, from January, 1769 to January, 1770, any tea, glass, paper, or other goods, commonly imported from Great Britain, &c." See Gordon's Hist. Am. Rev., i. 163-'l. 42 146 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The citizens were almost all present, and the greatest unanimity of feeling prevailed. The page of the record book on which the doings of the meeting are preserved, is inscribed with the word " Liberty, liberty, liberty," thrice written as if the repetition added to the charm. At this meeting a vote was passed approving of the course that had been pursued by people of Boston, and pledging themselves to " unite both heart and hand in support thereof against all enemies whatsover." The people at the same time instruc- ted their representatives to use their iniluence at the next session of the General Assembly to bring about an adjust- ment of the treasury accounts of the colony, to see " that the colonels have a special muster and review of their respective regiments," that manufacturers be encouraged, that union with the neighboring colonies be promoted, and lastly, that the debates he open* Many other towns manifested the same spirit. Thus in hurry and alarm passed the year 1768. Early in 1769, the British revenue sloop Liberty, was stationed by the commissioner of customs near New London, to keep a close watch upon all the vessels that left that port, or entered it, and see that the revenue laws were not violated. She was for a long time kept cruising between that point and New- port, overhauling every craft that she could find of a suffi- cient size to carry merchandize between one sea-port and another. She was known by the disrespectful name of the "Pirate," and came to such an untimely end before the close of the summer, as befits piracy. f It need hardly be said, that this abominable system of espionage led to smuggling in Connecticut as well as in the other colonies. Sugars and indigo were often shi])ped at New London as flax-seed, or landed in the dead of the night to avoid the odious duty.J *Caulkms' Hist, of Norwich, 211, 212. t Caulkius' New London, 483. She was destroyed near Newport, " by a burst of popular frenzy." X As many of the articles imported would not bear to pay the hea\-y duties demanded, the importers seemed to regard it as no breach of honor to defraud the government of its unjust exactions. [1770.] TOWN MEETINGS. 147 The year 1770, was one of peculiar interest in Connecticut. The merchants of the colony had kept the articles of agree- ment entered into with those of New York, in relation to the non-importation of British goods, with singular fidelity. In New York on the other hand, those articles had been in many instances violated with a shamelessness that elicited such universal indignation in Connecticut, that it was resolved that a general convention of delecjates from all the towns in \ & the colony should meet at New Haven on the 13th of Sep- tember, to take into consideration the perilous condition of the country, to provide for the growth and spread of home- manufactures, and to devise more thorough means for carry- ing out to the letter, the non-importation agreement. " We will frown," say the freemen of Norwich, at a town meeting held on the 29th of January, " upon all who endeavor to fiais- trate these good designs, and avoid all correspondence and dealings with those merchants who shall dare to violate these obligations."* The preparations for this general convention of the mer- cantile and landholding interests were very marked and decisive in almost all the old towns, and were in their general character so nearly alike that the action of one may serve to illustrate that of the others. f Frequent town meetings were held, speeches were made, and resolutions were passed, many of which found their way to England and caused the ears of the British ministry to tingle and their cheeks to redden with anger. Indeed, the towns of the colony on this occasion evinced, as they have always done in difficult emergencies, their individuality and distinct municipal organization, acting * Caulkins' Hist, of Norwich, p. 212. t At a spirited meeting liolden at LitehfieLl, on the 30th of August, 1770, !\Ir. Abraham Kilbourn was chosen moderator, and Messrs. John Osborne and Jedc- diah Strong were appointed delegates to the convention in question. The dele- gates from Norwich, were Captain Jedcdiah Huntington, and Elijah ]]ackus, Esq. The citizens of Norwalk held a preliminary meeting on the 20th of August — Col. Thomas Fitch, moderator — at which Capt. John Cannon, Col. Thomas Fitch, and Capt. IJcnjamin Isaacs, were appointed delegates. The convention was composed of some of the ablest and most patriotic men in the colony. 148 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. with as much apparent independence as if they were sovereiirnties. The town-meetina; was a ibrum where the humblest man in the colony might rise up and speak his sen- timents freely, though in simple and unpolished phrase, in behalf of the oppressed people. In these primitive senate- chambers the minds of those profound statesmen whose wis- dom afterwards enlightened the deliberations of Congress, and whose eloquence electrified the nation, w'ere ripened for the high stations of the senate, the cabinet and the bench. On the 27th of August, a meeting of this sort was held at Glastenbury for the purpose of choosing delegates to attend the convention at New Haven.* They speak of this conven- tion as about to meet to " resolve upon such measures as are proper to be taken for the support of the non-importation agreement, so important at this critical conjuncture to the plantations in America, belonging to the British crown: also to consider the alarming conduct of a neighboring colony — ^New York, [in] shamefully violating said agreement." They then proceeded to appoint two of their principal citi- zens to represent the town in that convention and instructed them what to do, and how to vote as members of it. They are directed to support to the utmost of their ability the non- importation agreement; for, say they, "you cannot but be sensible that the reasons for coming into said agreement at first will continue to operate in their lull force so long as the dutv on a single article remains as a test of parliamentary power to tax America without her consent or representation." They proceed to animadvert in severe terms upon the viola- tion of that agreement in New York. " A large number," say they, "of merchants and traders in the colony of New York, have of late, in direct opposition to the general sense of the Americans, been guilty of a very criminal and perfidi- ous breach of said agreement, and thereby have shamefully * The delegates from Glastenbury, were Messrs. Jonathan Welles, and Ebenczcr riummcr. The citizens of New London, appointed four delegates, viz: — Gurdou Saltonstall, William Ilillliouse, Nathaniel tShaw, Jr., William JNIauwaring. [1770.] DOMESTIC jrANUFACTURES, 149 hctraijcd their country's cause. We further offer it as our opinion, that, for the future, no commercial intercourse, by any in this colony be lield with the inhabitants of that gov- ernment, either directly or indirectly, until the revenue acts are repealed, our grievances redressed, or until they make public satisfaction."' The importers were next placed under the ban of excommunication ; and that nothinc; might be left undone to make their condition completely wretched, it is reconnnended that " all connections be withdrawn irom those in this colony wdio shall lu'csume hereafter to carry on any traffic or trade with those betrayers of their country, until they shall give proper satisfaction for their offensive conduct.'"* The popular feeling in favor of domestic manufactures soon grew to be a passion. The women of the colony, with- out reference to rank, encouraged their husbands, sons, and lovers, and vied with them in bringing back the " age of home-spun." The sliding of the shuttle, the Inizz of the spin- ning-wheel, the bleaching of cloth upon the lawn that sloped downward from the kitchen door of the family mansion to the rivulet that tlireaded the bottom of the gladej found employ- ment for the proudest as well as the humblest female in the land.f Committees of Inspection were appointed by the towns to see that no man or woman should infringe upon the sanctity of the non-importation agreement. These com- mittees were by no means idle. The gentleman who wished to drink a glass of brandy, or other imported liquor, and the dame who felt that her patriotism needed the gentler stimu- lus of tea, were obliged to keep the tempting beverage out of sight and watch a secret moment to nourish the cherished appetite. Woe betide the wretch who should be caught in the act of transgression. If a male, publication in the Gazette, the cry of the populace at his heels, and the insults of every boy who was large enough to shout the word Liberty — was the least that he could expect, even should he » Dr. Chapiii's Hist, of Glastonburj', 52, 53. +C(jtbren, i. 173. 150 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. be fortunate enough to escape the tenacious affinities of tar and feathers. If a woman, it were better for her that she had never been born. No sighs were in reserve to be breathed in her ears by the young or the brave, though her face were fair as an angel's ; and those of her own sex were sure to turn from her as if her eye had in it an evil charm.* In this trying crisis too, much capital was diverted from the old channels of agriculture and merchandise into the new enterprise of establishing factories and mills. The years 1771 and 1772, passed with few changes in the affairs of the colony worthy of note. The popular sentiment in favor of resistance to British oppression, gained ground every day, and with this love of freedom there slowly grew up a manliness and boldness of character that prepared the people for a protracted struggle. This long preparation stood in the stead of discipline. Or in the words of the Duke of Richmond, they thus acquired " the substance of what discipline is only the shadow." " Discipline," said that nobleman, in a tone of warning to the House of Lords, " is only the substitute for a common cause to attach tlu'ough fear and keep to their ranks and standard, those who would otherwise desert them."t The " quarrel," as Chatham scorn- fully called it, between the ministry and the colonies in rela- tion to taxation, was now approaching its crisis. The tea-tax had been kept upon the statute-book for the sake of main- taining the theoretical authority of parliament, rather than for any practical uses that it nn"ght serve. But though un- repealed, it was virtually disregarded, and partly by the force * The following is a list of articles which the citizens of Norwich bound them- selves " not to import, purchase, or use, if produced or manufactured out of America," viz. : loaf sugar, snutV, mustard, starch, malt liquors, linseed oil, cheese, tea, wine, wrought plates, gloves, shoes, bonnets, men's hats, (except felts,) mufls, tippets, etc., wires, lawns, gauze, sewing sillt, stays, spirituous liquors, cordage, an- chors, sole leather, clocks, jewellers' ware, gold and silver, lace and buttons, thread lace, velvets, silk handkerchiefs, caps, ribbons, flowers, feathers, &c. Also the finer kinds of broadcloths, cambrics, and silks. + JMemoirs of Josiah Quincy, Jr., 334. [1774.] THE BOSTON PORT BILL. 151 of the non-importation agreements and partly by a systematic course of smuggling, it was now almost a dead letter. Mortified at their defeat, and taunted with it both in and out of parliament, the im})atient ministers resolved to send over at onceagreatquantityof the pruhil)ited article and thrust it upon the people of the colonies by force of arms. In July, the restraints that had been laid upon the East India com- pany to export teas on their own account, were re})ealed, and ste}>s were taken for the consignment of several cargoes to the ])rincipal ports in America. The opposition that this movement encountered in the colonies, and the defeat that it sustained at Boston, are too well known to need a repetition here. When the news reached England that the peo})lc of Bos- ton had thrown into the harbor the teas that had been sent over for their use, the wrath of the ministers knew no bounds. Nor were the ministers alone in resenting this marked insult to the majesty of British dominion. All departments of the government felt it, and the very men who had before advocated the cause of the Americans with such eloquence, now yielded up the Bostonians to the mercy of their enemies. In the midst of this excitement was brought forward the bill called the "Boston Port Bill,"* that had for its object the punishment of the town of Boston, by shutting up its harbor and removing the seat of government to Salem. Even Barre and Conway approved of the measure, and the members of the house who rose to speak against it, were coughed down ; and although on its last reading, Burke and Johnstone spoke against it, as impolitic and unjust, it passed * One of the boldest as well as one of the ablest " reviews" of this celebrated bill was published, in 1774, in a pamphlet form, by Josiah Quincy, Jr., and is re- published entire in his "Memoirs" by his son, 1825. It is entitled, " Observa- tions on the Act of Parliament commonly called the Boston Port P>ill ; with Thoughts on Civil Society and Standing Armies." The impolicy as well as the glaring injustice of the enactment is fully set forth. It condemns a whole town not only unheard, but uncited ; it " involves thousands in ruin and misery without suggestion of any crime by them committed ;" and is so constructed, that enor- mous pains and penalties must inevitably ensue, notwithstanding the most perfect obedience to its injunctions." See also, Gordon, i. 231. 152 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. by a very large vote.* Four other acts, aiming giant blows not only at the offending town, but at the whole con^imon- wealth, and one of them at all the other colonies, followed in quick succession. t Now that the vengeance of Great Britain was arming her swift winged ships and fitting out her well-trained troops in thousands to crush the principal sea-port town of the eastern colonies, the inhabitants of that town began to make inquiry whether the people of the colonies would stand by them in the unequal conflict? It was a question of fearful import. When the tidings of these oppressive acts of legislation reached Connecticut in May, the General Assembly was in session. A day of humiliation and prayer was ordered on account of the threatening aspects of Divine Providence, on the liberties of the people, that they might call upon " the God of all mercies to avert his judgments. "J At the same ses- sion, other steps were taken that indicate something besides humiliation, as will appear by the following extracts from our Colonial Records. At the May session, 1774, " Capt. Titus Ilurlburt, is author- ized and directed to take an inventory of all the cannon, small arms, ammunition, and other military stores belonging to this colony, at the battery at New London, or in the town of New London, and to certify the same to this Assembly." " Charles Burrall, Oliver Wolcott, and Jonathan Pettibone, are appointed colonels ; Joshua Porter, Ebenezer Norton, and * Ilildreth, iii. 32. t Colonial Records, MS. tThe substance of these bills may be thus briefly stated, viz. : 1. '' A bill for better regulating the government of Massachusetts Bay" — which virtually annulled the charter : providing for the appointment of counselors and judges of the Supe- rior Court by the crown ; all other officers, military, executive, and judicial, to be appointed by the governor independently of the approval by the council ; jurors to be selected by the sheritfs ; all town meetings, except for elections, prohibited. 2. A bill to i)rotect the servants of the crown against the verdicts of colonial jurors — providing that all persons charged whh murders committed in support of govern- ment should be tried in England. 3. A revival of a former act providing for quartering troops in America. 4. An act, known as the Quebec Act, had particu- lar reference to the government and boimdaries of Canada. [1774,] com:mittees of correspoxdence. 153 Jonathan Humphrey, lieutenant-colonels ; Ebenezer Gay, Epaphras Sheldon, and Abel Merrell, majors." An artillery coiupamj is formed in Middletown ; and a company oi grenadiers is formed from the towns of Killingly, Pomfret, and Woodstock. A series of pungent resolutions was also passed, condem- ning the course of the British government. All the towns in the colony called town meetings in consequence of the news, and most of tliem passed resolutions in imitation of the example of the (Jeueral Assembly. Connnittees of cor- respondence were appointed by them to communicate as well with each oth.u' as with the colonies at large. Almost every town in the colony also sent donations to Boston for the relief of the poor of that place, and letters were addressed to the committee tliere breathing the loftiest spirit ol" liberty and the deepest sympathy with their sufferings. Not only cash, but produce from the larm, and whatever could be made available for food or clothing, were forwarded with a liberal hand from the thinly settled parts of the colony, as well as from the larger and wealthier towns.* But better than all these gifts made by the people of Connecticut to those ot" Boston, the most priceless and lovely w'ere those spontaneous and inspiring sympathies that welled up from the great hearts of the iVecholders of the colony, and found utterance, as far as their subtle spirit could speak through the medium of woixls, in those glorious letters written by the committee of corresi)ondence of such little towns as Woodbury, Stratford, Stonington, Glastenbury, Norwich, and many others that were shut out IVom the world by the trees that still shaded the log-huts of the first settlers. *Tlie town of Windliam sent two liundred and fifty fat shci-p ; the coiitribii- tion from Norwich eousistud of money, wheat, corn, and a flock of tlireo hundred and ninety sheep ; Wetlxersfield sent a large quantity of wheat ; many other towns svere equally liberal and patriotic. A like s])irit was manifested by the friends of freedom abroad. The committee at Scholiarie, N. Y., sent to Doston, five huiuired and fifty-fivo bushels of wheat ; certain citizens of Georgia sent on sixty-three barrels of rice, and £122 in specie ; and in the city of London, £30,- 000 sterling were subscribed for the same object. 154 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT. On the 23d of June, 1774, the citizens of Glastenbury met in town meeting to express their sense of the insult and out- rage that had been offered to their friends at Boston. They proceeded to appoint a committee of correspondence " to receive and answer all letters," say they, " and to promote and forward such contributions as shall be made in this town for the relief of our distressed friends in Boston." The com- mittee prepared and forwarded with a coi)y of the resolu- tions of the meeting, the eloquent address that is here sub- joined in a note, and will be read with interest by every scholar for its classical diction, and by every lover of liberty for its burning sentiments and lofty thoughts.* * The names of the eoniniittee who were appointed to draw up this town-paper were CoL Elizur Taloott, Mr. William Welles, Capt. Elisha Ilollister, Mr. Ebeuezer Plummer, Mr. Isaac Moseley, Mr. Thomas Kiniburlcy, and Mr. Josiah Hale. The letter is as follows : — " Glastenbury, in Connecticut, " Gentlemen :— " 23d June, 1774. " We cannot but deeply sympathize with you under the gloomy prospects which at present are before you on account of those oppressive acts of parliament which have lately been passed respecting Boston in particular, and the province of Massachusetts Bay in general. Especially when we consider that our liberties and privileges are so nearly and indissolubly connected with yours, that an encroachment upon one at least, destroys all the security of the other. It seems tlie Parliament of Great Britain are determined to reduce America to a state of vassalage, and unless we all unite in the common cause, they will undoubtedly accomplish their design. We are surprised to find so many of the merchants in Bos- ton courting favor of the tools of the ministry, and heaping encomiums on that enemy to liberty, that traitor to his country, and abettor, if not author of all these evils to America. However, we hope the spirit of liberty is not yet entirely fled from Boston, but that you will yet hold out, and to the last resist and oppose those who are striving to enslave America. You may depend on us, and we believe all Connecticut almost to a man, to stand by you and assist you in the defense of our invaluable rights and privileges, even to the sacrificing of our lives and fortunes, in so good a cause. You will see the determinations and resolves of this town, which we have inclosed. A subsci-iption is set on foot for the relief of the poor in Boston, and what money or provisions shall be collected, we shall forward as soon as possible. We are informed that your house of representatives have appointed a time, for the meeting of the general congress, in which we hope all the colonies will concur, and that a non-importation and non-exportation agreement, will be immediately come into, which we doubt not will procure the desired effect ; and notwithstanding the gloomy aspect of things at present, we cannot but look forward, with fond hopes and pleasing expectations, to that glorious era, when America in [1774.] MEETING AT STONIXGTON". 155 On the 11th of July, a similar meeting was held by the inhabitants of Stonington. The doings of this municipal assembly breathe the same spirit. These people had lived too long by the sands washed by the tides of the open Atlantic, to be afraid to strike out at once into deep water. Mark the first sentence of their record. "Deeply impressed with the alarming and critical situation of our })ublic affairs, by the many repeated attacks upon the liberties of the English American colonies by sundry acts of parliament, both lor the purpose of raising a revenue in America as well as the late extraordinary act for blocking up the port of Boston — [we] think it our indispensible duty to manifest our sentiments." They then go on to denounce the Port Bill " as repugnant to the spirit of Freedom and fundamentals of the British con- stitution, and in direct violation of magna charta." The remainder is at once so bold, so loyal, so reasonable, and so calmly philosophical, that it seems worthy to have come from the pen of Richmond or Camden. I have made some extracts from it that may also be found in a note." The committee spite of all the ctlofts of hui- t-neink's to tlio cmitraiy, shall i-isu superior to all opposition, overcome oppression, be a refuge for tlie oi>[iresse(l, a nurse of liberty, a scourge to tyranny, and the envy of the world — then (if you stand firm and imshaken amidst the storm of ministerial vengeance) shall it be told to your ever- lasting honor, that Boston stood foremost in the cause of liberty, when the greatest power on earth was striving to divest them of it, and by their noble eflin'ts, joined with the united virtue of her sister colonies, they overcame, and thereby trans- mitted to posterity, those invaluable rights and privileges, which their forefathers purchased with their blood. And now gentlemen relying on your steadiness and firmness in the common cause, ttc." R. R. Ilinman, Esq., in his " War of the Revolution," gives the doings of the town meetings and conventions in many of the towns and counties, in relation to the Boston Port Bill, the appointment of committees of inspection and correspond- ence, as follows, viz., in New Haven, Lebanon, Norwich, Preston, Groton, Lyme, New London, Windham, Farmington, Wethersfield, Hartford, Woodstock county; the counties of New London, Windham, Hartford, IJtehlield, &c. See pp. 35 — 78. Meetings of a similar nature were also held in I'lainfield, Enfield, East Haddam, Bolton, Stonington, Colchester, Haddam, Ashfnrd, Tolland county, Litchfield, Sharon, Windsor, Middletown, Stratford, A\'oodbury, and indeed in nearly all the old towns in the colony. * " These surprising exertions of power which so remarkably distinguish the pre- sent inauspicious times, must necessarily alienate the afi'ections of the Americans 156 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. of correspondence, soon sent a communication to the Boston committee and in due time received the foUowinsj answer, copied from the manuscript files of the Stonington Committee of Safety. "Boston, August 24, 1774. " Gentlemen : — "Your elegant and benevolent favor of the 1st instant, yielded us that support and consolation amid our distresses, which the generous sym])athy of assured friends can never fail to inspire. 'Tis the part of this people to frown on dan- ger face to face, to stand the focus of rage and malevolence of the inexorable enemies of American freedom. Permit us to glory in the dangerous distinction, and be assured that, while actuated by the spirit and confident of the aid of such noble auxiliaries, we are compelled to support the conflict. When liberty is the prize, who would shun the warfare ? Who would stoop to waste a coward thought on life ? We esteem no sacrifice too great, no conflict too severe, to redeem our inestimable rights and privileges. 'Tis for you, brethren, for ourselves, for our united posterity, we hazard all ; and, permit us humbly to hope, that such a measure of vigilence, fortitude, and perseverance, will still be afforded us, that by from their mother country, and the British merchants ;" and after advising a gen- eral congress of all the colonies to meet with all possible dispatch, they add, " We therefore recommend a suspension of all commerce with Great Britain, immediately to take place. " We are bound in justice to ourselves to declare, that we have ever manifested, (and are still ready on all occasions) the most affectionate loyalty to the illustrious House of ITanovor, which we are truly sensible, consists in a well regulated zeal for Liberty and the Constitution ; a sense of real honor grounded upon principles of religion ; and experience will warrant us to affirm that these endowments of loyalty, public spirit, of honor, and religion, are nowhere found in higher perfec- tion than in the British colonies. Notwithstanding what is passed, we are still desirous to remain upon our former got)d understanding with the mother country, and to continue to them their gainful commerce, provided a repeal of those grievous acts take place. " We heartily sympathise with our distressed brethren, the Bostonians, whom we view as victims sacrificed to the shrines of arbitrary power, and more imme- diately suffering in the general cause. We rejoice to see so many of the neigh- boring colonies and even towns vicing with each other in the hberal benefactions to the distressed and injured town of Boston." [1774,1 warren's letter, 157 patiently suftering and nobly daring, we may eventually secure that more precious than Hesperian fruit, the golden apples ot" Ireedom. We eye the hand of Heaven in the rapid and wonderful union of the colonies ; and that gener- ous and universal emulation to prevent the sufferings of the people of this pince, gives a prelibation of the cup of deliver- ance. May unerring wisdom dictate the measures to be recommended by the Congress — may a smiling God conduct this people through the thorny paths of dilaculty, and fmally gladden our hearts with success. " We are, gentlemen, " Your friends in the cause of Liberty, "Joseph Warren, Chairman. "To tlie Committee of j "correspoiulence at Stonington." J This letter, that rises like a heavenly vision into the regions where such poets as Milton hymn their prophetic songs, is still in the keeping of the town clerk of Stonington. It does indeed "stir the heart like the sound of a trumpet," and is worthy to be carved lor an epitaph upon a monument of granite, that should rest forever upon the ashes of Warren.* All this while the most careful provisions were made for military defense. On Saturday, the 3d of Sept., at 4 o'clock in the afternoon, an express from Col. Putnam rode into Norwich, with the news that Boston had been attacked on the night of the 2d, and several citizens killed. The citizens rallied around the Liberty Tree in great excitement. An ex- press was dispatched to Providence, to learn the truth of the lumor ; and such was the zeal of the people that on Tuesday morning four hundred and sixty-four men, all well armed, and most of them well mounted, started for Boston under the command of Major John Durkec. Before noon, they were mot by the courier who had returned from Providence, with the information that no such attack had taken place. This rumor was not so soon contradicted in the interior towns. It * As the letters to and from the llcvolutionary committees of correspondence were not usually entered upon the town records, it is to be latnenti;d that they arc generally lost. 158 niSTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. spread like a fire upon a prairie. In a few hours the country for nearly two hundred miles was thoroughly rallied ; many soldiers marched from Woodbury, and joined companies from the other towns.* The whole colony was in commo- tion, and it is believed that more than twenty thousand men were on their march for Boston, betbre they were made aware that the story was without foundation. f They had snatched up their muskets and knapsacks, and with the blessing of the good clergyman who was still an oracle to his flock, they started in their white rifle frocks and trousers decorated with dark-colored fringes, their only uniform, to relieve " their brethren at the Bay," as their fathers had done before them during Philip's war. From the towns on the coast and the river, where danger might soon be expected to visit their own dwellings, and from the settle- ments perched upon the hill-tops of Litchfield county, secure from every tyranny save that of piping winds, ice-storms, and drifted snows, they hastened to the scene of the conflict. In October, the General Assembly again met. The follow- ing entry upon our records, indicates the bent of the public mind. "Each military company in the colony shall be called out twelve half days and exercised in the use of their arms, between this time and the first of May. If any non-commis- sioned officer or private' shall neglect to attend such exercises, he shall forfeit and pay for each half day, two shillings law- ful money, to be divided equally among those on duty ; and a premium of six shillings shall be allowed such soldier who shall attend on said twelve half days. "J Little else of importance was done during that year. The delegates from Connecticut in attendance upon the Continen- tal Congress during this eventful period, were Messrs. Elipha- let Dyer, Roger Sherman, and Silas Deane. They united heartily with their colleagues from other colonies in recom- mending the "non-importation, non-consumption, and non- * Cothren, i. 175. + Ilinman's Am. Rev., p. 19, 20. jCaulkins, Norwich, 223. [1774.] CONDITION OF THE COLONY, 159 exportation agreement/' as means of redress for the " griev- ances which threatened the destruction of the lives, liberty, and property of his majesty's subjects in North America." This agreement was passed by the Congress on the 5th day of September ; and immediately upon the reception of the report of the delegates from* this colony, their action was accepted and approved by the General Assembly, and the articles were recommended to be faithfully observed. The Assembly also called upon the several towns to appoint com- mittees agreeable to the eleventh article of that agreement.* Thus Connecticut, "with no royal governor to eject," no provincial court to overawe the representatives of her people, bidding them to cringe and bow the supple knee, was at liberty to carry out the philosophical teachings of that jurisprudence promulgated by Roger Ludlow, ratified by Winthrop, and founded upon the principles of equality that were now about to be blazoned to the world by the pen of Jefferson, and the sword of Washington. * Nearly all the towns in the colony, in their official capacity, ratified the doings of Congress and of the Assemb!}^ The unanimity of feeling and action on this subject, is truly remarkable, when it is remembered that the subject of colonial independence had hardly as yet begun to be breathed even in whispers. CHAPTER VII. BATTLE OF LEXITsGTON AND FALL OF TICONDEROGA. Boston was now filled with British troops, and armed ships in hostile array swarmed in the waters that washed the slen- der peninsula on which she stood. Every day added to the breach that already yawned fearfully wide between the inhab- itants of the province and the unfeeling soldiers, who had ceased to remember that those whom they now called rebels, were sprung of the same lineage with themselves. On the 30th of March, 1775, General Gage marched about eleven hundred men into the country, who amused themselves by throwing down the farmers' fences and doing other wanton acts of mischief. Only a spark was now needed to light these combustible materials into a flame. Upon the plea of learning a new exercise, the grenadier and light infantry companies were soon after taken off duty. Some supposed that the object was to seize the persons of Mr. Samuel Adams and Mr. Hancock, who were then at Lexing- ington ; but those sagacious gentlemen could not be induced to believe that such an attempt would be made in so public a manner. Some provisional stores had been deposited at Worcester, and others at Concord. These stores were the object of General Gage's attention. It is not likely that he would have taken this step at that time, had he not been urged to do it by the solicitations of the tories, who lived in the neighborhood of Concord, and who had filled his ears with false reports of the cowardice of the "rebels." On the 18th of Ajiril, a number of officers were stationed along the road leading to Concord to prevent the arrival of expresses from Boston to give the alarm. But Dr. Warren accidentally discovered the movement and sent messengers across the [1775.] THE FIRST BLOW. 161 neck, some of whom were so well mounted that they out- stripped the vigilance of the British patrol, and gave the warning that was soon sounded far and wide through that religious neighborhood, by the silvery bells that sent it from steeple to steeple toward Concord. Signal-guns and volleys too confirmed the intelligence. By eleven o'clock at night, eight hundred grenadiers and light infantry, the finest troops in the army, embarked at the common, and landing at Phipp's farm, took up their line of march ibr Concord. They were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Smith. Major Pitcairn led the advanced corps. About two o'clock on the morning of the 19th, the Lexington company of militia, to the number of one hundred and thirty, were stationed on the green near the meeting house. The air was so chilly and the prospect of the enemy's approach was so very uncertain, that the men were dismissed after the roll-call, with orders to appear again at beat of drum. Some of them went home and others to the inns that were not far olT. Word was not brought them in season to prepare for the coming up of the British troops, so that only about seventy men were on the ground when the enemy arrived, and but a few of these were drawn up in battle order. There were about forty spec- tators who had no arms in their hands. Of course this hand- ful of militia would not have thought of beginning the attack. Seeing this confused crowd of citizens standing in the line of his march. Major Pitcairn rode around the meeting house, and as he drew near, called out to them in no very gentle tone, "Disperse, you rebels; throw down your arms and dis- perse. ' Enraged at seeing that not a single man dropped his musket, or made a movement to retire from the spot, he rode a few yards farther, discharged his pistol, brandished his sword, and bade the advanced corps to fire upon the crowd. They obeyed and the people all fled, but the firing still continued. A handful of the militia now stoj)ped and returned the fire. Three or four Americans were killed upon the green, and the rest, eight in all, were shot on the other side of the walls and fences where they had secreted tliem- 43 162 HISTOEY OF CONXECTICUT. selves. The detachment continued its naarch toward Con- cord. Startled at this wanton murder, the people of the town sallied for defense. But the British troops were too numer- ous and too well disciplined to be successfully met by them. The Americans now retired over the north bridge and waited for reinforcements from the neighboring towns. The British light infantry followed and took possession of the bridge, while the main body entered the town and hastened to seize upon the stores. They rendered unfit for service the cannon that they found there, threw five hundred pounds of ball into the river, wells, and other places of concealment, and broke in pieces about sixty barrels filled with flour. These were the vaunted military stores that had disturbed the slumbers of the tories of that district, and tempted the British general to plunge the nation into a civil war! While this wanton destruction of property was going on, the provincials w^ere pouring into Concord in great numbers. Major John Butterick took command, and ignorant of the murder at Lexington, ordered the militia not to fire on the aggressors, but to defend themselves. As he advanced with his men, the infantry retired to the Concord side of the river, and began to destroy the bridge. As he drew nearer, they fired upon him and killed Captain Davis, of Acton, who was marching in front. The fire was returned and a skirmish followed, in which the British troops were soon forced to retreat. They were pursued with much loss, and had good cause for expedition, for the militia poured in like a whirl- wind, and hung upon their rear, shooting them from behind the stone walls and bushes. The retreating detachment was restored to its equanimity by the timely arrival of Lord Percy.* The details of the battle of Lexington are set *The brigade marclied out, playincf, by way of contempt, Yankee Doodle — a tune composed in derision of tlie New Englanders. As the troops passed through Roxbury, a boy made himself extremely merry with the circumstance, jumping and laughing, so as to attract the notice of his lordship, — who, it is said, asked him at what ho was laughing so heartily ; and was answered, " To think how you will dance by and by to Chcry Chase.'''' It is added that the repartee stuck by his lordship the whole day. Gordon, i. 31~. [1775.] CONNECTICUT MAKES REPRISAL. 163 down here with some degree of minuteness, not only because it was the beginning of actual hostilities between England and the colonies, but because, growing out of an attempt to seize military stores, it led to a movement, originating in Connecticut, and paid for out of the treasury of that colony, that resulted in the capture of Ticonderoga, and in the seizure of all its guns and munitions for the use of the colo- nies. The General Assembly was in session when the news of the battle of Lexington reached Hartford, and the plan was entered into of surprising Ticonderoga, without any ostensible action of the Assembly, but with their tacit assent. Several gentlemen borrowed money to defray the expenses of the expedition, from the colonial treasury, and gave their individual obligations, with secu- rity.* A committee was appointed by the leaders of this daring project to complete all the arrangements. This com- mittee selected sixteen Connecticut men and then proceeded to Berkshire, where they elicited the sympathy and coopera- tion of some of the principal gentlemen of the place, and a reinforcement of about forty men. They then advanced to Bennington, where they were joined by Colonel Ethan Allen, Seth Warner, and about one hundred volunteers. After stopping there long enough to bake bread and provide them- selves with such other necessaries as they needed, this little company of one hundred and fifty picked men, followed Colonel Allen to Castleton, whither he had preceded them with a view of raising more troops. While on their way to * The persons who signed tlie notes were, Samuel Holdeu Parsons, Silas Deane, Samuel Wyllys, Samuel Bishop, Jr., William Williams, Thomas Mumford, Adam Babcock, Joshua Porter, Jesse Root, Ezekiel W^illiams, and Charles Wells. Two years after the capture, (in May 1777,) Mr. Parsons addressed a memorial to the General Assembly of Connecticut, stating the fact that he and his associates, above named, had taken money from the treasury as a means of surprising and eai)tur- iiig Ticonderoga, and had given their notes and receipts therefor, all of which liad been expended in said service ; and praying the Assembly to cancel their notes and receipts so given to the treasurer, which amounted to £810. Their memorial was granted. Ilinman's " War of the Revolution," 29 — 31. Colonel David Wooster was one of the principal projectors of this daring enterprise, although his name is not signed to the notes. 164 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. Castleton, they fell in with a countryman, who seemed to be an honest traveler, " Whence came you ?" asked the eager soldiers. " From Ty," answered the man, clownishly, making use of the familiar abbreviation, by which the fortress was known in that neighborhood, "I left it yesterday," Ques- tion. — " Has the garrison received any reinforcement ?" Answer. — " Yes ; I saw them. There were a number of artillery-men and other soldiers." Question. — " What are they doing ? Are they making fascines ?" Answer. — " I don't know what fascines are. They are tying up sticks and brush in bundles, and putting them where the walls are down." Not satisfied with the responses of this traveling oracle, Mr. Blagden interrogated him still further in rela- tion to the dress and equipments of the men. The keen- witted tory foiled him at every turn with such rational answers, that the whole company was staggered with doubt. A council was held, in which the proposition was made to return, and after a strenuous debate, it was defeated by a majority of a single vote. At Castleton they met Colonel Allen with fresh reinforcements. Their numbers now amounted to two hundred and seventy men, most of them Green Mountain Boys, who, born in Connecticut, Massachu- setts, and New Hampshire, and inured to the rough warfare of border life, in contending with the executive officers and defying the authority of the provincial legislature of New York, had become wild and free in all their actions and opin- ions as the green ridges whence they took their name.* Sen- tries were now posted on all the roads leading to Ticonderoga, to prevent the news of the enterprise being carried to the * The celebrated controver.sy between the " Green Mountain Boys " and the New York Government, forms an important feature in the history of the era immediately preceding the Revolution. The settlers on the " New Ilampshiro Grants" claimed to be beyond the jurisdiction of the provincial governments, and consequently had a right to govern themselves. The governor and council of New York, however, regarding the territory as within their jurisdiction, fre- quently sent their constables, sheriffs, and sometimes their militia, to dispossess the settlers, collect taxes, &c. The pioneers organized and armed themselves for mutual self-protection. Through a long series of years, collisions between the two parties were frequent. [1775.] ARNOLD CLAIMS THE COMMAND. 165 garrison by the tories. After the troops had all formed a junc- tion at Castleton, Colonel Benedict Arnold arrived from Cam- bridge, whither he had betaken himself with a company of volunteers, on receiving intelligence of the battle of Lexing- ton.* The next day after his arrival at Cambridge, he had Avaited upon the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, inform- ed them of the defenseless condition of Ticonderoga, and given them such a glowing account of the value of the guns and military stores there, that they, upon a full hearing, appointed him a colonel, with power to enlist four hundred volunteers, and march against the fort without delay. He arrived at Castleton with a single servant, expecting to take command of the forces who were now ready to move forward. Arnold was personally known to Mr. Blagden, but not another individual composing the company, had ever seen him before. He instantly informed them who he was, and what was the nature of his errand, and insisted that the command of the whole force should be committed to his charge. With a measure of haughtiness that would have overawed most men, he found that he could not bully Ethan Allen, nor take the control of the Green Mountain Boys, contrary to their free choice. However, his commission was examined and he was allowed to join with the other volunteers, and share in the honor of the contemplated exploit. More than this, he was com- missioned anew by the party, and authorized to serve as the assistant of Colonel Allen. Chafed as he was at this unexpect- ed rebuff, Arnold submitted to the terms so generously proffer- ed him. It had been decided that Colonel Allen and the prin- cipal officers should march with the main body of the troops, * On hearing the news of the battle of Lexington, Arnold, who was Captain of the Governor's Guards, in New Haven, called his company together and paraded before the tavern where a committee were in session. He applied for powder and ball ; which the committee declined furnishing. Arnold threatened to take the needful supply by force, if necessary. Colonel Wooster went out and endeav- ored to persuade him to wait for proper orders, before starting for the scene of conflict. Arnold answered, " None hut Almighty God shall prevent mij march- ing,''' The committee, perceiving his fixed resolution, supplied him ; and he marched off instantly, and, with liis company, reached the American quarters by the 29th of April. Gordon, i. 328. 166 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. numbering about one hundred and forty effective men, directly to Shoreham, on the lake shore, opposite Ticonde- roga, while Captain Herrick, with thirty men, should pass on to Skenesborough, at the head of lake Champlain, seize the effects of Major Skene, and return with the boats and stores that they might capture there, to join Colonel Allen at Shore- ham. Captain Drylas meanwhile, was to advance to Panton and get possession of every boat and batteau that might fall in his way. The day before this arrangement was determin- ed upon, Captain Noah Phelps had disguised himself, and entered the fort in the character of a countryman wanting to be shaved. In searching for a barber he observed every- thing critically, asked a number of rustic questions, affected great ignorance, and passed unsuspected. Before night he withdrew and joined his party. On the night of the 9th of May, Colonel Allen reached Shoreham. His first care was to look about him for a trusty and skillful guide to lead him into the fort. There lived on the lake-shore a Mr. Beman, a true-hearted and highly respectable farmer, of whom he solicited information. Mr. Beman replied that he had not been in the habit of crossing the lake, and could not himself direct him ; but that his son Nathan, who was a mere lad and had passed a good deal of time at the fortress in playing with the boys of the garrison, could conduct him through all its passages. Nathan Beman was accordingly sent for and subjected to a strict examina- tion. He proved to be a very intelligent child and gave such ready answers to the inquiries that were put to him, and had such a frank and honest face, that Colonel Allen was willing to put himself under his guidance. A new obstacle now presented itself. No boats had yet arrived from Panton, and there were so few at Shoreham that the whole night was consumed in getting the officers and eighty-three of the men across the lake. Colonel Allen had sent the boats back to bring over the rear guard, under the command of Colonel Warner, when he perceived signs of the approaching dawn. Contrary to the advice of some of the officers, he resolved [1775.] COLOXEL ALLENS SPEECH. 167 not to wait for tlie rear guard, but to begin the attack at once. Drawing up his i'orces in three ranks beneath the very walls of the fort, he addressed them in the following characteristic language : " Friends and Fellow Soldiers : — You have for a number of years past been a scourge and terror to arbitrary power. Your valor has been famed abroad, and acknowledged, as appears by the advice and orders to me from the General Assembly of Connecticut, to surprise and take the garrison now before us. I now propose to advance before you, and in person conduct you through the wicket-gate ; for we must this morning either quit our pretensions to valor, or possess ourselves of this fortress in a few minutes ; and, inasmuch as it is a desperate attempt, which none but the bravest of men dare undertake, I do not urge it on any contrary to his will. You that will undertake voluntarily, poise your fire-locks." As he concluded, every soldier poised his fire-lock, without uttering a word. Colonel Allen then ordered them to face to the right, and himself marching at the head of the centre- file, advanced to the wicket-gate. Here he found a sentry posted, who instantly snapped his fusee at the invader. Colo- nel Allen rushed towards him, and, flying along a covered passage and into the parade ground, within the fort, the frightened man uttered a single cry of alarm, and hid himself under a bomb-proof. The two barracks fronted each other, and as the volun- teers entered tlie ])arade, following the long strides of their leader, he connnanded them to form in such a manner as to face both these dormitories, whence the soldiers of the garrison were momentarily expected to swarm. The whole garrison was locked in such a dead sleep, that the shouts of the inside sentries, who gave three loud huzzas, could scarcely awaken them. One of these sentries made a pass at one of Colonel Allen's officers, and slightly wounded him. Allen raised his sword to kill the assailant at a blow ; but chang- ing his purpose and reflecting that the man's life might be 168 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. turned to some good account, he commuted the punishment to a slight cut upon the side of the head. The sentinel instantly threw down his gun and begged for life. Colonel Allen granted his petition, and demanded of him where his commanding officer slept. The prisoner pointed to a pair of stairs in front of one of the barracks, leading up into the second story. Allen strode up the stairs, and shouted from the entrance, "Come forth instantly, or I will sacrifice the whole garrison." Roused from sleep by a summons that must have been heard by every man within the walls of the fortress, Captain De La Place came immediately to the door, with his breeches in his hand. His astonishment on beholding such a giant appari- tion standing so near him with a drawn sword in its hand, seems at first to have deprived the poor soldier of the power of utterance. Allen was the first to break the silence of this awkward interview. " Deliver me the fort instantly," said he. " By whose authority," inquired the British officer. " In the name of the Great Jehovah a7id the Continental Congress," shouted the volunteer colonel in explanation. Captain De La Place appears to have been at a loss to understand how the former of the authorities named, could be disposed to frown on a gallant officer in the discliarge of his duty, and equally at a loss to define the jurisdiction of the latter, over the servants of the house of Hanover. He began to speak interrogatively, by way of satisfying these scruples, when Allen interrui)ted him, and flourishing his sword over his head, again, in a voice of thunder, demanded the surrender of the fort. By the sincerity of his adversary's manner, and by the flashing of his eye, that gleamed like a tiger's in the gray light of the early morning. Captain De La Place saw that compliance alone could save his life, and yielded in time to stay the descending blade. He issued orders immediately that his men should be par- aded without arms, as he had given up the garrison. Meanwhile the other invading officers were busy in exe- cuting that part of the enterprise assigned to them, and had {1775.] WARNER TAKES CROWN POINT. 169 soon beaten down several of the barrack doors, and impris- oned about one-third of the garrison, which consisted of Captain De La Place, Lieut. Feltham, a conductor of artil- lery, a gunner, two sergeants and forty-four privates. This daring scheme was carried into efiect in the morning twilight of the 10th of May, 1775. " The sun," says Colonel Allen, who like Mason, has left no vulgar record of his own exploit, " the sun seemed to rise that morning with a superior lustre, and Ticonderoga and its dependencies smiled to its conquer- ors, who tossed about the glowing bowl and wished success to Congress, and the liberty and freedom of America." Well might its long level beams smile upon the waters of the lake, that had after so many years of conflict only passed from the hands of one tyrant into those of another, and had now for the first time begun to tremble in the light that was to emancipate the world. That same sun, before its setting, shone upon the Continental Congress, whose authority Allen had invoked six good hours before it began to exist ! The reader is not to suppose that Colonel Warner was idle while his old friend, who had shared in common with him the wrestling-matches and boyhood pastimes that in those days made the sons of Litchfield County tough-sinewed and double-jointed as well as brave, was consummating one of the most daring exploits in the history of the revolution. Early in the morning this gallant officer crossed the lake with the rear guard, eager to share in the excitement of a scene in which accident alone had prevented his participa- ting. He was indeed too late; but his nature was incapa- ble of envying the laurels that had been won by his superior officer, and he set off cheerfully and without delay with about one hundred men, to take possession of Crown Point. The small garrison of this fortress consisting only of a ser- geant and twelve men, was on the same day delivered up to him without a strufirde. Previous to this affair, Allen had dispatched a messenger to Captain Remember Baker, who was at Winooski river, requesting him to join the army at Ticonderoga, with as 170 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. large a number of men as he could muster. He obeyed the summons ; and when he was coming up the lake with his party, he met two small boats, which had been sent from Crown Point, to carry intelligence of the reduction of Ticon- deroga to St. John's and Montreal, and solicit reinforce- ments. The boats were captured by Baker, and he arrived at Crown Point just in time to participate in the reduction of that post.* Still the lake was not entirely free, for a single English sloop was lying at St. John's. As Colonel Arnold had already proved himself willing to do his duty, an amicable arrange- ment was entered into between him and Allen in regard to the capture of this sloop. It was agreed to arm and fit out a schooner that was lying at South Bay, which was to sail for St. John's under Arnold, while Colonel Allen followed with another party in batteaux. Arnold made all sail for the prize, without waiting for Allen who, of course, soon fell behind him. The sloop was much larger and carried more metal than the schooner, but Arnold found no difficulty in surprising and taking her captive, together wdth the garri- sion at St. John's,f before the batteaux could arrive. The wind that had favored his advance, now suddenly shifted, and blew fresh from the north, as if to facilitate his return. In about an hour, Arnold again reached Ticonderoga. On his way he met Colonel Allen, within a few miles of St. John's, and saluted him with a discharge of cannon. Allen returned it with a volley of small arms. This was repeated three times, after which the colonel went on board the sloop with his party, where they all drank several jolly rounds for the edification of their prisoners, and in token of their loyalty to the American Congress. J^ake Champlain was now in the hands of the Americans, without the loss of a single life. The fall of Ticonderoga alone gave to the Congress, aside from the importance of the place, about one hundred and twenty iron cannon, * Captain Baker was a native of Woodbury, Connecticut. tThis garrison consisted, like thatatCrow-nPoint, of a sergeant and twelve men. [1775.] CONNECTICUT PAYS TUE BILLS. 171 fifty swivels, two mortars, one howitzer, one cohorn, ten tons of musket ball, three cart loads of flints, thirty new car- riages, a large quantity of shells, one hundred stands of arms, ten barrels of powder, two brass cannon, to say nothing of materials for ship building, pork, flour, beans, ])eas, and other valuables.* Warner took upwards of one hundred pieces of cannon at Crown Point. Such was the result of this retaliatory act that followed the nuxrders at Lexington, and the ill-timed seizure under the name ot mili- tary stores, of a few barrels of flour at Concord. It was as we liave seen, from the beginning, a Connecticut measure, conceived by gentlemen from that colony, approved by her General Assembly, carried out by officers who were born in her towns of Litchfield, Woodbury, and Norwich ; and paid for, as our state papers still show, from her treasury. f Thus Connecticut had the honor, of which neither envy nor falsehood have ever been quite able to rob her, of strik- ing the first aggressive blow at the British power in America.J The news of these achievements soon spread * Allen's '• Narrative." See De Puy's Life of Colonel Allen, p. 218. f The surprise and capture of Skenesborough was effected without bloodshed. Major Skene was taken while out on a shooting excursion, and his strong home possessed and the pass completely gained, almost without opposition. Had the Major received the least intimation of the intended assault, the attempt must have failed ; for he had about si.xteen tenants near at hand, besides eight negroes and twelve workmen. See Gordon, i. 335. \ As some historians have claimed for Massachusetts the honor of originating and carrying out the design upon Ticonderoga, the subject may deserve a passing remark. The facts in the case, as I have given them in the text, have been so fully and repeatedly proved, that many of the Massachusetts writers have cheer- fully conceded the claims of Connecticut on this point. That the importance of Ticonderoga to the cause of the colonies, had been a topic of conversation among the patriots of Massachusetts, as well as of Connecticut, is not improbable ; but it does not appear that any person in that colony had conceived flie practicability of attempting its capture, until Arnold suggested it to the committee of safety ; or until the committee from C'i)nnecticut revealed the plan to Colonel Easton, and others, at I'ittsfield, when on their way to Bennington. Colonel Easton, of Pitts- field, was appointed second in command ; and a f w volunteers for the expedition were picked up in Massachusetts. This, I believe, constitutes the extent of her participation in the affair, and these were only hired men. 172 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tnroughout the continent. The Congress hailed her sons, who led the expedition, with the liveliest enthusiasm, and even threw open their doors, and received them upon their floor. Reluctantly, and after a long debate, in which the lories were voted down. New York did the same,* and everywhere from north to south, was mingled with the honor awarded to the officers, a tribute of gratitude to the Green Mountain Boys. * In the New York Assembly, tlie motion was made by Captain Sears, a distin- guished " Son of Liberty," was seconded by Melancthon Smith, and was carried by a vote of more than two to one. CHAPTER VIII. BATTLE OF BUNKER HILL. As soon as intelligence of the battle of Lexington reached the ears of the ever watchful governor of Connecticut, he dispatched a messenger to Colonel Putnam, directing him to repair forthwith to Lebanon. It was early in the morning, and Putnam was plowing in the field, when this special post arrived. He left the plow in the unfinished furrow, and after giving some hasty direc- tions to his servants, hurried home, mounted his hors.e, and rodeofl'at full gallop. He found the "rebel governor" ready to receive him. The interview was brief. "Hasten forward to Concord, said his excellency, don't stay for troops. I will take care of that — hurry forward, and I will send the troops after you !"* Upon the back of the same horse that had brought him from home, Putnam instantly set out upon his journey. He pushed forward like a courier who bears dispatches on which is to hinge the fate of empires. He traveled all night without so much as halting to give breath to the tired beast who found it was no sinecure to serve such a master. As the sun rose the next morning, the veteran hero, then almost sixty years old, rode into Concord, having kept his saddle for eighteen hours, and made, over roads that would now be * A very respectable authority states, that Putnam was digging stones for tho purpose of making a wall upon his farm, when the messenger arrived, and that he started off into the neighboring towns to rally the militia without orders from any one. Tiiis is believed to be a mistake. Governor Trumbull was not only tho nominal, but tho real head of the military forces of the colony — was tlie authority from which sucli a movement would be expected to emanate. IJcsides, there aro still in tho Trumbull family the evidences that the governor was the first to take this step. Putnam was too good a citizen — too nmch a soldier to act without being properly authorized. 174 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. thought impassable, the distance of more than one hundred miles. The Connecticut militia who followed him, marched with a quick step until they reached their place of destina- tion. No sooner was it known that Putnam was in the field, than other patriots from all parts of the colony imitated his example. Sometimes in parties of ten or twelve, with a captain, a lieutenant, a sergeant, or a corporal ; sometimes in little squads of two or three officers, or privates, as the case might be ; they would come dropping into Cambridge, where his regiment was stationed, soon after his arrival ; gentlemen and yeomen, most of them clad in the same undistinguishable home-spun that had been made a common badge of all the true-hearted by the late oppressive acts of parliament ; all animated with the same spirit of resistance. As April waned and May slowly crept toward its zenith, these little hunting-parties began to be succeeded by larger companies, better armed, and presenting a more warlike array. At last a band of one hundred men marched from Norwich, under the command of Lieutenant Huntington. This company had been brought together and partly disci- plined by Major John Durkee.* It was made up of excel- lent marksmen, who proved themselves worthy to be com- manded by John Durkee, when at the battle of Bunker Hill the ranks of General Howe's regulars fell column after column before their fatal aim. But let us not lose sight of the doings of the General Assembly. In March a short term had been held and a list of military officers appointed, embracing some of the bright- est names of the re volution. f In April was held the gi^eat session of that eventful year. News-carriers were selected, * This company was in the battle of Bunker Hill, in camp during the succeed- ing winter on Prospect and Cobb's Hill, accompanied the army to New York in March, endured all the liardships of the retreat through the Jerseys, and fought at Germantown. Caulkins' Hist. Norwich, 22G, 227. + The following are the names of the regimental officers appointed at that ses- sion, viz : Colonels — Jedediah Elderkin, Andrew Ward, Jr., Isaac Lee, Jr. Lieutenant-Colonels — Experience Storrs, Increase Moselcy, Jr., Matthew Talcott, Fisher Ciay, William Worthinoiton, and David Watcrbury, Jr. Majors— Thomas Brown, Samuel Canfield, Thomas Bclden, Simeon Strong, and Sylvanus Graves. [1775.] MILITIA ORGANIZED. 175 to carrv tidings from town to town, and a committee appoint- ed to superintend them.* They next proceed, without nam- ing the word " Lexington," (for their own act against trea- son still kept its place upon the statute book,) to appoint a committee " to procure provisions for the families of those who had gone to the relief of the people at the Bay." Soon after, in language of a bolder import, it was ordered that one-fourth part of the militia of the colony, should " be forth- with enlisted, equipped, accoutred, and assembled for the safety and defense of the colony." These citizen-soldiers were to be distributed into companies of one hundred men each ; and formed into six regiments under the command of a major-general, assisted by two brigadier-generals, with sub- ordinate officers, whose rank and duties were particularly defined. Rates of pay were at the same time established, and provision made to procure fire-arms, and the other munitions of war.f To incite those to enlist who were fit to bear arms in defense of their country, a premium of fifty-two shillings and a month's pay in advance, was offered to the soldiers at the time of enlistment, f To give more * Thaddeus Burr, of Fairfield, and Charles Church Chandler, (if Woodstock, Were appointed, to employ, at the expense of the colony, two news-carriers, to perform regular stages from Fairfield to Woodstock, and back, so as to arrive in Hartford on Saturday of each week, and carry all proper intelligence through the colony, along the route, " with all convenient speed." Gurdon Saltonstall, of New London, was directed to engage two news-carriers, at the expense of the colony, to perform regular trips between Woodstock and New Haven, on the Fairfield stage, in such manner that they should severally arrive at New London on each Saturday, and forward all their intelligence on eveiy Monday morning to Woodstock and New Haven. •j- The salary of the major-general was fixed at £20 per month ; each brigadier- general was to receive £17 per month ; colonel, £15 ; lieutenant-colonel, £12 ; major, £10; captain, £6 ; lieutenant, £4 ; ensign, £3; adjutant, £5.10 ; quar- ter-master, £3 : chaplain, £6 ; surgeon, £7.10 ; surgeon's mate, £4 ; sergeant, £2.8 ; corporal, £2.4 ; fifer and drummer, £2.4 ; and each private, £2. The soldiers were to be furnished with good arms, belonging to the colony, if unable to furnish themselves ; or if they found their own arms, they were to be allowed ten shillings for tho use of such arms. In case more arms should be required than could otherwise be obtained, they were to be impressed from house- holders not enrolled. 176 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. solemnity and more of the appearance of authority to this important act, forms of enhstment were adopted for the officers, and the governor was empowered and requested to give written orders to the officers whose duty it was to bring men into the service. Having provided all these prelimina- ries, they appointed the officers for the six regiments thus to be raised. The three general officers were, David Wooster, Joseph Spencer, and Israel Putnam, Esqrs.* The list of officers, whose names will be found below in a note, will doubtless interest the antiquarian and the reader of general history, who loves to read over the catalogue of illustrious men whose memories can never fade from the annals of the state or nation. To provide these six regiments with whatever was neces- sary for the contemplated resistance, commissaries were appointed, at the head of whom stands the venerable name of Oliver Wolcott. Nor was the old expedient of issuing bills of credit, foreshadowing as it did a long and heavy train of all the evils attending taxation, forgotten on this occasion. As the people had burdened themselves in times past to aid in the extension of British power, much more now did they voluntarily tax themselves to raise money that they might resist unconstitutional laws that would have forced such a burden upon their shoulders. The first issue of these bills amounted to fifty thousand pounds. Although the enemy's ships were hovering on our coast, which was sadly exposed to their depredations on account of our numerous harbors, still the Assembly nobly gave up for the defense of Massachusetts, four of the six regiments thus to be raised from her citizens, and to be maintained at her own cost. On the 11th of May, with a vacation of less than twenty * Colonels — Benjamin Ilinman, David Waterbury, Jr., Samuel Ilolden Par- sons. Lieutenant-Colonels — Andrew Ward, Jr., Samuel Wyllys, Experience Storrs, George Pitkin, Samuel Whiting, and John Tyler. Majors — Jabez Thompson, 1st, David Welch, 2d, Roger Enos, John Durkee, Samuel Elmore, Thomas Hobby, Samuel Prentice. [177J.] MILITARY CODE. 177 days, the Assembly again met. Their very first act was to issue bills of credit of the same amount as the issue in April, thus making in a lew days the enormous sum of one hundred thousand pounds. Guns, tents for officers and soldiers, camp equipage and furniture, medicine chests, and standards, were ordered to be procured.''" For each regiment the new stand- ard was to be of a particular color. That of Wooster's was to be yellow, Spencer's blue, Putnam's scarlet, llinman's crimson, Waterbury's white, and Parsons' azure. Then they proceeded to digest and enact a military code for the government of the army thus to be made uj) of their sons and brothers, that is still extant to bear witness to their wis- dom and self-sacrificing patriotism. f In the preamble to these military rules arc to be Ibund passages of a high order of eloquence. The causes that led to the settlement of the colony are touched upon with great delicacy, and the virtues of those emigrants are connnemorated, who, in the language of the Assembly, " bravely encountered the dangers of untried seas, and coasts of a howling wilderness ; barbarous men and savage beasts, at the expense of their case and safety, of their blood, their treasure, and their lives ; transplanted and raised the English constitution in these wilds, upon the strong pillars of civil and religious liberty.'" In this paper too an enumeration of the causes of complaint that the colo- nies had so much reason to urge, was set forth in the fol- lowing stately and graphic language : " All our loyal peti- tions to the throne for redress of grievances have been treated with contempt, or passed by in silence, by his majes- ty's ministers of state, and the refusal to surrender our just rights, liberties, and immunities, hath been styled rebellion ; and fleets and armies have been sent into a neicrhborinff colony to force them to submit to slavery and awe the other colonies into submission, by the example of vengeance inflicted on her." *IIinman, 172, 173. ~~~ tFor an exact copy of this code, see Hon. R. II. llinman's " American Revo- lution," from pp. 171 to 181. 44 178 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. At this session also the first committee of safety was appointed to advise with the governor during vacation.* On the records of the same session we find a resolution to the effect that the committee of the pay-table should give orders on the treasurer for the payment of all the money actually expended, or for obligations given therefor, in obtain- ing the possession of Ticonderoga and Crown Point. The committee is directed to liquidate the accounts of the costs and expenses for men and provisions, in taking and securing said fortress, hij any of the inhahitunts of tliis or any otJier colony acting in the employ of Connecticut-'^ They also took measures to keep the forts, the capture of which she had conceived and executed, as appears by the following para- graph from the records of that session : "Resolved, That five hundred pounds of powder shall be forthwith borrowed by the committee of pay-table, from the town stocks of the adjacent towns, and be transported by Colonel James Easton, with the utmost expedition, to Crown Point and Ticonderoga, and to be there used for the immedi- ate defense of those posts, until the resolves of the Continen- tal Congress should be carried into execution ; directing the committee of pay-table to draw on the colony treasurer in favor of Colonel Easton for the sum of £200, to be expended in defraying the expenses of transporting said powder, and other necessary purposes, for the immediate support of said fortresses." J How any honest man in his senses, can presume, in the face of this record, and the other evidences adduced, to deny that Connecticut was the originator of the capture of those forts, is inexplicable. On the 1st of July, Governor Trumbull called the Assem- bly together again, by a special order. The first act of importance provided for the raising and equiping an addi- *This committee consisted of the Hon. Matthew Griswold, Hon. Eliphalet Dyer, J. Huntington, Samuel Huntington, William Williams, R. Wales, Jr., J. Elderkin, Joshua West, and Benjamin Huntington, l^lsqrs. tlliuman, 182. t Ilinman, 183. [1775.] CONNECTICUT PROTECTS NEW YORK, 179 tional body of fourteen hundred men, exclusive of commis- sioned officers, " to serve during the pleasure of the xA.ssem- bly, not exceeding five months, to be led and conducted as the Assembly should order." The new recruits were direct- ed to be formed into two regiments of ten companies each ; and each company was to consist of seventy non-commis- sioned officers and privates, with the usual number of com- missioned and staff' officers. Charles Webb and Jedediah Huntington were appointed colonels of these regiments ; Street Hall and John Douglas, lieutenant-colonels ; Jona- than Latimer, Jr., and Joel Clark, majors. Nor did the General Assembly, in protecting the forts and in extending a fostering care over Massachusetts, forget to provide, as she had long been in the habit of doing, for New York. The governor was requested to draw from the treas- ury and forthwith deliver to Walter Livingston, Esq., at the request of General Philip Schuyler, fifteen thousand pounds, in bills of credit, together with as much ammunition as they should judge necessary.* How this generous act was requitetl by General Schuyler, not long after, in his treat- ment of General Wooster, will be dwelt upon as it deserves. Let us now pass from the legislative chamber to the camp. At the time of the battle of Lexington, the British army amounted only to about four thousand. But through the month of May, one ship after another brought additional troops to reinforce General Gage. Before the first of June, the enemy numbered ten thousand veteran troops, under the direction of Generals Gage, Howe, Clinton, Burgoyne, Pigot, Grant, and Robinson, and Lords Percy and Rawden, the most experienced and choice officers that England's chivalry could furnish from her fields of discipline, whether in the east or west.f Ships with gay streamers filled the harbor, freighted with men in uniform, and with the implements of death. Boston had been appropriated for the quartering ground of the king's forces, and was swarming with them, * Colonial Records of July, 1775. Ilinman, 187. tCol. Swett's "History of the Battle of Bunker Hill," p. 13. Graham iv, 378, 180 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. On the other hand, the American camp at Cambridge pre- sented a spectacle of a quite different character. General Artemas Ward, who had served in the French war, was its commander-in-chief. He was a gentleman of high character and of much experience. Day after day fresh troops came pouring in. Rhode Island sent in a regiment under General Greene ; New Hampshire sent a regiment of her sturdy hunters and woodsmen, whose whole life had been a long warfare with nature and with the wild sons of the woods, and who, true to their sentiments of equality, had placed them- selves by their own vote, under such leaders as Colonel Stark, Lieutenant-Colonel Wyman, and Major M'Clary. I have already named some of the measures taken by Con- necticut to reinforce this army. Besides General Putnam and Major Durkee, she was represented by Brigadier-Gene- ral Spencer, Lieutenant-Colonel Wyllys, Major Mayo, Colo- nel Waterbury, Colonel Parsons, Captain Coit of New Lon- don a Cyclopean man with but one eye and a giant frame ; and gallant Captain Chester from Wethersfield, graceful and chivalric, with his independent company of one hundred high spirited men,* who had not forgotten who their grandfathers were, nor what battles they had fought, and who were worthy, almost every one, to bear a colonel's commission, and lead a regiment in the face of any army that did not more than three times out-number them. Chester's company was by far the most accomplished body of men in the whole American army. On this account it was selected to escort General Putnam and Dr. (afterwards general) Warren, the President of the Massachusetts Con- gress, to Charlestown, on the exchange of prisoners with the British. I'utnam and Warren rode in the same carriage ; Major Dunbar and Lieutenant Hamilton of the sixty-fourth, on horseback ; Lieutenant Porter, of the marines, in a chaise ; John Hilton, of the forty-seventh, Alexander Camp- bell, of the fourth,! and some wounded men belonging to the * Swell's Ilislory, p. 7. fSome of these prisoners of war were doubtless taken on the 19th of April. [1775.] THE PROVINCIAL ARMY. 181 marines, in carts, all escorted by the Wethersfield company, under the command of Captain Chester, entered ('harles- town, and moving slowly through it, made a halt at the ferry. At a given signal, Major Moncrief landed from the Lively to receive the prisoners and greet General Putnam, his old comrade in the tedious campaign of 1756. A flag of truce waved over them, consecrating the hour to happy recollec- tions and genial intercourse. Putnam and ]Moncrief, as soon as the boat touched the landing, rushed into each other's arms. The scene was truly afiecting and was never forgot- ten by any who witnessed it.* The Connecticut officers, all men of culture and daring courage, had under their command three thousand soldiers, their neighbors, their friends, men of intelligence, all of whom could read and write their native language well ; most of whom could preside at a town meeting at home, frame resolutions condemning the stamp act, the Boston port bill, and the quartering laws, and advocate them, too, by a speech at once forcible and pungent ; men of substance, whose notes of hand were worth their face in silver or in good corn, its authorized equivalent ; men who were not without disci- pline, for some of them had been present at the capture of Louisbourg, some at the death of the Baron Dieskau, some at the surrender of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, some when Putnam was taken captive by the Indians and a few were of the little remnant who had escaped the arrows of the death- angel at Havana. With these reinforcements the American army numbered about fifteen thousand men, but many of them were so poorly armed and equipped, wore such humble clothing, and a large share of them were so raw, that they were made the theme of many keen jests by the British officers, who had no doubt that a regiment of regulars would drive them from one end of Boston Neck to the other. * See Frothingham's Siege of Boston, 1 1 1 and 1 1 2. Gen. Humphreys speaks of Chester's company as " the elite corps of the army," and " as such, was selected to escort General Putnam and Joseph Warren, tlic President of tho Congress, to Charlcstown, on the exchange of prisoners with the British." 182 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. They soon had an opportunity to test the accuracy of their conclusions. The small islands that help to make up the details of the heautiful bay that adorns that bold coast, were covered with cattle ; a very tempting prize, when so many thousands of human beings were assembled within a few miles of each other, and provisions were so scarce that among the poor especially, the horrors of famine were already added to those of war. Several exciting skirmishes grew out of attempts, on both sides, to get possession of this live stock. In most instances the Americans were the successful party. These little victories were of great impor- tance to them in habituating them to the use of arms, and in supplanting the fear that was at first inspired by the sight of soldiers in full uniform. On the 21st of May, two sloops and an armed schooner with soldiers, sailed to Grape Island to bring off some hay. As soon as the tide would admit of it, the provincials followed, drove them off, burned up all the hay amounting to about eighty tons, and carried away in triumph all the cattle upon the island.* Three days after, the Cerberus arrived at Boston, having on board Generals Howe, Clinton, and Burgoyne. They had brought with them a good supply of fishing-tackle, hoping to have some choice sport, and not doubting but their very presence would intimidate the "rebels."! They found other pastimes prepared to their hand. On the 27th of May, about five hundred of the Massachu- setts and New Hampshire forces were detached to Hog Island and Noddle's Island for live stock. These islands are separated by a little thread of water so shallow at low tide, as to be fordable. A party of Americans landed on Noddle's Island, and proceeded to set fire to the hay and corn that had been deposited there. To prevent this, a large body of British marines crossed over from Boston. The provincials retreated to Hog Island. This movement tempted the marines down to the water's edge, where they were met by the provincials, under the command of General Putnam. A * Gordou, i. 340. + Gordon, i. 340, 341. See also Botta, 201. [1775.] gage's pkoclamation. 183 sharp action followed, that did not stop with the day. The marines were supported by a schooner of four six-})ounders and twelve swivels, a sloop of war, and some barges mounted with swivels. Putnam was, soon after the beginning of the engagement, joined by General Warren, who came as a vol- unteer. Putnam had two small pieces of ordnance, and as he was himself a capital gunner, and had with him men who were well skilled in the management of artillery, he was able to do the enemy a good deal of mischief. Although the night was unusually dark, the firing was kept up until nearly moi'ning. Toward day -break, the schooner ran aground, and her crew was obliged to abandon her. She was imme- diately boarded, rifled, and burned, by order of Putnam. So skilfully did he manage this affair, that he did not lose a single man, while the enemy lost, in killed and wounded, more than one hundred. Their loss was reported, and currently believed to be, more than twice that number.* It was too late for reconciliation or retraction on either side now that so much blood had been shed. On the 12th of June, General Gage issued a proclamation, proffering the king's pardon to all except Samuel Adams and John Hancock, who would lay down their arms and go peaceably about their ordinary business. f All were to be treated as traitors, who failed to accept these terms, or who dared to conceal or abet any such delinquent. The laws of the land were at the same time declared to be sus- pended, and the town j)laced under martial rule. A fearful looking for of fiery indignation, was the sole eflect of this announcement. Two days later, the Congress of Massachu- * Gordon, i. 341. On the 30tli the provincials again visited Noddle's Island, burnt the Mansion-house, and carried off" all tlie stock, consisting of five hundred sheep and lambs, twenty head of cattle, and several horses. On the following day, a party under Colonel Robinson, removed five hundred sheep and thirty liead of cattle from Pettiek's Island. On the night of June 2d, eight hundred sheep, together with a number of cattle, were removed from Deer Lsland, by a party of provincials under Major Greaton. t Graham, iv. .^"S. The ofl'ences of these gentlemen were regarded by Gov- ernor Gage as of " too flagitious a nature to admit of any other consideration than that of condign punishment." 184 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. setts chose Dr. Warren to be their President, and appointed him the second major-general of their own troops. He had been ah-eady chosen chairman of the Massachusetts Com- mittee of Safety. He does not appear to have had any experience as a mihtary chief, and, as will be seen in the sequel, probably accepted the post, not with a view of direct- ing the movements of the army, but rather, to keep up the courage of the people, who had boundless confidence in his abilities, and who would be more inspired by his presence on the battle-field, were it to carry along with it the prestige of official rank. The many civic duties that he had to discharge, and that kept him from indulging even in the ordinary comforts of ibod and sleep, would, from their multifarious and distracting details, of themselves, have prevented his giving that undivided attention to the operations of the army, that could alone insure success. It was enough, even for his vast powers and wonderful mental activity, to see after the plans of the Committee of Safety, and preside over the deliberations of the provincial Congress. On the other hand, his noble nature drank in, at every pore, the excitement of the scenes around him. With a soul as sublime as lit up the eye of any one of all the leadei's of Christian armies, who, in the days of the crusades, exchanged their baronial estates for proud steeds and shining blades, that they might haste to reclaim the holy sepulchre tVom the hands of the infidel, or lay down their bones to bleach upon the hot sands of the desert ; with a heart beating time to the same notes of free- dom, that nerved ihe arm and sped the steel of the poet ./Eschylus on the eve of the battle of Marathon, how could he refrain from mingling in the strife, if strife there were to be ? But it was not that he might take the place of others, better fitted, from long expe- rience in the camp, to control the stormy elements of war, but rather that he might mingle in them, and constitute a part of their essence. Liberty was a word that signified, when it fell from his lips, all the domestic and social relations, all the revolving circles of life, all the silent memo- [1775.] DISPOSITION OF THE ARMY. 185 ries that lie scattered along the road of the past, all hopes that invite man to the future. In him, liberty was a holy altar-flame, never to be extinguished until it exhaled to heaven. Animated by such sentiments, and knowing, as all men of genius do from intuition, what they can, and what thev cannot do, he consented to be a general ; but, declining to take the command, acted in the drama that was so soon to follow, the part of a volunteer.* J have already said that General Ward was at Cambridge, with the main army, made up of about eight thousand Massachusetts troops. With these were joined one thousand from Connecticut, who, with Sargeant's and Patterson's regiments, were stationed near Inman's farm, under the immediate command of General Putnam. Already some slender breast works had been thrown up by his order ; and not far from the Charlestown road, a good mile and a half from General Ward's camp, a redoubt was erected and occupied by Patterson's regiment. There were also five artillery companies at the main camp, four of which were well provided with guns. The right wing was composed of two thousand troops from Massachusetts, two thousand from Connecticut, and one thousand irom Rhode Island ; and was posted at Rox- bury, under command of Lieutenant-General Thomas, who had three or four companies of artillery tolerably supplied with field-pieces. Colonels Reed and Stark had charge of the left wing that was stationed at Medford, and consisted of one thousand New Hampshire troops and a detachment of the same forces, together with three companies of Gerrish's regiment, at Chelsea. On the evening of the 16th of June, a large guard, culled Irom Little's and several other regiments, was also posted at Lechmere Point. f Notwithstanding the numbers and bravery of the Ameri- can forces, oflicered as they were by such men as I have * Sue Frotliingham's History of Charlestown ; Allen's and Blake's Biog. Dic- tionaries, tte. tSwcU, p. 9 and 10. 186 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. described, a very large proportion of them were men who had never seen service, who had flocked in from the neigh- boring towns, with httle to recommend them beyond the unbounded enthusiasm that impelled them to the field, and the sympathy that they felt for their persecuted neighbors. Many of the Massachusetts soldiers were minute-men, who did not compare at all with the more select forces sent from the other colonies. The oflicers in several of the regiments were without commissions, and held the position only by virtue of the superiority tiiat nature gives in the endowment of a few of her favorite children. Hence, the relationship existing between such officers and their men, was of a char- acter not very clearly defined, and liable to be disturbed and weakened by a thousand incidental causes. Worse than all, more than three-fifths of the army were without suitable weapons. Many of their guns were only common muskets, destitute of bayonets, of such a variety of calibre, that it was difficult to make cartridges and mould bullets to fit them, and in such a general state of disrepair, that they could not be relied upon with sufficient certainty to inspire the steady confidence that a soldier ought to feel in his weapons.* A want of method and concentrated action was apparent in the doings of the Congress, growing out of the giddy whirl of events that had convulsed the town and the neighborhood. No quarter-master's department had yet been organized, f as there should have been long before that time, and as Connecticut had taken care to provide at a very early day. As a necessary consequence of this oversight, the army was without tents, and destitute of supplies, except as * Colonel Swett remarks that while each of these soldiers " would rival a Tell as a marksman, and aim his weapon at an oppressor with as keen a relish," they were deficient in " almost every other important requisite of an army." Besides the wretched condition of their arms, he remarks, " they were strangers to discipline, and almost to subordination." They were summarily drawn together, from the plow, the workshop and the counting-room, — men of every shade of opinion and employment, — yet all animated by a hatred of oppression, and a love of liberty. Many of their names were not even recorded on the militia-roll ; but they volun- teered their services with the " rank and file." t History of the Battle of Bunker Hill, p. 11. [1775.] POSITION OF THE BRITISH ARMY. 187 they were irregularly sent in by tlie voluntary contributions of tlie adjacent towns.* In vain did Warren, Hancock, Adams, Prescott, and othei' jiatriots, remonstrate against these delays. The Congress, over-awed and confused, as many of the members could not fail to be, by the regiments and the threatening ships, the uuiibi'in and the discipline of the invading enemy ; and still haunted, many of them, by shadows of loyalty, that had so long llitted around a pro- vincial court not chosen by the people — was, as it well might be, divided in its counsels, and wanting in executive force. Colonel Gridley, a venerable ofhcer, who had served at Louisbourg and Quebec, was ai)pointed chief-engineer, and William Burbeck nominally held the place of second engin- eer ; but as his services were demanded to superintend the ordnance department, Gridley was left to perform labors that should have been divided between several men that were much younger than he. As it was, ho did all that any man could have done with such limited means. The British army had j)Ossession of Boston. The light infantry were encamped on the heights of West Boston ; a strong battery for cannon and mortars had been erected on Copp's Hill, facing Charlestown, and so near the village, that shot or shells could easily be thrown into it Irom that point ; there were strong lines and batteries on the Roxbury side of the neck, one at the northern limit of the town, one on Fort Hill, one upon Fox Hill, on the common, occupied by the marines, artillery, and sixth regiment, three on the western border of the common, facing Cambridge, occupied by the royal Irish regiment, then of world-wide fame ; besides a body of troops stationed at Barton's Point. f Although General Gage was so strongly fortified in the provincial metropolis, where he had administered the gov- ernment not without many friends and ardent ;idmirers while yet he favored the cause of the people, and although he had now such absolute command of the town that he could with *Swott, p. 11. fllist. Battle of Bunker Hill, p. 13. 188 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. impunity, give the citizens a practical illustration of the mildness of the quartering laws, by converting the old south church, the most venerable of all the religious edifices of the town, into barracks for a squadron of cavalry ;* yet the narrow boundaries of his possession, hemmed in as he was by fifteen thousand Americans, macfe his situation irksome. "We want elbow room, and we will have it," said Burgoyne. The other British officers shared, too, in a common sentiment of wounded pride, that the Americans " affected," in the words of General Gage, " to hold the British army besieged." Besides some uneasy apprehensions acted as goads to the sensitiveness of those officers, as they saw, day after day, the stream of provincials pouring into the camp at Cambridge. With a view of adding to their "elbow room," it was decided in council to leave the town, and take possession of Charlestown and Dorchester heights. They began on the 18th of June to make preparations for the latter enterprise.! For some time before this, the American troops had besought their officers to lead them against the enemy. This desire had grown more earnest after the victory at Noddle's Island. They were not able to understand the necessity of discipline, but abundantly able to appreciate the hardships and exposure of such a long delay. Many of the officers who resided in Massachusetts, and General Ward most strenuously of all, were opposed to bringing on a general engagement until the men should be better prepared for ser- vice. But General Putnam, Colonel Prescott, and some of the other officers, aware that much depended upon the spontaneous feelings of the soldiers, were of the opinion that it would be best to yield to their solicitations, far enough to keep their enthusiasm alive, without risking the chances of ultimate success. Putnam was the first to hit upon a plan, that proved to be the only one practicable at that crisis. He did not dare to hazard a general action, as he knew that our raw troops could not meet the enemy in the open field. * Hist. Battle of Bunker Hill, p. 13, + Burgoyne's account of the battle. [ITT:..] PUTNAM AND THE COMMITTEE OF SAFETY. 189 On the other hand, he was equally well aware that the Americans were good marksmen, and were more than a match for the enemy in tiie use of the musket. His object was, therefore, to engage only a part of the British army at once, and to do it, if possible, with the advantage of the ground, and under cover of intrenchments. " The Ameri- cans," said he, to the council of war, in his admirably plain English, " The Americans are not at all afraid of their heads, though very much afraid of their legs ; if you cover these, they wiW figlit forevo'."* The same considerations were urged upon the Committee of Safety, and debated there with much ability. Still the minds of those composing that body, were so divided that they were for a long time able to come to no conclusion. At last the intentions of the enemy to leave the town and take possession of the heights of Dorchester, were discov- ered by the emissaries sent out by the Committee of Safety. The tidings caused much alarm in the committee room, and in the council of war. Putnam insisted upon the necessity of anticipating the British general in a movement, that would, if it were to succeed, in all probabil- ity, result in the most fatal consequences to the American army. He begged the council and urged upon the mem- bers of the committee that they would send forward a party in the night to intrench themselves upon the high grounds that commanded the British camp, destroy tneir shipping, and if possible drive them from the town. This advice seemed to many whose opinions were consulted, to be rash and inijn-acticable. It was urged that the only thing that they could hope to do was, to inaintain a defensive position until the troops were in a condition to make a more thorough trial of their strength ; that even if their discipline and weapons were equal to those of the enemy, they wei"e still deficient in amn:iunition, having only eleven barrels of gun- powder at the public dcixUs, and only sixty-seven barrels in the whole colony ; that the British ships in the harbor t Swell's History, p. 14 ; Frothiiigham's Siege of Boston, p. 116. 190 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. and the batteries could be brought to bear upon them, should they succeed in getting a temporary possession of the heights, and so well provided were these ships and batteries with ammunition, that they would be able to keep up a long and fatal fire that could not be returned, and thus the enter- prise must terminate at best in a discouraging retreat.* There was in the council, a veteran Massachusetts officer, General Pomeroy,f whose sentiments fully corresponded with those of Putnam. He had served in the French wars, and knew the superiority of the American marksmen over the British troops, from long experience of their respective modes of warfare. He said he " would fight the enemy with but five cartridges apiece. He was practiced in hunting," he said, " and always brought home two and some- times three deer, with but three charges of powder. The men had generally supplied themselves with powder as mili- tia, and the public could easily make good their deficiency."! Such was the language of the old sharp-shooter from the border of the Connecticut river, who looked upon the hand- some coats and waving plumes of the British officers with as eager an eye as if they had been the branching antlers of buck or moose glancing through the thickets and glades that skirted the home of his adventurous boyhood. General Ward, an officer of sound judgment, but whose blood appears to have grown cold with the touch of advancing age, and the gallant Warren, who, with all a soldier's instincts, was, of course, from his very mode of life, better qualified to give council in civil than in military affairs, both opposed the measure with all their influence. It would lead, they said, to "a general engagement." But General Putnam who united in himself, as genius often does, all the fire of youth * History of tlie Battle of Bunker Ilill, p. 14. t Pomeroy, on account of his age, declined the appointment of Brigadier-General in the United States army ; yet, when the great struggle for independence had actually commenced, he spurned the inactivity of peace, and joined the army as a colonel. In this capacity, he marched to join our troops in the Jerseys. His exposures produced a pleurisy, which proved fatal at Pcekskill, N. Y. tSwett'sIlist. 14. [1775.] PUTNAM PREVAILS. 191 with the soundest practical sense, and the keenest fore- thought, reph'ed, " We will risk only two thousand men ; we will go on with these and defend ourselves as long as jjossi- hle ; and if driven to retreat, we are more active than the enemy, and every stone-wall shall be lined with their dead. At the worst," he continued, while his soul spoke in his fiery eyes, " at the worst, suppose us surrounded, and no retreat, we will set our country an example of which it shall not be ashamed, and teach mercenaries what men can do, determined to live or die free " !* This unexpected burst of patriotic fervor, coming from the lips of a man of three score, brought Warren to his feet. With a flushed cheek and excited air, he walked the room for a few moments, and then paused, leaned upon his chair, and looking the old hero thoughtfully in the face, with those deep, full eyes, that ladies thought so handsome, f expressive at once of doubt and fond admiration of one whose spirit could out-dare all others, exclaimed, in the language of Agrippa to Paul, " Almost thou, pcrsuadest me, General Putnam ; but I must still think the project rash. If \jou execute it, how- ever, you will not be surj)rised to find me by your side." As the reader is already aware, Putnam's sensibilities were quick and overflowing as a child's. "I hope not," replied he, with aflectionate earnestness. " I hope not. You are young, and your country has much to hope from you in the council and in the field. Let us who are old, and can be spared, hegin the fray. There will be time enough for you hereafter. It will not be soon over."J It need hardly be said that the counsels of General Putnam finally prevailed. The Committee of Safety and the Council of War were both overwhelmed by the genius and will, rather than by the reasoning of this irresistible man. Having thus finally carried his point, General Putnam addressed himself to the faithful execution of his darinir scheme. Still further to familiarize his men with the sight of the enemy, and with the sound of their cannon, and to * Swett, 15^ t Gordon. % Swett, 15. ~ 192 HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. awaken a spirit of emulation among both officers and soldiers, Putnam, about the 10th of June, marched aU the troops from Cambridge to Charlestown, in the face of the British batteries and ships of war. About the same time, he reconnoitered the country in the neighboriiood of Charles- town, with other officers, to select a place suited for an intrenchment and redoubt. Long before this time, in the month of May, General Ward had sent out Colonel Gridley, Colonel Henshaw, and another gentleman, to examine and select a place for a redoubt. Their report had been, first, in favor of Prospect Hill, next to that Bunker Hill, and lastly Breed's Hill. All those hills, together with Charlestown, now sacred to the memory of the dead, and immortal with the story of those nKirtyrs to freedom, helped to make up the surface of a beautiful peninsula formed by the Mystic river on the north, and the river Charles on the south, that flow around its base and mingle their waters on the east. This little strip of land diversified with clustering hills and sloping fields, is eleven hundred yards in width from north to south, and is one mile and forty-three rods long from east to west. At its western extremity, the two rivers gracefully incline toward each other, and form a neck that is only one hund- red and thirty yards wide. This tongue of land ter- minating in a hill or blufl', about one hundred and ten feet high, and known as Bunker Hill, was very steep on its southern and eastern slopes, and commanded both rivers, and the whole surrounding country.* South-easterl}^ from this eminence, and nearer to Boston and to the place where the British ships were riding at anchor, stretched a long, arm-like strip of land sixty-two feet high at its summit, with an abrupt eastern slope, but declining gently toward the west. It bore the name of Breed's Hill. Its south side was very steep, and there at its foot nestled the populous and thriving village of Charlestown. The north side of this hill was also quite precipitate, and at the bottom on that * Frothingham's Siege of Boston, p. 110. [1773.] THE INTREXCHIXG PARTY. 193 side, there was a small slough, several rods wide, that was impassable. Bounding tiiis slough on the north, was a narrow tongue of upland, twenty feet above Mystic river, and forming the southern bank of that river. East of this tongue and north-east of Breed's Ilill, stands Morton's Ilill, thirty-five feet in height. Still farther east, and jutting out into the water, is Morton's Point. Leading from Cam- bridge, the head-quarters of the American army, a slender road ran from the neck over the southern declivity of Bunker Hill, and passing entirely round Breed's Hill, touch- ed nearly at its summit on the south.* It was now the 10th of June, a sultry day, that sent its fierce heat upon the heads of the soldiers who occu- pied the American camp. During the day, orders were given to Colonel William Prescott and the acting officer in command of Colonel Frye's regiment, to be ready for marching, with all their men who were fit for service, and to provide a single day's provisions. This order was also issued for one hundred and twenty men of General Put- nam's regiment, and Captain Gridley's company of artillery, with two field pieces. Colonel Prescott was ordered to advance with this detach- ment to Charlestown in the evening, take possession of Bunker Hill, and fortify it. He was commanded not to dis- close the object of his errand to any one, and was assured that supplies should be sent him the next morning, with such reinforcements as he should need, to enable him to defend the place. As three of Colonel Bridge's companies failed to join the party, it only amounted to about one thousand men.-f At an early hour in the evening, the detachment assembled for prayer upon Cambridge common, where the Rev. Mr. Langdon, President of Harvard College, in words * Swett, Frothingham, and other local authorities. t Tliis is the number given by Col. Trescott, and in SweU's History. Major Brooks, Frothingham, and others, say " fourteen hundred." The two hundred Counectieut troops constitut 'd a " fuigue party," and were placed under the command of the brave Thomas Knowlton, then a captain in Putnam's regiment. 45 194 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. and with a spirit that were worthy of the crisis, commended them to the God of battles.* The choice of Colonel Prescott for this delicate mission has been justly commended. He was a gentleman of high character, an experienced officer, and from his generosity and old-fashioned hospitality, had acquired an influence over his neighbors, whom he commanded, that insured their fidelity under the most trying circumstances. His personal appearance, too, was eminently fitted to inspire confidence. His tall figure, his bold, fine countenance, and his manly bearing, could not be concealed, even by the plain calico frock that he wore as he marched from the common, and led the way, about six paces in front of his troops. Two sergeants, with dark lanterns, open only to the rear, threw a faint gleam upon the narrow road, and showed the men which way to advance. As Putnam had conceived this dar- ing enterprise, so was the execution of it intrusted to his hands, as best suited to bring it to a safe issue. Attended by Colonel Gridley, the chief engineer, he accompanied the party and directed its movements. Putnam had brought from home two of his sons, the eldest, Israel Putnam, Jr., who served as a captain under him, and the youngest, named Daniel, a youth only sixteen years old, who had entered the army as a volunteer. This young man, who was an especial favorite with his father, and the child of his old age, lodged at the house of a lady in Cambridge. At about sunset, Putnam said to Daniel, with an air of great unconcern, " You will go to Mrs. Inman's to-night, as usual ; * Frothingham, 122. The patriotism of the clergy of the revolutionary era I have before had occasion to notice. The pastors of the " established cliurches," tliroughout New England, and indeed in all parts of our country, were, almost without an exception, Whigs ; and they had a wonderful influence in rousing the people to resistance. The chaplains were not only praying men, but, when occa- sion called fur their services, they could prove themselves fighting men, also. The chaplains of the four Connecticut regiments which were sent to Boston and vicinity, and all of whom, it is presumed, were present at the Battle of Bunker Hill, were Rev. Messrs. Benjamin Boardman, Abiel Leonard, Cotton Mather Smith, and Stephen Johnson. Two other chaplains, appointed at the same time, were, Benjamin Trumbull and Samuel Wood. [1775.] THEY EEACII THE NECK. 195 stay there to-morrow, and if they find it necessary to leave town, you must go with them." The young man saw from his father's manner, and from the preparations that were going forward, that some miUtary demonstration was about to be made, in which he was to be an actor. Alarmed at this mysterious separation, that might perhaps prove a final one, Daniel said earnestly, " You, dear father, may need my assistance much more than Mrs. Inman ; pray let me go where you are going." " No, no, Daniel, do as I bid you," said the general with an ill-dissembled sternness. His voice faltered, and his eyes filled and ran over with drops of parental sympathy, as he continued in a softened tone, " You can do little, my son, where I am going, and there will be enough to take care of me." The refusal was peremptory, and the son, who had courage to do everything but disobey, yielded without utter- ing another word.* Following the glimmer of the dark lanterns, the party now moved forward in the profoundest silence. Not one of them, save the officers, who had been made acquainted with the secret, had the slightest intimation as to the nature of the business that they had been deputed to perform. Like a company of ghosts they passed along until the murmurs of the Charles and the Mystic on either hand, stole audibly through the hushed night air, and informed them that they were approaching the neck of the peninsula. When they had crossed the neck, they found wagons loaded with empty hogsheads, fascines, gabions, and intrenching tools. A glance at these familiar objects explained everything. A question of very serious debate now began to be agitated among the officers. Which hill should they fortify ? Bunker Hill was the one explicitly named in the order, and no other hill upon the whole peninsula was at that time known by any name. Putnam, Prescott, and Gridley, must have all been familiar with the ground, as they had, only a few days before, criti- cally explored it for the very purpose of choosing a point for * Swett's History, 19,20. 196 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. an intrenchment. But it was now urged that this hill, though much the highest of all the eminences, was quite too remote from the British batteries and ships to do them as much harm as would be desirable, and that the hill next in height ought to be selected. In reply to this, the superior eleva- tion of Bunker Hill, rendering it more difficult of access, and the order of Major-General Ward and the Committee of Safety, were claimed to be decisive in favor of the original design. So much time was consumed in this debate, that Colonel Gridley, who was anxious to enter upon the dis- charge of his duties as engineer, began at last to be impa- tient, and warned them that they had not a moment to lose. They finally decided upon fortifying Breed's Hill.* Colonel Gridley now laid out the ground for the works upon the very summit with masterly skill and dispatch. The redoubt was about eight rods square. Its strongest side or point, was the one toward Charlestown, and was built in the front of a redan. f The eastern side swept a wide field and commanded a portion of the harbor. A breastwork ran in a line with it northerly, for some distance, but terminated about seven rods southerly of the slough before described. Between the breastwork and the redoubt was a narrow sally-port, guarded in front by a blind. There was also a passage-way without a blind in the north wall of * Siege of Boston, 123, 124. Some historians have had the hardihood to deny that Putnain was present, either at Breed's Hill or at Bunker Hill, during this memorable night. The evidence on this point, however, is too clear and positive to admit of a doubt. Even Mr. Frotliingham, wlio appears to have been particu- larly ambitious to rob Connecticut of all participation in tlie battle of Bunker Hill, is constrained to admit Putnam's presence, while he argues that Colonel Prescott, (Putnam's inferior in rank,) had the chief command. Indeed, it would seem that it was through Putnam's " importunity," if not by his order, that the detach- ment proceeded to fortify Breed's Hill, instead of Bunker Hill, in the face of General Ward's direction. The Committee of Safety intimate that this was done, through " some mistake " ; but Colonel Swett remarks that there was no misUike about it — and that the committee only '' meant to say delicately that the order to fortify Bunker Hill was not complied with." See Gordon i. 351 ; Swett. + " A kind of rampart in the form of an inverted V., having its angle toward the enemy." Webster. [i;:,').] ruTNAM superintends the works. 197 the redoubt, whence the party might escape, should they find themselves too hotly beset. As a place of ultimate retreat, should their necessities compel them to it, it was thought advisable to mark out a work upon Bunker Hill. Meanwhile, Captain Maxwell with his company, together with some Connecticut and other troops, were sent down to the shore at Charlestown, to keep a close watch of the movements of the enemy. So much time had been spent in deliberating in regard to the place that would be most desirable for their purpose, and so long did it take to mark out the lines of the fortifications, that it was past midnight when the first spade-full of earth was thrown up.* But Putnam had a way of getting more hard service out of a company of men, and could remove more cubic feet of stones and earth in a given number of hours, than any other officer who participated in the exciting scenes of the Ameri- can revolution. The reader will bear in mind the fact that he was occupied in a similar business when he first received tidings of the battle of Lexington. On this occasion, so much did he feel the weight of responsibility pressing upon him, as the chief adviser in the step that had been taken against the calm judgment of men in whose wisdom he had great confidence, that he exerted himself to the utmost stretch of his capacity. Stimulated by his presence, the hardy men who had just entered upon the duties of a sol- dier's life, labored with unremitting exertions, and with a success that astonished the officers. While Putnam remain- ed at the redoubt to superintend the works, Colonel Prescott and the gallant Major Brooks, stole quietly down to the shore, to reconnoitre the enemy who were in the ships, and learn if they were aware of the movements of the x\merican detachment.f The night was clear, and the stars let fall their purest beams upon the glancing waves and the glim- mering shrouds of the British ships. They lingered until they heard the voice of the deluded sentry shouting in the * Bancroft, Graham, Frothingham, &o. t Swett's History. 198 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ears of the dreaming crew, " All's well !" and as the hollow echo repeated the words upon the shore, they returned to the redoubt. When General Putnam saw that the men were well and systematically at work, and that everything was going for- ward as he desired, he hastened back to the camp to bring on the reinforcements that had been promised, and to procure a fresh horse, for few military leaders have ever needed so many horses in a single campaign as did Putnam. While he was absent, Colonel Prescott, who had charge of the redoubt as the next in command, and who could hardly persuade himself that the enemy had failed to be alarmed by the noise that was necessarily made in throwing up the works, again sought the shore. Everything was quiet. The enemy were as ignorant of his approach as they were regardless of the sound of the waves that broke at his feet. He now ordered the guard that had been posted at Charles- town, to return to Breed's Hill.* At last the dawn began to streak the east, and then flecks of rosy light playing upon the waters of the bay, quenching the gray mist and restoring the familiar features of hill and town and curved beach. When at last the Brit- ish officers looked toward Breed's Hill and saw the sharp outlines of the newly broken sod standing out in well defined walls against the sky, they could hardly believe that it was not an illusory dream, that would vanish with the coming of the open sunshine. But they soon found that the forms before them, clad in such rude attire, were brawny- armed, sun-burned men, and that the redoubt and the breast- * Frothingliam, p. 124, 125. Rlartin says, " about a thousand were at work ; the men dug in the trenches an hour, and then mounted guard and were rehev- ed." Colonel Prescott remarks — " Never were men in a worse condition for ac- tion — exhausted by watching, fatigue and hunger — and never did old soldiers behave better." Prescott was fearful that the enemy would commence the attack before the works were in a condition to protect his men ; but the cry, '^ All's wjeZZ," heard at intervals, drowsily repeated by the sentinels, gave assur- ance to the patriots that their labors were undiscovered and unsuspected on board the ships. [1775.] CHAPLAIN MARTIN's FUNERAL SERVICE. 199 work were anything but the "baseless fabric of a vision." Though they had sprung up in a night they did not vanish with approach of morning. The cannon of the Lively, the nearest of the enemy's ships, now opened upon them a stern morning salute, that startled the inhabitants of the country for miles around.* General Gage, awakened from his secure slumbers at Bos- ton, whence for some days he had been meditating a remov- al into the country, bewildered at what he saw and heard, instantly summoned a council of war at the old state house. Some other frigates and lloating batteries, the Somerset line-of-battle ship, together with the battery from Copp's Hill, soon opened a terrific fire upon the American lines. f But though their shot tore up the ground in ridges, yet the works were so nearly completed as to aflbrd a safe protec- tion. At length some of the men having ventured in front of the works, one of them was killed by a cannon shot. J A subaltern hastened to inform Colonel Prescott of what had hapj)ened, and asked him what should be done. "Bury him," was the laconic reply. " What, without prayers ?" asked the astonished informant. There was a chaplain present, the Rev. John Martin, who insisted upom performing a funeral ceremonial over this first sacrifice. He gathered a crowd around him and began the service. Colo- nel Prescott ordered them to disperse. They did so, but soon the ill-suppressed religious sentiment swelling beyond the barriers of military authority, the chaplain again collect- ed the mourners and resumed the rite. Prescott now order- ed the dead body to be taken out of their custody and buried in the ditch. Angry and grieved at this interference, a num- ber of the soldiers left the works and never returned. This death, happening as it did and made thus cons])icuous, inspir- ed much terror in the minds of the soldiers who had never * Swett. t Gordon, i. ,3r>l . ^The person killed was Asa Pollard, of iiiilerica, of Stickney's company, Bridge's regiment. Frothinghain, 12C, 200 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. before seen a battle. The valiant Martin was not one of the deserters. Finding that his services would be more acceptable at that critical time in a less spiritual sense than he had at first supposed, he seized a musket, and falling into the ranks as a private soldier, fought with desperation.* Colonel Prescott, in order to quiet the fears of the raw troops, now mounted the works and stood exposed to the enemy's shot while he issued his orders. While he stood in full view of the enemy, his bald head entirely unprotected from the sun and his sword waving in the air, General Gage scanned him minutely with his telescope, and then handing it to Willard, a mandamus counselor who stood near him, inquired who he was. Willard replied " that it was his brother-in-law. Colonel Prescott." " Will he fight ?" asked the General. " Yes, sir, depend upon it, to the last drop of his blood," said Willard, " but I cannot answer for his men."f The sun had now risen so high and shone with such scorching heat, that the Americans at the redoubt whose heads were not protected from it, and who had worked the whole night without so much as a draught of cold water to slake their thirst, began to beg for something to drink and that they might also be relieved by fresh forces. Some of the officers, whose sympathies were excited in behalf of their men, were free to make this proposal to Prescott. He called a council of war at once. He was well aware of the evil consequences that would follow should he allow any antici- pations to be awakened in their minds that might fail to be realized. He therefore spoke in scornful terms of the neces- sity of having recruits or relief " The enemy," he said, " would not dare to attack them, and if they did, would be defeated. The men who had raised the works were the best * Soon after the battle, Mr. Martin preached a discourse from this text, (Neh. iv. 14,) " And I said unto the nobles, and to the rulers, and to the rest of the people, Be ye not afraid of them ; remember the Lord which is great and terrible, and fight for your brethren, your sons and your daughters, your wives and your houses." He was subsequently chaplain of a Rhode Island regiment. tSwett,p. 22, 23; Frothingham 12G. [177.").] GAGE CALLS A COUXCIL. 201 qualified to defend them. Tliey had ah'eady learned to des- pise the fire of the enemy. They had the merit of the labor and should enjoy the honor of the victory."' Thus doubtless with many an anxious glance toward the Cambridge road, did the old warrior insj)ire his men with new confidence. The task that General Putnam had taken upon himself to perform was the most difficult of all. The American camp at Cambridge was without any fixed locality. Some of the troops were lodged at the colleges, others in the church, and others still in public and private houses. The officers were distributed wherever they could be best accommoda- ted. It was a work requiring much time to get the rein- forcements for which he had repaired to Cambridge. At break of day he ordered Lieutenant Clark to send to Gene- ral Ward for a fresh horse. Clark hastened himself to do the errand. On his return he found the old hero already mounted and just starting off for Breed's Hill.* The guns of the Lively w^ere echoing over sea and land, and without waitintj for those reinforcements that ou2;ht to have been drawn up in order ready to march as soon as he arrived in Cambridge, he paused only to remind General Ward tiiat the fortune of the day would depend upon the immediate fulfill- ment of the pledge that had been so solemnly given on the preceding evening, of sending new troops, refreshments, and a larger stock of ammunition, and then rode as if for life, toward the peninsula, where his panting soldiers looked in vain for food, f It is not to be supposed that General Gage spent the morning in idleness. It has been stated that he held a coun- cil of war at a very early hour at the state house. All the * Humphreys, p. 217. tSucli was the delay in the arrival of reinforcements and provisions, that many of the soldiers began to suspect treachery on the part of certain officers. Thus, Peter Brown, a private, under date of June 25, 1775, in a letter to his mother, wrote — " I must and will venture to say, that there was treachery, oversight or presumption, in the conduct of our officers." Gordon says, (i. 351,) " By some unaccountable error, thedctaehment which had been working for hours, was neither relieved nor supplied with refreshments, but was left to engage under these disadvantages." 202 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ■ ; officers agreed that the Americans ought to be driven from the redoubt, but they could not hit upon any plan of attack that met the approval of all. General Clinton and General Grant thought it would be best to embark at the foot of the common in boats, land at Charlestown neck under a heavy fire from the ships and floating batteries, and attack the American detachment in the rear. This advice proved to be very popular with some ol" the officers, who saw in it the promise of exciting adventures that accorded well with the impetuosity of Percy and Pigot. But General Gage strenuously opposed the proposition. He said it would be placing themselves between two armies, the one their superior in position, and the other in numbers ; thus they might be met at the same time in front and rear and com- pletely surrounded, so as to be cut oft^ at once from all hope of retreat. He advised to land and attack the Americans in front, so that the way would be open for them to retire to their boats if necessary. The other members of the council fell in with these views, and they were adopted.* British troops soon appeared marching through the streets of Bos- ton. The parade ground was in full view of the American redoubt, and a corps of British dragoons who had been maneuvering there, were suddenly seen to gallop away, while the rattling of artillery carriages, and the rumbling of wagons were heard distinctly in the still morning air. The meaning of this unusual stir could not be misinterpreted. Putnam's last visit at the redoubt had been brief Seeing that Colonel Prescott had done in his absence everything that skill and valor could do, and aware of the almost immediate prospect of an engagement, he had taken time only to utter a word of encouragement, and had again set oflf for Cambridge to stimulate the leisurely movements of General Ward, and bring into the field the expected reinforcements. But delays and excuses met him at every step. General Ward was not able to believe that the British troops could be landed anywhere • Swett. [1775.] MR. DEVENS PLEADS FOR CHARLESTOWN. 203 save at Cambridge. Begging, remonstrating, explaining, doing everything but threaten his superior officer, Putnam labored with him in vain. Colonel Prescott, seeing the approach of the enemy, and witnessing with pain the fatigue of his men, about 9 o'clock called another council of war, that finally resulted in his send- ing Major Brooks to head quarters to add his solicitations to those of Putnam. Failing to procure a horse. Brooks pro- ceeded on foot to Cambridge. He reached the camp about 10 o'clock, and informed General Ward that he had come for provisions and reinforcements. The commander-in- chief interposed a variety of objections. lie doubted if the enemy meant to land at Charlestown ; the movement was probably a mere feint, and Cambridge would after all be their real point of destination. He had but too scanty a force at best, and as for ammunition, it was necessary to use it very sparingly, as nobody could see from what quarter they could get any more when they had expended their little store.* Such in substance were the grounds of objection urged by the good old man. But lest he might seem to I'epose too much confidence u])on his own judgment, he laid the proposition before the Committee of Safety, then in ses- sion in the same house where he was quartered. Mr. Richard Devens, of Charlestown, was a member of the com- mittee, and pleaded with such eloquence in behalf of his native town as to make a deep impression upon the minds of the others. The committee advised a reinforcement, and Ward, much against his will, thereupon issued orders to Colonels Reed and Stark, then stationed at Medford, to join Prescott with the New Hampshire forces without delay. f General Warren was present with the other members of the committee. He had acted as president of the Congress the day before, and had spent the night also (doubtless a sleep- less one,) at Watertown. Mr. Elbridge Gerry, who had from the first regarded the attempt to fortify Bunker Hill as an impracticable one, had earnestly besought him not to go * Humphreys, 218, 219. + Svvett, Humphreys, and others. 204 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. upon the ground, as he said his death, that would be useless as his life was invaluable, would be the probable conse- quence." "I know it," was the reply, "but I live within the sound of the cannon, and should die were I to remain at home while my fellow-citizens are shedding their blood for me." "As sure as you go you will be slain," reiterated Gerry, prophetically. " Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori,"* was the classical and glorious answer of the patriot- scholar. Warren reached Cambridge at day-light, worn out with excitement and almost crazed with a nervous headache, and threw himself upon a bed. When the news came that the British were in motion, General Ward sent him word. He left the bed instantly, and remarking that " his headache was gone," repaired to the room occupied by the Committee of Safety, of which he was chairman. After the meeting was over he armed himself with a fusil and sword, mounted his horse and rode toward the spot where the squadrons of war were mustering.f It was 11 o'clock before the orders issued by General Ward to the New Hampshire troops reached Medford. Even then, as no provision had been made for any such emergency, they were totally unprepared for service, as they were without ammunition. Many of them had not even flints to their guns. Every soldier was now furnished with two flints and a gill of powder, with fifteen bullets to make up into cartridges. Almost every one of them was obliged to make use of a powder-horn as a cartridge-box was a lux- ury, the enjoyment of which was yet in reserve for them. Their guns also differed as much in calibre as the features of their respective owners did in appearance, and they were compelled to hammer their balls into slugs before they could load their pieces, J The troops stationed at Chelsea were now recalled. At noon, twenty-eight barges filled with the greater part of the first detachment of British troops embarked at the * " It is sweet and lovely to die for one's country." fSwett. t Humphreys. [17- THE BRITISH TROOPS LAND. 205 long wharf in Boston. They were among the best forces of the army, being the fifth, thirty-eighth, forty-third, and fifty- second battaUons of infantry, ten companies of grenadiers, and ten of hght infantry. '-^ A part of these troops were taken from the transports and had not yet set foot upon the American shore. They fell into two parallel lines and dis- played themselves with admirable eftect as they flew grace- fully through the water. In a conspicuous position in the bows of the foremost boats were six shining pieces of can- non and howitzers, while the elegant uniform and polished arms of the of^cers and soldiers flashed brightly in the beams of the noon-day sun. At one o'clock they touched at Mor- ton's Point and landed in perfect order. So imposing was the spectacle, and so perfect were their movements, that the American officers found it difficult to keep their panic- stricken men in their places at the redoubt. As soon as General Howe had effected a landing of his troops, he dis- covered that the spare cannon balls which he had brought along with him were too large for his guns.t He therefore sent them back and ordered a new supply, and at the same time he dispatched a messenger to General Gage requesting that he would forward more troops, as the strength of the American lines was much greater than he had at first sup- posed, and as fresh recruits now began to pour in from the neck. While waiting for the other troops, the companies that had already landed dined from their full knapsacks, with as much unconcern as if they had been occupied about the most ordinary employment. J It was two o'clock before the remainder of the detachment were ready. They embarked at Winnisimit ferry and soon joined the first party at Morton's Point. Not long afterward the reinforce- ments, consisting of a few companies of grenadiers and light infantry, the forty-seventh battalion, and almost an entire battalion of marines, were landed under the eastern end of * Svvctt. + Gordon, i. 351, 352 ; see also Graham, iv. 380. tSwett, Frothingham. The latter author truly remarks, " It jtroved to many a brave man his last meal." Hist. Siege of Boston, p. 132. 206 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, Breed's Hill, on the very ground now occupied by the navy yard.* Meanwhile General Putnam was busy here and there superintending and directing all the movements of the American army. He ordered Captain Knowlton, with the little handful of Connecticut men, whom he had been pei"- mitted to bring from the field where General Ward was waiting for the approach of an enemy who never paid him the anticipated visit, to take his position behind a rail fence about two hundred and fifty yards in length, that stretched across the tongue of land before described, from Mystic river to the road.f A little part of this fence had a stone foundation about two feet high. Some apple trees were standing in front of it and a few in the rear. There were other fences near by, which the troops removed and made with the rails thus obtained a new one parallel with the first mentioned one. Between these two frail barriers they threw new mown grass. Such a breastwork could hardly be expected to protect them from the enemy's artil- lery, but proved to be of much avail against musket balls. It was eighty yards in the rear of the slough, and one hund- red and ninety yards in the rear of the American breast- work that formed a continuation of the redoubt. Hence there was a wide opening between this breastwork and the fence, where the left flank of the Americans would be expos- ed to a raking fire, and another space of one hundred yards between the slough and the fence that would have given the ^ British infantry ample room to advance. Colonel Prescott also called in the companies that had * Swett. t Swett's History, page 27 ; see also Captain Chester's letter in the " Sietre of Boston," p. 390. " Our officers in command, soon pei'ceiving their in- tention, ordered a large party of men, (chiefly Connecticut,) to leave the fort, and march down and oppose the enemy's right wing." If positive testimony on the point of the chief command is desired, the reader is referred to Colonel Swett's History. Botta, (i. 204,) says, "General Tutnam directed in chief, and lield himself ready to repair to any point, where his presence should bo most wanted." [1775.] THE POST OF HONOR. 207 been posted at Charlestown and ordered them to take their stand at a cart-way that ran from the road to the south- eastern angle of the redoubt. In imitation of what had been done by Knowlton, they made for themselves a tempo- rary screen by means of parallel fences and freshly cut grass.* The Americans, roused by the cannonade from the British ships and floating batteries that sounded such a fearful note of preparation, now came thronging to the field. The Connecticut troops, impatient to mingle in the battle, were all in marching order, and sent an urgent request to General Ward that he would allow them to hasten to the standard of Putnam, their idol. But as they were the best trained and best equipped forces in the whole army, they were the very last that General Ward would suffer to leave him. They might as well have supplicated the winds. General Ward sent them the consoling information that they had already the post of honor, as the enemy loere expected to Ia?id near Inman's farm where they were stationed. f Whoever might have expected them, it is quite certain that neither Putnam, Prescott, Knowlton, Brooks, nor any other officers whose services were worth anything on that day, were of the number. The gallant Colonel Sargeant of New Hampshire made a like request, and was answered in the same way. Captain Callender, who commanded a company of artil- lery, and whose services, as the event proved, were just such as would have been best fitted to help General Ward * This impromptu mode of fortification proved even more formidable to the enemy than either Trcscott or Knowlton had anticipated. A British letter, dated July 5, 1775, says : " Our light-infantry were served up in companies against the grass fence, without being able to penetrate — indeed, how could we penetrate it ? Most of our grenadiers and light-infantry, the moment of presenting themselves, lost three-fourths, and many nine-tenths of their men. Some companies had only eight or nine men left ; some only three, four, and five." Another British letter says : " It was found to be the strongest post that was ever occupied by any set of men." Frothingham, 142. t Swett's IIistothinghani, Jr. The number of the killed and wounded, belonging to Tutnam's regiment, (including Colt's and Chester's companies,) was fifteen killed, and thirty wounded. 47 226 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, most ordinary comforts of food and water, proved themselves able to drive back thrice their number of the best troops of the British army, and with a loss on their part comparatively insignificant, to leave one quarter of the enemy dead or wounded upon the field. Is it strange if Connecticut, whose sons played so conspicuous a part in this struggle, should wake up at last, and, without seeking to pluck any laurels from the brows of the other great men who fought there, should attempt to restore the immortal leaves of oak that have been so rudely torn from the forehead of Putnam, the author and the commander of the battle of Bunker Hill ? Had he also been commander at Cambridge on that day, the British flag would not have floated in triumph from the top of Bunker Hill in the beams of the settina; sun. CHAPTER IX. EXPEDITION AGAINST CANADA. On the very day that the people of the eastern colonies were engaged in fighting the battle of Bunker Hill, the General Congress, then in session at Philadelphia, gave to Colonel Washington a commission to be commander-in-chief of the American forces, and pledged themselves in the most solemn manner that they would assist him and adhere to him with their lives and fortunes, in the maintenance and prosecu- tion of American liberties. On the same day, they chose, by ballot, Artemas Ward, first major-general ; Horatio Gates, adjutant-general ; and Charles Lee, second major-general. Two days afterwards, when the cheering news of the battle had reached them, they elected Philip Schuyler, third major- general, and Israel Putnam, fourth major-general, without a dissenting vote.* That very day was also distinguished by another event that at once evinces some of the peculiar traits of the North American Indians, and the speed with which the news of the battle had spread over the continent. I refer to the speech sent by the chiefs and warriors of the Oneidas, addressed to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, and through him to the four New England provinces. It is a fair specimen of aboriginal eloquence, and is as follows tf "As my younger brothers of the New England Indians, who have settled in the vicinity, are now going down to visit their friends, and to move up parts of their families that were left behind — with this belt by them, I open the road wide, • Botta, i. 217 ; Gordon, i. 350. + This speech 1 have transcribed from Gordon's Hist., i. 3G0, 361. 228 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. clearing it of all obstacles, that they may visit their friends, and return to their settlements here in peace. " We Oneidas are induced to this measure on account of the disagreeable situation of affairs that way ; and we hope by the help of God, they may return in peace. We earnestly recommend them to your charity through their long journey. " Now we more immediately address you our brother, the governor, and the chiefs of New England. " Brothers ! — We have heard of the unhappy diflTerences and great contention between you and Old England. We wonder greatly, and are troubled in our minds. " Brothers ! — Possess your minds in peace respecting us Indians. We cannot intermeddle in this dispute between two brothers. The quarrel seems to be unnatural. You are two brotlicrs of one blood. We are unwilling to join on either side in such a contest, for we bear an equal affection to both you old and New England. Should the great king of Eng- land apply to us for aid, we shall deny him. If the colonies apply, we will refuse. The present situation of you two brothers is new and strange to us. We Indians cannot find, nor recollect in the traditions of our ancestors, the like case, or a similar instance. " Brothers — For these reasons possess your minds in peace, and take no umbrage, that we Indians refuse joining in the contest. We are for peace. " Brothers ! — Was it an alien, or a foreign nation, who had struck you, we should look into the matter. We hope, through the wise government and good pleasure of God, your distresses may be soon z'emoved, and the dark clouds be dispersed. " Brothers ! — We have declared for peace ; we desire you will not apply to our Indian brethren in New England for assistance. Let us Indians be all of one mind, and live with one another ; and you white people settle your own disputes betwixt yourselves. " Brothers ! — We have now declared our minds. Please to write us, that we may know yours. We, the sachems and warriors, and female governesses, of Oneida, send our [1775.] WASHINGTON ARRIVES IX CA:\[BRIDGE, 229 love to you, brother, governor, and all the other chiefs in New England."* General Washington, accompanied by General Lee and other gentlemen, immediately set out upon his journey toward the North, to place himself at the head of the American army. Everywhere on his way he w^as greeted with the most hearty congratulations, and at different points where he stopped, he was waited on by deputations of gentlemen, and escorted by them from place to place, with manifestations of the profoundest regard. A committee was appointed by the Provincial Congress of Massachusetts to meet him at Spring- field, more than one hundred miles from Boston, and to pro- vide suitable escorts to conduct him and his party to Cam- bridge in a style befitting his rank. On his arrival at the head-quarters of the army, he was received with hearty tokens of enthusiasm. His first care was to bring the army into a state of discipline. With this view, he soon formed the troops into three grand divisions, consisting of about twelve regiments each. He placed the right wing under the command of Major-General Ward, the left under that of Major-General Lee, and to Major-General Putnam he com- mitted the command of the reserve. f This was the first time that Washington and Putnam, the two most remarkable military chieftains of that day, had ever met, though each had been preceded by such a military reputation as must have long before elicited the^ admiration of the other. The manly bearing of Putnam, his frankness, his fearlessness, his simplicity of character, his energy and tact, his industry and activity, all associated with one who * At the special session of the General Assembly of Connecticut, which con- vened on the first day of July, 1775, It was resolved that the governor sliould make a kind and friendly answer to the speech sent to this colony by the Oneida Indians, and procure a belt of wampum to be sent them ; and that the sum of £]i2 for the expense of transmitting the same should be paid out of the treasury, and that the governor should direct Colonel llinnian to assure the Indians of the peaceable dis- position of the people of the colonj- towards them." t See Humphreys, Gordon, Pitkin, 15ott,-i, licc. 230 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. had already reached that period of Ufe when men usually seek reth'ement and exemption from care, made an impres- sion upon the mind of Washington that subsequent events and a more intimate acquaintance only served to confirm. Washington was forcibly struck with his skill and alertness in hurrying forward the plan of military defenses that he had marked out for the army. Hence it was with unfeigned admiration, that he could not repress, that he remarked, "You seem to have the faculty, General Putnam, of infusing your own industrious spirit into all the workmen you employ."* In an incredibly short period of time, the continental lines were so strengthened, and so many redoubts mounted with cannon were thrown up, that the American army could defy any attempt that the enemy might venture to make upon them at Cambridge. Soon after Washington's arrival, every- thing was reduced to order and system. Method soon became a habit with the soldiers, who vied with each other in their efforts to gain the approval of their officers. About the 20th of July, the declaration of the Continental Congress, setting forth their reasons for taking up arms, was proclaimed at the head of the several divisions. The tem- perance and coolness of that body of statesmen is well exem- plified in the concluding sentences of that document : " In our own native land, in defense of the freedom that is our birthright, and which we ever enjoyed until the late violation of it ; for the protection of our property, acquired solely by the honest industry of our forefathers and ourselves ; against violence actually offered, we have taken up arms. We shall lay them down when hostilities shall cease on the part of the aggressors, and all danger of their being renewed shall be removed, and not before. " With an humble confidence in the mercies of the Supreme and impartial Judge and Ruler of the Universe, we most devoutly implore his divine goodness to conduct us happily through this great conflict, to dispose our adversaries to * Humphreys, p. 99 — note. [1775.] OUR COAST INVADED. 231 reconciliation on reasonable terms, and thereby to relieve the empire from the calamities of civil war."* Putnam had ordered his division to be paraded on Prospect Hill, to listen to the reading of the declaration. As soon as the last words were pronounced, the troops all shouted three times, as with one voice, the word, " Amen !" Scarcely had the echoes of this unwonted huzza died upon the ear, when a signal-gun was fired from the fort, and suddenly the new standard that had just arrived from Connecticut, rose and unfurled itself in the fresh summer breeze, exhibiting on one side, in large golden letters, the words, "An appeal to Heaven !" and on the other, the armorial bearings of Connecticut, with its simple shield unsupported and without a crest, marked with the three vines that have from the first symbolized the knoivledgc, liberty and religion of the emigrants who founded the state, and with the scroll that assures us that they will flourish forever in the new soil where the divine Husband- man has planted them.f The news of the battle of Bunker Hill was received in Connecticut with the most lively enthusiasm. In some places, the event was celebrated with bonfires, processions, and the illumination of public and private buildings. It became a general theme of conversation at the fire-side, in the work-shop, on the farm, and in the streets ; the pulpit and the forum echoed its history in words of burning eloquence. Not long after, the coast of the colony was invaded. On the 30th of September, Captain Wallace of the Rose man-of- war, with two tenders, gave chase to a small American vessel, and would doubtless have taken possession of her had she not fled for refuge into Stonington harbor. This so enraged Captain Wallace, that he immediately opened his guns upon the town and kept up a constant discharge of artillery nearly the whole day, with considerable eflect. He wounded one of the inhabitants, shattered their houses and * Humphreys, p. 100. t " (2ui Traiisfulit Sustiiiet." lie wlio tniiisplanted doth sustain them. See Humphreys' Life of Putnam, p. 100, 101. 232 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. stores with cannon balls, and carried oft' with him at night a schooner loaded with molasses, and two small sloops. The marks of this cowardly act are visible in the old structures that are still preserved there as relics of the protecting care of the British government.* The perfidious behavior of Governor Tryon, of New York, and the very cordial support that he received at the hands of the principal men of that province, awakened many well founded suspicions in the minds of all those in the other colonies who were friendly to the cause of American liberty. New York at this time, was swarming with tories, who, from interested motives or from a real love of British rule, were disposed, as far as they could with safety to themselves, to thwart the measures of the Continental Congress. f Such was the importance of securing the North river, that Con- gi-ess ordered that a fortification should be erected in the highlands, and a garrison established there. They also, on the 27th, ordered Lord Sterling to marshal the New Jersey forces for the defense of that colony. He was directed to erect barracks for them at some point in the eastern division of New Jersey, as near New York as practicable, and keep them there upon drill, and to await further orders. For a long time the opposition to the popular movements of the country had been checked by the powerful influence of a newspaper press in New York city, belonging to Mr. Rivington, a man of much ability and of unbounded activity, who was a staunch supporter of Governor Tryon. The seeds of a loyal submission to the will of the new ministry, and the * Miss Caulkins (Hist. New Luiidon, p. 516,) mentions "Captain Benjamin Pendleton, and other brave and true men," who, when the tender of the Rose pursued one of its victims to the vilIan;o wharf, ralhed and drove the invader from its prey. The person wounded was Jonathan Weaver, Jr., a musician in Capt. Oliver Smith's company. (Ilinman, p. 192.) The village of Stonington Long i'omt — the place attacked — was again cannonaded by the British, August 9, 1814, with a very similar result, buildings being damaged, one man severely wounded, and no one killed. Long Point formed a part of the farm of that intre- pid pioneer of Stonington, Mr. William Chesebrough. + Gordon, i. 402. This writer states that owing to the intrigues of Gov. Tryon, " the troops of New York are not to be depended upon" in emergencies. [ITT.V] DESTllUCTIOX OF EIVIXGTOX'S PRESS. 233 unjust doings of the British government, were disseminated throucrh the columns of his hvely sheet so broadcast and in sucli a quick soil, that tliey were sure to take root and spring up in all parts of the town and neighborhood. It was finally determined to abate this press as a nuisance. Captain Isaac Sears, a bold ofiScer, of a temperament not likely to leave a good work half done, undertook to execute the enterprise. Four days before the orders above alluded to were issued to Lord Sterling, Sears gathered together a troop of one hun- dred horsemen from Connecticut, armed to the teeth with swords, carbines, and muskets, and riding furiously to Riving- ton's place of business, seized and carried off his printing- press, types, paper, and all his other materials for the manu- facture of public opinion. Some of this property was totally destroyed. While this summary proceeding was going on, the tories gathered in crowds and pressed hard upon the little company, with menacing looks and gestures. Sears called out to them., in a voice of thunder, and told them if they dared to otTer the least resistance he would order his men to fire upon them. That they might be sure of the sincerity of his declarations, he at the same time ordered his men to make ready to execute his threat. This hostile demon- stration instantly cleared the street, and the work proceeded as calmly as if it had been the execution of a solemn judicial sentence. This was the first time that Connecticut had ever had occasion to interfere with the liberty of the press. General Washington having obtained favorable accounts from Canada, and being persuaded that neither the Indians or Canadians could be prevailed upon to take up arms against the Americans, conceived the design of detaching a body of troops from head-quarters, to cross the wilderness through the province of Maine to Quebec. On consulting with Gen. Schuyler, that gentleman fully approved of the proposed plan ; and in a short time all the preliminaries of the expedi- tion were in readiness. This detachment was designed to cooperate with the troops, under command of General Mont- 234 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. gomery, that were to proceed to Canada by way of Lake Champlain.* On the evening of the 13th of September, 1775, the corps marched from Cambridge for Newburyport, where six days after, they embarked on board ten transports bound to Ken- nebec, fifty leagues distant. The expedition consisted of eleven hundred men, commanded by Colonel Arnold, aided by Colonels Christopher Green and Roger Enos, and Majors Meigs and Bigelovv. On the 20th of September, they entered Kennebec river, and proceeded up to Gardner's town. The enterprise had thus far been conducted with such dispatch, that only fourteen days had elapsed since the orders were first given for building two hundred batteaux, for collecting provisions, and for drafting eleven hundred men.f The troops embarked on board the batteaux on the 22d, and proceeded to Fort Western on the east side of the river. From this point, they proceeded up the Kennebec in three divisions. The navigation was so obstructed by water-falls, rapids, rock, fallen trees, and other incumbrances, that they were frequently compelled to carry their batteaux, baggage, and other articles, until they came to a part of the river that was navigable. One of these carrying-places was twelve miles and a half across. By the 15th of October, their pro- visions were so reduced that the men were put upon short allowance. About this time, Colonel Enos was ordered to send back the sick, and those that could not be furnished with provisions ; but, contrary to Colonel Arnold's expectation, he returned to Cambridge with his whole division. J The heavy rains produced a flood, and such was the rapidity of the stream that on the 23d, five or six of the batteaux were upset, and several barrels of provisions, a number of guns, a consider- able amount of clothing and other articles, were lost. Some- times the company could proceed only from three to seven * Gordon, i. 40(5 ; Graham, iv. 400, 401. t Gordon, i. 400. X Colonel Enos was from Connecticut. lie was tried by a court-martial for his retreat, but was honorabl}' acquitted. It was shown that he had but three days provisions on hand, and was one hundred miles from the English settlements. A council of war had advised his retreat. Gordon, i. 409. [1775.] ARNOLD ARRIVES AT ROIXT LEVI. 235 miles in a day. On leaving the river, they encountered ahnost interminable forests, mountains, and swamps, besides cold, storms, and famine. The half famished soldiers devoured their dogs, cartouch-boxes, and shoes.* On the 4th day of November, after a march of thirty-one days through an uninhabited wilderness. Major Meigs and his men reached a French house, where they were hospitably treated. Arnold and his entire remaining force reached Point Levi on the 9th of November. Before gaining that point, however, it was manifest to his mind that the people had been advised of his approach ; and he soon ascertained that an Indian, to whom he had imprudently intrusted important dispatches for General Montgomery, had treacher- ously given them into the hands of the enemy. f Generals Montgomery and Wooster in the meantime had been joined by General vSchuyler, at Isle la Motte, whence they moved on together to Isle aux Noix. Here Montgomery drew up a declaration, which he sent among the Canadians by Colonel Allen and Major Brown, assuring them that the army was designed only against the English garrisons, and was not intended to interfere with the rights, liberties, or religion of the people. The army, numbering about one thousand men, proceeded, without any obstruction to St. John's. Upon landing, and reconnoitering the fortresses, it was ascertained that they were complete, and well furnished with cannon. After receiving and firing a few shots, it was thought advisable to return to Isle aux Noix, which was accordingly done. Schuyler now left Montgomery and Wooster in command, * Gordon. + Botta, i. 2S3. " It is easy to imagine the stupor of surprise which seized the inhabitants of Quebec, at the apparition of these troops. They could not com- prehend by what way or in what mode, they had transported themselves into this region. This enterprise appeared to them not merely marvellous, but miraculous, and if Arnold, in this first moment, had been able to cross the river and fall upon Quebec, he would have taken it without difficulty." In consequence of receiving the letter alluded to, Colonel Maclean had withdrawn all the battcaux from the right bank to the other side of the river. 236 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT, who, being reinforced, commenced the siege of St. John's, September 17th. After several days of almost incessant firing, and after various attempts to negotiate a surrender, St. John's was given up to the Americans, November 3d. The garrison consisted of about five hundred regulars and one hundred Canadians, together with twenty-two iron cannon, two howitzers, seven mortars, seventeen brass can- non, and eight hundred stand of arms, besides a considerable quantity of shot, shells, ammunition, &c.* On returning from their mission into the interior of Canada, Colonel Allen and Major Brown, with an aggregate of only two hundred and eighty men, rashly conceived the design of capturing Montreal. In attempting to carry out this plan, Allen had fifteen of his men killed, and he and the remainder of his corps were taken prisoners. f From some cause, Major Brown did not arrive at the place designated in season to participate in the attack and repulse ; but fortunately he was still at liberty to fight in the cause of his country. On the 18th of October, Chamblee surrendered to IMajors Brown and Livingston — with six tons of powder, eighty bar- rels of flour, one hundred and thirty-four barrels of pork, eleven barrels of rice, over six thousand five hundred musket- cartridges, and other valuable military stores. J On the 11th of November, Generals Montgomery and Wooster arrived at Montreal ; and on the following day, they entered the city without opposition. Sir Guy Carleton, the governor, retreated hastily from the place, and reached Que- * Gordon, i. 428 ; Botta, i. 278. + Botta, i. 277. Colonel Alien, was put in irons and carried to England as a traitor. lie published a narrative of his imprisonment and treatment while a prisoner, which contains much of thrilling incident and romantic adventure. i Gordon, i. 426. Sedgwick, in liis Hist, of Sharon, (p. 45, 46,) states that a company from that town marched under Montgomerj' to Canada ; and that four members of that company were with Allen in his attempt on Montreal, viz. : Adonijah Maxam, D.avid GofF, William Gray, and Samuel Lewis. They, together with Roger Moore, of Salisburj', were among those who were carried to England with Col. Allen. Alexander Spencer, of Sharon, joined Arnold's expedition through the wilderness, but died on the march. [1775.] STOKMIXG OF QUEBEC. 237 bee in safety.* After taking elfectual measures to retain tlie advantage he had thus gained over i.xe enemy, Montgomery marched on toward the capital, expecting to be joined by Colonel Arnold and his detachment in its neighborhood, and hoping to complete the conquest of Canada before the arrival of British reinforcements. A union with Arnold was soon etlected ; and Montgomery learned to his chagrin that his entire force amounted to Init little more than eight hundred men. This diminution in the numbers that he had anticipated, was occasioned by various uni'oreseen events. He had been compelled to leave a considerable part of his troops under General Wooster, for the protection and defense of Montreal ; many of his own as well as of Arnold's soldiers, in consequence of fatigue, exposure, and want of suitable food, had become disabled ; and the return of Enos' division, — each and all had contributed to this result. The gari'ison of Quebec consisted, at this time, of one hundred and seventy regulars under Colonel Maclean, a com- pany of fifty soldiers from the 7tli regiment, forty marines, and about eight hundred militia. f On the 6th of December, 1775, the little army of Mont- gomery appeared betbre Quebec, and sent forward a flag of truce, which was fired upon by order of Sir Guy Carleton. The Americans now commenced in earnest the work of fortifying their position. Their batteries were built of snow and water, which soon became solid ice. On them Mont- gomery planted his ordnance and howitzers; but the artillery proved inadequate, and it was soon resolved by a council of war to storm the city. J The assault commenced during a furious snow storm, on the evening of December 31st, at two difierent points^ — ^one party being conducted by General Montgomery in j)erson ; while the other was led on by Colonel Ai-nold. A third division under Colonel Livingston and Major Brown, had been directed to make a feint upon the walls to the south- ward of St. John's Gate, and to set fire to the gate. The * Graham, iv. 400. t Gordon, ii. I'J. i Gordon, ii. '20. 238 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. commanding genera] entered the city at the head of his division, and attacked t^.he guard-house ; but he was soon killed, the officer who took command ordered a retreat, and the wounded were carried off' to the camp. Meanwhile, Arnold advanced rapidly under the fire of the besieged who manned the walls ; but, being wounded in the leg, he was carried to the hospital. Captain Morgan, a bold and resolute officer, now took command ; but after a desperate struggle, continued until day-light, the invasion was abandoned and the retreat sounded. The Americans had lost, during the night, in killed and wounded, about one hundred men, includ- ing several officers of merit. The fall of Montgomery, was especially deplored, not only by the army, but by the whole country.* The immediate command of the northern army now devolved upon General Wooster. The reader has seen what sufferings this gallant little band had undergone, and what almost miraculous difficulties they had surmounted. But worse than all the obstacles that nature had thrown in his way — worse than the ravages of loathsome disease and the barbarities practised by a savage foe — were the wounds inflic- ted upon his delicate sensibilities by the insulting behavior of his superior in rank and his most uncompromising enemy. Snugly quartered at Albany, where Abercrombie had made himself so comfortable during a most interesting period of the last French war, with plenty of good cheer and little to do, Schuyler had leisure to fan into new activity the embers of his hatred to Wooster, that had never gone out in his bosom. Had he been half as efficient in forwarding clothing to cover the nakedness of the gallant troops under Wooster's charge, to protect them against the sharp frosts and piercing winds of Canada, or half as sedulous in sending provisions to keep them from starving while they were vainly attempting to starve the garrison at Quebec, as he was in torturing the feelings and attempting to humble the pride of their leader, * See Botta, Gordon, Graham. [1775.] WOOSTER AND SCHUYLER. 239 the result of that untoward expedition might have been different. With two thousand men under his command at that unfortunate season of the year, without the ordinary neces- saries of life, discouraged at the defeat that they had just sustained, and heart-broken at the loss of Montgomery, Wooster was called upon not only to keep possession of Montreal and the other parts of Canada, that had been traversed by the Americans, but also to spare men enough to lay siege to Quebec, " the strongest fortified city on the globe," and hold it against an enemy several times outnum- bering his whole army. All this was to be done, too, without a single artillery company, a battering train, a mortar, or an engineer.* Eight hundred men was more than he ought to have spared in an attempt upon Quebec. It was of course impossible to storm this fortress with such a force, even had they been provided with food, clothing, tents, artillery, and all the other munitions that should have been at their command. It was equally idle to think of besieging the place with scarcely men enough to act as sentries. The best and only thing he could do, was to blockade the garrison, and this he did with a fortitude and i'aithfulness worthy of a cause which had to contend against ditliculties that nature and art had contributed to render insurmountable. f The worst of these obstacles, as I have already said, was the conduct of General Schuyler. It was not only insulting, but it was vascillating and whimsical even to childishness. His orders contained intimations and indirect charges of disobedience of former orders, and abounded in the most insolently despotic com- mands that could well be put upon paper. There was in them a meddling and interfering spirit that was excessively galling to the feelings of a high-toned man like Wooster. He was not allowed to regulate even the most ordinary move- ments of his army, nor to prescribe municipal regulations for the temporary government of the towns that were in his keeping, and for which he was to be held responsible. J * Dcmiug, p. 40. t Dt'iTiing's Oration, p. 11. i Dcmiiig ; Gordon, &c. 240 nisTor.Y or Connecticut. With all these embarrassments, Wooster maintained his position as faithfully as his superior officer persisted in his abuses, until he was recalled. The opening of the spring filled the St. Lawrence with ships and veteran troops, more in number than those who had occupied Boston under Gen. Gage, previous to the battle of Bunker Hill. In precipita- tion and defeat, the army withdrew from a country that could not have been reduced by Washington and his whole army. Nor did the persecuting spirit of his accuser content itself with private wrongs inflic^ted through the medium of secret letters. He took- every occasion of traducing Woos- ter in the presence of the officers of the army, and associa- ted himself with Benedict Arnold, in representing him as a coward. He even brought the matter home to the notice of Congress, and charged Wooster with writing insolent letters to him. Never did a more wanton and outrageous falsehood pass for truth merely because it came from a respectable source. Wooster's letters have since been given to the world, and exhibit a spirit of kindness and forgiveness worthy of more praise than they would otherwise deserve, were they not contrasted with those that elicited them.* Wooster now hastened to Philadelphia and insisted that his conduct as leader of the army in Canada should be made the subject of a critical examination by Congress. Then for the first time throwing aside the reserve that had before marked his demeanor, he addressed the President of Congress in the following terms : " The unjust severity and unmerited abuse with which I have been assailed in the colonies by those who would remove every obstacle to their own advancement, and the harsh treatment I have received from some men)bers of the body over which you preside, renders it necessary that I should vindicate my administration of the army in Canada. The honor of a soldier being the first thing he should defend, and his honesty the last he should give up, his character is always entitled to the protection of the virtuous and the good." * See Wooster's and Schuyler's letters in Am. Archieves, vol. iv. fourth series. CHARACTER OF WOOSTER VINDICATED, 2-41 At his solicitation, a committee was appointed by Congress to investigate the charges that had been made against him by his enemies, who found them to be, as the voice of history has long since declared them, groundless and unjust.* * See Deming's Oration in which there is a very able examination of tlie conduct of this officer. Note. — Mr. Deniing, has also kindly furnished me with a piece of testimony in relation to the destruction of Rivington's press, of the most interesting character. This evidence cimies from the pen of Captain Sears himself, in a letter addressed to Roger Sherman, Eliphalet Dyer, and Silas Deane, Esquires, and is as follows : " Nevviiaven, 28 November, 1~~'>. "Gentlemen, — I have to inform you of an Expedition which I, with about 100 Volunteers from this and the other Towns Westward in this Government, set out upon for New York &c., which was to disarm Tories, and to deprive that Traitor to his Country James Rivington of the means of circulating |)ison in print, the latter of which we happily effected by taking away his Types, and which may be a great means of puting an end to the Tory Faction there, for his press hath been as it were the very life and Soul of it — and I believe it wou'd not otherwise have been done, as there are not Spirited and Leading men enough in N. York to undertake such a Business, or it wou'd have been done long ago: and as there are many Enemies to the cause of Freedom, in that place, it is most likely I shall meet with many Censures for undertaking such an Enterprise. 1 shall es- teem it a particular favor to have your opinion upon the matter, and likewise to be inform'd how it is relished by the Members of the Congress in general, and if it meets with their approbation I shall not regard what others may say : I can assure you it is highly approved of by the People of this Colony a few Tories excepted, and they are almost all Disarm'd by this time, and what of them remains we expect in a few days to make a finish of; for which purpose I intend to set out with a party one Day in this Week, for some of the Neighbouring Towns, when I expect we shall make a finish of that in this Colony. And I could wish that a Sistem might be fallen upon tocompleat the same in N. York and its Province. The people of Connectt. have gone a great way in Disarming the Tories of N. York Government, but, what has been done was Voluntary and at their own pri- vate ex|ience, which has been consideral)le, and it will in a measure Stoj) if a body of Men is not raised for that purpose — the Number of 500 wou'd be sutlicent for the undertaking, and shoulil the C Congress give an Order to this Government to raise that Number, under the Command of a Gen- eral Officer, imting them under pay while in Actual Service, it is my opinion the Regiment might be made up in two days after the commencement of Inlisting, and that of the principal Burgers of the different Towns. I think a due attention to this by the Congress will be of no small Import- ance, for if (he matter should not be carried into execution this Winter, it is my opinion that one Half of the I'eopleof the City and Province of N. York will be ready to take up Arms against the Country next Spring, and we have little else to do this Winter but to purge the Land of such Vil- lains, which I think almost as necessary as the keeping up Standing Armies. " In Case the Congress should order a Regirnt. raised for the purpose aforesaid, I wou'd recom- mend it to be General throughout the Continent, but the Regiment of 500 Men for N. York, &c., and when we go up on Lontr Island, it will be necessary to go with lOUO Men as the Tories there are a considerable Majority, and well equipt — not less than 500 Sons of Liberty in N. York wou'd join us were we to go on Long Island — and wou'd it not be expedient to take up and confine a few of the principal Leading Men in the different Towns, who are notoriously Inimical to the Rights of this Country"! for were that to be done it is reasonable to suppose many of the midling and lower Class of People, now under the influence of such persons, wou'd become espousers of their Coun- try's cause. For the particulars of our Expedition to N. York &c., I refer you to the N. Haven Gazettee. " I am sorry to tell you that the Teaholders in N. York have in general began to make Sale of their Tea. I have not as yet sold one pound of mine, not shall I do it till the Congress grants Liberty for the Sale of it — but shall think hard of it, es|iecially as I have spent so much money in the com- mon Cause, if the Interest of je3000 in that Article should be sunk to me and my Son in Law, which will be the Case, if I can't obtain leave from the Congress to dispose of it, therefore beg you'll favor me with laying my Case before the Congress, and with your Influence in backing the same. " I have heard that the Command of the Ships fiting out at Phila. is to be given to (Captain Hop- kins, which I am much surprised at, for I judged that, that department was for me, which I had rea- son tr) expect from the hints given me by many of the Members of the Congress, but it is too often the case, when a Man has done the most he gets the least reward. It is not for thej^ucre of gain that 1 want the Command of a Squadron in the American Navy, but it is because I know myself capable of the Station, and because 1 think 1 can do my Country more Service in that dejjartment than ia any other— the Congress's not thinking proper to fix that Honor upon me, will by no means make me inactive in the (,'ause we are ail engaged in, but cou'd wish nothing had been said about my being appointed to the Command, for it has spread thro' the Country, that whenever a Navy were lited out by tlie Congress, I should have the Chief Command, but that not being the Case may tend to reflect (lishonoron me. " I am with Esteem, Gentlemen, Your most Ilble Servt., " Isaac Sears " Roger Sherman, Esqr., Eliphl. Dyer, Esqr., Silas Deane, Esqr." 48 CHAPTER IV. THE BRITISH EVACUATE BOSTON. The difficulties that surrounded General Washington dur- ing the fall of 1775 and in the winter of 1775-6, can hardly be imagined. More was demanded of him by the Congress than he could possibly perform with the humble resources that he had at his command. Ignorant of the art of war, the members composing that body were totally unfitted to designate what course ought to be pursued, and unable to set a proper estimate upon the obstacles that were to be sur- mounted. Without being aware of the difference between raw militia and British regulars, they urged home upon him in the most pressing terms, the necessity of making an early attempt to drive the British army from Boston. Out of respect to this suggestion, rather than because he supposed it would be practicable to carry it out, he called a council of war on the 18th of October, and laid the matter before the officers of the army. With one voice they pronounced the proposition, in the state of afiairs then existing, totally impracticable. The Congress was no less ignorant in regard to the amount of money that would be needed to maintain an army in the field, to say nothing of the necessary outfit and equipments that might in some instances be expected to be supplied by the colonies to the quota of troops that they respectively furnished. Gradually, however, they learned to reason more correctly, and near the close of September they appointed a committee, consisting of three of their own body, to confer with Washington, Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, and with the authorities of IMassachusetts, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, and other colonies, to hit upon some well-digested plan of continuing, supporting, and regulating a continental army. [1776.] DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED. 243 Under the critical supervision of sucli men as Washington, Trumbull, and Franklin, who was a member of the con^res- sional committee, the aspect of afTairs soon changed. Still there was such a want of ammunition, that on the first of January, 1776, Washington wrote, "It is not perhaps in the power of history to furnish a case like ours. To maintain a post within musket-shot of the enemy for six months together without [powder,]* and at the same time to disband one army and recruit another within that distance of twenty odd British regiments, is more than probably was ever attempted. "f The winter set in with severity, but it proved, after a few days of extremely cold weatiier, to be quite mild, so much so that during this month, Colonel Moylan wrote from "the camp at Cambridge, " The bay is open. Everything thaws here except ' Old Put.' He is still as hard as ever, crying out for powder — powder — ye gods, give us powder !"J The troubles in New York did not end with the destruc- tion of Rivingston's press. The city and neighborhood were not at all congenial to the taste of Captain Sears, who thought it prudent to seek a residence among his friends in Connecticut. § He had not remained long in his new abode when he began to entertain fears lest General Clinton, who was evidently making preparations to go upon some expedi- tion, might attempt to take possession of New York. He hastened to Cambridge and sought an interview with Wash- ington. He described the exposed situation of the place, the disposition of many of its princi})al citizens, and entreat- ed that measures might be taken to secure it without delay. Washington felt as keenly as any one could do the impor- *Thi8 word was prudently left out kst tlio letter might happen to fall into the hanils of the enemy. + Sparks' Life of Washington. J Frotliinr^ham, 295. § Captain Sear.s had now become a resident of New Haven. At the Decem- ber session of the General Assembly of Connecticut, 1775, Colonel David Wa- terbury and Captain Isaac Sears were appointed a committee to incjuire after a suii'ible vessel, to be armed and improved in defense of the colony, and to report as to the cost of purchasing or chartering the same. 244 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tance of such a step, but was obliged to answer that he had no troops to spare. Sears then proposed that General Washington should write a letter to Governor Trumbull of Connecticut, desir- ing him to raise two regiments for this service.* About the same time there arrived a letter from General Lee, urging upon General Washington the necessity of this enterprise. "New York," wrote Lee, in his positive manner, " New York must be secured ; but it will never, I am afraid, be secured by direct order of Congress, for obvious reasons. I propose that you should detach me into Connecticut, and lend your name for collecting a body of volunteers. I am assured that I shall find no difficulty in assembling a sufficient nuiiber for the purpose wanted. This measure I think abso- lutely necessary to our salvation ; and if it meets with your approbation, the sooner it is entered upon the better. Indeed the delay of a single day may be fatal." The advice of John Adams also was to the same effect. It appeared that a large body of tories upon Long Island were intrench- ing themselves for the avowed object of opposing the move- ments of the American army, and that there was a large number of them in the city who only waited to be rein- forced. The Jersey troops had been already ordered to muster there. f General Washington readily fell in with this measure. As soon as the dispatches were made ready, Captain Sears started with them for Connecticut. Governor Trumbull received him very courteously, and without delay called together the Committee of Safety, and laid the proposition before them. They were all in favor of it, and such was the speed with which the governor hurried forward the expedition, that by the time General Lee had arrived at Stamford, the two regiments, Colonel Waterbury's and Colo- nel Ward's, were ready to march. Lee hastened on to New Haven, and while there wrote another letter to the * Gordon ii. 14, 1.5. t Gordon. [1770.] GENERAL LEE PROCEEDS TO NEW YORK. 2-i5 commander-in-chief, bearing date the 16th of January. An extract from this letter will serve to show what was the political complexion of New York at that time : "I shall send immediately an express to Congress inform- ing them of my situation, and at the same time conjuring them not to suffer the accursed Provincial Congress of New York to defeat measures so absolutely necessary to our salva- tion."* By the 22d of the same month, Lee had collected at Stamford twelve hundred Connecticut troops. Even then the New York Committee of Safety was totally opposed to their being led into the city, and wrote him an urgent letter to that effect. As Lee was kept at Stamford for awhile by an attack of the gout, and as Colonel Waterbury was already in New York, Lee ordered Captain Sears to conduct Waterbury 's regiment to the city without delay. At Kingsbridge Sears was met by a deputation of citizens, v.ho begged him not to advance any further, as the enemy had threatened to burn the city should he enter it with his troops. Sears replied by informing them what orders he had received, and con- tinued his march. As he drew nearer New York, a second company of commissioners met him, and used all the argu- ments that they could command to induce him to keep aloof from the city ; but he kept on as rapidly as he could. When he arrived there he found the citizens in great confusion and alarm. On the 4th of February, General Lee followed, and reached New York within two hours after General Clinton, in the Mercuiy, with a single transport brig, arrived at the Hook. The coming of these two vessels threw the town into such consternation, that, although it was Sunday, the inhabi- tants spent the whole day and the following night in remov- ing their effects to a place of safety. Clinton had touched at the Hook without the least intention of landing at New * Gordon, ii. 15. 24:6 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. York. His only object in stopping there at all, was doubt- less to have an interview with Governor Tryon, and see whether anything could be suggested by that worthy that would be likely to strengthen the British interest in New York. Indeed, he had only a handful of grenadiers and light infantry with him ; not enough to make even a respect- able show against the two regiments from Connecticut, who would have given the coats off their backs, inclement as the season was, to have come within musket range of them, or within boarding distance of their ships. To lull the fears of the people, rather than because he apprehended any danger of such an event taking place, General Lee gave the following public notice to whomsoever it might concern : " If the men of war set one house on fire in consequence of my coming, I will chain one hundred of their friends together by the neck and make the house \.\\e\v funeral pile."* Not knowing which of their number would be selected by Gene- ral Lee to swell the roll of martyrdom, and most of them not being stimulated by the desire of becoming historical, the tories were for a long time kept quiet by this manifesto. While Clinton remained at the Hook, several important works were erected for the defense of the city. Meanwhile the great chief of the American army, labor- ing under every disadvantage, with the fortitude of Fabias and the elevated courage of Hampden, strengthened his position and kept the enemy in Boston, in a state of actual blockade. Without allowing himself to be led into any rash measures, he yet omitted no opportunity to annoy the enemy and cut off tneir supplies. It had been observed that there were in Charlestown a number of dwellings used by the British as store-houses. On the 8th of February, Washington ordered Major Knowlton, of Ashford, who had so signally distinguished himself at the Battle of Bunker Hill, to take with him one hundred men from Connecticut, cross over to Charlestown, and destroy those buildings. Knowlton, with one hundred picked men, * Gordon, ii. 15, 16. [177G.] A FARCE AND TRAGEDY. 247 crossed over upon the ice between Cobble Hill and Bunker Hill, stole silently down the street on the westerly side of the hill that must forever be associated with his fame, destroyed the houses and brought oil' the guns that had been deposited there. The whole enterprise was accomplished in in less than one hour, and the buildings were destroyed in the face of a heavy fire of musketry iVom the garrison at Bunker Hill, without the loss of a man. Major Knowlton little dreamed what alarm this nocturnal bonfire was to occa- sion in Boston. Notwithstanding the sickness that prevailed among the British troops. General Howe and his officers resorted to every expedient to while away the sluggish months of winter, and especially to persuade themselves that Washington was mistaken in supposing that he kept them in a state of block- ade. To kill time, and continue this agreeable delusion, they resorted to balls and the attractions of the theatre. On the night of the 8th of February they had witnessed the exhibition of a popular drama called " the Busy Body," and had already shifted the scenes for the introduction of a farce entitled, " The blockade of Boston," said to have been com- posed by General Burgoyne, who added to his accomplish- ments as a soldier and a gentleman, the graceful finish of polite literature. To the infinite delight of the audience, the figure designed to represent General Washington had just appeared upon the boards, adorned with a great wig, armed with a long rusty sword, and attended by way of body guard by a single orderly sergeant with a corroded gun on his shoulder about seven feet in length. Suddenly a new party appeared upon the stage. It was one of the regular British sergeants in uniform. Throwing down his bayonet by way of arresting attention, he called out in a voice that had quite too much of tragedy in its tone to be introduced into a farce, " TJie Ycmkees are atiacking Biuiker Hill !"* With those who were unacquainted with the piece, this readily passed for a part of the performance. Not so with * Gordon, ii. 19. 248 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. General Howe. He instantly sprang to his feet and exclaim- ed, "Officers, to your alarm posts." This order, followed by the shrieks and fainting-fits of those fair ladies present, who had still a vivid recollection of the horrors of the 17th of June, dispelled the fascinations even of such a muse as Burgoyne's. Rushing into the streets, they saw the flames of the burning houses, and heard the report of muskets. It was not until morning that harmony was restored to the town. Nor were the British officers unanimous in the opin- ion that Boston was not after all in a state of " blockade," The incident just related is only one among many that might be named in which the American commander gave General Howe good cause to wish that he had left Boston before winter had set in, as the British admiral had advised him to do. He now found himself in a condition far from comfortable. He could hardly get vegetables and fresh pro- visions enough for the table of the officers, in spite of all the efforts made by the British ministry to forward them from England. Many of the ships laden with those articles, as well as with live stock, porter, and other necessaries and luxuries, never reached their destination. Some were taken by the Americans and others were blown oft' from the New England coast by the violence of the north-west winds. Of forty transports only eight had arrived. As a natural consequence the common soldiers suffered for want of food, and fell sick and died in great numbers.* The radical defects in General Howe's management of the army, grew out of the false estimate that he put upon the character of his adversaries. Like many other men of true merit, he was unable to distinguish between the appearances and the realities that surrounded him. He could not be persuaded that men could fight well and keep the field through the tedious months of a New England winter, unless they were dressed in handsome uniform and provided with all the munitions of war. He could call men who fought in home-spun coats and checked shirts nothing but peasants, * Gordon. [1776.] PROPOSED ATTACK ON BOSTON. 249 and he had been bred up to beUeve that a company of British marines could drive a regiment of peasants from one end of the continent to the other. Actuated by this behef, at 4 o'clock on the morning of the 14th of February, he sent about five hundred men under command of Colonel Leslie, with orders to cross on the ice to Dorchester neck and burn some houses that were stand- ing there, in the expectation that the American officers would be thrown into a state of confusion at sight of the flames, and that large reinforcements would be sent over from Roxbury to give a check to this nocturnal movement. So confident was he that such would be the result, that he spent the whole night in getting a large body of troops in readiness to make a sudden attack upon the American lines, as soon as they should be thus partially deserted. But at day-break he saw the men as usual at their alarm posts, and did not think it prudent to make the attempt. General Washington had long been desirous of bringing on an engagement with the enemy, as soon as the ice should be firm enough to admit of his crossing over from Cambridge to Boston with his army. On the 16th of February, he laid before the council of war a written proposition and question couched in these terms: "A stroke well aimed at this critical juncture may put a final period to the war, and restore peace and tranquility so much to be wished for ; and therefore lohetlier, part of Cambridge and Roxbury bays being frozen over, a general assault should not be made on Boston ? " * This important question was debated by the officers in council with entire freedom and great ability. It appeared, from the form in which the question was put, as well as from his remarks in council, that Washington was in favor of making the attempt. He was strongly seconded by Putnam, who was of the opinion that some bold step ought to be taken, that the enemy would be found off their guard, and might be easily driven from the town. Indeed, this had * Gordon, ii. 24. 250 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. long been the sentiment that pervaded the ranks of the Con- necticut troops, who knew that the inhabitants of the colony which they represented, were anxious that something should be done that would bring the war to a speedy close. But General Ward, who always preferred to err on the side of prudence, and General Gates, who usually made a virtue of dissenting from any opinion that was advanced by Washington, were decidedly opposed to the measure, and it was voted down. When we remember how little General Howe expected of the American army, and how the British officers were in the habit of spending their nights, we are disposed to think that the plan proposed by Washington and advocated by Putnam would have resulted in driving the enemy from Boston, and would have put a speedy termina- tion to tlie war. The next best plan that seemed at all practicable, was the one advanced by General Ward, of getting possession of Dorchester Heights, and driving the enemy into an engage- ment. This proposition was agreed upon, and the manage- ment of the affair was committed to General Ward, General Thomas of Massachusetts, and General Spencer of Connec- ticut, who had the command in that quarter. The militia now began to pour in from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and the other New England colonies, and the preparations for this important military movement went forward so rai)idly and so openly, that fears began to be entertained that the British generals would suspect the object of their coming and anticipate it.* General Spencer, and the officers and soldiers from Con- necticut who were under him, made very vigorous exertions in laboring night and day when the weather would permit. By the 26th of February, they had got in readiness forty- five batteaux large enough to carry eighty men each, and two floating batteries, stationed at the mouth of Cambridge river, so that they might throw a large body of troops into the west of Boston should the enemy dispatch a correspond- * See Gordon. [177C.] WASHINGTON CANNONADES BOSTON. 251 ine: number of men for Dorchester Heisihts. A council of war was now called to hit upon the time for the attempt. It was finally suggested that the sally should be made on the night of the 4th of March, as it was believed that the action would in that event take place on the 5th, a day most inspiring to the New England soldiers, as it was the anniver- sary of the Boston Massacre.* Colonel Miillin, the Quarter- Master-General, not only proposed that time, but advocated it against the powerful influence of General Gates. After a long debate, that night was selected by a majority of only one vote.f Among other provisions for this nocturnal exploit, the sur- geons prepared two thousand bandages for broken limbs and other dangerous wounds. The sight of these suggestive preparations did not in the least dampen the ardor of the troops, who looked forward to the coming engagement with- out a siiadow of apprehension as to its success. J To divert the attention of General Howe from his real design, Washington opened a heavy cannonade upon the town on the night of the 2d of March, from batteries that had been erected upon Cobble Hill, Lechmere Point, and Roxbury. This firing was kept up all that night and the two succeeding ones. The cannon, mortars and howit- zers had many of them been taken by the enterprise of Connecticut at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, and brought over while the lakes were frozen, to speak their first notes in behalf of American liberty. Sliells, too, and shot, had been furnished from his majesty's store and ordnance brig at New York, in such quantities that the British were aston- ished at the din that seemed to indicate that the rebels were provided with inexhaustible supplies of ammunition. On the night of the 4th of jMarch, the cannon and mortars opened furiously upon the town, and wei'e answered by the shot and shells from the British batteries. § * Gordon, ii. 25. +Botta, i. 315. i Gordon. §Seo Botta, i. 315 ; Gordon, ii. 26. 252 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. A covering party of eight hundred men now moved for- ward ; next followed ox-carts loaded with intrenching tools, and then the main body of working men to the number of twelve hundred, under the immediate command of General Thomas ; next in order came a second train of carts to the number of three hundred, piled high with fascines and bundles of pressed hay, each weighing about eight hundred pounds. These last were placed on the low ground of Dor- chester neck, on the side next to the enemy, as a protection for the troops in passing over it. As the plan had been matured under the calm eye of Washington, and had received all the impetus that could be imparted to it by such men as Putnam, Thomas, and Spencer, its execution exhibited the combined elements of regularity and force in equal perfection.* The silent celerity of the party affords a striking contrast to the booming guns that are now discharged with redoubled violence, and the shells that seem, at irregular intervals, to set the very heavens on fire as they burst and drop their harsh fragments upon the gray ice or hollow ground. As soon as the covering party came upon the ground, it divi- ded — half of the men advancing to that point nearest to Boston, and the other half to that next to the castle. The roads were well crusted over by the continued action of the frost, and the teamsters with their long whips and urgent whispers plied their oxen with such success, that many of them made three trips, and some four, during the night. The wind favored the intrenching party so much, that whatever noise was made in driving the stakes, and breaking through the crusts of the ground, was blown into the harbor, between the castle and the town. The old engineer, Gridley, who had laid out the redoubt on Breed's Hill, superintended the works, and it is needless to say, that they were placed in the right spot to annoy both town and castle. By 10 o'clock at night the two parties had erected * Gordon, ii. 26 : Botta, i. 316. [177C).] ASTONISHMENT OF GENERAL HOWE. 253 each a fort, that aflbrded a perfect screen agahist musket balls and grape shot.* The night was warm and mild, and they kept on working merrily till three in the morning, when they were relieved. Throughout the whole of that night a soft moonlight shone mildly in the faces of the intrenching party, while a thick haze clinging around the shoulders of the heights and inter- posing its dun masses between them and the town, hid their summits from the sight of the British sentinels and officers looking out from their posts of observation, in confused bewilderment, at the sound of so many guns and the burst- ing of the shells. It was not until after day-break that General Howe was made aware of the change that had been efiected during the night. As he looked up at the forts through the skirts of the fog that was now fast melting into thin air, they seemed to be much larger than they really were. It is not surprising that those castles in the air filled him with astonishment, and that he exclaimed in his perplexity, " I know not what I shall do ; the rebels have done more in one night than my whole army would have done in months ;"f nor that in his cooler moments he wrote to Lord Dartmouth, — " It must have been the employment of at least twelve thousand men." His officers saw the work through the same misty medium, as one of them expressed himself in a letter to a friend, — " They were raised with an expedition equal to that of the Genii belonging to Aladdin's wonderful Lamp."J But after all, whether seen in the haze of morning, or in the light of noon, it was obvious that they were likely to prove trouble- some to the town ; and what was worse, Admii-al Shuldham was not backward in expressing a decided opinion that the fleet must quit the harbor, or the Americans must be driven from the heights. Such a military leader as General Howe could not hesitate a moment what course to pursue. He knew what was expect- * Gordon, ii. 26, 27. t Gordon, ii. 27. i Frothingham, 295. 254 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ed of him by the British Government, and resolved not to dis- appoint the hopes of the ministry. Besides, he had much of personal honor and character at stake, and he was one of those heroic natures that prefer death to disgrace. With such an army as he had under his command, with such a train of artillery, and after all his written assurances of the weakness of the enemy, to be driven by them from his winter-quarters, would be mortifying beyond endurance. He determined, thereft)re, to attack the new forts with a force adequate to drive the Americans from them. He ordered two thousand four hundred men to embark in transports, repair to castle William, and at night make an attack upon the works. These were the best men in the army, and were committed to the charge of Earl Percy, the very pattern and mirror of chivalry.* Washington had made his arrangements with the precis- ion that marked all his movements. Boston is so placed at the foot of high hills and commanding ridges, that he could see every step taken by the British in the camp, in the batteries, and upon the wharves. He had also established between Cambridge and Roxbury, signals upon the eminen- ces, by means of which he could instantly convey intelli- gence from Dorchester Heights to Roxbury, and from Rox- bury to Cambridge. It had been arranged that in case a detachment of the enemy should leave Boston for the intrenchments and be defeated, as they inevitably must have been, the tidings should be instantly sent to Cambridge, where General Putnam, with four thousand choice troops, arranged in two divisions under Sullivan and Greene, was to be in readiness to embark in boats near the mouth of Charles river, and under cover of three floating batteries, make an attack upon Boston. The first of these divisions was to land at the powder-house and get possession of Beacon Hill, while Greene was to land near Barton's Point, secure that post, and then joining Sullivan, break down the gates and let *Frothingham, 299 ; Eotta, i. 317. 1776.] PREPARATIONS FOR AN ATTACK, 255 in the troops from Roxbury.* The inhabitants of the neighborhood now began to assemble on the tops of the hills, as they had done on the morning of the 17th of June.f Washington was in high spirits at the admirable work- ing of his plan, and, elated with the prospect of an imme- diate encfa2;ement, went himself to Dorchester Heifihts, and inspected the works. He found them already in a state of formidable completeness. The sides of the hills were very steep, making the ascent diflicult, and rows of barrels filled with earth were placed in front of the works, secured by small stones and ready to be rolled down upon the advancing columns of the enemy. J Meanwhile, Earl Percy's detachment advanced to the landing place, where the transports awaited them. They are observed to look pale and dejected, and a man in front of whose door they are drawn up, hears them muttering to each other, as they look up towards the heights, " It will be another Bunker Hill affair, or worse." As they get into the boats, the Americans, not doubting but they intend to make an immediate attack, clap their hands with eager joy, while Washington, with a face suddenly transformed from the expression of grave earnestness that had before marked his demeanor, to that of a fierce and terrible avenger, cried out in a voice that rang like a silver bugle along the American lines, " Remember — it is the fifth of March — and avenge the deatli of your brethren f The effect of this speech was tremendous, as those transitions always were by which this wonderful man passed on such occasions in an instant from one mood to another so totally different. § Putnam had already drawn up his men in battle order, and with the small stock of patience that he could command, awaited the signal from Cambridge that was to bring him * General Heath was offered the command of one of these divisions, but de- clined it ; "and remained," says Gordon, " in perfect safety with the troops left In Cambridge." t Gordon. { Botta, i. 317. § See Gordon, Botta, Frothingham. 256 ■' HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. with his four thousand men to a point where he could exhibit to British regulars the efficiency of American marksmen, when provided with that gift of the gods that he had so ear- nestly prayed for during the early part of the winter — an abundance of " powder." But he, as well as his superior officers, was doomed to disappointment. In the afternoon, the wind blew so violently that the transports could not be brought near the shore, and the boats could not have lived a moment in the surf that rolled against the rocks where they proposed to land. Three of the transports were driven ashore. A storm succeeded that night, such as had not been known to rage on the coast for years ; and towards the morning it began to rain with great violence.* On the 6th, General Howe called a council of war, and it was soon agreed that there was now left to the army no other course than to evacuate the town as speedily as possi- ble. General Howe advised to the measure, and made a speech to the council in favor of it, as the only means now left to them of saving the fleet and army. The morning of the 7th opened with hurry and prepara- tion. This bustle was not confined to the troops. The tories shared in it, and were as little anxious to quit the warm nest where they had spent the winter, as the troops them- selves. They had a great deal of baggage to carry with them, and there were so many in the town that General Howe found he had not vessels enough to accommodate all his passengers. f On the 8th a flag was sent out from the selectmen to General Washington, informing him that General Howe was about to depart, and that he was disposed to leave the town standing, if he could be assured that the American army would not interrupt him while he was making ready to embark. Washington received the deputation with kindness, but refused to make any pledges, though he expressed friend- ly feelings towards the inhabitants of Boston. The news * " Siege of Boston," p. 300. + Gordon, ii. 29. [177G.] HOWE PREPARES TO EVACUATE BOSTON, 257 that Howe had determhied to evacuate Boston, fell heavily upon the hearts of the tories. " Not tiie last trump," wrote Washington, in his nervous, strong style, "could have struck them with greater consternation."* The British ships now gathered around tiie town in liostile array, tiireatening to destroy it should any demonstration be made from the American forts. Washington, on the 9th, went forward to Bird's Hill, and erected a new battery that was in fearful proximity to the British ships. On the night of the 9th, a detachment was sent to throw up works on Nook's Hill. This so alarmed General Howe that he opened a heavy cannonade upon it, which was kept up all night.f In the morning, he began to hasten his preparations for de- parture. Then followed for several days, in defiance of his orders, a series of robberies and plunderings under the super- intendence of a New York tory,J that did more than any thing before had done toward informing the citizens which party were their real friends. All this time, Washington was in doubt whether the British General really intended to quit the town. On the night of the 13th, he called a coun- cil of war at Roxbury, where he met Ward, Putnam, Thomas, Sullivan, Heath, Greene, and Gates. It was resolved that if Boston was not evacuated the next day, to fortify Nook's Hill on the following night. It was also determined that the rifle battalion and five regiments should march the next day for New York. These regiments were under command of Stark, Webb, Patterson, Greaton, and Bond.§ On the night of the IGth, Washington sent an intrenching party to Nook's Hill, that began in good earnest to fortify it. The British ships opened upon them and kept up a continued fire all night. The Americans did not return it, but kept on * Frothingham, 301, 302. The British general seemed to have a special regard for the royalists, whose hospitahty he had so often shared, and now he souirlit to reciprocate their favors in various ways. t Frotliinghani, 30,'). " More than eight hundred shot were fired during the night. Five Americans were killed, and the works at Nook's Hill were sus- pended." X Crcan Brush, Esq. §" Siege of Boston," p. 309. 49 258 HISTORY OF CONN"ECTICUT. with their work. This resolute step brought matters to a crisis. Early on the morning of the 17th General Howe began to embark his army. At 9 o'clock the garrison left Bunker Hill, and the British and tories began to swarm upon the wharves. The troops stationed at Cambridge and Rox- bury now paraded. General Putnam at the head of several regiments soon after embarked in boats on Charles river, and joyfully took possession of Bunker Hill. He ordered another detachment into Boston, while the rest of the troops marched back to Cambridge.* Meanwhile, General Ward, with five hundred men under the immediate command of Colonel Learned, entered the town from the Roxbury side. The command of the whole was assigned to General Putnam, who proceeded to take possession of all the posts and strongholds in the neighbor- hood, in the name of " The Thirteen United Colonies of North America."! More than one thousand tories, includ- ing members of the council, custom-house officers, commis- sioners, and all the other parasites that climb around the columns of provincial dominion, together with the British commander-in-chief and his baffled army of eleven thousand veteran troops, witnessed from the decks of their ships this spectacle, so mortifying to them, but so glorious to the thou- sands who looked down from the neighboring hills, and rent the sky with the charmed word, " Liberty." * Frothingham. t Froth'mgham, 310. CHAPTER XI. BATTLE ON LONG ISLAND. As a part of the hostile fleet hngered for some ten days in Nantasket Roads, about nine miles below Boston, Wash- ington still remained there with the main body of his army. It was not until the Inst vestige of the enemy had disappear- ed, that he deemed it safe to spare Putnam from the camp, where he still proposed to remain for awhile, until he could perfect a plan of operations for the opening campaign. It was now obvious that the enemy were bound for New York, where General Heath, who had been dispatched by the way of Norwich, with the whole body of riflemen and five bat- talions of the continental army, had already arrived. It was of course necessary, after leaving a suitable garrison at Boston to complete the works that had been begun there and to protect the place, that the main body of the army should be sent forward to New York as speedily as it could be done without confusion, in order that the works which had been abandoned by General Lee might be finish- ed, and preparations made upon a scale adequate to repel the invasion of the enemy. On the 29th of March, there- fore, Washington ordered General Sullivan with six battal- ions to begin their march for this new field of operations. Provisions were also made that the rest of the army should follow in divisions, at such intervals as would be found most convenient to provide accommodations for them on their march. On the same day, he gave General Putnam written instructions to hasten to New York, take the com- mand of the army there, and superintend the completion of the works. He was ordered to fortify the city, and secure " the passes of the East and North rivers."* The confi- * Humphreys, p. 10'2, 103. 260 niSTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. dence reposed in tlie bravery and skill of Putnam by the commander-in-chief, and the deep affectionate interest that he felt in him, is beautifully exhibited in the following con- cise yet delicate paragraphs : " Your long service and experience will, better than my particular directions at this distance, point out to you the w^orks most proper to be first raised ; and your perseverance, activity and zeal will lead you, without my recom- mending it, to exert every nerve to disappoint the enemy's designs. " Devoutly praying that the Power which has hitherto sustained the American arms, may continue to bless them w^ith the divine protection, I bid you Farewell."* Thus invested with the most important charge in the con- tinental army, Putnam, by those long forced stages of his, in which he surpassed all other military leaders of that day, hastened to his destination. He found everything in New York in a state of disorder. Although the war had already raged for nearly a year, yet the British ships found no difficulty in supplying themselves from the town with an abundance of fresh water and provisions. Scarcely had Putnam arrived there, when he resolved to put an end to this intercourse. With this view he published the following prohibition : " Head Quarte7's, Nciu York, April 8, 1776 " The General informs the inhabitants, that it is become absolutely necessary that all communication between the ministerial fleet and the shore should be immediately stop- ped ; for that purpose he has given positive orders, that the ships should no longer be furnished with provisions. Any inhabitants, or others, who shall be taken, that have been on board, after the publishing this order, or near any of the ships, or going on board, will be considered as enemies, and treated accordingly. "All boats are to sail from Beekman slip. Captain James * Humphreys' Life of Putnam, p. 104. [177G.] PUTNA^r AXD SPENCER IN NEW YOEK. 261 Alner is appointed inspector, and will give permits to oyster- men. It is ordered and expected that none attempt going without a pass. " Israel Putnam, "Major-General in the Continental Army, and Commander-in-chief of the forces in New York."* It was soon evident that a living soul had at last been breathed into the army at New York. Almost at the same instant, Putnam forwarded a detachment of one thousand continental troops to occupy Governor's Island, a regiment to fortify Red Hook, and several companies of riflemen to protect the Jersey shore. The enemy soon found that it was impossible for them to go ashore for food and water. Of two boats that made the attempt to get fresh water, one was driven off the shore by the riflemen, with two or three men killed, and the other was captured with its whole crew. Within a very few days Captain Vanderput, the senior officer of the ships stationed there, and who had immediate command of the Asia, (whose cabin was for a long time, the state saloon of His Excellency, Governor Tryon,) finding it impossible to submit to the scanty accommodations allowed him by Putnam, weighed anchor and sailed off' with the whole fleet in disgust, so that when Washington arrived, about the middle of April, not a British sail was to be seen in the waters that surrounded New York. In the most hearty terms Washington thanked him for his promptness and fidelity. He was ordered to take the chief agency as before of the fortifications, and with the assistance of Briga- dier-General Spencer, of Connecticut, and Lord Sterling, of New Jersey, to assign to the different corps of the main army all the alarm posLs.'f While Connecticut is thus represented in a neighboring province by Putnam, Spencer, and others of her brave sons, who are seen to play a chief part that still hallows the envi- * Humphreys, 105. tFrothinghani. 262 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. rons of New York with so many associations, let us cast a glance at the deliberations of her statesmen and councilors in the executive chamber and legislative halls. On the 14th of June, Governor Trumbull convoked by his special order, " a General Assembly of the Governor and company of the English Colony of Connecticut, in New Eng- land, in America." The records of the session open with a preamble that is so characteristic of our people, and such a fine specimen of the composition of the greatest of all the colonial governors of that era, that I cannot forbear making an extract from it in this place. After reciting the fact that we have an existence and rights that are beyond the reach of any earthly power, and alluding to the attempt of the British government to deprive us of them, the record pro- ceeds in the following terms : " After a series of accumulated wrong and injury, [they] have proceeded to invade said colonies with fleets and armies, to destroy our towns, shed the blood of our country- men, and involve us in the calamities incident to war ; and are endeavoring to reduce us to an abject surrender of our natural and stipulated rights, and subject our property to the most precarious dependence on their arbitrary will and pleasure, and our persons to slavery ; and at length have declared us out of the king's protection, have engaged for- eign mercenaries against us, and are evidently and strenu- ously seeking our ruin and destruction. These and many other transactions, too well known to need enumeration, the painful experience and efl^ects of which we have suffered and feel, make it evident, beyond the possibility of a doubt, that we have nothing to hope from the justice, humanity, or temperate council of the British King or his Parliament, and that all hopes of a reconciliation upon just and equal terms are delusory and vain."* The reader will observe that in all former records, the popular indignation has been expended upon the other branches of the government, while the king has been spoken * Hinman's Revolution, 94. [ITTG.] DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. 263 of ill the most loyal and kindly terms. But now no exception is made in favor of royalty. The following invocation found in the same connection, will show what power they intended should be forever after the only object of their homage and adoration : " Appealing to that God who knows the secrets of all hearts, for the sincerity of former declarations of our desire to preserve our ancient and constitutional relation to that nation, and protesting solemnly against their oppression and injustice, which have driven us from them and compelled us to use such means as God in his ])rovidence hath put in our power for our necessary defense and preservation : "llesolved, uncmimousJ I/, hy ih'is Assembly, that the dele- gates of this colony in General Congress, be and they are hereby instructed to propose to that respectable body to declare the United American Colonies Free and Independ- ent States, absolved from all allegiance to the King of Great Britain, and to give the assent of this colony to such declarations."* Thus did the colony for the first time discard the maxim of the British constitution, that the king can do no wrong ; and while the members of the Assembly were, without a dissenting vote, promulgating these sentiments to the world, the Committee of Congress, composed of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston, were engaged in preparing the form of the Declaration of Independence, to which, on the 4th of July, were set the signatures of Roger Sherman, Samuel Hunt- ington, William Williams, and Oliver Wolcott — names that will be household words in every family in the state, as long as the principles of 1776 shall survive in the hearts of the people. There is an incident connected with Litchfield, that is worthy of notice here, as it illustrates the character of our people, and the part that the mothers and daughters of that generation, played in the drama of the Revolution. *Hinraau, 94,95. 264 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. General Wolcott, who was a member of the Continental Congress, and a signer of the Declaration of Independence, was a resident of Litchfield, and spent his congressional vacations at home in answering the demands made for troops upon the north-western part of the state, by Washington, Putnam, and Gates. On the 21st of August, 1770, the birth-day of Prince Frederick, the father of George the third, an equestrian statue of his majesty was erected in New York, on the Bowling-Green, near Fort George. The statue was made principally of lead, but was the work of Wilton, a celebrated statuary of London, and was very elegant and richly gilded, so that it had the appearance of being solid gold. Tiie cere- mony of its erection was the occasion of much festivity in New York. The king's council, the city corporation, the chamber of commerce, and the marine society, as well as the gentlemen of the city and army, paid their respects to Lieutenant-Governor Colden at the fort, by special invita- tion, and drank the "ki?rg's health" under the inspiring influ- ences of music, and the discharge of thirty-two pieces of cannon from the Battery. No doubt, after the fifth bumper, these gentlemen were loyal enough to have drank immortality to the statue, as well as to the king. But sad as the reflection may be, it is none the less true, that, although by the theory of the British constitution the king never dies, yet the works of men's hands are perishable, and the features of royalty fade even from brass and iron, to say nothing of the more impressible metals that may sometimes, with more propriety, represent sceptred sovereignty. The eighteenth century was remarkable for its desire to look beneath the surfaces of things, and appears, not long after the statue was placed, to have begun, even in New York, to make a very irreverent application of the maxim, " all is not gold that glitters." It is quite likely that one of the very first experiments was made upon this statue, and that the qualities of the metal were tested, in the year 1773, with that corosive acid first discovered in Connecticut, and afterwards constantly carried [1770.] UIS MAJESTY S STATUE OVERTHROWN. 265 in the pockets of those peripatetic philosophers, called " Sons OF Liberty." Had it not been so, it is not likely that we should find, under date of the Gth of February, of that year, an act entitled an act " to prevent the defacing of statues, which are erected in the city of New York." Under the protection of this statute, the equestrian king, with the exception of the ordinary wear of time, seems to have continued to bestride his chai'ger, and to have met the morning sun with a countenance equally golden, until the year 177G. On the nio;ht of the eleventh of Julv, seven days after the Declaration of Independence liad been given to the world, the " Sons of Liberty" paid his majesty a visit in good earnest. They treated him with a shocking familiarity. A gentleman who stood near enough to witness the interview, after the party in attendance had assisted the king to alight, could not forbear exclaiminir in the words of the Anc-el to O O Lucifer: " If tliou be'st lie — but all ! how fallen, how changed I" What they did with the king, where they carried him, and what was the fate of one, who, by the laws of the countiy that he governed, could not be allowed to die, was for a lonec time a mystery. The next morning the pedestal was in its old i)lace, but the horse and his rider were gone. In vain might the loyal British governor search for them, and in vain might the tories of the city shed tears, as they looked the town and country over to restore to its place the jtresiding genius of the Battery. That benignant face never beamed upon them again. Meanwhile, not like Cardinal Wolsey, by easy stages, but rather like General Putnam, by forced marches, and doubtless under cover of darkness, the monarch was led away into Connecticut. He was taken far inland over a rough country, and made to climb high hills. They finally committed him to the care of General Wolcott, who was probably at home, and ready to receive his kingly guest with his usual courtly hospitality, not long after the eleventh of July. 266 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The fate of the statue is briefly told. General Wolcott treated its ponderous masses as military stores. He caused a shed to be built for the broken statue in the apple orchard near his house, and chopped it up with an axe into pieces of a convenient size to be melted into bullets, that the king's troops, in the words of Mr. Hazard, might " have melted majesty fired at them." The account current, that will be found in the subjoined note,* is full of meaning, and will * This account is in the handwriting of Governor Wolcott, and is as follows : " Mrs. Marvin, 3456 cartridges. " " on former account, 2602 6058 Ruth Marvin on former account, 6204 Not sent to court house, 449 paclcs, 5388 11,592 Laura, on former account, 4250 Not sent to court house, 344 packs, 4128 8378 Mary Ann, on former account, 5762 Not sent to the court house 119 packs, out of which I kt Colonel Parley Howe have 3 packs, 5028 10,790 Frederick, on former account, 708 Not sent to court house, 19 packs, 228 936 37,754 ]\Irs. Eeaeh's two accounts, 2002 Made by sundry persons, 2182 Gave Litchfield militia, on alarm, 50 Let the regiment of Col. Wigglcsworth have 300 Cartridges, No 42,288 Overcharged in Mrs. Beach's account, 200 42,088 On the back of this account is written in the same handwriting, this brief explanation. " An account of the number of cartridges made." The following additional memorandum, is in the handwriting of his son, the last Governor Wolcott. " N. B. An equestrian statue of George the Third of Great Britain, was erected in the city of New York on the Bowling Green, at the lower end of Broadway; most of the materials were lead, but richly gilded to resemble gold. [1770.] MELTING THE STATUE. 267 possess, for those who know the characteristics of the fainilies represented in it, the hvely features of a picture. It illustrates what has been said in the first volume of this work, that our Wolcotts, both male and female, were always ready to labor with their hands whenever the situation of the country and the public good seemed to call for their services. With the aid of this little account, we are able to take a peep into the family mansion of the first Oliver Wolcott, during one of those social gatherings, in the winter of 1776-'7. By the inspiring warmth of a hickory fire, we can see the sly looks of the fair young ladies, and the approving smile of the elder ones, as that handsome iconoclast, Frederick, places the ladle upon the live coals, piled high with fragments of the statue. Mrs. jMarvin, Mrs. Beach, Miss Laura Wolcott, Miss Mary Ann Wolcott, and Miss Ruth Marvin, must have made some unloyal witticisms at the expense of the late king, as they saw a dissolving view of an eye, an ear, or a nose, that was about to assume a globular form and be put at last in the way of being useful. Forty-two thousand and eighty-eight bullets, in times when lead was dear, and not easily to be had at any price, made no insignificant accession to the resources of the continental army. They were carefully distributed and faithfully expended. Some of them were committed to the keeping of Colonel Wigglesworth ; others must have aided Putnam in defending the Highlands ; a part of them may have gone with Major Seymour, to Saratoga ; and it is cer- tain, that fifty of them were used to welcome the king's pro- vincial governor, when he ])aid his first and last visit to Danbury. This incident was one of many that might be related, as illustrating the general fact, that the ladies throughout the state were willing to perform any manual labor that would At the- beginning of the revolution this statue was overthrown. Lead being then scarce and dear, the statue was broken in pieces, and the metal transported to Litchfield as a place of safety. The ladies of this vilhige converted the lead into cartridges, of which the preceding is an account. O. W." For a careful examination of all the evidence, and a minute list of the authorities relating to this incident, see Woodruff's Hist, of Litchfield. 268 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. serve the cause, for which they were ready to give up their own lives, as well as those of their sons, their husbands, and fathers. It was indeed madness to attempt to subdue a people that had been nurtured and trained by women, who would not only deprive themselves of the most ordinary household comforts, and raise with their own hands the grain that they afterwards made into bread, but who would, also, mould the bullets and shape the cartridges that were needed to emanci- pate their country.* * In another part of this work, I have brought down the genealogy of the Wol- cott family, from a period of remote antiquity, to Henry Wolcott, Esq., the Pioneer. From him it is continued as follows : 1. Simon Wolcott, (son of Henry,) was born in 1G25; married Martha Pitkin, Bister of William Pitkin, the ancestor of the Pitkin family of Connecticut. He was admitted a freeman of Connecticut colony in May, 1654 ; and died in 1G87. Martha, his widow, died in 1719. 2. Roger Wolcott, (son of Simon,) was born in Windsor, Jan. 4, 1679. In the expedition against Canada, in 1711, ho was a commissary of the Connecticut forces; and at the capture of Louisbourg, in 1745, he bore the commission of major-general. He was successively a member of the assembly and of the council, judge of the county court, deputy governor, chief judge of the superior court, and from 1751 to 1754, governor. His wife was Sarah Drake, who died in 1747. lie departed this life, May 17, 1767, aged eighty-eight years. 3. Oliver Wolcott, LL.D., (son of Roger,) was born in 1726; graduated at Yale College, in 1747; married Laura Collins, who diedin'l794. He studied medicine, and settled in Goshen, in the practice of his profession. On the organization of the county of Litchfield, in 1751, he was appointed high sheriff, and soon after removed to Litchfield. He was a brigadier-general in the revolu- tion, member of the Continental Congress, signer of the Declaration of Inde- pendence, lieutenant-governor, and governor. He died December 1, 1797, aged seventy-one. His brother, Erastus Wolcott, was a brigadier-general in the revo- lution, a member of Congress, and judge of the superior court. He died Sept. 14, 1793. 4. Oliver Wolcott, LL. D., (son of the preceding Oliver,) was a native of Litchfield. He was comptroller of the state of Connecticut, Secretary of the Treasury of the United States under President Washington, and governor of Connecticut for ten years. He died in New York in 1833, leaving two sons, viz. Col. Oliver S., and Dr. John S. Dr. Oliver Wolcott, now of San Francisco, California, is a son of the former. 5. Frederick Wolcott, (also a son of the first Oliver, and brother of the second,) was in public life for more than forty years. He was a gentleman of stately manners, courteous, benevolent, and hospitable. He died in 1837. His [1776.] DOINGS OF THE ASSEMBLY. 269 During this year, there were five sessions of the General Assembly, three of which were specially called. At the regular session in May, the governor was, by a special act, made the chief naval officer of the colony, and was authorized to appoint subordinate officers at each of the ports of New Haven, New London, Middletown, and Norwich. A maritime jurisdiction was also given to the county courts. By another act, all the troops of horse in the colony were formed into five regiments of light-horse. Large detachments of militia were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to march at the shortest notice, for the defense of the colony. One regiment was directed to be raised for the continental service, and another to be stationed about New London. Sixty thousand pounds in Bills of Credit were issued, and a tax of eight-pence on a pound was laid. Andrew Ward was appointed colonel, Obadiah Johnson, lieutenant-colonel, and William Douglas, major, of the regi- ment to be raised to serve in the continental army.* Of the regiment to be stationed at or near New London, David Waterbury, Jr., was appointed colonel ; Comfort Sage, lieut.- colonel ; and Oliver Smith, major. Benjamin Hinman, Philip Burr Bradley, and David Dimon, were appointed to the cor- responding offices in the regiment to be raised for the defense of the colony. t At the special session in June, an act was passed to raise two regiments by enlistment to reinforce the continental army in the northern department. David Waterbury, Jr., was appointed brigadier-general, and Samuel Mott and Heman Swift were appointed colonels of this detachment. Seven regiments, including the one raised in May, were ordered to march immediately and join the continental first wife was Betsey Huntington ; his second, Sally W. GuoJrich, of tlie old Goodrich family of Wethersfield. " Some of the family have been members of the assembly, judges of the Superior Court, or magistrates, from the first settlement of the colony to this time, during the term of more than a century and a half." Trumbull, i. 227. * Dr. Benjamin Trumbull, was appointed ehai)lain of this regiment. t Hinman, 97, 100. 270 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. army in New York. James Wadsworth, Jr., was appointed brigadier- general ; Gold S. Silliman, Charles Webb, Philip B. Bradley, Jedediah Huntington, Fisher Gay, Comfort Sage, John Douglas, Samuel Selden, William Douglas, John Chester, and Erastus Wolcott, were appointed colonels. The sessions in October, November, and December, were mainly occupied in providing for the raising and equipping of new troops, appointing officers, levying taxes, issuing Bills of Credit, and in other ways contributing their full proportion to the advancement and success of the great struggle in which the state was engaged. It will suffice here to add, that Connecticut sustained five heavy drafts for actual service during the year. The first, a large one from the western section, marched for the defense of New York ; the second, for the defense of New London and Long Island ; the third, from the eastern section of the state, for Westchester county, N. Y. ; the fourth, for the defense of Rhode Island ; the fifth, was a draft for the defense and protection of the western frontier.* At the December session, all the militia in the state was formed into six brigades : David Wooster and Jabez Hun- tington, were appointed major-generals ; and Eliphalet Dyer-, Gurdon Saltonstall, Oliver Wolcott, Erastus Wolcott, James Wadsworth, and Gold S. Silliman, brigadier-generals. Let us now return to the American camp. It had for some time been the desire of Congress that General Wash- ington should repair to Philadelphia, and have an interview with them. As the British army was now absent, and the American works were in a state of great completeness, Washington, on the 21st of May, set out for Philadelphia, leaving the whole army in charge of General Putnam, who from that time until the Gth of June, was to all intents the acting commander-in-chief of the American army, and was authorized to open all letters addressed to General Washing- ton on matters pertaining to the public service. During this period of about fifteen days, Putnam found abundant scope *Hinman, 110, 111, [1770.] BUSIIXELL's "AMERICAN TURTLE." 271 for the employment of his powers. To finish the works already begun, to lay the foundations of new ones, to estab- lish suitable signals, to add to the quantity of powder of which the supply was as yet too scanty, and to secure it in a safe place of deposit to provide for the defense of the High- lands — and many other matters of a public and general nature — kept him so constantly occupied, that he had scarcely time to eat or sleep. f But he had a certain task assigned him of a more private and delicate nature, that could not have been committed to better or more experi- enced hands. This commission was no other than that of affording aid to the Provincial Congress of New York, in apprehending their own citizens who were tories, and keep- ing them out of the way of doing mischief It was towards the close of June before General Howe, who had at last been sufficiently reinforced to make it safe for him again to set himself in hostile array against Wash- ington, appeared off New York with the British fleet and army. To obstruct the passage of the ships, Putnam, who had command of the whale-boats, fire-raf\s, flat-bottomed boats and armed vessels, lent his personal attention to a project, that had well nigh proved successful, of blowing the whole fleet out of the harbor by means of a machine that had been invented by Mr. David Bushnell, of Saybrook, by which the art of submarine navigation was brought to a greater state of perfection than it had ever been before. This sea-monster was called tlie American Turtle, and was so constructed that it could be propelled under the water in a horizontal line, at any given depth, and could be raised or lowered at the will of the operator. There was attached to the turtle a magazine of powder, that was to be fastened under the bottom of the doomed ship by a screw. The same stroke that severed the turtle from the magazine, was made to set in motion a piece of internal clock-work that was so contrived as to set the powder on fire at the end of a given period of time. t Humphreys. 272 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT, Unfortunately for the success of the first trial, that was to be made upon the Eagle, a sixty-four gun ship, having on board Lord Howe, the British admiral, and some of the choicest officers of the army, Bushnell's brother, who was the principal engineer, was sick, and the turtle was com- mitted to an unskillful hand. The screw that had been made to pierce the copper-plates, struck by accident an iron one, and of course did not penetrate it. The magazine consequently drifted away from the ship, and when it exploded, did no other harm to the British admiral than to give him a sad fright, as, with the noise of an earthquake, it threw its column of water high into the air.* This same David Bushnell afterwards invented other machines, which destroyed a ship off the Long Island shore, and subsequently gave the British fleet at Philadelphia that fright in the winter of 1777 which was celebrated by the witty Mr. Hopkinson in his poem, called " The Battle of the Kegs."t The repetition of the experiment was prevented by the great events that soon followed. The British ships, day after day, brought additional troops to swell the ranks of the invading army. In spite of all the efforts that had been made to prevent the fleet from getting possession of the North river, the Phoenix, the Rose, and two tenders, in the face of a heavy cannonade, accom})lished this dangerous feat on the night of the 15th of July, and, sailing up as far as Tarrytown, took their station in front of that place. f By the 21st of July, only five thousand of the new troops that had been ordered, had arrived in the American camp, and they were many of them so ill-equipped as to be almost unfit for service. Many of the colonies failed to send their * Humphreys. t About Christinas, 1777, Mr. Bushnell committed to the Delaware river a number of his " infernal machines," in the form of kegs, which he designed should float down and destroy the British fleet at Philadelphia ; but the strange squadron, having been separated and retarded by the ice, demolished but a single boat. This catastrophe, however, produced an alarm unprecedented in its nature and degree, which is most happily described in the poem referred to. i Gordon. [177G.] THE NUMBER OF OUR TROOPS. 273 (luota, while others made exertions quite beyond their means. Early in Augu.st, the aspect of allairs in and about New York was so threatening, that, at the earnest sohcitation of General Washington, the governor and council of Connec- ticut directed the whole of the standing militia west of Connecticut river, together with two regiments on the east side, to march forthwith to New York city. Tiiough a busy and important season for farmers, this order was promptly carried into eflect. This body of troops comprised fourteen regiments, and, at a moderate computation, must have amounted to at least ten thousand men. About the same time, a large proportion of the remainder of the militia on the east side of the river was called to the defense of New London, and to aid the inhabitants of Suffolk county, L. I. There were, therefore, at this time not less than twenty thousand of the inhabitants of Connecticut in actual service, most of whom had been marched out of the state for the defense of New York.* Washington's whole force, including the sick who were present and absent, amounted to only seventeen thousand two hundred and twenty-five. Most of these were raw troops, and could hardly be estimated at eight thousand effective men. Besides, they were scattered over a wide surface of country. Some of the corps were fifteen miles apart. This army was so destitute of lead that the citizens of New York were compelled to strip their windows and the roofs of their houses to supply the demand. One house fur- nished twelve hundred pounds. f In other necessary articles whole companies were equally deficient. Thus it appears that Connecticut had furnished and kept in the field full one half of the American army commanded by Washington. *Hininan, 106, 107. t At a session of the Governor and Council of Connecticut, July 2, 1776, it was " Voted, That a quantity of lead owned l)y Jonathan KiIi)ourn, lisq., of Col- chester, and used by him on the water-wheel of his saw-mill, shall not bo taken from him for public use until actually wanted ; and then only by the selectmen of Colchester, without further oi-ders." 50 274 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. On the other hand, the British army was much superior in numbers, and all the furnishings of a campaign. On the 12th of August, General Howe was reinforced by two fleets of transports under convoy of Commodore Ilotham.* On the 14th, the troops that had been stationed in South Carolina arrived in good order ; and about the same time a few regiments reached his camp from Florida and the West Indies. His army now numbered at least twenty-two thou- sand effective men. On the 22d, he effected a landing at a point between Utrecht and Gravesend, near Staten Island, under cover of the fleet. The American works erected by General Greene extended across a small peninsula, with the East river on the left, a marsh running down to the water side on the right, and the bay and Governor's Island in the rear. Within these works General Sullivan lay encamped with a strong force, a few miles from Utrecht. From the point of land that forms the east side of the Narrows, a thickly-wooded hill stretches to the north-east for a distance of some five or six miles, terminating near Jamaica. This hill was crossed by two roads which had been made through deep and narrow ravines ; a third road followed the shore round the western base of these hills ; and a fourth penetrated inland. f In each of these passes the Americans had taken the precau- tion to place a guard of eight hundred men. J General Put- nam now took command in consequence of the sudden illness of General Greene. He was entirely unacquainted with the situation of the works, as well as of the different passes and roads in the vicinity ; and the confusion and want of discipline among the troops was at this time noto- rious. Under these circumstances, his experience availed him little, as he was unable to exercise it. Lord Cornwallis, with the reserve and some other troops, attempted to cross the hill through one of these passes, but finding it in possession of the Americans he quietly with- drew. * Gordon, ii. 96. t Ilildretli, iii. 148. J Sparks' Life of Washington, 177 [ITTC] BATTLE ON LONG ISLAND. 275 On the 25th, General Heister, with two brigades of Hes- sians iVom Staten Island, joined the British forces, lie was at once stationed at Flatbush. The British army now occui)ied the plain on the opposite side of the hill, extendino; in a line from the Narrows to Flat- bush. General Grant commanded the left wing near the coast ; Heister, the centre, composed of Hessians ; and Clin- ton, with Earl Percy and Cornwallis, the right. About three o'clock on the morning of the 27th of August, a report was brought into the American camp that the British were in motion on the road leading along the coast from the Narrows. A detachment under Lord Sterling was immedi- ately ordered out to meet them ; while Sullivan was sent to the heights above Flatbush, on the middle road. In the meantime, General Clinton led his division by a circuit into the Jamaica road, which was not guarded, and gained the rear of Sullivan. Before this was accomplished, reinforce- ments had been sent from the camp to support both Sullivan and Sterling.* General Girant, in order to divert the atten- tion of the Americans from the main point of attack, had advanced along the west road. The guard, consisting exclusively of Pennsylvanians and New Yorkers, without waiting to fire a gun, lied to General Parsons with the intelli- gence that the enemy were advancing in great numbers. As it was now day-light, Parsons saw the position of the British, and immediately rallied as many of the fugitives as he could, and posted them on the height about half a mile from the enemy. Though the number of the guard thus summarily gathered did not exceed twenty, they caused the advancing columns to halt until Lord Sterling came up with fifteen hundred troops and took possession of the hill about two miles from the camp.f A fierce action now com- menced between Grant and Sterlino;. The force of the latter consisted of the two battalions of Colonel Miles, and the regiments of Colonels Atlee, Smallwood, and Hatch. They behaved with great bravery, charging the enemy and * Sparks' Life of Washington. t Gordon, ii. 90. 276 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. maintaining their position from about eight o'clock in the morning until two in the afternoon. They were finally compelled to give way. In their retreat they were met by some British troops, and many of them were taken prison- ers, including their commander. Some, however, succeeded in breaking through the lines and escaping, among whom was General Parsons.* General Sullivan, with the regiments on the heights above Flatbush, being attacked by Heister on one side and Clinton on the other, after making an obstinate resistance for three hours, was obliged to surrender. As the grounds were broken and covered with wood, many of the troops escaped and returned to Brooklyn ; but by far the greater part of the survivors were taken prisoners. After the battle was over, General Howe encamped his army in front of the American lines, intending to carry them with the cooperation of the fleet-t About five thousand Americans were engaged in this bat- tle, who were opposed by about fifteen thousand of the ene- my, well provided with artillery. New Jersey, Pennsylva- nia, Delaware, and Maryland, doubtless furnished a majority of the troops under Sullivan and Sterling, who were in actual service during the battle, though Connecticut was honorably represented on that disastrous field. General Parsons was there, as we have seen, and fought with his usual courage ; Huntington's regiment sustained a high character in the action, and suifered a heavy loss there. J Colonel Douglass also, with his regiment, was in the thickest of the fight. * Gordon, ii. 100. + Sparks, 178. tllinman, 89, 110. The following is a list of the names of the officers in Colonel Huntington's regiment, who were prisoners with the enemy, who sent a flag of truce for their baggage and money, viz : Captains Brewster and Bissell ; Lieutenants Gillett, Gay, Olcott, and Makepeace ; Ensigns Bradford, Chapman, Lyman, Ilinman, and lliggins; Doctor Holmes ; Adjutant Hopkins, and Colonel Clark. These, however, were not all. There were missing from this regiment after the action, six captains, six lieutenants, twenty-one sergeants, two drummers, and one hundred and twenty-six rank and file. [1770.] DEFEAT OF THE AMERICANS. 277 Besides several Imndred killed and missing, one thousand Americans were taken prisoners — among whom were Gene- ral Sullivan, Lord Sterling, three colonels, ibur lieutenant- colonels, three majors, eighteen captains, forty-three lieuten- ants, eleven ensigns, three surgeons, and an adjutant. The British had only sixty-one killed, and about two hundred and fifty wounded ; the Hessians had two killed and twenty-six wounded. This victory was hailed with enthusiasm by the British king and ministry, who appear to have imagined that the Americans were effectually conquered. General Howe was at once created a knight of the bath, and several other officers were promoted for their gallantry on the occa- sion. Apprehending that it was the design of General Howe to transport a part of his army across the sound, form an encampment at Kingsbridge, and thus put New York in jeopardy, a council of war was called. Matters of grave import were long and earnestly debated ; and it was at last unanimously resolved to withdraw the troops from Long Island. Boats were collected and other preparations were made without delay. On the morning of the 30th, the whole army, amounting to nine thousand men, the military stores, cattle, horses, carts, nearly all the provisions, and the artil- lery, except a few heavy cannon, were safely landed in New York. This retreat had been conducted in such a masterly manner under the personal supervision of Washington, that the last boat was crossing the river before they were discov- ered by the enemy.* In about an hour after the American works had been * Sparks' Life of Washington, p. 178, 179 ; Gordon, ii. 101, 102, 103. Colo- nel Glover, of MarbleheaJ, Massachusetts, many of whose men had been bred to the fishing business, took command of the vessels and flat-bottomed boats, while the embarkation of the troops was committed to the superintendence of General McDougal. So intense was the anxiety of Washington, that for forty-eight hours he did not close his eyes, and rarely dismounted from his horse. A provi- dential fog favored the retreat. " The enemy were so near that they were heard at work with their pick-axes and shovels." 278 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. abandoned, the fog cleared off, and the enemy were seen to take possession of them. The situation of General Washington after the evacuation of Long Island, was truly distressing. In consequence of their recent repulse, the troops were disheartened, and their minds fdled with apprehensions and despair. Many of them were intractable, and impatient to return. Great numbers went off — by companies at a time, by half regiments, and in some instances almost whole ones. Within nine days after the evacuation, the number of the sick, by the returns, formed one quarter of the whole army.* Whole battalions ran away from Fowls' Hook and Bergen Heights at the firing of a broadside from a ship that was not near enough to do them any harm. To add to the threaten- ing ills that wait upon fear and disorder, the greatest distrust prevailed between the troops representing the different colo- nies. Mutual accusations, taunts, and boastings, found abundant employment in the camp. It was evident that some new steps must be taken to divert the attention of the men from these bickerings, or else all hope of an organized resistance must be abandoned. Washington accordingly divided the army, and assorted the troops from different sections of the country in such a way that he could look for a more harmonious state of feeling between those who were thus associated, than had before prevailed in the whole army. Forty-five hundred were left in New York, sixty-five hundred were posted at Harlem, and twelve thousand at Kingsbridge.f On the hills contiguous to these places, forts had been erected which were now garrisoned. The strongest of these was Fort Washington, at Harlem, occupying a high hill that overlooked the North river. Opposite to it on the .lersey shore, was Fort Lee. It soon became evident to Washing- ton, that General Howe intended to interpose his army between the American detachment at New York, and the * Gordon. +Gordon, ii. 109, 110. [177t;.] CAPTAIX XATIIAN HALE. 279 main body posted at Kingsbridge. He therefore moved his head-quarters to Morrisania, near Fort Washington. Tiie numbers and position of the British Ibrces at Brook- lyn was now an object of intense interest to Washington. A council of war was held, and it was determined to send an American officer of ability and approved courage, to Long Island, who should make his way into the Britisli camp, and obtain the intbrmation that was so much needed. As soon as this course was resolved on, Washington made it known to the young officers of the army. Captain Nathan Hale, of South Coventry, Connecticut, was the only appli- cant for this dangerous commission. At the earnest request of Colonel Knowlton, in whose judgment Washington repos- ed the highest confidence, the generous offer was accepted, and the young hero hastened to prepare himself for the exe- cution of the trust. Washington had an interview with him before his departure, instructed him how to proceed, and with a fatherly solicitude gave him his parting blessing, and commended him. to the protection of Heaven. Hale secret- ly hastened to the British camp, noted minutely the number of the enemy, their condition, and what locality they occupied. He was about to set out on his return, when he was unfortunately met by his cousin, Samuel Hale, from New Hampshire, who had deserted the American army and w\as then in the British service. Samuel, who had before the breaking out of the war paid a visit to Captain Hale's father in Connecticut, recognized his cousin at a glance. Forgetful alike of the ties of blood, and the no less sacred rites of hospitality, the tory-deserter, doubtless through the hope of reward, betrayed his cousin to the British com- mander, who at once caused Captain Hale to be advertised with a minute description of his personal appearance. Finding that he could not pass by the way of Long Island with- out falling into the hands of those who were now on the alert for him, the patriot scholar sought to escape by the way of Kingsbridge, and with such masterly tact did he advance that he was allowed to pass sentry after sentry 280 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. without detection. He had arrived at the station of the outer guard, when he was suspected, arrested, and brought before General Howe, where it would seem, from the best evidence that can now be gathered, that an informal exam- ination was iield that would have resulted in his immediate discharge, had not his false-hearted cousin presented himself, and made oath that he was a captain in the continental army and a spy. This piece of voluntary testimony changed the doom of the young hero, and he was immedi- ately condemned to the gibbet without the sanction of a court-martial. The execution, or rather assassination, was appointed to take place on the following morning. Throughout the night, he was treated with every indignity that the malevolence of his enemies could invent. The ordinary signs by which we recognize in a fellow-mortal the existence of a common humanity, were denied him by the wretches who had him in charge, and by the tory to whom the privi- lege was accorded of murdering him. He earnestly begged that in his last hour the attendance of a clergyman might be allowed to administer to him the consolations of religion. Even this common privilege allotted to felons and accorded to men about to suffer for the crime of high treason, was refused him. He had durino; the ni2;ht written some letters to his mother and a few of his more intimate friends. Even these were taken from him and brutally torn in pieces before his eyes. "The rebels," said the perpetrators of this barbar- ous act, " shall not know that they have a man in their army who can die with such firmness." But though in the midst of scornful foes, betrayed by the mercenary coward who should have protected him, and without the poor privilege of wafting home to his heart-broken mother the fragrance of a farewell sigh, his noble spirit did not faint at the sight of the poison that flashed so angrily in his cup. As he ascended the scaffold, his eye beamed with a lofty patriotism, and his face, serenely beautiful, shone with a light that caused his murderers to quail before him, as he exclaimed in tones of warning, " You are shedding the blood of the innocent ; if [177G.] HALE AXD ANDRE. 281 I had ten thousand lives, I would lay them down in defense of my injured, bleeding country."* The fate of Hale has been likened to that of Andre, and in some particulars they are certainly analagous. Both were young and accomplished, both were scholars of a high order, both were humane and gentle, both were imbued with that lofty chivalry and scorn of danger that is as much an innate gift of the soul as those of eloquence and song. But here the comparison ends. There was a moral elevation, a reli- gious enthusiasm, in the character of the American patriot, that the British man of honor never recognized as the gov- erning motive of ids life. The one followed the retreating rainbow that flits in the horizon of a soldier's heaven ; the other, added to the graces of intellectual and social culture, the self-sacrificing spirit of a martyr. The one saw his ideal of glory in the glitter that flashes from the jewels of a diadem representing the pride of feudal ages ; the other saw his, only in the calm light of that liberty that lives in the presence of the King of kings, and is kindled for immortality. The manner of their death, too, aflbrds the same strikinsf points of resemblance, and the same startling contrasts. Both suffered upon the gallows-tree, and both died among strangers. But the one received the benefit of a soldier's trial, in accordance with the rules of a code under which he had been educated — a trial over which the best men of the age presided, and at the result of which the humane Wash- ington shed tears of pity — while the last messages that he sent to his absent friends and the little keepsakes that he left for them, were faithfully kept and religiously transmitted to them ; the other, without the form of a military trial and without a sign of sym]:)athy, was derided as a rebel, the tokens of regard that would have mitigated the blow that was to fall upon his friends, torn in pieces, and his last moments embittered by the insulting offices of a hangman who was a refugee. How much blame is to be attributed to General Howe for * Hinraan, 82. 282 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. this act of inhumanity, it is impossible to say. Officially, he must certainly be held responsible for it in all its revolting details ; but from what we know of his generous character as exhibited on many other occasions, we would choose to believe that his worst oflense was a too romantic loyalty to his sovereign, and a culpable carelessness in giving over into bloody hands one of the most spotless and precious lives that have ever been sacrificed upon the altar of freedom.* In person. Captain Hale was handsome, and in manners frank and engaging. He was bold and soldierly in his bear- ing, and fond of the society of refined ladies, and a general favorite with them.f His death caused universal sorrow in Connecticut, and among his large circle of friends through- out the nation, his name still ranks with the few that are described by the most artistic as well as natural of all Ameri- can poets, as " not born to die. "J To give the details of what followed in the American camp between the 1st and the 15th of September, is not wdthin the range of such a work as this. Washington was every day made more painfully conscious of the inferiority of his own * In July, 1775, at the time when young Hale was commissioned as a lieuten- ant, he was Preceptor of the Union Grammar School, in New London. He immediately wrote to the proprietors of the school, asking to be released from his engagement. He was released. The parting scene with his pupils made a strong impression upon their minds. He addressed them in a style almost parental, gave them earnest council, prayed witli them, and shaking each by the hand, he bade them individually farewell. Caulkins' New Ijondon, 515. + Miss Caulkins adds — " Many a fair cheek was wet with bitter tears, and gentle voices uttered deep execrations on his barbarous foes, when tidings of his untimely fate were received." I President Dwight thus alludes to his untimely fate : "Thus while fond virtue wish'il in vain to save, Hale, bright anut as nothing is impossible with God, whom if it should please of his infinite mercy to restore me to health again, I shall think myself bound in duty to my country, again to enter its service. " I am with great respect, " Your excellency's most obedient humble servant, " Wm. Douglas." 286 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. pied by the enemy, and when they saw a party advancing to meet them in front, they ran down the dechvity, and, secreting themselves behind this breastwork, opened a brisk fire upon the Americans, but at such a distance as to do no harm. Colonel Knowlton, finding the British flank more exposed than the rear, soon advanced within musket ran2;e of them, and brought the guns of his rangers and Virginians, who \vere every one of them marksmen, to bear upon them with their deadly aim. The British returned their fire, and at such close distance that the officers who were in advance of their men w^ere sadly exposed. In a few minutes Major Leitch was carried off mortally wounded. He was shot through the body with three balls. Knowlton pressed on with the same intrepidity that had impelled him to seek the post of danger at Bunker Hill, rushing into the thickest of the shower of random bullets that swept the field, until his body was pierced through and through, and he fell dead in front of his men. His death seemed to inspire the surviving members of his party with a courage quickened by revenge, that animated them almost to madness. They all knew the gallant soul who had thus fallen a victim, and fought around the pale and bleeding form like votaries defending a shrine that is threatened with desecration. The remaining officers and men all fought indiscriminately, and desperately main- tained their position till other detachments were sent forward to support them, when they advanced upon the enemy, and drove them from the wood into the plain. The action lasted four hours, and the loss on the American side was small in point of numbers, but heavy and never to be forgotten was the sorrow that bewailed the fate of the brave and gallant Knowlton of Ashford. Though Washington, and all the other officers of the army, lamented his untimely fate, yet the loss fell most heavily upon his native state, and every member of his regiment was a mourner. Yet his death, like that of every good man, was not without its sanctifying influence upon the cause for which he fell. It taught the Americans to forget their recent defeats and to look forward [ITTH] WniTE PLAINS. 287 to the (lav of ultimate victory. It taught them, too, another important lesson, that American soldiers would not desert their lines and I'un from an enemy without cause, when under the command of officers who preferred rather to fall dead at their posts than to desert them. About a month after this, Washington retreated from New York island, and marched to White Plains, where he encamped on a high elevation protected in front by two lines of intrenchments nearly parallel, and about five hundred yards from each other. Curving around the foot of this eminence, the river Brunx effectually guarded the right wing, the flank, and a part of the rear, while the left wing rested on the border of a pond that rendered it inaccessible to the approach of an enemy. Sir William Howe obviously meant to force Washington into a general engagement, for he fol- lowed him up as rapidly as he could, marching his troops in solid columns. On the 28th of October, his army appeared in its proudest array, spreading itself over the hill-sides that faced the American camp, and distant from it about two miles. The same day a detachment was sent forward to dis- lodge a party of Americans, mostly Delaware and Mary- land troops, from Chatterton Hill, and after a short action suc- ceeded in taking possession of the post. Sir William advanced toward the American left, and formed his encamp- ments in a semi-circle, keeping his troops lying on their arms all night. He evidently intended to make the attack in the rear ; but in the morning, after a careful examination of the American position and intrenchments, he came to the con- clusion that it would be unsafe to attempt to carry the works without more force. He therefore waited for two days, until Earl Percy should come up with his detachment that was at Harlem. The 31st of October was fixed upon for the attack, but there came on a heavy rain, that induced him to change his plan. It was then too late. General Washing- ton, who knew that his position was inferior to others that might be selected, did not deem it best to hazard everything by an engagement in such a place, and in the night removed 288 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. the main body of his army in safety to a more elevated site, and early on the morning of the 1st of November, entirely deserted his camp.* Sir William saw that he could never force Washington from his new position, and retired toward Kingsbridge. The retreat of Washington to the Jersey shore, and the fall of the fort that iiad been named after him, seemed to the com- mon soldiers to quench in darkness the few surviving sparks of hope. The fall of Fort Washington proved to be the source of many bitter sorrows to the people of Connecticut. Washington had written a letter to General Greene, expressing an opinion that this fortress ought to be abandoned, but still left it discretionary with him to decide whether to quit it or defend it. That brave officer was of the opinion that the fort was in no danger. On the 15th of November, Sir William Howe summoned Colonel Magaw, who com- manded the garrison, to surrender. He replied, that he would defend himself to the last extremity. Washington hastened to Fort Lee, as soon as he heard of the summons, procured a boat, and was crossing over to Fort Washington, when he met Putnam and Greene, who were returning from the gar- rison. They told him that the troops were in high spirits, and would make a good defense. It was late at night, and he was persuaded to return. There can be no doubt but General Greene attributed too much importance to this post, and that Washington was right in his first view, that the place ought to be abandoned. The argument of Greene was, that the evacuation of the fort would give the enemy free access to the navigation of the Hudson — an event that Con- gress and the New York Convention seem to have particu- larly depricated.f At this critical time, Fort Washington and the works on * In the action at White Plains, on the 28th, the Americans lost three or four hundred, killed and prisoners, llildreth, iii. 154. In this, and the preceding skirmishes at or near White Plains, the Connecticut regiments under Colonels Chester, Douglas, and Silliman, were actively engaged. See Uinnian, p. 91. t Gordon, ii. 124. [177G.] FORT WASHINGTON. 289 Harlem Heights were held by Magavv's and Shea's Penn- sylvania regiments, Rawlin's Maryland riflemen, some of the militia of the flying camp, and a few companies of ■picked men, who had been detailed from the Connecticut regiments for purposes of defense. Among the latter was a company of thirty-six soldiers from Litchfield county, who were placed under the command of Captain Bezaleel Beebe, of Litchfield.* On the 16th, the assault on the fort commenced at four diflerent points at nearly the same time. The first division, under General Knyphausen, consisting of Hessians and the troops of Waldeck, attacked the north side ; the second, on the east side, composed of English light-infantry, and two bat- talions of guards, was conducted by General Matthews, sup- ported by Lord Cornwallis, with a body of grenadiers, and the thirty-third regiment ; the third attack on the south, intended chiefly as a feint, was directed by Colonel Sterling, with the forty-second regiment ; the fourth, under Lord Percy, a very strong corps, was ordered to aim its assault against the western flank of the fortress. These several assailing parties were provided with excellent trains of artil- lery. The fighting commenced along the lines outside the walls of the fort. The Hessians under General Knyphausen, who were first to commence the assault, suffered most severely, * Of these thirty-six men, four — Corporal Samuel Coe, Jeremiah Weed, Joseph Spencer, and John AVliiting, were killed during the assault. The remain- der were taken prisoners and confined on board the prison-ships, in Livingston's sugar-house, and in the North Church, where twenty of their number died, viz., Sergeant David Hall, Elijah Loomis, Gershom Gibbs, Timothy Stanley, Samuel Vaill, Xatlianiel Allen, Enos Austin, Gideon Wilcoxson, Alexander McNiel, Daniel Smith, Isaac Gibbs, Solomon Parmelee, (supposed to have been drowned,) David Olmsted, Jared Stuart, John Lyman, Aaron Stoddard, John Parmelee, Joel Taylor, Amos Johnson, and Phineas Goodwin. On the 27th of December, an exchange of prisoners took place ; but only twelve of the survivors were able to sail for Connecticut, viz., Sergeant Cotton Mather, Timothy Marsh, Kerius Beacli, Thomas Mason, Noah Beach, Daniel Benedict, Oliver Marshall, Elisha Bronson, Zebulon Bissell, Remembrance Loomis, James Little, and Oliver Wood- ruff; six of these, (viz. Mai'sh, Marshall, Loomis, Bissell, Bronson, and B. Beach,) died on their way home. Six only out of the thirty-six lived to reach lndiio. 51 290 HISTORY OF COXXECTICUT. and lost in killed and wounded about eight hundred men. One after another, the American corps were driven within the fort, where they defended themselves with great bravery, until resistance became fruitless. The besiegers then sum- moned Magaw to surrender. After consulting with other officers, he at length agreed to capitulate. The garrison, amounting to two thousand six hundred men, surrendered as prisoners of war.* The Americans had about four hundred killed and wounded ; the loss of the enemy was not less than twelve hundred. f The reduction of Fort Washington thus gave the royal army entire possession of the island of New York. Wash- ington's army had become so enfeebled that it now scarcely amounted to three thousand effective men, who, in conse- quence of their recent defeats, had lost their usual courage and energy. The American prisoners were treated with the greatest inhumanity. Some were sent on board the prison-ships, while others were confined in churches, and in the sugar- house. They were crowded together in dense masses, deprived of food, drink, and fresh air, and made to suffer the horrors of disease, famine, and suffocation, besides the brutal insults of the petty officers who had them in charge. Their treatment is without a parallel in the history of the wars of any civilized nation. J * Botta, i. 289. t Gordon, ii. 224 — 226. While the enemy were advancing to the attack, Generals Washington, Putnam, and Greene, and Colonel Knox, with their aids, crossed the river and approached towards the fort. They were warned of their danger, and after much persuasion were induced to return. The garrison was, however, watched with intense interest by Washington, who, from Fort Lee, could view several parts of the attack ; and when he saw his men bayonetted, and in that way killed while begging for quarter, he cried with the tenderness of a child, denouncing the barbarity that was practiced. J A letter from a Connecticut gentleman, dated 2Gth Dec, 1776, says — " The distress of the prisoners cannot be communicated in words. Twenty or thirty die every day — they lie in heaps unburied ! What numbers of my countrymen have died by cold and hunger, perished for the want of the necessaries of life ! I have seen it." [177G.] NEW YORK CONVEXTIOX. 291 During these operations, the New York Convention was tlu'own into serious alarm, lest the tories of that state should rise in arms and openly join the British forces. That body was obliged to remove from place to place, in order to avoid the enemy; and sat successively at Harlem, Kingsbridge, Phillip's Manor, Croton, and Fishkill. A committee was ap})ointed, with John Jay for its chairman, "for inquiring into, detecting, and defeating conspiracies." This conniiittee was well provided with funds, had an armed force at its dis- posal, and was invested with unlimited powers. Many tories were seized by its order, and sent into Connecticut for safe keeping.* On tlie 3d of May, 1777, Lieut. Thomas Catlin, of Litchfield, made a deposition before Andrew Adams, Esq., -f. P., as fellows : "That he was taken a prisoner by the P.ritish troops on New York island, Sept. lr>, 1770, and confined with a great number in a close jail, eleven days; that he had no sustenance for forty-eight hours after he was t^iken, and that for eleven whole days they had only about two days' allowance, and tlieir pork was offensive to the smell. That forty-two were confined in one house, till Fort Wash- ington was taken, when the house was crowded with other prisoners. After which thej' were informed they shcjuld have twd-thirds allowance, which consisted of very poor Irish pork, bread hard, mouldy and wormy, made of canail and dregs of flax-seed. The British troops had good bread. Brackish water was given to the prisoners, and he had seen $1,50 given for a common pail of water. Only between three and four pounds of pork was given three men for three days. That for three months, the private soldiers were confined in the churches, and in one were eight hundred and fifty. That about the 25th of December, 177G, ho and about two liundred and twenty-five others, were put on board the Glasgow at New York, to be carried to Connecticut for exchange. They were on board tdeven days, and kept on black, coarse broken bread, and less pork than before. Twenty-eight died during the eleven days. They were treated with great cruelty, and had no fire for sick or well. They were crowded between decks, and many died through liardship, ill-usage, hunger and cold." See WoodrufTs Hist, of Litchfield, 38, 39. * llililreth, iii. loG. It was the wise policy both of committees and of the gov- ernment to send their prisoners as far inland as possible, in order to prevent their forced liberation. Hence, the jails and many of the private dwellings in Litch- field, Hartford, Norwich, itc, were frequently used for the safe keeping of tories and of prisoners taken in battle. Dr. Church, who was detected in a treasonable correspondence with the enemy, was long confined in the Norwich jail ; and prisoners of war, occasionally in large bands, were carried thither for confinement. Mr. Matthews, the mayor of New York, Governor Franklin, and others, were 292 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Washington was at this time encamped on a level plain between Hackensack and the Passaic river. The army had no intrenching tools, and Cornvvallis was rapidly approach- ing. Exclusive of Heath's division in the Highlands, and the corps under Lee on the east side of the Hudson, the Ameri- can army did not exceed four thousand men. On the 22d of November, Washington retreated to Newark, with the entire force under his immediate command ; from thence he again retired, first across the Raritan to Brunswick, and then to Princeton, where a corps was left under Sterling, to check the enemy's advance, while Washington continued his retreat to Trenton — at which point he transported the remainder of his stores and baggage across the Delaware.* The news of Washington's retreat produced the greatest excitement in Philadelphia, where Putnam had been placed in command. Some fifteen hundred of the city militia were sent forward and joined Washington at Trenton, and he advanced again upon Princeton. As the rear guard of his army left the Jersey shore, Cornwallis with a superior force was in sight. Indeed, during the whole course of the retreat, the American rear guard, who were employed in pulling up bridges, were almost constantly within sight of the advance corps of the British army. Boats having been removed from the Delaware, the enemy found no way of crossing, and accordingly encamped near Trenton. f Inasmuch as the movements of the enemy had made Phila- delphia the seat of war, Generals Putnam and Mifflin strenuously advised that Congress should retire from the city; and that body finally resolved to adjourn to Baltimore, in Maryland, to meet on the 20th of December. Until further orders, Washington was invested with full power to direct all things relative to the operations of the \var.J On the evening of Christmas, with two thousand five hun- dred of his best men and six pieces of artillery, including confined in Litclifickl. See "Woodruff's Hist, of Litchfield; Caulkins' New London. * Gordon ; Iliyreth. + Ilildretli. * Gordon, ii. 142. [i77(;.] MORRISTOWX. 293 the New York company under Alexander Hamilton, Wash- ington commenced crossing the Delaware about nine miles above Trenton — at which place he had resolved to strike a decisive blow by attacking the fifteen hundred Hessians stationed there. It was eight o'clock before he reached the town ; but the Hessians were overcome by the night's debauch and were completely surprised. About a thousand of their number were taken prisoners, who were immediately sent to Philadelphia, and paraded through the streets in triumph. The victory at Princeton soon followed, by which three hundred prisoners fell into the hands of the Americans, besides a severe loss to the enemy in killed and wounded. The American loss was about one hundred, including several valuable officers. f Huts were erected at Morristovvn, and there the main body of the American army remained during the winter. The right wing was at Princeton, under Putnam ; the left in the Highlands, under Heath ; and cantonments were established at various places along this extended line. Occasional skirmishes took place between advance parties, but for six months no important movement took place on either side. In the mean time, the enemy under Sir Guy Carleton were making desperate ellbrts to recover their supremacy on Lake Champlain. A fleet of above thirty armed vessels of difler- ent sizes and varieties had been set afloat by them, some of which had been framed in England and brought over in detached parts. Besides these, a gondola weighing thirty tons, with above four hundred batteaux, had been dragged up from the rapids near Chamblee. The whole were manned by seven hundred seamen. The Americans had also exerted themselves to their utmost in building and fitting out a little fleet on the lake, which, when completed, mounted fifty-five cannon and seventy swivels, and carried three hundred and seventy-five men. These had been placed under the com- mand of General Arnold, who was soon reinforced with three galleys, three gondolas, and a cutter. On the 1 1th of October, * Gordon ; IliWretli •, Botta. 294 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. a warm action ensued, which was continued for some hours. The Americans behaved with great gallantry, as their enemies were free to admit. General Waterbury fought with great intrepidity, walking the quarter-deck during the entire engagement. All his officers were either killed or wounded, excepting a lieutenant and the captain of marines. The action resulted in sinkinrij a gondola belono;ing to the British, and in the blowing up of another with sixty men. The Americans had a schooner burnt, and a gondola sunk. The latter now retreated in the night, hoping to find a shelter under the guns of the fort at Ticonderoga ; but they were overtaken, and again brought into action near Crown Point. The vessel in the rear was taken by the enemy ; and to save the rest, from a similar fate, Arnold ran them ashore and set them on fire. The Americans lost eleven vessels and ninety men. The British lost three vessels and fifty men.* Carleton having thus obtained command of the lake, took possession of Crown Point, and soon retired to winter quar- ters. Ticonderoga was still held by General Gates, though his army had been greatly reduced by the departure of the militia, and the expiration of the terms of service of the regulars. The humane conduct of Carleton was highly commended by the American officers. As his predeces- sors had done, and as the Americans were then doing, he for a time employed the savages as his allies ; and while he allowed them to take prisoners, he strictly forbade them either to kill or scalp them. When he found he could not deter them from scalping, he dismissed every one of them, saying he would sooner forego all the advantages of their assistance than to make war in so cruel a manner. Before he commenced his operations on the lake, General Carleton had prudently shipped off the American officers * Hildreth, iii. 145; Gordon, ii. 146. " The Washington galley, commanded by General Waterbury, had been so shattered, and had so many killed and wounded, that she struck after receiving a few broadsides." Arnold kept his flag flying, and did not quit his galley till she was in flames, lest the enemy should board her and strike it. [17TG.] BRITISH nUMANITY. 295 who had been made prisoners in Canada for New England,* supplying them at the same time with everything requisite to maive their voyage comfortable. The other prisoners, amounting to about eight hundred, were returned by a flag, after being obliged to take an oath not to serve against the king unless regularly exchanged. iMany of these being almost naked, he supplied them with clothing. Thus, by his tenderness and humanity, he gained the atiection of those Americans who fell into his hands. His conduct in this respect aflbrds a striking and iiappy contrast to that of nearly all the British oHicers who served in this country during the revolution. * Four transports arrived at Elizabetlitown, from Quebec, October 5tli, 177G, with four hundred and twenty Americans who had been prisoners in Canada. The officers from Connecticut were, Major Return J. Meigs, Captains Samuel Lockwood, E. Oswald, O. Ilanchett, A. Savage, and B. Chatten. "On the IGtli of September, 177f), the following persons from Connecticut, were confined with others, in one room at Halifax, among felons, thieves, and negroes, viz., Sergeants Levi Munson, of Wallingford, Zachariah Briusmade, of Woodbury ; Corporal Charles Steward, of Stamford, Roger Moore, of Salisbury, Samuel Lewis, William Gray, David Goss, and Adonijah Maxum, of Sharon, Ebenezer Mack, and Levi Barnum, of Norfolk, and Flowers, of New Hartford. In the hospital — Amos Green, of Norwich, J. Matthews, of Goshen, and Wm. Drinkwater, of New Milford." Ilinman, 89, 90. These men were taken prisoners with Colonel Ethan Allen, in his attempt upon Montreal. CHAPTER XII. BURNING OP DANBTJET. DEATH OF WOOSTER. Sir William Howe had been informed that the Ameri- cans had large depositories of military stores in Danbury and its neighborhood. He determined to destroy them without delay ; and in casting about him for a faithful operator, in this most invidious of all employments — who would be remorseless in the use of the torch — he hit very readily upon his excellency, Governor Tryon, of New York, who, since about the time of his gallant exploits at Mrs. Murray's side-board, had added to his administrative title of governor of New York, the fanciful addition of major-general. Sir William Howe could hardly have made a more admirable selection. He was a shrewd judge of character, and knew well that nothing so effectually calls out the latent energies of a man of genius, as a sudden appeal to old and cherished recollections. Now there was no part of the world, that could awaken in the mind of William Tryon, so many lively and searching associations as Connecticut. The name of the little republic made his excellency's hair bristle with certain sensations, that a soldier ought not to entertain. From the time when that irreverent company of Connecticut dragoons had scattered the type belonging to the administration organ, through the streets of New York, and driven off his pet, Rivington, with hundreds of tories — that were worthy of being elevated to the dignity of gov- ernor's horse-guards — he had felt the liveliest emotions at the very sound of the word Connecticut. In some way, it was inseparably connected in his mind with that charming society called the "Sons of Liberty." General Howe showed his shrewdness, not only in select- ing his agent for this work, but also in sending along with [1777.] TRYOX GOES ASHORE. 297 him, to see tliat he did not lose himself in his explorations into a land that was so dear to him, those excellent advisers, General Agnew and Sir William Erskine.* Those gentle- men furnished intellectual resources for the tory major-gen- eral, and he added the warmth of his nature, to give soul to the enterprise. Accordingly, a detachment of two thousand men were selected from the choice spirits of the British army, and nominally placed under Tryon's command. They embarked at New York, and under the convoy of a fine naval armament of twenty-five vessels, passed over the waters of Long Island Sound, in such high spirits, as the warmth of an April sun and the pleasing anticipations of the business that was to employ them, were calculated to inspire. They had chosen a time when Connecticut was almost entirely deserted by her male population, who had gone out to defend the soil of other states, and stay up the trailing banner of the noble Washington. They had left their homes to be guarded, with the exception of a few gallant troops, by the crutches of the grandfathers, and the distaffs of the grandmothers, who had two generations of descendants in the field hundreds of miles away. On this account his excellency, who was the very antipode of gunpowder Percy, had nothing to dampen his mood or cloud his brow. As the ships skimmed j\ast the coast towns of western Connecticut, the people gazed at them with mingled curiosity and anxiety. Perhaps some of them called to mind the doings of Wallace, master of the Rose, at Stonington ; but no particular alarm appears to have been excited until the heads of the ships began to ))oint toward the islands that stand out from the Norwalk shore. At about four o'clock, they cast anchor in Saugatuck harbor, and witli such haste as is consistent with a pic-nic excursion into the country, two thousand men, consisting of infantry, cavalry and artillery, went ashore in boats, and under the superintendence of Tryon, with two tory guides to show them the way, moved forward toward Danbury. They * Gordon, ii. 195. 298 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. marched about eight miles that night, and encamped in the township of Weston.* On the morning of the 20th, at a verj seasonable hour, Tryon arrived at Reading Ridge, where w^as a small hamlet of peaceful inhabitants, almost every one of them patriots and most of them farmers, who had crowned the high hill where they had chosen to build their Zion with a tall, gaunt church, which drew to its aisles one day in seven, the people that dwelt upon the sides of the hills, and in the bosom of the valleys, within the range of the summons that sounded from its belfry. By way of satisfying his hunger with a morning lunch until he could provide a more substantial meal, he drew up his artillery in front of this weather-beaten edifice, that had before defied everything save the grace of God and the sup- plications of his worshipers, and gave it a good round of can- nister and grape, that pierced its sides through and through, and shattered its small-paned windows into fragments. The only spectators to this heioic demonstration were a few women and little children, some of whom ran away at the sight of the red coats, and others faced the invaders with a menacing stare. The British commander now resumed his march for some distance without meeting with the least opposition, until he began to ascend Hoyt's Hill, when the figure of a single mounted horseman appeared upon the summit of the eminence with his face turned backward, and his gestures and whole action indicating that he was issuing orders to a large army that was climbing the side of the hill. "Halt!" shouted the leader of the opjiosition in a voice of thunder, while he flour- ished his sword in the air, " Halt, the ivhole univeise — wheel into kingdoms." Now there was nothing that General Tryon had such a dread of, as dying. He prudently conniianded his men to halt, in imitation of the order given by the leader of the sup- posed army that was advancing, and sent out detachments on the right and left, to reconnoitre, and got his two field- * Deminfj. [1777.] GENERAL TKYO^;'s FRIGHT. 299 pieces, that were consecrated by the nuitiUition of the old churcii, in readiness to give such feeble battle as he could to this more than Persian array. The reader can judge how much his excellency was relieved, when the videttes returned, and informed him that the wretch who had thus disturbed his valor was the only mortal in sight ; and that no part of him was visible except his back, as he rode toward Banbury, with the speed of a shouting-star.* Little else occurred of an alarming character during the march. They arrived in Dan- bury about two o'clock. J There were a few continental soldiers in the })lace, but they could not make a stand against this large invading party, and were obliged to withdraw. General Tryon selected the house of one Dibble, a faithful lory, for his head-quarters, who lived at the south end of the main street, close by the spot where the military stores had been deposited. As Generals Erskine and Agnew were advancing under the protection of a corps of light-infantry, to take up their quarters at the other end of the same street, the party was fired upon by four young men from the house of Major Starr. This brave but rash act cost the young patriots their lives. They were instantly pursued and shot. A poor negro who was caught near them without weapons in his hands, was also murdered, and the five bodies were thrown into the house, which was instantly set on fire. J * Barber's Hist. Coll. ; ] )cmiiig"s Oration. t " A man named Hamilton had on deposit at a clotliior's in the lower i)art of the village, a piece of cloth, which he was determined at all hazards to rescue from sequestration. lie accordingly rode to the shop, and having secured one end of the cloth to the pummel of his saddle, galloped rapidly away. lie was seen by the enemy's light-horsemen, who followed hard upon him, exclaiming, " We'll have you, old daddy ; we'll have you." " Not yet," said Hamilton, as ho redoubled his speed. Tlic troops gain upon their intended victim ; the nearest one raises his sabre to strike, when fortunately the cloth unrolls, ami fluttering like a streamer, far behind, so frightens the pursuing horses that they cannot be brought within striking distance of the pursued. The chase continues through the whole extent of the village, to the bridge, where finally the old gentleman and his cloth make good their escape." Doming, llinman. t Gordon, ii. I'JS. 300 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. A large quantity ot" the public stores had been deposited in the episcopal church, and the first work of the soldiers, was to remove them into the street and burn them. Some of the provisions were also stored in a barn belonging to Dibble. This building was treated with the same I'espect, as its pro- prietor had the honor to entertain General Tryon as a guest. Another barn belonging to a friend of American liberty, which had been appropriated to the same use, was set on fire and consumed with its contents. In a few hours eighteen hundred barrels of pork and beef, seven hundred barrels of flour, two thousand bushels of wheat, rye, oats and Indian corn, clothing for a regiment of troops, and seventeen hundred and ninety tents, were burned. The smoke arising from the destruction of this property was strangulating and filled the whole air, while the streets ran with the melted pork and beef. There was also a large quantity of liquors in some of the buildings. These the soldiers were most reluctant to destroy, and did not do so, until after they had drank so freely of them, that when the labors of the day were ended only a few hundred were fit for duty. While the imbruted soldiers piled the fuel around the flour and beef, and stirred up the laggard flames to a fiercer glare, the women and little children could see by the fitful light the mark of the white cross that had been distinctly drawn upon the tory dwellings, to signify that the destroying angel about to go through the town, would stay his hand at their door-posts and pass them by unharmed. The same dingy light now disclosed a scene of loathsome drunkenness that surpasses description. Hundreds lay scattered at random, wherever the palsying demon had overtaken them ; some in the streets, with their faces blackened with smoke and soiled with earth ; others sprawling in the door-yards, and others still, wild with excitement, holding themselves up by fences and trees, or grasping fast hold of each other, called loudly with oaths and curses to be led against the rebels.* * This description was given to me by a revolutionary soldier, who was present throughout the whole affair. [177T.] ArrKEIIEXSIOXS OF TRYOX. 801 In this horrible condition the revolutionary patriots of Danbury saw the shades of night gather around their dwell- ings, and in sleepless apprehension did they count the hours as they dragged slowly on. Nor did the brigand who led this band of incendiaries pass the night in sleep. The faithful few who had resisted the temptations of the cup, were on the alert, and brought him from time to time the unwelcome intelligence that groups of patriot farmers were fast dropping in from the neicrhborinrf villa2;es and towns, and were besrinning to form into organized companies. What if Wooster, or Parsons, or Huntington, or Arnold, should prove to be at the head of them, and should steal upon him while his troops were in that defenseless condition ? The thought was horrible ! Thus heavily passed the watches of that gloomy Saturday night. At last the day began to approach, and reason, unsettled for awhile in the dull brains of the British soldiers, returned to them again. The marks of the late dissipation still appeared in their swollen faces and blood-shot eyes ; but they were now able to stand upright, to grasp a musket, and defend themselves against the farmers who were gathering, ill-weaponed and undisciplined as they were, to oppose them. Then the British general began to breathe more easily, and to exhibit in a more striking manner the remarkable traits of his genius. He drew up his forces in order of defense ; he attended to all the arrangements, and presided over every detail of the preparations that he was making to usher in, with ceremonials worthy of the occasion, another Sabbath day. On a sudden, as if by the pulling of a wire upon the stage, the curtains of darkness were withdrawn from the village, and, like a will-o'-the-wisp, wandering and zig-zag from street to street, from house to house, passed the flaming torch of the incendiary. The congregational meeting-house, the largest and most expensive building in the place, is soon discovered to be on fire, and, one after another, the dwell- ings, stores, and barns of that peaceful community add their tributary lamps to that great centre-beacon of the town, 302 HISTORY OF CON]SrECTICUT. until every house, save those that have the mystic sign upon them, are in a broad blaze. Meanwhile, by the light of their own homes, mothers, screening their babes from the bleak air with the scanty clothing that they had snatched up in haste and denied to themselves, crippled old men and palsied women, and little boys and girls clinging to their feeble protectors, made such haste as they could to save their lives from the fire ; taking care to avoid the jeers of their com- fortable tory neighbors, who looked out from the doors and windows where the white cross glared in mockery alike of God and of humanity, and to shun at the same time the unhallowed contact of the soldiers, they ran, crawled, or were carried upon their beds, into lonely lanes, damp pastures, and leafless woods. Having witnessed the destruction of the meeting-house, nineteen dwelling-houses, twenty-two stores, and barns, and great quantities of hay and grain that belonged to the inhabitants of the place, and having feasted his eyes with the fear and anguish of the women against whom he waged this glorious war, Major-General Tryon, taking a last fond look of the scene of his exploits, and noting doubtless the artistic effect of the faint blue smoke- wreaths as they curled upward to stain the blushing fore- head of the morning, withdrew his troops and resumed his march toward the sea-shore.* When the invader was fairly out of sight, the poor fugi- tives from their several hiding-places, returned, and cowering over the charred timbers of the homes that they had fled from, warmed their shivering frames and trembling hands over the ruins of Danbury. In the mean time the news of Tryon's arrival flew along the whole coast. Early on the morning of the 2Gth, Gene- ral Silliman, with about five hundred militia, such as he had been able to gather upon a sudden call, pursued the enemy : and not long after, the venerable Wooster, who had started off" at a moment's warning to defend the soil of his native * See Gordon, Hinman. [1777.] FALL OF GENERAL WOOSTER. 303 State from insult, joined him, witii Arnold, and another handful of militia. A heavy rain retarded their movements so much, that they did not reach Bethel till late at night. It was therefore decided to attack the enemy on their return. On the morning of the 27th, the American troops were astir at a very early hour. General Wooster detached Generals Silliman and Arnold, with about five hundred men, to advance and intercept the enemy in front, while he under- took with the remainder — amounting only to two hundred half-armed militia — to attack them in the rear. About nine o'clock, he came up with them as they were marching upon the Norwalk road, and, taking advantage of the uneven ground, fell upon a whole regiment with such impetuosity as to throw them into contusion, and break their ranks. Before they could be restored to order, he had succeeded in taking forty prisoners ; a number equal to one fifth part of his whole force. He continued to hang upon their skirts and harass them for some time, waiting for another favorable opportunity to make an attack. A few miles from Ridge- field, where the hills appeared to offer a chance of breaking their ranks a second time, he again charged furiously upon them. The rear guard, chagrined at the result of the for- mer encounter, now faced about and met him with a dis- charge of artillery and small arms. His men returned their shot resolutely at first, but as they were unused to battle, they soon began to fall back. Wooster, uniting all the fire of youth with the experience of an old soldier, who had seen hard service in more than one field, sought to inspire them with his own courage. Turning his horse's head and waving his sword, he called out to them in a brisk tone, "Come on, my boys; never mind such random shots." Before he had time to turn his face again toward the enemy, a nuisket ball, aimed by a tory marksman, i)enetrated his back, breaking the si)inal column, and lodging in the fleshy parts of his body. He instantly fell from his horse. His faithful friends stripped his sasii from his person and bore liim upon it from the field. SO-i HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. Arnold and Silliman made a forced march to Ridgefield, and arrived there about eleven o'clock. They threw up a temporary barricade across the road on the rising ground, and stationed their little party in such a manner as to cover their right flank by a house and barn, and their left by a ledge of rocks. Here they quietly awaited the enemy. As soon as Agnew and Erskine saw what position the Americans had taken, they advanced and received their fire, and though they sustained considerable loss, they returned it with spirit. The action lasted about ten minutes, when the British gained the ledge of rocks, and the Ameri- cans were obliged to retreat. The American officers behav- ed with great spirit. Arnold was shot at by a whole platoon of soldiers standing not more than thirty yards from him. His horse was killed under him, but no other ball took eflect. Snatching his pistols, he shot dead a soldier who was making up to him to run him through with his bayonet, and thus made his escape. The Americans kept up a scattering fire till nearly night, when General Tryon encamped at Ridgefield. In the morning he set fire to the church, but he probably did not superintend this piece of work himself, as it was so inartistically done that it proved to be a failure. He was more fortunate with four dwelling-houses which he soon had the satisfaction to see wrapped in flames. He now resumed his march, but Arnold followed him up so closely that he soon crossed the Saugatuck river, and marched on the east side of it, while the Americans kept pace with him on the left. Thus they advanced, cannonading each other whenever they could find a convenient opportunity. About three o'clock in the afternoon, the gallant Colonel Deming, with a little party of continental troops, forded the river where it was about four feet deep, and, unperceived by the enemy, attacked them with desperate violence upon the rear and upon the left flank, pursuing them and keeping up a galling fire that did them very serious harm. Arnold pushed forward toward the mouth of the river, and drawing his men up in good order upon a hill, opened a heavy fire [1777.] A DEATH-BED SCENE. 805 upon the right flank of the enemy's rear. The Americans could follow them no further on account of the dangerous proximity of the ships. The British troops who were marching in the van, immediately embarked, while the cen- tre and rear formed on a hill. While Arnold was discharg- ing his cannon at the boats, and while Deming was plying the major-general in the rear. Colonel Lamb, who was from New York, and of course one of his excellency's own subjects, crept with about two hundred men behind a stone- wall, and gave him a parting salute at the distance of about one hundred yards. Glad enough was Tryon to get aboard his good ship once more, and it is believed that he cherished to his dying day the recollection of his first visit to Connecticut. But let us turn our thoughts, for a moment, to other scenes. Dr. Turner, the surgeon in attendance, probed the wound of the venerable Wooster, and informed him that it was mortal. He heard the intelligence with unruffled calmness. A messenger was immediately dispatched to New Haven for Mrs. Wooster, and the wounded man was speedily removed to Danbury. Inflammation soon extended to the brain, and when Mrs. Wooster arrived, he was too delirious to recos- nize her. For three days and nights he sufl'ered the most excruciating agony. On the morning of the 1st of May, the pain suddenly ceased. During that whole day, and the next, his wife, who remained constantly at his bed-side, noticed with the quick eye of a woman's affection, that his mind was laboring with the broken images of scenes that had long ago faded from his recollection, and were now passing in wild review before him. Still, she called vainly upon him for a token of recognition. The paleness of death, the short breathing, the fluttering pulse, at length indicated that the last moment was at hand. She was stooping over him to wipe the death-dew from his forehead, when suddenly he opened his eyes, and fixed them full upon her with a look of consciousness and deep love. His lips trembled. He sought 52 306 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, to speak, but his voice was stifled in the embrace of death.* The character of Wooster needs no eulogy to recommend it to the people of the state, to defend whose soil against the polluting foot-prints of her first invader, he so nobly sacrificed his life. In personal appearance, as may be infer- red from the poor portrait that we have of him, few men have surpassed him ; in generous hospitality, in the most unwavering integrity, in the forbearance with which he sub- mitted to private insults and public slights, in the length of his military career, and in its glorious consummation, he will forever keep his rank among the first of American patriots, — while the tongue that traduced and the pen that libelled him, will be remembered chiefly because they are seen in contrast with his virtues. f * Madam Wooster was a daughter of the Reverend Thomas Clapp, Presi- dent of Yale College. She was highly esteemed hi her day for her dignity, hos- pitality, and benevolence. + General David Wooster was born in Stratford, Connecticut, in 1711, and graduated at Yale College in 1738. He served with distinction in the French and Indian wars ; and in April 1775, he was appomted a major-general in the Connecticut militia. During the following June, Congress commissioned him as one of the two brigadier-generals allotted to Connecticut — his colleague being General Spencer. General Wooster was a patriot and christian, and deserves to be particularly remembered for the purity of his life, his distinguished public services — his zeal and bravery, united with energy and prudence. The late Deacon Nathan Beers, of New Haven, himself an officer of the revo- lution, not long before his decease, communicated to the American Historical Magazine, the following statement : " The last time I saw General Wooster was in June 1775. He was at the head of his regiment, which was then embodied on the Green, in front of where the centre church now stands. They were ready for a march, with their arms glittering, and their knapsacks on their backs. Colonel Wooster had already dis- patched a messenger for his minister, the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, with a request that he would meet the regiment and pray with them before their departure. He then conducted his men in military order into the meeting-house, and seated himself in his own pew, awaiting the return of the messenger. He was speedily informed that the clergyman was absent from home. Colonel Wooster immedi- ately stepped into the deacon's seat in front of the pulpit, and calling his men to attend to prayers, ofTered up a humble petition for his beloved country, for him- self, tlie men under his immediate command, and for the success of the cause in which they were engaged. His prayers were offered with the fervent zeal of an [1777.] THE RETALIATION. 307 As the battle of Lexington was followed by a retaliatory act on the part of Connecticut, so the predatory incursions of Tryon produced a like result. General Parsons, one of the most heroic soldiers as well as one of tlie best lawyers and most scholarly writers of the revolutionary period, had already discovered that there was a large deposit of military stores laid up for the use of the British army at Sag Harbor, and now determined to avenge the insult oflered to Connecticut, by siezing and destroying them. He employed Colonel Meigs to execute this mission. Accordingly, Meigs, on the 21st of May, left New Haven for Guilford, with what men he could muster, in thirteen whale- boats. At Guilford he obtained some reinforcements, and on the 23d, crossed the sound with one hundred and seventy men, under convoy of two armed sloops. He took along with his company another sloop, that was unarmed, to bring off the prisoners that he had counted upon as a part of his booty. He reached the north branch of the island, near Southold, at six o'clock in the evening, and there took his whale-boats, with most of his men, overland to the bay, where they again embarked. About mid- night they found themselves on the other side of the bay, only four miles from Sag Harbor. They landed under the cover of a thick wood, where Colonel Meigs left tlie boats in care of a guard, and advanced with the main body, amounting to about one hundred and twenty men, in excel- lent order. He arrived at Sag Harbor about two o'clock, and dividing the company into several parties, made an attack upon all the guards at once, with fixed bayonets. The alarm was soon given, and a schooner that had been station- ed there with seventy men, and twelve guns, opened a heavy fire upon them. Colonel Meigs attacked them with great spirit, killed apostle, and in su(^h pathetic language, that it drew tears from many an eye, and affected many a heart. When he liad closed, he left the liouse with his men in the same order they had entered it, and the regiment took up its line of march for New York. With such a prayer on his lips ho entered the Revolution." 308 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. some of them, and took nearly all the rest prisoners. Only- six escaped by flight. He also set fire to the vessels and for- age. He destroyed twelve brigs and sloops, one hundred tons of pressed hay, a large quantity of grain, ten hogsheads of rum, and a great amount of merchandise. By two o'clock in the afternoon he returned to Guilford with ninety pris- oners. In a little more than twenty-four hours, he had trav- eled by land and water a distance of ninety miles, without the loss of a man. Congress voted him an elegant sword as a reward of his address and valor. He accomplished as much by this expedition as Tryon had done at Danbury, except that he burned no dwelling-houses, mutilated no churches, and drove from their homes no women and chil- dren.* It had always been the policy of our state to wage war only with men. * Colonel R. J. Meigs, of Middletown, Connecticut, was one of the most suc- cessful partizan officers of the Revolution. Soon after the close of the war, he became one of the first settlers of the wilderness of Ohio. He was the agent for Indian affairs as early as 1816 ; and died at the Cherokee agency, .June 28, 1823, at an advanced age. He published a journal of the Expedition to Quebec from Sept. 9, 1775, to Jan. 1, 1776. His son of the same name was governor of Ohio, and Postmaster General of the United States. CHAPTER XIII. PRINCETON AND THE HIGHLANDS. The efforts of Putnam in fortifying Philadelphia were so great, that his health was for a long time very much impair- ed. On the very day that Washington re-crossed the Dela- ware to surprise the Hessians, he found time to write a letter to Putnam, congratulating him on his restoration to health, and informing him of the contents of an intercepted letter, revealing the designs which the enemy had upon Philadel- phia. On the 5th of January, 1777, the commander-in-chief communicated to Putnam his second masterly victory at Princeton, and ordered him forward with all his troops to Croswicks', to assist in recovering the ground that had been so hastily overrun by the enemy, who were now panic- stricken and appalled at the brilliant successes that had attended the American chief. Soon after this, he was directed to take post at Princeton. Here he remained until spring, within fifteen miles of the large British garrison stationed at Brunswick, with only a few hundred men, and a long and difficult frontier that numbered, at one time, more miles than he had soldiers. He was obliged to keep up appearances comporting with the presence of a large army. When Putnam arrived at Princeton, he found there Cap- tain McPherson, of the seventeenth British regiment, who had been shot through the lungs, and was in a very danger- ous condition. He was suffering extreme pain, and had not even been examined by a surgeon. No one supposed that he could live more than a few hours when Putnam first discov- ered him. Putnam procured surgical attendance, and bestow- ed the most delicate attentions upon the wounded officer, who, to the astonishment of every body, soon began to show 310 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. signs of" recovery. McPherson, with all the prejudices of a Scotchman, was as generous as he was brave. He knew that he owed his life to Putnam, and acknowledged the debt with deep gratitude. The warmest friendship soon grew up between them, that was ripened by familiar intercourse. One day, the conversation turning upon the favorite theme, the following good-natured dialogue passed between them : :. . , . . ■ McPherson. "Pray, sir, what countryman are you?" Putnam. " An American." McPherson. " Not a Yankee ?" - : Putnam. " A full-blooded one." McPherson. "By God! I am sorry for it. I did not think there could be so much goodness and generosity in an Amer- ican — or indeed in anybody, but a Scotchman." After McPherson was able to give his attention to busi- ness, and while his situation was yet critical, he begged General Putnam to allow him to send for a friend, who was in the British army at Brunswick, to come and assist him in making his will. At this time, Putnam's whole army amounted to only fifty men, and the arrival of a keen British officer, who would be able to spy out his resources at a glance, was a thing of all others to be deprecated. On the other hand, he felt anxious to gratify the prisoner in the indulgence of a request so reasonable, and making such a ready appeal to his sympathies. He resorted to an expedient that proved him to be what he had proclaimed himself, " a full-blooded Yankee." He sent a flag of truce to Brunswick with Captain McPherson's request, but with directions not to return until after dark. In the evening, he placed a light in every room in the college and in all the apartments of the vacant houses in the town. He kept his fifty men marching the whole night, sometimes all together, and sometimes in detachments, passing and meeting near the house where the wounded captain and his testamentary adviser were lodged. When the British officer returned, he reported that General Putnam's army could not amount to less than four thousand [1777.] PUTXAM'S letter. 311 men.* During the winter, with his very limited means, Put- nam took about one thousand prisoners, most of them tories and members of foraging parties. The following letter from Putnam to the Pennsylvania Council of Safety, under date of February 18th, 1777, will show the success of one of Lord Cornwallis' foraging expeditions : " Yesterday evening Colonel Nelson, with a hundred and fifty men, at Lawrence's Neck, attacked sixty men of Cort- landt Skinner's Brigade, commanded by the enemy's RENOWNED LAND pihoT, iMaj 07' RicJuifd Sfockto?!, Youted them, and took the whole prisoners — among them the Major, a Captain and three subalterns, with seventy stands of arms. Fifty of the Bedford Pennsylvania Riflemen behaved like veterans." ] The old continental army expired with the year 1776. After Putnam's return from New .Jersey, the new army was divided into three main branches. One division, consisting of troops belonging south of the Hudson river, under Wash- ington ; the northern department, under General Schuyler, composed of two brigades from Massachusetts, the New York brigade, and some irregular corps ; and the third, under General Putnam, was stationed in the Highlands. This last detachment was made up of the two remaining brigades from Massachusetts, two brigades from Connecticut, one from Rhode Island, and a single regiment from New York. On hearing of the loss of Ticonderoga, General Washington ordered the two Massachusetts brigades to join the northern department, and when he had learned the strength of Sir William Howe's army, he ordered from the Highlands into Pennsylvania one of the Connecticut brig- ades, and one from Rhode Island ; so that Putnam's whole force now amounted only to a single Connecticut brigade and the New York regiment. He established his head quar- ters at Peekskill. There was in New York a large force made up of British troops and several corps of New York tories who had flocked to the British standard. J *Humpbreys, 134, 135. tHumplueys, 141. i Humphreys, 143, 144. 312 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Between the two armies was a large tract of country, that afforded abundant booty and good hiding-places for a com- pany of nondescript tories, half brigand and half soldier, who did nothing but rob and plunder the country on both sides of the river, and who made their head-quarters, or rather their principal den, at Westchester. Neither the rights of property, nor of personal security, were safe within the range of their pillaging explorations. They not only stole the horses and cattle of the more peaceable inhabitants, but took possession of their persons and those of their wives and daughters and subjected them to the most barbarous violence and outrageous insults. The patriots retaliated, and deeds were perpetrated along the banks of the Hudson that would have disgraced the tenth century. General Putnam resolved to put an end to these enormi- ties. He sent Colonel Meigs with his regiment down the river to effect this object. Meigs performed during the campaign some daring feats, that taught that rabble of depredators to respect the moral principle and discipline that they did not choose to cultivate themselves. General Putnam was thought to be the author of this movement, and all the malevolent feelings of the party who felt their liberties to be restrained, were directed against him. They finally began to concert measures to surprise the general and make him a prisoner. Governor Tryon proba- bly had the honor of being consulted in this enterprise, as will appear in the sequel. To make Putnam a captive after all the trouble that he had given them, w^ould be an achievement worth accomplishing. Spies were sent into his neighbor- hood, who lurked in large numbers around his camp. British gold was lavished so plentifully, and such rewards were offered in case of success, that the tories exerted themselves to the utmost, and were more bold than they ever had been in any good cause. The intention to seize Putnam at his head-quarters was so generally understood, that Washington was well aware of it, and sent him information in relation to it, accompanied with a caution to him to be on his guard. [1777.] PUTNAM irAXGS PALMER. 313 In spite of all Putnam's vigilance, one Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in the ranks of the tory recruits, found his way into the camp, but he was fortunately detected, tried, and found guilty of being a spy. Governor Tryon, who com- manded the tory levies, used all his efforts to save the prisoner. He wrote a letter to Putnam, in which he painted in glowing colors the crime of taking the life of one of the king's commissioned ofiicers. He threatened the American general with his sharpest vengeance, if he dared to do the least harm to Palmer. Putnam had a very concise way of expressing his thoughts in writing. He answered the menac- ing epistle in these pertinent words : " Sir — Nathan Palmer, a lieutenant in your king's service, was taken in my camp as a spy. He was tried as a spy ; he was condemned as a spy, and you may rest assured, sir, he shall be hanged as a spy. " I have the honor to be, &c. "Israel Putnam. " His Excellency, Governor Tryon. " P. S. Afternoon. He is hanged. "'^^ The letter, as well as the postscript, is a model of pith and brevity. Soon after the departure of the two brigades for Penn- sylvania, the British army at New York was largely rein- forced by the arrival of troops from England. Putnam's single brigade in the field, and his solitary regiment at Fort Montgomery, under command of General Clinton, could hardly be expected to withstand the large army that might at any hour he marched against him. He wrote to General Washington informing him of ids situation and asking him for some troops to defend tlie important posts that had been intrusted to his keeping. Washington's condition was equally j)erilous, and he could only authorize him to call upon the militia. Putnam was not wrong in his apprehensions of evil. On • Ilinman, 113 ; Humphreys, 147. 814 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the 5th of October, Sir Henry Clinton sailed up the Hudson with three thousand men, and after making many feints to deceive the Americans, and, passing the night on board his vessels, landed the next morning at Stony Point, and moved rapidly forward toward Fort Montgomery. As soon as the commander of the garrison became aware of the approach of Sir Henry, he sent by express a letter to General Putnam, asking for a reinforcement. The courier proved to be a tory in disguise, and did not deliver the letter. Hearing nothing of the enemy, General Putnam began to be alarmed, and at last rode forth with General Parsons and Colonel Root, to reconnoitre them at King's Ferry. By five o'clock in the afternoon, Sir Henry Clinton had climbed the mountains that were interposed between the landing and the rear of the fort, and hastily descending a high hill through thickets that none but light troops could have passed, made a vigorous assault upon the redoubt. Major David Humphreys, then a major of the first Con- necticut brigade, was at head-quarters when the firing began and was the first to hear it. He flew to the camp, and beg- ged Colonel Wyllys, the officer in command, to send all the men who were not on duty, to the relief of the garrison- at Fort Montgomery. Colonel Meigs was instantly dispatched with five hundred men, while Major Humphreys, then young and of an ardent temperament, rode at full speed, accom- panied by Dr. Beardsley, along a bye-path, to inform Gov- ernor Clinton that a reinforcement was advancing. When Major Humphreys had crossed the river, he found the fort so completely invested that he could not approach it. He therefore went on board a frigate that lay at anchor in the river, and waited for the American detachment to come up. Here he witnessed the whole action. The fort had been thrown up to defend the river, and had not been constructed with any reference to an attack from the rear. However, Governor Clinton, his brother. General James Clinton, Colo- nel Dubois, and the other officers, were men of true courage, [1777.] MAJOR HUMPHREYS. 815 and were all seconded by the garrison, who fought with great spirit. But it was idle to attempt to oppose, with a single regiment, the solid columns of three thousand British troops advancing against the frail works at places where they could be hardly said to offer an obstruction. At dusk, the enemy entered the fort with fixed bayonets. The loss on either side was not very great. Almost all the officers and men of the garrison escaped under cover of the smoke and darkness, that was now fast settling over the abrupt moun- tains whose shadows offered them a safe retreat. It is not likely that the little band of men under Colonel Meigs, had they arrived in season, could have prevented the loss of the fort against such fearful odds. The young major of brigade, who saw the battle, the retreat, and the sublime picture that followed it, has left us a lively sketch of the closing scene. "The frigate," writes this young scholar and poet, "after receiving several platoons, slipped her cable, and proceeded a little way up the river; but the wind and tide becoming adverse, the crew set her on fire, to prevent her falling into the hands of the enemy, whose ships were approaching. The louring darkness of the night, the profound stillness that reigned, the interrupted flashes of the flames that illuminated the waters, the long shadows of the cliffs that now and then were seen, the explosion of the cannon which were left loaded in the ship, and the reverberating echo which resounded at intervals between the stupendous mountains on both sides of the river, composed an awful night-piece for persons pre- pared by the preceding scene, to contemplate subjects of horrid cruelty."* * General David Humphreys, was a son of the Rev. Daniel Humphreys, of Derby, Conn., where he was born in 1753. He graduated at Yale College, in 1771, and soon went to reside in the family of Colonel Phillips, of Phillips' Manor, New York. Ho early entered the revolutionary army as a captain ; in 1778, ho was a major and aid to General Putnam ; in 1780, he was selected as Washing- ton's aid with the rank of colonel — his competitors for the place being Tallmadge, Hull, and Alden. For his valor at the siege of York, Congress honored him with a sword. In 1781, he accompanied JefTerson to Franco, as Secretary of Lega- 316 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The capture of Fort Montgomery, and the removal of the booms and chains that had been placed in the river, gave to Sir Henry Clinton, a free passage to Albany, and opened a communication between him and Burgoyne. But before any union of their forces could be effected, the capitulation of Bur- goyne changed the whole plan of operations. The loss of Fort Montgomery led to a trial of General Clinton by a court-martial. He was acquitted with honor. Sir Henry soon fell back to New York. Putnam followed him a part of the way by land. Colonel Meigs was sent forward with a detachment of men who had been selected from General Parsons' brigade to fall upon a band of robbers in Westchester. He succeeded in breaking up the company for a time. He made fifty prisoners, and carried oft' a large number of horses and cattle that they had stolen. Among the other outrages committed by these free-booters under the sanction of the British government, was that of tlon. He represented Derby in the Legislature of Connecticut in 178G, but soon after became a resident of Hartford. In 1788, he went to reside in Washington's family, and continued with him until he was appointed minister to Portugal, in 1790. Four years afterwards, he was sent as minister plenipotentiary to Spain. He concluded treaties with Tripoli and Algiers. In 1812 he was appointed major-general of the Connecticut militia. General Humphreys died in New Haven, Feb. 21, 1818, aged sixty-five. In the midst of his public duties he found time for the indulgence of his tastes as a writer, both in prose and verse. A collection of his miscellaneous works was published in New York, in 1790, and 1804. See Am. Spec, i. 239—272. Had he devoted his attention exclusively to polite literature, he would doubtless have excelled any American writer of that day. His writings bear evident marks of haste, but evince abundant proofs of genius. He was remarkable for his wit, his pathos, the facility with which he wrote, and his powerful and condensed narra- tive. He presents more images to the mind of a reader upon a single page, than any other writer who has treated of the incidents and characters of the revolution. His principal work, is a life of Major-General Putnam. There is at Yale College, a likeness of General Humphreys, by Stuart, that is one of the best works of that great artist. It ought to bo engraved and published aa a beau ideal of the American military gentleman of that period. It is as I once heard a good artist say, " one of the few portraits that may bo said to speak and glow with life." [1777.] CONNECTICUT AND WEST POINT. 317 burning the houses of the principal patriots. General Put- nam resolved to put an end to this wanton mode of warfare. Having learned that Governor Tryon had sent out a party to burn Wright's mills, he detached three parties of one hundred men each to prevent it ; one detachment captured thirty-five of these incendiary tories, and another forty. Foiled in their attempt upon the mills, a number of the new levies went to the house of Mr. Van Tassel, a whig committee-man of high character, and took him prisoner. They dragged him along with them a great distance, naked and barefoot, over the ice and frozen ground, in a bleak cold night. Putnam deter- mined to retaliate, and to make his selection in a quarter that would command the attention of the authors of this mischief. He chose a victim best suited to effect his object. He ordered Captain Buchanan, in a whale boat, with a few trusty men, to repair to York Island, and burn the splendid mansion-house of General Oliver Delancy. The mission was accomplished with remorseless fidelity, and the dwelling burned to ashes. This incense, rising in the very nostrils of Governor Tryon, was not an acceptable sacrifice. But it stayed the plague in the infected district for a long time.* Late in the year 1777, General Washington commissioned Putnam to select a new site for a fort, that would supply the place of Fort Montgomery. Putnam examined the banks of the river with great caution, and finally hit upon that bold rock, impregnable in the rear by the high ridges that rise one after another behind it in regular walls, and overlooking with its frowning buttresses the pent up waters of the Hudson. Not long after, the gallant and accomplished General Parsons, with the first Connecticut brigade, went to the spot thus designated by Putnam, and in the cold month of January, while the snow lay upon.the ground to the de})th of two feet, without tents to shield his men, and without suitable intrenching tools to prosecute the work, struck the first mattock into the soil and threw up the first embankment * Humphreys, 151. 318 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. at West Point. From that day to this, neither the valor of foreign troops, nor the vile machinations of treason, have been able to pluck or steal the key of the North River from our hands, nor can a keel pass up and down its channel without doing homage to our flag.* * Humphreys. CHArTER XIV. THE NOUTIIEIIN DErARTilENT. CAPTURE OF BURGOYNE. General Schuyler, who had oflended the Continental Con- gress by writing one of his "subacid letters,"* did not find the displeasure of that body quite as desirable as he might have anticipated. He finally condescended to offer an apology in the shape of a memorial presented to Congress, that was designed as a glossary to the offensive letter, and explained away the text so well, that on the 8th of May, the Congress resolved to receive him again into favor. About a fortnight after this act of oblivion was passed, it was resolved that Albany, Ticonderoga, Fort Stanwix, and their dependencies, be henceforth considered as forming the north- ern department, and that Major-General Schuyler be direc- ted to take the conmiand there. Whether the general hum- bled himself with any view of a subsequent exaltation, the reader can judge. It is (juite certain that one event followed the other very much in the relation of cause and effect. The New England delegates voted against the appointment, as they said it superceded General Gates, and had their representation been full at that time, the result would have been different. It belonged to the states of New Hampshire, Massachu- setts and Connecticut, to furnish the troops for the northern posts. Massachusetts did not furnish the quota of men that had been designated for her, under an impression that Ticon- deroga would not be attacked. * CJencral Schuyler, in one of his complaints to Congress against General Wooster, ai'cuses him of writing "subacid letters." A reference to the corres- pondence of those officers in the fourth volume of the fourtli series of the Ameri- can Archives, will readily detect the injustice of the charge. The courtesy and forbearance of Wooster are in striking contrast to the insolence of Schuyler. 320 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The British force in that quarter was under the command of Burgoyne, the successor of Sir Guy Carleton, who had been superceded on account of his conscientious scruples.* This army was provided with everything that could be called munitions and accoutrements in the greatest abund- ance, and had the best train of artillery that had ever followed the movements of a subordinate army in America. f The designs of Bur2;ovne were entirelv unknown to the Americans, and hence Washington, as well as his subordin- ates in command at the north, was greatly perplexed with doubt as to what course to pursue. At least ten thousand men were necessary for the defense of Ticonderoga alone ; but St. Clair, who commanded there, had only three thou- sand, and these were insufficiently armed and equipped. It was in fact a part of Burgoyne's plan, not merely to take Ticonderoga, but to advance thence upon Albany, and, with the cooperation of the troops at New York, to get possession of the posts in the Highlands. He started on this expedition with an army of eight thousand men, composed of British and German soldiers, besides a large number of tories, Indians, Canadian boatmen, laborers, and skirmishers. J On the 1st of July, Burgoyne gained a steep hill over- looking Ticonderoga, which the Americans had neglected to fortify because they regarded it as inaccessible to artillery. St. Clair at once saw that there was no chance for his troops except in a hasty retreat. He accordingly placed his bag- gage and stores in two hundred batteaux, and, under convoy of five armed galleys, sent them to Skenesborough, now Whitehall, towards which point the troops retired by land, in a south-easterly direction, through the New Hampshire grants. § By three in the afternoon, the van of the British squadron, composed of gun-boats, came up with and attacked the American galleys ; and in a short time, the British frigates * It will be remembered that Sir Guy refused the services of the Indians because they persisted in killing and scalping the American prisoners and the wounded. His scruples could not be tolerated by the British government, t Gordon, ii. 203, 204. J Ilildreth, iii. 19G, 197. § Ilildreth. [1777.] DEFEAT OF THE AMEEICANS. 821 having joined the van, tiie galleys were completely over- powered. Two of them surrendered, and three were blown up.* The American irarrison at Skenesboroucjh, on being informed of Burgoyne's approach, set fire to the works, and retreated up Wood Creek to Fort Ann, a post half way to the Hudson river. Colonel Long, who commanded at this post, hearing that the British were approaching, sallied out to meet them ; but after a contest which lasted for more than two hours, he retired with his troops lo Fort Ann, set fire to the buildings, and withdrew to Fort Edward, on the Hudson, where General Schuyler had previously arrived. f The vanguard, conducted by St. Clair in person, reached Castleton on the 0th ; the rear, consisting of three regiments, amounting in all to twelve hundred men, commanded by Colonels Francis, Warner, and Hale, rested through the night at Hubbardston, six miles below Castleton. At this place they were overtaken the next morning by General Frazer, and attacked. Hale's regiment ingloriously fled from the field. Francis and Warner, with the two remaining regiments, behaved with great spirit and firmness, and the English fought with equal obstinacy. Several times the lat- ter gave way, but were rallied again by their gallant officers. The Americans seemed destined to triumph, until the arrival of General Reidesel, with his German brigade, when they were compelled to give way before the superior force of the enemy. Francis was killed, together with two hundred of his brave soldiers. The number of the wounded was estimated at about six hundred, many of whom, deprived of all succor, perished miserably in the woods. Two hundred prisoners fell into the hands of the enemy. Tiie loss of the royal troops was about one hundred and eighty. J So completely were the Americans dispersed, that when Warner joined St. Clair, on the 9th, he had with him less than ninety men.§ By the 15th, the entire northern army, consisting of about five thousand men, were congregated at * Botia, i. 457. t Botta, iii. 458, -ir)!). * Botta. § Ilildivtli, iii. 198. 53 322 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ' ' Fort Edward. Many of the soldiers were without arms, and there was a great deficiency in ammunition and provisions. The intelligence of these disasters was received with sur- prise and chagrin by Congress, as well as by General Wash- ington. The New England officers charged them upon the mismanagement of General Schuyler — and probably not without some cause. Suspicions of treachery against cer- tain officers, were whispered in the ears of men high in authority. Congress immediately directed the recall of all the northern generals, and an inquiry was ordered into their conduct. This order, however, was suspended by request of Washington, who represented that the army of the north could not be left without officers at that critical moment. Two brigades from the Highlands, Morgan with his rifle corps, Arnold and Lincoln, were detached to reinforce the army at Fort Edward ; and Gates was appointed commander in the place of Schuyler.* During this brief interval, Burgoyne was making desperate efforts to open a passage from Fort Ann to Fort Edward. The intervening country was for the most part a dense wilderness. Besides removing the trees with which Schuy- ler had caused the road to be obstructed, he had to re-build no less than forty bridges. At length, on the 30th of July, he reached Fort Edward, which by this time had been evacu- ated by the Americans, they having taken up their quarters at Stillwater, lower down on the Hudson. f A corps of New Hampshire militia, under command of Colonel Stark, had recently arrived at Bennington. Being informed of the approach of Colonel Baum, with two pieces of artillery and eight hundred men. Stark sent off" expresses for the militia, and Colonel Warner, who w^as encamped at Manchester, six miles from Bennington. Baum began to intrench himself on the 14th of August, and sent back to Burgoyne for reinforcements. Lieutenant-Colonel Breyman, with his regiment of Brunswick grenadiers and light-infantry, was sent to his assistance, but he was delayed by rains and by * Ilildrcih, iii. 199, 200. + Gordon, ii. 210, 211 [1777.] GALLANTRY OF WARNER AND STARK. 823 the badness of the road. Similar causes prevented Colonel Warner from reaching Bennington at the time anticipated. About noon on the 16th, having been joined by some Berk- shire militia under Colonel Simmons, Stark approached the enemy. After a hotly contested action of two hours, the Americans began to pour into the intrenchments on every side. The Indians, Canadians, and British, fled into the woods. The German dragoons still continued to fight, and after their ammunition was exhausted, they were led to the charge with their swords. The survivors and their wounded colonel were made prisoners. About four o'clock, the regi- ments of Breyman and Warner, came up from different directions, and the battle was renewed. A fierce conflict ensued, which continued until the dusk of the evening, when Breyman abandoned his baggage and artillery, and retreated. By this victory, a thousand stand of arms, a thousand swords, and four pieces of artillery, fell into the hands of Warner and Stark, besides nearly six hundred prisoners. About two hundred of the enemy were killed ; the Americans had four- teen killed, and forty-two wounded.* These successes, together with the gallant and resolute defense of Fort Schuyler, had a wonderful effect in reviv- ing the spirits of the American soldiers, and inspiring them with hope and energy. A strong corps of Connecticut and New Hampshire mili- tia, under General Lincoln, was detached with the hope of recovering the fortresses of Ticonderoga and Mount Inde- pendence, and consequently, the command of Lake George. He parted his troops into three divisions, viz : the first, com- manded by Colonel Brown, of Berkshire county, who sur- prised all the pos'ts upon Lake George, including Mount Hope, Mount Defiance, and the old French lines ; he took possession of two hundi'ed batteaux, an armed brig, several gun-boats, and a very considerable number of prisoners. The second, led by Colonel Johnson, arrived at Ticonderoga and Fort Independence, and summoned the garrison to sur- *Hildreth: Botta. 32-i HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. render. General Powell expressed his determination to defend himself; and the fortresses were besieged for four days, without success. The third, commanded by Colonel Wood- bury, was designed for the reduction of Skenesborough, Fort Ann, and Fort Edward.* Burgoyne, having by great efforts obtained about thirty days' provisions, determined to force a passage to Albany. Toward the middle of September, he crossed the river on a bridge of boats, and encamped with his army on the plains of Saratoga. General Gates was encamped in the neighbor- hood, about three miles below. The two armies being thus brought into the immediate neighborhood of each other, a battle was anticipated. On the morning of the 19th of September, the movements of the belligerent forces indicated that a crisis in their des- tiny was approaching. The English formed themselves in order of battle, their right wing resting upon the high grounds which rise gradually from the river ; it was flanked by the grenadiers and light infantry, who occupied the hills. The Indians, Canadians, and loyalists, were ranged some distance in front, and upon the side. The left wing and artillery commanded by Generals Phillips and Reidesel, kept along the great road and meadows by the river side. The American army drew up in the same order from the river to the hills — Gates commanding the right in person, and Arnold the left.f After several skirmishes, the battle became general, and continued until the shadows of evening fell upon the contending parties. In the language of Gordon, " There was one continual blaze of fire for three hours without intermission. The report of the muskets resembled an inces- sant roll-beating on a number of drums. The Americans and British alternately drive and are driven by each other."J The enemy lost over five hundred men in killed, wounded, and prisoners ; yet they claimed the victory, and encamped upon the field. The Americans retired to their camp, with a loss of about three hundred. They, also, claimed to have * Botta, ii. 8. t Botta. i Hist. Am. Rev. ii. 249. [1777.] FALL OF FRAZER. 325 triumphed, in maintaining their position against such fearful odds. Among the American troops engaged in this memorable conflict, were Cilley's, Scamraell's and Hale's New Hamp- shire regiments, two regiments of Connecticut militia, Van Courtland's and Livingston's New York regiments, Wesson's, Marshall's, and Brooks's Massachusetts regiments, and others.* From the 20th of September to the 7th of October, both armies were engaged in eflbrts to replenish their stocks of provisions and ammunition, recruiting their respective forces or throwing up intrenchments. During these few days, the American army was constantly increasing, while Burgoyne's condition was becoming more and more hopeless. His com- munications were entirely cut ofi', and he could neither advance nor retreat ; his troops at the same time were suffering severely on a short allowance of food, and he had long waited in vain for the expected aid of General Clinton. In his desperation, he resolved to hazard another engage- ment. With this view, he marched forward with fifteen hundred picked men, to make a reconnoisance of the Ameri- can lines, and to cover a forage of his arm}'. He had with him Generals Phillips, Reidesel, and Frazer, together with ten pieces of artillery. A fierce action soon ensued — the attack having been commenced by Poor's New Hampshire brigade, followed up by Morgan's riflemen. The gallant Frazer was mortally wounded ;f and the British troops, after a desperate effort, succeeded in regaining their camp, leaving behind them six pieces of artillery. The retreating enemy were followed up with great spirit by Arnold, and, after an obstinate defense, succeeded in gaining their works, where the fight was continued until the darkness of night again put an end to the strife. In this assault, Arnold was wounded * Gordon; Ilildreth. t Besides the loss of General Frazer, Sir James Clark, aid-de-camp to General Burgoyne, was mortally wounded and taken prisoner ; Lieutenant-Colonel Brey- man was killed, and Majors Oakland and Williams were taken prisoners. 826 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ^ ' and compelled to retire. Colonel Brooks, of Massachusetts, was still more successful in his attack upon a German brig- ade, having driven them from their intrenchments at the point of the bayonet, and captured their camp equipage, artillery, and ammunition. That night, the Americans slept on their arms, intending to renew the engao;ement in the morning. But the British, under cover of the darkness, silently withdrew to the high grounds in the vicinity.* On the 8th, several skirmishes ensued, in one of which General Lincoln was so severely wounded as to be deterred from further service. During the following day, Bur- goyne, fearing he should be surrounded, abandoned his new quarters, and fell back upon Saratoga, a distance of six miles. By this time, Burgoyne's force was reduced to four thou- sand effective men, and he was surrounded by three times that number of Americans, who were now flushed with suc- cess and eager for another trial at arms. He was reduced to three days' supply of provisions, and he could gain no intelligence from Howe or Clinton. He called a council of war, on the 13th, who advised that a treaty of capitulation should be opened. General Gates at first insisted upon an unconditional sur- * The lato Colonel Moses Lyman, of Goshen, then a lieutenant, commanded a company of militia during this northern campaign. lie was well known to many of the officers in the camp, as he had been in the service during much of the two preceding years ; and during the memorable night of the 7th of October, he was put in command of a company of observation, to watch the movements of Bur- goyne to see whether lie would advance or recede from the position which ho held at the close of the action. The sentinels of the two armies were stationed so near together that they might have hailed each other. No movement, how- ever, was discovered in the British camp during the night. Soon after dawn, on the morning of the 8th, Lyman marched out with his men toward tlie liostile camp, expecting that his appearance would provoke a movement of some kind, on tlie part of the enemy. He advanced still nearer, but found only the slain and wounded ; he continued his march until he reached their deserted tents. He was the first to inform Gencni! dates that the enemy had abandoned their camp and sought a more secure position. Rev. Grant Powers' Centennial Ad- dress, 1839. [::::.] i;ui:l;v yne cai'ituj.ates. 327 render, which was refused. But as he had learned that all the American posts in the Highlands had fallen into the enemy's hands, and fearing that Burgoyne might soon be reinforced, he was particularly anxious to hasten the capitulation. He accordingly proposed that the British troops should march out of their camp with the honors of war, lay down their arms, and be conducted to Boston, and there embark for England, under a pledge not to serve against the United States until exchanged. These terms were accepted. The number of prisoners who surrendered was five thou- sand six hundred and forty-two, with their arms, artillery, baggage and camp equipage. Among these articles were thirty-two brass cannons, seven howitzers, and three royal mortars, besides four thousand six hundred and forty-seven muskets, six thousand dozen of cartridges, shot, carcasses, cases and shells.* The intelligence of the capture of Burgoyne was hailed * llildreth, iii. 214. Among the most accom|)lish(.d Ci)imoeticut officers who participated in the battle and witnessed the surrtnder of JUirgoyne, was Captain Moses Seymour, of Litchfield, who at that time commanded a company of cavalry. A day or two after the terms of capitulation were signed, the American officers invited Burgoyne and his fellow-officers to dine with them. At this interesting festival Captain Seymour was present. His account of the conversations that took place on the occasion, between the conquerors and the conquered, and particularly his minute relation of the toasts given on both sides, are still remembered with interest. The utmost courtesy and good feeling prevailed on the part of the principal officers, and the responses to the sentiments given were hearty and enthusiastic. At length, General Burgoyne was called upon for a toast. Every voice was for the moment hushed int(» the deepest attention, as he rose and gave — " America and Great Britain against the world." The response which followed may be imagined. During the night that succeeded the last battle between Gage and liurgoyne, Captain Seymour watched with a British officer who had been wounded and carried off the field in the midst of the engagement. Soon after he had entered tlie apartment, tlie wounded officer, who had not before learned the fate of the day, eagerly asked Capt;iin S. as to the result. On hearing that the British had been defeated, he remarked — " Then the contest is no longer doubtful ; A^itcrica will be independent. I have fought earnestly for my king and country, but the con- test is ended !" The kindness of Captiiin S. to liim, an enemy, deeply affected the officer ; ho thanked him again and again ; and finally offered him his watch 328 msTOKY OF Connecticut. throughout the country witn thanksgiving and rejoicings. It became a general theme of congratulation in private circles, and in public assemblies — and the pulpit and press joined in celebrating the praises of Gates and his heroic band of officers and soldiers.* ' ■ Captain Thomas Y. Seymour, of Hartford, a captain of cavalry in Gates' army, was, for a part of the route, at least, commander of the escort sent with General Burgoyne to Boston. The people in that part of New England through which they passed had been greatly exasperated at the proclamation of the British commander, threatening the extremities of war against all who should oppose his march, and particularly at the barbarous offer of a reward to his and other rewards, which were of course refused. The gallant American did all in his power to relieve the distresses and sooth the mind of his charge — but his wounds proved fatal. * On one of the Sabbaths in October, the Rev. Cotton Mather Smith, of Sharon, Connecticut, preached a sermon from Isaiah xxi. 1 1 — '' Watchman, what of the night ? the Watchman saith, The morning cometh." " The discourse," says Sedgwick, (Hist. Sharon, p. 54,) " was entirely adapted to the condition of public affairs. He dwelt much upon the indications, which the dealings of Providence afforded, that a bright and glorious morning was about to dawn upon a long night of defeat and disaster. He told the congregation that he believed they would soon liear of a signal victory crowning the arms of America, exhorted them to trust with an unshaken and fearless confidence in that God who, he doubted not, would soon appear for the deliverance of his people, and crown with success the efforts of the friends of liberty in this country. Before the congregation was dismissed a messenger arrived, bringing the intelligence of the surrender of Burgoyne's army. Parson Smith read the letter from the pulpit, and a flood of joy burst from the assembly." "During the next year," continues the same author, " a large part of Bur- goyne's army marched through this town, on their way to the south. They were met here by a regiment of continental troops, under the command of Lieutenant- Colonel Jameson, who was afterwards conspicuous in the affairs connected with the capture of Andre, and who here took charge of the prisoners." It appears that a large part of this detachment were Hessians. They encamped in Sharon over night •, and when they started in the morning, the whole body sang devo- tional songs as they marched. The late Governor Smith, then a lad, followed them two or three miles, to hear their singing. Colonel Gay, of Sharon, with a large number of men under his command from that town and vicinity, shared in all the conflicts which preceded the surrender of Burgoyne. Sedgwick's Hist. p. 53. [1777.] TnE PRICE OF YANKEE SCALPS. 329 Indian allies for American scalps. In every town where the escort stopped, multitudes of people flocked to its quarters to see him, and in some instances, Captain Seymour found it difficult to preserve his prisoner from actual violence. One day, the company had halted at a village inn in Mas- sachusetts for purposes of refreshment and rest. General Burgoyne was sitting in the principal room in the house, and a crowd of curious spectators were gathered about the door, eager to catch a glimpse of him. Among others, a large, masculine-looking old woman elbowed her way through the crowd, and actually gained admittance. When first observed by the captain of the escort, she stood directly in front of Burgoyne, with her arms akimbo, scrutinizing him from head to foot, with a look in which were blended curiosity, boldness, and exultation. The general became restless under her gaze, and uneasily shifted his position so as to avoid it ; but to no purpose. Before Captain Seymour could interfere to protect his prisoner from the annoyance, the virago, looking steadily at Burgoyne and shaking her finger in his face, exclaimed in a high shrill voice : " Neoio tvliat'll ye give fur Yankee scalps <"' So saying, she suddenly withdrew, leaving the irritated prisoner to digest the insult as he best might ; while the Captain, mortified though he was at the occurrence, could hardly maintain his gravity at the ludicrous spectacle. It is proper to add, that on reaching Boston, General Bur- goyne presented Captain Seymour wnth a magnificent saddle and a pair of silver-mounted cavalry pistols, as tokens of his appreciation of the manner in which that officer had per- formed his delicate duty. This Captain Seymour, mounted on his charger, forms a conspicuous figure in Trumbull's painting of The Surrender of Burgoyne. CHAPTER XV. WYOMING. In July 1753, the Connecticut Susquehannah Company, formed at Windham, sent out a committee to explore "a cer- tain tract of land lying on the Susquehannah river, at a place called Chiwaumuck, an island in said river.* This committee went forward to view the territory, admitted by the best lawyers of the nation to belong to Connecticut by virtue of her charter,! and to perfect in the hands of the cor- poration which they represented, the Indian title to it, in accordance with the old custom of the colony. This territo- ry, embracing that part of Pennsylvania lying within the forty-second degree of north latitude, was one of the most beautiful and attractive regions that the eye of the western pioneer ever rested upon. J Hill, valley, mountain, and stream, diversified the landscape, while the magnificent forests and luxuriant vegetation indicated the richness of the soil and gave promise of golden harvests and pleasant homes, as * Supposed to be the Minocasy. + The Warwick Patent, dated March 19, 1631, describes the bounds of Con- necticut as extending " throughout the main lands," '■'•from the western ocean to the south sea." So also the charter of Charles II., dated April 20, 1662, describes the bounds " as running from east to west, that is to say, from the said Narragansett Bay on the cast, to the south sea on the west part.'''' As, however, the territory of New York had previously been claimed and settled upon by the Dutch, Connecticut did not attempt to establish any right to or jurisdiction over that country, but contented herself with her claim to the lands lying west of New York and south of the forty-second degree of north latitude. The claim of Pennsylvania to the same territory, was founded upon the patent granted by Charles 11. to William Penn, bearing date March 4, 1681 — nineteen years after the date of the charter of Connecticut. X In its more limited signification, the " Valley of Wyoming " is a name given to a valley on the Susquehannah river, about twenty miles in length, from north- east to south-west, and from three to four in breadth. [1755.] THE SUSQUEHANNAH COMPANY. 331 the rewards of industry and enterprise. The abundance of wild game witii which the woods and air were teeming — the varieties of fish that sported in the streams — the rich ckisters of grapes and other tempting fruits that grew spon- taneously in those quiet valleys and along tiiose sloping liill- sides — all seemed to add their cordial invitation to the hardy adventurer from the east. Such, briefly, ^vas the country which the agents of the Susquehannah comi)any were commissioned to explore and purchase of its aboriginal proprietors. This company con- sisted, at first, of eight hundred and forty persons, including a large number of the leading men of Connecticut. The num- ber of proprietors was subseqently increased to twelve hund- red. The purchase was fairly and honorably made, and was ratified by the congress of delegates which convened at Albany in July, 1754, in which Pennsylvania was represent- ed by John Penn, Isaac Norris, Benjamin Franklin, and Richard Peters. In the treaty with the Six Nations, which was executed by the Congress in question, the territory pur- chased by the Susquehannah Company is described as "lying within the limits of the royal charter to Connecticut " ; and it does not appear that any objection was made to the claim thus set forth and virtually recognized by the delegates in their official capacity.* In May, 1755, Phineas Lyman and others, as a committee of the Susquehannah Company, petitioned the Assembly of Connecticut, praying the acquiescence of the Legislature in the purchase, and desiring their consent for an application to his majesty to erect them into a new colony or plantation. In response to this petition, the Assembly " manifested their ready acquiescence therein." During the same year, sur- veyors were sent by the company to lay out the lands ; but ♦The Hon. Charles Miner, in his admirable "History of Wyoming," gives a minute history of the eonflicting claims of Pennsylvania ami Connecticut — and proves conclusively that Connecticut held the country, first, by a grant or charter from the king ; second, by the purchase of the soil from the In- dians ; and third, by the right of possession. 832 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the war with the French prevented any actual settle- ments. In 1762, several emigrants from Connecticut visited the valley, cleared up some lands, sowed their grain, and return- ed home. During the following spring, they went back to Wyoming with their families, with the determination of making a permanent settlement — taking with them their stock, farming utensils, and household furniture. Their town was built on the flats near the river below Wilkesbarre. Their crops had proved abundant, they were delighted with their new homes, and they began to anticipate a life of peace and plenty. On the 15th of October, however, they were suddenly startled at the sound of the war-whoop, which was followed by a fierce attack from a large party of savages. The settlers were entirely unprepared for such an assault, and about twenty men were killed and scalped. The residue of the men, women and children fled to the mountains, and ultimately found their way back to Connecticut. In 1768, the Susquehannah Company determined to renew the attempt to settle the lands at Wyoming. A meeting of the proprietors was held at Hartford, at which it was resolv- ed that five townships, each five miles square, should be sur- veyed and granted, each to forty settlers, being proprietors, on condition that those settlers should remain upon the ground, " man their rights," and defend themselves and each other from the incursions of all rival claimants. Forty per- sons were to set out forthwith ; the others, to the number of two hundred in all, were to follow during the succeeding spring. As an additional encouragement to the settlers, the sum of two hundred pounds, Connecticut currency, ($667,00) was appropriated to provide implements of husbandry, pro- visions, arms and ammunition, for those who might require assistance. The five townships allotted to these adventurers were situated in the heart of the valley. They were Wilkes- barre, Hanover, Kingston, Plymouth, and Pittston. At a subsequent date, three other townships, to be laid out on the west branch of the Susquehannah, were appropriated to forty [1769.] THE SECOND SETTLEMENT. 333 settlers each.* On the 8th of February, 17G9, the first forty- settlers — comprising the advance corps of pioneers from Connecticut — arrived in the valley. On reaching their place of destination, however, they were surprised to find that the block-house and huts from which their friends had been driven a few years before, were in possession of their ene- mies. During the preceding month, three Pennsylvania officers,! with several men, had taken up their abode there — a lease of one hundred acres having been granted to them for seven years, on condition that they should establish an Indian trading-house thereon, and defend the valley from encroachment. The Yankees forthwith invested the block- house of Captain Ogden, cutting oft' all communication with the surrounding country, so that the besieged could neither obtain fuel nor venison ; and demanded in the name of Connecticut, the surrender of the garrison. Captain Ogden, who appears to have been an adept in the arts of diplomacy, as well as a gallant military officer, sent a very polite and conciliatory note to the commander of the fortij, respectfully soliciting a friendly conference on the sub- ject of their respective claims. This was readily acceded to, and Messrs. Isaac Tripp, Benjamin Follett, and Vine Elderkin were selected as the representatives of the Con- necticut party. No sooner, however, had they entered the block-house, than SherifT Jennings clapped a writ on their shoulders, saying — "Gentlemen, in the name of the common- wealth of Pennsylvania, you are my prisoners." The pris- * Subsequent to the purchase of the Susquehannah Company, a second associa- tion was formed in Connecticut, called the " Delaware Company," who purcliased of certain Indian chiefs, " all the lands bounded east by the Delaware river, with- in the forty-second degree of north latitude, west to the line of the Susqueliannah )nircliase, to wit, ten miles east of that river." This comi)any commenced a set- tlement at Coshatunk, on the Delaware river, which flourished for several years — liaving, in 17G0, thirty dwelling houses, a block-house for defense, a grist mill and saw mill. t These officers were Captain Amos Ogden, the military leader of tlu' ccmqtany, Charles Stewart, surveyor, afterwards aid-dc-cainp to Ceneral Washington, and John Jennings, Esq., High Sherift" of Northampton county. 834 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT. • - oners were immediately conducted to Easton jail. They were closely followed by their friends, and no sooner was the key turned than bail was entered for their appearance, and they were set at liberty. On their return to Wyoming, they found themselves in the peaceable possession of the valley. This was the beginning of a contest between the settlers under the Connecticut claim and the government of Penn- sylvania, which continued for many years. Sheriff Jennings appears to have been not a little chagrin- ed at the result of this attempt at negotiation with the set- tlers. He forthwith raised a posse in Northampton county, and, accompanied by several magistrates, repaired to Wyo- ming, stormed the fortification of the settlers, and captured nearly the whole of them. About thirty of their number were forthwith marched off to Easton jail — a distance of sixty miles, through a dreary wilderness, and in the depth of winter. They were all committed to jail, but were almost immediately admitted to bail, as their predecessors had been, and they once more returned to their homes on the Susque- hannah. Thus, in less than sixty days after their arrival in the valley, some of their number had been twice arrested and nearly all of them, in going and returning from jail, had traveled at least two hundred and forty miles. By the 10th of April, the little colony had been so rein- forced by emigrants from Connecticut, that two hundred and seventy able-bodied men assembled on the bank of the river where Wilkesbarre now stands. A new fortification was erected at that point, and called Fort Durkee, after the com- mander, and twenty or thirty huts were built in its immedi- ate vicinity. Having now a brief interim of peace, the set- tlers entered upon their agricultural labors with energy, and succeeded in breaking up the ground for the reception of the seed. By the 20th of May, Captain Ogden and Sheriff Jennings again appeared upon the plains, with their forces recruited, and assumed a hostile attitude. After reconnoitering the position of the enemy, they withdrew to Easton. In his [1709.] FORT DURKEE SURRENDERED. 835 report to the governor, Jennings states that the intruders mustered three hundred effective men, and that he could not collect a sufficient force in the county to dislodge them. About a month later. Colonel Turbot Francis, at the head of a splendid corps from the city, visited the plains and made a similar examination of the fortifications of the settlers ; but retired to wait for reinforcements. In June, 1769, Colonel Ellphalet Dyer and Major Jedediah Elderkin arrived in Philadelphia as agents of the Susquehan- nah Company, vested with full power to negotiate for the settlement of the controversy respecting the Wyoming lands. The Hon. Benjamin Chew was appointed agent on the part of Pennsylvania to confer with the gentlemen named. No terms for the adjustment of their difliculties could be agreed upon. In the beginning of the autumn, a well-armed and well- equipped corps of two hundred men, under command of Cap- tain Ogden and Sheriff Jennings, began their march for the disputed territory. An artillery company, with an iron four- pound cannon, and a supply of ball and cartridges, constitu- ted a part of this force. Ogden soon siezed Captain Durkee, sent him in irons to Philadelphia, and there closely incar- cerated him. Fort Durkee shortly after surrendered. By the articles of capitulation, three or four of the leading men were to be detained as prisoners of war ; seventeen of the Connecticut people were to remain to gather the har- vests ; and all the others, without exception, were to leave the valley immediately. These terms were strictly complied with on the part of the settlers ; but no sooner had the people left, than Ogden, in direct violation of his pledges, began to plunder the property that had been left behind. Cattle, horses, and sheep were driven off to market. The seventeen men who were to remain on the ground, being left without any means of subsistence, were compelled to follow their friends to Connecticut. Thus the close of the year 1769 found Wyoming in full possession of the Pennsylva- ^ 386 HISTORY OF COXXECTICUT. nians — the Yankees* having been driven from the country for the third time, their homes made desolate, their property- destroyed, themselves defeated and disheartened. So at least thought their enemies, who imagined that the people of Con- necticut would now desist from all further attempts to found a colony in the valley of the Susquehannah. Fully impressed with this belief, Ogden and Jennings, leaving a guard of ten men to take charge of the public property in the fort, repair- ed to Philadelphia, to while away the winter. Early in February, a company of men from the adjacent town of Hanover united with a few^ Connecticut people, under Captain Stewart, entered the valley, drove off the guard stationed at Fort Durkee, took possession of the fort, provisions, and cannon, and quietly awaited the result. The news soon reached Ogden, who hastily mustered about fifty friends, and, marching to Wyoming, took possession of his old quarters at mill creek. Major Durkee, who had by this time escaped from prison, again took the command of the settlers. A collision soon occurred, in which one of the Connecticut party was killed. Durkee now determined to drive Ogden from his position. With his single cannon he commenced the siege, and carried it forward with such suc- cess, that on the 29th of April Ogden surrendered. By the terms agreed upon, all the Pennsylvanians were to leave the valley within three days, except six men who were to remain in possession of one of the houses. Soon after the departure of Ogden, the commander of the settlers resolved to retaliate upon the previous conduct of that officer. He forthwith expelled the six unwelcome neigh- bors as spies, seized upon the property left in their posses- sion, and burnt the fort that had been vacated by Ogden. Governor Penn at once issued his proclamation denounc- ing the " outrageous conduct " of the intruders, and offering large rewards for their arrest. Having in vain applied for assistance to General Gage, commander-in-chief of his * " Yankees " and " Pennymites^" were the names by wliich the two parties were long known in W^yoniing. [1773.] COMMISSIONEES APPOINTED. 337 majesty's forces, whose head-quarters were then in New York, the governor directed Captain Ogden to raise as many soldiers as he could, and dispossess the Yankees of the valley. The business of recruiting proceeded so slow, that it was late in September before he reached Wyomhig. His force amounted to about one hundred and fifty men. His move- ments were conducted with such secrecy, that he surprised the fort and garrison, and took a large number of prisoners, almost without opposition. A few of the officers were sent to Philadelphia, while the others were taken to the jail at Easton. The valley was again deserted by the settlers. The triumph of the Pennsylvanians was of short duration. On the 18th of December, the sleeping garrison was startled with a " Hurrah for King George !" and Captain Stewart with thirty men took possession of the fort in behalf of Con- necticut. Six of its inmates escaped half naked to the mountains, while the remainder were expelled from the valley without ceremony. In January, the fort again fell into the hands of Ogden ; and on the 14th of August, after a vigorous siege, it was sur- rendered to Captain Zebulon Butler. What is known as " the first Pennymite and Yankee war," was now ended, and the Connecticut settlers on the Susque- hannah began to enjoy the blessings of peace. During the autumn, many of them went to Connecticut and brought their families into the valley. Prosperity smiled upon the labors of the husbandman, and domestic and social happiness at last crowned the struggles and privations of the war-worn combatants. A church was formed, a minister settled, schools established, and a local civil covernment ors;anized. C'onnecticut now determined to extend a formal and positive jurisdiction over the Susquehannah Company's purchase. To this end, in October 1773, her Legislature appointed Eliphalet Dyer, William Samuel Johnson, and Jedediah Strong, commissioners to ])rocced to Philadelphia, to nego- tiate an amicable settlement of the controversy. In Decem- ber they presented their credentials to Governor Penn, and 54 338 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. •...: commenced the business assigned to them. All their propo- sitions were objected to and declined by Governor Penn — as they doubtless anticipated would be the case — and the com- missioners returned to Connecticut. On receiving their report, the General Assembly, in January, passed an act •'erecting all the territory within her charter limits, from the river Delaware to a line fifteen miles west of the Susque- hannah, into a town, with all the corporate powers of other towns in the colony, to be called Westmoreland, attaching it to the county of Litchfield." Zebulon Butler and Nathan Denison were commissioned justices of the peace for the new town. Governor Trumbull issued a proclamation forbidding any settlement within the limits of Westmoreland, except under the authority of Connecticut.* Captain Butler and Mr. Joseph Sluman were chosen the first representatives from Westmoreland to the Legislature of Connecticut. As may well be supposed, the spirit that had roused the people of the colonies to resist the oppressive acts of the mother country, met with a cordial response from the settlers of Wyoming. Long accustomed, as they had been, to resist oppression at home, they were among the first to protest against the encroachments of a foreign despotism. As early as August 1775, in town meeting, they passed a vote express ing their acquiescence in the action of the Continental Con- gress, and declaring that they would " unanimously join their brethren in America in the common cause of defending their liberty." In the fall of 1775, the governor of Pennsylvania resolved to renew the war against the people of Wyoming, who had now enjoyed a period of four years of uninterrupted peace. Colonel Plunket, with seven hundred men in his train, returning from an expedition against the settlements at Judea and Charlestown, arrived at the mouth of Nescopeck creek, * The governor of Pennsylvania also issued a proclamation about the same time, prohibiting any settlement on contested claims, " under pretended grants from Connecticut," or any other than the authority of Pennsylvania. [1T:G-'7.] INDIANS AND TORIES. 339 on the 20th of December. Congress having been informed that an attack upon Wyoming was contemplated, interposed in behalf of the settlers — recommending " that the con- tending parties immediately cease all hostilities, and avoid every appearance of force, until the dispute can be legally settled." This advice came too late to be of any avail. Plunket arriv- ed upon the borders of the valley on the 23d. As his force was nearly double that of all the settlements in the valley, his appearance was the occasion of much alarm. Colonel Z. Butler, with the most strenuous exertions, succeeded in collecting together about three hundred men and boys ; but as there were not guns enough to supply them all, some of them appeared on the ground with scythes fastened upon handles. He selected his position and fortified it as well as circumstances would permit. On the 23d and 24th, Butler's fortification was attacked, two or three skirmishes took place, and several persons were killed. The expedition ended in the inglorious retreat of Plunket and his army.* During the years of 177G and 1777, few events occurred in the valley that need to be repeated here. As among the patriotic citizens in other parts of the country, strenuous efforts were made to raise and equip their quota of soldiers, to supply the families of the absent,! and to provide means for their own safety and defense. Occasionally the Indians and tories would make an incursion into their vicinity, and kill or take captive such objects of their hatred as might * Mr. Miner, (Hist, of Wyoming, p. 180,) introduces evidence to show that Colonel P. was identical with the Dr. Plunket, an apothecary, who was concerned with .Tames Maclean in several highway robberies committed on Ilounslow Heath, England, in 1750, an account of which may be found in the London Gentleman's Magazine for September of that year. Among the persons assaulted by Maclean and Plunket, was I.,ord Eglington. It is stated that Colonel Plunket acknoiol- cdgcd that he was associated with Maclean in the robberies alluded to ; and that he wiis recognized in this country by persons who had known him in England. tTown Meeting, Westmoreland, Pec. 30th, 1777, "Voted by this town, that the committee of inspection be empowered to supply the soldiers' wives and the eoldicrs' widows, and their families, with the necessaries of life. " 340 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, fall in their way ;* but though war raged around them, the people of Wyoming dwelt in comparative quiet. At the October session of the Connecticut Legislature, 1776, Westmoreland had been erected into a county. Jona- than Fitch, Esq., was commissioned as the first high sheriff of the new organization, and other county officers were soon after appointed. It appears that sweet Wyoming was after all a part of Connecticut. Her sons were there with their good English names, shrewd sense, unostentatious home-bred tastes, habits of economy, schools, religion, laws, industry, and valor. Let us su])pose that we too are there, and that it is early January of the eventful year 1778. Hill and glade smile as the morning sun glances over the mountain, to woo and melt at last the cold unsullied snow. The hale cattle, and the dainty sheep, nipping the hay that lies in heaps around the stack in the open meadow, while the farmer, who has just fed them, stands with his hands in his pockets regarding their growth with a complacent smile that is the outward sign of the promise that his heart has made to itself of thrift for his sons and marriage portions for his daughters, are additional features in the picture. Should he ask you to accompany him home and breakfast with him, you need not excuse yourself or hesitate lest his busy wife and pretty daughters whose com- plexions show that they once belonged to Litchfield county, should blush at the scantiness of the repast. They will set before you buckwheat cakes and venison, or it may be salt fish and the nice fragments of the wild turkey that flanked the loin of beef for yesterday's dinner. f The whole family circle will have the questioning curiosity that belongs to their origin, and why should they not be * In 1777, an old man, named Fitzgerald, was taken prisoner by the tories, who placed him on a flax-brake, and told him ho must either renounce his " rebel principles," or die. " Well," said he, " I am old, and have little time to live any- how ; and I had rather die now a friend to my country, than to live ever so long, and die a tory !" They thought him incorrigible and lot him go. + See Miner's Hist. 208-'9. [177,9.] A STORM GATHERING. 341 indul2;e(l ? These are revolutionary times. What is Wash- ington doing since the last Indian runner brought the news from the north ? What is Putnam doing at Reading since the last arrival of the post-rider from Hartford ? Well may they ask questions, for what new wonder is to follow the battle of Germantown and the capture of Burgoyne ? It was in every sense a Connecticut settlement. Its electors had all taken the new oath of allegiance to her as a sove- reign state. On the 13th of April, one hundred and twenty- nine more were added to the number of self-taxing citizen electors — making in all two hundred and sixty-nine. They chose John Dorrance collector of the state tax, and Nathan Denison and Anderson Dana representatives to the General Assembly that was to meet at Hartford in May. On the 21st of the same month, the voters of Westmoreland held another meeting, and in obedience to the advice of his excellency, Governor Trumbull, and the recommendation of the Assem- bly, fixed the rates of labor and the prices of all produce and manufactured'articles.* Early in the year, it began to be whispered abroad that the Indians were gathering to make an attack upon Westmoreland. But the mothers and daughters of Wyoming, if they grew pale at the news, did not shrink from the hard duties that are impos- ed upon women in new settlements in times of war or threat- ened public calamity. They were already inured to dangers. While their husbands and lovers had been absent from home fighting the battles of their country against the British, Indians, and tories, they had made the hay, hoed the corn, husked it and gathered it home. At last, a little cannon had been brought * Amoiif^ these items were the following, viz : " Good yarn stockings, a pair 10s. ; laboring women, at spinning, a week, 6s. ; winter-fed beef, a pound, 7s. ; taverners, for dinner, of the best, per meal, 2s. ; metheglin, per gallon 7s. ; beaver skins, per lb. ISs. ; shad, apiece, Gd. ; beaver hats, of the best, 41. ; for two o.xen, per day, and tackling, 3s. ; good hemp-seed, a bushel, 15s. ; men's labor, at farming, the three summer months, per day, 5s. 3d. ; good check flannel, yard wide, 8s. ; good tow and linen, yard wide, Gs. ; good white flannel, yard wide, 5s. ; tobacco, in bank or leaf, per lb., 9d. • taverners, for mug of flip, with two gills of rum in it, 'Is. ; good barley, per bushel, 8s ; shoeing horse all round, 8«. 5 eggs, per doxcn, 8d. ; strong beer, by the barrel, 2Z." 342 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. up the river to defend the settlement ; and so far were these good wives and daughters from running away and stopping their ears to keep out the sound of its sharp, spiteful voice, that they took up the floors of their humble houses, and dug up the earth from beneath them, leached it in casks, and then mixed the thin fluid with the ley of wood-ashes, and after having boiled them together, set the decoction away to cool, until the salt-petre rose to the top. Then they pulverized the charcoal and ground the sulphur, and mingling the home- made ingredients in due proportion, they made gun-powder to fill the horns of their husbands, and to gorge the black throat of this fierce bull-dog that had come to keep guard over Wyoming. From Niagara and the Indian country that skirted the town, it was rumored that the British and Indians were making ready to invade the valley. Not only did the patriot- ism of the inhabitants tempt such an invasion, but the very situation of this settlement — the only one of any importance above the Blue Ridge, and forming as it did a troublesome barrier between the savage tribes of the mountains and the German towns of the low country — pointed it out for destruction. After all the Indians in the valley and all the tories from that neighborhood, had begun to flock to the stand- ard of the enemy. Congress, on the IGth of March, passed the following resolution : "Resolved, That one full company of foot be raised in the town of Westmoreland, on the east bank of the Susquehan- nah, for the defense of the said town, and the settlement on the frontiers and in the neighborhood thereof, against the Indians and the enemies of these states ; the said company to be enlisted to serve one year from the time of their enlist- ing, unless sooner discharged by Congress." As if to mock that brave people, a clause was added to the resolution, " that the company find their own arms, accoutre- ments and blankets." A large proportion of the effective men of the settlement, under the command of Durkee and Ransom, were already [1778.] SCOUTING PARTIES AND SPIES. 343 absent with the army — scarcely a sufBcient number being left at home to save the women and children from starvation, and to keep guard around their dwellings. The people had been taxed to their utmost capacity to arm and equip the soldiers who were already in the field ; and the additional burden now imposed upon them by Congress, was I'elt to be unnecessary and unjust. True, the company ordered to be raised, was in part designed for their own protection ; and so, as they had supposed, were the companies previously raised in the valley. What guarantee had they that the new recruits might not be wanted elsewhere, and that thus the settlement would be left without any other means of defense than such as the old men, women and children might be able to afford ? In May, little scouting parties of the inhabitants of West- moreland began to meet those sent out by the enemy. The latter appeared to be keeping watch of the former, and though they did no acts of violence, yet they probably made it a principal part of their business to learn where the settlement was most assailable, and at the same time to cut off all com- munication between them and the upper country, so that they might remain in ignorance of the preparations that were going on there. A single man was shot by the Indians. A few days afterwards, a scouting party of six persons was fired upon about four miles from Tunkhannock. Two men were wounded — one of them mortally — but they fled to their canoes, and dropped down the river. Soon after this occurrence, two Indians, who had once lived at Wyoming, came down with their squaws, under pre- tence of paying a friendly visit. They were soon suspected to be spies, and were closely watched. At last, an old com- panion of one of them, who knew his weak points, invited him to drink, and repeated this agreeable act of hospitality so many times, that his guest was finally in a favorable mood to reveal secrets. He frankly confessed that his people were meditating an attack upon the place, and that he had visited it as a spy. This frightful intelligence drove the inhabitants 3-14 HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. to the verge of despair. The people in the border districts took refuge in the forts, and the wives of the soldiers sent message after message to their absent husbands, begging them as they loved them and their tender babes, to come home. Still, the Congress refused to let them go. This last piece of intelligence was so peculiarly startling, that every com- missioned officer from Wyoming, except two, resigned, and hastened homeward. Some of the privates also deserted. At this point. Congress was compelled to interfere. On the 23d of June they resolved, "that the two independent com- panies lately commanded by Captains Durkee and Ransom, which were raised in the town of Westmoreland, be united, and form one company." From the preamble of this resolve, it appears that the number of non-commissioned officers and privates remaining was eighty-six. The new company was ordered to march to Lancaster, and, soon after, when too late, to Wyoming. By this time the enemy had concentrated themselves at Newtown and Tioga, (the latter being a part of the town of Westmoreland ;) and every man capable of bearing arms was called into service and drilled. The assistance, in this depart- ment, of two deserters from the British army, named Boyd* and Pike, was called into requisition, and proved very accepta- ble. The women and children were gathered into the forts. The only cannon in the valley was in Wilkesbarre fort, and, having no ball, it could only be used as an alarm-gun. All was bustle and anxiety. It was soon ascertained that the force of the enemy consisted of Colonel John Butler's rang- ers, a detachment of Sir John Johnson's royal greens, a few tories from Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York — in all about four hundred ; together with six or seven hundred Indians. Descending the river, they landed about twenty miles above the valley, and marched across the peninsula — arriving on the western mountain on the evening of the 29th or morning of the 30th of June. * Boyd wassub-sequently taken prisoner by Colonel John Butler, and was soon after shot as a deserter. flTTS.] COLOXEL BUTLER SUMMONS FORTY FORT. 345 The families of many of the pioneers were gathered at Fort Jenkins, the iH)permost in the valley. From this point, on the morning of the 30th, seven men and a lad took their arms and went to their usual labors, in Exeter, some three miles distant. Toward evening they were attacked, four of their number killed, three taken prisoners, and one escaped."'^ On the following day, the Connecticut people rallied under the command of Colonel Zebulon Butler, and marched to Exeter, where the murders had been committed. They found the remains of their comrades — scalped and otherwise mutilated. They were removed and decently buried near Fort Jenkins, where a stone has since been erected to their memory. Not far from the spot where these dead bodies were found, Colonel Butler discovered two Indians, who were quietly watching for more victims among those whom they presumed would come to ascertain the fate of their murdered friends. They were instantly shot. During the same day. Colonel John Butler, the commander of the British and Indians, took possession of Wintermoot's Fort — the Wintermoots having erected it on purpose for him, though they had studiously kept their design from their neighbors. That evening, Fort Jenkins surrendered to the enemy, four of the little garrison being slain, and three made prisoners. On Thursday, the 2d, Colonel John Butler sent a summons to Forty Fort, demanding its surrender. On the 3d, a demand was made for the surrender of all the forts, militia, and public property in the valley. The Connecticut people called a council of war, which, after an excited session, resolved not to comply with the summons. The only hope of saving the settlement from destruction, now lay in attacking and defeating the enemy. Accordingly, about noon, Col. Zebu- * The names of the slain were James IlaJsell, James Iladsfll, Jr., Benjamin and Stukely Harding. Daniel Weller, John Gardiner, and Daniel Carr, were taken prisoners. The lad, John Harding, threw himself into the river and lay hid under the willows, while the Indians searched in vain for him. 846 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Ion Butler, began to muster his little army for decisive action. It consisted of two hundred enrolled soldiers, and about seventy old men, boys, civil magistrates, and other volunteers. Among the latter were several exempt officers, judges, and professional men, who took their places in the ranks by the side of their neighbors. Between two and three o'clock, they took up the line of march toward Wintermoot's Fort, which, however, had been set on fire and abandoned by the enemy before the arrival of the Connecticut troops. Arriving near the enemy's quarters, Colonel Z. Butler, drew up his men in the order of battle. On the right was Captain Bedlack's company, commanded by Colonel Butler, who was supported by Major John Garrett. On the extreme left, was Captain Whittlesey's company, commanded by Colonel Denison and Lieutenant-Colonel Dorrance. Colonel Butler made a brief and pertinent address to the soldiers, reminding them of the wrongs they had suffered in the past, and of the calamities which threatened the future ; he told them that they had not only to fight for liberty, but for life — and what was dearer still, "to preserve their homes from con- flagration, and their women and children from the tomahawk." In conclusion, he urged upon them the importance of with- standing the first shock. The enemy's left was commanded by Colonel John Butler, who appeared on the ground with a handkerchief tied round his head. A flanking-party of Indians were concealed among some logs and bushes under the bank. The main body of the Indians, under Brandt, formed the right wing. Johnson's royal greens and marksmen, formed the centre. The battle commenced at about four o'clock, when Colo- nel Z. Butler commanded his men to fire, and at every volley advance one step. The discharges were quick and steady along the whole line. It soon became apparent that in the open ground the shot of the Yankees told with the most fatal effect. Our men now moved briskly forward, firing by platoons at short intervals, yet with sure aim. This fire proved so deadly that the British soon broke and gave way [1778.] FALL OF DURKEE. 347 along the whole line. Still, the Indian flanking-party kept up a galling fire from their safe covert, upon the right wing of the Connecticut troops. Lieutenant Gore soon received a ball through the left arm, and instantly called out in a tone of alarm, "Captain Durkee, look sharp for the Indians in those bushes." The caution was too late. As the hero stood coolly looking into the thicket, designing to attack and dislodge them, he was struck by a fatal shot and fell to the ground. His death was a severe blow to Wyoming, and to Connecticut. He was a brother of Colonel John Durkee, one of the prime agents in preparing the way for the revolu- tion, and one of the most active partizans who participated in it. The name will never be forgotten while the word "stamp master" has a meaning in it. On the enemy's right, meanwhile, the Indian warriors that covered his flank, though hotly opposed by our troops, fought like so many demons. They were divided into six parties, and as one of them uttered the horrible war-cry, five other yells were heard, like vollies of musketry, though a thousand times more appalling, passing from one end to the other of his line. As the battle grew more intense, the yell became louder and more piercing. It served the purpose of a trum- pet to sound the onset, and as a signal by which they com- municated with each other. Near the spot where Colonel Dorrance stood, one of the soldiers, seeing several of his companions drop dead by his side, began to fall back. " Stand up to your work, sir," said the colonel, in a tone of calm authority. The man instantly returned to his place. The battle had lasted thirty minutes before it was apparent to the Connecticut officers how overvvhehning was the force of the enemy. A large number of Indians had been thrown into a swamp, and had now passed around so as to outflank the American left wing and throw it into disorder. To remedy this difficulty, Captain Whittlesey, with his company, was commanded to wheel backward, form an angle with the main line, and present his front instead of his flank to the 348 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. enemy. As soon as the attempt was made to carry this order into effect, the Indians rushed upon them with frightful yells. This sudden sally, and a real or pretended misunderstanding as to Colonel Denison's orders, threw the whole left wing into dismay. The word "retreat!" was passed from rank to rank. The brave old Colonel Butler exerted himself to the utmost to bring the troops again into line. Riding up and down the space between the two armies, he called out in a tone of earnest expostulation : "Don't leave me, my cltildren, and the victory is ours." But the appeal came too late. On the left wing, however, the Americans still stood their ground. One captain after an- other led up his men, and in every instance the commander was killed on or near the line. As was said of Bidlack, so of Hewitt, Whittlesey, and others, " they fell at the head of their men." All fought bravely ; but they were overcome by a force of three times their number. The battle being over, the massacre, so awful in its details, commenced. The Indian flanking-party having cut off the retreat to Forty Fort, the fugitives rushed toward the river in the direction of Monockasy Island — that being the only point that offered them any hope of crossing the stream. A few who leapt in, succeeded in reaching the opposite bank, and escaped ; many others were killed while struggling in the river. Sergeant Jeremiah Bigford, a very active man, was pursued by an Indian into the stream, with a spear. The former turned upon his pursuer, struck the spear from his hand, and dashed him under his feet. At this instant, another savage rushed forward, and ran his spear through Bigford's body, who fell dead and floated down the stream. A soldier named Pensil hid in a cluster of willows on the island. Seeing his tory brother come up, he threw himself at his feet, begging for protection and offering to serve him for life, if he would but save him. "Mighty well!" was the taunting reply ; " you d — d rebel !" and instantly shot him dead. Lieutenant Shoemaker, a wealthy and hospitable citizen, fled to the river, when Windecker, who had often fed [ITTS.] ESTHER THE EXECUTIONER. 849 at his board, came to the brink. "Come out, come out," said he ; "you know I will protect you." Windecker reached out his left hand as if to lead him ashore, while with his rijrht hand he buried his tomahawk into the head of his o benefactor. Many of the retreating troops were tempted to the shore, on a promise of quarter, and were there murdered. The keen Indian marksmen singled out the officers, taking aim with such accuracy as to break the thigh bone, and thus leave their victims alive for torture. One of the wounded prisoners, the brave Captain Bidlack, was thrown upon the burning logs of the fort, and held down with })itchforks, and there tormented till death came to his relief. A large group were ranged in the form of a circle around a huge stone, and hemmed in by a party of savages. Esther, an Indian queen — a woman of remarkable strength — acted the part of executioner. Pass- ing around the ring with a death-maul or tomahawk in her hand, and keeping time with her discordant voice to the deadly strokes of the weapon that she wielded, she selected her victims and dashed out their brains, or buried the ede:e of the tomahawk deep in the heads of others, as best suited the whim of the moment. Three of the stoutest prisoners dashed through the outer circle and escaped unhurt into the woods. The shattered remnants of fourteen or fifteen dead bodies, scalped and bleeding around the stone, told the fate of the rest. Nine more were found in a similar circle some distance above. Young Searle, aged sixteen, and William Buck, aged four- teen, fled and were pursued. Searle, almost exhausted, heard some one of his pursuers cry out, " Stop — you shall have quarter — we won't hurt you." He paused, and for an instant was determined to surrender, but on looking back, he saw Buck struck dead by a blow from a tomahawk. Fear once more impelled his flight, and he escaped. Although night put an end to the pursuit, yet it did riot arrest the hand of tiie destroyer. Three of the settlers, attracted by fires in the woods on the ojiposite side of the 850 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT river, at Pittston, paused for a while in the distance, and witnessed the process of torture. Several naked men, in the midst of the flames, were driven around a stake by the savages, who stood ready with their spears to thrust their victims back if they attempted to escape from the fierce element. Their groans and screams were most piteous, while the shouts and yells of the Indians as they danced around the funeral pyre, were too horrible to be endured. Heart-sick, the spectators withdrew, glad that they knew not who the sufferers were. In the morning, the battle-field presented a fearful sight. Limbs and bodies torn in fragments were scattered over the ground, mangled and half consumed. About one hundred and sixty of the Connecticut people had been slain — or more than half of all the able-bodied men in the valley. The loss of the enemy was never known.* * The followiog list of persons killed at the " Wyoming massacre," is copied from Mr. Miner's " History of Wyoming," pp. 242, 244. There were probably some thirty or forty others whose names are not remembered. Lieutenant- Colonel George Dorrance ; Major John Garrett. Captains— Robert Durkee, Dethick Hewitt, Aholiab Buck, Wm. McKarrican, Samuel Ransom, James Bidlack, Jr., Asaph Whittlesey, Rezin Geer, Lazarus Stewart. Lieutenants — James Welles, Timothy Pierce, Flavius Waterman, Aaron Gay- lord, Lazarus Stewart, Jr., Perrin Ross, Asa Stephens, Elijah Shoemaker, Stod- dard Bowen, A. Atherton. Ensigns — Asa Gore, William White, Silas Gore, Jeremiah Bigford, Titus Hinman. Privates — Christopher Avery, Jabez Atherton, Acke, A. Benedict, Jabez Beers, Elisha Bigsbee, Thomas Brown, Amos Bullock, Asa Bullock, John Brown, David Bigsbrce, John Boyd, Joseph Budd, William Buck, Samuel Bigford, Henry Bush, Samuel Carey, Samuel Cole, Joseph Crocker, John Cortright, John Caldwell, Josiah Cameron, Robert Comstock, Ivingsley Comstock, Samuel Crooker, William Coffrin, Joel Church, Joseph Corey, Isaac Campbell, James Coffrin, Christopher Cortright, Jenks Corey, Rufus Corey, Anson Corey, Ander- son Dana, Dutcher, Jabez Darling, William Dunn, D. Denton, Levi Dunn, James Divine, George Downing, Conrad Davenport, Thomas Fuller, Stephen Fuller, Elisha Fish, Eliphalct Folet, ]5enjamin Finch, Daniel Finch, John Finch, Cornelius Fitehet, Thomas Foxen, John Franklin, George Gore, Silas Gore, Samuel Hutchinson, James Hopkins, Silas Harvey, William Hammer, Levi Hicks, John Hutchms, Cyprian Hibbard, Nathaniel Howard, Benjamin Hatch, [1778.] SUFFERINGS OF THE FUGITIVES, 351 On the evening of the 3d of July, Captain John Franklin arrived at Forty Fort, with a company of recruits from Hun- tingdon and Salem, numbering about thirty-five men. After a long consultation, it was determined to gather all the sur- viving settlers and their families into Forty Fort, to send to Wilkesbarre for the cannon, and to make the best defense they could. Upon the return of a messenger on the morning of the 4th, who brought intelligence that the people had fled in every direction, and that all was con- sternation and horror in that quarter, these measures were deemed impracticable. All now resolved to seek for safety in flight. I need not stop to give the details of the sufferings, priva- tions, and sorrows that followed the fugitives in their journey through the wilderness. The dense forests and swamps that surrounded the valley of Wyoming, were teeming wath the widowed women and fatherless children of the pioneers, who were wending their way back toward Connecticut, with blighted hopes and broken hearts. Very few of their num- ber were provided with the food and clothing requisite for so long a journey through an uninhabited country. In the "old war path," in one company, there were about one hundred women and children, with but a single man, Jonathan Fitch, Esq., high sheriff, to advise or aid them. Children were born, Elijah Inman, Israel Inman, Robert Mclntire, Samuel Jacksou, Robert Jameson, .loseph Jennings, Henry Johnson, PVancis Lepard, Daniel Lawrence, Joshua Landon, Conrad Lowe, Jacob Lowe, .Limes Locke, William Lawrence, A. Meele- man, C. McCartee, Job Marshall, Nicholas Manvill, John Murphy, Nero Mat- thewson, Andrew Millard, Thomas Niel, Joseph Ogden, J. Otis Abel Palmer, William Parker, Noah Pettibone, Jr., John Pierce, Silas Parke, Henry Pensil, Ellas Roberts, Elisha Richards, Timothy Rose, Christopher Reynolds, Enos Rock- way, Jeremiah Ross, Joseph Staples, Reuben Staples, Aaron Stark, Daniel Stark, Darius Spaftord, Joseph Shaw, Abram Shaw, Rufus Stevens, Constant Scarles, Nailer Swede, James Stevenson, James Spencer, Levi Spencer, Eleazer Sprague, Josiah Spencer, Able Seeley, Ichabod Tuttle, John Vanwee, Abram Vangordcr, James Wigton, Peter Wheeler, Jonathan Weeks, Pliilip Weeks, Bartholomew Weeks, llufus Williams, Elihu Williams, Jr., Parker Wilson, Azibah Williams, John Wilson, John Ward, Esen Wilcox, Steplien Whiton, Elihu Waters, John \A'illiams, William Woodward, Ozias Yale. 352 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. and many died in a swamp which is still known by the appro- priate name of the "Shades of Death."* Many of them ultimately reached the favored land of their destination, and lived to tell the sad tale of Wyoming to their children and their children's children. On the morning of the 4th, Fort Brown and Forty Fort were surrendered by their commanders to Colonel John But- ler, on terms of fair capitulation. After the articles were signed, Butler observed, "that as Wyoming was a frontier, it was wrong for any part of the inhabitants to leave their own settlements, and enter into the continental army abroad; that such a number having done so, was the cause of the invasion, and that it never would have been attempted, if the men had remained at home." Colonel Franklin, who heard this declaration, expressed the same opinion. Soon after the surrender, the savages began to plunder the prisoners — breaking open boxes and trunks, scattering and destroying valuable papers and records, brandishing their tom- ahawks, and threatening the owners with death, if they did not give up the money or other valuables that they might have about their persons. Growing bolder and more insolent, they finally seized Colonel Denison, and taking the hat from his head, demanded the linen frock that he wore. In the pocket were a few dollars of public money, which he was desirous * Mr. Miner, in his " History of Wyoming," gives many painful instances of suf- fering and death experienced by the fugitives. " Jabez Fish, who was in the battle, escaped ; but, not being able to join his family, was supposed to have fallen. Mrs. Fish hastened with her children through the wilderness. Overcome with fatigue and want, her infant died. Sitting down a moment, on a stone, to see it breathe its last, she gazed in its face with unutterable anguish. There was no way to dig a grave — and to leave it to be devoured by wolves, seemed worse than death ; so she took the dead babe in her ritish loss at Norwalk in killed, wounded and missing, was one hundred and forty-eight. 380 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ter's vengeance upon the rebellious women and formidable host of boys and girls, who were induced, by your insidious proclamations, to remain in those hapless places ; and who, if they had been suffered to continue in the enjoyment of that peace which their age and sex entitled them to expect from civilized nations, you undoubtedly supposed would prove the scourge of Britain's veteran troops, and pluck from you those laurels, with which that ^ery expedition so plentifully crown- ed you. But your sudden departure from Norwalk, and the particular attention that you paid to your personal safety, when at that place, and the prudent resolution you took, to suffer the town of Stamford to escape the conflagration, to which you had devoted Fairfield and Norwalk, prevented my wishes on this head ; this I hope will sufficiently apologize for my delay in answering your last letter. By letters from France, we have intelligence that his Catholic Majesty declared war against Great Britain in June last ; that the combined fleets of France and Spain, amount- ing to more than sixty sail of the line, have formed a junc- tion, and with twenty-five thousand land forces, are meditat- ing an important blow on the British dominions in Europe ; and that the grand fleet of Old England find it very incon- venient to venture far from their harbors. In the West Indies, Admiral Byron, having greatly suffered in a naval engagement, escaped with his ships in a very shattej'ed condi- tion to St. Christopher's ; and covered his fleet under the batteries on the shores, and has suffered himself to be insult- ed in the road of that island by the French Admiral ; and Count D'Estaing, after reducing the Islands of St. Vincent and Grenada to the obedience of France, defeating and dis- abling the British fleet, had sailed for Ilispaniola ; where it is expected he will be joined by the Spanish fleet in those seas, and attack Jamaica. The storming of your strong works at Stony Point, and capturing the garrison by our brave troops ; the brilliant successes of General Sullivan against yoxir faithful friends and allies, the savages ; the surprise of Paulus Hook, by Major Lee ; the flight of General Provost [1779.] STORMING OF STONY TOINT. 381 from Carolina ; and your shamefully shutting yourselves up in New York and the neighboring islands, are so fully within your knowledge as scarcely to need repetition. Surely, it is time for Britons to rouse from their delusive dreams of conquest, and pursue such systems of future con- duct as will save their tottering empire from total destruc- tion. I am, sir, your obedient servant, Samuel H. Parsons. Major-General Tryon." On the 15th of July, General Wayne commenced his march with the intention of storming Stony Point. The van of the right, consisting of one hundred and fifty volun- teers, was commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Henry, while the van of the left, numbering one hundred volunteers, was connnanded by Major Stuart — all with unloaded muskets and fixed bayonets — preceded by a company of twenty jticked men, whose duty it was to remove the abbatis and other obstructions. Colonel Meigs was one of the officers engaged in this expedition. On the morning of the 16th, about one o'clock, Wayne, at the head of his men, entered the works in the face of an incessant fire of musketry and artillery. The capture was soon etfected. About fifty of the garrison were killed, and the remainder, to the number of four hundred and fifty, were taken prisoners. Wayne's loss in killed and wounded was about one hundred. The surprise and capture of Paulus Hook (now Jersey city,) by Major Lee, soon followed. Between Huntington Harbor and Oyster Bay, on Long Island, on a high promontory, known as Lloyd's Neck, the enemy had erected a fort and manned it with about five hundred soldiers. Encamped under the protection of this fortress, was an organized band of marauders, who, having armed boats in connnand, had long plundered the inhabitants along the Connecticut shore, besides robbing the small vessels on the Sound. Major Tallmadge determined, if pos^ sible, to break up this horde of banditti. On the 5th of Sep- 882 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tember he embarked with one hundred and thirty men of his detachment, from Shipand Point, near Stamford, at eight o'clock in the evening, and about ten o'clock landed on Lloyd's Neck. He attacked the enemy so suddenly, and with such spirit, that nearly the whole party was captured, and landed in Connecticut before morning. Though Tall- madge's corps were fired upon by the freebooters while they were engaged in destroying the huts and boats, not a man was lost during the expedition.* On the 28th of September, Samuel Huntington, delegate from Connecticut, was elected President of Congress, in the place of Mr. Jay, who had accepted the appointment of minister to Spain. In October, the Connecticut quota of twelve thousand militia, called out by Washington to strengthen him in his contemplated attack upon New York, were disbanded, and the army under the immediate direction of the commander- in-chief, went into winter-quarters near Morristown, New Jersey. Strong detachments, however, were stationed at the posts on the Hudson for their defense and to prevent the enemy from ascending the river. The cavalry were sent into Connecticut to pass the winter.f General Putnam availed himself of the brief season of quiet which followed, and in company with his son, Major Daniel Putnam, and his secretary. Major Humphreys, visited his home in Pomfret. In December, he began his journey to Morristown ; but while on the road between Pomfret and Hartford, he began to feel an unusual numbness and torpor in his right hand and foot, which increased so perceptibly and rapidly that before he reached the house of his friend, Colonel Wadsworth, his limbs on that side were partially * See sketch of Colonel Tallmadge, in the " National Portrait Gallery." t Ilildreth, iii. 395. The depreciation of the currency still occasioned intense feeling, not only among the soldiers, but with the people generally. In some places it was the occasion of mobs and bloodshed. With the hope of remedying the evil, a convention of the five eastern states was held at Haitford, on the 20tb of October. A new regulation of prices was recommended. [1780.] DEFENSE OF SEA COAST. 883 disabled. His naturally energetic mind and robust frame for awhile induced him, as well as his friends, to believe that the effect was but temporary ; but it proved to be a paralytic affection, from which he never recovered.'^ In January, 1780, two regiments were ordered to be forth- with raised for the defense of the sea-coast, each regiment to *The remainder of General Putnam's life was necessarily passed in retirement. His mental faculties remained unimpaired, and he continued to enjoy the society of his friends until the period of his death, in 1790. The late Rev. Dr. Dwight, President of Tale College, who knew General Putnam intimately, has portrayed his character faithfully in the following inscription, which is engraven on his tomb : Sacred be this Monument to the memory of Israel Putnam, Esquire, senior Mnjor-Goneral in the armies of the United States of America; who was horn at Salem, in the province of Massachusetts, on the 7tli day of January, A. D. 1718, and died on the lOtli day of May, A. D. ]7!)n. Passenger, if thou art a Soldier, drop a tear over the dust of a Hero who, ever attentive to the lives and happiness of his men, dared to lead where any dared to follow ; if a Patriot, remember the distinguished and gallant services rendered thy country by the Patriot who sleeps beneath this marble ; if thou art honest, generous and worthy, render a cheerful tribute of respect to a man, whose generosity was singular, whose honesty was proverbial ; who raised himself to universal esteem and offices of eminent distinction, by personal worth and a useful life. 384 HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. consist of eight companies, and each company to contain fifty-five privates, with a captain, lieutenant, ensign, four sergeants, four corporals, a drummer and fifer. Levi Wells and Bezaleel Beebe were appointed lieutenant-colonels and commanders of these regiments, and Edward Shipman and Elias Buel were appointed majors of the same. At the same time it was officially announced to the Assem- bly that an exchange of prisoners had been effected between General Washington and the British commissary general of prisoners in New York,* Among the acts passed at this session, was one designed to establish the value of the bills of credit issued by the legisla- ture, forbidding any person from offering or receiving them at a less rate than that which they purport to be, and making them, as well as the bills issued by Congress, a legal tender for all payments within this state, according to their current value. t In compliance with a call from Congress, the Assembly, in April, appointed James Watson to be a commissary to pur- chase rum and hay for the army, and to deposit them at such place within the state as the commander-in-chief shall direct. J A requisition was made upon the Assembly by General Washington, for two thousand five hundred and twenty effective men, rank and file, "to cooperate with the army of the United States for the term of three months from and after the 15th of July next." Measures were immediately taken to comply with the call thus made. The number of men designated were directed to be raised, and to march and rendezvous at Danbury by the 15th of July, there to await the order of the commander-in-chief. It was also voted, that fifteen hundred men should forthwith be enlisted for the Con- * Briffadier-General Silliman was exchanged for Judge Jones ; Brigade-Major William Silliman was exchanged for Mr. Willett and John Pickett. t This act was repealed a few months afterwards. t Mr. Commissary Watson, after the war, became a United States Senator from New York. He was a native of Woodbury, Connecticut. [17S0.] THE SIX NORTHERN STATES. 385 necticut battalions in tiie continental army, to continue in the service until the last day of December. It, during the campaign, it should be deemed advisable to make an attempt to recover New York from the hands of the enemy, the two state regiments commanded by Lieuten- ant-Colonels Beebe and Wells, were directed to join the main army, to serve on this side of the Hudson river. The gov- ernor was desired to inform General Washington of this arrangement, and to assure him that the state would furnish the full number of men that he had requested.* When the legislature had assembled in October, immediate steps were taken for raising and equipping four thousand two hundred and forty-eight effective men to serve in the con- tinental army during the war. Each town was required to furnish its proportion of beef, pork, and wheat flour, for the use of the troops. Congress having proposed a convention of the six northern states, to assemble at Hartford, on the second Wednesday of November, to consult on some uniform measures for filling up and completing their several quotas for the continental service, and to agree upon other means * State Records, MS. Colonel Henry Champion, superintendent of purchases, is directed to repair to Xew London and seize and secure for the use of the state one half of tlie mess beef and salted pork which has been lately captured and brouglit into that port by privateer ships. jNIessrs. John Chevenard, Ebenezer Wales, Samuel Lyman, Fenn Wadsworth, and James Church, were appointed committee of pay table. The bounty heretofore otlered to soldiers to enlist, was extended to the dragoons under Colonel Sheldon and Major Tallmadge. " Upon the memorial of Benedict Arnold, Esq., major-general in the army of the LTnited States, in behalf of himself, and Israel Putnam, Esq., major-general of said army, praying that they may be admitted to the benefits and advantages granted to tlie officers and soldiers of the Connecticut line of tlie continental army, by acts of the General Assembly passed in April and October, A. D., 1779'' — their petition was granted, and a committee was appointed to adjust their accounts. It is worthy of remark, that, though Arnold enjoyed tlie honor of being born in Connecticut, his native state did little or nothing toward honoring him. It is believed that the only commission ever granted him by the government of Con- necticut, was that of captain of the governor's guards. lie procured the appoint- ment of colonel from the Massachusetts committee of safety, and his subsequent commissions were received from Congress. Indeed, bis name seldom occurs upon our colonial and state records. 57 386 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. of defense, Messrs. Ellphalet Dyer, William Williams, and Andrew Adams, were appointed commissioners to represent this state in that body.* In response to the application of Count Rochambeau, the cavalry corps of the Duke of Lauzun was allowed to be quartered during the approaching winter, in the towns of Windham, Lebanon, and Colchester. Colonel Jeremiah Wadsworth, David Trumbull, Esq., and Mr. Joshua Elder- kin, were directed to provide suitable accommodations for the officers and to erect barracks for the men of the Legion. At the same time, the second regiment of dragoons, consist- ing of two hundred and forty men, with one hundred and forty horses, were directed to be quartered, at the expense of the state, in the towns of Cornwall, Salisbury, Sharon, Goshen, Canaan, and Torrington.f The southern campaign, under Lincoln and Gates, had proved particularly disastrous to the Americans. Almost our entire army in that quarter had been swept away. Some had died of disease, some had been killed, some taken prisoners, and others scattered and lost. Washington was alarmed, and declared that the army under him could not be kept together during another campaign, unless the aspect of affairs was changed. Anxious to strike a decisive blow, he proposed to Rochambeau, then commanding the French troops at Newport, that New York should be attacked. This measure was not thought feasible without an addition to our naval force. Letters were sent to the French admiral in the * These gentlemen, together with Jeremiah Wadsworth, were appointed com- missioners to meet with those from other states, at such time and place as should be aoreed upon, " to agree upon some terms for supplying the French army and navy now in this country with necessary provisions." Captain Roswell Grant, Captain James Ilillhouse, Mr. Zephaniah Huntington, Colonel Eli Mygatt, Major John Ripley, and Major Aaron Austin, were at the same time appointed commissaries of brigade. t Benjamin Tallmadge, David Smith, and Richard Sill, officers of the Connec- ticut line in the continental army, in behalf of the officers and soldiers of said line, complain that they have been paid off in depreciated currency — and ask for redress. The committees appointed for that purpose are directed to adjust their claims and pay them from the monies received from the sales of the confiscated estates. [1780.] \\^ASHIXGTON GOES TO HARTFORD. 387 West Indies, begging for assistance. Washington, on the 19th of September, set out for Hartford, for the purpose of consulting with Rochambeau and others in regard to some definite plan of operation.* On Thursday, the 21st, the principal chiefs of the allied armies met according to agreement, and a long conference ensued. The commander-in-chief assured his friends that he had in camp but fifteen thousand troops for a new campaign. The plan of another campaign was agreed upon, and trans- mitted to the Court of France. f On Friday, the French commanders started on their return to Newport ; and on the following day, the American officers set off toward the camp. Passing through Farmington, Litchfield, and the new town of Washinglun, the commander- in-chief and his suite reached West Point, by way of Fishkill, on Monday, where his arrival was announced by the firing of thirteen cannon, about eleven o'clock, of that day. J On his way, however, he liad learned of the infamous attempt of Benedict Arnold, wiio commanded at that post, to surren- der it into the hands of the enemy. § A short time before this discovery, Washington had granted * From the Connecticut Courant, of September, 2G(/(, 1780. "Last week, their excellencies Governor Trumbull, General Washington, Count Rochambeau, and Admiral Teriiay, arrived in this town, with the Marquis de Lafayette, General Knox, and several other officers of distinction from the allied armies. The greatest satisfaction was expressed by all parties at their meeting, and the highest marks of polite respect and attention were mutual. The corps of guards and artillery were on duty, and saluted with thirteen cannon on the arrival and departure of these gentlemen." . t Gordon, iii. 128. This author states that General Washington and his suite, on leaving for Connecticut, had piocured all the money they could for tlie trip, but found it was more than half gone before they left New York. " They put on a good countenauce vvlien in Connecticut, called for what they wanted, and were well supplied ; but the thought of reckoning with their host, damped their plea- sure. However, to their great joy, when the bills were called for, they were informed that the governor of Connecticut had given orders that they should pay nothing in that state, but should be at free cost." J Connecticut Courant. § While Arnold was in command in Philadelphia, he had lived in great extrav- agance ; his debts accumulated, his creditors tormented him, and he was charged 388 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. to Major Tallmadge a separate command, consisting of the dismounted dragoons of the regiment, and a body of horse, with directions to break up a system of ilHcit traffic which had been for some time carried on between the British on Long Island, and the tories on the opposite side of the Sound. With this body of troops, Major Tallmadge took a position on the coast near the line between the states of New York and Connecticut, where he had the best facilities for obtain- ing intelligence and watching the operations of the offenders. Spending some time at this point, without an opportunity of effecting his pui-pose, he turned back towards the Hudson and encamped near North Castle. On the very day of his arrival there, he was informed that a prisoner had been taken, by the name of Jolcn Anderson. On inquiry, he ascertained, that three militia-men, named John Paulding, David Williams, and Isaac Van Wert, who had passed below our ordinary military patrols, on the road from Tarrytown to Kingsbridge, had fallen in with the prisoner, while he was riding towards New York. Upon searcliing him, they had found sundry unintelligible papers in his boots, and had brought him in as a prisoner to Colonel Jameson. The next morning, Anderson was given in charge to Major Tallmadge, who was the first to suspect that he was an witli having appropriated public property to his own use. His bills against the government were enormous, and were not allowed. A court-mnrtial sentenced him to be reprimanded by Washington. Arnold vowed vengeance, and he appears from that time to have meditated treason, lie had been so far restored to public favor as to be placed in command of the important post at West Point. In carrying out his plan of revenge, he commenced negotiating with General Clinton for the surrender of the fortress ; and Major Andre, of the British army, was soon sent to West Point to perfect the arrangement. Having agreed with Arnold upon the terms and time of the surrender, Andre started on his return to New York. He had safely passed all the guards and posts on the road, and began to congratulate himself on his safety, when his horse was suddenly seized by three militia-men who had been out with a scouting party. Scorning his proffered bribes, they conducted him to the quarters of Colonel Jameson. Andre showed the colonel his pass from Arnold, and begged permission to write a line to him, (Arnold,) informing him of the capture ; which Jameson, through an ill-judged delicacy, granted him. Arnold was thus warned in time to efiect his own escape. [1780.] FATE OF ANDRE. 889 important British officer, under an assumed name. This opinion was formed from his mihtary step, as well as from his general manners, inteihgence, and refinement. The prisoner (Major Andre,) was tried by fourteen general officers, includ- ing the Marquis de Lafayette and Baron Steuben, to examine into his case ; who, upon his own confessions, adjudged him to be a spy, and sentenced him to hanged. Major Tallmadge retained charge of him up to the time of his execution, and walked with him to the gallows. To him Major Andre delivered the open letter to General Washington, disclosing his real character.* Andre was hanged October 2d, 1780. Early in October, a committee appointed for that purpose reported a plan for a re-organization of the army, to which Congress gave its assent. All new enlistments were to be made for the war. Fifty regiments of foot, four regiments of artillery, two corps of rangers under Armand and Lee, one regiment of artificers, and four legionary corps to con- sist of two-thirds horse, and one-third foot, in all thirty- six thousand men were to constitute the sum total of the new army. Of these troops, Massachusetts and Virginia were to furnish eleven regiments each, Pennsylvania nine, Connecticut six, Maryland five, North Carolina four. New York three, South Carolina, New Hampshire, and New Jersey, two each, Rhode Island, Delaware, and Georgia, one each. The corps of Armand, Lee, and Hazen, were to be recruited at large. f About the same time, Robert H. Harrison, secretary to the commander-in-chief, having accepted the post of chief justice of Maryland, resigned, and was succeeded by Jonathan * " Nat. Portrait Gallery." Major Tallmadge thus wrote concerning Andre: " For the few days of intimate intercourse I had with liim, which was from the time of liis being remanded to the period of his execution, I became so deeply attached to Major Andre, that I could remember of no instance when my affuc- tions were so fully absorbed by any man. When I saw him swing under the jibbet, it seemed for a time utterly insupportable ; all were overwhelmed with the alFecting spectacle, and the eyes of many were suffused with tears. There did not appear to be one hardened or indifferent spectator in all the multitude assembled on that solemn occasion." t Hildreth, iii. 324. 390 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Trumbull, son of the governor of Connecticut, and previously paymaster of the northern department.* In November of the same year, Major Tallmadge resumed his scheme of annoying the British on Long Island. He crossed the Sound, made a personal examination of Fort St. George, and found it a depository of stores, provisions, and arms. The works looked quite formidable. After much importunity, Washington authorized him to attempt its cap- ture. On the night of the 21st of November, he embarked from Fairfield with about one hundred dismounted dragoons, and effected a landing on Long Island, several miles distant from the fort, about nine o'clock. In consequence of a heavy rain, they deferred the attack until the following night. Reaching the fortress about day-break, the attack com- menced. Cutting down the stockade, the little army forced their way through the grand parade, and in ten minutes, the main fort was carried at the point of the bayonet. The works, shipping, and stores were secured ; an immense maga- zine of forage, at Cazum, ten miles distant, was burnt ; and the captors returned to Fairfield without the loss of a man. Major Tallmadge was tendered the thanks of Congress and of the commander-in-chief, for this heroic and successful exploit. There is an interesting incident connected with the history of Major Tallmadge, that exhibits in a remarkable degree the patriotism and force of the old clergy of Connecticut, of which 1 have before, more than once, made mention. When the whole country was in a state of alarm at the intelligence that Lord Cornwallis, with a large fleet and armament, was approaching the American coast, Tallmadge happened to pass through Litchfield with a regiment of cavalry. While there, he attended public worship with his troops on Sunday, at the old meeting house, that stood upon the village-green. The occasion was deeply interesting and exciting. The Rev. Judah Champion, then the settled minister of the place, a man of great eloquence and a high order of intellectual * Hildreth. [1781.] MR. champion's TRAYER 391 endowments, in view of the alarming crisis, thus invoked the sanction of Heaven : "Oh Lord! we view with terror and dismay the enemies of thy holy religion ; wilt thou send storm and tempest, to toss them upon the sea, and to overwhelm them in the mighty deep, or scatter them to the uttermost parts of the earth. But peradventure, should any escape thy vengeance, collect them together again, O Lord ! as in the hollow of thy hand, and let thy lightnings play upon them. We beseech thee, moreover, that thou do gird up the loins of these thy servants, who are going forth to fight thy battles. Make them strong men, that " one shall chase a thousand, and two shall put ten thousand to flight." Hold before them the shield, with which thou wast wont in the old time to protect thy chosen people. Give them swift feet that they may pursue their enemies, and swords terrible as that of thy destroying Angel, that they may cleave them down when they have overtaken them. Preserve these servants of thine. Almighty God! and bring them once more to their homes and friends, if thou canst do it consistently with thine high purposes. If, on the other hand, thou hast decreed that they shall die in battle, let thy spirit be present with them and breathe upon them, that they may go up as a sweet sacrifice into the courts of thy temple, where are habitations prepared for them irom the foundations of the world."* In January, 1781, an alarming revolt broke out among the Pennsylvania regiments encamped at Morristown. The sol- diers claimed that they had enlisted " for three years or the war," and as their three years had expired, they insisted upon being paid off and discharged. The officers maintained tliat their term of enlistment was for " three years and the war," and refused to give them a discharge. They accordingly, to the number of thirteen hundred, broke out in open revolt, killed *This rcrn.'irkablo prayer is copied in part from the remarks made by the Hon. F. A. Talhnadge, at the Litchfield " Centennial Celebration," and in part from the recollection of others. 392 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. an officer who attempted to restrain them, and under the direction of a board of sergeants, marched off toward Prince- ton. Finding it impossible to control such a body of men, goaded to desperation as they were by hunger and cold, the committees of Congress, and of the Pennsylvania legislature, deemed it expedient to bend to the necessity of the case, and accordingly compromised the matter with the revolters. It was agreed that the soldiers should receive an immediate supply of clothing, and certificates for the arrearages of their pay, and be forthwith discharged. Alarmed at this outbreak, and fearing that still further trouble might arise in consequence of his inability to provide for and pay off the soldiers, Washington wrote urgent letters to Gov- ernor Trumbull, and the other New England governors, stating the exigency of the case, and calling earnestly for money. Congress had previously made a demand for nine hundred thousand dollars in specie, or its equivalent, upon the northern states, which had not as yet been met in full, and the commander-in-chief saw the necessity of looking elsewhere for the desired means. Accordingly, Colonel John Laurens, aid-de-camp to Washington, was dispatched to France to represent the pressing wants of the American army, and to negotiate a loan.* By the 20th of January, a part of the New Jersey line, having witnessed the success of the Pennsylvania troops in procuring a redress of their grievances, proceeded to imitate their example. Washington, knowing by past experience that he could rely upon the fidelity of the eastern troops in all cases of emergency, immediately ordered a detachment to march from West Point, under General Robert Howe, to the scene of the revolt. This had the desired effect. The camp of the disaffected soldiers was surrounded, they were made to parade without arms, and complete order was soon restored. Two of the principal leaders were shot. On the 6th of May, Monsieur de Barras, who had been appointed to the command of the French squadron at * Gordon, Hildreth. [1781.] MOODY INTERCEPTS WASHINGTON'S MAIL, S93 Newport, in the place of Admiral Ternay, deceased,* arrived at Boston, bringing with them dispatches, for Count de Rochambeau. By a previous agreement. General Washington, in company with Generals Knox and Du Por- tal, repaired to Wethersfield, in Connecticut, where, on the 21st of that month, they met the Count de Rochambeau and the Chevalier Chastellux. The subject of attacking New York was once more debated in council, and was fully resolved upon. It was agreed that the French army should march toward the Hudson river as soon as circumstances would permit, after leaving a suificient force in Rhode Island to guard their heavy stores and baggage, and to secure the works there. In furtherance of this project, letters were written, on the 24th, to the governors of New Hampshire, Connecticut, Massachusetts, and New Jersey, requiring among other things, militia to the number of six thousand two hundred. Washington returned to his head-quarters on the 2(jth of May. The enemy learning that a conference had taken place between the American and French officers, spies and secret agents were sent out to intercept the mails; and one Lieutenant Moody, of the British army, succeeded in seizing and conveying to New York the very mail-bag that contained some of the most important letters relating to the enterprise in contemplation. The preparations in the American army had been going on for several weeks; until, on the 21st of June, the troops rendezvoused at Peekskill, on the Hudson. At three o'clock on the morning of July 2d, the army commenced its march toward New York, encumbered with only four days provis- ions, a blanket and an extra shirt for each soldier. Gen- eral Lincoln, who had taken post near Fort Inde])endence, was attacked on the 3d, by about fifteen hundred royal troops. The object of Lincoln was, to draw the enemy as far as possi- * Charles I^ouis do Ternay, Knight of St. John of Jerusalem, and late governor of the islands of Franco and Bourbon, died at Newport, Rhode Island, December 1 8th. 894 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ble from their post at Kingsbridge, in order that they might be attacked in the open field by Sheldon's dragoons and the Duke de Lauzun's French legion. The British commander, however, evidently comprehending the maneuvre, declined sending out reinforcements, and soon concentrated his entire force within the works at Kingsbrido-e. The American and French troops, (the latter having been largely reinforced,) formed a junction near White Plains on the 8th. In a few days, it was ascertained that the British had commenced their march toward Tarrytown, with the design of capturing and carrying ofl' the stores and ordnance deposited at that place. General Robert Howe was forth- with dispatched with a sulficient force, who succeeded in saving the stores and other property, and in repulsing the enemy's shipping. General Washington, in his dispatch, dated on the 14th, speaks of the "gallant behavior, and spirited exertions of Colonel Sheldon, Captain Hurlbut, of the second regiment of dragoons. Captain Miles, of the artil- lery, and Lieutenant Shaylor, of the fourth Connecticut regi- ment," in " rescuing the ivhole of the ordnance and stores from destruction." On the evening of the 21st, a portion of the French and American troops, accompanied by the general officers and several engineers, marched to the vicinity of New York, where the officers made a careful reconnoisance of the enemy's posts. On the following afternoon, they all returned to their quarters. The expedition had already been too long delayed in consequence of the non-arrival of the reinforce- ments that had been ordered and anticipated by Washington. On the 2d of August, Washington wrote — " I am not stronger at this advanced period of the campaign, than when the army first moved from winter quarters. Not a single man has joined me, except one hundred and seventy-six militia from Connecticut, who arrived at West Point yesterday, and eighty of the New York levies and about two hundred state troops of Connecticut, both of which corps were upon the lines previous to leaving winter cantonments." The move- [ITSl.] GENERAL GREEXE. 895 ments of the Americans and French in the neighborliood of New York, had in the mean time convinced Sir Henry CHn- ton that the intercepted letters which had fallen into his hands were genuine, and he had accordingly strengthened his garri- sons by calling to his aid a considerable part of the force under the command of Cornwallis, at the south. A knowledge of tiiis fact, induced Washington to change his entire plan of operations. While he kept up the appearance of a design upon New^ York, he ordered the fleets and armies of the allied powers to concentrate ujion the Chesapeake, to coope- rate with the naval force under the Count de Grasse, which had just arrived there from France. For the present, let us leave them on their several routes thither. Early this year, an eflicient guard was established, extend- ing along the entire range of our sea-board, which was placed under the chief command of Colonel Beebe, of Litchfield — who was regarded as one of the bravest and most excellent officers in Connecticut line of the continental army. The campaign of General Greene, at the south during the winter and summer of 1781, had resulted in various successes and defeats, but no decisive action had taken place. Clinton having at last discovered the real object of Wash- ington, determined to interrupt it by a diversion at the north. The Highlands being too strongly fortified and manned to justify him in hazarding an attack in that direction, he dispatched Arnold, who had a short time before been recalled from the south, on an expedition to Connecticut — the particu- lars of which may be found in the succeeding chapter. CHAPTER XIII. AENOLD BURNS NEW LONDON. FALL OF FORTS TRUMBULL AND GRISWOLD. For several years the whole surface of Long Island Sound had been vexed with every species of conflict known to unrestrained human passions in times of civil war. Pirating, privateering, foraging, with all the gradations of crime and brutality that attend them, swept the waters with the free- dom of the winds and the storms. The coast of Long Lsland had before fallen into the hands of the British and tories, and the patriots had abandoned their arms and passed over to the Connecticut side, where they found an asylum among friends who entertained the same political sentiments. Fisher's Island had already been robbed of its cattle and sheep, and stripped of everything that could afford nutriment to man. British fleets, sometimes numbering a hundred vessels, sometimes twenty, had almost from the beginning of the war been seen sweeping around Montauk Point, riding at anchor at Gardiner's Bay, loitering around the mouth of the Thames, or standing in tovv'ard Stonington, in such a threat- ening attitude that the citizens of New London had no as- surance w^ien they retired at night, that they should not be awakened before morning by the light of their own dwellings. Again and again the alarm-gun from Stonington, answered from Fort Trumbull and Fort Griswold, had summoned in from the upper country the devoted militia to defend the coast, and often had the inhabitants looked out from the roofs of the houses, and from the tops of the rocky hills, with eyes strained and anxious, to watch the streamers of St. George, and returned with joy to tell their loved ones that Newport on the east or New York on the west, w-as their probable destination. This long indemnity tended to lull the minds of the people, and to make the signals of distress from [17S1.] CAPTAIN DUDLEY SALTONSTALL. 397 the exposed points, less terrible to the militia of the inland towns. Even the officers shared in this feeling of security. At length a large quantity of merchandize from Europe and the West Indies was accumulated in storehouses at New London. The place was wealthy and many sail of ships, built and owned by its citizens, were lying idle there, as well as the vessels that privateers had captured and taken into port as prizes. All this property offered a strong temptation to the British commander-in-chief, who had found himself so often baffled in his undertakings by Colonel Meigs, Captain Hinman, and other officers, who did nothing but cut off his foraging par- ties, and intercept his transports laden with cattle and grain for the army. Of these }M-izes, the capture of the rich mer- chant ship Hannah by Captam Dudley Saltonstall, while on her passage from London to New York, was the most deeply resented, and was thought to have hastened the stroke of ven- geance. It is not likely that Sir Henry Clinton would have attempted to destroy New London at the time he did, had not General Arnold, who had just returned from a like expedition against the Virginian coast, advised him of the defenseless condition of the place, and offered to conduct the enterprise. Arnold was a native of Norwich, and was of course ac- quainted with the whole neighborhood of New London and Groton, and knew the very steps to take to ensure success. His plan was, to enter the harbor in the night, and set fire to the stores, merchandise, shipping, and public offices, and de- molish the forts on both sides of the Thames before the militia could have time to rally from the country to oppose him. It is not likely that either he or Sir Henry Clinton contemplated the burning of the dwelling-houses and churches, or the murders that were able to blacken even the treason of Arnold. On the evening of the 5th of September tidings were re- ceived in New London that a British fleet had been seen under the Long Island shore, at a point nearly opposite the town, but 398 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. this was so common an occurrence that it did not excite much alarm. The citizens sought their beds at about the same hour as usual, and probably most of them slept as soundly as they were in the habit of doing. When it was dark, Arnold advanced toward the Connecticut coast, which he reached about ten o'clock. The wind now shifted sud- denly, and blew so strongly from the north, that the large ships were forced to stand out to sea and the smaller ones to seek the protection of the shore. The morning twilight re- vealed to the garrison at Fort Griswold the spreading sails of thirty-two British ships standing in toward the doomed town. At ten o'clock seventeen hundred troops were landed from twenty-four transports, at a distance of about three miles from New London. They were sent ashore in two divisions • — eight hundred on the Groton side of the Thames, and nine hundred on the western or New London side. The eastern division consisted of the fortieth and fifty-fourth regiments, the third battalion of New Jersey volunteers, and a detach- ment of Yagers and artillery, all under the command of Lieut-Col. Eyre. The western division was made up of the thirty-eighth regiment, the loyal Americans, the American Legion, some refugees, and sixty Yagers, all under the com- mand of Arnold. The troops immediately began to move forward. From the earliest mornina; twilight. Colonel William Led- yard, to whom the guardianship of the two forts and the towns in which they were situated, had been committed, had exerted himself to the utmost to alarm the neighboring towns, and to put the coast in a state of defense. Captain Adam Shapley commanded at Fort Trumbull and the Town Hill Battery, and Captain William Latham at Fort Griswold. The established signals that had long been used at Stonington and at the two forts, were three guns for good news and two for an alarm, fired at stated intervals. These signals were as well known to the tories as to the patriots, and were probably familiar to Arnold before he sailed from New York. [1781.] "WOMEN AND CHILDREN FLEE. 399 As soon as the usual warning sounded from Fort Griswold, a third gun from one of the British ships was discharged, thus changing the signal of distress into one of jubilee. From the difference in the size of the guns, or in the eleva- tion of them, this false addition did not probably deceive the most wary of the militia officers; but it served to confuse and keep back those who were less critically observant of the sound. Other alarms followed : the inhabitants were panic-stricken at the sudden gathering of the storm, that was evidently about to burst upon their heads. Starting from their beds, and groping about with trembling hands to find their garments, they gathered together their families and moveable effects, and sent them into the woods and fields on the remote and difficult hill-sides where the enemy would find it impracticable to follow them. An effort was made to secure the shipping, by sending it far up the Thames ; but the wind and tide were both ad- verse. At noon, liowever, there sprung up a lively breeze from the south that favored the attempt, and a number of valuable vessels were saved. After Colonel Ledyard had made such arrangements as his scanty means could allow, at Fort Trumbull, and had dispatched messengers to Lebanon to inform the governor of his condition, he hastened to repair to Fort Griswold, where he determined to make his last stand against the enemy. When he went down to cross the ferry, his friends gathered around him to wish him success and give him a farewell pressure of the hand. His noble features wore an expression of resolve which those who saw him remembered long after. His step was elastic as he leapt into the boat, and his voice had the triumphant tone of prophecy, as he said to them : " If I must lose to-day honor or life, ijou ivlio know mc, can tell lohich it vnll he!" Meanwhile Arnold, who had landed liis forces near the light-house, marched rapidly forward, as nearly in a right line as the nature of the ground would allow, and soon came into the Town Hill road. He arrived at the cross road that 400 HISTORY OF CONNECTICtJT. leads to the fort at about eleven o'clock. Here he detached Captain Millett of the thirty-eighth regiment with four com- panies, to go down to the shore and attack the garrison. At the foot of this road, Millett was joined by a company of re- fugees under Captain Frink, who had followed the shore more closely in marching from the landing-place than the main body of the army had done. Fort Trumbull was not then what it is now, a well- appointed fortification, with solid masonry on all sides, secure magazines, and all the furnishings of a fortress designed to resist aggressive attempts as well by land as by water ; but an area, with three sides inclosed, and mounted with a few guns that were designed to protect the harbor from the ap- proach of ships. The rear of the fort was open, not having even the advantage of a temporary breastwork to cover the garrison, which numbered at the time of the invasion only twenty-three men. Colonel Ledyard was of course aware how idle it would be to resist the advance of the enemy with a mere nominal garrison, and had instructed Captain Shapley to retreat, should he be attacked, to Fort Griswold. In obedience to this order Shapley fired a single well-aimed volley at the approaching detachment, spiked the guns upon his batteries, and withdrawing his men in good order, em- barked them in whale-boats almost under the very shrouds of the British ships that were so near that the men from the decks could reach them with musket shot. Thus exposed seven of his men were wounded, and one of the boats was captured. It need hardly be said that Captain Millett im- mediately took possession of the deserted fort. Arnold, goaded to madness as he always was when he found himself in the atmosphere of human strife, rushed for- ward toward the devoted town, to execute upon it the fierce- ness of his wrath. It is difficult to imagine a situation more likely to quicken the long stilled admonitions of a guilty con- science, than that of this bold bad man. He was now within a few miles of his birth-place. As he ascended the hill upon his nefarious errand, that most beautiful of our coast scenery [1781.] ARNOLD CONTEMPLATES THE SCENE. 401 lay spread out like a map in all its bewildering charms of pleasant inlets, seamed rocks fretted by the ebbing and flow- ing of the tides, strips of sandy beach sparkling with their shining decorations of shells, hills covered with cedars, and in the distance, islands crowned with groves, lying like sisters side by side in the feathery foam of the waves. At his feet the fairest harbor of the Atlantic, with its never failing river coming down from the sharp ledges, where in his childhood its waters, young and restless as he, had typified the future career, as they mirrored the features of the fickle, ambitious boy ; a fine old town, associated with the early settlement of the continent, and inhabited by his old schoolmates and acquaintances ; ships with the names of their owners upon them, huddling together like a flock of frightened sea-fowl in their attempt to escape the torch that he himself had brought to apply to them ; all these objects spread out before him, and, smiling in the light of a September sun, must have touched, one would think, even the heart ofairaifor. But they do not appear to have made any impression upon Arnold. When he had reached the top of the hill, and had driven from the slight battery that had been hastily thrown up there, the few brave men who had dared to point its six small guns at an invading foe, he saw the owners of the ships trying to avail themselves of the breeze that had sprung up from the south, to get this most perishable of all property out of harm's way, and immediately sent a messenger to Lieutenant- Colonel Eyre with orders to press forward and attack Fort Griswold as speedily as possible, so that he might pos- sess himself of the guns and turn them against the fugitive vessels. In addition to the cannon at this fort, (if it could be called a fort,) there was on the common upon Manwaring's hill still another gun, a four or six pounder, that had been kept there for use upon muster days, and to give the customary signals of distress or good tidings to town and country. As the enemy were descending Town llill, three or four men levelled this little piece and fired it at them several times. 58 402 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT, Arnold sent a detachment of British troops up Blackhull Hill to silence this turbulant neighbor. At their approach the gunners abandoned it and fled. While the British were securing the gun they were exposed to the muskets of some marksmen who had secreted themselves behind the rocks and fences, and who kept up a severe though irregular fire upon them. Mr. Manwaring's house, the only mansion in that part of the town, was the next object of their attention. They broke it open, ransacked it, broke a part of the furni- ture in pieces, and set it on fire. One of the neighbors en- tered it soon after the soldiers had left it, and quenched the flames with a barrel of soap. Arnold now proceeded to the more populous parts of the town. As the hills abounded in loose stones, walls had been thrown up at intervals of a few rods, and from behind these breastworks the resolute citizens lurked in little groups, or in solitary security, and aimed their desperate shots at the invaders. When they had reached the southerly part of the town, Arnold ordered Lieutenant- Colonel Upham, who commanded the New Jersey tories, to advance and get possession of the hill north of the meeting- house, where, says this loyal hero, in his military dispatch to Governor Franklin, (who had now returned from his rural quarters at the Litchfield jail,) " the rebels had collected and which they resolved to hold." He advanced with his own troops, and with the Yagers, and drove the patriots from it. He kept it until the surrender of Fort Griswold, and accord- ing to his own account of the matter, " was exposed to a constant fire from the rebels " on the neighboring hills, and from the fort on the Groton side, until the work of destruc- tion was over on either bank of the river. On his way to this outpost of danger. Colonel Upham passed through Cape Ann-street, and Lewis-lane, while a flanking guard amused themselves by setting the house of Mr. Latimer on fire, that stood in what is now Vauxhall-street. This house had been filled with the goods of the citizens, who thought it was too remote from the populous parts of the town to be exposed. It was the very first house that was burned. [ITSl.] ARNOLD AND LORD DALRYMPLE. 403 Arnold with the main body now advanced at a rapid rate through Vauxhall -street toward the place where the stores, shipping and public offices were crowded into a very snuill area. A number of citizens with muskets had stationed themselves on the hill above the old burial-ground, and gave him a few shots as he came within range. They retired on his nearer approach, to retreats more safe and remote. Under cover of Colonel Upham's party, which had gained possession of the outpost, Arnold, accompanied, as is sup- posed, by Lord Dalrymple, who acted as his aid, now rode to the top of another hill, that stood in the rear of the town. He could see from this point the few vessels that were flying before the shots of the little field-piece that Upham had brought from Town Hill, and here too, he had a fair view of Fort Griswold. He sat upon his horse with a perspective glass in his hand, and surveyed iur a few moments the field where he was to reap such a harvest of infamy. After glancing his eye over it, and pointing out to his lordship the principal land-marks that were to guide them, they both fol- lowed the main body of the army down Richards-street. The most fastidious critic could hardly cavil at Arnold's methodical and comprehensive plan of destruction. He sent a detachment to the south part of the town, while he began the work himself at the northern extremity, by setting fire to the printing office and town mill. He also sent a company to Winthrop's Neck to burn the ships that had not escaped, as well as the houses and the battery. This was a very impor- tant part of the town, and so thoroughly was the torch applied, that of all the shipping, warehouses, dwellings, and other com- bustible property there, only a solitary house escaped. On Main-street, near the point reserved by Arnold for his own personal operations, stood a goodly number of old family mansions. The most expensive and imposing of these was the dwelling of General Gurdon Salstonstall. They were soon wrapt in flames. The custom-house, collector's house, shops, wharves, boats and lumber, all shared the same fate. When the i)arty reached Hallam's corner they turned down 404 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. toward Water-street. As they came within fair view of the rich warehouses and the vessels that lay moored there, Arnold pointed with his sword to the tempting prize, as he cried with the energy of an officer giving orders upon the battle-field, " Soldiers, do your duty !" A scene of conflagration followed that closed only with the failure of the fuel that fed it. They also destroyed every thing on the parade. The magazine and battery, the market, the court-house, and jail, the episcopal church, the wharf, and the dwellings, as well as the stores, were laid in ashes. Not even the houses of the tories were spared. The very roof under which Arnold dined that day, though it was the property of one of his old acquaintances, was treated with no more indulgence than the others in that vicinity, and before his repast was completed, the flames had been kindled over his head, as if to crown the festive board with an illu- mination. A similar destruction followed the footsteps of the party that had been sent to the southern district of the town. The boats, shops, and stores, were consumed, but the dwellings were treated with more indulgence. The most valuable mansions on either side of Bank-street were burned, and the other buildings were indiscriminately consumed. It seems idle to linger over the sickening details of this conflagration. Even Arnold was ashamed to acknowledge that he was instrumental in destroying the town, and attributed it, as did Sir Henry Clinton, to the unexpected explosion of gun- powder. The candid reader will decide from the few facts that are given here, as well as from the conduct of the enemy at Fort Griswold, how far this excuse is to go in extenuation of the crime that has been charged at the door of the perpetrators. The eastern bank of the Thames afforded, meanwhile, a very different spectacle. The order sent by Arnold to Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, to attack Fort Griswold, had been based on the supposition that the Fort was much more feebly garrisoned, and that its walls were weaker than proved to be [1761.] FORT GRISWOLD. 405 the case. He had supposed that the place would be carried in a few minutes, and tiiat its guns would be turned upon the shi])ping. But when he saw that the vessels were escap- ing, and that the fort was manned bv a garrison of con- siderable size, he sent an officer in a boat to countermand the order. This second messenger did not arrive until after the attack had commenced. The situation of the fort was very well chosen, and in the hands of a garrison of sufficient size to man it, would have been very formidable. The fol^ lowing is Hempstead's description of the fortification : " The fort was an oblong square with bastions at opposite angles, its longest sides fronting the river in a north-west and south-east direction. Its walls were of stone, and were ten or twelve feet high on the lower side, and surrounded by a ditch. On the walls were pickets, projecting over twelve feet, above this was a parapet with embrasures, and within a platform for cannon, and a step to mount upon, to shoot over the parapet with small arms. In the south-west bastion was a flag-staff, and in the side near the opposite angle was the gate, in front of which was a triangular breastwork to protect the gate ; and to the right of this was a redoubt, with a three pounder in it, which was about one hundred and twenty yards from the gate. Between the fort and the river was another battery with a covered way, but which could not be used in this attack, as the enemy appeared in a different quarter." There were in this fort one hundred and fifty men, and of these two-thirds were farmers and mechanics who were totally unacquainted with the usages of war. They were poorly armed too, many of them, having snatched up their weapons and rode at a moment's warning to defend the fort. About noon the British troops were seen coming out of the woods about half a mile from the fort. They ran with broken ranks until they were protected from the guns of the garrison by the hills and rocks that occupy the middle ground between the fortification and the forest. Under the friendly shelter of a ledge one hundred and thirty yards south-east from the 406 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. fort, Colonel Eyre brought his men again into line, while Major Montgomery at the head of the fortieth regiment, sought the cover of a hill near at hand. Colonel Eyre soon sent a flag and a summons for the instant surrender of the fort. Colonel Ledyard called a council of war to decide what answer should be given. The officers composing it were all in favor of resistance. The council was not very formal and did not waste much time in. deliberation. Its decision was made known by three volun- teers who left the fort and advanced to meet the British officer who had delivered the summons. Shortly after, the flag was again seen emerging from behind the ledge of rocks. The demand was the same as the first, with the addition of a threat, that if it should become necessary to storm the works, " Martial law should be put in force !" The officers were still unanimous in their resolu- tion. Captain Shapley, who had commanded at Fort Trum- bull, was sent to deliver their answer : " We shall not sur- render, let the consequences be what they may." Of course all parley was now at an end ; and both divis- ions of the enemy immediately moved forward with a quick step, and formed in solid columns. The arrangements made by Colonel Ledyard, when it is borne in mind what scanty materials that he had at his com- mand, were truly admirable. He had placed a small party of his little band in the eastern battery, to open their fire upon the enemy. They fired a single round, and then with- drew into the fort. He strictly enjoined upon the garrison not to fire a gun, until the columns of the detachment that led the attack, should have advanced within a range where every shot would tell upon them Colonel Eyre's division was the first to approach ; Captain Halsey, an old naval officer, stood by an eighteen pounder loaded with bags of grape shot, and brought it to bear upon them with a deliber- ate aim. When the order was given to fire, twenty men dropped dead or wounded. This shot broke their columns and threw them into disorder. It was the signal for a resist- [1781.] FALL OF COLONEL EYIIK. 407 ance as obstinate as can well be imagined. Volley after volley was poured upon the enemy with murderous etTect. It was with the greatest difficulty that Colonel Eyre, and the officers under iiim, could keep their men from running away in utter confusion ; but, by exposing their own persons, and remaining in front of their shattered columns, they were able to prevent a retreat. The soldiers advanced without much regard to discipline, running with their bodies bent half way to the ground, for a few paces, then falling upon the ground, and then again rushing forward. This division made their attack upon the south-west bastion of the fort, and upon its south and west sides. Eyre was soon shot through the body, and carried from the field mortally wounded, and three other officers of his regiment fell dead before they reached the fort. Montgomery pressed forward with his detachment, and found no diffi'culty in throwing him- self into the redoubt on the east side of the fortification. He was not long in getting possession of the ditch, and from thence, with headlong impetuosity, he vaulted to the base of the rampart, and attempted to ascend it. This was no easy task. The rampart was very high and was strongly guarded by projecting ])ickets. Tlie soldiers were obliged to get up by climbing upon each others shoulders, and from this uncertain footing, wrench away tlie pickets, or struggle up between them. Of course this effort re([uired their whole strength, and consumed a good deal of time. The Americans shot them dead, one after another, with musket balls, as they thrust their heads above the rampart — coolly taking aim and making sure of their men — at almost every fire. Many a jioor fellow clung quivering to the pickets, as if in the last agonies of impalement. Joseph Woodmancy counted eighteen times that he loaded and fired his piece. As fast as the dead bodies were taken down, living men supplied their places. The Americans resisted the assailants by the ap{>lication of every weapon and missile that came to hand. They threw down cold shot and nine pounders on their heads. But Montgdinery's attack was like 408 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. a whirlwind, and he finally succeeded in effecting a lodge- ment upon the rampart. The few soldiers who first scaled it were obliged to silence a nine pounder that swept the place. After this was done, a larger force was hoisted up, and the enemy now attempted to enter the works through the embra- sures with fixed bayonets. Here they were met by the main body of the garrison under Ledyard, who were armed with long sharp spears, which they wielded with fatal effect. The British soldiers staggered before this strange weapon that kept the point of their bayonets at such a safe distance. Major Montgomery urged them on, and to encourage them by his own example threw, himself into the front ranks, as Colonel Eyre had done outside of the walls, and exposing his breast to the points of the spears, was pierced through and fell dead at the threshold of the embrasure. Ensign Whit- lock of the fortieth regiment, was also killed, and three other officers of the same regiment were wounded. Major Montgomery was a universal favorite both with his officers and soldiers, and the instant that he fell they rushed through the deadly gaps uttering fierce cries of vengeance. It was no longer possible for Ledyard and his band of self- sacrificing patriots to resist their overpowering numbers. They swept through the embrasures like tide streams, and carried every thing before them until they came to the gate. This they tried to force open. The first assailant was instantly killed, but the frail barriers soon yielded, and the British soldiers with fixed bayonets crowded into the fort by hundreds. They swung their caps over their heads and uttered a yell of exultation as the signal of their entrance. As soon as the enemy had forced the gate, Colonel Led- yard, who had until that moment fought with determined resolution, seeing that the garrison could maintain the une- qual struggle no longer, ordered his men to throw down their arms. They instantly obeyed, but the British troops who had now full possession of the fort kept firing upon them from the parapets, and stabbing them with their bayonets as they crossed the area to open the south gate. Captain Shap- [17S1.] THE MURDER OF LEDYARD. 409 ley and his little company, ignorant of what was going on within the walls, still kept their dangerous post at the south- west bastion. The British now turned the cannon of the north bastion upon them and cut them literally in pieces. Captain Shapley and Lieutenant Richard Chapman were botli killed. The few survivors fled to the inside of the fort and threw down their arms. The south gate was now opened and the troops of the other division marched in, in solid columns, and fired by platoons upon the unresisting gar- rison who retreated before them, some to the magazine, and others to the barracks, to secure themselves, as weapons were now denied them, against this wholesale butchery. Major Bromfield, who was now the officer in command, marching at the head of the southern division, called out as he entered : "Who commands this fort ?" The gallant Ledyard, who had made a resistance unsur- passed, perhaps, in the whole history of freedom's battles, replied : " I did, sir, but you do now." As he spoke, he raised and lowered his sword and advanc- ing respectfully, presented it to the conqueror. The brutal wretch took the proffered weapon and instantly plunged it to the hilt into the breast of the unsuspecting patriot.* When this barbarous murder took place, Captain Richards, who had been wounded, was standing by holding himself up by his sj)ontoon in company with Captain Ledyard, the nephew of the colonel, and a few other fearless spirits, who had scorned to take refuge in the magazine or barracks. They now saw that they were contending with savages, and that it was vain to look for quarter at the hands of such a foe. They rallied around the corpse of their connnander, and fought till they fell pierced, some of them with more than twenty wounds. The whole ])arade was open, and as the platoons marched in, they shot or stabbed every American who was standing on it. They then fired by platoons into the maga- * Gordon iii. 249. 410 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT. zine where a large part of the garrison were crowded together in masses, so that one bullet would perhaps pass through two or three bodies before its force was spent. The dead bodies and the wounded men that lay bleeding upon the grounds, were also made the target for this devilish past- time. Major Bromfield, whose hands were still stained by the blood that had trickled down upon the hilt of Ledyard's sword, and to whom humanity could make no successful appeal, commanded them to stop their firing, as he feared it might blow up the magazine, and thus involve the victors and the victims in one promiscuous ruin. It was thought that such an event might have taken place at the firing of the first volley, had not the powder that lay scattered under the feet and bodies of those who had taken refuge there, been floating in pools of blood. But this prudential order did not put an end to the slaugh- ter. A number of American soldiers had crowded under the platforms to escape the massacre, but the bayonets found them and j)ierced them through and through until their bodies were perforated some of them with a dozen deep stabs, any one of which would have been mortal. As this did not endanger the safety of his own party. Major Bromfield did not interfere with it. The barrack-rooms were carefully searched, and those who were found in them were shot or bayoneted, and their remains treated with the same indigni- ties. The hands of some of the dead soldiers were horribly gashed and mutilated as they encountered the points and edges of the bayonets in their vain strugglings to keep that dreaded weapon from their faces, breasts, and throats. Mr. William Seymour, of Hartford, a brave volunteer, and a nephew of Colonel Ledyard, after his knee had been shat- tered by a musket ball, was stabbed thirteen times with the bayonet. Ensign Woodmancy, who had counted the number of times that he loaded and fired at the enemy while they were scaling the fortress, had his hands and arms almost cut into splinters with a cutlass as he lay wounded and helpless, [1781.] CAPTAIN BECKWITH. 411 and Lieutenant Parke Avery, wliose skull had been entered by a bullet that rent away a part oi" the brain, and who had lost one of his eyes, was still iurther tortured by a cut in his side. One of the British officers, Captain Beckwith,* perhaps, sickened by the details of this awfully protracted butchery, commanded the soldiers to desist. It was with the greatest difficulty that he could call oil' these hell-hounds already drunk with blood ! With his drawn sword in his hand he ran Irom room to room of the barracks crying out : "Stop ! stop! — in the name of Heaven, I say, stop! — my soul can't bear it !"' Atler awhile the carnage was checked ; but not until eighty-tive men lay dead in the fort, and sixty wounded, only a few of whom survived that day of horrors. But murder and mutilation were not the only features of this grim victory. The soldiers were allowed to strip the scanty summer clothing, valueless as it was, from the dead and wounded, until some of them were nearly or quite naked ; and although there was a well of cold spring-like water within the inclosure, that quenched the thirst of the British soldiers, the poor wretches that lay panting and gasp- ing in the hot sun looked upward imploringly toward the precious drops that dripped from the pump, but looked in vain. The English now gathered their dead an.d buried them, and removed their wounded to a place of safety as a step preliminary to blowing up the ibrt. Then, too, whether in mockery of the common sentiment of humanity, or impelled by an inconsiderate haste scarcely less blame-worthy, they counted off thirty-five of those who were least likely to * Captain Eeekwith acted as aid to Lieutenant-Colonel Eyre, and after the death of the latter, led on his men to a bold charge upon the fort, being one of ll)o first officers that entered the works. lie was afterwards promoted in tlie king's ser- vice, and was at one time appointed governor of Barbadoes. Caulkins, p. 563. Some have eliarged him with the murder of Ledyard ; he, however, indignantly denied the accusation, and the evidence of history as well as the testimony of those who participated in the Groton fight, both go to establish his innocence of the crime. 412 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. recover, and raising them fainting and bleeding as they were in every stage of approaching dissolution, carried them upon boards to an ammunition wagon that stood near the fort, and notwithstanding the heat of the day, and the groans of the sufferers, packed them in layers one above another, and employed about twenty men to draw them down to the shore. The declivity was so steep and the load so heavy that the momentum of the vehicle could not long be resisted, and the soldiers who had charge of it soon stepped aside and committed it with its precious freight to the guid- ance of chance and the force of gravitation. The ground was covered with earth-fast rocks, stumps and other obsta- cles, but such was the strength of the wagon, that it rolled down the rough hill-side for a distance of nearly one hundred rods, until it was arrested in its career by the trunk of an apple-tree that stood near the water's edge. The shock was so sudden that the wagon rebounded and swayed half round. Some of the wounded men were instantly killed by the jar, others fainted away, and a few were thrown violently upon the ground. The survivors were carried into a house near by and left there on their parole. There was, indeed, little danger that they would violate it. The other wounded men to the number of thirty had been already removed and put under guard to be carried away as prisoners. At sun-set. when the enemy embarked, the flames of the village of Groton, flaring on the river's brink, lit up the waters with a sickly glare that deepened into an awful red as night drew on, making a fit beacon to light a TRAITOR from the shore that he had stained with the slime of his foot-prints for the last time. Doubtless he looked out eagerly from the deck of his ship to witness the explosion of the magazine at Fort Griswold, that was to have been the epilogue of this tragedy. In this he was disappointed. The train had been perfectly laid, although Arnold attempted to throw blame upon the oflicer charged with this task. The flames were extinguished by the brave Major Peters, who [1781.] THE DEPARTURE OF THE TRAITOR. 413 rushed into the fort and at the risk of his life quenched them with water from the friendly well. He then looked among the dead bodies for the corpse of Colonel Ledyard. He had no ditliculty in finding it. The pale forehead, the high placid features, made visible by the blaze of the burning village and the gleam of the evening twilight, could not be mistaken. They bore witness that the pledge which he had given at the ferry but a few hours before was redeemed : " If I must lose to-day honor or life, you who know me, can tell which it will be !"* Thus Benedict Arnold.f who from the day that he insulted * In addition to the facts gatliLTcd and presented by Miss Caulkins in such per- fect method, and those set forth by Captain Avery's Narrative, I have been greatly assisted by the account given me in 1840 by that excellent old gentleman, who spent nearly two days in walking over the ruins of the fort where the massacre took place, and detailing to me the events of the day with the minute- ness and feeling of one who was not only an eye-witness, but a participator in the scenes that were so indelibly stamped upon his memory. + Benedict Arnold was born in Norwich, January 3rd, 1741. I am indebted to Miss Caulkins' History of that town, for the particulars of his life which are here given. He descended from an honorable Rhode Island family, where one of his ances- tors bearing the same name, for fifteen years held the office of governor. Two brothers of this family, Benedict and Oliver, removed from Newport to Nor- wich about the year 1730. The elder Benedict, (the father of the traitor,) soon became engaged in trade and public affairs. He served his fellow- townsmen as collector, lister, selectman, constable, and militia captain. He married Mrs. Hannah King, whose maiden name was Lathrop, November 8, 1733. The following letter from her to her wayward son, who was then at school in Canterbury, will be read with interest — indicating as it docs her charac- teristics as an affectionate mother and devoted christian : "To Mr. Benedict Arnold, at Canterbury. ''Norwich, April 12, 1754. "Dear Child — I received yours of the 1st instant, and was glad to hear that you was well. Pray, my dear, let your first concern be to make your peace with God, as it is, of all concerns, of the greatest importance. " Keep a steady watch over your thoughts, words, and actions. Be dutiful to superiors, obliging to equals, and allable to inferiors, if any such there be. Always choose that your companions be your betters, that by their good examples you may learn. " From your affectionate mother, " Han.\ah Arnold. " P. S. I have sent you 50s. Use it j.rudently, as you are accountable to God 414 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the venerable Wooster, at New Haven, had never been honored by a single office by the state where he was born, and the people who knew him best, paid the long score of revenge with conflagration and blood. and your father. Your father and aunt join with me in love and service to Mr. Cogswell and lady, and yourself. Your sister is from home." " It is lamentable," adds Miss Caulkins, " that the son of such a mother, and the recipient of such wholesome advice, should have become a proud, obstinate, and unprincipled man." Among the anecdotes related of Arnold while a lad, are the following : On a day of public rejoicing for some success over the French, Arnold, then a mere stripling, took a field-piece, and in a frolic placed it on end, so that the mouth should point upright, poured into it a large quantity of powder, and actually dropped into the muzzle, from his hand, a blazing fire-brand. His activity saved him from a scorching, for though the flash streamed up within an inch of his face, he darted back, and shouted hurrah ! as loud as the best of the company. On another occasion he was concerned with other boys in rolling away some valuable casks from a shop-yard to aid in making the usual thanksgiving bonfire, when the casks were arrested by an officer who had seen sent by the owner to recover them. Young Arnold was so enraged that he stripped off" his coat upon the spot and dared the constable, a stout and grave man, to fight ! Miss Hannah Arnold, the only sister of Benedict, was an affable, witty and accomplished lady. Among those who paid her particular attentions was a young foreigner, who resided temporarily in the place. Benedict disliked the man and had tried in vain to break off" their intimacy. He finally vowed vengeance upon the young man, if he ever caught him in the house again. On returning from New Haven one evening, he ascertained that the French- man was in the parlor with his sister. He Instantly planted himself in front of the house, with a loaded pistol, while he ordered a servant to make a violent assault upon the pai'lor door. As Arnold anticipated, the young man leapt out of the window ; Arnold fired the pistol at him, but it being dark, he escaped, and the next day, left the place. Arnold afterwards met him at the Bay of Honduras, where a challenge was given and accepted, which resulted in severely wounding the Frenchman. Miss Arnold never mari-ied. After the death of her father, she resided principally with her brother. She died at Montague, in Upper Canada, in 1803, aged 60 years. The house in which the Arnold family lived is still standing in a good state of preservation. CHAPTER XVIII. TORKTOWK TRIMBULL, AND PUTNAM. In the autumn of 1781, Major Tallmadge, who had been stationed with the troops in the Highlands under General Heath, renewed his plan of annoying the enemy on Long Island. Having marched his troops to Norwalk, he embarked with them on the 9th of October with the design of attack- ing Fort Slongo, on Tread well's Neck. Early on the follow- ing morning the assault was commenced and the fortress was soon subdued The combustible part was burnt, and the party returned in safety with their prisoners. The gallant major again established his quarters at White Plains, where he found abundant employment in protecting the inhabitants from the plundering and marauding parties that infested the neighborhood.* The French fleet under De Grasse and Du Barras having reached the Chesapeake, four ships of the line and several frigates were sent to block up James and York rivers, so as to cut off Cornwallis' retreat. During the maneuvering of the ships of De Grasse with those of Admiral Graves of the * Major Tallmadge continued to be actively and successfully employed in the Bcrvice of his country until the establishment of peace, when he retired from the army with the rank of colonel. He was subsequently president of the Cincinnati Society of Connecticut. In IMarch, 1784, Colonel Tallmadge married Mary Floyd, daughter of General William Floyd, of Mastic, Long Island, and .shortly after settled in Litchfield, Connecticut, where he became extensively engaged in mercantile pursuits, and where he spent the remainder of his days. From ISOO to 181G, he was a representative in Congress. He was distinguished for liis unostentatious piety and active benevolence. Mrs. Mary Tallmadge died dune ."^d, ISO."), leaving several children. Colonel Tallmadge was again married, on the 3d of May 1808, to Maria, daughter of Joseph Ilallett, Esq., who survived her husband a few years. Colonel Tallmadge died in Litchfield, March 7, 1835. lie had four sons and two or three daughters. 416 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. British service, Du Barras entered the bay along with several transports loaded with heavy artillery, for the siege of York- town. The combined armies of America and France soon formed a junction with Lafayette at Williamsburg, from which point, the plan of operations having been previously arranged, they commenced their march against Cornwallis. The French troops now amounted to seven thousand ; the continentals numbered five thousand five hundred ; and about three thousand five hundred Virginia militia, under General Nelson, had assembled in Lafayette's camp. The besieging army thus amounted to about sixteen thousand men. The British force at Yorktovvn, consisting of about eight thousand troops, had strongly fortified themselves, and works had been thrown up in the vicinity to impede the approach of the Americans. The most interesting event of the siege was the simultaneous storming of two of these out-posts. One of these forts, situated near the banks of York river, was assaulted about day-break on the morning of the 15th of October, by a detachment of American light infantry. The forlorn hope was commanded by Colonel Alexander Hamilton. The first company at the head of the column that supported the forlorn hope, was led by Captain James Morris, of Litchfield.* A brisk fire was soon opened * James Morris, Esq., was born in Litchfield, South Farms parish, January 19, 1752 ; graduated at Yale College in 1T75 ; and soon after commenced the study of divinity with the Rev. Dr. Bellamy, of Bethlem, in company with his college friends, Messrs. Seth Swift. David Tuller, and Adoniram .Judson — all of whom subsequently became distinguished in the ministry. In May, 1776, while precep- tor of the grammar school in Litchfield, he received from Governor Trumbull an ensign's commission in the troops enlisted for a six months' campaign in New York, which he accepted, after obtaining the advice of Dr. Bellamy in its favor. He was in the retreat from I>ong Tshuid, and in the battles of York Island and White Plains. During the autumn he received from Congress a commission of second lieutenant ; in January, 1777, he was promoted to a first lieutenancy, and during that winter was stationed at Litchfield in the recruiting service, and as superintendent of the pmall-pox hospital. In May, he joined the army at Peeks- kill, with the men he had enlisted, and from thence in September marched with the army under the immediate command of General Washington, for Philadel- phia. Captured at the battle of Germantown, he was detained as a prisoner for the period of three years and throe months, having been liberated January 3d, riTSL] YOEKTOWN. 417 upuii the Americans, but the van of the party under Hamil- ton and Morris, were so near the fort before they were dis- covered, that the British overshot them. Not a man of their party was killed, though the main body of the detachment lost about sixty in killed and wounded. At the same time, the French army made an attack on the second of these forts, which proved to be a much more disastrous conflict. They finally succeeded, but with the loss of about two hundred men.* The allied forces now had possession of the grounds that overlooked Yorktown. The British were hemmed in on all sides, the elbow of the river being occupied by our ships. Our artillery began to play upon the town ; the condition of the enemy grew more and more hopeless ; and as a last resort Cornwallis thought of passing his army across to Gloucester and forcing his way through the troops on that ITSl. During this period he had been appointed Captain. He passed the spring and most of the summer succeeding his exchange, with the army on the Hudson, and was in several skirmishes in that quarter. Near the close of August, Colo- nel Seammel's regiment, to which Captain Morris belonged, was ordered to march to Virginia, and he accompanied the army under Washington to Yorktown. At the close of the war, Captain ^Morris returned to Litchfield, and there spent the remainder of his days. For many years he was a justice of the peace, select- man, and deacon in the church, and was often elected to represent the town in the Legislature of Connecticut. In 1790, I\Ir. Morris commenced a school in South Farms, which gradually extended its reputation and influence, until '• Morris' Academy" became favorably known throughout the country. While under his care, more than sixty of its pupils entered college, and nearly fifteen hundred children and youth had been members of it — from twelve difterent states of the union, and from the Islands of St. Thomas and Bermuda. Mr. Morris was the author of a valuable pamphlet of 124 pages, entitled " A Sta- tistical account of several towns in Litchfield County," which was published in 1815, by the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences. He also wrote a very inter- esting narrative of his own life and public services during the revolution and sub- sequently, which throws much light upon the history of the particular corps of the Connecticut lino with which he was connected. 1 take great pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to his only surviving son, Dwiglit Morris, Esq., of Bridgeport, for the use of this manuscript volume — a work which does honor to the head and heart of its author. * See Morris' Narrative ; also, Gordon's Hist. 50 418 niSTORY OF CONXECTICUT. side of the river. A violent storm, however, prevented the accompHshment of this purpose ; and in the afternoon of the 17th a flag was sent out, requesting the cessation of hostih- ties for the space of twenty-four hours. General Washing- ton sent back word that he would grant them tiuo hours only. The moment the time designated had expired, all the artillery of the American and French armies was discharged at once upon Yorktown. Before another volley could be fired, the British beat a parley, and sent a second flag, with the request that commissioners might be appointed to agree upon articles of capitulation. This was done, and the terms were soon agreed upon. On the ]9th of October, 1781, the allied armies were drawn up in parallel lines, about six rods apart, each extend- ing more than a mile in length along the plain. The van- quished army then marched between these lines, playing their own tunes, but with their colors muffled.* General Lincoln was appointed to receive the submission of the royal army in precisely the same way that his own surrender had been conducted by the enemy eighteen months before. They piled up their arms on the field, and marched back to Yorktown unarmed.* More than seven thousand British troops surrendered as prisoners of war, exclusive of fifteen hundred seamen ; more than two thousand of whom were either wounded or sick. The'Guadaloupe frigate and twenty-four transports, together with one hundred and sixty pieces of cannon, and eight mor- tars, fell into the hands of the conquerors. The loss of the besiegers was about four hundred and fifty in killed and wounded ; the besieged had about five hundred and fifty slain, among whom was Major Cochrane. Twenty trans- ports belonging to the enemy had been sunk or burnt during the siege. On the 20th, General Washington issued his orders for a general pardon of all culprits of the army that were in con- finement for crimes as well as those under sentence of a * Morris. + Gordon, Morris, Ilildretli. [1782.] TREATY OF PEACE, 419 court-martial. His orders closed with the following para- graph : " Divine service shall be performed to-morrow in the differ- ent brigades and divisions. The commander-in-chief recom- mends that all the troops that are not upon duty, do assist in it w-ith a serious deportment, and that sensibility of heart which the recollection of the surprising and particular inter- position of Providence in our favor, claims." On the 24th of October, a British fleet, consisting of twenty-five sail of the line, with two of fifty guns and several frigates, arrived off the Chesapeake, having on board seven thousand men designed for the reinforcement of Corn- wallis. On I'eceiving the intelligence of the catastrophe at Yorktown, the British commander returned to New York, with this formidable naval force. The capture of Cornwallis determined the great contest in favor of the Americans. Although more than a year elapsed before a treaty of peace was actually made and ratified, and although during this period the armies of the two nations continued to maintain a hostile attitude, very few skirmishes and no general engagement took place. On the 3d day of September, 1782, definitive treaties between Great Britain, France, and Spain, were signed at Versailles by the Duke of Manchester, and the plenipotentiaries of the said courts. On the same day, a definitive treaty with Great Britain and the United States of America was also signed at Paris, by David Hartley, Esq., the British plenipotentiary, and the plenipotentiaries of the United States.* It was not until the 30th of November that the articles for concluding a general peace between the United States and Great Britain, were formally signed, at Paris, by Richard Oswold, Esq., the commissioner of his Britannic majesty on the one part, and by John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Laurens, commissioners of the United States of America, on the other part. On the 19th of April, 1783, at noon. General Washing- * Gordon, iii. 356. 420 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. ton proclaimed to the American army the cessation of hostihties between the two governments. In November following, Washington issued his farewell address to the officers and soldiers, and the army was disbanded.*' It is particularly worthy of remark, that, notwithstanding * Before a final separation, the officers of the army formed themselves into an association called the " Order of the Cincinnati " — after the illustrious Roman Cin- cinnatus, who, having repelled the invaders of his country, returned to the hum- ble employments of agricultural life. As this society was long the subject of bitter animadversion on account of its supposed aristocratic objects and tenden- cies, I will briefly state some of its provisions. Its principles, as officially stated by the association itself, were as follows : An incessant attention to preserve inviolate the exalted rights and liberties of human nature, for which its members have fought and bled — and an unalterable deter- mination to promote and cherish between the respective states union and national honor ; to render permanent, cordial affection, and the spirit of brotherly kindness among the officers ; and to extend acts of beneficence toward those officers and their families who may unfortunately be under the necessity of receiving it. The general society, for the sake of frequent communications, shall be divided into state societies, and those again into such districts as the state societies shall direct. '' The society shall have an order by which its members shall be known and dis- tinguished, which shall be a medal of gold of proper size to receive the proposed emblems, and to be suspended by a deep blue ribbon two inches vv'ide, edged with white, descriptive of the union of America and France." This order was to be perpetuated in the line of the eldest male descendents of the original mem- bers, or, failing such descendants, by the admission of such collateral relations as might be deemed worthy. There was also a provision for admitting as honorary members persons who had not belonged to the army.* A great outcry was raised against the society, especially by the soldiers, and by many prominent civilians in America and in France, among wliom were Franklin, John and Samuel Adams, Gerry and others. A pamphlet was publi.shed in Charleston, S. C, in October 1783, entitled, " Considerations on the Society of the order of Cincin- nati," which was attributed to Chief Justice Burke, in which the author attempts to prove that " the Cincinnati creates two distinct orders among the Americans — 1st, a race of hereditary nobles, founded on the military, together with the power- ful families and first-rate leading men in the state, whose view it will ever be, to rule ; and 2d, the people, or plebeians, whose only view is, not to be oppres- sed ; but whose certain fate it will be to suffer oppression under the institution." The prejudice and alarm became so universal that at the first general meeting of the order, in May 1 784, through the efforts of Washington and other leading members, the constitution was so modified as to exclude the hereditary principle. Even this did not satisfy the people, and the association long continued to be an object of jealously. * Gordon, Hildreth. THE DEBATING CLUB. 421 the limited extent of lier territory, and the comparatively small number of her population, Connecticut furnished for the continental ranks and kept in actual service more men than any other colony or state in the confederacy.* It should be borne in mind, also, that the thirty-two thousand of her able-bodied sons who formed a part of the continental army, constituted but a small portion of her force in actual service. Besides the detachments employed in defending her own frontiers, and her sea-coast, her militia shared in the privations of the camp and the perils of the field in every part of the country. It was estimated that more than five thousand of her citizens perished during the war, in their country's service, exclusive of those in the continental line.f The part that Connecticut took in the revolution, grew not only out of the causes named in the preceding chapters, but from that peculiar deliberation with which the people of the colony were in the habit of making up their minds upon all matters of public importance. The following interesting extract from a letter of the Rev. Chauncey A. Goodrich, D.D., of Yale College, will set forth this characteristic in a much clearer light than any language of mine : " There is one fact respecting the revolutionary history of our State which ought to be recorded, as exhibiting the wis- dom and deliberation with which our leading men entered into the war. Dr. Nathan Strong, of Hartford, told my father that about the time the contest drew on, our governor called a secret session of the Legislature. Dr. Strong was chaplain, and was sworn to secrecy. The Legislature then appointed six of the ablest jurists in the State — three to argue the cause in favor of the right of parliament to tax * The number nominally furnished by each state was as follows : Massachu- setts 67,907 ; Connecticut, 31 ,039 -, Virginia, 26,078 ; Pennsylvania, 2.'>,67S ; New York, 17,781 ; INIan-lami, 13,912 •, New Hampshire, 12,497 ; New Jersey, 10,726 : North Carolina, 7,263 ; South Carolina, 6,417 ; Rhode Island, 5,908 ; Georgia, 2,679; Delaware, 2,386. Total, 231,791. Ilildreth. + Rev. l>enjamiu Trumbull's Thanksgiving Sermon at North Haven, December 11th, 1783. 422 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the colonies, and three against it. These arguments were continued for two or three days, when the conviction became universal among the members, that parliament had not the right, and that the colonies might lawfully resist. With this conviction, and the arguments on which it was founded, the representatives returned each to his own place of residence. This, Dr. Strong stated, was the origin of the entire unanimity with which our state entered into the con- test. The whole people had the argument from their repre- sentatives ; but no one knew, at that time, by what means it had been so maturely formed. Dr. Strong mentioned these things to my father toward the close of his life, stating that he had never spoken of them before ; but considered him- self as released, by the lapse of time and course of events, from all further obligation to his oath of secrecy." I mentioned these facts a few years ago to Charles Chaun- cey, Esq., of Philadelphia. He remarked, "It is one of the most curious and interesting pieces of secret history con- nected with our revolution. It is strikingly characteristic of the habits of Connecticut ; especially that so much pains should be taken to understand the argument fully on both sides."* Before leaving this interesting era in the history of our state, let us revert to some of the traits of two or three of the principal actors in the events commemorated in these pages. Colonel Seth Warner was born in Woodbury, Connecticut, in 1742. About the year 17G3, his father purchased a tract of land in the township of Bennington, on the New Hamp- shire Grants, and young Warner removed thither with his parents. He soon became enured to the hardships of pioneer-life, and no hunter on the Green Mountains was more indefatigable and successful than he. Long before the breaking out of the revolution, the controversy between the * It seems eminently proper that this important state secret should have fallen into the hands of a family so historical, and that it should have been given to the world by so accurate a pen. [1784.] COLONEL WARXER. 423 settlers on the grants and the government of New York gave scope to his energies and developed his manliness of charac- ter and his hatred of oppression. Associated with Ethan Allen as a recognized leader of the Green Mountain Boys, through a series of years Seth Warner's name was the watch-word of the settlers and a sound of dread in the ears of their enemies. His feats of noble daring and self-denying effort, are worthy of an honorable place on the page that tells the story of the heroic age of our country's history. Nor have his deeds been without a chronicler. A few years since the lion. Daniel Chipman gave to the world a faithful record of his life and public services in a handsome volume, to which the reader is referred. Colonel Warner's services in the revolution have long formed a part of the history of that great struggle, but a perusal of Mr. Chipman's volume will show that previous biographers and historians had failed to do him justice. He did not long survive to participate in the blessings of the peace and freedom which he had assisted to achieve. Worn down with toil and disease, he returned to his native town, where he died, December 26, 1784, in the 42d year of his age. Colonel Warner was a man of iron frame and of remark- able strength and agility. He was six feet and four inches in height, and his figure was well proportioned and manly. He was mild and courteous in his bearing, cool and deliber- ate in his judgment, firm and energetic in his purposes, while his unwavering integrity and strict sense of honor inspired his friends and the community generally with the most implicit confidence. The Rev. Thomas Canfield, of Roxbury, preached his funeral sermon, from 2 Samuel, ii. 27 : " How are the mighty fallen, and the weapons of war perished ?"* Pre-eminent in the roll of our patriots and statesmen, * See Chipman's Life of Warner ; Ilouglitou's Address oil tlie life and public services of Colonel Warner. 424 HISTORY OF COXXECTICUT. stands the name of Jonathan Trumbull. His position as governor of the state during the war, united with that rare combination of powers which made him second only to Washington in executive abihties, not second even to him in the maturity of his wisdom and the depth of his moral nature, and greatly his superior in intellectual culture, con- stituted him the principal character in our colony and state during the period occupied by his administration. It is true of Trumbull, as of Washington, that the perfect symmetry of his character has induced many to lose sight of the vast scale on which it was constructed, and the elevation with which it towers above the level of other public men of that day. At the head of the little republic on the breaking out of the war, Trumbull was the only governor in all the colo- nies who had the courage and the firmness to make a stand against the tyranny of the British government. As before stated, he had indignantly refused to take an oath to execute the stamp-act, or even to witness the degrading ceremony. During the period that transpired between that day and the 19th of April, 1775, his convictions had been strengthened and his mind confirmed in the justice of the American cause. He was the presiding genius of Connecticut during the whole conflict. Marshalling troops, providing munitions, superintending the financial department and the building of ships of war, perfecting the defenses of the colony, purchas- ing cannon, muskets, clothing, and provisions for the army, sitting in council, advising with the General Assembly, writ- ing letters to committees of safety, keeping up a constant correspondence with Washington, composing state papers, mustering the militia, listening to the complaints of the soldiers as if they had been his children, and soothing them with soft words — in all departments, we find him the great central executive force to which Washington was drawn in the dark hours of that eight years' struggle. Did he need troops to swell the army at Cambridge, he called upon Trum- bull ; and reluctantly, and in spite of the solicitations of the GOVERNOR TRU-AIBULL. 425 people ^vllom he governed, ratlier than disobey the com- mander-in-chief, he ordered the coast of Connecticut to be left unguarded, and the citizen-soldiers to leave their homes to the mercy of the British invaders, and march into another colony.* Did a British fleet tlu'eaten to invade New York, and tories boast that they would lay the city in ruins Washington had only to write a letter to Trumbull, and the troops were sent into the infected district, and the British ships were soon seen to spread their wings like scared birds of prey, and fly toward the south. Did thousands of British regulars, at a later day, press around him, and seem about to overwhelm him ? A requisition upon Trumbull brought to his aid fourteen regiments of fai'mers, who obeyed the command of the chief magistrate whom they had themselves helped to elect, without a murmur, and returned, if they happened to survive, to vote for him again. In still darker hours, when the genius of the American people drooped, and the hearts of the other colonies sank beneath the accuauila- ted burden of severe campaigns, heavy taxes, and debts that had been piled on them like mountains ; when even Wash- ington doubted from what source another dollar couUl be raised to keep the army in the field, he called upon Trum- bull, and the sinews of war, strained till they were ready to crack, again recovered their elasticity. Industrious, quiet, unselfish, trust-worthy — with a head never giddy, however steep the preci];)ice upon which he stood, and a heart that kept all secrets confided to it as the deep wave holds the pknnmet that is dropped into its bosom — no wonder that TrumlniU should have been selected by the first man of the * III tlie early part of the war when the British ships of war were threatening to land on our coast, Governor Trumbull requested that a part of the troops about to be raised in the colony, might remain to defend our own soil. For some cause not readily divined, "Washington persisted in ordering them all to Boston. The governor wrote him a pungent letter, expressive of his surprise and regret, but, in the true spirit of patriotism, added — "It is plain that such jcalousit's indulged, however just, will destroy the cause " ; and, in s|)ito of the manifest injustice of the demand, he expressed his determination to comply. 426 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. world as his counselor and companion, and no wonder that he called him "brother."* We are naturally led to inquire, what were the secret fountains that fed this pure life ? They may be easily known by the bright verdure that springs up along their course as they wind through the quiet fields of unambitious boyhood. Long before he had ever turned his eye toward the high places of the world, before a war with England was dreamed of as a possible event, and while at Harvard, he was looking out upon life through that pleasant perspective glass, a young scholar's imagination, he was mature above his years in all that gives promise of future usefulness ; and at the tender age when other boys are properly called children, and are occupied with sports that demand the exercise of little else than the blood that courses through their frame ; the future statesman, in company with a few kindred spirits, was fram- ing a series of rules by which his moral nature and intellec- tual character might shape themselves into a mould of com- pleteness that few men have ever attained, and a durability that is destined to defy the flight of years, as it resisted during his life time the temptations of the world. f *The term, "Brother Jonathan," was frequently applied by Washington to Governor Trumbull. '• When he wanted honest counsel and wise, he would say, ' let us consult Brother Jonathan.' " See Bushnell's " Historical Estimate," p. 34. + On entering college, in 172-1, young Trumbull joined a religious society con- nected with the institution. Its character can be judged from the articles of agree- ment entered into by the members, which were substantially as follows : 1. That we will meet together twice a week for the worship of God. 2. That, being met together, we will, as God enables us, perform the several injunctions of the meeting. 3. That all manner of disagreeing, strifes or quarrelling, with one another shall be suppressed, and that we will live in love, peace, and unity, with one another. 4. That if we see or hear any one of our number speak or do anything unbe- coming a member of this society, we vv'ill reprove him as far as we shall think the reproof worthy, with all meekness, love, and tenderness toward him. 5. That we will bear with one another's infii'mities, and divulge nothing of what nature soever, that is done at our meetings. 6. That when absent from our meetings, we will endeavor to behave ourselves BO that ''none may have occasion to speak evil of us." For the rules of this society, I am indebted to Hon. I. W. Stuart, of Hartford. CHARACTER OF TRUMBULL. 427 At that early day was laid the foundation of that gentle- ness and christian humility, that sweetness of temper, that serene confidence and cheerfulness in critical emergencies, and the unshaken purpose of soul, which marked him out as the fit man, and the only one, for the place of honor that was assigned him by his native state. Trumbull's private character was no less a model than his public life. His manners had none of the stiffness of official rank belonging to that day, but were sprightly, amiable, and unostentatious. He knew how to adapt himself to all classes of people, and always when at leisure had a lively, pleasant word to say to everybody who happened to be in his presence. He was remarkable for his quiet way of expressing his senti- ments either in the council or in the drawing-room, and always spoke in a low tone. In the midst of all his watcliful cares, he never lost his love of letters, and retained his knowledge of the dead languages with an unimpaired memory till he died. He habitually read the Bible in the original Hebrew and Greek, and never left off the studies of history and chronology, in which he particularly excelled. He was very regular and temperate in his habits, devoted to his family, and testified how much better he loved his home than he did any public station, by resigning his office as soon as the termination of the war allowed him to think of re})0se. He had another motive, too, for seeking retirement, which is touchingly expressed in his address to the General Assembly, when he tendered to the people the office that he had held so long : "Contemplating," he says, "with pleasing wonder and satisfaction, at the close of an arduous contest, the noble and enlarged scenes which now present themselves to my coun- try's view ; and reflecting at the same time on my advanced stage of life — a life worn out, almost, in the constant cares of office — I think it my duty to retire from the busy concern of public affairs; that at the evening of my days, I may sweeten their decline, by devoting myself with less avoca- tion, and more attention to the duties of religion, the service 428 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, of my God, and preparation for a future and happier state of existence ; in which pleasing employment I shall not cease to remember my country, and to make it my ardent prayer, that heaven will not fail to bless her with its choicest favors."* * The first ancestor in this country of the Trumbull family of Connecticut, was John Trumbull, who is stated by Hinman and others, to have emigrated from Cumberland county, England, and settled in Rowley, Massachusetts. His son of the same name, was an early settler of Suffield, Connecticut, and from him have descended all of the Trumbulls of the state, many of whom have been eminent as statesmen, soldiers, scholars, and divines. Jonathan Trumbull, the elder, was a son of Joseph Trumbull, of Lebanon, where he was born June 12, 1710. lie graduated at Harvard college, in 1727, pursued the study of theology with the Rev. Mr. Williams, of his native town, and was licensed to preach. On the death of an elder brother, who was lost at sea, he was called home to close up the mercantile affliirs of his father ; and, feel- ing it to be his duty to remain with his aged parents, he relinquished his chosen profession and became a merchant. In 1733, at the age of twenty-three years, he was elected a representative from Lebanon, and was often re-elected. In 1739, he was chosen Speaker of the House ; and at the May session of the following year, he was elected an assistant, or member of the Upper House, where he con- tinued for many years. From 17G6 to 1770, he was lieutenant-governor of the state, and chief judge of the superior court; and from 1770 to 1784, he was annually elected governor. He died August 17, 1785. Jonathan Trumbull, (son of the preceding,) was born at Lebanon, March 26, 1740, graduated at Harvard college in 1759, and settled in his native town. From the commencement of the revolution to the close of the campaign of 1778, he was paymaster in the northern department of the army ; and in 1 780, he was appointed secretary and first aid to General Washington, in whose family he remained till tlic close of the war. In 1789, lie was chosen a member of Con- gress, and in 1791, he was elected Speaker of the ITnited States House of Repre- sentatives. He was subsequently a senator in Congress, and from 1798, until his death, he was governor of Connecticut. He died at Lebanon, August 7, 1809, aged sixty-nine. Colonel Joseph Trumbull, (also a son of the elder Governor Trumbull,) was the first commissary general of the United States army — an office which he resigned in August, 1777. In October following, he was appointed by Congress one of the five commissioners of the board of war, his colleagues being Major-General Gates, Major-General Mifflin, Richard Peters, Esq., and Colonel Timothy Pickering. Colonel Trumbull died, universally lamented, in July, 1779, aged forty-two. Rev. Benjamin Trumbull, D.D., was a native of Hebron, and a graduate of Yale College, in the class of 1759. He was ordained and settled as pastor of the congregational church in North Haven, December 25, 1760 ; and died February 2, 1820, aged eighty-five. Though a learned and faithful preacher, his fame rests DEATH OF TRUMBULL. 429 The remainder of Truinbull's life was spent in exact accordance with the sentiments expressed in this passage. In the calm retreat where he had entertained princes and noble- n;ien — where Washington sought him out to take counsel of hiin — in the circle of his family, and near the spot that he had selected for his grave, he awaited the flight of the friendly- arrow that was to set him free. Though he watched it carefully, yet it came in secret, and at an unexpected hour. He was of such an equal temperament and had such an excellent physical constitution, that his friends anticipated for him a long life ending in a slow and calm decline. But he was suddenly attacked by a fever, which might be said to be his first sickness and proved to be his last. He died after an illness of about twelve days, during vv'hich he sufiered much pain with a sweetness that made even death seem to be a protecting rather than a destroying angel. His reason was unclouded, and his mind composed to the last. In the words of Mr. Ely, who preached his funeral sermon, " he had nothing to do but to die."* chiefly upon liis historical works, whicli are remarkable for the evidence they aflbrd of successful research and laljorious investigation. His publications are — History of Connecticut, vol. 1, 8vo., ITDT ; in 2 vols. ISlS ; History of the United States to 17G5, vol. i., 1819 ; Essays in favor of the claim of Connecticut to the Susquehanuah county, 1774, also — Thanksgiving Sermon, 1783; A Treatise on Divorces, 1788 ; Ordination Sermon, 178'j ; Century Sermon, 1801 ; Address on Prayer and Family Religion, 1804; twelve Discourses on the Divine Origin of the Scriptures. .John Trumbull, LL.D., (son of the Rev. .John Trumbull, of Watertown, Conn.,) was born in Watertown, in 1750, and graduated at Yale College, in 1767. From 1771 to 1773, he was a tutor at Yale, and during that time published his poem, " The Progress of Dullness.'''' He subsequently studied law with John Adam.s, at Boston, and settled in Hartford in the practice of his profession. In 1784, his celebrated poetical satire, " McFingal," was published — and has since gone through several editions both in this country and in England. From ISOI to 1819, lie was a judge of the superior court of Connecticut. His poetical works were collected and published in two volumes in 1820. .Judge Trumbull, died at the residence of his son-in-law, Governor Woodbridgc, in Detroit, Michigan, ^hiy 10, 1831, aged eighty-one. A sketch of Colonel John Trumbull, the artist, will be given in another place. * The following is an extract from the Rev. Mr. lily's funeral sermon, alluded to : " Metliink I see our late renowned glorious chief in war, America's boast and 430 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. One after another, the irreat men of the revolution were now fast dropping away. Putnam, the second miUtary chief- tain of that era, was destined soon to follow. We have seen how, at the close of the campaign of 1779, he was siezed the world's wonder, solitary and pensive, with the big tear starting from the eye of keenest sensibility, the melancholy tidings having reached his ears, that his highly prized friend in the cabinet, his brother and companion in the late struggles and bloody conflict, is no more. In similar sorrow methink I view many more, greatly admired, much beloved, whose names I dare not mention lest others be jealous through the tenderness of their friendship. Let this consideration, dear afflicted mourners, have some weight with you." Immediately on receiving intelligence of Trumbull's death. General Washing- ton thus wrote to Jonathan Trumbull, Jr., a son of the governor : " Mount Vernon, Oct. 1st, 1785. " My Dear Sir — It has so happened that your letter of the first of last month, did not reach me until Saturday's post. " You know too well the sincere respect and regard I entertained for your ven- erable fother's public and private character, to require assurance of the concern I felt for his death •, or of that sympathy in your feelings, for the loss of him, which is prompted by friendship. Under this loss, however, great as your pangs may have been at the first shock, you have everything to console you. " A long and well spent life in the service of his country, places Governor Trumbull among the first of patriots. In the social duties he yielded to no one ; and his lamp from the common course of nature being nearly extinguished, worn down with age and cares, but retaining his mental faculties in perfection, are bless- ings which rarely attend advanced life. All these combined, have secured to his memory unusual respect and love here, and no doubt, unmeasurable happiness hereafter. " I am sensible that none of these observations can have escaped you, that I can offer nothing which your own reason has not already suggested upon the occasion, and being of Sterne's opinion, that " before an affliction is digested, consolation comes too soon, and after it is digested it comes too late, there is but a mark be- tween these two, almost as fine as a hair, for a comforter to take aim at." I rarely attempt it ; nor should I add more on this subject to you, as it will be a renewal of sorrow, by calling afresh to your rememberauce things that had better be forgot- ten. " My principal pursuits are of a rural nature, in which I have great delight, especially as I am blessed with the enjoyment of good health. Mrs. Washington, on the contrary, is hardly ever well ; but, thankful of your kind remembrance of her, joins me in every good wish for you, Mrs. Trumbull, and your family. " Be assured, that with sentiments of the purest esteem, I am, dear sir, " Your affectionate friend '* and obedient servant, " Geo. Washington." LAST DAYS OF PUTNAlf. 431 with paralytic numbness while on the road between Pomfret and Hartford. It was difficult for a man of his ardent tem- perament to persuade himself that he had done with the camp and the tented-field, at a time when he had looked forward to the successful termination of a war which he had been the first to advocate and to put to the terrible arbitra- ment of the sword. That he, the man of action, whose whole life had been passed in the open air, whether in tilling the fields and digging up the rocks of Pomfret, following into her lair the wolf that had preyed upon his Hock, threading the crooked trails that led along the borders of the lakes and rivers of the west, in chase of French partizans and their Indian allies, or, in captivity worse than death, wandering naked and hungry through the wild woods that echoed to the shouts of joy with which his tormentors saluted the fire that scorched his flesh ; that he, of all other men, should be con- demned to shut himself away from the busy scenes that had made up his existence, and count the hours by the sunbeams that peeped in through his bed-curtains, or stole on him through the windows that fronted his easy chair, seemed insupportable. At first his heart sank within him, and a shadow of sadness clouded his features. But Putnam was not a man to give himself up to settled melancholy. He returned home, and soon summoned to his aid the consola- tions of religion, and the smiles of the domestic cir- cle. Here he spent the remainder of his days, the patriarch of his household, and the centre and oracle of those old neighbors who had been out with him into so many rough battle-fields, and had brouG:ht home each for himself a Saarland of honor and traditionary renown. How eagerly must those venerable soldiers, who had served with him under Aber- crombie and Amherst, forgetful of age and wounds, have hobbled upon their crutches to talk over with iiini the arrival of fresh intelligence from the army ; how Arnold had sought to sell American liberty for gold ; how he had laid New London and Groton in ruins ; and how Ledyard and his fellow patriots had been murdered and mutilated ; or how 432 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Washington had thrown the meshes of his net over Corn- walHs at Yorktovvn, and was victorious at last over secret and open foes. Nor was Putnam constantly confined to his house. The paralytic stroke was kindly mitigated, and in the soft warm days, when summer smiled upon his white locks, and when cheerful autumn sported with them, he was able to ride forth to view his farm, his flocks and herds, and to visit his neigh- bors at their houses. Occasionally, too, after the war was over, some gentleman of the army would pay his respects to the old hero. Colonel Humphreys, General Parsons, Colonel Trumbull, the artist, or Colonel Wadsworth, would ride over from Hartford, dismount at the farm-house gate, and drop a tear upon his palsied hand as they grasped it in tender recognition. He had much to be grateful for in other respects. His intellect remained as fresh and strong; as it was on the morn- ing of the battle of Bunker Hill. The strength of his memory, the sharp sallies of his wit, his broad exuberant humor, his happy way of relating anecdotes of adventures that had happened to himself or had fallen under his observation, his keen relish of a joke, even though it were at his own expense, all continued to throw around the old man the fascinations that had made him from childhood the favorite of every circle. Nor did Washington lose sight of the best of all his officers, but found time, even in the midst of his most arduous duties, to write to him as follows : " The name of a Putnam is not forgotten ; nor will be, but with that stroke of time which shall obliterate from my mind the remembrance of all those toils and fatigues through which we have struggled for the preservation and establishment of the rights, liberties, and independence of our country."* With a delicacy as marked as the friendship that dictated it, in the same letter the writer attempted to soothe the invalid and make him satisfied in his retirement : * Iluniplircys. DEATH OF PUTNAM. 433 " I anticipate witli pleasure the day, and that 1 trust not far off, when I shall quit the scenes of a military employ- ment and retire to the more tranquil walks of domestic life. In that or wiiatever other situation Providence may dispose of my future days, the remembrance of the many friendships and connections I have had the happiness to contract with the gentlemen of the army, will be one of my most grateful reflections." As nearly as can now be known, such was the old age of Putnam. On the 17th of May, 1790, he was violently attacked with an inflammatory disease. He had met death too often on the battle-fleld to fear him, and seems to have felt from the first that his recovery was neither to be looked for nor desired. After an illness of only two days, he expired. On the 21st of May, in the midst of a vast con- course of people, and under the escort of the grenadiers of the eleventh regiment, the independent corps of artillery, and the militia of the neighborhood, the ashes of Putnam were borne to their last resting place.* * John Putnam emigrated from Buckinghamshire, England, and settled in Salem, Massachusetts, in the year 1634 — bringing with him three sons, viz., Thomas, Nathaniel, and John. Edward Putnam, the son of Thomas, in 1733, made the following record : " From those three proceeded twelve males ; and from these twelve, forty males ; and from the forty, eighty-two males." All of the name in New England are believed to be descended from John. Captain Joseph Putnam, (father of the general,) was the son of John, who w^as the youngest son of the pioneer. lie continued to reside, in Salem — in which place Israel Putnam was born, January 7th, 1718. At the age of twenty-one years, Putnam purchased a tract of land in Pomfret, Conn., and took up his abode in that town — he having, about that time married a daughter of Mr. John Pope, of Salem. By dint of industry and frugality, he became one of the most successful agriculturalists in the town. He remained on his farm until the breaking out of the war between England and France, in 1755, when, at the age of thirty-seven years, he accepted a captain's commission in Lyman's regiment, and shortly afterwards marched with the troops to the north. From that date, until lie was disabled, he was almost constantly in the service of his country. The Putnams of Buckinghamshire, (from whom, as we liave seen, our hero derives his descent,) were a good old English family previous to the emigration. In Burke's" Complete Armory,'' the coat of arms is thus described : 60 434 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT, The character of Putnam was the result of our peculiar structure of society and the growth of our soil. A hero from his cradle, he needed not the tactics of the schools to give him discipline, nor the maxims of philosophy to make him brave. Like the ghost of Fingal rising in the mist of its hill, and unveiling its features to the moon, the fame of our chief- tian is just beginning to unfold itself in its colossal propor- tions. Already the eyes of the world are turned toward him. A monument is soon to stand above his grave that will be worthy of the spot. Let it be made of material solid as his integrity, and planted deep and immovable as the love that he bore to his country was seated in his heart, yet let it be costlv and rare as the lavish gifts that the creatine:; hand poured so plentifully upon him. Let it be simple and bold like his character ; above all, let it transmit the epitaph that has so long told the pilgrims who visit the tomb, that Putnam "dared to lead lohere any dared to follow /" "Puttenham, or Putnam, (Bedfordshire, and Penn, co. Buckingham,) Sa. erusily fitchee ar. a stork of the last. Crest — A wolf's head." It is a very significant symbol it must be admitted, for a Putnam. One would almost think that the original grantee must liave been an astrologer and cast the horoscope of his Yankee descendant. Of course, then, it was useless for the old she wolf to gnash her teeth and growl as her unwelcome guest entered her cave. Her fate had been recorded in the lierald's college ages before her invader was born. Our American Putnams are unquestionably descended from the noble family of Puttenhams, of Hants, of whicli mention is made by Burke in the paragraph which follows. It will be noticed that the description of the coat of arms is Bimilar, the crest excepted. " Puttenham, (Sherfield, Co. Hants, Visitation of 1634; Richard Puttenham, of Sherfield, Esq., grandson of Sir George Puttenham, of Sherfield, left an only daughter and heir, Anne, wife of Francis Morris, of Copwell.) Ar. erusily fitchee sa. a stork of the last. Crest, as the last." ' l.y ll.'Mfmiii.m ft.iiu a i».uim.,re by Cnl. Ti .mibuD , ij< Ih.' Tn,u.ln,;j G^.lk.i-jr. V.ilc C.llc ]L ITE m IE J.1L ^T?y (0) M TH .. l)Lu.v(Jy[iJuH/)r^ HoUi^stiT" HiS '■■,%•..[ CMiii-ulirnl CHAPTER XIX. THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES. It was by this time quite apparent that the articles of con- federation would not serve the purposes of a government that was expected to be anything more than provisional. The depreciation of its paper money, the boldness with which its authority was set at naught, as well by the colonies as by individuals, evinced clearly enough that, without regard to the dangers that might threaten the country from a foreign invasion, the government had no control over the inhabitants of the colonies who claimed its protection. Now that the one inspiring theme of independence had lost its power over the imagination, the confederacy was found to be but a rope of sand. In order, therefore, to strengthen the bonds of union between the states, and with the view of forming a central government of greater strength and efficiency, the Congress of the United States recommended to the several govern- ments that delegates should be appointed to form a special convention, to meet at Philadelphia, and deliberate upon the matter. Most of the states cheerfully and promptly responded to the recommendation, and elected the requisite number of delegates — nearly all of whom were men remarkable ibr their talents, patriotism, and public services. The convention met at the State House in Philadelphia, in May, 1787.* At the suggestion of Dr. Franklin, his excellency George Washington, was unanimously chosen President. t William Jackson was appointed secretary ; and * Tlic convention was culled to meet on tlie Mth of ]\T:iy ; but a quorum could not be procured until the 2.5th of that month. t Gordon, iii. 401. 436 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. a committee was appointed to take into consideration the manner of proceeding. The committee reported, and the convention agreed, that each state represented should be entitled to one vote ; and that seven states should constitute a quorum ; all committees were to be chosen by ballot ; the doors were to be closed ; and an injunction of secresy was placed on the debates. The members were even prohibited from taking copies of entries on the journals.* In a few days, about fifty delegates had presented their credentials and were sworn. They represented eleven of the thirteen states. Before the convention broke up, the dele- gates from another state arrived. The character of our legislature, and indeed of our people, at this time, could not have been better represented, than by the choice of delegates to attend this convention. They are to this day called to mind, and their familiar faces appear whenever the state, which was honored in doing them honor, is mentioned at home or abroad. Their names were William Samuel Johnson, Oliver Ellsworth, and Roger Sherman. Dickinson of Delaware, Johnson of Connecticut, and Rutledge of South Carolina, all of whom had acted so con- spicuous a part in the Congress of 1765, again had the oppor- tunity of renewing the reminiscences of a day antecedent to the Revolution. Franklin had been a member of the con- vention at Albany in 1754 — thirty-three years before. Wil- liam Livingston, George Read, Elbridge Gerry, Robert Mor- ris, Alexander Hamilton, Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, Edmund Randolph, and others of a similar cast — old men and young — the civilians, lawyers, and military leaders, who had counseled or fought in the Revolution, and others who had grown up to the estate of manhood under its auspices, were there, alike to testify to the frailty of the confederacy, and to devise a substitute for it. But what should that sub- stitute be ? This was a question not easily to be settled. Those gentlemen representing the large states of Virginia, * Ilildreth, iii. 4S2. [1787.] THE FEDERAL COXSTITUTIOX, 437 Massachusetts with tlie Carolinas and Georgia,* were in favor of a national government based upon proportionate representation ; while, on the other hand, the smaller states of Connecticut, New Jersey, and Delaware, with most of the delegates from Maryland and New York, were in favor of giving to the states, by virtue of their individual sovereignty, a power under the Constitution not depending upon numbers. The reader has seen that state sovereignty had been a favorite political maxim of Connecticut from the earliest times. Small as she was, she had been obliged to contend for her individuality with her whole strength in order to keep it. Governor Randolph was the first to speak upon the inade- quacy of the articles of confederation. He spoke with his usual earnestness and ability. At the close of his speech he offered a series of resolutions, fifteen in number, proposing important changes in the federal system. The main features of these resolutions were, a general legislature or congress having two branches — one to be chosen by the people accord- ing to the free population, or taxes ; while the other w^as to be selected by the first from candidates nominated by the state legislatures. It was also suggested that there should be a national executive, judiciary, and council of revision, to be elected by the proposed Congress. Randolph's resolutions, with another series from the pen of Charles Pinckney, were referred to the committee of the whole. The principal debaters in the committee were Randolph, Madison, and Mason, of Virginia ; Gerry, Gorham, and King, of Massa- chusetts ; Wilson, Morris, and Franklin, of Pennsylvania; Johnson, Sherman, and Ellsworth, of Connecticut; Ilamihon and Lansing, of New York ; the two Pinckneys, of South Carolina; Patterson, of New Jersey ; Martin, of Maryland; Dickinson, of Delaware ; and Williamson, of North Carolina. * The Carolinas and Georgia, which at that time embraced the present states of Tennessee, Georgia, and Alabama, anticipated that they should at no distant day contain a greater population than all the rest of the Union together. ' See Hildreth, iii. 486. 438 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. It is with pleasure that we contemplate the position of our little state in the long debates that followed. Three men could hardly have been selected from the whole body of the people, who were so different in their mental characteristics, and yet so well fitted to give weight and influence to each other. It will not be disp'^^,3d, as no one thought of disputing it then, that they were ail men belonging to the first rank of American statesmen. Sherman was of a grave and massive understanding, a man who looked at the most difiicult ques- tions, and untied their tangled knots, without having his vision dimmed or his head made dizzy. He appears to have known the science of government and the relations of society from his childhood, and to have needed no teaching because he saw moral, ethical, and political truths in all their relations, better than they could be imparted to him by others. He took for granted as self-evident the maxims that had made Plato prematurely old, and had consumed the best hours of Bacon and Sir Thomas More, in attempting to elaborate and reconcile the anomalies and inconsistencies of the British constitution. With more well-digested thoughts to communi- cate than any other member of the convention, he used fewer words to express his sentiments than any of his compeers. Indeed, his thoughts could hardly be said to be expressed but were rather incorporated with his language. His views, uttered in a plain though didactic form, seemed to be presented not so much in a course of reasoning as to be an embodiment of pure reason itself With a broad-based consciousness, extended as the line of the horizon where calm philosophy and wild theory meet and seem to run into each other, he saw at a glance the most abstruse i,ubjects presented to his consideration, and fused them down as if by the heat of a furnace, into globes of solid maxims and demonstrable propositions. Nor did he look merely at the present hour, but with a sympathy as lively as his ken was far-reaching, he penetrated the curtains that hid future generations from the sight of common men, and made as careful provision for the unborn millions of his country- [17S7.] TUE SIIEiniANS. 439 men, as for the generation that was then upon the stage of lite. Witii no false pride to sustain at the expense of virtue, or schemes of grasping ambition to gratify, with no favorites to flutter around him and claim the first fruits of his confi- dence and labors ; fearless to announce an opinion, as he was modest and delicate in his ii 'e of doing it, he was able at a moment's warning, to bring his best intellectual resources into the field of debate. These traits of character belonged to Sherman by the double tenure of inheritance and the endowments of nature. He was descended from the Shermans of Yaxley, in the county of Suftblk, England, as well as from the Wallers, the Yaxleys, and other families in the maternal line belonging to the solid landed gentry who had helped to frame the British constitution. Three members of the Sherman family emi- grated to America in 1G34. Two of them, Samuel Sherman, who soon removed to the valley of the Connecticut and was one of the strongest i)illars of the colony, and the Rev. John Sherman, who was famous throughout New Eng- land as the best mathematician and astronomer of the colo- nies, and one of the most eloquent preachers of that day, were brothers, and are not unknown to fame. The other emigrant, designated in our old books as Captain John Sherman, was their first cousin, and not inferior to them in moral worth if indeed he could be said to be in intellectual ability. He was a soldier of high courage, and that his education had not been neglected, his beautifully legible and clerkly hand which still perpetuates the records of Watertown, in jMassachusetts, as well as the phraseology of the records themselves, bear ample testimony. Roger Sherman was a grandson of this gentleman, and inherited the best traits of the family. But good lineage and intellectual powers of a high order, were not adequate of themselves to form such a character as Sher- man's. It was to be tried in the school of j'joverty, and to buflet the waves of adversity, before it could gain nerve and strength enough to bafile the sophistries of the British min- istry, defy the sword of a tyrant, or successfully oppose itself 440 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. to the headlong flood of popular passions. His personal his- tory, of which so much has been written and so little under- stood, is given in the subjoined note, and will show with what success he addressed himself to support his numerous brothers and sisters, and to overcome the obstacles of evil fortune.* , * The name of Sherman is by no means a common one in England, tliough it has been highly respected anil honored. Sir Henry Sherman was one of the exe- cutors of the will of Lord Stanley, Earl of Dei'by, county of Lancaster, dated 23 May, 152L William Sherman, Esq., purchased Knightston, in the time of Henry VIIL A monument toWm. Sherman, is in Ottery, St. Mary, 1542. John Sher- man, and his son both died in the same place, in 1617. John (above named,) married Dorotliy, sister of John Drake, Esq., of Arke. William Sherman, of Ottery St. Mary (county of Devon,) had a daughter Catharine, married to Gilbert Drake, of Spratsays, Devon. " Pedigree of Sher7nan, of Yaxley — From Davy's manuscript collections relat- ing to the county of Suffolk, (England,) deposited in the British Museum. 1. Thomas Sherman, (1st,) of Yaxley, county Suflblk, married Jane, daughter of John Waller, Gent., and had nine children, viz., Thomas, Richard, John, Henry, Richard, Francis, James, Anthony, and a daughter who married Lock- wood. 2. Thomas Sherman, (2d,) also of Yaxley, married Elizabeth, daughter of An- thony Yaxley, Esq., of Mollis. He was living in 1561. His children were — Thomas, Elizabeth, Anne, John, Rev. Richard, Owen, WiUiam, Margaret, and Faith. (3.) Thomas Sherman, (3d,) Gent., of Yaxley, and Stuston, (afterwards of Ipswich,) married a daughter of Thwaytes, of Hardingham, in Norfolk. His will is dated March 0, 1618, and was proved in 1619. To his wife Margaret, he gave a life-lease of his dwelling-house, after which it should go to his son John. To his son Thomas, he gave a house and lands in Swilland. His son Samuel, his " daughter Mary Tomlinson," his " daughter Carpenter," his " brother Alexander Sherman, late of Tyhenham, in Norfolk, deceased," and his two daughters, Margaret and Barbara, are also mentioned in liis will. I have good reason to believe that the John and Samuel of this family were none otlier than the Rev. John Sherman, of Watertown, Mass., and the Hon. Samuel Sherman, of Weth- ersfield, Conn. 3. John Sherman, second son of Tliomas Sherman, (2d,) and brother of Thomas Sherman, (3d,) married Anne, daughter of William Cane, and had eight children, viz.. Faith, William, Thomas, Eleanor, Jane, Milicant, Elizabeth, and Anne. He resided in Newark, Ijcicestershire. 4. William Sherman, eldest son of the preceding, married Mary Lascelles of Nottinghamshire. He was aged thirty-one years in 1G19. His son John, came to America, in 1G34, and settled in Watertown, Mass., near his coasin of the same name, from whom he is distinguished in history as Captain John Sherman. OLIVER ELLSWOETH. 441 Ellsworth was logical and argumentative in his nnode of illustration, and possessed a peculiar style of condensed statement, through which there ran, like a magnetic current, the most delicate train of analytical reasoning. His eloquence was wonderfully persuasive, too, and his man- ner solemn and impressive. His style was decidedly of the patrician school, and yet so simple that a child could follow K 5. Captain John Sherman, married Martha Palmer, and had five children, viz., Martha, Sarah, Joseph, Grace, and Jolin. He died January 25, IGilO. Martha, his widow, died February 7, 1700. 6. Joseph Sherman, (eldest son of Captain .Tohn,) married Elizabeth Winship, Nov. IS, 1673. They had ten eliildren, viz., John, Eilward, Joseph, Samuel, Jonathan, Ephraim, Elizabeth, William, Sarah, and Nathaniel. He died January 20, 1730-'3l. 7. William Sherman, married (1.) Rebecca Cutler, of Charlestown, Mass., and bad one son who died in infancy. He married (2d,) Mehetable, daughter of Benjamin Wellington, of Watertown, Mass., Sept. 13, llUy. Their children were, William, of New Milford, Mary, Roger, Elizabeth, Rev. Nathaniel, of Eedford, Mass., Rev. Josiah, of Woborn, (Mass.,) Goshen, and Woodbridge, (Conn.,) and Rebecca. 8. Hon. Roger Sherman, (son of William and Mehetable,) was born at New- ton, Mass., April 19, 1721. At the age of twenty years his father died, and the care of a large family thus early devolved upon him and his elder brother. In 1743, he removed to New Milford, and became a partner of that brother in the mercantile business. Two years after, Roger was appointed county surveyor ; and in 1754, he was admitted to the bar of Litchfield county. While a resident of New Milford, lie also became a justice of the peace, deacon of the church, repre- sentative, and justice of the quorum. Removing to New Haven, in 1761, he was soon chosen an assistant, and appointed a judge of the superior court, which office he held for twenty-three years. He was a member of Congress for nineteen years, and was a signer of the declaration of independence. He was a member of the council of safety, member of the convention which formed the Constitution of the United States, and United States Senator. He died July 23, 1793, aged seventy- two. Mr. Sherman's first wife was a daughter of Dea. Joseph Hartwell, of Stoughton ; his second wife was a daughter of Benjamin Prescott, Jr. Hon. Roger Minott Sherman, LL. D., was a son of the Rev. Josiah Sherman, (above named,) and was a nephew of the Hon. Roger Sherman. He was born in Woborn, Mass., in 1773, and graduated at Yale College in 1792, in wliich institution ho was for three years a tutor. In 1796 he was admitted to the bar, and soon commenced the practice of the law in Fairfield, where he resided until is death, l)ec. 30, 1844. He was frequently a member of both branches of the legislature, and was subsequently a judge of the superior court. Judge Sherman was one of the most accomplished and eminent men in the state. 4A2 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. without difficulty tlie steps by which he arrived at his con- clusions. That he also had the best judicial powers that were known in that elder age of our republic, will not be disputed. Add to these qualities, an eye that seemed to look an adver- sary through, a forehead and features so bold and marked as to promise all that his rich deep voice, expressive gestures and 7no)-al fearlessness, made good, add above all, that reserved force of scornful satire, so seldom employed, but so like the destructive movements of a corps of flying artillery, and the reader has an outline of the strength and majesty of Ells- worth.* Johnson, added to the gifts of nature that had been so un- sparingly lavished upon him, the ripest perfections of the scholar and the most astute discipline that the study of the civil code and the common law of England can impart to their self-sacrificing devotees. He had represented Connecticut in the Congress at New York in the year 17G5, where he had met the first men of the continent. The address of that body to the king, remonstrating against the course pursued by the ministry and the parliament toward the American colonies, flowed mainly * Josiah Ellsworth, of Windsor, was admitted a freeman in May, 1657, and was married to Mary Holcomb, Nov. IG, 1654. Their son Thomas Ellsworth, was born Sept. 2, 1665. William Ellsworth (son of Thomas,) was born April 15, 1702, was mari'ied to Mary Oliver, of lioston, June 16, 1737. Oliver Ellsworth, LL. D., son of William and Mary Ellsworth, was born at Windsor, Conn., March 24, 1746-'7, (as appears by the Windsor records,) and graduated at the College of New Jersey, in 1766. He soon became one of the most eminent legal practitioners in the colony. lie was successively a member of the council of his native state, delegate in the Continental Congress, judge of tho superior court, member of the national constitutional convention, and of the state convention which ratified the Constitution of the United States. He was also chosen one of the first United States Senators from Connecticut, and was appoint- ed chief justice of the supreme court of the United States, as the successor of Jay. In 1799, President Adams apjiointed him Envoy Extraordinary to France — a post which he acci'pted. Having accomplished the business of his embassy, he spent some time in England where he sought to avail himself of the benefit of its miner- al waters. Returning, he again became a citizen of his native state ,and was once more elected to the council, and in May 1807, ho was chosen chief justice of the state. He died at Windsor, November 26, 1807, aged sixty-five years. WILLIAil SAMUEL JOHNSON. 443 from his fervent soul and was most of it penned by liim. It is still preserved among the British archives, and evinces a lofty spirit of patriotism that miglit have breathed life into the dry bones of any administration based upon other principles than the spoils of office and the obstinacy of dis- appointed ambition. The very next year, the University of Oxford made him a doctor of laws, notwithstanding his efibrts in behalf of American liberty. His fame as a law- yer was also pre-eminent. In 1782, he had appeared as counsel for Connecticut in the celebrated Wyoming con- troversy, where he met the ablest advocates that Pennsyl- vania could bring into the field against him, and was acknowl- edged to have exhibited on that occasion unrivalled powers both of reasoning and eloquence."" These were formidable opponents when met single-handed; and united, they were irresistible. The resolution proposing to elect the first branch of Con- gress by the people, was met on the threshold by Sherman. He was in favor of a system of checks and balances that would guard the great mass of the voters from the intrigues of politicians. In this he was seconded by the delegates from Massachusetts and South Carolina. But Ellsworth and Johnson were in favor of the plan of electing one branch of the national legislature by the people. After an earnest debate, that called out an exhibition of talent and learning o that could at that time have been surpassed in no assembly * William Samuel Johnson, LL. D., eldest son of the Rev. Samuel Johnson, D. D., first President of King's (now Columbia) College, was born at Stratford, Conn., Oetober 7, 1727, and graduated at Yale College in 1744. lie was often a member of both branches of the Connecticut legislature, besides being a mem- ber of the old Congress of 17G5, and of the Continental Congress during the revolution. In 1766, he visited England as the agent of tlie colony, where he remained until 1771 ; and during the following year, he was elected a judge of the superior court. He was also, as we have seen, a member of the convention which formed the Federal Constitution, and of the convention which subsequently ratified it. In 1787, lie was elected a United States Senator, ami during the same year was chosen President of Columbia College, in New York, a ])ost which ho held until 1800, when he returned to Stratford, where lie died Nov. 14, 1819, aged ninety-three. 444 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. of men in the world, the proposition was carried. Having determined to elect one branch of Congress by the popular vote, the question then came before the committee for what term the members of that body should be chosen. Sherman, who had before taken what he thought to be more conservative ground than the Virginia delegates, proposed the term of one year. He was in favor of short terms. It made the mem- bers amenable to the power that elected them, and put them upon their good behavior. He did not desire that the new government should call into being and foster a class of poli- ticians such as had grown up under the shadow of the British parliament, and had, for a century and a half, in the shape of emissaries, colonial governors, and commissioners to settle boundary lines, preyed upon the people of this country. He was seconded in this view by Elbridge Gerry, his warm friend and ardent admirer, and by the other delegates from Connecticut, as well as by those of Massachusetts and South Carolina. Madison and his colleagues proposed three years for the same reason that Sherman had opposed the election by the people. This longer term was finally agreed upon. Sherman made the same objection to the length of time named by Mr. Randolph and advocated by Madison as the term of the senatorial office. Seven years seemed by the gentlemen from Virginia short enough. Randolph urged that "the democratic licentiousness of the state legislatures proved the necessity of a firm senate." Sherman argued differently. He had lived in a part of the world where the licentiousness of state legislatures was at that tvne a thing unknown, and where the voters — such was their stability — were in the habit of annually going through with the form of electing the same state officers and the same judges year after year, with the regularity of the sun and the tides, until the functionaries thus submitted so often to their scrutiny, and brought within their reach, either withdrew their names as candidates or died. With habitudes of mind formed under the operations of a free government instituted and kept alive by such a people, Sherman, who had more confidence in [its:.] debate in convention. 445 the masses than he had in those who might impose upon their credulity, found no difficulty in believing that seven years Avas too long a term of office. He used the same arguments that he had employed when advocating the annual choice of the members of the first branch of the legislature. The question was then agitated, how the second branch of the legislature should be chosen. Wilson proposed that the people should do it ; but this did not meet the approval of any state represented in the convention except Pennsylvania. Dickinson and Sherman spoke strongly in behalf of confid- ing this election to the legislatures of the respective states. This was hotly contested, but at last prevailed. The smaller states, of which Sherman was a principal champion, were afraid of being overwhelmed by the larger ones, and insisted that the upper or second branch of the legislature should be made up of an equal number of mem- bers from each state, without regard to population. Sher- man entered into this debate with his wiiole soul, and was ably seconded by his colleagues. Five states voted in favor, and six against the side that he so warmly espoused. It shows the prescience of this great man, that he advoca- ted before the committee, against such opponents as Rutledge and Butler of South Carolina, the same basis of representa- tion that now prevails in Connecticut, strenuously claiming that, the number of free inhabitants without regard to the property of the citizens, should form the basis of representa- tion. This recognition of the rights of citizenship, discon- nected with any consideration of land or money, shows how much he was in advance of the other members of the con- vention, and of the age in which he lived, in all that related to the elective franchise. After this, followed the debates in relation to the executive and the judiciary. The question as to whether the execu- tive should consist of one person or of several, was, after an animated debate, decided in favor of a single person — New York, Delaware, and Maryland voting in the negative. Wil- son then proposed that the national executive be chosen 446 niSTORY OF conxecticut. directly by the people. Sherman proposed that Congress should elect the President, and that he should be dependent upon that body. Other suggestions and propositions were made, but as no other plan could be agreed upon, that of Sherman was concurred in. As to the length of his term of service, the same difference of opinion existed. Sherman, Wilson, and others, advocated three years, with re-eligibility. Mason was in favor of seven years, and ineligibility ; and this was finally carried — Connecticut, the Carolinas, and Georgia, voting against it ; and Massachusetts being divided. The judiciary was long a subject of earnest consideration on the part of the convention. Numerous propositions and suggestions were made, the mass of which were voted down. It was at last determined that the judges should be chosen by the second branch of the national legislature ; and a veto upon all laws inconsistent with the articles of union or to treaties with foreign powers, was conceded to the executive. Such were some of the main features of the bill, which, on the 13th of June, was presented to the convention by the committee of the whole. Scarcely had the formularies, so long debated, been submitted to the convention, when the opposition, that was supposed by many of the friends of a consolidated government to have vanished before the eloquence and reasoning of the delegates representing the larger states, burst forth into a flame. Patterson, of New Jersey, and some others, appearing in behalf of the smaller states, had been brooding in secret over some propositions that had been adopted by the committee of the whole, that must, as they believed, should they receive the ultimate sanc- tion of the convention, prove fatal to the already feeble influ- ence of the smaller states in the general government. The vote of the committee, placing both branches of the legislature upon the same basis, of numerical representation, was especially offensive to the minority. Patterson, of New Jersey, Lansing, of New York, and others, representing the smaller states, had therefore performed the double duty of [ITS:.] DEBATE CONTINUED. 447 attending the debates, and preparing, as they found time, a system that embodied the sentiments of a portion of the minority which had been voted down. As soon as the Virginia scheme, as amended by the com- mittee, had been brought before the convention, this new one, then and since known as the "New Jersey Plan," was exhibited by Patterson. This scheme was as unhke the one ah'eady reported as could well be conceived. It proposed to retain the old Continental Congress, giving to it power to levy duties on imported goods, impose taxes, and regulate trade with other nations. By its provisions, the executive was to consist of more than one person ; a federal judiciary was to be instituted, and acts of Congress and treaties made with foreign powers were to be the supreme law.* It is not at all probable that either Patterson, or any of the other gentlemen who advocated the "New Jersey Plan," expected that it could ever receive, in the shape in which it was presented, the approbation of the convention. However, it served as a protest against the Virginia Plan, and certainly contained some provisions and embodied some principles of a highly important character, which in a modified form still survive in the Constitution of the United States, and give to it much of that solidity and at the same time expansive elas- ticity, which are so well adapted to the wants of our grow- ing millions and constantly increasing territory. As must have been anticipated, the two plans of govern- ment were referred to a new committee of the whole, and subjected to the ordeal of debate. While this discussion was going on, and waxing more and more warm, a new party appeared in the field, and with a fearlessness that amazed the contending factions, otTered battle to them both. This knight, bearing a "banner with a strange device," was Alex- ander Hamilton. Not only did he dissent from the Virginia and the New Jersey systems, but he diflered from the other New York delegates. He did not dare to trust the govern- ment in the hands of the people. He was afraid of republics, * Uildretli. iii. 492. " 448 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. and dreaded the shifting and changeable Proteus, called demo- cracy. He therefore proposed, that as the people had grown up under the firm rule of the British constitution, the new form of government should approach as nearly to that model as would be consistent with the character of our inhabitants and the multiform interests of the state governments. He desired that the executive and the second branch of the national legislature should be appointed during good behavior- He proposed that the executive should be called governor; that the senate should be chosen by electors whom the peo- ple should select ; that the first branch of the national legis- lature should be chosen by the people, with a three years' term of office ; that the governors should be appointed by the national legislature, and have the power of vetoing all the laws enacted by the state legislatures. Hamilton advo- cated this impracticable system, with an ability worthy of a better cause. Fortunately it was that there were in the convention so many delegates who had no theories either to adopt or to approximate, but who saw in the preservation of the state legislatures the principal safe-guard of the national government. To the smaller states, this one feature in the Hamilton plan would have been total destruction, and to the general government, a certain instrument of suicide. After making a speech in favor of his plan, and submitting a sketch of it in writing, he left the convention for a period of six weeks. The new system found few friends. The New Jersey plan fared little better; and after a short discus- sion, the vote in favor of the Virginia scheme, as amended, obtained a very decided majority. Connecticut voted unani- mously for reporting, as before, the Virginia plan to the con- vention. The debate was now resumed before the convention with fresh vigor, and every detail of the proposed constitution was subjected to the closest examination and severest criticism. The old wound that had been partially healed — the danger that the small states would be overwhelmed and lose their individual sovereigntv — was soon made to bleed afresh. To [1787.] . A NEW NAME. 449 allay the excitement, Ellsworth made a motion that the words, "government of the United States," should be sub- stituted for the offensive term, "national government," which sounded like a harsh synonym for consolidation, in the ears of the delegates from the smaller states. This motion pre- vailed ; but as the evil still existed though called by a softer name, the cause of complaint was by no means removed. How many votes the states were respectively to have in the legislature of the general government, was of more import- ance than the name by which that government was to be called. The discussion on this vital question grew more and more exciting as it advanced, and at last became bitter and vehement. Dr. Franklin moved that a chaplain should be chosen, and that prayers should be read, to bring the minds of the delegates to a right frame. Mr. Madison opposed the motion, fearing lest the measure, should it be adopted at that late hour, might startle the public with the anticipation of some desperate issue close at hand. A motion of adjourn- ment was substituted for the proposition of Franklin, which was carried, and the excited minds of the debaters had time to cool. The ratio of representation that had been adopted by the committee of the whole, for the first branch of the legisla- ture, finally prevailed in the convention. Then came the crisis of the debate. What should be the ratio in the second branch ? Ellsworth made a motion that the states should be equally represented in that body, and pressed home upon the committee all the arguments that such a mind as his could urge upon a question that seemed to involve the very existence of the state that he had been appointed to defend. His vast learning and clear powers of analysis were brought to bear upon this interesting question, and elicited the admira- tion even of the bitterest opponents of the motion. Breath- less as had been the silence that prevailed while the debate was going on, and while its result was yet doubtful, no sooner was it made known, than the pent up flames, that had been so long smothered in the breasts of the delegates from the Gl 450 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. f Iv ;" smaller states, burst forth like the fires of a volcano. Dis- cord reigned for a while in the chamber, and the convention seemed about to be shattered in pieces by its own explosive elements. Deeply as he felt the poison of the sting inflicted by this vote upon the bosom of the state for which he would gladly have died, Sherman was calm and self-possessed as if he had been placed there to represent the motions of the planets in their orbits or the unrelaxing grasp of the law of gravitation. Determined not to resort to extremes until the resources of reason and argument, and all the ordinary appliances by which men are wrought upon, had been exhausted, deter- mined most of all to govern himself that he might the better control others, he rose and moved that a committee of con- ference should be appointed of one delegate from each of the states represented there. This motion at once prevailed, and the convention adjourned for three days. The 4th of July was celebrated during the period of the adjournment, and lent the warm light of liberty to the temperate counsels of the more moderate members of the convention. • Dr. Franklin proposed to the committee of conference, that the states should be equally represented in the second or upper branch of the legislature, and that all bills of appro- priation should originate with the first orpopular branch, which was to be chosen in accordance with the three-fifths ratio, and upon a basis of one representative to every forty thou- sand inhabitants. The delegates from the larger states were deeply chagrined that they should have fallen into the net spread for them by Sherman, before their eyes, while the members of the old minority were delighted at the result of the experiment. Side issues now arose, that diverted the current of discus- sion from the main question, how the states should be repre- sented in the upper branch. The national party then brought forward the consideration of the question, on wliat basis the members of the popular branch of the legislature should be chosen, and how many there should be. This inquiry [17S7. THE APPORTIOX.MEXT. 451 branched off into a variety of issues more or less complex, that tended to distract the attention of the delegates and divide their minds. The mode of apportioning the members of the lower house, was referred to a select committee of five, who reported in favor of fifty-six members, to represent the states according to the two most important elements, of wealth and population. The number recommended was thought to be too small, and the distribution wrong. A second select committee was chosen, to review this jjart of the report of the former one. This investigation was more fortunate, and resulted in the presentation of a plan of appor- tionment that was satisfactory, and finally became a part of the constitution. It gave to the several states a representa- tion as follows : — Virginia, ten ; Pennsylvania and Massachu- setts, each, eight ; Maryland and New York, each, six ; Con- necticut and the Carolinas, each, five ; New Jersey, four ; New Hampshire and Georgia, each, three ; and Delaware and Rhode Island, each, a single representative. This progress, so highly encouraging, was suddenly arrested by the inquiry, how the future apportionment should be made. This brought up the most delicate and still vexed question of negro slaverv. Patterson was opposed to any scheme by which slaves, not counted in the representation of the state governments in which they were respectively owned, should form any part of the basis that was to support the first branch of the national legislature. If they were treated as property where they belonged, he expressed him- self unable to see why they should stand on a difterent foot- ing in relation to the general government. Madison replied that if this was to be the rule, the claims of the smaller states to an equal representation in either branch of the legislature, to preserve their sovereignty and guard their property, were equally without foundation. Governor Morris proposed to leave this matter of future proportionment to the legislature. Rutledge expressed him- self in favor of this proposition. Randolpli, Mason, and Wilson, were opposed to it on the ground tliat it would place 452 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. the majority in the power of the minority. They thought the matter should be settled then, once for all. Randolph suggested that a periodical census should be taken, and that it should govern the apportionment. Williamson moved, by way of amendment, that in taking the proposed census, the whole number of freemen and three-fifths of all others, should be the rule of apportionment. Butler and Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, were in favor of having the slaves and freemen alike taken into account in the representative estimate. Morris was opposed even to the three-fifths basis, because he thought it favored the slave-trade, and that the slave-trade was a curse. Butler's proposition to count blacks equal with the whites, was readily voted down, as it was supported only by the three states of South Carolina, Georgia, and Delaware. Then came up the motion of Williamson, that slaves should count three to five in the census. This motion was also defeated. Randolph's proposition in relation to a periodical census, shared the same fate. The report of the committee, recommending that future apportionments should be made by the legislature according to wealth and numbers, was the next topic of consideration. Morris made a motion that taxation should be in proportion to representation — which was adopted. This called out Davie, of North Carolina. "He was sure," he said, "that North Carolina would never confederate on any terms that did not rate them at least as three-fifths. If the eastern states meant, therefore, to exclude them altogether, the business was at an end.'' Here was the old fire-brand again thrown into the convention. It was obvious that Davie had hit upon the most sensitive nerve of the south, and that the delegates from the slave-states would not yield the point. It was then that the gentlemen repre- senting Connecticut came forward as mediators.* Johnson expressed it as his opinion that population was the surest * A highly respectable authority from Massachusetts, who has laid the wh';le world under gi-eat obligations to hiin, has represented the delegates from Connec- ticut as " aspiring to act as mediators." Had he said that they were emphati- cally the gentlemen in the convention from the eastern states to mediate successfully, the remark would have been more accurate. Such men as Roger [1787.] BASIS OF REPRESENTATION. 453 measure of wealth. He said he was wilHng that blacks as well as whites should be counted. This was a greater con- cession than Ellsworth thought it necessary to make. He therefore called up the motion made by Williamson, that all the whites and three-fifths of the blacks should constitute the basis of taxation, and that taxation should be the basis of representation. This proposition thus amended and simplified, finally prevailed, after a protracted debate. The delegates from Connecticut all voted for it ; New Jersey, and Dela- ware, against it ; while Massachusetts, and South Carolina,' were divided. The proposition reported by the committee of one from each state, that the states should be equally represented in the second branch of the national legislature, seemed after this discussion more likely to meet with favor than it had before done, now that the three-fifths compromise had been thrown into the scale. It was therefore renewed. Still an- other attempt was made to qualify it in a very essential degree by Charles Pinckney, who moved that the proposed legislative body should consist of thirty-six members — five from Virginia, four from each of the states of Pennsylvania, and Massachusetts, three from each of the states of Connec- ticut, New York, Maryland, and the Carolinas, while New Hampshire and Georgia, were each to send two, and Dela- ware and Rhode Island, one each. Of course the Virginia delegation advocated the proposition with all their eloquence. This debate brought out Sherman and Ellsworth, who both opposed the amendment, and contended for an equal repre- sentation in the senate, without regard to the size of the states. As the Connecticut delegates had been the mediators in relation to a point regarded so vital by the slave-holding states, they were able, aside from their intrinsic weight of character, to wield a mighty influence in this discussion. Gerry, as he usually had done during the debate, fell in with the views of Sherman, and Strong also voted in the same Sherman, Oliver Ellsworth, and William Samuel Johnson, seldom aspire to any- thing beyond what nature has fitted them to do. 454 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. way. Pinckney's motion was lost, and the report of the committee was then adopted — Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, and North Carolina, voting in the afhrinative, and Virginia, Pennsylvania, South Carolina, and Georgia, with a part of the Massachusetts delegates, in the negative. New York had long before retired from the con- vention in disgust. It was now the turn of the consolidating party to be alarmed. Rising with the dignified solemnity that sat so gracefully upon him, Randolph moved that the convention should adjourn. He wished to give the large states time to " con- sider the steps proper to be taken in the present solemn crisis, and that the small states might also deliberate on the means of reconciliation." This piece of dramatic acting, admirably played off as it was, was met by another equally adroit. Pat- terson, treating the motion for adjournment as a proposition to bring the convention to an end, turned the guns of his opponent upon him with great effect. "He thought it was indeed high time to adjourn ; that the rule of secrecy ought to be rescinded, and their constituents consulted. No con- ciliation could be admissable on the part of the smaller states on any other ground than equality of votes in the second branch. If Mr. Randolph would reduce to form his motion to adjourn sine die, he would second it ivith all his heart." Randolph rose to explain. He declared that he only pro- posed to adjourn until the next da}^, to give time to devise some plan of agreement. The motion prevailed. A consultation was held by the delegates from the larger states. Some advised a separate union among themselves ; others were averse to it. The next day a motion was made to reconsider. It was lost. Thus, inch by inch, was the legislative branch of the con- stitution debated in the convention, with an unwearied per- sistency and courage that did honor to both parties. Then came the consideration of the executive office, which was finally adjusted with much equanimity of temper on the part of all concerned. The great questions for consideration, [1787.] PRESIDENTIAL TERM. 455 were the mode of electing the President, his term of oftice, and his re-ehgibility. Once it was voted that the choice should be made by electors appointed for that purpose by tiie state legislatures, and the number of such electors to which each state should be entitled was agreed upon. This was recon- sidered, and the choice was given to the national legislature. In relation to the length of the presidential term, great diver- sity of opinion existed. Six years, was once agreed upon, and then reconsidered. "During good behavior," was voted for by the states of New Jersey, Delaware, Pennsylvania, and Virginia — but was not carried. The term of four years was retained. The report of the committee of the whole, as amended, was adopted by the convention, and referred to a special commit- tee of detail, consisting of Rutledge, Randolph, Gorham, Ellsworth, and Wilson. To this committee also were refer- red Patterson's New Jersey plan, and the draft made by Charles Pinckney. Motions were made, instructing this committee to report property qualifications for the executive, the judiciary, and the members of the legislature — a proposi- tion which was advocated by jNIadison and Gerry, and opposed by Dickinson, one of the wealthiest men in the con- vention, who thought the object aimed at might better be obtained by limiting the right to vote for President to free- holders. It was, however, carried — Connecticut, Pennsyl- vania, and Delaware, voting in the negative. The committee of detail, after deliberating for ten days, brought in a rough sketch of the constitution, as it now stands. The name of Congress, was given to the national legislature; the first branch was designated as the House of Representatives, and the second branch as the Senate. The chief executive officer of the government was called a President. Several important items in the constitution were again discussed and amendments were proposed, but no material alterations were made. Thus amended and finally adopted by the conven- tion, the constitution was sent into the several states for ratification. 456 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT. • In Connecticut, a convention to ratify the constitution nnet at Hartford, on the 3d of January, 1788. Over this con- vention, the Hon. Matthew Griswold, of Lyme, presided, and Jedediah Strong, Esq., of Litchfield, was its secretary. On the 4th, the debates were opened by Oliver Ellsworth in a speech of which the following is believed to be a substan- tially accurate report. It is copied from the " Connecticut Courant." " Mr. President, — It is observable, that there is no preface to the proposed Constitution ; but it evidently pre-supposes two things ; one is, the necessity of a federal government, the other is the inefficiency of the old articles of confedera- tion. A union is necessary for the purposes of national defense. United, we are strong; divided, we are weak. It is easy for hostile nations to sweep off a number of separate states one after another. Witness the states in the neighbor- hood of ancient Rome. They were successively subdued by that ambitious city, which they might have conquered with the utmost ease if they had been united. Witness the Canaanitish nations, whose divided situation rendered them an easy prey. Witness England, which, when divided into a number of separate states, was twice conquered by an inferior force. Thus it always happens to small states, and to great ones, if divided. Or if to avoid this, they connect themselves with some powerful state, their situation is not much better. This shows us the necessity of our combining our whole force ; and as to national purposes, becoming one state. A union, sir, is likewise necessary, considered with rela- tion to economy. Small states have enemies as well as great ones. They must provide for their defense. The expense of it, which would be moderate for a large kingdom, would be intolerable to a petty state. The Dutch are wealthy, but they are one of the smallest of the European nations, and their taxes are higher than in any other country of Europe. Their taxes amount to forty shillings per pound, while those of England do not exceed half that sum. [1788.] SPEECH OF ELLSWORTH. 457 We must unite in order to preserve peace among ourselves. If we are divided, what is to hinder wars from breaking out among the states ? States, as well as individuals, are subject to ambition, to avarice, to those jarring passions which disturb the peace of society. What is to check these ? If there is a parental hand over the whole, this, and nothing else, can restrain the unruly conduct of the members. Union is necessary to preserve commutative justice between the states. If divided, what is to hinder the large states from oppressing the small ? What is to defend us from the ambition and rapacity of New York, when she has spread over that vast territory which she claims and holds? Do we not already see in her the seeds of an overbearing ambition ? On the other side there is a large and powerful state. Have we not already begun to be tributaries ? If we do not im- prove the present critical time, if we do not unite, shall we not be like Issachar of old, a strong ass crouching down between two burdens ? New Jersey and Delaware have seen this, and have adopted the constitution unanimously. A more energetic system is necessary. The present is merely advisory. It has no coercive power. Without this, government is ineffectual, or rather, is no government at all. But it is said such a ])Ower is not necessary. States will not do wrong. They need only to be told their duty, and they will do it. I ask, sir, what warrant is there for this assertion? Do not states do wrong ? Whence come wars ? One of two hostile nations must be in the wrong. But it is said, among sister states this can never be presumed. But do not we know, that when friends become enemies, their enmity is the most virulent ? The seventeen provinces of the Nether- lands were once confederated ; they fought under the same banner. Antwerp, hard pressed by Phillip, applied to the other states for relief. Holland, a rival in trade, opposed, and prevented the needful succors. Antwerp was made a sacrifice. I wish I could say, there were no seeds of similar injustice springing up among us. Is there not in one of our states injustice too barefaced for eastern despotism ? That 458 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. State is small ; it does little hurt to any but itself. But it has a spirit, which would make a Tophet of the universe. But some will say, we formerly did well without any union. I answer, our situation is materially changed. While Great Britain held her authority, she awed us. She appointed gov- ernors and councils for the American provinces. She had a negative upon our laws. But now, our circumstances are so altered, that there is no arguing what we shall be from what we have been. It is said that other confederacies have not had the princi- ple of coercion. Is this so? Let us attend to those con- federacies which have resembled our own. Some time before Alexander, the Grecian states confederated together. The Amphyctionic council, consisting of deputies from those states, met at Delphos, and had authority to regulate the gen- eral interests of Greece. This council did enforce its decrees by coercion. The Beotians once infringed upon a decree of the Amphyctions. A heavy mulct was laid upon them. They refused to pay it. Upon that, their whole territory was confiscated. They were then glad to compound the mat- ter. After the death of Alexander, the Achaian League was formed. The decrees of this confederacy were enforced by arms. The ^Etolian League was formed by some other Grecian cities in opposition to the Achean, and there was no peace between them till they were conquered, and reduced to a Roman province. They were then all obliged to sit down in peace under the same yoke of despotism. How is it with respect to the principle of coercion in the Germanic body ? In Germany there are about three hun- dred principalities and republics ; deputies from there meet annually in the general Diet to make regulations for the empire. But the execution of these is not left voluntarily with the members. The empire is divided into ten circles — over each of which a superintendent is appointed with the rank of major-general. It is his duty to execute the decrees of the empire with a military force." [178S.] SPEECH OF ELLSWORTH. 459 [The Swiss Cantons and the Dutch repubUc are next re- ferred to and brieily considered.] "But to come nearer home, Mr. President, Iiave we not seen and felt the necessity of such a coercive power ? What was the consequence of the want of it during the kite war, particularly towards the close ? A few states bore the burden of the war. While we, and one or two more of the states, were piiying eighty or one hundred dollars per man to recruit the continental army, the regiments of some states had scarcely men enough to wait on their oflicers. Since the close of the war, some of the states have done nothing towards complying with the requisitions of Congress ; others, who did something at first, seeing that they were left to bear the whole burden, have become equally remiss. What is the consequence ? To what shifts have we been driven ? We have been driven to the wretched expedient of negociating new loans in Europe to pay the interest of the foreign debt. And what is still worse, we have been obliged to apply these new loans to the support of our own civil government at home. Another ill consequence of this want of energy is that treaties are not performed. Tlie treaty of peace with Great Britain was a very favorable one for us. But it did not hap- pen perfectly to please some of the states, and they would not comply with it. The consequence is, Britain charges us with the breach, and refuses to deliver up the forts on our northern quarter. Our being tributaries to our sister states is a consequence of the want of a federal system. The state of New York raises sixty or eighty thousand pounds a year by impost. Connecticut consumes about one third of the goods upon which this impost is laid ; and consequently pays about one third of this sum to New York. If we import by the medium of Massachu- setts, she has an impost, and to her we pay a tribute. If this is done, when we have the shadow of a national government, what shall we not sutler when even that shadow is yone ? If we go on as we have done, what is to become of the 460 HISTOKY OF CONNECTICUT. foreign debts ? Will foreign nations forgive us this debt, because we neglect to pay ? or will they levy it by reprisals as the laws of nations authorize them ? Will our weakness induce Spain to relintjuish the exclusive navigation of the Mississippi, or the territory which she claims on the east side of that river ? Will our weakness induce the British to give up the northern posts ? If a war breaks out, and our situa- tion invites our enemies to make war, how are we to defend ourselves ? Has government the means to enlist a man, or buy an ox? or shall we rally the remainder of an old army? The European nations I believe to be not friendly to us. They were pleased to see us disconnected from Great Britain ; they are pleased to see us disunited among ourselves. If we continue so, how easy it is for them to canton us out among them, as they did the kingdom of Poland. But supposing this is not done, if we suffer the union to expire, the least that can be expected is that the European powers will form alli- ances, some with one state, and some with another, and that we shall be involved in all the labyrinths of European politics. But I do not wish to continue the painful recital. Enough has been said to show, that a power in the General Govern- ment to enforce the decrees of the union, is absolutely necessary. The constitution before us is a complete system of legisla- tive, judicial, and executive power. It was designed to supply the defects of the former system ; and I believe, upon a full discussion, it will be found calculated to answer the purposes for which it was designed." Dr. Johnson followed on the same side of the question. The paragraph which relates to taxes, imposts, and excises, was largely debated by several gentlemen. " Monday, Jan. 7. — General Wadsworth objected against it, because it gave the power of the purse to the general legislature ; another paragraph gave the power of the sword ; and that authority which has the power of the purse and sword, is despotic. He objected against imposts, and excises, because their operation would be partial and in favor of the RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION. 461 southern states. He was replied to by Mr. Ellsworth, at considerable length. The convention finished debating on the constitution by- sections. It was compared critically and fully. Suffice it to say, that all the objections to the constitution vanished, before ihe learning and eloquence of Johnson, the genuine good sense and discernment of a Sherman, and the didactic strength of Ellsworth, who like the Earl of Chatham, spoke on this occasion with the authority of an oracle. The grand question was moved by General Parsons, and was seconded by General Huntington. Upon the general discussion of the subject, His Excellency Governor Hunting- ton, and Governor Wolcott, both addressed the convention in favor of ratifying the Constitution. Mr. Law and other gentlemen followed. The question being put, the vote stood : Yeas, 128 Nays, 40 Majority, 88 RATIFICATION. " In the name of the people of the State of Connecticut : " We the delegates of the people of said state in General Convention assembled, pursuant to an act of the legislature in October last, have assented to and ratified, and by these presents do assent to, ratify and adopt the Constitution reported by the convention of delegates in Philadelphia, on the 17th day of September, A. U., 1787, for the United States of America. "Done in Connecticut, this 9th day of January, A.D., 1788. In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands." After having presented to the reader the foregoing facts, and the appeal of Ellsworth to the delegates, it cannot be thought immodest in us to claim for Connecticut, what Cal- houn, the great southern statesman, admitted in the Senate of the United States in 1847, "that it is owing mainly to the 462 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. states of Connecticut, and New Jersey, that we have a federal instead of a national governnaent — the best govern- ment instead of the most intolerable on earth. Who are the men of those states, to whom we are indebted for this admira- ble government ? I will name them — their names ought to be engraven on brass and live forever. They were Chief Justice Ellsworth, and Roger Sherman, of Connecticut, and Judge Patterson, of New Jersey. The other states farther south were blind ; they did not see tlie future. But to the coolness and sagacity of these three men, aided by a few others not so prominent, we owe the present Constitution."* However we are to decide the question of state sovereignty growing out of the construction of the Constitution, the facts stated in the paragraph just quoted, are not to be disputed. Without the delegates from Connecticut, the Constitution could not have been adopted, and we may repeat the prayer of Sir William Blackstone, in relation to the basis of the British government, as better applicable to our own — "Esto Perpetua." Let the fate of this noble structure, under which we have grown up to be the first republic of the earth be what it may, the influence of Ellsworth, Sherman, and Johnson, cannot be lost upon the world. * The application of this extract from Calhoun's speech was first made by Dr. Bushnell, in his " Historical Estimate," one of the best specimens of the " multum. inparvo,'^ to be found in American letters. ly "\ ■4*^ I; / ?^ <^ <^/^ ^ 7 CHAPTER XX. NEW AND DERIVATIVE TOWNS. Litchfield county was organized in 1751 ; Middlesex county in 1785 ; and Tolland county in 1786. Lebanon is composed of several tracts of land, which were united by agreement among the planters about the year 1700. The first clergyman of the town, the Rev. Joseph Parsons, was settled in November, 1700. Here were born and lived the two governors Trumbull, as well as other distinguished members of that and other families. Lebanon was an impor- tant place in the revolution. Washington, Franklin, Jeffer- son, Lafayette, Rochambeau, and other patriots of that day, came here to consult with the elder Trumbull. De Lauzun's legion of cavalry wintered here ; and at this place Washing- ton reviewed the French regiment. On running the boundary line between Connecticut and Massachusetts, in 1713, the towns of Woodstock, Suffield, Enfield, and Somers, (embracing the entire northern frontier of Connecticut then inhabited,) had been somewhat infor- mally surrendered to the jurisdiction of Massachusetts. The people of those towns repeatedly remonstrated against it, and seemed determined to throw oft' their allegiance to a government to which they had thus been annexed without their consent. In May, 1747, the General Assembly of this colony, in response to an application made by these towns, appointed commissioners to meet such as might be appointed by Massachusetts, and consult and report on the matter in (juestion. At the end of two years, finding that no amicable adjustment could be made between the two governments, the General Assembly of Connecticut resolved, that inasmuch as the said agreement iiad never received the royal con- firmation, and the resi)ective governments having no authority 464 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. or power to give up, exchange or alter their jurisdiction, the agreement was declared void, and the towns were received under the jurisdiction of Connecticut. Massachusetts appeal- ed to the crown, but, after a fair hearing, the claim of Con- necticut was fully established. Woodstock was settled by inhabitants of Roxbury, Massa- chusetts, as early as 1687, and was called New Roxbury ; but received its present name in 1690. It is situated near the north-east corner of the State, and is eight miles long and seven miles broad. General William Eaton, American Consul to Tunis, was a native of Woodstock. Suffield was the residence of General Phineas Lyman, whose name often appears in this volume ; and was also the birth-place of Gideon Granger, Post Master General of the United States. Suffield is the seat of the " Connecticut Literary Institution," an academy in high repute throughout the Union. Enfield lies on the east side of the Connecticut river, with the Massachusetts line for its northern boundary. It was settled as early as 1681, by emigrants from Salem, Massa- chusetts, being at that time a part of Springfield. The town has produced many persons of distinction, and contains a thriving agricultural population. The " Shaker Settlement " in Enfield has attracted much attention. Reading, in Fairfield county, was incorporated in 1761. The township is said to have derived its name from Colonel John Read,* an early and principal settler. In the winter of 1779, as I have elsewhere stated, Major-General Putnam had his winter-quarters in Reading. Reading was the birth- place of Joel Barlow, the poet and diplomatist. f Chatham was a part of Middletown until October, 1767. James Stanclift'and John Gill were the first settlers in 1690; William Cornwell became a resident in 1703. In 1710, there * Colonel Read had a park of ten or fifteen acres, in which he kept deer. He died in 1786, aged 85 years. t In Reading also was born the Hon. Samuel G. Goodrich, of Boston, late American Consul to Paris ; and well known as the popular author of "Peter Parley's " works. EAST WINDSOR AND SOUTHINGTON. 465 were but nine or ten families within the limits. The town embraces Chatham parish, East Hampton parish, a greater part of the parish of Middle Haddam, and a portion of the parish of West Chester. East Windsor was a part of the old town of Windsor until 17G8, when it was organized as a distinct town. The settlement began there in 1(580 ; and in 1095, an ecclesiasti- cal society was formed, and the Rev. Timothy Edwards was ordained as the first minister of the place. The "Theological Institute of Connecticut" was established here in 1834. Among the distinguished men who were born in East Wind- sor, were Roger Wolcott, major-general in the expedition against Louisbourg in 1745, and afterwards governor; Oliver Wolcott, signer of the Declaration of Independence, and governor of Connecticait ; John Fitch, inventor of the first steamboat ; and Jonathan Edwards, the greatest of Ameri- can divines. Southington, previously a part of Farmington, was incor- porated as a town in 1779. The first settlers bore the names of Woodruff, Langdon, Lewis, Newell, Root, Andrews, Gridley, Hart, Barnes, Clark, &c. It is a thriving manufac- turing and agricultural town. Washington, in the county of Litchfield, was set off from Woodbury and incorporated as a town in 1779. The first sermon preached there was by Mr. Isaac Baldwin, of Litch- field, who subsequently relinquished the ministry, and became the first clerk of the court of common pleas in Litchfield. The first minister settled here was the Rev. Reuben Judd, who was ordained Sept. 1st, 1742. The fol- lowing eminent men were born in Washington, viz : Daniel N. Brinsmade, judge of the county court for sixteen years, representative at forty-three sessions, and clerk of the House of Representatives ; Captain Nathan Hickox, a gentleman distinguished both in public and private life for his talents, integrity, ^md infiuence ; Frederick Whittlesey, member of Congress from the State of New York, and Vice Chancellor ; Ebenezer Porter Mason, one of the most eminent astrono- 62 4:66 ! HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. mers of his age — of whom Sir John Herschel speaks " as a young and ardent astronomer, a native of the United States, whose premature death is the more to be regretted, as he was, so far as I am aware, the only other recent observer who has given himself, with the assiduity that the subject requires, to the exact delineation of nebulae, and whose figures I find at all satisfactory."* Cheshire, originally a parish of Wallingford, was incorpo- rated in 1780. The first minister, the Rev. Samuel Hall, was ordained as a pastor in December, 1724. The Rev. John Foot was settled as Mr. Hall's colleague in March, 1767. The Episcopal Academy in this town was incorpora- ted in 1801, and has the reputation of being one of the best academic institutions in Connecticut. Cheshire was the birth-place and residence of the late Hon. Samuel A. Foote, LL.D., governor, and United States senator. The parish of Westbury, in Waterbury, was incorporated as a town by the name of Waterlown, in 1780. It contains some of the finest farms and most enterprising agriculturists in Litchfield county. The Rev. John Trumbull was the first pastor of the church in this place. His son of the same name became famous as a judge, and as the author of " McFingal."* The late learned Professor Matthew Rice Button, of Yale College, was a native of Watertown. East Hartford, in Hartford county, and Woodbridge, in New Haven county, were incorporated as towns in 1784. Hartland contains 17,654 acres, and is bounded north on the Massachusetts line, south on Barkhamsted,east on Granby and west on Colebrook. The proprietors held their first meeting in Hartford, on the 10th of July, 1733, and immedi- ately attempted to sell the lands ; but more than twenty years elapsed before any permanent settlement was made within the limits of the township. In the spring of 1753, *Tho Rev. Jeremiah Day, D.D., LL.D., of New Haven, Hon. TIioniasDay, LL.D., of Hartford, Hon. Elisha Whittlesey, of Ohio, Prof. Elisha Mitchell, D.D., of the University of North Carolina, and Rev. Nathaniel S. Whcaton, D.D., ex- President of Washington College, (now Trinity College,) arc also natives of Washington. NORFOLK. 467 John Kendall, with his family, moved on to the lands, but, through fear of the Indians, he left during the following year. In 1754, Deacon Thomas Giddings, from Lyme, became a permanent resident of the township ; and the next year two other families joined him. In 1757, the settlement consisted of eight families. The location of Hartland being quite on the Indian frontier, and the lands being rough, wild, and altogether uninviting to the eye of the pioneer, it was long before a sufficient number of inhabitants had settled there to form either a civil or ecclesiastical organization. The town was incorporated in 17G1 ; and in 17G8, the Rev. Sterling Graves was ordained and settled as the first pastor of the church. Uriel Holmes, senior and junior, were among the most prominent men in the town. The hitter removed to Litch- field where he was chosen a judge, and member of Con- gress. Norfolk is an elevated township, bordering upon Massa- chusetts, and was laid out nine miles in length and four and a half miles in breadth. It was oflered for sale at Middle- town in 1742, at which time but a small part of the lands were disposed of; and the first settlements were made upon the tract in 1744, or soon after, by Titus and Cornelius Brown, from Windsor, and John Turner and Jedediah Rich- ards, from Hartford. The sale of the lands in Norfolk was not completed until 1758. The town was incorporated in the year last named, at which date there were but twenty- seven families within its limits. Among the early settlers were Ezra, Ebenezer, and Samuel Knapp, and James Bene- dict, all of Danbury ; Jacob Spaulding, and Isaac Holt; Jacob and Samuel Mills, Asahel Case and Samuel Cowles, all of Simsbury ; Samuel Manross, from Farmington ; and Joshua Whitney, from Canaan. The Rev. Annni Ruhamah Robbins, a native of Branford and a graduate of Yale Col- lege, was ordained as the first pastor of the church in Nor- folk, October 28, 1701.* Though the lands of this township • Among the citi/ens of Norfolk partiL-ularly (Kserving of notice, I may name the late Joseph Battell, Esq., a guntlcnian distinguislicd for his wealth, enterprize, 468 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. are rough and broken, they sustain an intelhgent, patriotic, and thriving population; while an abundance of water-power is turned to good account in driving the machinery of various manufacturing establishments.! Barkhamsted was granted to the people of Windsor in 1732, and contains, by estimation, 20,530 acres. The first person who made a permanent settlement within the limits of the town, was Pelatiah Allyn, from Windsor, about the year 1748. He remained the sole inhabitant for a period of more than ten years. The next person who located on the tract was Israel Jones, from Enfield, in 1759. Among the other principal settlers were William Austin, Joseph Shepard, John Ives, Joseph Wilder, Asa Case, and Jonathan King. There were but twenty families in the town in 1771, and the act of incorporation was not passed until 1779. The Rev. Ozias Eells, the first pastor of the church, was ordained January, 1787. Winchester constituted a part of the tract that was partitioned out among the Hartford patentees at a proprie- tors' meeting, holden on the 5th of April, 1732, and continued by adjournment to the 27th of September following. The township contained 20,380 acres, and was named at the May session, 1733. It was incorporated in May, 1771 ; and the first pastor was settled in the town, November 11, 1772. The village of Winsted, which is situated in this town, is the present terminus of the Naugatuck railroad, and is one of the most thriving and enterprising localities in the State. The first settler of Colebrook was Benjamin Horton, who located himself about three-fourths of a mile south of the centre, on the Norfolk road, in December, 1765. Joseph Rockwell came into the town a few weeks later. Joseph Seymour, Nathan Bass, and Samuel Rockwell, soon followed, and benevolence; and the late Hon. Augustus Pettibone. General George B. Holt, a prominent citizen of Dayton, Ohio ; Rufus Pettibone, Judge Supreme Court of Louisiana ; Rev. Thomas Robbins, D.D., of Hartford ; Lewis Riggs, member of Congress from the State of New York. «fec., were born in Norfolk. + See Hist. Norfolk, by Anson Roys — 1847. TOWNS ORGANIZED. 4G9 and commenced clearing their lands and erecting their dwellings. The town was organized in 1786 ; and the Rev. Jonathan Edwards, D.D., was settled as the first pastor in 1795. He was elected President of Union College in 1799, and was succeeded in the pastoral office in Colebrook by the Rev. Chauncey Lee, D.D.* These townships, comprising the northern and north- eastern portions of Litchfield county, were the last of the original towns in the colony both in point of settlement and organization. The tract was only known previous to the revolution by the name of the " Green Woods." Its hills, mountains, and morasses, were covered by a dense growth of evergreens, which, in the winter, moaned in sad concert with the howl of the wolf and the war-whoop of the red man, where now smiling villages, quiet, rural homesteads, fruitful fields, and the cheerful hum of industry, bear indisputable witness to the transforming hand of civilization and Chris- tianity. The towns of Franklin, Bristol, Berlin, East Haven, and Thompson, were organized in 1785. The year 1786 was more prolific in the institution of new towns than any of its predecessors or successors. Elling- ton, Montville,t Preston, Brooklyn, Hampton, Lisbon, Boz- rah, Warren, Granby, Hamden, North Haven, and South- bury, all came into the confederacy during that year, and were vested with all the rights and privileges of their elder associates. Each has contributed its quota to the prosperity and glory of our little commonwealth ; each has a history of its own, that is waiting for the labors of the local histo- rian and chronicler for its full and perfect development. To him we earnestly commend the praise-worthy task. *Rev. Rufus Babcoek, D.D., late President of Watcrville College, Maine, Hon. Julius Rockwell, Speaker of the Massachusetts House of Representatives, member of Congress and United States senator, are natives of Colebrook. + The first pastor of the church in Montville, was the Rev. James Ilillhousc, who was settled in 1722, and died in 1710, aged 53. lie was the founder of a family distinguished for their talents and public services. 470 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Weston in Fairfield county, and Bethlem in Litchfield county, were made towns in 1787. The latter is particular- ly distinguished as the scene of the pastoral labors of the Rev. Joseph Bellamy, D.D., one of the most learned and renowned preachers and authors of his day, who spent his entire ministerial life in this retired rural parish. He died in 1790, in the seventy-second year of his age, and in the fiftieth of his ministry ; and was succeeded in the pastoral office by the Rev. Azel Backus, D.D., afterwards President of Hamilton College, New York.* Brookfield, in Fairfield county, was incorporated in 1788, having been formed from parts of New Milford, Danbury, and Newtown. Between the last mentioned date and the year 1800, inclu- sive, Huntington, Sterling, Plymouth, Wolcott, Oxford, Columbia, and Trumbull, were incorporated as distinct towns. From the commencement of the present century down to the period of the adoption of the Constitution, the following towns were organized, viz : New Canaan, Roxbury, Sherman, Burlington, Canton, Marlborough, Middlebury, North Stonington, Vernon, Griswold, and Waterford. Roxbury was originally a part of Woodbury, and was incorporated in 1801. Colonel Seth Warner, of the revolu- tionary army, Hon. Nathaniel Smith, member of Congress, Hon. Nathan Smith, United States Senator, Hon. Truman Smith, United States Senator, and John Sanford, member of Congress from New York, were born in Roxbury. General Ephraim Hinman, and the Hon. Royal R. Hinman, were long residents of the town. Southbury was a part of Woodbury until 1786, when it was incorporated as a town, and remained a part of the * In Bethlem were born the lion. Samuel J. Hitchcock, LL. D., Professor of Law in Yale College ; David Prentice, LL. D., Professor of Mathematics in Geneva College, N. Y.; Harvey P. Peet, LL. D., President of the New York Insti- tution for the deaf and dumb ; Laurens Hull, M. D., of Alleghany county, N. Y., President of the State Medical Society, representative and senator in tho N. Y. Legislature. BRIDGEPORT. 471 county of Litchfield for about twenty years thereafter, when it was annexed to New Haven county. I cannot close this chapter without so far overstepping tiie chronological bounds I had marked out tor myself, as to notice the flourishing town and city of Bridgeport. Though it has sprung into existence since the adoption of the Consti- tution, a history of the state would be imperfect without at least a reference to its rise and progress. Previous to the date of its incorporation as a town in 1821, Bridgeport form- ed a part of the parish of Stratfield, in Stratford. In 183G, the city of Bridgeport was incorporated ; in 1837, its popu- lation was 3,4 IG ; in 1850, the number of its inhabitants had increased to seven thousand five hundred and thirty- eight. The stable character of its population, their business habits, the central position of the city, its neatness, the style of its buildings, the beautiful hills that crown it, and which are already covered with splendid mansions and elegant villas, all prophecy the brilliant future of Bridgeport and bespeak the vitality of the principles and blood of the old coast towns the descendants of whose pioneers are gathered there. J CHAPTER X'XI MISCELLANEOUS EVENTS. WAE OF 1812. HARTFORD CONVENTION, The state and federal governments having been establish- ed, the people of Connecticut, cheered with the prospect of continued peace, gradually recovered from their pecuniary embarrassments, and from the physical and social evils that inevitably follow in the train of war. Soldiers and officers, the council of war, committees of safety and inspection — royalists and republicans — all swore allegiance to the new constitution and government, laid aside their badges of dis- tinction, and were content and proud to be known by the honorable title of American citizens. Measures were at once adopted and the requisite steps taken by our legislature, to adapt the laws and local govern- ment to the new order of things. William Samuel Johnson, and Oliver Ellsworth, were elected senators to the General Congress ; and Messrs. Jonathan Sturges, Roger Sherman, Benjamin Huntington, Jonathan Trumbull, and Jeremiah Wadsworth, were chosen representatives in that body. Acts were passed regulating the subsequent election of members of both houses of Congress. Oliver Wolcott, Jr., Samuel Holden Parsons, and James Davenport, were appointed com-v^ missioners on the part of this state, to negotiate a treaty with " the Indians who occupy the territory reserved by Connecticut in their cession to the United States."* For a period of more than twenty years from the date of the ratification of the Federal Constitution, few events occur- red within the limits of our state worthy to be noted by the pen of the historian. The usual elections occurred, the legislature held its regular semi-annual sessions, laws were passed, amended and repealed, various alterations in the * State Records, MS. EQUAL RIGHTS. 473 national constitution were proposed and considered, and the ordinary current of public aflairs flowed smoothly on. In October, 1791, an act was passed which professedly secured "equal rights and privileges to christians of all denominations in this state," About the same time, statutes were passed for the encouragement of manufactures, for reorganizing the militia of the state, and for procuring the sale of the western lands. At the October session, 1793, the legislature passed the following resolve. It indicates a spirit of liberality which was far from being common at that period. " Be it enacted, That the monies arising from the sale of the territory belonging to this state, lying west of the state of Pennsylvania, be, and the same is hereby established as a perpetual fund, the interest whereof is granted and shall be appropriated to the use and benefit of the several ecclesi- astical societies, churches or congregations, of all denomina- tions, in this state, to be by them applied for the support of their respective ministers or preachers of the gospel, and schools of education, under such rules and regulations as shall be hereafter adopted by this Assembly. "f The Assembly of the state having, in 1792, granted to those citizens of Connecticut whose property had been destroyed by the British, a tract of half a million acres of Ohio lands, it was, in May 1795, ordered that all deeds con- veying those lands to others should be recorded in the clerk's office in the town or towns where the damage of the original grantee was sustained. The "Connecticut Land Company " soon after purchased other western lands of the state ; and in October, 1797, in compliance with the petition of the company referred to, Connecticut surrendered to the United States her jurisdiction over the territory. Previous to the commencement of the present century, the public roads of the state appear to have been much neg- lected, and the difficulties of intercommunication between the several towns were correspondingly great. About the year 1795, the subject of turnpike roads began to attract much * State Records, MS. 474 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. attention. For several years thereafter, the number of char- tered companies continued to be multipHed, until nearly all the important towns of the state were reached by the net- work of turnpikes. These lines were extended, from time to time, and new lines were constantly added. The system did much to improve the facilities of travel, and answered a good purpose, until superceded by the greater works of inter- nal improvement which have since changed the face of the world. Soon after the close of the Revolution, the boundary line between Connecticut and Massachusetts became a subject of contention. In May, 1791, the legislature was officially notified by the governor of Massachusetts, that in conse- quence of disputes that had arisen, commissioners had been appointed on the part of that state to unite with those of Connecticut in adjusting the matter. Our legislature at that time declined taking any action upon the subject. In Octo- ber, 1793, however, the Hon. Oliver Ellsworth, Roger New- bury, and Gideon Granger, Jr., were appointed commission- ers to ascertain and establish the line between the two states from Connecticut river westward to the state of New York. In May, 1801, it was resolved, that inasmuch as the former commissioners had not, for various reasons, attended to the object of their appointment, Aaron Austin, Zephaniah Swift, and Eliphalet Terry, should be appointed in their stead. They were vested " with the same powers in every respect, as were given to said former commissioners." Two years subsequently, the work not having been completed on account of the disagreement of the commissioners, Aaron Austin, Nathaniel Terry, and Thaddeus Leavitt, were appointed to perfect the line. In the mean time, the gallant sons of Connecticut were adding to the fame of the young republic by their heroic con- duct in a distant land. In May 1801, Jussuf Caramalli, Bashaw of Tripoli, (who had deposed his brother Hamet,) cut down the flag-stafT of the American consulate. This act was a virtual declaration of war. Commodore Preble [1801.] GENEKAL EATON's EXPEDITION. 475 having failed in his efibrts to liunible the usurper, General Wilham Eaton, a native of Connecticut, who iiad for some years been tiie American consul at Tunis, conceived the idea of restoi'ing the exiled llamet, and through him, of elfecting a permanent peace. With this project in view, General Eaton visited the United States; and having obtained the sanction ol his government, he re-embarked in July, 1804, on board the Argus sloop of war, with the squadron of Com- modore Barron, who was directed to cooperate with Eaton in tlie enterprise. A few days after the commodore took the command before Tripoli, he sent the Argus under command of Captain Isaac Hull, (also a native of Connecticut,) to Alexandria, with General Eaton, where they arrived on the 20th of Novem- ber. From this place, accompanied by some of the officers of the squadron, Eaton proceeded to Cairo. The viceroy of Egypt received them with favor, and readily granted permis- sion to Ilamet to leave his dominions unmolested, notwith- standing he had been fighting against the government with the discontented Mamelukes.* The deposed prince gladly accepted the proposals of Eaton, and they soon raised about five hundred men — of twelve different nations — including eleven Americans and seventy or eighty Greeks and French- men. If he had possessed means of subsistence for so many, the commander could have enlisted thirty thousand men for the expedition. On the Gth of March, the little army entered the desert of Lybia, and after a fatiguing march of fifty days, during which time they had traversed more than six hundred miles of desert-sands and surmounted innumerable obstacles, they encamped in the rear of the city of Derne, on the 2Gth of April.* Captain Hull, during this time, iiad made his way back to Malta for orders and stores, and by the middle of April, with the ships Argus, Nautilus, and Hornet, was cruising along the coast in the vicinity of Derne, awaiting the arri- ' Cooper. + Allen, Coopor, Blake. 476 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. val of the overland army. Ascertaining soon after, that Eaton had encamped about a league from the shore, Captain Hull landed a field-piece with some stores and muskets, in charge of a few marines of the corps. The order of attack having been agreed upon, at two o'clock P. M., April 27th, a furious assault upon the town was commenced at the same instant from the land and from the ships. The enemy made a spirited defense, but the town and fortress were com- pelled to surrender before night-fail. Only fourteen of the assailants had been killed and wounded. General Eaton being among the latter. The number of men engaged in the attack, including the marines and sailors, was about twelve hundred ; while the place was defended by three or four thousand. Jussuf, the reignins: Bashaw, soon collected a formidable army, and attempted to regain the town, but was defeated in a battle fought on the 13th of May, and met with a complete repulse on the 10th of June. Eaton was preparing to push his conquests still farther, but was arrested by a treaty of peace.* Though the people and authorities of Connecticut have always yielded suitable obedience to the " higher powers," they have not so uniformly submitted to what they have regarded as unjust or unwise acts, without expressing their dissent. The act of Congress of December 22, 1807, declar- ing an unlimited embargo, for all the purposes of foreign commerce, on every port in the Union, was considered by the great mass of our citizens, as unnecessary and oppressive in its operations. The legislature, at the October session, after expressing an apprehension that silence on their part " might be construed to imply the want of a disposition to * See Cooper's Naval Hist. ; Pease and Nilcs' Gaz. ; Allen's Biog. Die. Gen- eral Eaton was born in Wootlstock, Feb. 2.3, 1764. At the age of sixteen, he ran away from home and joined the army, but subsequently graduated at Dartmouth college. In 1797, he was appointed eonsul to Tunis, and continued in that office for about nine years. On his return to this country, he settled in Brimfield, Mass., and in 1807, represented that town in the legislature. He died June 1, 1811, aged forty-seven. [ISII.] THE EMBARGO. 477 protect, or an intention to betray, the dearest rights of their constituents," proceeded to pass a series of stringent resolu- tions, indicative of their feehngs and sentiments in relation to that "unprecedented crisis." "We maintain," say they, "that the right freely to navigate the ocean, w^as, like our soil, transmitted to us as an inheritance from our forefathers, and the enjoyment of this right is secured to us, as a free and sovereign state, by the plighted faith of the United States." After detailing, however, the oppressive burdens and grievances brought upon the people of this state by the operations of the act referred to, they adtl, in the true spirit of patriotic obedience, "we rely, nevertheless, on the further patient and faithful regard to public order, in the hope that the Congress will, at their approaching session, on a knowl- edge of these distresses, speedily decide that a removal of them is compatible with the peace, honor, and happiness of the United States." Congress having on the Otli of January, 1800, passed an act "to enforce and make more effectual" the embargo, an extra session of the legislature was called in the succeeding February, on account of the "great national emergency." A series of resolutions, and an address to the people of Con- necticut, were adopted, and two thousand copies w-ere ordered to be printed and circulated ; and a like number of copies of the offensive act was directed to be distributed with the resolves and address. In May, 1811, the subject was again brought before the legislature, and a series of resolutions, similar in their purport to those already adverted to, was adopted. The commercial interests of the state were prostrated ; the ordinary business of the inhabitants along the line of our sea-coast was neces- sarily suspended ; and the consequent distress which prevailed in many places so exasperated the people that some were ready for open rebellion against the General Government. The Assembly, alarmed at the extent of this feeling, while it recognized the right and duty of the people to defend "the liberties and independence of the state, as well as of the 478 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. United States, against every aggression," exhorted the citi- zens to " continue to cherish an attachment to social order, the principles of our repubHcan institutions and the Constitution of the United States, as essentially con- nected with the liberty they so highly prize ; and to enter- tain the hope that the General Government will abandon a course of measures so distressing to individuals, so debasing to the national spirit and character, and so inefficacious for the protection of the rights and honor of the United States ; and that they remain assured that the General Assembly of this state, participating in the sentiments and sufferings of the people by whom they are chosen, will never lose sight of their commercial rights and interests."* The train of events finally led to a result that had long been anticipated. On the 18th of June, 1812, the govern- ment of the United States declared war against Great Britain. It is needless to go into the causes which led to such a decla- ration, A long series of insults and aggressive acts on the part of our old enemy, including the impressment of our seamen and indignities offered to our flag, were the alleged occasions of an appeal to arms for a redress of grievances. The views of the people of Connecticut in relation to this important step are expressed in the following paper. It is copied from the manuscript records of the doings of the Assembly, at their special session in August of that year : "The Legislature of the State of Connecticut, specially convened to consult the welfare and provide for the defense of the state at this interesting and eventful period, avail themselves of the opportunity thus afforded to declare and resolve — " That while some of their sister states offer assurance of their unqualified approbation of the measures of the General Government, in respect to our foreign relations, we confi- dently trust that the motives which influence us to declare what we believe to be the deliberate and solemn sense of * State Records, MS. [1812.] MANIFESTO OF CONNECTICUT. 479 the people of this state, on the question of the war, will be justly appreciated. "The people of this state view the war as unnecessary. " Without pretending to an exclusive or superior love of country to what is common to their fellow-citizens, or arro- gating a preeminence in those virtues which adorn our his- tory, they yield to none in attachment to the Union, or vene- ration for the Constitution. The Union, cemented by the blood of the American people, is endeared to our best affec- tions, and prized as an invaluable legacy bequeathed to us and our posterity by the founders of our empire. "The people of this state were among the first to adopt the (Constitution. Having shared largely in its blessings, and confidently trusting that under the guardianship of the peo- ple, and of the states, it will be found competent to the objects of its institution, in all the various vicissitudes of our aflairs, they will be the last to abandon the high hopes it aflbrds of the future prosperity and glory of our country. " These sentiments of attachment to the Union and to the Constitution, are believed to be common to the American people, and those who express and disseminate distrust of their fidelity to both or either, we cannot regard as the most discreet of their friends. "Unfortunately our country is now involved in that awful conflict which has desolated the fairest portions of Europe. Between the belligerents, Great Britain is selected for our enemy. We are not the apologists of the wrongs of foreign nations — we inquire not as to the comparative demerits of their respective decrees or orders. We will never deliberate on the choice of a foreign master. The aggressions of both nations ought to have been met at the onset, by a system of defensive protection commensurate to our means, and adapted to the crisis. Other counsels prevailed, and that system of commercial restrictions, which before had dis- tressed the people of Europe, was extended to our country. We became parties to the continental system of the French emperor. Whatever its pressure may have been elsewhere, 480 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT, on our citizens it has operated witii intolerable severity and hardship. " In the midst of these sufferings, war is declared, and that nation of the two is selected as a foe, which is capable of in- flicting the greatest injury. In this selection we view, with the greatest solicitude, a tendency to entangle us in an alli- ance with a nation which has subverted every republic in Europe, and whose connections, wherever formed, have been fatal to civil liberty. " Of the operation of her decrees on the American com- merce, it is not necessary here to remark. The repeal of them, promulgated in this country since the declaration of war, virtually declares that the American government was not to be trusted. Insult is thus added to injury. "Should a continuance of this war exclude our sea-faring and mercantile citizens from the use of the ocean, and our invaluable institutions be sacrificed by an alliance with France, the measure of our degradation and wretchedness would be full. "War, always calamitous, in this case portentous of great evils, enacted against a nation powerful in her armies, and without a rival on the ocean, cannot be viewed by us but with the deepest regret. A nation without fleets, without armies, with an impoverished treasury, with a frontier by sea and land extending many hundred miles, feebly defended, waging a war, hath not first "counted the cost." "By the Constitution of the United States, the power of declaring war is vested in Congress. They have declared war against Great Britain. However much this measure is regretted, the General Assembly, ever regardful of their duty to the General Government, will perform all those obligations resulting from this act. With this view, they have at this session provided for the more effectual organization of the military force of this state, and a supply of the munitions of war. These will be employed, should the public exigencies require it, in defense of this state, and of our sister states, in compliance with the Constitution — and it is not to be [1S12.] THE WAK. 481 doubted, but that the citizens of this state will be found, at the constitutional call of their country, among the foremost in its defense. "To the United States is delegated the power, to call forth the militia to execute the laws, to suppress insurrection, and to repel invasions. To the states respectively is reserved the entire control of the militia, except in the cases specified. In this view of that important provision of the Constitution, the legislature fully accord with the decision of his excellency the governor, in refusing to comply with the requisition of the General Government for a portion of the militia. While it is to be regretted that any ditlerence of opinion on that sub- ject should have arisen, the conduct of the chief magistrate of this state, in maintaining its immunities and privileges, meets our cordial approbation. The legislature also enter- tain no doubt that the militia of the state will, under the direction of the captain-general, be ever ready to perform their duty to the state and nation, in peace or war. They are aware that in a protracted war, the burden upon the militia may become almost insupportable, as a spirit of ac- quisition and extension of territory appears to influence the councils of the nation, which may require the employment of the whole regular forces of the United States in foreign con- quest, and leave our maritime frontier defenseless, or to be protected solely by the militia of the states. "At this period of anxiety among all classes of citizens, we learn with pleasure, that a prominent cause of the war is removed by a late measure of the British cabinet. The re- vocation of the orders in council, it is hoped, will be met by a sincere spirit of conciliation on the part of our administra- tion, and speedily restore to our nation the blessings of a solid and honorable peace. "In the event of the continuance of the war, the legisla- ture rely on the people of Connecticut, looking to Him who holds the destinies of empires in Ilis hands, to maintain those institutions which their venerable ancestors estab- lished, to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges 63 482 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. which their fathers acquired and which are consecrated by their blood." Although our people had steadily opposed the principles and measures that had led to the declaration of war, yet when they saw the country actually involved in the contest, they had too much patriotism to remain inactive. At the same session of the legislature that originated and sent forth this document, the quarter-master-general was authorized and directed to purchase for the state, in addition to the arms and artillery that had already been contracted for, "three thousand muskets, three thousand cartouch boxes, eight pieces of brass artillery of six pound calibre, and the neces- sary apparatus, six thousand pounds of powder, seventy thousand flints, and five tons of musket balls." A military force was also ordered to be forthwith raised in the state, to consist of two regiments of infantry, four companies of artil- lery, and four companies of cavalry, "to hold themselves in readiness for the defense of the state, to enforce the laws of the Union, to suppress insurrections and repel invasions, dur- ing the present war, — subject only, to the order of the com- mander-in-chief of this state." This resolve of the legislature, together with the previous action of Governor Griswold, which was in strict accordance with the wishes and intentions of the Assembly as above ex- pressed, was the occasion of much remark at the time, and attempts have since been made to cast reproach upon the state for the stand she took on that occasion. Whether the measures pursued by our state were worthy of praise or blame, it is proper to remark, that our harbors and shipping were in a most exposed condition ; the fortifications along the coast had been neglected, and were decaying ; and most of the regular troops had been withdrawn from the sea- board.* It should be remembered, also, that even when under a kingly government, the Connecticut troops were usually enlisted with the express proviso that they should be . . * iVudrews' Eulogy, p. 32. [1812] STATE RIGHTS. 483 under the command of their own officers, and their wishes in this particular had been generally acceded to. A similar feeling seems to have still existed not only among the soldiers but on the part of the state authorities. The governor, there- fore, had refused to comply with a requisition from General Dearborn, for troops to be under the command of officers of the regular army, on the two-fold ground that the constitu- tional exigencies authorizing such a call did not exist, and that the militia "could not be compelled to serve under any other than their own officers, with the exception of the presi- dent himself when personally in the field." He argued, that by the Constitution of the United States, the entire con- trol of the militia is given to the state governments, except in certain specified contingencies, viz., "to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions ;" and as he contended that neither of these exigences actually existed, he could not constitutionally answer the call made upon him. In this decision he was fully sustained by the council, which consisted of the lieutenant-governor and twelve assistants."* That Governor Griswold and the council of Connecticut carried the doctrine of "state rights" farther than a true regard to the interests and powers of the confederacy will justify, is now pretty generally conceded, at least at the north. But if they erred in one direction, it is equally true that the course of the national government was not altogether in accordance with the dictates of justice. As if to revenge upon New England for her opposition to the war and the measures that had led to it, her six hundred * The question vvliether the governor of a state had a riglit to decid(,' in regard to the existence of the exigences contemplated by the Constitution of the United States, was referred by tlie autliorities of Massaeliusetts to the supreme court of that state. The court gave its decision in the aflirmative. At the session of the General Assembly in August, the following resolution was passed. " Resolved, Tliat tlic conduct of his excellency the governor, in refusing to order the militia of this state into the service of the United States, on the requisi- tion of the Secretary of War, and Major-General Dearborn, meets with the entire approbation of this Assembly." 484 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. miles of sea-coast had been left almost entirely defenseless. Not only had the ships of war been withdrawn from our waters, but the United States' troops that had, in times of peace, been stationed at the forts along the coast, had been ordered away — at a moment, too, when, in the w'ords of the secretary of war, "there was imminent danger of the invasion of the country."* I have deemed it incumbent upon me to say thus much on a subject that once elicited much attention throughout the Union, and concerning which many misrepresentations have gone abroad. The militia of the state, in large numbers, were frequently called out, not only for purposes of self- defense, but for the defense of the property of the United States. At New London, they were long employed in pro- tecting the government squadron. The only ground of con- tention was, whether the militia of the state should be under the command and control of the state or of the United States. At the same time, the gallantry of Captain Hull, on the ocean, was a theme of general admiration throughout the country. His noble frigate, the Constitution, rode the waves "like a thing of life," outstripping the fleetest sails of the enemy in the chase, f while her heroic commander seemed to defy the thunders of the boasted mistress of the seas. During the month of August, Captain Hull had captured several prizes, and on the 15th of that month, he achieved his celebrated victory in the capture of the Guerriere, com- manded by Captain Dacres, one of the ships that had so lately chased the Constitution off' the New York coast. Taking on board the remnant of the officers and crew, as prisoners of war, together with the sick and wounded. Captain Hull set fire to the wreck of the Guerriere, and returned to Bos- * Letter from secretary Eustis, to Lieutenant-Governor Smith, of Connecticut, dated July 14th, 1812. t On one occasion, the Constitution was chased for three days and three nights by some eight or ten British ships of war. They were all at last compelled to abandon the pursuit. [1812.] GOVERNOR GRISWOLD. 485 ton, where he arrived on the 30th. "It is not easy," says Cooper,* " at this distant day, to convey to the reader the full force of the moral impression created in America b}^ this vic- tory of one frigate over another. So deep had been the effect produced on the pubhc mind by the constant account of the successes of the English over their enemies at sea, that the opinion of their invincibility on that element gener- ally prevailed ; and it had been publicly predicted that, before the contest had continued six months, British sloops of war would lie along side of American frigates with comparative impunity. But the termination of the combat just related, far exceeded the expectations of the most sanguine." The loss of the Constitution was only seven killed, and seven wounded. On the other hand, the Guerriere was completely dismasted, had seventy-nine men killed and wounded, and, according to the statement of her commander, when on trial before a court-martial for the loss of his ship, "she had received no less than thirty shots as low as five sheets of copper beneath the bands. "f During the sitting of the October session, his excellency, Governor Griswold, died at his residence in Norwich. He was a gentleman of high character and commanding talents ; a true patriot, wise in council, and efBcient in action. His decease, particularly at that interesting period of our history, was felt to be a public calamity. J The Lieutenant-Governor, * " Naval History," vol. ii. p. 56, 57. + In October, 1817, the lefjislature of this state " Resolved, That they enter- tain a high and respectful sense of the virtues, gallantry, and naval skill of their fellow-citizen, Commodore Isaac Hull, that an elegant sword, and pair of i)istols, both mounted with gold, with suitable inscriptions, and manufactured in tliis state, be procured ; and that his excellency the governor, be respectfully requested to present the same to the commodore, with a copy of this resolve, as honorary tokens of the high esteem in which he is held by the people of this state, for his personal worth and public services : and that his excellency be requested to do tliis in a manner which he shall deem most expressive of the sincerity of that csti'em." J The Hon. Roger Griswold, LL. D., was a .son of the Hon. Matthew Griswold formerly governor of the state, and was born in Lyme, May '21, 17G2. Having graduated at Yale College, and completed his professional studies, he commenced the practice of law iu Norwich, in 1783, and soon became an eminent advocate. 4i6 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. John Cotton Smith, became the acting governor, and in May following, he was duly elected to that office. On the 4th of December, Commodore Decatur, wath the frigate United States, attended by his prize, the Macedonia, came into New London harbor. In April following, a formidable British fleet passed through the Sound. The British flag was raised on Block Island, while Sir Thomas Hardy, in the flag-ship Ramillies, with other vessels, cruised along the coast. On the 1st of June, Decatur's squadron, consisting of the frigates United States and Macedonia, and the sloop-of-war Hornet, having sailed from New York, attempted to pass out to sea by way of Montauk, but were arrested in their progress near the entrance to the Soui>J by Commodore Hardy, and driven into New London harbor. The enemy's ships anchored off" Gull Island, so as to com- mand the mouth of the river, and completely blockaded the port. The British fleet having been soon after augmented by the arrival of two ships of the line, two frigates, and several smaller vessels, it was anticipated that the enemy would either bombard the city, or sail up the river and attack the American squadron. The militia from the neighborhood were summoned to the coast, the specie of the banks was conveyed to Norwich, and the women and children, together with such valuables as could readily be removed, were car- ried back into the country. Great anxiety and confusion prevailed for several days in New London, nor could quiet be restored until it was ascertained that the enemy had la 1792, when but thirty-two years of age, he was elected to Congress, and re- mained a member of that body for a period of ten years. In 1801, he was nomin- ated for the post of Secretary of AVar, buthedechned to accept it. In 1807, ho was appointed a judge of the superior court ; in 1809, he was chosen heutenant-gov- ernor ; and in 1811, he became governor of the state. He died at Norwich, Oct. 25, 1812, aged fifty years. The legislature appointed Calvin Goddard, Theodore Dwight, and Frederick Wolcott, of the Council, and Messrs. D. Humphrey, Putnam, Sherwood, and N. Terry, of the House, a committee to attend the funeral. Elizur Goodrich, A. Smith, Hubbard, and Caldwell, were appointed a committee to make arrangements for suitable public services in Hartford ; and the Hon. David Daggett, was chosen to pronounce a funeral eulogy. [1813.] THE TORPEDO. 487 selected their anchorage ground about five miles from the city. Even then, as the blockade was kept up, a reinforce- ment or any unusual movement among the ships, was sulHcient to ai'ouse the suspicions of the people, and not unfrequently occasioned great alarm. The American ships having been taken as far up the river as possible, Decatur threw up intrenchments on Allyn's mountain, from which point he had a fine view of the harbor.* Toward the latter part of June, an American schooner called the Eagle, had been fitted out as a kind of torpedo vessel, and sent into the Sound. As she had a show of naval stores on board, she was captured by the British a short dis- tance west of New London — the crew having effected their escape to the shore in the small boats. The captors attempted to tow their prize up to the Ramillies, but not succeeding in this, they anchored her about three-fourths of a mile from that vessel. In three hours after her seizure, the Eagle blew up with a tremendous explosion, throwing a shower of pitch and tar upon the Ramillies, and filling the air with timbers and stones. A second lieutenant, and ten men, who were on board, were instantly killed, and several men in the small boats were badly wounded. The hold of the Eagle, under the appearance of ballast, contained four hundred ])ounds of powder, with a quantity of ponderous stones, and destructive implements, together with a secret piece of mechanism, which wiien set in motion, would explode in a given length of time.f In consequence of this event, the blockade was extended to vessels and boats of every descri])tion, and was kept up with more rigor than ever. About the same time, General Burbeck, in obedience to the orders of the General Government, arrived from New- port, and assumed the military command of the district. As the governor and legislature claimed the control of the militia * Caulkins' New London. t Caulkins' Ilist. of New J^onJou. This was one of Eushnfll's " Anicrieau Turtks." 488 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. of the state, the troops stationed at New London, numbering about one thousand, were dismissed on the 12th of July, by order of the secretary of war, and the town was left without a single soldier on duty. Simultaneously with this event, it was ascertained that the fleet of the enemy had been rein- forced, and as the firing of cannon had commenced on board the ships, the greatest panic was excited among the people on shore. They charged the General Government with hav- ing betrayed them, and purposely left them to destruction. General Burbeck himself appears to have participated in the alarm, and at once applied to the governor for a temporary force, who authorized General Williams to call to his aid as many of the militia as the circumstances of the case might seem to demand. Commodore Decatur, tired of the inglorious idleness forced upon him by the blockade, had long meditated a plan of escape. During the months of October and November, his ships had been quietly dropping down the river toward New London, and by the 1st of December, they were anchored in the harbor, opposite market wharf, where everything was put in the best trim for sailing. His designs were, so far as pos- sible, kept a profound secret, both from friend and foe. The night of the 12th of December, which had been fixed upon for the attempt, proved to be dark and the wind favorable, and as soon as the tide turned they were to set sail. While thus waiting, word was brought to Decatur, that at different times between eight and ten o'clock, blue lights had been seen on both sides of the river, near its mouth. It was imagined by the timid, that they were designed as signals to the enemy to be on their guard. The Commodore gave heed to the stories, instantly relinquished his plan of escape, and never again attempted it. The story of the "blue lights" was eagerly circulated throughout the country, and an attempt was made to cast re- proach upon Connecticut, by stigmatizing her citizens as traitors. It is to be lamented that in some instances the partizan press of a later day, within our own borders, for the BLUE LIGHTS. 489 accomplishment of party ends, have not scrupled to reiterate the statement, and attempt to fasten the stigma of treachery upon the state. It may be difiicult, at this distance of time, to decide upon the facts in the case. That the story was confidently denied and disbelieved by many of the most intelligent persons in New London, at a time when all the facts and circumstances that could be elicited on the subject, were fresh in the minds of the public, of itself aflords sufficient grounds for a reasonable doubt in the case. It was averred that "accidental lights kindled by fishermen, or the gleams from country windows, or reflec- tions from the heavens upon water, might have been mista- ken for treasonable signs.''* But even if the lights were designed as a warning to the enemy, it does not follow that they were kindled by the torch of the traitor. The officers and soldiers of the British fleet had free access to tlie city, and to the adjacent coast. " It was rumored," says Miss Caulkins, "that spies were often in town, under various dis- guises, and that suspicious persons appeared and disappeared strangely." It is not unreasonable to infer that officers from the fleet might have mingled with the crowds of anxious citi- zens who daily gathered at the corners of the streets, in the hotels, or other public places — that they secretly watched the movements of Decatur and his men — that they ascer- tained their intentions of attempting to escape during that very night. If "traitors" could contrive to possess them- selves of the secret, why might not an accomplished spy do it? Certain it is, that no attempt was ever made to fasten the treasonable act upon any citizen of Connecticut, nor does it appear that any person was ever suspected of being con- cerned in it. All the vessels of the American squadron withdrew up the Thames early in the spring, except the Hornet, which re- mained at New London, and in November, 1814, managed to pass the blockading fleet, and reached New York in safety. * History of New London. 490 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Several spirited adventures took place on our coast during the war. Frequently a sloop or schooner would be pursued by the enemy's ships into some one of our many harbors or inlets, and the people on shore would rally to defend it. The sloop Victory, having been chased into Mystic, in June, 1813, a party of fifteen men, under the command of Jeremiah Haley, drove otT the enemy alter an action of fifteen minutes. The sloop Roxana, in November, was thus driven ashore near the light-house, by three British barges ; and in half an hour a crowd of people had assembled to rescue her. The enemy, after setting fire to their prize, escaped. The Ameri- cans attempted to extinguish the flames, but were prevented by a heavy cannonade from the ships. The historian of New London mentions the singular fact, that Captain John Howard, of the packet sloop Juno, continued to pass back and forth between New London and New York, during the whole war, in spite of the vigilance of the blockading squadron. He usually chose a dark or stormy night for leaving or entering the harbor, and was al- ways successful in passing the blockade, notwithstanding he was narrowly watched by the enemy. Four cannon were kept constantly loaded on his deck, and he carried with him an ample supply of ammunition, and shot. He was often way- laid and pursued, but a spirited discharge of his guns had the desired effect in keeping the assailants at a respectful dis- tance, though he was once driven into Saybrook, and had his mast shot away. Meanwhile the citizens of Stonington were kept in a state of constant alarm, growing out of the fact that the British employed in the blockade of New London, were in full view from the village, and their boats almost daily reconnoitered along the coast. They transmitted an earnest appeal to Congress for assistance and protection, but without avail. Governor Smith sent them a small guard of militia, to aid them in keeping a nightly watch ; and the citizens threw up temporary breastworks in different positions, on one of which a flag-staff was planted and a platform erected for the recep- [1814.] BOMBARDMENT OF STONINGTON. 491 tion of their two eighteen-pounders. On the 9th of August, 1814, tlie ships of tiie enemy were seen entering Stonington harbor. They were the Ramiliies, the frigate Pactolus, the bomb-ship Terror, and the brig-of-war Desi)atch. Casting anchor, a barge put off from the nearest shij) ibr the shore, bearing a white Hag. Several gentlemen immediately entered a boat and proceeded to receive the Hag. The offi- cer of the barge presented them with the following conmiu- nication, and immediately returned to his ship. "His Britannic Majesty's ship Pactolus, "9th of August, 1814, half-past 5, P. M. "Not wishing to destroy the unoffending inhabitants resid- ing in the town of Stonington, one hour is granted them from the receipt of this, to remove out of town. "T. M. Hardy, "Captain of his Majesty's ship Ramiliies." The consternation which followed this message, especially among the women, and children, can hardly be imagined. The fearful import of the communication, the overwhelming force of the enemy, the defenseless condition of the town, and the brief space of time allowed for the removal of their families, and to prepare for the conflict, were considerations which forced themselves upon all, and for a moment seemed to appal the stoutest heart. Soon, however, the citizens began to recover their self-possession, and before the hour had elapsed, a goodly number of bold volunteers had taken possession of the breastworks, and were watching the move- ments of the enemy, while others were employed in collect- ing whatever ammunition could be found in the possession of individuals. About eight o'clock in the evening, the Terror began the bombardment, and continued all night to throw fire-bombs and carcasses into the town. At daylight on the lollowing morning, the barges drew up on the east side of the village, and commenced firing rockets at the buildings. "I'lie Ston- ington volunteers dragged one of their guns across the point, 492 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. opened a fire upon the barges, sunk one of them, compelled the others to retire, and then returned to their intrenchments in safety. The brig of war and the Terror, about sunrise, commenced firing upon the town, and discharging rockets, shells, and carcasses. While some of the citizens were man- ning the guns, others were following the rockets and car- casses wherever they might strike, for the purpose of extin- guishing the fires that they kindled. At last their ammuni- tion failed the artillerists, and they were compelled to sus- pend their firing until the express which they had sent to New London should return. At eleven o'clock, A. M., to their great joy, the messenger arrived. Nailing their colors to the staff', they renewed their fire with such eflfect that the brig, to avoid being sunk, cut her cables and retired.* The bombardment continued until the third day, when Commodore Hardy sent a flag on shore, with a message, demanding that Mrs. Stewart, the British consul's wife, should be sent on board his ship, and that the inhabitants should give a pledge that they would set afloat no more tor- pedoes to annoy his vessels ! He promised, if these terms were complied with, that the bombardment should cease. In reply, he was told that his requisitions could not be.regarded, and that they asked no favors of him beyond what the rules of honorable warfare required. The ships renewed their fire, and kept it up until noon on Friday, the fourth day t)f the siege, when the enemy retired to their old quarters oft' New London, with little cause to boast of the success of their expedition. When we consider all the circumstances of the attack, the gallant defense, and the length of time employed in the bom- bardment, it is a matter of surprise that not a single individual in the town was killed. One young man received a wound in the knee and died six months afterward. Though the vigilance of the citizens prevented conflagration, several * The anchor and cable, which were left behind are still preserved. [1814.] LAKE CIIAMPLAIN. 493 buildings were badly shattered, and some were wholly destroyed.* During the year 1814, General Burbeck was removed to another station, and General Thomas II. Gushing was ap- pointed to the command of this military district. f In the spring of 1813, Gaptain McDonough had taken command of the American fleet on Lake Ghamplain, and from his well known spirit, energy, and bravery, much was expected of him. No decisive action, however, occurred on the lake until in the month of September, 1814. Early in that month, Sir George Provost, the English commander-in- chief, advanced against Plattsburg, then held by Brigadier- General Macomb. The English army, consisting of about twelve thousand men, was divided into four brigades, led by Lieutenant-General de Rottenburg, and Majors General Brisbane, Power, and Robinson. The British fleet on the lake was commanded by Captain Downie, and numbered six- teen vessels of various kinds, mounting ninety-five or ninety- six guns, and carrying one thousand men. The total force of the Americans on the lake, consisted of fourteen vessels, mounting eighty-six guns, and containing eight hundred and fifty men. Captain McDonough had the personal command of the Saratoga, while Captain Downie's own ship was the Confi- ance, the largest craft in his fleet. On the 11th of Septem- ber, a fierce conflict ensued between the two fleets, which resulted in the capture, by McDonough, of one frigate, one brig, and two sloops of war. The loss of the Americans, in killed, and wounded, was one hundred and twelve ; that of the enemy something over two hundred. Sir George Provost, on hearing the fate of the British squadron, made a precipitate retreat, leaving behind him * Hist, of New London. t Genonil Henry BurbL'ck, became a resident of New London soon after the war, and died there Oct. 2, 1848, aged ninety-four. General Gushing, a native of Massachusetts, entered the army in 177(5, and continued in the service until 1815, when he was appointed collector of the port of New London. He died Oct. 19, 1822, aged sixty-seven. 494 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. " • ." much of his heavy artillery, stores, and supplies. From that moment to the end of the war, our northern fz'ontier remained unmolested.* Besides the usual medal from Congress, and various com- pliments and gifts from different towns and states. Captain McDonough was promoted for his services, and the legisla- ture of New York presented him with a small estate on the lake shore overlooking the scene of his triumph. * * Commodore McDonough was a son of a physician in New Castle county, Delaware. When quite young, he obtained a midshipman's warrant, and sailed for the Mediterranean. During the whole of the war of 1812, he proved himself an efficient officer. He resided at Middletown, Conn., where he died, Nov. 10, 1825, aged thirty-nine. In May, 1819, the legislature of Connecticut voted, that "a pair of pistols, with suitable devices, and manufactured in this state, which now claims the hero as her son, be procured, and that his excel- lency the governor, be respectfully requested to present them to Commodore McDonough, with a copy of this resolution, in such manner as he shall judge most expressive of their gratitude and esteem." At the October session of the Connecticut legislature, the governor was desired to purchase for the use of the state, six tons of powder, three tons of cannon shot, two thousand stand of arms, and twenty-six cannon, with other suitable implements, and materials for the use of the troops when on duty. The Assembly also took into consideration a plan that had been submitted to Congress by the secretary of war, for filling up the regular army, which placed the militia and the troops raised for the defense of the state, at the disposal of the General Government. By the principles of the proposed plan, the Assembly say, "our sons, brothers, and friends, are made liable to be delivered, against their will, and by force, to the marshalls and recruiting officers of the United States, to be employed, not for our own defense, but for the conquest of Canada, or upon any foreign service which the adminis- * Cooper, ii. 224. [1S15.] PROPERTY ON OUR COAST. 495 tration might choose to send them." They further declare the plan to be, *' not only intolerably burdensome and op- pressive, but utterly subversive of the rights and liberties of this state, and the freedom, sovereignty, and independence of the same, and inconsistent with the principles of the consti- tution of the United States." In case the offensive measure should become a law of Congress, the governor was directed forthwith to convene the legislature to consult on the mea- sures to be adopted. It is quite evident that the controversy between the admin- istration and the New England states, be the blame where it might, was now assuming an alarming character, and that the eastern sea-coast, where were the oldest settlements, and where was accumulated more property than lay on the whole ocean-line from the Jersey shore to the gulf of Mexico, was sadly exposed to the ships of a powerful nation that were pirating along our borders, and, in defiance of the rules of civilized warfare, were laying waste some of the finest towns in the Union. What was the honest feeling that pervaded the state at that time, may be gleaned from the following extract from Governor Smith's speech to the General Assem- bly, at the May session, 1814 : " I am not informed that any effectual arrangements are made by the national government to put our sea-coast into a more respectable state of defense. Should the plan of the last campaign be renewed, and especially should the war retain the desolating character it has been made to assume, the states on the Atlantic border cannot be insensible to the dangers which await them. 'To provide for the common defense' was an avowed, and it may with truth be said the chief purpose for which the present constitution was formed. How far this object is promoted by aiming at foreign con- quest, and resigning our most wealthy and populous frontier to pillage and devastation, becomes a momentous inquiry. Whatever measures, gentlemen, you may think proper to adopt on the occasion, I feel assured they will flow from an equal regard to your own rights and to the interests of the 496 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Union. In any event, I am persuaded that we shall place no reliance on the forbearance of a declared enemy, and that if the aid to which we are entitled is withheld, the means which God has given us will be faithfully employed for our safety."* Massachusetts was no less alarmed than Connecticut, at the situation of the eastern coast. In the summer of 1814, the English took possession of Castine, a town on the Penobscot, and of all that part of Maine which lies to the eastward of that river. News soon arrived in Boston, that the enemy were preparing to invade Massachusetts. This, among other causes of alarm, induced that state, through her constituted authorities, to address a letter to the states of Connecticut and Rhode Island, calling upon them " to appoint delegates" to meet with those from other states to deliberate upon the dangers then impending, and "to devise, if practicable, means of security and defense which may be consistent with the preservation of their resources from total ruin, and adapted to their local situation, mutual relations and habits, and 7iot repugnant to their obliga- tions as members of tlte Union." Such were the avowed motives that led to the call for the far-famed "Hartford Convention." The General Assembly was in session when this communi- cation was received from Massachusetts, and immediately appointed a committee to investigate the matters named in it. Henry Champion was chairman of the committee, a man of an original type of intellect and character, and capable of expressing his thoughts in a strong nervous style, of which the following extracts afford a good illustration : "The condition of this state demands the most serious attention of the legislature. We lately enjoyed, in common with the other members of the national confederacy, the blessings of peace. The industry of our citizens, in every * See Appendix to the Eulogy of Governor Smith, by the Rev. William W. Andrews, of Kent. ,i [1S14.] HENRY CHAMPION. 497 department of active life, was abundantly rewarded ; our cities and villages exhibited indications of increasing wealth; and the foreign relations of the Union secured our safety and nourished our prosperity. "The scene is now reversed. We are summoned to the field of war, and to surrender our treasures for our defense. The fleets of a powerful enemy hover on our coasts, block- ade our harbors, and threaten our towns and cities with fire and desolation. "When a commonwealth falls from a state of high pros- perity, it behoves the guardians of its interests to inquire into the cause of its decline, and, with dee^- solicitude, to seek a remedy." "Occupying a comparatively small territory, and naturally associating, during the revolutionary war, with states whose views were identified with ours, our interests and inclina- tions led us to unite in the great national compact, since defined and consolidated by the Constitution of the United States. "Thus driven from every object of our best hopes, and bound to an inglorious struggle in defense of our dwellings from a public enemy, we had no apprehension, much as we had suffered from the national government, that it would refuse to yield us such protection as its treasures might afford. Much less could we doubt, that those disbursements, which might be demanded of this state, would be passed to our credit on the books of the treasury. Such, however, has not been the course adopted by the national agents. All supplies have been withdrawn from the militia of this state, in the service of the United States. The groundless pretext for this unwarrantable measure, was, their submission to an officer assigned them by the commander-in-chief, in perfect conformity with miUtary usage and the principles of a re- 64 498 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. quest from the President himself, under which a party of them were detached." # * * "The people of this state have no disloyalty to the inte- rests of the Union. For their fidelity and patriotism, they may appeal with confidence to the national archives from the commencement of the revolutionary war. "In achieving the independence of the nation, they bore an honorable part. Their contingent in men and money has ever been promptly furnished, when constitutionally required. Much as they lament the present unnatural hostilities with Great Britain, they have, with characteristic obedience to lawful authority, punctually paid the late taxes imposed by the General Government. On every lawful demand of the national executive their well-discij)lined militia have resorted to the field. The public enemy, when invading their shores, has been met at the water's edge and valiantly repulsed. They duly appreciate the great advantages which would result from the federal compact, were the government ad- ministered according to the sacred principles of the constitu- tion. They have not forgotten the ties of confidence and affection, which bound these states to each other during their toils for independence ; nor the national honor and commer- cial prosperity which they mutually shared, during the happy years of a good administration. They are, at the same time, conscious of their rights and determined to defend them. Those sacred liberties — those inestimable institutions, civil, and religious, which their venerable fathers have bequeathed to them — are, with the blessing of Heaven, to be maintained at every hazard, and never to be surrendered by tenants of the soil which the ashes of their ancestors have consecrated. "In what manner the multiplied evils, which we feel and fear, are to be remedied, is a question of the highest moment, and deserves the greatest consideration. The documents transmitted by his excellency the governor of Massachusetts, present, in the opinion of the committee, an eligible method of combining the wisdom of New England, in devising, on [1814.] DELEGATES TO THE CONVENTION. 499 full consultation, a proper course to be adopted, consistent with our obligations to the United States."* These brief extracts will show somethino; of the feelings of the people of the state, and leave little doubt of the sincerity at least of a writer who has had few equals in New England. A resolution accompanied the report, appointing seven delegates to represent the state at a convention to be held at Hartford, on the 15th of December, 1814, there to confer with delegates from Massachusetts, and such other New Eng- land states as shall join in the enterprise, "for the pur])ose" to use the words of the committee, "of devising and recom- mending such measures for the safety and welfare of those states as may he consistent ivith our obligations as vtembers of the national Union.''' The names of the men who were appointed delegates to the convention, were Chauncey Goodrich, .John Treadwell, James Hillhouse, Zephaniah Swift, Nathaniel Smith, Calvin Goddard, and Roger Minott Sherman. On the 15th of December, 1814, the convention met at Hartford, and was composed of the following named gentle- men, in addition to those from Connecticut. Rhode Island. — Messrs. Daniel Lyman, Samuel Ward, Benjamin Hazard, and Edward Manton. Massachusetts. — Messrs. George Cabot, William Prescott, Harrison Gray Otis, Timothy Bigelow, Nathan Dana, George Bliss, Joshua Thomas, Hodijah Baylies, Daniel Waldo, Joseph Lyman, Samuel S. Wilde, and Stephen Long- fellow, Jr. Neiv Hampshire. — Messrs. Benjamin West, and Mills Olcott. Vermont. — William Hall, Jr. Having chosen the Hon. George Cabot, president, and Theodore Dwight, secretary, the convention proceeded to business, and after a session of about three weeks, they put into the form of a report, the result of their proceedings. After setting forth what they claimed to be the causes of * Dwight's Hist, of " Hartford Convention." 500 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. their grievances, they passed a series of resolutions which were as follows : "Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the legislatures of the several states represented in this conven- tion, to adopt all such measures as may be necessary effectu- ally to protect the citizens of said states from the operation and effects of all acts which have been or may be passed by the Congress of the United States, which shall contain pro- visions, subjecting the militia or other citizens to forcible drafts, conscriptions, or impressments, not authorized by the Constitution of the United States. "Resolved, That it be and hereby is recommended to the said legislatures, to authorize an immediate and earnest appli- cation to be made to the government of the United States, requesting their consent to some arrangement, whereby the said states may, separately or in concert, be empowered to assume upon themselves the defense of their territory against the enemy; and a reasonable portion of the taxes, collected within said states, may be paid into the respective treasuries thereof, and appropriated to the payment of the balance due said states, and to the future defense of the same. The amount so paid into the said treasuries to be credited, and the disbursements made as aforesaid to be charged to the United States. " Resolved, That it be, and hereby is recommended to the legislatures of the aforesaid states, to pass laws (where it has not already been done,) authorizing the governors or com- manders-in-chief of their militia to make detachments from the same, or to form voluntary corps, as shall be most con- venient and conformable to their constitutions, and to cause the same to be well armed, equipped, and disciplined, and held in readiness for service ; and upon the request of the governor of either of the other states, to employ the whole of such detachment or corps, as well as the regular forces of the state, or such part thereof as may be required and can be spared consistently with the safety of the state, in assisting the state making such request, to repel any [1814.] RESOLUTIONS. 501 invasion thereof which shall be made or attempted by the public enemy. " Resolved, That the following amendments of the Consti- tution of the United States be recommended to the states. represented as aforesaid, to be proposed by them for adoption by the state legislatures, and in such cases as may be deemed expedient, by a convention chosen by the people of each state. "And it is further recommended, that the said states shall persevere in their efforts to obtain such amendments, until the same shall be effected. "First, Representatives and direct taxes shall be appor- tioned among the several states which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers of free persons, including those bound to serve for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, and all other persons. '^Second, No new state shall be admitted into the Union by Congress, in virtue of the power granted by the constitution, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses. " Thv'd, Congress shall not have power to lay any embargo on the ships or vessels of the citizens of the United States, in the ports or harbors thereof, for more than sixty days. "Fourth, Congress shall not have power, without the con- currence of two-thirds of both houses, to interdict the com- mercial intercourse between the United States and any foreign nation or the dependencies thereof. "Fifth, Congress shall not make or declare war, or author- ize acts of hostility against any foreign nation, without the concurrence of two-thirds of both houses, except such acts of hostility be in defense of the territories of the United States when actually invaded. " Sixth, No person who shall hereafter be naturalized, shall be eligible as a member of the senate or house of represen- tatives of the United States, nor capable of holding any civil office under the authority of the United States. " Seventh, The same person shall not be elected president 502 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. of the United States a second time ; nor shall the president be elected from the same state two terms in succession. "Resolved, That if the application of these states to the government of the United States, recommended in a fore- going resolution, should be unsuccessful, and peace should not be concluded, and the defense of these states should be neg- lected, as it has been since the commencement of the war, it will, in the opinion of this convention, be expedient for the legislatures of the several states to appoint delegates to an- other convention, to meet at Boston, in the state of Massa- chusetts, on the third Thursday of June next, with such pow- ers and instructions as the exigency of a crisis so moment- ous may require. "Resolved, That the Hon. George Cabot, the Hon. Chaun-- cey Goodrich, and the Hon. Daniel Lyman, or any two of them, be authorized to call another meeting of this conven- tion, to be holden in Boston, at any time before new delegates shall be chosen, as recommended in the above resolution, if in their judgment the situation of the country shall urgently require it."* This report, with the resolutions as above quoted, was immediately published to the world, and, as was naturally to be expected, filled the whole country with excitement. Some hailed it with demonstrations of lively joy, and others with hisses of derision ; some called it patriotic, others averred that it was treasonable ; some made it their banner-cry, others were ready under other banners to go out and give battle to the men who dared to march under it. But the prevailing voice of the country, it must be admitted, was against the Hartford Convention. It had sat with closed doors, and although in doubtful times the General Assembly of Connec- ticut had always done so, although the very convention that adopted the Constitution of the United States had done the same, yet the delegates to the Hartford Convention were not allowed to plead these precedents in answer to the charge that secrecy was a badge of fraud. * Vide Dwight's Hist. THE CHARACTER OF THE WITNESSES. 503 Now without attempting to vindicate that convention, the fruitful mother of so many others that were possessed of few of the attributes wliich it embodied, it is a duly devolving upon the author of sucli a work as this, to inquire into the motives of the delegates who composed it, and see if they were criminal. It has been already asserted that the states which they represented lelt themselves aggrieved. The alleged motives of the state legislatures themselves, was to provide for the safety of the eastern coast, acting under the Constitution of the United States, and without doing any- thing that should contravene the letter or the spirit of that instrument. Again, the delegates themselves in their public manifesto, declared that they were governed by the same influences. But testimony is to be weighed by the triers not only in accordance with the probabilities of the case, but the character of the witnesses for veracity, good or bad, is to be taken into the account. The witnesses to the honest motives of the authors of the Hartford Convention, were no vulcar men. At the head of the Connecticut delegation stood his honor Chauncey Goodrich, whose blanched locks and noble features had long been conspicuous in the halls of national legislation ; a gentleman whose character is identified with truth and honor in all parts of the Union ; a gentleman of whom Albert Gallatin was wont to say, that when he endeavored to meet the arguments of his opponents, he was accustomed to select that of Mr. Goodrich, as containing the entire strength of all that could be said upon that side — feel- ing that if he could answer him, he could maintain his cause; a man of whom Jetferson, no mean judge of intellectual strength, used playfully to say, "that wliite-headed senator from Connecticut is by far the most powerful ojjponent I have to my administration." Next to him was James Ilillhousc, the great financier of the state, who found our School Fund in darkness, and left it in light ; the scholar and the father who superintended tlie early cul- ture of that poet-boy, and laid the loundationsof that, bright and 50i ' HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. glorious intellect, which in the bowers of "Sachem's Wood," saw as in a vision the magnificent scenes of Hadad, and re- ceived as guests in western groves, the spirits of oriental oracle and song ; Hillhouse, the man of taste, who planted the New Haven elms ; the native American, with Irish blood in his veins — a man who like Washington never told a lie. John Treadwell, was the third delegate, whose life was filled with honors and usefulness. The fourth was Swift, the first commentator upon the laws of our little republic, of whom no lawyer in the United States would dare to feign ignorance, lest he should put at risk his professional reputation. The Hon. Nathaniel Smith, was the fifth, whom the God of Nature chartered to be great by the divine prerogative of genius ; a jurist wiser than the books, whose words were so loaded with convincing reasons that they struck an adversary to the earth like blows dealt by a hand guantletted in steel ; to listen to whom, when he spoke in the convention, Harri- son Gray Otis turned back as he was leaving the chamber, and stood ffazins; in silent admiration, unconscious of the flight of time. The sixth was Calvin Goddard, who long enjoyed the reputation of being the most learned and successful lawyer east of the Connecticut river ; an upright judge, a wise counselor, an honest man. Last, but not least of the Connecticut delegation, was Roger Minott Sherman, a profound metaphysician, a scholar equal to the younger Adams, one of the principal oracles of the New York city bar for the last twenty years of his life, who seemed more fitly than any other man to represent the lawgiver, Roger Ludlow, and to inhabit the town which he had planted, whose level acres he had sown with the quick seeds of civil liberty and then left the up-springing crop to be harvested by the sickle of his successor. Such were the men from Connecticut, who took part with men as nearly their equals as could be gathered from the other eastern states, in the debates and deliberations of the [1814.] CnARACTER OP THE WITNESSES. 505 Hartford Convention. The grave has closed over them all. In their lifetime they were kept from the councils of the nation, because they had been unfortunate enough to be designated by the General Assembly for the place that they filled with such ability and integrity. Like a priesthood hon- ored in their monastic retirement, but excluded from the field where they were eminently fitted to shine, they passed the rest of their days under a cloud. Let their conquerors be generous. Let them not trample rudely upon the ashes nor trifle with the fame of the strong men who were singled out by the state as hostages to remain in exile for the policy, demeanor, and future good faith, of those whom they represented.* * The Hon. Chauncey Goodrich was a son of the Rev. Elizur Goodrich, pastor of the congregational church in Durham, Conn. A gentleman of tliorough education and higli legal att^iinments,he was for many years an eminent advocate at the Hartford bar, until called to serve his constituents in other fields of lionor- able distinction. He was frequently a menilier of both branches of the Connec- ticut legislature, besides being a representiitive in Congress, United States Sena- tor, and lieutenant-governor. He died August 18, 1815. The lion. .John Treadwell, of Farmington, was successively a representative, councilor, judge of the court of common pleas, lieutenant-governor, and governor. Distinguished for the simplicity of his manners, tlie uprightness and purity of his life and character, his sound judgment, and unquestioned integrity, he enjoyed in a remarkable degree the confidence of liis fellow citizens. He died August 19, 1S23, aged seventy-seven. The -Hon. James Ilillliouse, of New Haven, was a representative and senator in Congress for nearly twenty years. In tlie war of the revolution he had bravely fought for his country, and through life he was esteemed for his integrity, patriot- ism, and talents. IIu died in New Haven. The Hon. Zephaniah Swift, of Windham, was long in public life, as a member and Speaker of the House of Representatives, representative in Congress, j udge, and chief judge of the supreme court of the state. He died Sept. 27, 1823, aged sixty-four. The following letter from the Hon. David S. Roardman, of New Milford, rela- tive to Judge Smith, will be read with interest. There is no other person now living who could have furnished such a sketch. "New Milford, Jan. 7, 1855. " Dear Sir, — Yesterday afternoon, I received a line from my friend. General Sedgwick, stating that it was your desire that he would ask of me, in your behalf, to furnish you with some facts in relation to the late Natlianiel Smith, and my 606 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. In January, 1815, a special session was convened by the governor, when it was resolved, that his excellency should appoint two commissioners to proceed immediately to Wash- views of his character, which might be of use to you iu the preparation of tho work you have iu hand. " I am of course aware that this application is owing to the accidental circum- stance that I am the oldest if not the only member of the profession now living, who liad much personal acquaintance with that truly able and excellent man, or saw much of him in the exercise of his forensic or judicial talents. Judge Smith was indeed one of nature's nobles, and considering the limited range of his early education, he had few equals and perhaps no superior in the profession which he chose, and which he eminently adorned. You are doubtless aware that Judge Smith had only such an education in childhood and youth, as the common schools of the country afforded at the time. It was such, however, as a boy of unusual capacity and industrious habits would acquire from such a source, and such as, under the guidance of uncommon discretion through life, rarely pei'mitted its defects to be disclosed. " When I first went to the Law School in Litchfield, which was in the fall of 1793, Mr. Smith, though not over thirty years old, was in full practice, and engaged in almost every cause of any importance. Indeed, he was said to have established a high reputation for talents in the first cause he argued in the higher courts. It was upon a trial for manslaughter, which arose in his native town, and in which he appeared as junior counsel, and astonished the court, the bar, and all who heard him. Not long afterwards, in the celebrated case of Jedediah Strong and wife, before the General Assembly, (she having applied for a divorce,) he greatly distinguished himself again, and thus became known throughout the state as a young lawyer of the first promise ; and the reputation thus early acquired was never suffered to falter, but on the other hand, steadily increased in strength until his elevation to tho bench. " During my stay in Litchfield, and after my admission to the bar, I of course saw Mr. Smith, and heard him in almost all the important cases there ; and as I was located in the south-west corner town in the county, adjoining Fairfield, I almost immediately obtained some business which, though small, was such as dur- ing nearly all my professional life caused me to attend the courts in that county, where I found Mr. Smith as fully engaged and as highly esteemed as in his own countv. In New Haven I also know he had a very considerable practice. " It is worthy also to bo observed, in forming an estimate of Mr. Smith's pro- fessional talents and character, that there never at any period was an abler bar in Connecticut, than during his practice. In Litchfield county, were Judge Reeve, Judge Adams, General Tracy, John Allen, Judge Gould, N. B. Benedict, and others ; at the Fairfield county bar, were Pierpont Edwards, Judge Ingcrsoll, and Judge Daggett, constantly from New Haven, Judge Edmonds, S. B. Sherwood, R. M. Sherman, Judge Chapman, and Governor Bissell ; and in New Haven, besides the three above named, were James Hillhouse, Judge Baldwin, and others. " As I suppose it not probable that you ever saw Judge Smith, as he ceased to [1S15.] GENERAL GOVERNMENT SUPPLICATED. 507 ington, under such instructions as the governor might think proper to give them ; and earnestly supplicate the Ceneral Government that Connecticut might be empowered to pro- vide tor the detense ot" lier own territory, and that a reason- attend courts in 1819, and died when you was very young, I will observe, what you have doubtless heard, that ho was a large and fine appearing man, much of the same complexion of the lion. Truman Smith, his nephew, with whom you are so well acquainted ; less tall than lie, but of rather fuller habit. His face was not only the index of high capacity, and solid judgment, but uncommonly handsome ; his hair was dark and thin, thougli not to baldness, except on the fore part of his head, and was very slightly sprinkled with gray. His fine, dark eyes, were re- markably pleasing and gentle in ordinary intercourse, but very vaiiable, always kindling when he began to speak in public, and, when highly excited in debate, they became almost oppressive. His voice was excellent, being both powerful and liarinonious, and never broke under any exertion of its capacity. His manner was very ardent and the seeming dictate of a strong conviction of the justice of his cause; and his gestures were the natural expression of such a con- viction. Mr. Smith's style was pure and genuine Saxon, with no attempt at classic ornament or allusion. His train of reasoning vv'as lucid and direct, and evincive of the fact that the whole of it was like a map spread out in his mind's eye from the beginning. His ingenuity was always felt and dreaded by his opponent. Ho spoke with much fluency, but with no undue rapidity ; he never hesitated for or haggled at a word, nor did he ever tire his audience with undue prolixity, or omit to do full justice to his case for fear of tiring them ; and indeed there was little danger of it. Though certainly a very fine speaker, ho never acliieved or aspired to those strains of almost superhuman eloquence with which his old master Reeve, sometimes electrified and astonished his audience, and yet, in ordinary cases, ha was the most correct speaker of the two — though Judge Reeve was, and ho was not, a scholar. Mr. Smitli, though quiie unassuming, and often receding in com- mon intercourse and conversation, was, when heated in argument, it must be con- fessed, often overbearing to the adverse party, and, not only to them, but to their counsel. Upon all other occasions, he appeared to be, and I believe was, a very kind hearted, agreeable and pleasant man. To me, he always so appeared, and I have been much in his company. " Mr. Smith came early into public life, and was frequently elected to the Gen- eral Assembly from Woodbury. In 1795, he was elected a member of the fourth Congress ; and in 1797, he was clioscn to the fifth Congress ; but declined further election. In May, 1799, he was made an assistant, and was re-elected for the five following years, when he resigned his seat at that board in consequence of the passage of the act in 1803, prohibiting the members of tlie then supreme court of errors from practicing before that court. He remained in full practice at the bar until October, 1806, when he was elected a judge of the superior court, and con- tinued to fill that office until May, 1819, when the judiciary establishment of that year went into operation ; from which time he remained in private life until his death. 508 HISTOEY OF CONNECTICUT. ' able portion of the taxes might be appropriated for that pur- pose. Our senators and representatives in Congress, were requested to cooperate with the commissioners in effecting the object.* In May, Nathaniel Terry, Seth P. Staples, and David Deming, Esquires, were appointed a committee to revise all the militia laws of the state. From this time until the close of the war, few events of general interest transpired, in which Connecticut partici- pated. When the news of peace arrived in February, 1815, Admiral Hotham commanded the blockading squadron off New London. He immediately came on shore, and was received with great courtesy by the civil authority and citi- zens. On the 21st, the city was illuminated, and a festival was held to which all the British officers on the coast were invited. Those present, were Captains Aylmer, of the Pac- tolus. Garland of the Superb, Gordon of the Narcissus, Jayne, of the Arab, the commanders of the brigs Tenedos, and Despatch, and ten or twelve officers of inferior rank. Commodores Decatur and Shaw assisted in receiving the " In every public station in which Mr. Smith was placed, he distinguished him- self. He did so in Congress, at a time when our representation was as able, per- haps, as it ever has been, and when the character of the house to which he belonged was far higher than it now is. In the superior court he was certainly very greatly respected and admired, as an able and perfectly upright judge. " In private life his name was free from all reproach. A strictly honest and pure life, free from any of those little blemishes which often mar the fame of dis- tinguished men, may, I think, be fairly claimed by his biographer to be his due. As a husband, a parent, a friend, a neighbor, a moralist, and a christian, I believe few have left a more faultless name. " If, sir, the foregoing facts and suggestions will be of any use to you, I shall feel gratified in having furnished them. In the success of the undertaking in which you are engaged, I feel an interest. It is one which has been quite too long neglected. " I am sir, very respectfully yours, "D. S. BOARDMAN." G. H. HoLLisTER, Esq. * State Records, MS. Probably the tidings of peace, which reached this country soon after, rendered it unnecessary for the commissioners to act under this appointment. EXCHANGE OF SALUTES. 509 guests. On the 11th of March, the British ships left the Sound, exchanging salutes with Fort Trumbull, and put out to sea.* The war having ended, the jarring interests of the State and General Government were harmonized, and the bitter partizan feelings which it engendered gradually gave place to those of a more charitable and pacific nature. * Caulkins' Hist. New London, pp. 636, 637. CHAPTER XXII. THE PRESENT CONSTITUTION OF CONNECTICUT. The narrative of this work, already extended beyond the limits first assigned to it, is now drawing to a close. An account of the constitution of 1639, the first written constitu- tion of the world, has been given in a former chapter. The varied fortunes of the republic under the charter of 1662, have also been critically detailed. Upon the declaration of independence, all the old political charters were severed from the crown, the original fountain-head of executive power, and lost at once their administrative force, except so far as the people should suffer them to remain, and either for- mally or tacitly adopt them as their own. Hence it was, that with two exceptions, all the colonies which had been concerned in that protracted but ultimately successful strug- gle for liberty, cast off their charters, and falling back upon the democratic basis elaborated by Roger Ludlow and adopted by Connecticut in 1639, constructed for themselves, with various modifications, paper constitutions, originating with the people and recognizing their sovereignty. Connec- ticut was one of those exceptions. It may at first seem strange to the reader that she, who, in the infancy of her ex- istence, had tasted the sweets of liberty, should allow others to profit by her original example, while she clung to the forms of the charter that had been granted by one king, with as much tenacity as she had cut herself adrift from the domination of another. She adopted the charter, too, by a mere legislative vote, without even resorting to the authority of the people in a primary assembly. In order to understand why Connecticut did not follow the course pursued by other states, we must examine the struc- ture of her society, which differed so materially from that of NEW POLITICAL ELEMENTS. 511 her confederate sisters. In the first place, her charter was better than theirs. Hers had a vitahty in it that had kept the popuhir mind in a continual glow ; theirs were cold and dead. Hers had proved a shield, extending the circumfer- ence of its orb, to save the lines and defend the enlarging borders of three generations of men ; theirs had proved totally inadequate to the growing wants of their respective communities. Connecticut had an additional motive to love her charter. While one after another, those of the neigh- boring colonies were dropping like ripe iVuit into the hands of provisional governors, and other rapacious functiona- ries of the crown, she had hidden hers in an oak, and the recollection of peril from which her idol had escaped, caused her to love it the more. Still another motive, stronger perhaps than all these, induced her to cling to it. A major- ity of the inhabitants were still puritans, and under this charter, fortified by statutes having close affinities with it, had grown up an established religion, which they regarded as of the highest importance to their well being in this world and the next. But gradually there grew up new elements that threatened, if left to themselves, to overthrow the supremacy of the old order of things. vStatutes were passed to check the advanc- ing tide of what was believed by the majority, to be radical- ism of the most destructive character. Some of these acts were regarded by the minority as arbitrary and oppressive. Those bearing upon the elective franchise were looked upon as especially tyrannical. The " stand-up law," as it was de- nominated, which required the voters to stand up at elections and expose themselves and their political sentiments to the scrutiny of the public, was complained of as subjecting the voter to the cruel ordeal of being gazed at by his creditors. It was said further, that all offices of emolument, honor, and trust, were withheld from the minority. The courts of law, too, were made the subject of severe animadversion. It was said that the judges were partizans in their legal opinions, and that the rei)ublicans, as thoy were 512 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. called, could not meet the federals in the tribunals of the state upon an equal footing. The minority also alleged that they were disparaged in all their business relations ; that they " were treated as a degraded party, and that this treatment was extended to all the individuals of the party, however worthy and respectable in fact ; as the Saxons were treated by the Normans, and as the Irish were treated by the Eng- lish government."* Such were the sentiments of the respective parties. As early as the year 1800, petitions began to be circulated through the state, asking for the choice of members of the council and representatives to Congress by districts. It was now more boldly than ever asserted that the charter, excellent as it had been in its day, was behind the spirit of the age, and though a very good instrument for the majority, was not adequate to protect the jn'inority from oppression. Still, no decisive steps were taken to bring about the adoption of a new constitution, until the 29th of August, 1804, when a convention, numbering among its members many of the most respectable of the minority leaders, and understood to repre- sent the sentiments of the republican party of the state, convened at New Haven, and passed a series of resolutions in favor of the change which they had so much at heart. It is sufficiently evincive of the fever-heat of the political pulse of that day, that every justice of the peace belonging to the minority, who had attended the convention, was tried and impeachedf before the next General Assembly. This attempt to stifle the expression of the public sentiment, only gave the minority the sympathy of many of their fellow citi- zens, who were now ready to assent to the claim that the republicans were persecuted. In August, 1806, a second convention or meeting of re- monstrance, was held by the same party at Litchfield, which was even more bold and decided in its tone than the one at New Haven had been. To recite the details of the party strifes of that day, would * See Judge Church's MS. + Idem. EELIGIOUS SECTS. 513 be to dig up from the graves that ought forever to hide them, some of the most bitter and malignant pamphlets and news- paper articles that ever disgraced the politics of the northern states. The whole ground seemed to be covered with pamphleteers, libellers, scurrilous poets, and all the other driftwood that the swollen currents of popular prejudice and bad passions can dislodge from tlie ooze, where they lie half hidden or remote from view, in quiet times. The malaria con- sequent upon this flood was confined to neither party, and was so contaminating that it seems to poison the lungs even now, as it rises in vapor and is inhaled by the reader who adven- turously seeks to investigate the history of those times. The war of 1812, and the Hartford Convention, did not of course tend to allay the excitement. The war closed with a much better reputation than the federalists had anticipated. In many parts of the country it w^as very popular, and in Connecticut it had obviously gained friends as it advanced, and many of them of a high order of respectability and talents. As in the Revolution, so in the war of 1812, and in the po- litical disputes tliat preceded and followed it, the old congre- gational clergy constituted the nucleus of the dominant party. This iniluence, as was claimed by the minority, more than any other single element, controlled the elections, and their annual meetings at Hartford were declared to be not altogether of a spiritual tone. It was also affirmed that nomi- nations for office were often made through the procurement of some influential clergyman, and some of the republican ora- tors and writers went so far as to say that the whole ticket of state officers was often the result of a conference between the leaders of a dominant party and this oldest and most un- mixed of all the conservative classes of the state. As has been stated in a former chapter of this work, religious sects had been from a very early day tolerated in Connecticut to a degree unknown in Massachusetts, and many other colonies. But although they were allowed the undisturbed enjoyment of their peculiar tenets, yet, as it was then, and still is in 514 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. England, the establishment was considered as entitled to the patronage of the government. All other denominations were treated as subordinates, and were understood, from the very theory and spirit of the government, to hold their posi- tion hy sufferance rather than of right. But it was now argued with great earnestness, that the sects as familiarly called " dissenters" as the puritans had been in England, were now several of them large, and had already acquired a respectable footing in the state ; that they were generally sprung from the blood of the old emigrants, had been born upon the soil, and had as good a right to be consulted in the deliberations of the 2;overnment as the coneiresationalists. They said that they were willing to admit that the old order of things was well fitted to the condition of the people a cen- tury and a half before, but they denied that any such distinctions ought longer to exist. Appeals were made to the people on both sides, displaying great ability and learning. It finally began to be whispered tiiat some one of the de- nominations called dissenters must be conciHated, or the federal party would be overborne at last by the concerted action of those who were opposed to the congregational form of reliflrion. When the charter of the Phoenix Bank was asked for, it was therefore suggested that the 850,000 bonus which was to be se([uestered from its large capital, for public uses, should be divided between Yale College and the Bishop's Fund, and petitions were circulated to that effect among the people.* Some of the federalists thought it desirable to con- ciliate the episcopalians, who now numbered some of the first men in the state. f The bank was chartered, and $20,000 of the bonus was bestowed upon Yale College, but from some cause the Bishop's Fund did not get the portion anticipated by its friends. This was a severe disappointment to the denomination in- terested in that fund. The episcopalians now arrayed them- * Vido Columbian Register, June 17, 1820. t Among them were the Ingcrsolls, Xathan Smith, Johnson, Chapman, Peters, Morgan. THE TOLERATIONISTS. 515 selves against the party in power, with all the appliances that they could bring to bear upon an opponent.'" In 1816, the party in power passed an act to appropriate the monies received trom the treasury of the United States, for disbursements made during the war, to religious uses, and divide them among the several denominations of the state. This measure was complained of, and proved to be very un- popular. The methodists and baptists indignantly refused to receive the share allotted to them in the division, and now more than ever before, took part with the minority and advo- cated with the episcopalians the cause of the new constitu- tion. Nor were the dlfliculties that beset the federalists merely external. They had become divided in their coun- sels. Some of them supported Tread well as their candidate for the office of governor, and another, and, as they termed themselves, a more liberal portion of the same party, as ear- nestly advocated the claims of Roger Griswold for the same place. This attempt to elect CJriswold proved on the first trial to be a failure. The next year, however, by a union of the democrats with the federalists who had voted for him, he was elected governor. A new party now arose under the name of " toleration- ists," which came into power in 1817, and took as speedy measures as possible to bring about the change that had so long been desired by the various elements that composed it. At the May session of the General Assembly, 1818, it was " Resolved, that it be and is hereby recommended to the people of this state, who are qualified to vote in town or freeman's meetings, to assemble in their respective towns on the 4th day of July next, at nine o'clock in the morning, at the usual place of holding town or freeman's meetings, and after having chosen their presiding officer, there and then to elect by ballot as many delegates as said towns now choose repre- sentatives to the General Assembly, who shall meet in con- vention at the state house in Hartford, on the fourth Wednes- day of August next ; and when so convened, shall, if it be * Church's, IMS. 516 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. by them deemed expedient, proceed to the formation of a constitution of civil government for the people of this state." It was further provided, that a copy of the constitution, when so formed, should be transmitted to each town clerk in the state, who was directed to lay it before the people of the town to which he belonged in legal town meeting, for their approbation and ratification. The constitution, when thus ratified by a majority of the qualified voters of the state, it was ordered, should " be and remain the supreme law of this state." All these causes so briefly enumerated, were instrumental in bringing about the adoption of the constitution. It has been my object in this chapter, to avoid expressing any party predilections. The participators in that severe contest are many of them still living, and vividly remember and keenly feel the part that they played in it. Those who are dead have transmitted their sentiments to their children. As a matter of course, therefore, this is a delicate and difficult part of our history to treat upon, and one that calls for the indulgence of every candid reader. The bitter strifes, the abusive pamphlets, the scornful speeches, the appeals from the pulpits of all denominations, the prosecutions for libel, the in- terruption of social intercourse in families and neighborhoods, no longer disturb the peace or darken the moral atmosphere of our state. Indeed, it now seems to be the better opinion, that there was much to praise and much to blame in the or- ganization of all parties, and that all were ashamed, after the heat of the battle was over, for many things that they had allowed themselves to say, to write, and to do, and were glad to shake hands and pass mutual acts of oblivion, which should cover their own conduct as well as that of their opponents. Gradually, too, most of them learned to reverence the old charter /or the good it had done during a hundred and fifty years of hard and honest service, while at the same time they spoke, some loudly, and others in a more subdued tone, in praise of the constitution which gave equal rights, ecclesias- tical as well as civil, to all the inhabitants of the state. [17S7.] IIO^'- JOHN" COTTOX SMITH. 517 It seems proper to add to this chnpter a brief delineation of the character of His Excellency John Cotton Smith, the last of that class of our governors who were actuated by the principles, and who exhibited in their manners more stri- kingly than their successors have done, the traits designated by the now indefinite term "gentlemen of the old school." He was the last of our governors under the charter who loved it and would have been ready to die for it. In order that we may understand why this was so, and see at a nearer view the delicate yet firm fibres of his character, it will be necessary to give a brief outline of his life. It has been pre- viously stated that the clergymen of Connecticut, under the old regime, constituted the most select and thorough-bred class of our colonial aristocracy. Now when it is recollected that the subject of this sketch was a descendant of the Rev. Henry Smith, of VVethersfield, who, as he tells us in his will, had " well proved the terrors of this wilderness ;" that he also inherited the blood of John Cotton, Richard Mather, and Cotton Mather; that the beautiful daughter of the Rev. Wil- liam Worthington, of Saybrook, was his mother, and that his father was also a clergyman of uncommon powers of mind, great force of character and scholarly attainments of a high order — we are ready to expect from him an exhibition of some of their strongest points of character and especially a firm attachment to the colonial party. When we are told that to all these hereditaments, he added rare gifts bestowed by a discriminating Providence only upon a favored few ; a handsome person, features classically beautiful, a natural gracefulness, a ready wit, and culture, laborious enough to shape all these materials and give them due development and proportion ; we are prepared to see in this only son, so care- fully brought up in the way that his fathers had walked, and so critically educated, an exhibition not only of the strong characteristics of the historical men from whom he was de- Bcended, but a model of the Christian gentlemen worthy to form the study of millions now growing up in our country, who appear to worship no God so much as that golden one 518 HISTOKY OF COXNECTICUT. which is molded by their own hands ; who regard principles as the artist does the colors that he spreads upon the can- vas — valuable only to form a surface ; and who look upon the social and domestic relations, as so many wares and com- modities that have their price in the great world's fair of business. As a statesmen, Governor Smith was also of the old school. He was in favor of the established order of things under which the state to which he belonged, and whose institutions his ancestors had adorned, had grown up and had been able to resist so successfully the misrule of British par- liaments and the measures of ministerial oppression. He was of course, by nature and education, as much opposed as Burke was, to the recklessness that led to the bloody scenes of the French revolution, and was distrustful, as many good men then were, of the advancing waves of popular power that were fast fretting away the long-settled foundations, which then supported the fabric of European and American society. In the struggle that followed that event, he sym- pathized with England for the same reason. Though not blind to her faults and spurning her tyranny, he loved her sobriety of character, her good sense, her warm adherence to the Christian faith, while he shrank from the blood-stained maxims and hollow pretensions of French philosophers and propagandists, with loathing and horror. In 1800, he was elected a member of Congress. He had not anticipated the possibility of such an event, and was only persuaded to accept the place by the solicitations of Gover- nor Trumbull and his other friends. When he took his seat in Congress, the federal party still held the ascendency, but its sun was destined soon to set never to rise again. He re- mained a member of the House of Representatives for a period of six years, and during that time, with the exception of a single session, was in the minority. It may be safely affirmed that no gentleman of that body was more widely known, or more highly respected by both parties. Most of this time he was chairman of the committee on claims, and HON. joiix coTTox sjriTiL 519 discharged the duties ol' this important position with great energy andimpartiahty. He was often called to the chair, and presided over the deliberations of the committee of the whole with more facility and dignity in those stormy times, than any other member of the House. To the lofty bearing and firmness of a Roman senator in the last days of the Repub- lic, he added a gentleness so conciliating and persuasive, that the spirit of discord lied abashed from his presence. Whenever any question came up for discussion that threat- ened to excite party jealousies, he was sure to be called to the chair. In pleasant allusion to this circumstance, a mem- ber of Congress of very high character, rej)resenting a sister state, thus interrogated Governor Smith, in a letter in 180G, after he had retired from public life, that he might the better administer to the comfort of an aged lather. "But first and chiefest, instruct me concerning him who used so often, when presiding in the committee of the whole, to beckon us to be solemn, while Randolph, executing on his party a holy jus- tice with his whip of scorpions, made " Strange horror seize thoiii, aiiJ pangs unfclt before." Thus, without mingling much in debate, he presided over it, and ruled it, at a time when John Randolph, Otis, Gris- wold, Lee, and Pinckney, were participators in it, and were willing to submit to the justice of his decisions and free to acknowledge his superiority over all his compeers in the sagacity and address, that enabled him to avoid the gathering storm, and the lightness and elegant ease, with which he rose upon its crested waves. In 1809, lie was chosen a judge of the superior court. He discharged the duties of the new place thus assigned him with great ability. As a member of the supreme court of errors, his written opinions are among the best to be lound in our reports, and are distinguished for their clearness of thought and finish of diction. But Judge Smith was not long sullered to remain a mem- her of the court. He was soon elected lieutenant-governor of the state. The sickness of Governor Griswold, as has 620 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. been stated in the preceding chapter, threw upon him for a time the onerous burdens of the executive, at a time the most critical of any that had transpired since the Revolution. In October, 1812, Governor Griswold died, and for the four fol- lowing years, Mr. Smith was elected governor of the state. It is impossible, in the limited space allotted to this sketch, to trace the details of Governor Smith's administration, and recount the difficulties that beset him on every side. His prudence and wisdom doubtless protracted for several years the dominion of the party with which his political life was identified. In the firm belief that he was right in the construction that he put upon the constitution of the United States, anxious to defend our exposed coast-towns that had once suffered from the fires of British vengeance, and at the same time to hold fast to the old charter privilege of the state government, to officer its own militia ; anxious, too, in his own words to fulfill his " obligations to the letter and spirit of the constitution," he turned himself in every way that seemed honorable to him, to meet the exigencies of the times. His administration closed with the election of the late Governor Wolcott, in 1817. With the fall of his party Governor Smith retired from the political arena. Whether the principles that had governed his public life were right or wrong, he felt that he could not change them or mix in the deliberations of those who were so earnest in breaking down the old order of the government. From birth, from association, from early culture, from the teachings of scripture, and the examples of history, as he understood them, his character had taken its guage, and could be neither shortened nor length- ened to adapt itself to the new order of things. Indeed, there seemed no very pressing need that he should any lon- ger keep the field. He was now fifty-two years old. He was the proprietor of a princely domain of nearly one thou- sand acres of land, most of it lying in the bosom of his native valley, every rod of which might be converted into a garden. Upon this estate, surrounded by the ancient forest-trees, ash, oak, and elm, that had shaded his boyhood, had been erected THE GENTLEMAN OF THE OLD SCHOOL. 521 during the latter half of the preceding century, a large ele- gant mansion-house of stone, that could def}' the extremes of the New England year, and was within a few yards of the one where his venerable father had lived and died, and not a mile from the spot wdiere he helped to lay the good old man in the earth, and where his grandfather and grandmother also reposed. The endearments of domestic life, in all their varied relations of husband and father, beckoned him to this delightful retreat, and a large circle of friends and neirrhhors were ready, without distinction of party, to welcome him home. And well they might be expected to welcome him. His father had administered the sacraments to their fathers for half a century, had preached to them, had baptized them in the name of the three persons of the blessed Trinity, had prayed for them, been present at their bridals and burials ; and in hours of public calamity, during the revolutionary period had stirred their courage with his deep manly voice, and the better to infuse into them the spirit of the Christian soldier, had consented to become their spiritual guide and accom})any them as chaplain to the field of blood. Well might they welcome the son of such a father, who, so far from squandering the reputation of his ancestors, or sutTering it to lie hid in a napkin, had put it out to use until the one talent had gained five others. From his retirement in 1817, until his death, a period of nearly thirty years. Governor Smith remained at home. Di- viding his time between the scholastic studies that had occu- pied so large a portion of his youth, and the pursuits of agriculture, he lived the life, then almost obsolete, of the Con- necticut planter of the seventeenth century. His hosj)itable mansion was always thronged with the most refined and cul- tivated guests, who, on whatever points they might difier, all agreed that their entertainer was an unrivalled gentleman in the highest and best sense of the word. The following extract from a letter addressed to Governor Smith, IVom General George P. Morris, bears delightful testi- mony to this fact. 522 HISTOKY OF CONXECTICUT. " I shall never forget my visit to your hospitable mansion. I have one association about it, that has ever been present to my mind. Will you forgive me if I record it here? It taught me a lesson that has been of service to me always. You may remember, I was quite a boy then. I was very poor, but very proud. I knew nothing of the world, and had never seen a governor in the whole course of my life. When I delivered you my letter of introduction, I trembled from head to foot, although you did not perceive it. You read it in the gravel-walk, in the shade of a fine tree, just by the wicket-gate. I watched your features as you folded up the note, and forgot my uneasiness when you took me by the arm and introduced me to your family. I slept that night well, and was awakened by the birds at early dawn. Sleep and the perfume of the flowers which stole in at my window had completely refreshed me. I felt like one who rests his foot upon the air, and longs for wings to mount to paradise. I had literally a light heart, and a liglit bundle ; for I had brought with me but the apology of a wardrobe, and I was wondering how I should make my toilet, when a knock at the door called my attention another way, 'come in,' said I. The door did not open. I went to it, astonished that any one should be ' stirring with the lark.' I opened it, and there stood Governor Smith, with my boots hanging to one of his little fingers, a napkin thrown over his arm, and shaving uten- sils in the palm of his hand. I wish you could see that noble- hearted irentleman now, as I saw him then, with his afiable smile, his cheerful 'good morning,' and the true spirit of hos- pitality sparkling in his eyes and irradiating his whole coun- tenance ; you would not think me extravagant if I recom- mended him as a study for an artist. I shall not attempt to describe my astonishment, nor the impression you made upon my unfettered and inexperienced mind ; but allow me to say, you taught me a lesson of humility which I have not forgotten, and never can forget. I thanked you for it then, and though a lifetime has since been numbered with the past, I thank vou for it now." DEATH OF GOVERXOR SMITH. 523 This beautiful jiictui'e is rivaled by another drawn by the hand of Governor Smith's biographer, a scholar and a man of rare genius : " I see him in that ripe old age which the hand of time had lightly touched, with his elastic ste}), his upright form, his manly and beaming countenance ; I hear the words of warm and courteous welcome, with which he received all that en- tered his hospitable mansion, and the rich and various dis- course with which he charmed them, as the conversation ran through the wide fields of history, philology, politics, and christian doctrine ; and admire that he should have carried into the evening of life, not only the fruits of large experi- ence, but so much of the freshness and sparkle of the dew of youth.*' Governor Smith was the first president of the Connecticut Bible Society. In 182G, he was made president of the Amer- ican Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, and in 1831, president of the American Bible Society. In 18M, the degree of doctor of laws was conferred on him by Yale College, and in 188G, he was elected a member of the Royal College of Northern Anti(]uarians, in Copenhagen, Den- mark. He died on the 7th of December, 1845, at the ad- vanced age of eighty years. His name and fame are still and must ever be associated with the great public religious enterprises of the world, which, in imitation of his Divine Master, he sought to bring under the mild influences of the Christian faith. His character can be likened to nothing that better illustrates it, than the warm smiling Sharon valley on a summer's morning, when the grass sparkles with dew-drops and the bright lakes gleam in the sun-shine ; stretching around the border of the vale, the large forms of the moun- tains seem to represent the innnovable ]n'inciples that de- fended his life, and bending above them are the heavens that suggest, while they seem to await, the flight of a pure soul to mansions of unclouded felicity. '■•■ * The Kov. Henry Smith, (the emigrant ancestor of Governor Smith,) was graduated at Cambridge, and came to New liiigland in 1(53(3. His paternal es- 524 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The successor of Governor Smith, was OHver Wolcott, the second of that name, and the third of the Wolcott family, who have filled the executive chair. He was elected under the charter, but with the expectation that he would be instrument- al in substituting for it the proposed constitution, which was then a forefrone conclusion. He was now the acknowled2;ed leader of the new party, and from his social position and family influence proved a very important pillar of the edifice that was to be built upon the ruins of the old one. While holding the ofiice of governor, he was elected a member of the constitutional convention from Litchfield, and was chosen president of the convention. His mind was thoroughly imbued with the spirit of equality that was then beginning to swallow up the older institutions of the country, and which is fast extending over the surface of the globe. As Governor Smith's administration was the last which represented the commonwealth, in the days of Haynes, Wyllys, Winthrop, Treat, and Saltonstall, so on the other hand. Governor Wolcott's was the first that embodied the principles of republicanism or democracy, as all political parties now understand the term. It is not necessary to say that these two orders were very dillerent. The former up- held a particular ecclesiastical system, in the belief that it was better than any other in the world, and sustained a high- toned aristocratical sentiment with distinctions in society marked sometimes by the hereditary influence of half a dozen generations ; the latter, made up of several religious tate was situated in Wyinondham, county of Norfolk, England, and in leaving his native country he sacrificed a handsome fortune and a high social position for the sake of " freedom to worship God." lie was the first settled minister in Wethcrs- field, Connecticut, where he died in 1G48. Samuel Smith, a great grandson of the Rev. Henry Smith, was among the first settlers of SuflTield. He married Jerusha Mather, daughter of the Rev. Cotton Mather, D.D. The Rev. Cotton Mather Smith, was a son of Samuel and Jerusha Smith, and was born in Sufiield, October 16, 1731 ; graduated in Yale College, in 1751 ; or- dained as pastor of the congregational church in Sharon, August, 1755, where he remained until his death, in 1800. He was the father of Governor Smith. See Rev. Dr. Chai)in's History of Glastcubury ; Andrews' Eulogy. TUE OLD AND THE NEW', 525 sects, declared that the church and state should have no po- litical alfinities, that all denominations were alike entitled to the fostering care of the government, and that no social dis- tinctions should be tolerated by the constitution, or counte- nanced by the people. Which of these two orders was the more to be desired, the reader must determine for himself. Doubtless there were good elements in both, and doubtless those elements still exist in the great political parties of the state, counteracting each other and bringing good out of evil. The man who was born in Connecticut, and yet can see nothing to admire in both these systems of administration, is so well grounded in his convictions that it would be useless to debate with him.* * The ]\IS quoted in this nairative was preparecl by the lion. Samuel Church, late chief judge of the state, express!}' fur this work. It was intended to repre- sent the claims of the party which was instrumental in bringing about the adop- tion of the constitution. It cost tlie venerable author much labor, and is at the service of all who choose to consult it. Scarcely was the ink dry upon its sheets when the hand that penned it was cold in death. CHAPTER XXIII. EARLY JimiSPRUDEXCE OF CONNECTICUT. It is not easy to tell why such sedulous attempts have been made to fasten upon Connecticut the odium of having gi'own up under an illiberal municipal code. Without reca- pitulating what has been said in former chapters of this work, on the subject of civil liberty, it may be proper to say here, that of all the early American colonies, Connecticut was the least exclusive, and that she is only to be blamed that she was not still more in advance of that bigoted age. It would not be a hard task to draw a contrast between her and the mother country, which would show in a most favorable light the mild and equitable policy of the emigrants. The number of capital offenses was far less than in England, in the reign of Elizabeth, or either Stuart. Indeed, except for the offenses of murder, treason, and rape, whatever may have been the letter of the law, the death-penalty was hardly ever inflicted. The offenses of blasphemy, witchcraft, and one or two others of a kindred sort, were borrowed from the Jewish code, and inserted in the statute-book, out of respect for the Hebrew ora- cles ; but remained for the most part inoperative, except as they might tend to keep the wayward from the paths of trans- gression. There have been, it is believed, within the last two hundred and twenty years, fewer executions in Connecticut for crime, than in any other state of equal size in the world. The records of our courts have scarcely the stain of blood upon them, except in those rare instances, happening less fre- quently formerly than now, when some hapless murderer has paid the forfeit of his guilt.* This one fact speaks volumes in * There have been but three executions in the county of Litchfield, since its organization ; viz., 1. John Jacob, an Indian, for the murder of another Indian, in 1768 ; 2. Baruet Davenport, for murder and arson, in Washington, hung May 8, 1780 •, 3. A man named Goss, for murdering his wife, in the northern part of the County. See Woodruff's History of Litchfield pp. 30, 31. BLUE LAWS. 527 favor of the mildness of tlie criminal code, as it was adminis- tered by the founders of the republic. The proper way of determining the spirit of a code, is to see it through the medium of the records of the courts which govern themselves by it. What construction did they put upon it, who instituted it ? What was its practical opera- tion ? Did it protect the people from tyranny, or did it press heavily upon them ? Did it heat the wounds of bleeding humanity, or did it tear them open afresh ? When these questions are answered, a child can tell whether the laws were good or bad. It is idle for a stranger to attempt, from the cursory examination of the laws of a generation long passed away, to determine what was their character. He may regard them in one way, and those who administered them may regard them in another. Let the searcher after truth ex- amine the records, and then, after taking into account the pe- culiarities of the age to v,'hich they belong, he may form some- thing like a correct estimate of the jurisprudence of a people. It has been said that Connecticut is the " Blue Law State." It is difficult for a scholar to understand the precise signifi- cance of this cant phrase, which bears upon its features such marks of its low origin, that it is marvelous how it ever could have gained admittance into good society. The vul- garity of this nickname, takes away from it the poison which might otherwise have flowed through its hollow fangs, and leaves it nothing save its impotent hiss and a malevolence that is to be avoided only because it unsettles the equilibrium of a nervous system too refined to be indifferent to jarring sounds. It is thought to be the child of political prejudice, and to have had its birth out of the limits of the state. But there are other objections to be raised against it, aside from the fact that it is an alien. It has a shockingly bad moral charac- ter. It is a demagogue, making all its appeals to the worst passions of the people, and, (why should not the whole por- traiture l)e given,) it is either woelully ignorant or sadly given to lying. It represents this oldest of all republics, erected upon the rei)rcsentative basis; the })lacc where tree republi- 528 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. canism was born, cradled in its infancy, and grew up to as- sume the port and stature of mature years ; the place where all extremes of religious opinion were more freely tolerated than in any other part of the Christian world ; the soil where the fugitive Anne Hutchinson could find a place of refuge, and Whalley and Goffe could find a cave, while their pursu- ers were courteously entertained ; where, by the very first code ever published by fier people, all denominations were allowed to worship God in their own way, provided they did not commit a breach of the peace ; it represents such a re- public as intolerant, cruel, bigoted, and persecuting. Let us see if this representation is not false. Long before 1672, when the first municipal code of Connecticut was published, the General Court or Legislature of the republic adopted the Ibllowing preamble, and enacted the ibllowing statute : " This court, having seriously considered the great divis- ions that arise amongst us about matters of Church Govern- ment, for the Honour of God, welfare of the Churches and pre- servation of the publick peace so greatly hazarded : " Do Declare, That whereas the Congregational Churches in these parts, for the general of their profession and practice have hitherto been approved, we can do no less than approve and countenance the same to be without disturbance until better light in an orderly way doth appear. But yet, foras- much as sundry persons of worth for prudence and piety amongst us, are otherwise persuaded, (whose welfare and peaceable satisfaction we desire to accommodate.) This Court doth Declare, That all such persons, being so approved according to law, as orthodox and sound in the fundamentals of the Christian Religion, may have allowance in the persua- sion and Proiession in Church ways or Assemblies without disturbance." This statute was passed at a period, let it be remembered, when civil and religious toleration was almost unknown in the rest of the world, and was enacted on purpose to give a wider latitude to the forms that were supposed to embody the QUAKERS, RANTERS, AND ADAMITES. 529 essentials of the Christian faith, than had been tolerated in the mother country. All tiiat this statute required of those who dissented from the congregational or estahlislied religion of the republic, was, that they should conduct themselves peaceably, and should be Cliristians. But who was to be the judge of the doctrines maintained by dissenters from the es- tablished order? The people tliemselves, through their con- stituted authorities. They might err in judgment, in making the application, and doubtless did in many instances. It is demanding too much of them that they should not only be more than a century in advance of any European nation in the spirit of their tenets, but that they should travel out of the conditions which prescribe imperfection to human nature, and infallibly apply those laws to individual cases. They abhorred infidelity. They were willing to tolerate peaceable Chris- tians, and passed an act intending to embrace them all. They did not agree to give them the patronage of the government ; that measure of liberty was reserved for a later day. But they agreed to tolerate them. And yet they are accused of intolerance, because they reserved to tlieir authorities the construction of their laws. What other nation does not do the same ? Treason, murder, forgery, burglary, all the crimes known to the code of any nation on earth, are con- strued by the authorities of the nation which makes them penal. The only danger is, that the oracles of the law being uttered by the lips of men, may sometimes speak equivocally, sometimes falsely. That is an incident to our common nature. But it is said that the practical administration of the laws was faulty, and that some sects of Christians, esj)ecially the quakcrs, were roughly treated and excluded from the commonwealth. It is true, that in the early period of the colony there was a law passed against " hereticks, whether Quakers, Ranters, Adamites, or such like !" Was there any thing startling in the features of such a law at that day ? Had not a similar one existed in England, under various modifications, from a time ante-dating the conquest of Wil- liam, the Norman, and was it not harshness and cruelty itself (36 680 ^ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. compared with this statute ? But let us see what sort of citi- zens those persons were, who were denominated " Quakers, Ranters, Adamites, and such like." The first dissenters in the colony against whom the arm of the civil law was raised were known as Ranters or Ranting Quakers. For their vio- lent and unlawful behavior, they were ordered to be forcibly transported out of the colony. Subsequently about the year 1674, John and James Rogers, of New London, having been engaged in trade with the Rhode Islanders, gradually imbibed the peculiar doctrines and sentiments of the seventh-day bap- tists of that colony. Their father, James Rogers, sen., was a man of wealth and high position, who had frequently repre- sented the town in the General Court of the colony.* The new sect never became numerous, but for a long series of years they gave tlie people and the authorities much trouble. In their tenets and discipline, they soon became obnoxious to the sect in Rhode Island from which they originally received their principles of dissent, and established a denomination or sect of their own, and were called Rogerine Quakers, and some- times Rogerine Baptists. They regarded all days alike, and took especial delight in treating the Sabbath and public wor- ship with contempt. They courted persecution, imprison- ment, and martyrdom, and bade defiance to the law, its offi- cers, and its penalties. They would enter the church on the Sabbath, in a tumultuous manner, and loudly declaim against the doctrines preached. The men and women would carry their work into the church during public worship ; and at other times would enter the assembly half naked during Sun- day service, and loudly boast of having desecrated the day. They regarded churches as an abomination, and all audible prayers either in the family or in public as hypocritical. The taking of an oath, even in a court of justice, they held to be taking the name of God in vain.f * Miss Caulkins regards him as the James Roger, who came to this country in Uie Increase, in April, IGSo, in company with the Chittcndons, Bucks, Kilbourns, Warners, Stones, and Rlarvins. t The records of the New London County Court, under date of April 14, 108."), contain the following entry. " .lohn Rogers, James Rogers, Jr., Samuel Beebee, THE ROGERENES. 531 The offenders were fined, imprisoned, set in tiie stocks, and whipped, but all without avail. It was calculated that John Rogers, after his professed conversion, passed one-third of his life in prison. It is particularly noticeable, however, that this strange sect were not punished for their religious senti- ments or opinions, but for flagrant outrages against the laws of the colony. Such were the victims of this so-called persecution, which has been thrown in our teeth with such an annihilating air of triumph by the traducers of those who founded our state, and built up its history. That errors were committed under this and kindred statutes, and that in individual cases, bad passions and wicked motives may have carried on a syste- matic plan of persecution under the sanction of legal ibrms, will not be disputed. We all know that this is done even in our day, and will be until the coming of Ilim whose right it is himself to reign without committing the government of men to a delegated authority. Jr., and Joana Way, are complained of for profaning God's holy day by servile work, and are trrovvn to that height of impunity as to come at several times into the town to re-baptise several persons ; and when (iod's people were met together on the Lord's day to worship God, several of them came, and made great disturb- ance, behaving themselves in such a frantic manner, as if jwssessed with a dia- bolical spirit, so affrighting and amazing that several women swooned and fainted away. John Rogers to be whipped fifteen lashes, and for unlawfully re-baptizing to pay £5. The others to be whipped." Samuel Fox, prosecuted for catching eels of Sunday, said that lie jnadc no dif- ference of days ; liis wife Bathshua Fox, went openly to the meeting-house to proclaim that she had been doing servile work on their Sabbath ; John Rogers accompained her, interrupting the minister, and proclaiming a similar offence. At one time, Rogers trundled a wheel-barrow into the porch of the meeting- house during the time of service ; for which, after being set in the stocks, he was put into prison and kept for a considerable time. While thus in durance, he hung out of the window a board eontainiiig the following proclamation : " I, John Rogers, a servant of Jesus Christ, doth here make an open declara- tion of war against the great red dragon, and against the beast to which he gives power ; and against the false church that rides upon the beast ; and against the false prophets who are established by the dragon and the beast ; and also a proc- lamation of derision against the sword of the devil's spirit, which is prisons, stocks, whips, fines, and reviliiigs, all which is to defend the elevation of devils." See Caulkins' Hist, of New London, 211, 212. 532 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. When in 1665, the commissionei's of Charles II., visited Connecticut, they reported that the colony would " not hin- der any from enjoying the sacraments and using the common prayer book, provided that they hinder not the maintenance of the public minister."* There was, however, as we have seen, no organized episcopal church in Connecticut, until about the year 1723, though divine service had been per- formed in Stratford, according to the forms of that church, for some years anterior to the date designated. In 1727, within four years of the first organization of the first episcopal church in the colony, and probably in response to their first application for relief, it was enacted by the legislature, that "if it so happen, that there be a society of the church of England, where there is a person in orders according to the canons of the church of England, settled and abiding among them, and performing divine service, so near to any person that hath declared himself of the church of England, that he can conveniently, and doth, attend the public worship there, whatever tax he shall pay for the support of religion, shall be delivered unto the minister of the church of England." Those who conformed to the church of England, were at the same time authorized to tax themselves for the support of their clergy, and were " excused from paying any taxes for building meeting-houses." In 1729, the quakers and baptists were exempted, on certain conditions, from paying taxes for the support of the congregational ministry, and for building meeting-houses. t The law of 1727, was modified by several successive acts, each being designed for the benefit or relief of dissenters. It is further urged that the fathers of the state believed in the crime of witchcraft. This accusation is true. They did enact a statute prohibiting that crime, borrowed from the Hebrew code, and from the laws of England. This is its concise form : * Hutchinson, 412. + See early statutes ; also Prof. Kingsley's Historical Discourse, at New Haven, 1838. GOOD^YIFE KNAPP. 533 " If anv man or woman be a witch, that is, hath or con- sulteth with a familiar spirit, they shall be put to death." But what was the practical operation of the law ? From a careful examination of the records of New Haven colony, it does not appear that there ever was even a conviction for that crime, within that jurisdiction ; much less was there ever an execution. So far from this being the case, those records contain strong presumptive evidence that the courts in that colony and the public sentiment there, were not fa- vorable to such accusations. The New Haven archives give us the only evidence which now exists that there ever was an execution for witchcraft in the Connecticut colony. The fact is mentioned incidentally, in the trial of Roger Ludlow, Esq., for having slandered the wife of Thomas Staples in charging her with being a witch. In the testimony elicited during the trial, reference is made to the execution of Good- wife Knapp.* There 7/zf/yhave been other instances, but our records do not furnish them ; and no parole or traditionary proof that can now be relied upon, leads the mind to any cer- tain conclusion, that human life was sacrificed in the colony under the sanction of this law, on any other occasion. Ann Cole was convicted, but was she executed ? Let the anti- quary and the tradition-hunter decide. Mather tells us she was. How did he know it, and why was the fact so public in Boston, and yet so obscure in Hartford, that not even a tradition of it remains ? But suppose there were in the course of a hundred and fifty years, two executions, or even ten, would that prove that our institutions were illiberal ? The wise and philoso- * Thus, Ludlow charged Mrs. Staples with having caused the body of Good- wife Knapp, to be examined " after she was hanged;'^ Su.san Lockwood said she was "present at the execution of Cloodwifi' Knapp ;" Elizabeth lirewster testified that " after Goodwife Knapp was executed^ as soon as she was cut down, she the said Knapp, being carried to the grave-side, Goodwife Staples witli some other women went to search the said Knapp," for witch marks; and that Goodwife Sta- ples declared that the deceased was no witcdi. Allusion was also made at the same trial to tlie conviction of " Goodwife 15as- sett ;" and our colonial records refer to the conviction of Mercy Disborough ; but I find no reason to believe that either of them was executed. 534 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. phical Cudworth, one of the brightest gems of the English church, and almost as free from bigotry as Paul, said in 1678, that those who did not believe in the existence of witchcraft, "could hardly escape the suspicion of having some hankering towards atheism." James I., James II., Queen Elizabeth, Lord Bacon, Lord Coke, Sir Walter Raleigh, Lord Mans- field, and Lord Hale, all believed implicitly in it. Hale sen- tenced more than one poor wretch to death for familiarity with the devil, long after our fathers had abandoned the su- perstition; and Sir William Blackstone, as late as the period of the American revolution, embodied the remark in his ex- cellent Commentaries upon the laws of England, that " in general there has been such a thing as witchcraft." Indeed, the English statute punishing that crime, remained unre- pealed until the ninth year of the reign of George II., after the ashes of Goodwife Knapp, and Ann Cole, if she too was a victim, had been mingled with the elements for the period of a hundred years. While our fathers were hesitating and doubting if such a crime existed, England, Scotland, Ger- many, and Massachusetts, were sending hundreds of withered women and enthusiastic men to the ducking-stool and the gallows. It is said that laws were enacted both in New Haven and Connecticut, compelling people to attend upon public worship on the Sabbath. Before our ancestors are charged with blame, it would be well to inquire whether this was exclu- sively a puritanical measure. If the objector will turn to the act of the 35th of Elizabeth, entitled an act '"to retain the queen's majesty's subjects in their due obedience," he will find that " any person or persons, above the age of sixteen years, which shall obstinately refuse to repair to some church, chapel, or usual place of common prayer, to hear divine ser- vice, established by her majesty's laws and statutes, in that behalf made" — or shall " advisedly or maliciously move or persuade any other person" from attending — " or be present at any unlawful assemblies, conventicles, or meetings, under color or pretence of any exercise of religion contrary to her SUMPTUARY LAWS. 535 majesty's said laws and statutes" — and shall be convicted thereof, they "shall be committed to prison, there to remain without bail or mainprize, until they shall conform and yield themselves, to come to some clmrch, chapel, or usual place of common prayer, and hear divine service according to her majesty's laws and statutes aforesaid." The offender not conforming, he was obliged to " abjure the realm," and " if he return without her majesty's special license," he " shall be adjudged a felon, and shall suQer, as in the case of felons, without benefit of clergy." Can the caviler find a more stringent law on this subject, in the statute-book of Connecticut? But we are told that the laws afford evidences of bigotry and ascetecism, and that sumptuary statutes were passed of a narrow and bigoted sort ; that the peoj)le feared the devil, and that the inhabitants were compelled to attend jniblic wor- ship. It is indeed true, that they were a stern self-denying people, and that they fasted often and prayed much ; but fast- tings and austerities of life, were not confined to them or to their religious tenets. In many things they were bigoted and abstinent, but these extremes are believed to be better than a laxness of moral principle, and a too great indulgence in those extravagancies which sap the foundations of the hu- man constitution, and make men prematurely old. If these things were faults, they were what our ancestors used to call "good faults." With regard to sumptuary laws, they passed some strict ones, but they were all on the side of virtue and morals, all conducive to the greatest good of the greatest number; not fences for the deer-parks of a lazy aristocracy, to keep the people shut out from the best lands of the coun- try, and punish them by death or banishment if they hap- pened, in attempting to satisfy the cravings of hunger, to bend a cross-bow beneath the branching oaks of some lord of the manor, or unstop the rabbit warrens of some beer-bloated country squire. As regards the devil, it is possible to fear him too much, but it is believed that if the present generation were more afraid of that dignitarv, and regarded liim more 536 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. as a reality, and less as a myth, it would be quite as well with them in the end. The following statute contrasts well with the English "Game Laws" at that era: " Whereas great loss and damage hath befel tiiis colony by reason of wolves, which destroy great numbers of our cattle, therefore for the encouragement of such as shall labor to destroy then), " It is ordered by this court, that any person that shall kill any wolf or wolves, within six miles of any plantation in this colony, shall have for every wolf by him or them so killed, eight shillings out of the public treasury of the colony. And every Englishman shall have eight shillings more paid him out of the town treasury, within whose bounds the wolf was killed ; provided that due proof be made thereof, and also that they bring a certificate under some magistrate's hand, or constable of that place, unto the treasurer; provided, also, that this order intend only such plantations as do contribute with us to public charges, in which case they shall make pay- ment upon their own charge.'' "It is also ordered by the authority of this court, that what person soever, English or Indian, shall take any wolf out of any pit made by any other man to catch wolves in, whereby they would defraud the right owner of their due from the colony or town, every such offender shall pay to the owner of the pit twenty shillings, or be whipped on the naked body not exceeding six stripes." But it is objected that the old fathers of the colony passed a statute prohibiting lying. That this statute has been much complained of by modern critics, is not surprising. Indeed, if it were to be re-enacted and again put in force, it would be of such sweeping application as to be intolerably oppressive. But even in this respect, Connecticut was in noway singular. Moses had done the same in his day ; and Alfred, when he was laying the foundations of the greatest empire of modern times, made it punishable, not by whipping, or the stocks, but by a still more' thorough penalty — cutting out the liar's tongue. CIVIL AUTIIOKITY PARAMOUNT. 537 To come nearer home, the quaker colony of Pennsylvania, the Roman cathoHc colony ot" Maryland, and the episcopal one of Virginia, all passed a law similar to that of Connecticut, and equally rigid. There are some old fashioned people left in the world yet, who honor them for it. It would be easy for any lawyer of ordinary capacity to examine the civil and criminal code of Connecticut, and con- trast it for liberality, simplicity, and moral tone, with most of the other modern codes of the world. Whoever attempts to cast reproach upon the laws of such a people, will be met with startling analogies, let us rather say, painful contrasts, pungent re[)artees. lie will find that he is handling tools with sharp edges and barbs, that readily enter his flesh, but are plucked out with dilliculty and pain. The laws of Connecticut, like her first constitution, w^ere made to pass through Roger Ludlow's mint.* They received his stamp and of course bore the image of the bird of free- dom, as well as the clusters of the three vines. The great object of these laws, as might have been expected, was, to talie care of the people ; to do justice and to execute judg- ment between man and man. One of the very first statutes which was passed, and which was embodied in the first edi- tion of our public acts, shows a wisdom and a kind of second sight, prophetic of the general equality and religious tolera- tion of the constitution of 1818. It is as follows : " Forasmuch as the peace and prosperity of the churches, and the members thereof, as well as civil rights and liberties, are carefully to be maintained — " It is ordered by this court, That the civil authority here established, hath power and liberty to see the peace, ordi- nances, and rules of Christ, to be observed in every church according to his word ; as also to deal with any church- * As early as April, 1646, Mr. Ludlow was desired by the General Court, "to take some paynes in dravviiif^ forth a body of lawcs for the govornnient of this commonwealth." In May, 1647, the court ordered that Mr. Ludlow ''sliould, besides the paying the hyer of a man, be futher considered for his paynes." The code appears to have been " concluded and established" in i\Iay, 1651. See J. TI. Truinbull's Records, i. pp. 138, 154, 509. 538 ■ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. member in a way of civil justice, notwitiistanding any chmxh- relation, office, or interest, so it be done in a civil and not in an ecclesiastical ivay, nor shall any church censure, degrade or depose any man from any civil dignity, office, or authority, he shall have in the colony.''' Here we see the axe laid at the root of ecclesiastical do- minion, as such. The civil authority is not only to be sepa- rated from the ecclesiastical, but it is declared even in church matters to be paramount to it. It took a long time to bring the people to recognize a practical equality of all religious sects, but the seeds were sown and could not perish in the ground. The laws of Connecticut have always been distinguished for their simplicity, their certainty, their mildness, their adap- tation to the conditions of the humblest classes, and the cheapness with which they have meted out justice to the acrarieved. The tribunals of the state have been famed for the learning and impartiality of the judges, and, thanks to our common schools, for the intelligence and manliness of our jurors. To dwell at length upon this topic, would require a separate treatise. Our whole statute laws are yet printed in a single octavo volmne. ^no. 6^ r. MT.lRlETogiidSltmKJL SlEAffiPffiT,]IDJD). History of Coini<.-7:l, ,it CHATTER XXIV. EPISCOPACY IN CONNECTICUT. It would be interesting to trace the history of the episco- pal church throughout the American colonies, irom the earli- est settlement of Jamestown down to the time when the re- ligious establishment of Connecticut gave place to the Consti- tution of 1818. But it is impossible to depart from the limits of the State, though by doing so we might the better estimate its influence upon the rest of the continent. In the town of Stratford still stands a small church with its high arched windows, in the style of ai'chitecture that marks that denomination of Christians, with its scjuare tower standing out from the main botly of the building, surmounted by its small belfry and shapely spire rising above the trees, that shade the sunny slopes and swelling mounds which relieve the vil- lage of Stratford from tlie dreary level that often marks the conflict of the ocean with the shore. This church was erect- ed in 174G, and is now more than a century old. The aged men who helped to build it, and who were })resent at its con- secration, could distinctly remember the flrst establishment of episcopacy in Connecticut, and some of them had partici- pated in the exciting warfare consequent upon it. It has been before said, that from almost the first settlement of the colony, there had existed in it an established religion which belonged to the government, and was as firmly ui)lield by it as any branch of the civil machinery. One of the provisions in behalf of this establishnient, was embodied in the statute of which the following is an extract : " It is ordered by the Authority of this Court, That every inhabitant shall henceforth contribute to all charges both in church and colony whereof he doth or may receive benefit, and every such inhabitant, who shall not voluntarily contri- 540 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. bute proportionably to his ability, with the rest of the same town, to all charges both civil and ecclesiastical, shall be compelled thereunto by assessment and distress, to be levied by the constable or other officer of the town, as in other cases, and that the lands and estates of all men, wherever they dwell, shall be rated for all town charges, both civil and ecclesiastical, as aforesaid, the lands and estates w'here they shall lie, and their persons where they dwell." This provision remained substantially the same until 1727. With the exception of the opposition of the persons called " Quakers, Ranters, and Adamites," the established religion was supported in the colony with almost entire unanimity for many years. But it is impossible that the opinions of any one generation should be locked up in a vault strong enough to keep them from age to age in their primitive con- dition. Dampness will gather around them and steal away their vitality, violence will break open the doors that imprison them, and set them free, or their deliverance will be left to the more slow but equally sure action of the rains and frosts, which will soften and crack asunder the mortar and the stones, until, if the key does not drop from the arch, there will be found many seams and crevices in the walls for the entrance of the winds. So it had been in the old world, and so was it in the new. There were, very early in the eighteenth century, a few men in the colony, who were descendants of the first emigrants, and who sympathised with the causes that had in- duced their fathers to remove to this continent, who yet adhered to the forms of the English church, and believed that their favorite institution, when severed from political connec- tions and left to her own sphere of religious action, had little sympathy with the cruelties and oppressions that had been charged upon her. They began to find the payment of rates to support a form of religion that they did not approve, to be very irksome, and although it was in accordance with the order of things established in England, yet they felt that as our in- stitutions were new, they ought to be more flexible. They [ITOt;.] MR. MUIRSON, o41 pleaded, too, the precedent of the emigrants themselves, who iiad left England for the enjoyment of liberty of conscience, and claimed that all the descendants of those men, more especially those who were born upon the soil, had a right to pay their money for the support of such a religious organization as they deemed fitted for their own consciences. But they could not fail to be aware, that in bringing about this charge, they must struggle with the spirit of the age, and that the contest, if not ultimately doubtful, would be at least a protracted one. About seventy years had passetl away since the settlement of the colony began, when the " Society for propagating the Gospel in Foreign l^arts," an episcopal oi"ganization, established at Rye, in the colony of New York, the Rev. Mr. Muirson as a missionary. A lew individuals at Stratford, some of whom were highly respectable, had for some time been dissatisfied with the prevailing mode of worship in Connecticut, and were glad that they could have for a near neighbor, a clergy- man who administered the sacraments and adhered to the ceremonials of the church as they recognized it to exist. Not long after ]\lr. jMuirson had been stationed at Rye, an earnest application was made to him in behalf of these per- sons, begging him to visit Stratford, and preach there, and baptize such as might desire to receive that rite at his hands. Some time during the year 170G, Mr. Muirson yielded to these solicitations, and in company with Colonel lleathcote, a gentleman who, with himself, had the cause of the English church much at heart, repaired to Stratford on this errand. Of course they could not expect that their coming would be regarded with very much indulgence by the puritan ministers and elders of the town and neighborhood, who used such ar- guments as they could to prevent their families and friends from attending upon religious services so different from their own. Perhaps this very effort excited the curiosity of the people to a still higher pitch, to witness the new ceremonies, and it is almost certain that it stimulated those whose minds were already made up, to a still more ardent and firm resolve. 542 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. The whole affair was managed so prudently by Mr. Muirson, and such zealous exertions were made by those who had in- vited him, that a large number of persons, probably as many as seventy or eighty, were induced to assemble, and see and hear for themselves. The result was, that seventy-five per- sons, most of them adults, were baptized. This was the first time that any attempt had been made to introduce episcopacy into Connecticut. In April, 1707, Mr. Muirson, with his friend, Mr. Heath- cote, again visited Stratford. He preached there, and also at Stratfield, and pei'formed the baptismal rite in both places. The congregational ministers and magistrates did not interfere with him in any other way, thnn by attempting to persuade the people not to attend upon his ministrations. This opposition had the same effect that it had done before, in stimulating the efforts of the zealous, and in quickening the activity of those who were charmed with the novelty of the forms of the church. After this, Mr. Muirson made several visits to Connecticut, and labored earnestly with those who were willing to listen to him. In the year 1722, the Society heretofore alluded to, estab- lished the Rev. Mr. Pigot as a missionary at Stratford. He soon had twenty communicants and about one hundred and fifty hearers. While the early clergy of the episcopal church were thus struQ;G;lin2; to establish the foundations of the church in the colony, and laboring to overcome those prejudices with which they were compelled to contend, the alarming intelli- gence burst upon the public ear, that the Rev. Timothy Cutler, the rector of Yale College, which was then the strong-hold of Congregationalism in New England, had de- clared for episcopacy. The news flew as if it had been borne by carrier-pigeons, into every hamlet, and to every farm-house in the northern colonies. It was of course an event which could not escape the notice of the trustees of a seminary, which had been founded for the avowed object of supporting the religion of the colony, and of educating minis- JOHNSON, CUTLER, AND PIGOT. 513 ters to perpetuate the institutions of puritanism. Mr. Cutler was not surprised, therefore, when he was informed, by a vote of the board of trustees, that he was " excused from all further service as Rector of Yale College." It was a vote ap- parently characterized by little of the bitterness that usually attends ecclesiastical controversies, and his retirement from the ot?icial station was the occasion of keen regret on both sides. During the following November, Mr. Cutler, in com- pany with Mr. Johnson, of West Haven, and Mr. Brown, one of the tutors of the college, sailed for England, and in March of the year 1723, those gentlemen were all ordained by the Bishop of Norwich. Soon after, Mr. Cutler received, both from Oxtbrd and Cambridge, the degree of doctor of divinity. Few men of that day, enjoyed a higher reputation for scholarship and intellectual gifts than Dr. Cutler. His per- sonal popularity at Yale, while at the head of the institution, was almost unbounded. He v»as also fortunate in being eulogized even by his successors, who were opposed to him in his ecclesiastical views. One president of Yale College* has left his written testimonial, that "Dr. Cutler was a gentle- man of superior natural powers and learning," while another, the Rev. Dr. Stiles, no insignificant authority in such matters, and a person not lavish of compliments, wrote of him as fol- lows : "In the philosophy, metaphysics, and ethics of his day, he was great. He spoke Latin with fluency, and with great propriety of pronunciation. He was a man of extensive reading in the academic sciences, divinity, and ecclesiastical history, and of a commanding presence and dignity in govern- ment. He was of a lofty and despotic mien, and made a grand figure at the head of a college." In 1723, Christ Church, the oldest episcopal church in the colony, was founded by the Rev. Mr. Samuel Johnson, who was appointed to succeed Mr. Pigot. Mr. Johnson is desig- nated by Dr. Dwight as " the father of Episcopacy in Con- necticut, and perhaps as the most distinguished clergyman of that description who has been settled within its limits." * Dr. C!;ip. 544 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. He was born in Guilford, October 14, 1696,* and graduated at Yale College in 1714. From 1716 to 1719 he remained in the college as a tutor, and during the year 1720 he was ordained minister of the Presbyterian church in West Haven. Having embraced episcopacy, he sailed from Boston for England, and was there ordained. Mr. Johnson, on his re- turn to this country, was settled as above stated, at Stratford, where he remained until his appointment to the presidency of King's College, in New York, in 1754. He received the degree of doctor of divinity from the university of Oxford. He published A System of Morals, in 1746 ; A Treatise on Morals, and A Treatise on Logic, which were republished to- gether in 1772 ; and A Hebrew Grammar, in 1767, which was reprinted in 1771, with additions and improvements. Dr. Johnson was regarded as a learned, diligent, and faith- ful preacher of the gospel. He possessed a remarkably placid temper, and a benevolent and charitable disposition, which together with his unfeigned piety, manifested them- selves in unwearied eflbrts to do good. Even in his contro- versial writings, these delightful traits of the Christain charac- ter are strikingly observable. He died January 6, 1772. The Rev. James Wetmore, the congregational minister of North Haven, became an episcopalian about the same time with Mr. Johnson and Mr. Cutler, and he also went to Eng- land for the purpose of being re-ordained. The Rev. John Beach, who had been for seven years the approv-ed pastor of the congregational church in Newtown, seceded from the established church, and proceeded to England, where he was * Dr. Johnson was a son of Samuel Johnson who was born in 1G70 and died in 1727; his father, William Johnson, settled in Giiill'oid where he died in 1702, aged 73 ; his father, Robert Johnson, was one of the founders of New Haven. Dr. Samuel Johnson was married to Charity Floyd, Sept. 26, 1725. She died in New York, June 1, 1758, and was buried under the chancel of the old English church. Their only sons were William Samuel Johnson, LL. D., who was born Oct. 7, 1727, and the Rev. William Johnson, a promising young clergy- man of the chureli of ICngland, who died of sma!l-pox in London, Sundaj', June 20, 175G, " and was buried under the church of St. Mildred, in the Poultry, iu Mr. Mauley's vault." i [ EFFOKTS TO PROCURE A BISHOP. 545 episcopally ordained, in September, 1732. lie became a missionary in Newtown and Reading, where a church was erected in 1734, and two years after he reported one hun- dred and five communicants. In 1751, the ordinary congre- gation in eacli i)iace was between two and three hundred, and tiie communicants between ninety and one hundred. In 17G2, Mr. Beach was able to report that the churcinnen in Newtown liad become nK)re numerous than all others combined — a fact wiiich remains good to this day. Besides the parishes under the immediate care of Mr. Beacli, tiiose of Roxbury and New Milford* were organized by him. Those of Lanesborough, in Massachusetts, and Arhngton, in Vermont, also owed their existence mainly to emigration from the parishes under liis care.f From 1707, when the first prayer was read on the bank of James river, invoking the divine blessing upon the emi- grants, who were to level the forests of the old dominion, down to the day when the British sceptre was cut in twain by the edge of Washington's sword — a period of one hundred and seventy years — the scattered flock belonging to the American branch of the English church was left to wander in the wilds of the west without an episcopal shepherd. Again and again did the pious missionaries who had been sent to this continent by the Society for Propagating the Gos- pel in Foreign Parts, address letters to the Bishop of London, and others in authority at home, begging that the episcopalians in America might have a bishop of their own, who should * It is stated that certain chuichmon in New MilforJ were fined for refusing to attend the meetings of the established churcli. These fines were, by recommen- dation of Mr. Beach, ])aid, and copies of the proceedings taken to be forwarded to the king and council. The fact becoming known, the authorities refunded the money and granted permission to build a church, which before had been refused. Church Review, vol. ii. p. 317. t Mr. Beach was born in Stratford in ITtiO; graduated at Yale College in 1721, and was settled over the congregational church in 1725. lie died March 19, 1782. lie published several sermons and pamphlets, mostly of a controversial character, which evince a candid .sjiirit and much more than ordinary talents. He was an indefatigable laborer in the vineyard of his Master. The name of Beach had always been a good one in Connecticut. The Beaches of Litchfield, New- Haven, and Hartford counties, are from the same family. 67 646 HISTORY OF COXNECTICUT. have power to add to the number of the clergy, and to estab- hsh that church upon a basis tliat would enable her to enter the field of labor on an equal footing with the other denomi- nations of New England ; but these solicitations fell upon the ears of the establishment with as little practical etlect as if they had been made to the General Court of Massachu- setts or the General Assembly of Connecticut. The House of Stuart was followed by the Protectorate, and that again gave place to the House of Stuart ; Lord Clarendon gave the authority of his name to the prayer of the missionaries, and even the king approved the design so far as to order a patent to be made out ; Queen Anne favored the applica- tion ; eminent doctors and learned clergymen pleaded for it upon their knees ; but all in vain. State policy, that fruit- ful nurse of so many persecutions and proscri]:)tions, turned a deaf ear to the prayer of the suppliants, and " refused to let the people go." The House of Hanover succeeded, with no better promise for this result. JMeanwhile, as dynasty after dynasty passed away, the patient missionary, stationed at a remote point on the border of some colony whose in- habitants sympathized little with his teachings, or oi)posed them either by argument, as in Connecticut, or by legislative enactments, as in Massachusetts, kept on the even tenor of his way, sprinkling with water and signing with the sign of the cross, such as would receive the rite at his hands.* * The first effijrt to procure the consecration of a bishop for New England, was made in 1638, but the scliemo was thwarted by the outbreak of troubles in Scot- land (" Missions of the Church of England," p. 376.) In the revolution which soon followed, the matter was apparently forgotten. Soon after the Restoration, however, in 1660 the subject of an American bishop was revived, and a patent was actually made out, constituting Dr. Alexander Murray, bishop of \'irginia, with a general charge over the other provinces and colonies. The project was defeated by the accession to power of the " Cabal Ministry," (Hawkins, p. 376.) Seeker states that the failure was owing to the endowment being made payable out of the customs. JJoucher, however, says on this subject, " By some fatality or other, (such as seems forever to have pursued all the good measures of that unfortunate family,) the patent was not signed when the king died." Soon after the establishment of the venerable Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, in 1701, the American missionaries began to urge upon that society the importance of having a bishop in the coloniis. In 1705 a me- [17J3.] SPECIAL PLEADING. 547 Objections were started, metapliysical obstacles were pleaded, old precedents were set up, and delay followed delay, until the heart-sick laborer was ready to faint in the field. At last, in the little town of Groton, on the eastern bank of the Thames, there grew up, nourished by the invigorating air of the sea and of the hills, a dark-eved, thouiihtl'ul bov, who was destined to break the chain of this political bond- age. He was the son of a congi'egational clergyman, and like Johnson, Cutler, Beach, Wetmore, and Brown, was of the good old colonial stock. The name of that boy was Samuel Sea- bury. When the boy was a year old, his father, the Rev. Samuel Seabury, gave up his charge at Groton, and declared for Episcopacy ; soon after which he sailed for England for orders. Master Seabury, like his father, was entered a student at Yale College, and graduated there with distinc- tion in the year 1748. Three years after, he went to Scot- land for the purpose of qualifying himself for the practice of medicine. He was soon induced to turn his attention to the study of theology, and w-as ordained by the Bishop of Lon- don, in 1753. Not long after he returned to America and filled the post of missionary at New Brunswick, in New memorial lo tlie archbishops and bislicps of England, was signed by fourteen clergymou assembled at Burlington, New Jersey, praying for the " presence and assistance of a suffragan bisliop, to ordain such persons as are tit to be called to serve in the sacred ministry of the church." It was urged that many persons were deterred from entering the ministry, in consequence of the dangers and expense of a hazardous journey of 3,000 miles. A writer in the London Gentleman's Magazine of that day stated, that "out of fifty-two or fifty-three w hu have come hither for holy orders, lorty-two only have returned safe. There never was a persecution upon earth," he adds, "that destroyed a fifth part of the clergy." The venerable society joined in the ajjpeal to (.^)ueen Anne in ITO'J. Tlio subject was finally brought before a meeting of the bishops, on the t'Oth oi" .lanuary, 1711 ; " but as the Bishop of London, who had a right to bo ci'n- bulteil, was not there, the thing was dropped." (" Life of Art'hbisliop Sharpe," i. o'i-2.) Several other petitions and memorials were presented, and the ])rayer of the ap[)licants seemed about to be granted, when the death of the queen and the accession of a new sovereign gave an entirely diflerent aspect to affairs. From this time, ap]>eais and petitions, uot only i'roni missionaries, but from mm high in authority, were ficqueiitly niaJe upon the eiown, for a nsident bishop in America, but witlmut aval, until the consecration of Dr. .Seabury. 548 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Jersey, until 1757. His next pastoral charge was at Jamai- ca, on Long Island, where he remained until 1766, when he went to Westchester, and had the care of St. Peter's church for ten years. In December, 1776, he removed to New York, on account of political disturbances in Connecticut, and continued to reside there until the peace of 1783.* As soon as peace was restored, the clergy of Connecticut and those of New York held a private meeting in that city, and chose the Rev. Dr. Learning bishop of the diocese of Connecticut. Dr. Leaming did not accept the place as- signed him, and on the 21st of April, 1783, a second vote resulted in the unanimous choice of Dr. Seabury. A letter was immediately addressed to the Archbishop of York, reiterating the old request that an American bishop might be consecrated. " The person," say they, " whom we have prevailed upon to offer himself to your grace, is the Rev. Dr. Samuel Seabury, who has been the society's worthy mis- sionary for many years. He was born and educated in Con- necticut, he is every way qualified for the episcojml office, and for the discharge of those duties peculiar to it in the present trying and dangerous times." The bishop elect sailed for England shortly after he was chosen. The Archbishop of York was not in London at the time of his arrival there, but the Bishop of London gave his ready assent to the proposition, and said he would cheer- fully cooperate with the Archbishops of York and Canterbury in bringing about the results so long desired. New difficulties now presented themselves. It was neces- sary that the candidate for episcopal consecration should take oaths of allegiance to the king, and of obedience to the Archbishop of Canterbury. Prudential considerations as well as acts of parliament were also interposed. If the bishops of England should consecrate an applicant from Connecticut, what warrant had they to believe that the state where he was to exercise his functions, would give her con- * For a copy of !Mr. Scabury's mcmor'al to the General Assembly of Con- necticut, see Ilinman, 548 — 551. SHIFTING THE RESPONSIBILITY. 549 sent, and how could ihey know that the functionary tlius created would be obeyed ? More than all, liow loas he to be supported? Besides, it was urged, had they not good cause to anticipate a renewal of that opposition which had kept Dr. Seabury from his native state during the whole period of the revolutionary war ? Thus, with one objection after another, did those cautious dignitaries lead this fearless knight of the cross from cavern to cavern and grove to grove, as if for a more perfect trial of his virtue and his faith. But firm as the rocky bank that rises above his native river, with a soul unrufiled and deep as the waters that glide under its shadow, this son of the west, unabashed in the pre- sence of mitres and pontifical robes, with one great purpose swelling in his bosom and beating at his heart, was not to be thwarted from doing his Master's work. He wrote to the clergy of Connecticut, who were now on tiptoe with expecta- tion, stating the fear entertained in England, that the General Assembly of the state would prevent a bishop, should he be consecrated, from enterincr on the discharge of his episcopal labors. A convention of the clergy was forthwith called at Walling- ford, to determine what was to be done. As the assembly was then in session at New Haven, a committee was appointed to confer with the principal members of the legislature, and solicit the passage of an act authorizing a bishop to re- side in Connecticut, and to exercise the episcopal func- tions there. The gentlemen to whom this request was made, replied, as they well might, that it was not necessary to pass such an act, as the law of Connecticut was already in conformity with their wishes.* Certified copies of the statutes of the colony in relation to this matter, were made out and forwarded to England without delay. This evidence was, of course, conclusive on the point in question. Other objections were then started, and new pleadings were filed, that were likely to keep the matter * See page 21 of " The General Laws and Liberties of Connecticut Colony," edition of 1672 ; also statute of 1727, ante. 550 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. pending until half a dozen generations of men should be mouldering in their graves. A legislative act might have been passed in a month, removing all objections that could be raised on account of any informality in relation to the required oaths, but the parlian)ent refused to interfere in behalf of the applicants. It was idle to attempt any longer to shift the responsibility from the shoulders of the English authorities and lay it at the door of the General Assembly of Connecticut. If there ever was an instance where " hope deferred " made a sick heart, the matter now presented to the conside- ration of the episcopal clergy of Connecticut, and of their bishop elect, afibrds an illustration of it. With the advice of the clergy, Dr. Seabury finally aban- doned these fruitless negotiations, and hastened to Scotland to seek the consecration that had been denied him in Eng- land. Here the doors were at once thrown open to him. On the 14th of November, 1784, the ceremonial took place at Aberdeen, under the direction of Robert Kilgour, bishop of Aberdeen, Primus, with the assistance of Arthur Petrie, of Ross and Moray, and John Skinner, coadjutor of Bishop Kilgour. It was an occasion of the deepest interest, and called forth many warm congratulations and fervent prayers.* Thus by the kindly aid of Scotland, after a struggle of so many years, the victory over English exclusiveness was won, and Connecticut, let us rather say the western world, had at last a bishop. Hastening homeward with a heart buoyant as the wave that floated and the wind that wafted him. Bishop Seabury repaired immediately to New London, and on the 3d of August, 1785, entered upon the discharge of his high and responsible duties. f Nobly did this great and good man lay * Dr. Chapin's sketch of Bishop Seabury, in the " Evergreen," of Jan. 18-14. t On the day referred to, a special convention was held at Middletown, Con- necticut, on which occasion the following candidates were admitted to the holy order of deacons ; viz., Messrs. Colin, Ferguson, Henry Van Dyke, Ashbel Baldwin, and Philo Shelton. BISHOP SEABURY, 651 wide and deep the walls that were to stand around the diocese of Connecticut and Rhode Island.* Brave without any ostentatious show of moral courage, modest without the least abatement of self-possession or firmness, with all the lofty zeal of a martyr tempered with the forbearance that is the fruit only of Christain charity ; discreet in counsel, with a hand that never trembled in executing his ripe purposes ; never advancing faster than he could fortify his progress, Bishop Seabury had no superior, probably no equal, among the episcopal dignitaries of his generation. His personal appearance was calculated to inspire univer- sal respect. His features were not regular, nor indeed could they be called handsome ; but there was an intellectual strength, a force of character and of will, written in every line of his open countenance, that could not be misinter- preted. Added to this, was that indescribable air of refine- ment which belongs to the well-bred gentleman, and consti- tutes a part of his presence. Bishop Seabury was about the middle height, portly and well-proportioned. His eye was dark and piercing, and his motions as well as his utterance were slow and dignified. His voice was not a sweetly modulated one, but deep- toned and powerful, and expressed as did his whole manner, decision of character and boldness of thought. He had besides, a strong good sense that never forsook him, a very lively wit, and conversational powers at once natural and graceiul. In the words of a congregational minister, contemporary with him, " Bishop Seabury looked as a bishop ought to look." As a writer, his distinguishing attribute was comprehen- siveness and strength, and his style was limpid as a crystal well. His thoughts were all marshalled like a well-trained i '' The inlluence of Bishop Seabury, in the revision of the Liturgy^" says Dr. Ch.ipin, '' was very considerable, in some important points. The invocation and the prayer of oblation in tlie communion service, and wliicli are not in the present liiiglish service, and even the words of oblation omitted in king Edward's time, were restored at the urgent desire of Bishop Seabury. The descent of Christ into hell, mentioned in the apostle's creed, seems to have been retained at his instance." " Evergreen," January, 1841. 552 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. troop of cavalry, performing their evolutions without fatigue, and with that certainty of result which belongs only to discipline. He avoided all metaphysical skirmishings -and whimsical niceties, and cared little for the husks and shells of disputation, while the grain and the kernel were within his grasp. His intuitions were also delicate, and prescient of good to be sought or danger to be shunned. Sophistry, and all the little arts of little men, to plume themselves with the feathers of rhetoric, or hide their heads in the clouds of mysticism or the drapery of inflated declamation, his noble nature had no need to employ, and would have scorned to practice. Such, as seen by the light of history, were some of the principal attributes of Bishop Seabury. His name is still re- vered throughout the whole continent for his unaffected piety, his uncompromising principles, and his spotless life ; and wherever that name is spoken, it seems to be echoed by the hills of his native state, and repeated by the voice of the ocean waves that bore him from her free shores to the old world, and brought him safely back to lay himself down to die in the maturity of his fame and the ripeness of his faith on the bank of the Thames. His death took place in New London, February 25, 1796. He was succeeded in the episcopal office by the Rev. Abraham Jarvis, D.D.* Bishop Jarvis was born in Norwalk, May 5, 1739, and graduated at Yale College in 1701. In JVovember, 1703, he went to England, where he was ordained deacon by the Bishop of Exeter, and priest by the Bishop of Carlisle. On his return he entered upon the duties of the ministry in Middletown on a salary of ninety pounds per year. In 1797, he was consecrated Bishop of Connecticut, and at the annual commencement of Yale College of the same year, he received the degree of doctor of divinity. In 1799, he removed to Cheshire, and subsequently to New Haven, where he died, * Dr. Seabury was succeeded in the office of rector of James' Church, New London, by his son, the Rev. Charles Seabury, who continued in the rectorship for seventeen years. / \ BISnOP .TARVIS. 553 May 3d, 1813, aged 75 years. He was much esteemed by his contemporaries, for his learning and piety. His only son, the Rev. Samuel Farmer Jarvis, D.D., was born in Middle- town, and graduated at Yale College in 1805. He became the rector of the episcopal church in his native town, April 11, 1837, having previously been rector of the church in Bloomingdale, N. Y., and of St. Paul's, in Boston. He was also a professor in Trinity College. Dr. Jarvis died in Middletown, March 29, 1851, aged 64. OLD CHURCH AT STKATFOHU. CHAPTER XXV. OTHER RELIGIOUS DENOMINATIONS. The rise and progress of Methodism in America, from the humblest beginnings to its present condition as one of the largest and most influential denominations in the country, would of itself afford ample materials for a much larger work than mine. Were proofs of this assertion needed, I might refer to the handsome volumes of Bangs, Stevens, and other historians of the sect, which do honor to themselves, and to the cause in which they are so zealously engaged. The pioneer preachers of Methodism in the new world, were Philip Embury, Richard Boardman, Joseph Pdmoor, and Capt. Thomas Webb, a devout officer of the British army. In 1768, the first chapel of that denomination on this side of the ocean, was consecrated in the city of New York. The first conference was held on the 4th of July, 1778, at which date, the number of members reported was eleven hundred and sixty, scattered over five states of the Union. It was not, however, until 1789,* that the seeds of the new sect were sown in Connecticut. In June, of that year, the Rev. Jesse Lee, preached at Nor walk, Fairfield, New Haven, Reading, Stratford, Canaan, and other places, spending about three months in the state, passing from town to town, wherever circumstances of the voice of providence seemed lo call him. The first Methodist society which was formed in Con- necticut, was at Stratford on the 26th of September, of the year last named, and consisted of only three females. The next was in Reading, and embraced but two persons, one of * This is the date given by the Rev. Dr. Bangs, in his History, (i. 290.) It is proper to remark, however, that according to the testimony of the Rev. Abel Stevens, in his " Memorials of Methodism," the Rev. Messrs. Cook and Black, had preached in Connecticut a year or two previous. lee's cuapel. 555 whom* subsequently became a local preacher. The first church edifice of the denomination ever built in New Eng- land, was in the town of Weston, in Fairfield county, and was called "Lee's Chapel," in honor of its founder. It stood until the year 1813, when it was torn down, and a new one built in its place. In 1790, the circuits of New Haven, Hartford, and Litch- field, were established. The only methodist ministers in New England at that date were Jesse Lee, Jacob Brush, George Roberts, and Daniel Smith. f There were more preachers than classes, and scarcely more than two members to each preacher. During the year 1790, Mr. Lee made an itinerating tour through New England, spending much time in Connecticut. His journal presents an interesting narrative of his trials, dis- couragements, adventures, and successes. J Though not a learned man, he possessed much shrewdness and talent, in- domitable energy, and a pervading sense of the infinite im- portance of the great work in which he was engaged. One district, six circuits — four in Connecticut, and two in Massachusetts — with eleven circuit preachers and one pre- siding elder, constituted the field and ministerial corps in New England, for the year 1791. In 1793-'4, Mr. Roberts had charge of the Connecticut * Rev. Aaron Sanford. t Jesse Lee was appointed Elder, by the New England Conference; Fairfitid, John Bloodgood ; New Haven, John Lee ; Hartford, Nathaniel B. jNIills ; Bos- ton, Jesse Lee, and Daniel Smith. Besides these circuits, under the nominal supervisi(ju of jNIr. Lee, there was the Litchfield circuit, traveled by Samuel Wigton and Henry Christie, which lay mostly within the state of New York, and was under the presiding eldership of the devoted Freeborn Garretson. i He entered the north-western angle of Connecticut, at Sharon, on the 20th of .June, and preached un(h'r the trees to about one thousand people, " O my dove, thou art in the cleft of tlie rock," &c. 22d, " Rode about fifteen miles and preached in a Preshijterian meeting-house to some hundreds.'' 2.">d, " Rode about twenty miles to Litchfield, and was surprised to find the doors of the Episcopal cliurch open, and a large congregation waiting for me." In some places, however, he was treated very uncivilly both by pastors and people. 656 APPENDIX. district. In 1794-'5, his district comprised nearly the whole of Connecticut, and extended into Rhode Island on the east, and to Vermont on the north. During the two following years, his district lay principally in New York, but extended into Connecticut, and included the Reading circuit. Under the faithful preaching and labors of such men as Bishop Asbury, Aaron Hunt, James Covel, Matthias Swaim, Jeremiah Cosden, James Coleman, and other earnest pioneers of Methodism in Connecticut, (in addition to those previously named,) the doctrines and discipline inculcated by Wesley gradually extended over the state. The seed sown almost at random by the way-side, took deep root in many hearts and bore abundant fruits. At the close of the ecclesiastical year 1802, the number of members of the several methodist churches in the state was reported at sixteen hundred and fifty-eight; and from that time to the present, the denomina- tion has been steadily progi'essing, not only in Connecticut, but throughout New England, and indeed in almost every part of the Christian world.* In the number, intelligence, and piety of its members, as w^ell as in its churches, schools, and colleges, it will compare favorably with any other reli- gious sect. As early as 1798, a methodist chapel had been erected in New London. In 1819, the church there numbered three hundred and twenty-one members ; in 1838, the number had increased to three hundred and seventy-seven. In 1840, however, the society became divided, one party, including the trustees, withdrew from the conference, disclaimed its authority, and called themselves "Independent Methodists." This party kept possession of the chapel, while the others, under the pastoral care of the Rev. Ralph W. Allen, erected a church in Washington-street, which was dedicated Decem- ber 8, 1842. A decision of the civil court in 1S49, gave the old chapel to the latter branch of the society. The number * In 1838, the total number of communicants in the methodist episcopal church in the United States was 749,210. [179G.] DANIEL OSTRANDER. 557 of members reported in 1851, was two hundred and nineteen.* In Middletown, the society was formed in December, 1791 ; tiie Middletown circuit was instituted, and continued until ISIG, when the city and township became a station or sepa- rate charge. It has been attached to several districts, as New York, New London, Rhinebeck, New Haven, and Hart- ford, and in consequence, the change of presiding elders has been greater in proportion to the time allowed for services, than the circuit and stationed preachers. In 181G, the num- ber of communicants was one hundred and twelve; in 1846, after the Wesleyan University had for several years been in successful operation at that place, the number was five hun- dred and fifteen. Since 1840, about sixty of the students have, on an average, been among the comnumicants of that church. In New^ Haven, the first class was formed by the Rev. D. Ostrander, in 1795. In 1800, a building that had previously been occupied by the Sandemanians was purchased by a mem- ber of the society, and was used as a i)lace of worshipuntil 1807, when a chapel was erected in Temple-street, though it was not actually finished until seven years afterwards. In 1822, a brick church was built on the north-west corner of the green, which was removed three or lour years since, and a new and beautiful edifice was about the same time erected near by, on the opposite side of Elm-street. Other metho- dist churches have recently gone up in different parts of the city. In 1850, the denomination numbered in New Haven, five hundred and tliirty-three. In Norwich, Mr. Lee preached as early as 1790, and not long after, classes were formed both at Chelsea and Bean Hill. The society at Chelsea flourished for awhile under the foster- ing care of Mr. Beatty, of that place, but after his removal to Ohio, with several of his friends, in 1804, it became nearly extinct — only two or three members remaining. The first house of worship erected by the methodists within the limits * Miss Caulkins' Hist, of New London, p. 597. 558 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. of Norwich, was in the year 1811, which was located on the wharf-bridge in Chelsea. It w\as swept of!' by a flood in the spring of 1823. There are now four flourishing churches in the town. Thus, one after another, churches were organized in all the principal towns in the state. The denomination numbers among its preachers some of the most elo(iuent, learned and excellent men to be found in the commonwealth.* Among those most worthy of particular mention, it is pro- per to name the learned and much lamented Wilbur Fisk, D.D., the first president of the Wesleyan University at Middle- town, and at the time of his death bishop elect of the metho- dist episcopal church. He was born in Brattleboro, Ver- mont, August 31, 1792, and at an early age entered the col- le2;e at Burlinn-ton, in that state ; but as that institution was closed for a season during the war with Great Britain, he was sent to Brown University, in Rhode Island, where he gradu- ated with high honors. Commencing the study of the law with an eminent attorney, he promised to excel in that pro- fession ; but, while vigorously prosecuting his studies in Baltimore, he was prostrated by a violent attack of a pulmo- nary disease. When he had sufficiently recovered to under- take so long a journey, he returned to Burlington, Vermont, where he soon had a relapse of his former disease, which for a while threatened his life. At this time, the religious im- pressions of an earlier day were revived, which, under the guidance of the Holy S[)irit, ultimately led to a radical change in his views and purposes of life. Uniting himself with the methodist church, he commenced the study of theology, and in 1818, he was admitted on trial in the New Eno-land conference. He began his itinerant labors amone: o o o his native hills, inhaling the invigorating atmosphere, and enjoying that mental and bodily exercise so conducive to health. His first ministerial station was at Charlestown, Massachusetts, where the nature of his duties was so con- * Bishops Janes and Ilamline, of tlie mctliodist church, were Connecticut men. REV. DR. FISK. 559 fining that he was seized with his former disease, and in 1820, he was compelled to seek retirement and rest. In 1823, however, he had so far recovered that he was able to resume his itinerant career as presiding elder of the Vermont district. On the establishment of the Wilbraham Academy, in Massachusetts, Mr. Fisk was elected its principal. Under his supervision, it became one of the most successful and popular institutions of its class in New England. While engaged in this congenial employment, he attended the gen- eral conference, as a delegate, in 1824 and 1828. In 1831, he was appointed to and accepted the Presidency of the Wesley an L^niversity, in Middletown, Connecticut. In 1835 and 183G, he made the tour of Europe, an account of which he afterwards published in a large octavo volume. While in Europe he was apjiointed by the general conference of 1836, its delegate to the Wesleyan methodist conference in England, and at the same conference, he was also elected bishop of the methodist episcopal church of the United States * Soon after his return to this country, Dr. Fisk suffered a relapse of his pulmonary complaint, and in the winter of 1838, he was compelled to relinquish the active duties of his office. From this attack he never recovered. Dr. Fisk possessed a clear, vigorous, and well-balanced mind, regular and handsome features, an expressive coun- tenance, a stately figure, and a pleasing address. " His man- ner in the pulpit," says Dr. Bangs, " was solemn, graceful, and dignified ; his enunciation clear and impressive ; and all his gesticulations corresponded with the purity and importance of the cause in which he was engaged. Perhaps, when un- embarrassed, he came as near to the perfection of a christian pulpit orator, as any that can be found among the ministers of the sanctuary." " Though never boisterous in his man- ner," adds the same writer, " but calm and collected, he was energetic, j)lain, and pointed, and evinced that he spoke from * Bangs' Hist., iv. 313—317. 560 HISTORY OF COXXECTICUT. the fulness of his heart — a heart thoroughly imbued with the spirit of his Divine Master."* The commenceVnent of the Baptist denomination of chris- tians in this state, was made by a small colony from Rhode Island, in the beginning of the eighteenth century, in the county of New London. The first church was organized in the town of Groton, in 1705, by Rev. Valentine Wightman, who had removed to that town from North Kingston, Rhode Island. This remained the only baptist church in the colony of Connecticut for about twenty years. In 1726, another church was organized in fellowship in the town of New Lon- don, and in 1743, the first church in North Stonington was organized. Rev. Valentine Wio-htman was born 1681. He remained pastor of the church in Groton forty-two years, and died at the age of sixty-six. lie was a descend- ant of the Rev. Edward Wightman, the christian martyr who was burned at the stake in Endand, in 1612, beinc^ the last man who suffered death for conscience sake, by direct course of law, in the mother country. The Rev. Valen- tine Wightman was followed in the pastoral office of the church in Groton, by his son, Timothy Wightman, who filled the office forty years, till his death in 1796, and was succeeded by his son, John G. Wightman, from 1800 to 1841, when he died. Thus it appears that the three Wightmans, father, son, and grandson, sustained the pastoral office in this church one hundred and twenty-three years. Of the descendants of the Rev. Valentine Wightman, nineteen have filled the pastoral office in the baptist church with usefulness and honor. Thus the blood of their martyred ancestor has been the seed of the church. From these early beginnings, small at the first, and slow in progress, have arisen amid much opposition and very many discouragements, the eight associations of baptist churches in this state, numbering now sixteen thousand six hundred and seventeen communicants, one hundred and thirteen churches, and one hundred and twenty-one ministers, beside the Free-will, and Seventh-day Baptist churches, who * Hist, of the M. E. Church, iv. 321, 322. REV. ASAUEL ilORSE. 561 are respectable bodies of sober minded cbrislians, but their statistics are not at hand. The doctrinal views of the associated baptist churclies are like those of the early puritans of New England, and their church organization is strictly congregational, holding that none are proper subjects of christian ordinances, but ])ro- fessed believers, and thus of course excluding unconscious babes from the ordinance of baptism. Their church govern- ment is essentially democratic. As a denomination, it is believed they have ever in all countries, and at all times, been opposed to the interference of the civil authority in matters of conscience, believing as Roger Williams expresses, that great cardinal principle in the full enjoyment of — " Soul Liberty." All they desire of the civil government is, that it should protect every man in the state equally, in the free exer- cise of his religious privileges and belief and action, provided he does not interfere with the equal rights of his neighbor. It is worthy of special note, that the Rev. Asahel Morse, then pastor of the first baptist church in Suffield, was one of the delegates to the constitutional convention in 1818, and that the article in the constitution, on religious liberty, is from his pen. The Christian Secretary, a religious newpaper, was estab- lished at Hartford, in 1824, by the Connecticut Bai)tist Con- vention. The Rev. Gurdon Robins was its first editor. The names of some of the most jirominent ministers of the baptist denomination in this state, from the date of its intro- duction among us, are Wightman, Brown, Rathburn, Morse, Palmer, Darrow, Burrows, Miner, Wildman, Rogers, West, Higbee, Robins, Cushman, Davis,* and Hastings. * One of the most eminent baptist preachers in this state, was the late Rev. Gustavus F. Davis, D.D., pastor of the first baptist cliurch in Hartford. lie was born in Boston, March 17, 1797; commenced preaching at Xhm early age of seventeen years ; and was ordained and settled as pastor of a church in Preston, Connecticut, when but nineteen years of age. He received the honorary degree of Master of Arts at Waterville College, and subsequently at Yale College, and the Wesleyan University conferred upon him the degree of Doctor of Divinity. 1 le was ji Trustee of Brown University, and of Washington College, and \va.s electce trustees were summoned to appear before the Assembly ; and, after a renewal of the debate, during which the contending parties * Pres. Woolscy's Discourse, 580 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. were fully heard, both houses of the legislature approved of the action of the trustees in establishing the college in New Haven. The people of Saybrook manifested their disapprobation, by attempting to prevent the removal of the college library to New Haven. To such an extent was their opposition car- ried, that the wagons in which the books were being trans- ported were assailed at night, several of the volumes carried off, and some of the bridges along the route destroyed. On placing the books in the new college building, it was ascer- tained that about two hundred and sixty volumes were missing At the commencement, September 12, 1718, the institu- tion was formally named "Yale College," in honor of Elihu Yale, Esq., of London, who had a short time before sent over a donation to the college consisting of books and goods to the amount of eight hundred pounds. At this commence- ment, ten young gentlemen were graduated. The Rev. Mr. Pierpont, of New Haven, delivered a salutatory oration on the occasion ; the Rev. Mr. Davenport, of Stamford, one of the trustees, pronounced a Latin oration ; and Governor Saltonstali, in a Latin address, congratulated the trustees on their success, and the prospects of the school. In 1719, the Rev. Timothy Cutler, minister at Stratford, was chosen rector. In a little more than three years, he, together with Mr. Daniel Brown, the only tutor, as has been stated elsewhere, became episcopalians. For some time after this event, the college remained without a head. At length, in 1726, the Rev. Elisha Williams, minister at Newington, was appointed to the office of rector, and continued to occupy the place until 1739. During his administration, the cele- brated Bishop Berkeley gave to the college about one thou- sand books, and a farm in Newport. The Rev. Thomas Clap, minister at Windham, was chosen to succeed Mr. Williams in the rectorship. He held the office until 176G, a period of twenty-seven years. During this time, in 1745, in the amended charter, the words " President [1- PRESIDENT STILES. 581 and Fellows," were substituted for " Rector and Trustees," in designating the officers of the college. The number of students at the close of Mr. Clap's administration, was one hundred and seventy. Some of the college buildings which still stand, had been erected, and the professorship of didactic theology had been established. The corporation now invited the Rev. James Lockv^ood to the presidency; but he having declined, the Rev. Dr. Daggett, the professor of divinity, was invested with the authority of president. He discharged the duties of the office until 1777, when he resigned, but continued his pro- fessorship until his death in 1780. In 1777, the Rev. Ezra Stiles, D.D., a native of North Haven, and iormerly a tutor in the college, was chosen pre- sident of the institution, and remained in office until his death, May 12, 1795. lie was one of the most learned and patriotic men of the age. He appears to have been one of the first persons in the country who anticipated and predic- ted the independence of the American colonies. In 1772, he wrote to a friend- — " When Heaven shall have doubled our millions a few times more, it will not be in the power of our enemies to chastise us with scorpions." In 1774, he addressed one of his English correspondents as follows — " If oppression proceeds, despotism may force an annual congress ; and a public spirit of enterprise may originate an American Magna Chcnta, and Bill of Rights, supj)orted with such intrepid and persevering importunity, as even sovereignty may hereafter judge it not wise to withstand. There will be a Runnymcde in America." The Rev. Dr. Richmond Price, in allusion to a letter received by him from Dr. Stiles, just at the beginning of the revolution, assures us that he "predicted in it the very event in which the war has issued ; particularly the conver- sion of the colonies into so many distinct and independent states, united under Congress." He published several ordina- tion, funeral, and other occasional sermons, and the "History of the three Judges of King Charles I., Whalley, Goffe, and Dixwell." He left an unfinished ecclesiastical history of New 582 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. England, and more than forty volumes of manuscripts. During much of the early part of his otficial term, the inte- rests of the college were sadly deranged by the revolutionary struggle. In 1792, a change in the charter was effected, by which the governor, lieutenant-governor, and the six senior members of the council for the time being were constituted members of the corporation. This provision has remained substantially the same until the present time. In September, 1795, the Rev. Timothy Dvvight, D.D., was inaugurated as the successor of Dr. vStiles. He died, January 11, 1817, aged sixty-four, after a presidency of twenty-one years. Of him, and of those who succeeded him in office, mention will be made in another place. These were the humble beginnings and such has been the progess of Yale College. In this severe school, where men were taught to think and forbidden to rant, have been educa- ted the best thinkers of the continent. Here were developed the minds of such men as Hopkins, Smalley, Humphreys, Dwight, Barlow, Trumbull, Kent, Calhoun, and Walworth. The subjoined note will give the reader some statistics which will show what has been the influence of this institution upon the country and the world.* * Yalu Colloge has educated 105 Professors of Colleges ; 2 Professors of theUnited States Military Academy at West Point ; 40 Presidents of Colleges, viz, 5 of Yale, and 1 of Trinity, Connecticut ; 2 of Middlebury, and 2 of Vermont University, Vermont ; 2 of Dartmouth, New Hampshire ; 1 of Amherst, and 2 of Williams, Massachusetts ; 2 of Columbia, and 4 of Hamilton, New York ; 1 of Rutgers, and 3 of Princeton, New .Jersey ; 1 of Pennsylvania University, and 1 of Dickin- son, Pennsylvania ; 2 of Illinois College ; 1 of Missouri University ; 1 of Wiscon- sin University ; 1 of Western Reserve ; 1 of Kenyon, Ohio ; 2 of Transylvania University, Kentucky ; 1 of East Tennessee ; 1 of St. Johns, Maryland ; 1 of Hampden Sydney, Virginia ; and 2 of University of Georgia, Georgia ; also, 8 Secretaries of States; 18 Lieutenant-Governors, and 21 Governors of States ; 80 Judges of Superior Courts of States ; 2 Chancellors of New York ; 4 Signers of the Declaration of Independence ; 3 INIembers of the Convention for framing the Constitution of the United States ; 12 members of the Continental Congress ; also, 120 members of United States House of Representatives, viz., 45 for Con- necticut; 19 for Massachusetts; 35 for New York ; 3 for Georgia; 4 for South Carolina ; 2 for Ohio ; 2 for Pennsylvania ; and 2 for Maryland ; 1 for Delaware ; 1 for Kentucky ; 1 for Missouri ; 1 for Wisconsin ; 1 for Virginia ; and 3 for [1691.] GOVERXOK SALTOXSTALL. 583 The patronage bestowed upon this institution by Governor Saltonstall, has associated his name inseparably witii its his- tory. In a former chapter it has been stated that in 1722, Vermont; also, 40 United SUitcs Sonatois, viz., 15 for Connecticut , 4 for Massa- chusetts ; 5 for Vorniont ; 3 for Rhode Island ; 2 for Kew York ; 2 for Dela- ware ; 2 for Georgia ; 2 for Ohio ; 2 for New Hampshire ; 1 for North Carolina ; 1 for South Carolina; and 1 for Illinois; also, 10 Members of the Cabinet; 3 District Judges ; and 1 Judge of Supreme Court of the United States ; 5 Foreign Ministers ; and 1 Vice President of United States PRESIDENTS OF COLLEGES EDUCATED AT YALE. Trinity. — Nathaniel S. Wheaton, D.D. Yale. — Xaphtali Daggett, D.D., E/ra Stiles, D.D. LI^.D., Timothy Dwight, D.D. LL.D., Jeremiah Day, D.D. LL.D., Theodore D. Woolsey, D.D. LL.D. MiDDLEBURY. — Jeremiah Atwater, D.D., ITeniy Davis, D.D., Vermont. Vermont University. — Samuel Austin, D.D., Daniel Haskell. Dartmouth. — Eleazer Wheelock, D.D., Bennet Tyler, D.D., New Hamp- shire. Amherst. — Ilcmau Humphrey, D.D. Williams. — Ebenczer Fitch, D.D., Edward D. Griffin, D.D. , Massachusetts. Columbia. — Satniiel Johnson, D.D., Wm. S. Johnson, LL.D. IIajiilton, New York. — Azel Backus, D.D., Henry Davis, DD., Serene E. Dwight, D.D., and Simeon North, D.D. Rutgers. — Abraham B. Ilasbrouck, LL.D. New Jersey. — Aaron Burr, D.D., Jonathan Edwards, D.D., and Jonathan Dickinson, D.D. Georgia University. — Josiah Meigs, Abraham Baldwin. Dickinson, Pennsylvania. — Jeremiah Atwater, D.D. Pennsylvania University. — William H. DeLancey. East Tennessee. — David A. Sherman. Western Reserve. — George E. Pierce, D.D, Kenyon, Ohio. — David B. Douglass, LL.D., Transylvania University, Kentucky. — Horace Ilolley, LL.D., Thomas W. Coit, D.D., Missouri University. — A. B. Longstreet, D.D. Wisconsin University. — John H. Lathrop, LL.D. Missouri University. — John H. Lathrop, LL.D. St. Johns, Maryland. — Hector Humphreys, D.D. Illinois. — Edward Beecher, D.D., J. M. Sturtevant, D.D. Hampden Sidney, Va. — William Maxwell. SENATORS EDUCATED AT YALE. Connecticut. — T. Betts, Wm. S. Johnson, Stephen M. Mitchell, .Tames Hill- house, Samuel W. Dana, Chauncey Goodrich, Samuel A. Foote, J. W. Hunting- ton, Uriah Tracy, David Daggett, James Lanman, Gideon Tomlinson, R. S. Baldwin, Truman Smith, Francis Gillette. 584 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Dr. Cutler, the rector of the college, followed by several other gentlemen, declared for episcopacy at a time when there was not an episcopal church in the colony. This excited much alarm. It was thought best that the questions of ditlerence should be debated between the trustees and the ministers who had so suddenly departed from their allegiance to the religion of the colony. In October of that year, a special meeting of the trustees to discuss the merits of episcopacy, was held in the college library. Governor Saltonstall presided over the meeting. Rector Cutler espoused the affirmative of the issue, and the governor advocated the negative. Both parties claimed to be triumphant. The action of Governor Saltonstall, in causing the library to be removed from Saybrook to New Haven, was much blamed at the time, by those who desired to prevent its re- moval. It is mainly owing to his firmness, that it was estab- lished at New Haven, where it has since attained to such a healthful stature. He contributed liberally from time to time, to endow the institution. His wife also, made hand- some donations to it. This appears to be the proper place to give some account of a man who wielded for many years, an influence in the colony equalled only by that of our first Winthrop. Gurdon Saltonstall was born at Haverhill, Massachusetts, in 1G6G, and graduated at Harvard, in 1684. He was ordained at New London, on the 25th of November, 1G91.* His reputa- tion soon spread through the colony, and his influence over the clergy finally become almost absolute. They appeared to regard him with sentiments akin to idolatry. The structure of his * This ordination ceremonial was a great event in its day. In full town meet- ing it was voted " that the Honorable Major-General John Winthrop, is to appear as the mouth of the town at Mr. Saltonstall's ordination, to declare the town's acceptance of him to the ministry." " A large brass bell" which cost " twenty-five pounds in current money," was also procui'ed on the occasion. An appropriation was also made by the town to aid him in purchasing a building-lot, and erecting a house suitable to his dignity. This house was placed on the Town Hill, and com- manded a view of the town and adjacent country. An old highway which had been shut up was also re-opened for his private accommodation, and led from the <^'^;y.,./v. V [1724.] GOVERNOR SALTONSTALL. 585 mind and character was such as led liim inevitably to cling to strict ecclesiastical discipline, and, feeling few of the in- firmities of our nature, he had little patience with the faults of others. His personal ap))earance, as has been before remarked, was so striking and imposing that the Earl of Bellamont, regarded him as better representing the English nobleman than any other gentleman whom he had seen in America. He was more inclined to synods and formularies, than any other minister of that day in the New England colonies. The Saybrook platform was stamped with his seal, and was for the most part an embodiment of his views. In an episcopal country he would have made a bishop in whose presence the lesser lights would scarcely have been seen to twinkle. On the death of Governor Fitz John Winthrop, in 1707, he was chosen governor of the colony, and continued in office until his death, which took place on the 20th of Septem- ber, 1724. His elevation to office was charged by his ene- mies to the secret influence and combined action of the clergy, but seems to have grown rather out of his acknowl- edged fitness for the place, than from any other cause. His administration was peculiarly hapjjy and prosperous. His death was deeply deplored, and his funeral obsequies were celebrated with military honors. " The horse and foot marched in four files, the drums, colors, trumpets, halberts, and hilts of swords, covered with black, and twenty cannon firing at half minute's distance." When the mournful train had reached the family vault, the people gathered around the spot, and in respectful silence waited for the body to be roar of his house to the moctiiif,'-hous(\ Tliis liirrhwny was twenty-five feet wide. Ilis way to tlie moeting-hoiise h'd through tlie orchard gate. At a later period, when Mr. Saltonstall had become governor ol" the colony, it is retained by tradition that lie might bo seen on a Sunday morning, issuing from this orchard gate, and moving with a slow majestic step to the moeting-houso, aceompaniod by his wife, and followed by liis children, four sons and four daughters, marshaled in order, and the servants of tlio family in the rear. The same usage was maintained by his son General Gurdon Saltonstall, whose family furnished a procession of fourteen sons and daughters." Caulkiiis' New London. 5QQ HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. lowered into the chamber where it still rests. Then two volleys were fired from the fort, and after their echoes had died upon the ear of the multitude, the military companies, first the horse, and then the foot, in single file advanced and discharged their " farewell shot" over his ashes. "^ The character and personal appearance of Governor Salton- stall, may be gathered from the following passages in the ser- mon of the Rev. Mr. Adams, which was preached at the funeral. " Who that was acquainted with him did not ad- mire his consummate wisdom, profound learning, his dexterity in business, and indefatigable application, his intimate acquaintance with men and things and his superior genius. * * * His aspect was noble and amiable, commanding respect and reverence, and attaching esteem and love at the first appearance ; and there was such an air of greatness and goodness in his whole mien and deportment, as showed him to be peculiarly formed for government and dominion." He was eminently fitted for his station, and throughout his long administration of nineteen years, exemplified his own favorite maxim: "Justice is to be given, not sold — and that with an equal and steady hand."f Jonathan Edwards was a graduate of Yale College. A brief sketch of this most gifted of all the men of the eighteenth century, perhaps the most profound thinker of the * For a more full description of this eminent man, see Caulkius' New Lonckin ; also, Trumbull. The life of Saltonstall would itself afford material for a volume larger than this. His tomb is still in a perfect state of preservation. A tablet rests on it with the Saltonstall arms, and this simple inscription. " Here lyeth the body of the Honorable Gurdon Saltonstall, Esquire, Governor of Connecticut, who died the 20th of Sept., in the 5!)th year of his age, 1724." + Sir llicliard Saltonstall, knight, who was descended from an ancient family in Torkshiro, came to America with Governor Winthrop, in 1030. lie soon became weary of the liardships of colonial life, and returned to England. But he always felt a deep interest in the welfare of the colony. His two oldest sons resolved to try their fortunes in America. Of these, Richard settled in Ipswich, where he was chosen an assistant in 1G37. After the revolution, he went back to England, but returned to Massachusetts, in 1G80. He soon after visited England, and died at Hulme,iu 1094. His son Nathaniel was a graduate of Harvard. He lived and died at Haverhill. Gurdon Saltonstall, Governor of Connecticut, was his oldest son. JONATHAN EDWARDS. 587 world, may not be out of j)lace in the liistory of a state which had the honor of givini:i; birth to fiin). He was born in 1703, in the old town of Windsor, on the margin of the Connec- ticut, and in the midst of scenery beautiiul as the forms of his thought. lie was the son of the Rev. Timothy Edwards, for sixty years minister of the church in that town. His mother was a daughter of the Rev. Solomon Stoddard, of Northampton. This lady, remarkable for her intellectual powers and humble piety, was the mother of ten daughters and one son, who was her fifth child. Having four sisters who were older, and six who were younger than himself, and being from iiis infancy a delicate child, he enjoyed the rare advantage, never understood and felt except by those who have been fortunate enough to experience it, of all the soften- ing and hallowed influences which refined female society sheds like an atmosphere of light around the mind and the soul of boyhood. Had that fond mother and those loving sisters been fully aware of the glorious gifts that were even then beginning to glow in the eyes of their darling — had they been able to see in its full blaze the innnortal beauty borrowed from the regions of spiritualized thought and hallowed atlections, that was one day to encircle that forehead as with a wreath from the bowers of Paradise ; they could hardly have unfolded his moral and intellectual nature with more discreet care. His home exhibited in their most attrac- tive forms all the graces that adorn the life of the christian. Massachusetts. — Theodore Sedgwick, John Duvis, I. C. Bates, Julius Rock- well. Vermont. — Lsrael Smith, Ilorutio Seyinour, Stephen R. Bradley, Samuel S. Phelps, Nathaniel Chipman. New llAMrsHiRE. — Jeremiah Mason, Simeon Olcott. New York. — James Watson, John S. Hobart. South Carolina. — John C. Calhoun. Georgia. — Abraham Baldwin, John I'^llrath. Ohio. — Stanley Griswold, R. J. Meigs. Illinois. — Elias K. Kane. \ Delaware. — John M. Clayton, John Wales. North Carolina. — George K. Badger. Rhode Isla.nd.— Christopher Ellery, Ashcr Bobbins, Ray Green. 588 HiSTOEY or Connecticut. Deeply as they loved him, they had too much of the old emigrant spirit, which looks at the future of a child through the medium of the present, to make him a toy with which to amuse themselves. They regarded him rather as a holy jewel, left in their charge to be kept pure and bright for the use of the Prince who had entrusted it to them. Yet w^e are not to suppose that this family entertained no thoughts of his future promotion in the world. They were soon made aware that he was no common child. The germ of great thoughts, sown so freely and with such a broad cast by the creating hand, began early to spring up and to grow in this young mind, and were gracefully directed, though they seemed scarcely to need it, by their fair fingers. New forms of expression, combinations rare and strange, puzzling inquiries, a remarkable gift of language, a fervent manner, and an imagination that soared upward with a steady flight, like the eagle, into the mid heaven — these were some of the attributes that were observed in Edwards at a very tender age. He hardly seemed to be a child, but rather a select and gifted traveler who had come from some other land to look upon the objects that surrounded him ; the rolling river, the starry heavens, the birds fluttering among the branches of the trees, the bursting flower, the falling leaf, the blinding snows — and to read in them all a language weighty with the philosophy that teaches the destinies of men and the attributes and providence of God. Still, upon a near view to those who watched him, he was but a child. It was observable that he was all the while advancing in knowledge, and in the attitudes and phases of his thoughts. His friends also observed that his moral nature was becoming, as he grew older, more exquisitely toned, more perfectly moulded, and illuminated as if by a light burning steadily in his soul. The elements of his character grew more harmonious, and gradually fell into a sweet accord, like the parts in a highly wrought piece of music. When only seven years old, he was in the habit of retiring into the woods alone, to meditate upon the great mysteries of human accountability and probation. JONATHAN EDWARDS. 589 Dark misgivings some times clouded his mind, as he looked out upon nature through the leafy labyrinths of his retreat. But after a few years, the whole plan of redemption, without any sudden or startling revelation, was opened to him, and, embraced by him. In his own inimitable words he has described this change : " There seemed to be as it were a calm sweet cast or ap- pearance of divine glory in almost every thing. God's ex- cellency, his wisdom, his purity and love, were visible in every thing ; in the sun, moon, and stars ; in the clouds and blue sky ; in the grass, flowers and trees ; in the water and in all nature, which used greatly to fix my mind. I used often to sit and view the moon for a long time ; and in the day, spent much time in viewing the clouds and sky, to behold the siveet glory of God in these things ; in the mean time, singing forth with a low voice my contemplations of the Creator and Redeemer. And scarce any thing among all the works of nature was so sweet to me as thunder and light- ning. * * * I felt God, if I may so speak, at the first appearance of a thunder-storm, and used to take the opportu- nity at such times, to fix myself in order to view the clouds, and see the lightnings play, and hear the majestic and awful voice of God." What a perfect healthfulness of nature do these few sim- ple words express ! With what even scales does this youth, probably not more than fifteen years old, poise the relations of the world and the conditions of humanity, which seem to other minds so belligerant and wild. How precious to all coming time will be those forest shades and secret nooks by the banks of the Connecticut, and how tame in the eye of the christian scholar, will one day seem the classic haunts where Numa roved in dalliance with that shy nymph, Egeria; how tame will be the mountain haunted by the muses, or the palm groves that shaded the Socratic scli(_)ol ; how cold and dead, when compared with the oaks, the elms, and " the rushy-fringed bank," where this greatest of philosophers lin- gered in his youth, solving for liimself the problems, and un- 590 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. folding those hidden truths that were older than the sun that met him on the lawn, or the moon that shed her trembling beams upon the river ! The progress made by Edwards in the studies which are usually pursued by boys preparatory to entering college was astonishing. When only six years old, his attention became absorbed in acquiring the Latin language ; and when his venerable father was too much occupied with the duties of his calling, to assist him, his sisters who were older than him- self would assume the place of teachers. The thorough ac- quaintance with that language which he is known to have had, as well as with Greek and Hebrew, and his high stand- ing at Yale, evince that he was a scholar, as well as a thinker. He entered college at the age of twelve years. His temper- ance in diet, and the habitudes of his mind, while at Yale, may be best known by reading his diary kept at that time.* While at college, he was a frequent visitor at the house of the Rev. James Pierpont, and there made the acquaintance of Miss Sarah Pierpont, a young lady of uncommon powers of mind, excellent education, and, as appears by the portrait still preserved of her, one of the most beautiful women of her time. To this lady, then in her eighteenth year, he was married on the 28th of July, 1727. The following brief extract, taken from a sketch of her character written by her husband on the blank leaf of a book, in 1723, when he was only twenty years old, and she but little more than thirteen, is lover-like, yet perfectly truthful, and shows us what traits in the female character he most admired. " If you present all the world before her, with the richest of its treasures, she * " Tuesday, July 7, 1724. — When I am giving the relation of a thing, re- member to abstain from altering, cither in the matter or manner of speaking, so much, as that if every one, aftervvarJs, should alter as much, it would at last come to bo properly false. " Tuesday, Sept. 2. — V>y a sparint,'ness of diet, and eating as much as may bo what is light and easy of digestion, 1 shall doubtless be able to think more clearly, and shall gain time ; 1. By lengthening out my life ; 2. Shall need less time for digestion after meals; 3. Shall be able to study more closely, without injury to my health ; 4. Shall need less time for sleep; 5. Shall more seldom be troubled with the headache." [1727.] SARAH riERPONT. 591 disregards it and cares not for it, and is unmindful of any pain or affliction. Slie has a strange siucetncss in lier mind, and singular purity in her affections ; is most just and con- scientious in all her conduct, and you could not persuade her to do any thing wrong or sinful, if you would give her all the world, lest she should offend this Great Being. * * * She will sometimes go about from place to place, singing sweetly, and seems to be always full of joy and pleasure, and no one knows for what. She loves to be alone, walking in the fields and groves, and seems to have some one invisible always conversing with her." If ever the author of this exquisite passage saw any part of God's creation through an exaggerating medium, it must have been when he cast his partial regards upon Sarah Pier- pont. Yet this description of her, as all who knew her could have borne testimony, approached more nearly to a handsome portrait, than it did to an ideal picture. She was indeed worthy to be the wife of Edwards, the companion of his solitudes, the soother of his toils, the superintendent of his household, the mother and teacher of his children, the hostess of those honorable guests, who thronged from the old world and the new, to pay court to the great man beneath his lowly roof, with deeper reverence than if he had been a titled monarch. She was the one person on earth who like him was always conversing " with some one invisible," and who, with the greatness of the soul and the understanding of the Iteart was his equal. A lady of graceful manners, a thorough scholar, a prudent wile, the presiding genius of his table, the provider of the most ordinary articles required in the domestic economy,* she seemed made for a ministering * Wliile he resided at Northampton, Mrs. Edwards, who took ehiirgc of all his affiiirs, as well in the garden as in the house, on one occasion bogged her hus- band, when he took liis accustomed walk, to call at the blacksmith's siiop and leave directions with the smith to make two garden hoes for the use of the family. The great man stopped as requested, and did the errand, " I will make one of them to-morrow, may it please your reverence," was tlic prompt answer. " J>ut Mrs. Edwards wants two," reiterated the philosopher. It was not till after some ex- planation, tliat the author of the " Treatise on the Will," could be so far brought 592 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. angel, to keep him as much as mortal can be kept from the chilling contact of the world. But we must not linger over the details of the life even of such a man as Edwards. His faithfulness as a pastor, his labors as a missionary, his humility, his mildness of temper, his industry as a writer, the patience with which he investi- gated the great subjects that occupied his mind, without ade- quate libraries or suitable books of reference, belong rather to his biographer than to the author of such a work as this. Whether Edwards was accurate in all his views of the divine economy, let theologians and metaphysicians decide. There is a deep significance in the unabated contest that has been going on now for nearly a century and a quarter, between the philosophers of four generations and this great normal New England mind. When we see Chalmers, with reverent face approach and look upward, as the traveler who gazes upon the sun-illumined brow of Mount Blanc, until with dimmed eye, he turns away awestruck and confounded — the spectacle is sublime. Nor are we less amazed, when we see Mackintosh, Stuart, and a whole swarm of English, Scotch, German, and American phi- losophers, like so many geologists, attempting to knqck oft* as with hammers the sharp angles and corners of "those propositions which have remained as if they were mountains of solid crystal in the center of the world." Even those who ai'e least able to assent to those propositions, seem equally with his followers to admire his transcendent genius. They are unable to classify such vast powers, and to give an orbit to this independent self-acting mind. They have exhausted their whole vocabulary of technics in attempting to define and illustrate what kind of man their adversary is. The terms philosophy, theology, ethics, metaphysics, in their or- dinary acceptation, can not bind his faculties with their iron links, or fetter his swift limbs. If they build up around him back to the consideration of common-place matters of existence, as to compre- hend the fact that a blacksmith could not make upon the same anvil two hoes at the same time. JONATHAN EDWARDS. 593 a wall of words and definitions, he vaults over it and escapes ; if they oppose doors of iron and bars of brass to his entrance, with one blow of his ponderous battle-axe, like the knight in black armor, he batters them down. Clear-sighted as the eagle, untiring as the light that travels from the fixed stars regarding the wide field of human thought with a glance more delicate and comprehensive than that of Plato, an im- agination no less sublime, and a soul how much more serenely pure than that of Bacon, he stands foremost among all phi- losophical thinkers, ancient or modern. As he excels all other philosophers in the vastness of his conceptions and in the sharpness of their outlines, so of all men who have lived since the days of the apostles, he ap- proached nearest in the spotless purity of his life and in the holiness of his affections, to Ilim \vho knew no sin. His last days were his best. The farewell sermon that he preached to his people from the text. " We have no continuing city, therefore let us seek one to come ;" the sublimity with which, when he had said farewell to his children on leaving his old home to go among strangers, he turned himself about, and looking toward the door where they were clustered to watch through their tears the receding form of the patriarch, and exclaimed, "/ cummit you to God" — are unequalled save in the closing scenes that proved him victorious over death and the grave.* * Mr. Edwards was born in Windsor, October 5, 1703 ; graduated at Yale College in 1720 ; became a tutor in that institution in 1724; and was settled in Northampton, as colleague pa-stor with liis grandfather, the Rev. Solomon Stoddard, in 1727. Having been dismissed at his own request in 1750, he succeeded Mr. Sargeant as a missionary to the llousatonic Indians, at Stoekbridge, Massachu- setts, where he remained until January, 1758, when he accepted the presidency of the college of New Jersey. Tlie prevalence of the small-pox induced him to be innoculatcd, an event which occasioned liis death on the 22d of the following March, at tho ago of 54 years. The principal works of President Edwards, are, an Essay on the Freedom of the Will ; the great Scripture Doctrine of Original Sin ; a Treatise concerning Reli- gious Affections -, Dissertation on the Nature of True Virtue 5 and a Dissertation on the End for which God created the World, hi 1809, a splendid edition of his works were published in England, in eight volumes, edited by Dr. Austin. In 70 594 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Associated with the name of Edwards, is that of his friend and fellow-laborer, Doctor Bellamy. This distinguished pub- lic orator and divine, was born at Cheshire in 1719. He was educated at Yale College, and was graduated in the year 1735, when only sixteen years old. Two years after, he commenced that brilliant career as a preacher, which only terminated with the coming on of those infirmities that unfit the great as well as those of more humble abilities for the active duties of life. Ilis reputation as an eloquent preacher soon spread throughout the American colonies, and long before he was settled over the people with whom he spent the best portion of his life, the announcement that Mr. Bel- lamy was to preach in any pulpit in Boston, Salem, Hartford, or New Haven, would call together hundreds who were in the habit of attending other places of worship. While wandering through the thinly peopled parts of Mas- sachusetts, the young licentiate one Saturday afternoon rode ]830, an edition in ten volumes was published, edited by liis descendant, Sereno Edwards Dwinjlit, D.D. A recent number of " The Westminster Revieu^^'' speaks of Edwards as fol- lows : " Before the connneucement of this century, America had but one great man in philosophy, but that one was illustrious. P^'rom the days of Plato, there has been no life of more simple and imposing grandeur, than that of Jonathan Edwards." Says Sir James Mackintosh — " This remarkable man, the metaphy- sician of America, was formed among the calvanists of New England, when their stern doctrine retained its rigorous authority. His power of subtile arginnent, perhaps unmatched^ certainly unsurpassed among men, was joined, as in some of the ancient mystics, with a character which raised his piety to fervor." " The London Quarterly Review," remarks, " The most elaborate treatise on original sin is confessedly that of President Edwards of America. It is not only the most elaborate but the most complete. There was every thing in the intellec- tual character, the devout habits and the long practice of this great reasoner, to bring his gigantic specimens of theological arguments as near to perfection as we may expect any human composition to approach. * * * We are not aware that any other human composition exhibits, in the .'same degree as his, the love of truth, mental independence, grasp of intellect, power of concentrating all his strength on a difficult inquiry, reverence for God, calm self-posse.ssion, superiority to all polemical unfairness, benevolent regard for the highest interest of man, keen analysis of arguments, and the irrcsi.stible force of ratiocination. He reminds us of the scene described by Sir Walter Scott, between Richard and Saladin, uniting in himself the sharpness of the cimiter, with the strength of the battle-axe." [1710.] KEY. DOCTOR BELLAMY. 595 up to the door of Mr. Edwards, at Northampton. He was invited to stay and preach a part of the next day. Mr. Bel- lamy consented to do so, and selected his sermon upon the half-way covenant. Scarcely had the preacher announced his text and began in his clear strong manner to set forth his views upon a subject so familiar to the great metaphysician, Avhen the latter began to manit'est unusual interest in the discourse. His eyes became riveted upon the speaker, and he bent forward and gazed at him with admiration. As soon as the service was over, and while " the congrega- tion were retiring, the two ministers were seen in the midst of them, eniiatred and lost in earnest conversation. Indeed, they had gone some distance from the door, before either dis- covered that ]Mr. Edwards had forgotten to take his hat." At the age of twenty- two years, he was ordained as pastor of the congregational church in Bethlem. In this quiet village, in the midst of scenery that could not iail to inspire his mind with healthful thoughts, he soon developed powers which could not be confined to the shades of retirement. When only thirty years old, he published his great work entitled, " True Religion Deli/icateJ," which soon found its way to England and Scotland, and elicited the attention of the whole religious world. The Rev. Dr. John Erskine, of Edinburgh, and the Earl of Buchan, were his ardent admirers and correspondents.* Bellamy was the most powerful pulpit orator in New Eng- land at that time. His personal appearance was eminently calculated to command the attention of an audience. He was large and tall, and of a commanding presence. His manner was earnest and bold, and his voice deep and of great compass. He was a close reasoner, and had not only a happy facility in the use of language, but a practical mode of illustrating and enforcing his positions that rendered them * Cothrcn's \Yoo(lbury, '2'>\. The Earl of Huclian sent to Dr. Bellamy an engraving of himself, which is still in the possession of the Bellamy family. Within the past year, a gentleman from Seollninl has i)ai(l a visit to Bethlem to look for materials for a more complete life of Dr. Bellamy, than has yet been given to the public. 596 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. obvious to the plainest capacity. The grave of this remark- able man has not buried his fame. The spot where he died is still a place of interest to the theological student of his own country, and sometimes there wanders from the schools of Aberdeen or Edinburgh, a young enthusiast who stops at Bethlem to gather up some traditionary shreds of the per- sona! history of Bellamy, and to shed a tear upon his tomb. " He became early in his ministerial life," says the Rev. Dr. McEwen,* " a teacher of theology ; and at Bethlem, for years, he kept the principal school in the United States to prepare young men for the ministry. The great body of the living fathers in this profession, who adorned the closing part of the eighteenth century, were his pupils." It is difficult to name a portion of the whole continent that might with more propriety be called a wilderness, than most of the present county of Litchfield was, when those honored patriarchs, John Marsh and John Buel,t with their neighbors and friends, first began to clear the ground and build their log houses on the unpromising alder-swamp where the village of Litchfield now stands. Tiiis was nearly one hundred years after the valley of the Connecticut was settled. It needed an emigrant's faith to foresee the changes that human industry, under the guidance of good principles, could bring about in the face of wintry skies and in defiance of steep hills. In a few years, frame houses began to take the places of * Discourse at the Centennial Anniversary of the North and South Consocia- tions, at Litchfield, lS.-)2. The origin of "Sabbath Schools," and the name of thuir supposed founder, have long been the fruitful theme of christian writers. The Rev. E. W. Hooker, D.D., however, assures us that Dr. Bellamy had such a school in his church from the beginning of his ministry in Bethlem. It was divided into two classes, the eldest being instructed by Dr. Bellamy himself, while the second class was placed under the instruction of a deacon, or some other prominent member of the church. + The name of Bewelle has a coat of arms in England, which is thus described in Burke's Complete Armory : — " Or, a cheveron between three tortcaux." " Bewelle's Cross," in Bristol, England, is a place where criminals recite their prayers previous to their execution. LITCHFIELD HILL. 597 the first rude attempts at architecture, and the court-house and the jail, standing on the common hy the side of the meet- ing-house, had begun to form a center of attraction for the few towns that were gathering around it, most of them perched upon their favorite hill-tops. There gradually sprang up under the culture of a virtuous industr}^ a class of men of uncommon mental endowments and of refined man- ners. Clergymen, lawyers, physicians, taught partly at Yale, and partly at home, were observed to thrive well there, and it was noticed that althouLrli the climate was forbidding at certain periods of the year, yet the seeds of learning germi- nated in that ground with great certainty, and that the young plants grew thriftily and took root with a firm fibre in the strong mountain air. At last, a second company of emigrants began to visit this then remote region. They brought with them all their little stock of wealth. The names of Allen, Birge, Beebe, Collins, Garrett, Griswold, Kilbourn, Phelps, Stoddard, Sanford, Webster, Woodrufi", and others, are enrolled among the early settlers at "Bantam." The revolutionary war was hardly over, when the Hon. Tapping Reeve, one of the judges of the superior court, opened a law school in this village. Its fame soon spread over the whole union. Judge Reeve was the sole teacher of this school from the time when he instituted it in 1784, down to 1798, when he associated with him as joint instructor, James Gould, Esquire. These two gentlemen continued together in this capacity until the year 1820, when Judge Gould took the superintendence of it, and delivered lectures to the students, being aided in the recitation-room by the Hon. J. W. Huntington. Judge Gould discontinued his lec- tures in 1833, at which time there had been educated at the Litchfield law school one thousand and twenty-four lawyers, from all parts of the United States.* * A catalogue embracing the names of 805 of these students has been pub- lished, of whom 19 were from New Hampshire, 25 from Vermont, 98 from Mas- sachusetts, 208 from Connecticut, 121 from New York, 14 from Delaware, 12 598 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. It seems proper in this place to give a brief portraiture of the two men who exerted such an influence upon the juris- prudence of the western world, and upon the mind of that generation. from New Jersey, 37 from Maryland, 16 from Virginia, 16 from North Carolina, 45 from South Carolina, 60 from Georgia, 9 from Kentucky, 25 from Pennsylva- nia, 22 from Rhode Island, every stale then in the Union having been represented in the school. Fifteen of the number have been United States Senators, viz., Benjamin Swift, William Woodbridge, Henry W. Edwards, John C. Calhoun, Alfred Cuthbert, Horatio Seymour, Samuel S. Phelps, Jabez W. Huntington, Levi Woodbury, Perry Smith, Roger S. Baldwin, Peleg Sprngue, Chester Asldey, Truman Smith, William C. Dawson, and John M. Clayton. Five have been members of the Cabinet ; viz., John C. Calhoun, Levi Woodbury, John Y. Ma- son, John M. Clayton, Samuel D. Hubbard. Ten have been Governors of states; viz.,H. W. Edwards, Marcus Morton, William Woodbridge, Levi Wood- bury, George B. Porter, Richard Skinner, Roger S. Baldwin, John Y. Mason, William W. Ellsworth, William C. Gibbs. Two have been Judges of the Su- preme Court of the United States ; viz., Henry Baldwin and Levi Woodbury. Fifty have been members of Congress ; forty have been Judges of the highest state courts ; and several have been Foreign Ministers. A literary friend, in whose accuracy I have entire confidence, has furnished me with the following curious statistics relative to Litchfield county : " Litchfield County contains less than one-five-hundredth of the population of the United States, and about one-seventieth of that of the state of New York. Yet it has been the birth-place of thirteen United States Senators, which is about one- foriieth of all that have ever been in Congress, from all the states ; viz., Elijah Boardman, Nathan Smith, Perry Smith, and Truman Smith, from Connecticut; Jidius Rockwell, fi'om Massachusetts ; James Watson and Daniel S. Dickinson, from New York ; Stanley Griswold, from Ohio ; Josiah S. Johnston, from Louis- iana ; Augustus Porter, from Michigan ; Nathaniel Chipman, Horatio Seymour, and Samuel S. Phelps, from Vermont. Litchfield County has also been the birth- place of twenty-two representatives in Congress from the state of New York, being about one-twenty-eighth of all that have ever been sent from that State ; viz., Daniel B. St. John, Victory Birdsey, Edward Rogers, Freeborn G. Jewett, Lewis Riggs, Amasa J. Parker, Samuel M. Hopkins, Thomas R. Gold, Frederick A. Talhnadge, Charles Johnston, Theron R. Strong, Frederick Whittlesey, John M. Holley, Henry Mitchell, Nathaniel Pitcher, John Sanford, Ambrose Spencer, Peter B. Porter, John Bird, Gameliel F. Barstow, John A. Collier, and Graham II. Cha- pin ; of fifteen judges of the supreme court in other states; of nine presidents of colleges; viz., Jeremiah Day, D.D. LL. D., of Yale; Nathaniel S. Wheaton, D.D., of Washington (now Trinity ;) Rufus Babcock, D.D., Waterville ; Horace Holley, LL. D., Transylvania ; Charles G. Finney, A.M., Oborlin ; J. M. Stur- tevant, D.D., Illinois ; Bennet Tyler, D.D., Dartmouth ; Joseph I. Footo, Wash- ington, (Tennessee;) Ebenezer Porter, D.D., Andover Theological Seminary; of eighteen profes.'sors of colleges, (not included in the above list of presidents, most of [1744.] JUDGE REEVE. 599 Tapping Reeve was a son of the Rev. Mr. Reeve, minis- ter at Brookhaven, Long Island, and was born at that place in October, 1744. He was graduated at Princeton in 1703. Nine years after, lie removed to Litchfield, where he com- menced the practice of the law under the most jjromising auspices. Before he opened his office for (he instruction of students in the elements of his favorite science, he iiad ac- quired a high reputation for learning and intellect. He was a man of genius, and in early and middle lil'e, when his I'eel- wliom have been professors;) viz., Nathaniel W. Taylor, D.D., Matthew R. Button, A.M., Samuel J. Hitchcock, LL. D., Henry Button, LL. D., Yale ; Eli- sha Mitchell, D.D. , North Carolina ; David Prentice, LL. D., Geneva, N. Y. ; Henry M. Day, A.M., Western Reserve ; Thomas GooJsell, ]NLD., Hamilton ; Frederick Whittlesey, A.M., Genessee, N. Y. ; Joseph Emerson, A.M., Beloit, Wis. ; Charles Davies, LL. D., Albert E. Church, LL. D., and William G. Peck, A.M., (Assis't Prof.) West Point, N. Y. ; Amasa J. Parker, LL. D., Albany University; Chester AveriU, A.M., Union, N. Y. ; Nathaniel Chipman, LL. D., Richard Skinner, LL. D., and Daniel Chipman, IAj. 1)., Midillebury College. In 1831, the Vice President of the United States and one-eighth of the United States Senators, were either natives of, or had been educated in Litchfield County. In ISjO, one-seventh of the whole number of United States Senators were found to have been educated in the county. The county has also been tlie birth-place of thirteen United States Senators, and of eighteen judf;es of the supreme courts of states. Senators. — Elijah Loard- man, Nathan Smith, Truman Smith, and Perry Smith, from Connecticut; Hora- tio Seymour, Nathaniel Chipman, and Samuel S. Phelps, from Vermont ; James Watson and Daniel S. Dickinson, from New York ; Julius Rockwell, from i\Ias- sachusetts ; Josiah S. Johnston, from Louisiana; Staidcy Griswold, from Ohio: and (probably) Augustus A. Porter, from Michigan. Judges. — Ambrose Spencer, Freeborn G. Jewett, (chief judges,) Amasa J. Parker, Freilerick Whittlesey, Samuel A. Foote, Tlieron R. Strong, of New York ; Clarke Wood- ruff, of Louisiana ; Rufus Pettibone, Missouri ; Samuel layman, of Massachusetts ; Nathaniel Chipman, Richard Skinner, (chief judges;) Robert Pierj)ont, Milo S. Bennett, and Samuel S. Phelps, of Vermont, Roger Skinner, United States Judge of the Northern District of New York ; and N. Smith, J. C. Smith, S. Church, and J. Hinman, of Connecticut." The Litchfield County Foreign Mission Society was the first auxiliary of the American Board of Commissions for Foreign Mission.s. The following eminent clergymen have officiated as i)astors in the county ; viz., Joseph Bellamy, Azol Backus, Jonathan Edwards, Lyman Beccher, Edward Dorr Griffin, George E. Pierce, Daniel Linn Carroll, Ebenezer Porter, Ralph Emerson, Laurens P. Hickok, Nathaniel S. Wheaton, and Samuel Fuller, all of whom have been presidents of colleges or theological seminaiies. 600 HISTOEY OF COXNECTICUT. ings were enlisted in the trial of a cause, he often displayed powers of eloquence which, from the suddenness with which they flashed upon the minds of his audience, and from his impassioned manner, produced an overwhelming effect, and contrasted strongly with the carelessness of his moi'e common- place public eflx)rts. He was very unequal in the exhibition of his powers. He was a man of ardent temperament, ten- der sensibilities, and of a nature deeply religious. His sym- pathies naturally led him to espouse the cause of the op- pressed and helpless. He was the first eminent lawyer in this country who dared to arraign the common law of Eng- land, for its severity and refined cruelty, in cutting ofl' the natural rights of married women, and placing their property as well as their persons at the mercy of their husbands, who might squander it or hoard it up at pleasure. His sentiments did not at first meet with much favor, but he lived long enough to see them gain ground in this and other states. His principles did not die with him. All the mitigating changes in our jurisprudence, which have been made to re- deem helpless woman from the barbarities of her legalized tyrant, may fairly be traced to the author of the first Ameri- can treatise on " The Domestic Relations." His conduct afforded a living example of his views on this important sub- ject. His first wife, who was a daughter of President Burr, was an invalid for twenty years. He bestowed upon her the most unwearied attention, and watched her symptoms with the liveliest solicitude. While writing his celebrated work, he would often sit up with her whole nights, and administer her medicines with the most delicate assiduity. He would often shut up his office and lecture-room to attend upon her. Judge Reeve was an ardent revolutionary patriot, and, after the war was over, was distinguished as a political writer of the Hamiltonian or Federal school. His features were classically handsome, and his eye bright and expressive of the tenderest and warmest emotions. His fervent piety and well-timed charities, his noble impulses, his truthfulness, his sim})licity of character, his disinterestedness, all served to J-iu/i"'bi/ M'hldi n^\' huKBnhfi'rvi- J Avdr -^ ^ ^^^^^^^<^. Kit;;'' f .rH'Ibn.T:, llvs'lori| ..f JUDGE GOULD. 601 render him a general favorite in a widely extended circle of friends and acquaintances. He died in 1823, at the advanced age of 79 years. James Gould, one of the most elegant scholars who have adorned American letters, was born in Branford, on the 5th of December, 1770. His family were originally from Devon- shire, England, where they had a valuable estate. Richard Gould, his great grandfather, was the first of the family who came to this country. He settled in Branford, and died there, April 28, 174(5, in the 84th year of his age. William Gould, eldest son of Richanl, was born in North Fanton. Devonshire, in February, 1692-'3. He came to Branford about the time of his father's death, and died there in January, 1757. He was a respectable [diysician. His eldest son, William Gould, was born, November 17, 1727, where he died, July 29, 1805. He followed the profession of his father, and was a man of high respectability and great influence in his native town. Judge Gould was the third son of the last named Dr. Wil- liam Gould, by his third wife, daughter of Richard Guy, of Branford. He was graduated at Yale College in 1791, on which occasion he delivered the Latin Salutatory, then the highest honor for the graduating class. Among ins class- mates were Stephen Elliott, of South Carolina ; Samuel M. Hopkins, of New York, and Peter B. Porter, afterwards sec- retary of war. In 1793, he was appointed tutor of Yale College, and for nearly two years had the entire charge of the class which was graduated in 1797. Among his pupils were the late Henry Baldwin, judge of the supreme court of the United States, the Rev. Lyman Beecher, D.D., and sev- eral other gentlemen of high distinction. In 1795, Mr. Gould entered the law school at Litchfield, and after his ad- mission to the bar, he became associated with Judge Reeve in conducting that institution. In May, 181G, Mr. Gould was appointed a judge of the superior court and supreme court of errors of Connecticut. In 1820, Judge Gould received from Yale College the 602 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. honorary degree of doctor of laws, at the same time with his classmate Mr. Elliott.* Judge Gould was one of the most finished and competent writers who have ever treated upon any branch of the Eng- lish jurisprudence. His great work upon pleading is a model of its kind. It is at once one of the most condensed and critical pieces of composition to be found in the language, and is altogether of a new and original order. He had at first contemplated writing a much more extended treatise, but while he was preparing the materials for it, the appear- ance of Chitty's work on the same title induced him to change his plan. As it was presented to the public, Gould's Pleading is, therefore, only an epitome of the original design, but for clearness, logical precision, and terseness of style, it does not suffer in comparison with the Commentaries upon the laws of England. As a lawyer. Judge Gould was one of the most profoundly philosophical of that age. He carried into the forum the same classical finish which appears upon every page of his writings. It would have been as impossible for him to speak an ungrammatical sentence, use an inelegant expression, or make an awkward gesture, in addressing an argument to a jury, as it would have been for him to attempt to expound the law when he was himself ignorant of it, to speak disrespect- fully to the judge upon the bench, or to exhibit any want of courtesy to the humblest member of the profession who might happen to appear as his opponent. His arguments also, like his writings, were expressed in the most brief forms in which a speaker can convey his thoughts to his hearers. He sel- dom spoke longer than half an hour, and in the most complex and imjiortant cases never exceeded an hour. He had the rare faculty of seizing upon the strong points of a case and * Judge Gould was married in October, 1798, to Sally McCurdy Tracy, eldest daughter of the lion. Uriah Tracy, of Litchfield, by whom he had eight sons and one daughter, all of whom survived him except his third son, James Reeve Gould, a young man of the highest promise, who died in Georgia, in October, 1830. A younger son, John W. Gould, has since died. MISS SARAH riERCK, 603 presenting them with such force as to rivet the attention of tlie jury and carry conviction to their minds. Like a skillful archer, he could shoot a whole quiver of shafts within the circle of the target with such certainty and force that they could all be found and counted when the contest was over. As a judge, his opinions are unsurpassed by any which ap- pear in our reports, for clearness and that hapjiy moulding of thought so peculiar to him at the bar and in social conversa- tion. The position of this eminent jurist and of his venera- ble associate was truly enviable. To them, flocked from every part of the union, the youth who were to shape the jurisprudence of their respective states. They looked upon these renowned teachers with almost as much reverence as the youth of Atliens regarded the teatures of the })hilosophers who prepared their minds for the strifes of the Agora, the debates of the council, or the shades of contemplative retire- ment. To this pleasant little village among the hills came the very flower and nobility of American genius. Here might be seen Calhoun, Clayton, Mason, Loring, Woodbury, Hall, Ashley, Phelps, and a host of others, who were prepar- ing themselves for the high places of the cabinet, the senate and the bench. The influence of these sages upon the laws of the country was almost rivaled by the eflbrts of Miss Sarah Pierce, in another department of learning. This lady opened a school for the instruction of females, in the year 1792, while the law school was in successful operation, and continued it under her own superintendence for nearly forty years. During this time she educated between fd'teen hundred and two thousand young ladies. This school was for a long period the most celebrated in the United States, and brought together a large number of the most gifted and beautiful women of the con- tinent. They were certain to be methodically taught and tenderly cared for, and under her mild rule they could hardly fail to learn whatever was most necessary to fit them tor the quiet but elevated spheres which so many of them have since adorned. Miss Pierce lived to the advanced aiz:e of 83. 604 HISTORY OF CONXECTICUT. She was small in person, of a cheerful, lively temperament, a bright eye, and a face expressive of the most active benev- olence. She was in the habit of practicing herself all the theories that she taugiit to her pupils, and, until physical in- firmities confined her to her room, would take her accus- tomed walk in the face of the roughest March wind that ever blew across our hills. The intelligence of her death cast a shade of sadness over many a domestic circle, and caused many a silent tear to fall. While these two schools were in full and active life, Litch- field was famed for an intellectual and social position, which is believed to have been at that time unrivaled in any other village or town of equal size in the United States.* * Several excellent. and flourishing literary institutions have been established in our state since the date of the adoption of the constitution. Trinity (formerly Washington) College, an episcopal institution, was founded at Hartford, 1824, and in 1850, had nine professors, sixty-six students, and a library of nine thousand volumes. At the latter date, its ahimni numbered two hundred and fifty-seven, of whom one hundred and seventeen had taken orders in the church. This institution has already taken a high rank among the colleges of the United States, and is believed to be inferior to none of them in the order of its discipline and the faithfulness of its officers. It has already sent forth from its halls many able clergymen and accomplished scholars. Its buildings are handso'mc and look off upon a landscape as lovely as can be found in the valley of the Connecticut. A more minute account of it will be given in the appendi.x — Title, " Trinity College.'' The Wesleyan University at Middletown was founded in 1831. The build- ings and land connected with them, estimated at from thirty to forty thousand dol- lars, were presented to the New York and New London conferences by the Lite- rary and Seientilie Society of Middletown, on condition that forty thousand dollars more should be raised, for the purpose of establishing a university, to be under the control of the two conferences named, and any others that might unite with them in the enterprise. These conditions were complied with, and a board of trustees were elected by the New York and New England conferences. The state legis- lature soon after gave a very liberal charter to the institution. The buildings, which are of stone, are delightfully situated on an eminence in the western part of the city, having a commanding view of the Conui'etieut river and of the adjacent country. As I have elsewhere stated, the Rev. Wilbur Fisk, D.D., was elected the first president of the university, and with the assistance of a corps of learned and able professors, the institution went into operation under the most favorable auspices. In 18.")0, the number of its alumni was 402, and of its students 116. The library contains over 12,000 volumes. THE POETS. 605 But Connecticut has not been less distinguished for genius than for scholarship. In poetry she may well claim to be the Athens of America. Trumbull, Barlow, Humphreys, and Dvvight, were in their day the first poets of the western world. But since their time, there have sprung up a class of writers whose genius and artistic finish place them among the first ornaments of our literature. Of those who have passed from the stage of life, Ilillhouse is by far the most clas- sical and stately. He wrought his poetical compositions to a degree of polish which until his day had never been attained by the western muse. His conceptions are of that large order, belonging only to men of high genius, and his imagination has a breadth and sweep of wing that remind the reader of " Paradise Lost." Braiiierd, with less magnificence of drapery, was perhaps not inferior to Hillhouse in vigor of imagination. His lines on " the Falls of Niagara," inartificial as they are in con- struction, are probably not surpassed by any poem in the world of equal length, for the vastness of the thoughts and the boldness of the grouj)ing. The mighty flow of the cataract, its voice sounding on like a perpetual anthem, the bow that hangs upon its " awful front," the sublime scrip- ture imagery that clothes it, and the marks of centuries " notched in the eternal rocks," as if by the finger of God, all present a picture of condensed power and terrible sublimity. The names of Lemuel Hopkins, Richard Alsop, Elihu Hubbard Smith, Mrs. Laura Thurston, Miss Martha Day, James Otis Rockwell, Hugh Peters, Mason, and others, are familiar to all readers of American poetry, and are embalmed in the afiections of the people. Upon all former pages of this work, the acts and characters of living men have been left out of view or treated of only in notes, as was sometimes necessary to explain the text. But in relation to literature, which may be said to be "an immor- tality rather than a life," and which is not liable to the con- ditions of ordinary decay, the adoption of a different rule will hardly oflend the taste of any one. 606 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. Not inferior to the works of any other hving poet, are the productions of the author of " Marco Bozzaris." Since the death of him who wrote the " Elegy in a country church- yard," no other writer has appeared who dared commit his fame to the keeping of so few Hnes, and no poet has seemed to be so well aware that to write little and well, is to lorite much. His poem upon Connecticut, the one which recalls with the breath of a faded rose plucked from " Allovvay's witch-haunted wall," the fragrant memories and sufferino; poverty of Scotland's best poet, and the precious tribute, half epitaph and half sigh, that tells the gentle fate of Rodman Drake, — " like flower-seeds by the far winds sown," will bloom in all lands to the end of time. Percival, who sports with the boughs of ocean-groves the foliage of which was never " wet with falling dew ;" Pierpont who has identified his name with that of Warren, and con- secrated his song to hymn the first arrival of the emigrant to the New England coast, and who has recorded the tenderest and holiest emotions that can thrill a parent's heart for the loss of sainted infancy ; and Prentice, smoothing from his forehead the distracting wrinkles of business, and at intervals withdrawing to some sequestered spot, " Where billows mid the silent I'ocks, Are brooding o'er the waters mild," — these poets can no longer be circumscribed by the limits of our state, for they " are Freedom's now, and Fame's." Nor let us be unmindful of that daughter of song whose pages have recorded the privations of " the Western Emigrant" by the hoarse waters of the Illinois ; whose name is blistered upon the title-page by the fast-falling tears of the poor girl who muses with the book in her hand over the warbled notes of the robin that she petted, and the " fresh violets " that she tended, by the bank of the Connecticut ; nor of her whose woman's ear listened not unwillingly to the whispers of fame, and whose eye saw its hues of promise as she looked upward through the branches of " The old Apple-tree;" nor yet of her whose playful pen has made us almost wish JOHN- TRUMBULL 607 that the days of "Bride Stealing" might return.* Other names, like those of Goodrich, Nichols, Wetmore, Ilill, Brown, Dow, Burleigh, Park, and William Thompson Bacon, who may well be called our Wordsworth, gather around this briglit constellation, and make a galaxy which is to be still I'urther extended, as one orb of song after another is evolved from the chaos of darkness, and takes its place in the firmament of letters. But poetry is not the only field of art that has been suc- cessfully trodden by our citizens. When Master John Trumbull, the youngest son of our first Governor Trumbull, was secretly learning how to use the brush and to mix colors, and while he was still in the hands of his sisters, who on account of his feeble frame and delicate constitution regarded him as little more than a plaything, his father, so wise and discriminating in all other matters of public concern, and in most matters of private interest, used his best endeavors to dissuade the boy from such pursuits. At a later period, when the youth had broken away from the domestic circle, and was at Harvard, in the early part of his academical career, the governor wrote to Mr. Kneeland, who had charge of his son : " I am sensible of his natural genius and inclination for limning, an art which I have frequently told him will be of no use to him." Little did the statesman know that the art, the in- fluence of which he so much deprecated, would, in the hands of that son, transfer to canvas the features of all the signers of the Declaration of Independence, and sketch as if with the beams of the sun, the very likeness and action of the great battles of the Revolution. Yet John Trumbull, scarcely less important than his father, was born to paint his country's history. Nothing could divert his attention from this great purpose. New as the subject was, devoid of all the romantic associations which a long lapse of time is sup- posed to throw over events, he looked at the history of his * Mrs. yi^()UI■ney, Mrs. Ann S. Steplicns, and Mrs. Emma Willard are among the most giftc'l and cniineut wrilera in our country. 608 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. country through the medium of great principles, political and social, developed and illustrated by great characters, and saw in them, what none but genius can see, new combinations of greatness and new forms of beauty. As the result has proved, the choice was wise as it was brave.* While engaged in fighting the battles of American liberty and unfolding the germs of literature, learning, and art, Con- necticut has not lost sight of the great demands of the age for a practical application of the physical sciences to the com- mon place uses of life, and for that moral machinery which has at last been made to turn all the wheels of our complex society. Eli Whitney, ours by education and choice, in- vented the cotton-gin, and although the money which the two Carolinas had the justice to pay him for the labors of his brain, was expended in litigating his claims in some other states, yet the world which denied to his heirs the property of which they had been robbed, has done justice to his memory. John Fitch was the first to apply steam, now the common drudge of man, to the uses of navigation. Junius Smith was the originator of the grand project of navigating the ocean by the same motive power. Morse, of a Con- necticut parentage and culture, invented the magnetic telegraph, and thus gave to the world a courier swifter than the light, and more certain than the carrier-dove. Jared Mansfield originated the present mode of surveying * Colonel John Trumbull was born in Lebanon, June 6, 1756, graduated at Cambridge in 1T73, and was appointed adjutant of the first Connecticut regi- ment under General Spencer previous to the Battle of Bunker Hill. At the age of nineteen years he was a:d-de-eamp to General Washington and major of brigade ; and at twenty, he was appointed adjutant general with the rank of colonel. Soon after he commenced painting, he took up his abode in London as a pupil of Mr. West, in 1780, where he was arrested and imprisoned on a charge of high treason. After being confined for eight months he was liberated. He re- ceived various diplomatic appointments abroad, and resided in England and France for several years. He became one of the most eminent artists of his day. Many of his historical paintings and other works of art are preserved in the " Trumbull Gallery," New Haven, lie died in New York in 1813 aged 87. For my estimate of Trumbull and for facts in relation to him, I am indebted to friend Mr. George F. ^V right. [17S7.] THE REBEL GOVERNOR. G09 lands. Ephraim Kirby published the first volume ol' law reports ever issued in the United States. John Treadwell was the first president of the American Board of Com- missioners for Foreign Missions. Samuel Seabury was the first episcopal bishop in the new world, and the first epis- copal ordinations on this side of the Atlantic took place in Connecticut. Joseph Bellamy, as we have shown, founded the first Sabbath school in the world. The first temperance society in Christendom was formed in this state. The first asylum for the deaf and dumb ever instituted on this continent was established by the enterprize of our citi- zens, and upon our soil ; and the seeds of almost all the colleges in the Union, have been carried from our fields and planted by our citizens. The first British flag that fell into the hands of the American patriots during the revolutionary war, and the first upon the land as well as upon the sea that did homage to our valor in the war of 1812, were all struck to sons of Connecticut ; and her Trumbull was the only governor of all the old thirteen colonies who merited the now honored title oi' "rebel."* Here ends the task so long ago undertaken, and followed with so many interruptions, but with a fondness which has clung more lovingly to the subject as the author has pur- sued it from year to year. If these pages shall stimulate to one generous eflbrt, or arouse one heroic sentiment in the hearts of the young generation who arc now rising up, to fill the places of their fathers, they will not have been written in vain. The enemies of our ancestors were cold, famine, priva- * Connecticut has educated principally through Yale Collcf^e and the Litch- field Law School, one-eighth of all tlie senators that have ever been iu Congress, from all the states of the Union, and more than oiie-ninlh of all the cabinet officers, besides being the birth-place of more than onc-tweU'th of the entire list ^f United States senators, and one-third of all the postmasters general of the United States. She has .also been the birth-place of one Secretary of the Navy, one Secretary of the Treasury, two Secretaries of War, two Speakers of the United States House of Representatives, one Judge and one Chief Judge of the Supreme C(»urt of the United States. 71 610 HISTORY OF CONNECTICUT. tions, decimating wars and taxes that pressed heavily upon them ; ours, on the other hand, are luxury, extravagance, sloth, and the natural result of all these, moral and phy- sical weakness. Let us study their history with sentiments of filial regard, and not forget to thank the God whom they trusted, that we are able to say, as they did, when they planted those three vines in the wilderness, which have since afforded fruit and shelter to millions, — " Qui Transtulit Sustinet' APPENDIX. ROLL OF DELEGATES TO THE CONVENTION WHICH RATIFIED THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES, HOLDEN AT HARTFORD, ON THE FIRST THURSDAY OF JANUARY, 1788. Hon. Matthew Griswold, President. Jedediah Strong, Esq., Secretary. HARTFORD COUNTY. Hartford. — " Jeremiah Wadsworth, . . . . Y. " Jesse Root,* V. Berlin. — " Isaac Lee, Y. " Selahllart, Y. Bristol. — " Zebulon Peck, Jr., Y. East Hartford. — " W illiam Pitkin, nil dicit. " Elisha Pitkin, Y. East Windsor. — " Erastus Wolcott, Y. " John Watson, Y. Enfield. — " Daniel Perkins, N. " Joseph Kingsbury,. 7n7 dicit. Farmington. — " JohnTreadwell,* Y. " William Judd, Y. Glastenhury. — " Jtisiah Moseley, Y. " Wait Goiidrich, Y. Granhy. — '• llezekiah llolcomb, N. Southington. — " John Curtis, Y. " Asa Barnes, Y. Sufield.— " Alexander King, N. " David Todd, N. Simshury. — »' Noah Phelps, N. " Daniel Humphrey, N. HARTFORD COUNTY. Welhersfield. — Stephen M. Mitchell,*. . .Y. " Jolm Chester, Y. Windsor. — " Oliver Ellsworth, Y. " Roger Newberry, Y. NEW HAVEN COUNTY. New Hacen. — '' llogor Sherman, Y. " Pierpont Edwards,* Y. Branford. — •' William Gould, N. " Timothy lloadley, N. Cheshire. — " David P> rooks, N. " Samuel Beach, Y. Derby. — " Daniel Ilolbrook, Y. " John I lolbrook, Y. Durham. — " James Wadsworth, N. '• Daniel Hail, N, East Haven. — " Samuel Davenport, N. Guilford. — •' Andrew Ward, N. " John Eliot, N. Hamden. — " Theoph. Goodyear, 7iil dicit. Milford. — " Gideon Buckingham,. .. .T. " I^wis Mallet, Y. 61^ APPENDIX. NEW HAVEN COUNTY. North Haven. — " J)anic-1 Bassett, N. Wallingford. — " Street Hall, N. " Samuel Whiting, N. Waterbury. — " Joseph Hopkins, Y. " Jdhn Welton, Y. Woodbridge. — " Samuel Osborn, N. " Saiimel Newton, N. MIDDLESEX COUNTY. Middletown. — " Ashur Miller, Y. " Samuel II. Parsons, Y. Chatham. — " Ebenczer White, Y. " Ilezekiah Goodrich, Y. East Haddam. — Dyar Throop, Y. " Jabez Chapman, Y. Haddam. — " Cornelius Iliggins, Y. " Ilezekiah Brainard, Y. Killingworth. — '' Theophilus Morgan, Y. " Ilezekiah Law, Y. Saybrook. — " William Hart, Y. " Samuel Shipmau, Y. TOLLAND COUNTY. Tolland. — '' Jeremiah W^est, Y. " Samuel Chapman, Y. Bolton. — " Ichabod Warner, Y. " Samuel Carver, Y. Coventry. — " Jeremiah Ripley, Y. " Ephraim Root, Y. Ellington. — " Ebenezer Nash, N. Hebron. — " Daniel Ingham, N. " Elihu Marvin, N. Somers. — " Joslma Pomeroy, N. " Ablel Pease N. Stafford.— " John Phelps, Y. " Isaac Foot, Y. Union. — " Abijah Sessions, Y. TOLLAND COUNTY. Willington.^ " Caleb Holt, " Setli Crocker, . . . .T. .Y. WINDHAM COUNTY. Windham. — " Eliphalet Dyer, Y. " Jedediah Eiderkin, Y. Ashford. — " Simeon Smith, Y. " Ilendriek Dow, Y. Brooklyn. — • " Seth Paine, Y. Canterbury. — " Asa Witter, Y. " Moses Cleveland, Y. Hampton. — " (Unrepresented.) Killingly. — '' Simeon Howe, Y. " William Danielson, Y. Lebanon. — " William Williams,* Y. " Ephraim Carpenter, N. Mansfield. — " Constant South worth, . . . . N. " Nathaniel x\t\vood, N. Plainfield. — '• James Bradford, Y. " Joshua Dunlap, Y. Pomfrei. — Jonathan Randall, N. '■ Simeon Coltou, N. Thompson. — " Daniel Learned Y. Voluntown. — " Moses Campbell, Y. " Benjamin Dow, Y. Woodstock. — " Stephen Paine, N. " Timothy Perrin, N. LITCHFIELD COUNTY. Litchfield. — " Oliver Wolcott, Y. " Jedediah Strong, Y. Barkhamsted. — " Joseph Wilder, N. Bethlem. — " Moses Ilawley, Y. Colebrook. — " (Unrepresented.) Canaan. — " Charles Burrall, Y. " Nathan Hale, Y. APPENDIX. 613 LITCHFIELD COUNTY. Cornicall. — " Edward Piogers, . . . .Absent. " JMattlmw Patterson, N. Goshen. — Daniel Miles, Y. " Asaph Hall, Y. Hartland. — • '■ Isaac Burnliam, Y. " John Wilder, Y. Harwinton. — " Abner Wilson, N. " Mark Prindle, Y. Kent. — Jedediah Hubbell, Y. New Hartford. — " Aaron Austin,* Y. " Thomas (woodman, N. New Milford. — " Samuel Canfield, Y. " Daniel Everett, Y. Norfolk.— " Asahcl Humphrey, N. " Hosea Humphrey, N. Salishury. — '• Hezekiali Fitch,.. Y. " Joshua Porter, Y. Sharon. — '• Josiah Coleman, N. '' Jonathan GiUett, N. Southbury. — " Benjamin Ilinman, Y. Torrington. — " Epaphras Sheldon, Y. " Elipiialet Enos, N. Warren. — " Eleazer Curtis Y. Washington. — " John Whittlesey, Y. " Daniel N. Brinsmade,. . . Y. Watertoton. — '' Thomas Fenn, Y. " David Smith, Y. Winchester. — Robert MeCune, Y. Woodbury. — _ ''_ Daniel Sherman, Y. " Samuel Orton, Y. NEW LONDO.V COUNTY'. Neio London. — " Richard Law, Y. " Amaza Learned,* Y. NEW LONDON COUNTV. Norwich. — " Samuel Huntington, Y. " Jedediah Huntiiiiiton Y. Bozrah. — '' Isaac Huntington, Y. Colchester. — " Robert Robbins Y. " Daniel Foot, Y. Franklin. — Eli Hyde, Y. Groton. — " Joseph Woodbridge, . . . . Y. " Stephen Billings, Y. Lisbon. — " Andrew Lee, Y. Lyme. — " Matthew Griswold, Y. " William Noyes, Y. Montville. — " Joshua Raymond, Jr.,. . .Y. Preston. — " Jeremiah Halsey, Y. " Wheeler Coit, Y. Stonington. — Charles Phelps, Y. " Nathaniel Miner, Y. FAIRFIELD COUNTV. Fairfield. — " Jonathan Sturges,.... ..Y. u Thaddeus Burr, ..Y. Danbury — '' Elisha Whittlesey, ..Y. u Joseph M. White, ..Y. Greenwic h.— " Amos Mead, ..Y. u Jabez Plteh, ..Y. New Fairfield. — u Nehemiah Beardsley,. ..Y. u James Potter, ..Y. Neictown " John Chandler, ..Y. u John Beach, ..Y. Norvialk. " Samuel C. Sil!iman,.^6sc«<. i( Hezekiali Rogers,. . . . ..Y. Reading. — '• Lemuel Sanford,*. . . . ...Y. " William Heron, ..Y. Ridgefield.-^ " Philip B. Bradley, ..Y. " Nathan Daueliy, ..Y. * Though II period of thirty yenrs elapsed between this convention and the convention which formed the state constitution, it is a remarkable fact, that nt least eight persons were delegates to both, viz., .lesse Root, Joliii Treadwell, Stephen M. Mitchell, I'ierpont Kdwards, Aaron Austin, Amasa Leunied, Lemuel Sanford, and Wiiliiiin Williams. 614 APPENDIX. FAIRFIELD COUNTY. FAIRFIELD COUNTY. Stamford. — " James Davenport, Y. " John Davenport, Jr.,. ...Y. Stratford. — " William S. Johnson, Y " Elisha Mills, Y. ROLL OF DELEGATES TO THE CONVENTION WHICH FORilED THE STATE CONSTITUTION, HOLDEN AT HARTFORD, IN AUGUST, 1818. His Excellency Oliver Wolcott, President. James Lanman, Esq., ) ^ ' ,, ? Clerks. Robert Fairchild, Esq., Hartford. — " Sylvester Wells, " Nathaniel Terry. Berlin. — " Samuel Hart, " Samuel Norton. Bristol. — '• Bryan Hooker. Burlington. — " Bliss Hart. Canton. — " Solomon Everest. East Hartford. — " Ilichard Pitkin, " Samuel Pitkin. East Windsor. — " Charles Jencks, " Abner Reed. Enfield.— " Henry Terry, " William Dixon. Farmington. — " Timothy Pitkin, " John Treadwell, Glastenbury. — " Samuel Welles, " David E. Hubbard. Granhy. — " S. Wilcox, " Reuben Barker. Hartland. — " Aaron Church, " ,l.)!m Treat. Marlborough. — " Elisha Buel. Simsbury. — " Elisha Phelps. " J ouathan Pcttiboue, Jr. Southington. — " Roger Whittlesey, " Chester Grannis. Sufficld. — " Christopher Jones, " •Asahel Morse. Weihcrsfield. — Stephen I\I. Mitchell, " Levi Lusk. Windsor. — " Eliakim ^larshall, " Joslah Phelps. New Haven. — " William Bristol, " Nathan Smith. Branford. — '' Eli Fowler, " Jonathan Rose. Cheshire. — " Andrew Hull, " Charles Shelton. Derby. — " John Riggs. East Haven. — " Bela Farnham. Guilford. — " Nathaniel Griffin, " William Todd. Hamden. — " Russell Pierpont. Mrriden. — " Patrick Clark. Middlcbvry. — " Aaron Benedict. Milford. — " Benjamin Hull, " Samuel B. Gunn. APPENDIX. 615 North Haven. — " Daniel Pierpont. Oxford. — '• David Tomlinson. Southhury. — ■ SiiaJracli Osborn. Wallingford. — '* John Andrews, '• AV'illiain Marks. Waterbury.^ •' Timon Miles, '• Andrew Adams. Wolcott.— " Ambrose Ives. Woodbridge. — " .1 ustus Thomas, " Cliauiicey Tollcs. New LoN'noN. — " Christopher Manwaring, " Aniaza Learned. Norwich. — '' John Turner, '■ James Lanman. Bozrah. — Roswell Fo,v. Colchester. — David Deming, " John Ishain, Jr. Franklin. — " Joshua Hyde. Grisifold. — " Elisha J. Abel. Groton. — " John Daboll, " AVilliam Williams. Lisbon. — " Daniel Braman. Lyme. — '' Moses Warren,. " I'^beiiezer Brockway. Montville. — " Oliver Comstock. North Sloninglon. — " Chester Smith, " William Randall, Jr. Preston. — " Nathaniel Kimball, " 1 ) .nison Palmer. Stoninsrtnn. — " ^ \Villiam Randall, " .\mos Gallup. Waterfurd.— '> Charles Avery. F.\IRFIELr).- David Hill, Gideon Tomlinson. Danbury. — " Friend Starr, " ^^'illiam Cook. Brookfield. — Noah A. Lacy. Greenwich. — " Clark Sanford, '' Enos Lockvvood. Huntington. — '^ Timothy J. Welles, " William Shelton. Ncuj Canaan. — " Nathan Seeley. New Fail-field. — " Samuel T. Barnum. Newtown. — " (jideon Botsford, '• James Jj. Fairnian. Nor^t-alk. — " Moses Gregory, '' John Eversley. Reading. — •' Samuel Whiting, '' Lemuel Sanford. Ridgejield. — • " Joshua King, " Abner Gilbert. Shermaji. — " Jedediah Graves. Stamford. — James Stevens, " John Weed, Jr. Stratford. — " Pierpont Edwards, '• Robert Fairehild. Trumbull. — " Lewis Burton. Weston. — " Abel Gregory, " Isaac Bennett. Wilton. — " Erastus Sturges. Windham. — '• Peter Webb, " Zaccheus Waldo. Ashford. — " Josias Byles, " William Perkins. Brooklyn. — " Roger W. Williams. Canterbury. — " Ijuther Paine, " J)aniel Frost. Columbia. — " Silas Fuller. Hajnpton. — " Ebenezcr Griffin. 616 APPENDIX. Killingly. — " Lutlier Warren, " E/J'a llutcliins. Lehanon. " Thomas Babcock, " Stephen D. TUden. Mansfield. — " Edmund Freeman, " Artemas Gurley. Plainfield. — " Elias Woodward, " Jolin Duulap. Pomfret. — '' Darius Matthewson, " Lemuel Ingalls. Sterling. — " Dixon Hall. Thompson. — '' Geori^e Earned, " Jonathan Nichols, Jr. Voluntoum. — '' Daniel Keigwiu. Woodstock. — " John McEellan, '• Elias Childs, 2d. JilTCllFIELD. " Oliver Woleott, " John Welch. Barkhamsled. — " Samuel Ilayden, " Oliver Alills. Bethlem. — " Nehemiah Lambert. Canaan. — " William M. Burrall, " William Douglas. Colebronk. — Arab Phelps, " George Pinney. Cornwall. — " Philo Swift, " Oliver Burnliam. Goshen. — " Adino Hale, " Theodore North. Hartrinton. — " James Brace, . " Uriah Hopkins. -^ Kent.— " Lewis St. John. New Hartford. — " Aaron Austin, " Jonathan Marsh. New Milford. — " Orange Mcrwin, " Jehiel Williams. Norfolk. — " Augustus Pettibone, " Joseph Battell. Plymouth. — " Calvin Butler. Roxhury.— " John Trowbridge. Salisbury. — " Daniel Johnson, " Samuel Church. Sharon. — " Cyrus Swan, " Samuel E. Everett. Torrington. — " Abel Hinsdale. " William Battel!. Warren.— " John Tallmadge. Washington. — " Hermanns Marshall, " Ensign Bushnell. Watertow7i. — " Amos Baldwin. Winchester. — Levi Piatt, " Joseph Rliller. Woodbury. — " Nathaniel Perry, " Daniel IJacon MlDDLETOWN. — " Alexander Woleott, " Joshua Stow. Haddam. — '' Ezra Brainard, " Jonathan Huntington Chatham. — " Enoch Sage, " Benjamin Hurd. Durham. — "• Thomas Lyman, " Lemuel (Guernsey East Haddam. — '* Solomon Blakcslee, " William Hungerford. Killingworth. — '' (ieorge Elliott, '• Dan Lane. Saybrook. — " Charles Nott, " Elisha Sill. Tolland. — " Ashbel Chapman, ■' Eliphalet Young. Bolton. — " Saul Alvord, Jr. APPENDIX. 617 Stafford. — '' Kpliraiin Tfydc, " Nathan Jolinson. Union. — " [iig-dldsby W. Crawford, " llobirt Paul. Vernnn. — Coventry. — '■ Jesse Root, '' Elislia Edgerton. Ellington. — " Asa Willey. Hebron. — '■ Daniel Burrows, " John S. Peters. | " Pliiiieas Talcott. Somcrs. — : WiUinglon. — • " I>eiijamin Phelps, | " Jonathan Sibley. Jr. " Giles Pease. 1 " tipafford Brigham. COMMON SCHOOLS. For a minute and comprehensivo survey of the "Legislation of Connecticut respecting Common Schools, and other means of Popular Education," including academic aud collegiate institutions from 1C3S to 1838, the reader is referred to the annual rejiort of Henry Barnard, superintendent of the common schools, made tu the General Assembly, May session 1853. The state may well be proud of her larly legislation, in behalf of universal education. " If there is any thing,'' re- marks Prof. Kingsley, in his historical discourse on the anniversary of the first settlement of New llavon, " If there is any thing in the institutions of a free state, wliich shows tiie character of Its founders, it is the regard paid to the education of youth. Religion, morals, enterprise, whatever benefits or adorns society, rest licre on their surest foundation ; and where eflfectual provision is made in the in- fancy of a community, for general instruction, other salutary regulations may be expected to accompany them. Take from our commonwealth tlie universal edu- cation of our citizens, and our social system is at an end. The form might con- tinue fir a time, but its spirit would have fled. To suppose that pure religion, jiure morals, an upright administration of government, and a peaceable, orderly, and agreeable intercourse in the domestic and social relations of life, can exist, where the people as a body are ignorant of letters, is an egregious solecism. I do not say that education is all that is needed, but without knowledge generally diflused, other means of improving human society are comparatively weak and unavailing.'' The establishment of the common school for the elementary instruction of all the children of a neighborhood, as the broad and firm basis of a system of public edu- cation, embracing the grammar school, and the college or university, by tho founders of the colonies of Connecticut and New Haven, and the vigorous and pa- tient efforts of many good and wise men for one hundred and fifty years afterward, to bring the school near to every man's door, and to induce towns, parents, and guardians, by these facilities, and by penalties for neglecting tliem, to look after their " proper nurture and schooling," as well as their " training to some honest occupation, of all children, apprentices, and servants," until it could with truth be said that not only the liigh places in church and commonwealth were (llled with a l"arnod ministry and an intelligent magistracy, but that the " barbarism " of 618 APrENDIX. having a " single person unable to read the Holy Word of God, and the good laws of the colony," was not to be found in any household however poor, entitles Conneeticut to a prominent place on the roll of civilized states, and her early legis- lators to rank among the benefactors of the human race. " Did I know," Judge Swift remarks in liis digest of the laws of Connecticut, " the name of the legisla- tor, who first conceived and suggested the idea of common schools, I should pay to his memory the highest tribute of reverence and regard. I should feel for him a much higher veneration and respect, than I do for Lycurgus and Solon, the celebrated lawgivers of Sparta and Athens. I should revere him as the greatest benefactor of the human race ; because he has been the author of a provision ^ which, if it should be adopted in every country, would produce a happier and more important influence on the human character, than any institution which the wisdom of man has devised." It may be difticult to assign to any one individual the merit of having originated the common school system of Connecticut, or New England. Mr. Barnard, in his history already referred to, remarks, " The outline, and most of the features of our present system of common or public schools, will be found in the practice of the first settlers of the several towns which composed the original colonies of Connecticut and New Haven, before any express provision was made by general law for the regulation and support of schools, or the bring- ing up of children. The first law on the subject did but little more than declare the motive, and make obligatory the practice which had grown up out of the characters of the foimders of these colonies and the circumstances in which they were placed. They did not come here as isolated individuals, drawn together from widely separated homes, entertaining broad differences of opinion on all matters of civil and religious concernment, and kept together by the necessity of self defence in the eager prosecution of some temporary but profitable adventure. They came after God had set them in families, and they brought with them the best pledges of good behavior, in the relations which father and mother, husband and wife, parents and children, neighbors and friends, establish. They came with a foregone conclusion of permanence, and with all the elements of the social state combined in vigorous activity — every man, expecting to find or make occupation in the way in which he had been trained. Tliey came with earnest religious convictions, made more earnest by the trials of persecution ; and the enjoyment of these convictions was a leading motive in their emigration hither. The fundamental articles of their religious creed, that the bible was the only authoritative expression of the Divine will, and that every man was able to judge for himself in its interpretation, made schools necessary to bring all persons " to a knowledge of the scriptures," and an understanding "of the main grounds and principles of the christian religion neces- sary to salvation." The constitution of civil government, which they adopted from the outset, which declares all civil ofticers elective, and gave to every inliabi- tant who would take the oath of allegiance, the right to vote, and to be voted for, and which practically converted political society into a partnership, in which each nicmbor had a right to bind the whole firm, made universal education identical with self preservation. But aside from these considerations, the natural and ac- knowledged leaders in this enterprise — the men who, by their religious character, APPENDIX. 619 wealth, social ;).i,sition, and previous oxporionco in conducting large business operations, commanded public confidence in church and commonwealth, were educated men — as highly and thoroughly educated as the best endowed grammar schools in England could educate them at that period, and not a few of them had enjoyed the advantages of her great universities. These men would naturally seek for their own children the best opportunities of education which could be provided ; and it is the crowning glory of these men, that, instead of sending their own children back to England to be educated in grammar schools and universities, they labored to establish free grammar schools and a college here, amid the stumps of the primeval forests ; that instead of setting up '' family schools,'' and " select schools " for the ministers' sons and the magistrates' sons, the ministers and magistrates were found — not only in town meeting, pleading for an allowance out of the common treasury for the support of a public or common school, and in some instances for a " free school " — but among the families, en- treating parents of all classes to send their children to the same school with their own. All this was done in advance of any legislation on the subject, and was more easily made the habit of each new township by legislation framed in this spirit."* In the practice above referred to, for near a century and a half, lay the peculiar excellence of the common scliool system — the universality of the habit, and the equality of the education given to all classes of the same community. The " children of the rich and the poor, of the capitalist and the laborer, of the laborer with his hands and the laborer with his head, were found side by side in the same school, and in the same playground, without knowing or caring for any other distinction than such as industry, capacity, or virtue may make. The teacher of the common school held a recognized office of distinction in the neighborhood, not overshadowed by the better educated and better paid teacher of private schools; one family bor- rowed its practice of school attendance from another, and any new family fell into the general habit of the district; and a firm, intelligent and public opinion in favor of the school, coerced those who might otherwise liave proved forgetful or delin- quent as to the education of their children. By degrees the supervision of the com- mon school was transferred from the town where other public interests were looked after, to an independent corporation, whose annual meeting was thinly attended because nothing was to be done except the election of officers ; the support of the schools was thrown mainly on the avails of public funds, which was followed by a diminution of public interest in the affairs of the district ; the means of the rich, no longer ta.xed for the support of the common school, were freely expended on academic and private schools, for tlie exclusive benefit of a few families — and thus this noble institution came to occupy a secondary place in the regards of a large and influential portion of every district and town." From 1820 to 18.38, strenuous eff(jrts were made by individuals, through the press, and in conventions of teachers and friends of educational improvement, to arrest the attention of the people, and the legislation, to the want of progress in the common schools, and to causes which were operating to diminish tlieir useful- ness. But it was not till 18.38 that any efTectual measure was adopted. At the May session of the General Assembly in that year, Henry Barnard, whose reports * Barnard's Legislation of Connecticut respecting Common Schools from 1636 to 1838. 620 ■ APPENDIX. havt^ been referred to, tlicn a member of the House of Representatives from Hartford, succeeded in carrying through both bi'anehes, by an almost unanimous vote, an " Act to provide for the better supervision of common schools," which commenced a new era in the historj'^ of our school system. This act, while it left every member of the community in his unabridged rights, as regards the educa- tion of his own children, and school societies and districts to maintain and manage its schools, correct abuses, and carry out desirable reforms according to their own judgment, aimed to secure the more particular attention of local committees to their supervision, and to enlist the counsel and experience of a board (consisting of one member for each county), and the entire time, strength, and talents of one person, to collect and disseminate information as to the condition of the common schools, and to awaken, enlighten, and elevate public sentiment in relation to the whole subject of popular education. Mr. Barnard was made a member of the board for Hartford county, and finally, and at the earnest solicitation of the other members of the board, and many influential citizens, he accepted the office of secretary, and his whole time and strength devoted to the service of the common schools of the state. There have been few reformers, whether of the religious, moral, or civil condi- tion of mankind, who have been popular in their day. They have to encounter old prejudices, which have taken deep root and long drawn from the earth the nourishment that should have been absorbed by the smaller fibres of the grains that nourish, or the flowers that adorn our fallen humanity. They have to contend against vanity, jealousy, envy, and ignorance. The world does not love to bo told of its faults, and for this reason has almost always regarded its reformers and teachers as its enemies. Besides there is some thing connected with the educa- tion of the young, which the flippant materialist, the frigid fashionist and the callous man of the world, looks upon with a kind of contempt as unvvoi'thy of his notice. Hence many a fop who spends hours before his looking-glass in adjusting his hair and beard, many a wily politician whose life has been spent in the practice of low cunning and intrigue, turns his eye askance and curls his lip in scorn at the sight of a Howard or a Gallaudet, as worthy only to be a nurse or a schoolmaster. They cannot associate the idea of great powers with occupations that seem to bo so humble. It will be noticed that such men almost always speak lightly of the intellectual powers of tcoman, too, and skeptically of J Tim, who, in His divine cotii- passion and infinite wisdom, beholding the ripe fruit in the opening bud, stretched forth his arms exclaiming " suffer little children to come unto me." To such men the wanderings of Hooker through the wilderness, the patient labors of IMuirson, the episcopal missionary on the western border of Connecticut, are in- vested with no poetry, and look forward to no glorious results of empire or tri- umphant faith. To sport with the bubbles so constantly bursting and forming a new on Iho changing surface of life is a pastime, business, luipe, and eternity to them. ^Vitli Henry Barnard, whose name is so intimatily associated with one of the great reforms of the world, life is vahiablo only that it may be spent in improv- ing the condition of mankind not only in the present generation, but in all ages. To this noble work he has consecrated talents and acquirements of the highest APPENDIX. 621 orde". Desceii l!iJi;' from one of tlic emigrants \\]\o settle.] the (^olony, witli strong local attai.hnients to Hartford, his nntive city, and to the old mansion vvliero lie was l)()rn, — witli academical ac(iuirements among the best that Yale College can bestow upon her sons, — with intellectual endowments and a gift of elo(juence which might have dune honor to the senate, — with a mind trained by the best models of Creek and Latin letters and cnrieiieil by the poetry, the philosophy and science of Englanil's liest minds, a thorough lawyer with a lucrative and honovablo practice opening before him, at the age of 21 years he abandoned all th-- attrac- tions of political and professional life and the pleasures of literary and social relations; and went furlh like a crusader of the middle ages, to wage war with the bigotry, the parsimony and the old habits of thinking which encrusted the minds of a largo proportion of the parents of Connecticut, in relation to that most vital subject, the education of their children. They frowned upon him as an inter- meddler ; and intimated, if they did not tell him in so many words that he liad better mind his own affairs, and they would take care of theirs. lie expostulated with them. They told him that their school-books and scltool-houscs had been good enough for themselves, and that their children were no better th.in they. lie reasoned witli them, stated facts to show them that the common sehool system had degenerated from its old estate, and begged them to remember that the times Were changing, and that especially in such a govermnent as this, every gene- ration ought to imj)rove upon its predecessors. They told him that he de- manded iif them to open their purses and contribute to him ; he replied, that he only wished them to make an investment for themselves which should add to their wealth and happiness an hundred fold. Gradually their views began to relax, and after years of obstinate resistance, tliey have yielded and com- menced in earnest the reformation so ardently desired and advocated by liim. We cannot here review liis labors. After encountering the honest prejudices of many, and the active opposition of not a few, who seem to have misunderstood his motives and his aims — he has succeeded in collecting and disseminating a vast amount of information as to the actual condition of the schools; in making provision through a state normal sclioul, county teachers' institutes, a state teachers' association, and a monthly educational periodical, for the professional training and improvement of teachers ; in establishing a gradation of schools in the large villages and cities ; in working not a change, but a revolution iu the construction and furniture of school-houses ; in restoring the old Connecti- cut principle of property taxation for the support, in part at least, of the com- mon school ; in securing the more permanent employment and better compen- sation of well qualified teachers ; in drawing back again to the improved common schools the children of the educated and the wealthy ; in subjecting thi; district schools to some general society regulations as to attendance, studies, books, and vacations; and as the source and pledge of still greater improvements, in interest- ing the public mind in the discussion of questions touching the organization, ad- ministration, instruction, an. Alsop, TlicHARD, was born in Middletown in January, 17G1, and was for some time a student in Yale College, but left without graduating. He became a pro- ficient in the ancient and modern languages, and devoted his life mainly to literary pursuits. He was associated with Theodore Dwight, Mason F. Cogswell, Elihu Hubbard Smith, and Lemuel Hopkins, in the authorship of " The Political Green House," and " The Eclio." He published " The Fairy of the Enchanted Lake," and a " IVicm on the Death of General Washington," which contained about five hundred lines. He was liighly esteemed in his day for his h ai'ning, talents, and gentlemanly manners, and the literary public, as if by common consent, have awarded him an honorable place among the poets of America. He died suddenly, of a disease of the heart, at Flatbush, Long Island, in August, 181,"). Austin, Samuel, D.D., was born in New Haven, Oct. 7, 1700, jind graduated at Yale in 1783. He was for many years p.astor of congregational chuiohes in Fair Haven, Conn., and Worcester, Mass., and was a very eloquent and popular preacher. For a few years, he was president of the University of V^crmont. He published several sermons and dissertations, and other religious woiks. Dr. 72 626 APPENDIX. Austin, became partially deranged a few years previous to his death, which took place December 4, 1830. Bacon, Epaphroditus C., (son of Asa Bacon, Esq., an eminent lawyer of Litchfield,) was born in Litchfield in 1810, graduated at Yale in 1833, and settled in his native town in the practice of the law. In 1830, he was a dele- gate to, and secretary of, the whig national convention; and in 1840 and 1841, he was elected a representative from Litchfield, to the state legislature. lie was distinguished for his historical and antiquarian investigations, and was highly esteemed for his learning and courtesy. While traveling on the continent of Europe, he died at Seville, in Spain, January 11, 1845, aged 34. Backus, Azel, D.D., was born in Norwich, and graduated at Tale in 1787. He became the successor of the Rev. Dr. Bellamy, as pastor of the church in Bethlem, in 1791 ; and was inaugurated as the first president of Hamilton Col- lege, New York, in 1815. He received the degree of doctor of divinity at Princeton, in 1810. Dr. Backus died December 28, 1816, aged 51 years. He was a man of original east of thought, and was distinguished for his earnest piety. Baldwin, Abraham, a native of Connecticut, and a graduate of Yale in 1772. From 1775 to 1779, he was a tutor in that institution. Having studied law, he settled in Savannah, Georgia, and in about three months after his arrival there he was chosen a member of the legislature. He originated the plan of the University of Georgia, drew up the charter by which it was endowed with 40,000 acres of land, and finally persuaded the Assembly to adopt the project. He was a member of the Continental Congress from 1785 to 1788 ; and was a member of the con- vention which formed the Constitution of the United States. From 1789 to 1799, he was a representative in Congress ; and from the last date until his death, ho was a member of the United States Senate. He died on the 4th of jNIareh, 1807, aged 53 years. He was for some time President of the University of Georgia. Baldwin, Simeon, was born in Norwich, December 14, 1761, graduated at Yale in 1781, and was a tutor in that institution from 1783 to 1786. lie read law with Charles Cliauncey, Esq., and settled in New Haven. He was clerk of the United States district and circuit courts for fourteen years, a member of Congress for two years, and a judge of the supreme court for twelve years. He was also president of the Board of Canal Commissioners, and mayor of the city of New Haven. Judge Baldwin died in New Haven, May 26, 1851. His son, the Hon. Roger S. Baldwin, LL. D., has been governor and United States senator. Barlow, Joel, LL. D., was born in Heading, in 1755, and graduated at Yale in 1778, on which occasion he delivered a poem " On the Prospect of Peace," which is preserved in the volume of " American Poems," edited by Elihu Hub- bard Smith, and printed at Litchfield, in 1793. He studied divinity, and was for some time a chaplain in the army. In 1781, on the occasion of receiving the degree of master of arts. Barlow pronounced a poem which he subsequently em- bodied in his " Vision of Columbus." At the close of the Revolution, he studied law and was admitted to the bar. For some years, he was associated with the late Major Babcock, in editing a weekly gazette at Hartford, called "The Ameri- APPENDIX. 627 can INIcrcuiy." In ITS,"), b)' request of the Cenei-al Assciciation of the Confrrega- tional Cluirehes in Connecticut, lie preparid a revised edition of Dr. Watts' psalms ; to which he appen(h'd a colloetion of liymns, several of which were written by himself. The version of 1157th, which is still much admired, was also from his pen. The work was published in the year last named, and was long the authorized version of psalms and hymns in use ;nnoni;lhe coiinreaational ehurehes. His " \'ision of Columbus,'' was published in 1787, and was repiihlislied in Lon- don and Paris. In 17SS, he visited EurojJC as the agent of a land eompany, and passed several years in England and France, during which time he was engaged in various political and literary employments. In 17115, ]\Ir. Barlow was appointed .Vmerican Consul to Algiers, and dis- charged the duties of that post for two yeais. lie then revisited I'aris, where he engaged in commercial speculations, ami amassed a fortune. In 1 805, after an absence from this country of sevtnteen years, he returned and fixed his residence in Washington City, where he erected a splendid mansion. In 18(18, his great national poem, "The Columbiad,'' was published in a niagniiieent ijuarto V(]lume, with plates. In 1811, President Madison appointed him minister jilenipotentiary to the Court of France, and he immediately proceeded to Paris. While on his way to \\'ilna, to met t the Emperor Napoleon, he was overcome by fatigue and exposure, and died at an obscure village inn, near t'racow, in Poland, on the 22d of December, 1812. Beebe, Bezaleel, was born in Litchfield, April 28, 1741. He served first as a soldier and subsequently as an oflieer in the French and Indian wars ; and in the Revolution, he rose to the rank of colonel in the continental army. He was a brave and skillful ofKecr, and served with distinction in several campaigns. lie was often a representative in the legislature, and held otlier civil otllees. Colonel Beebe died in Litchfield, May 29, 182 1, aged S?, years. Beeciier, Lyman, D.I)., is a native of New Haven, and was pastor of the con- gregational church in Litchfield, from 1810 to 1S2G. He has been for many years president of Lane Seminary, near Ciiuinnati, Ohio. His complete works arc now being published in Boston. Six of his sons have been or are distinguished as clergymen, viz., William, of Ohio; Edward^ D.D., of Boston, (formerly Presi- dent of Illinois College, and author of " The Conflict of Ages ;'') George, who died at Chillicothe, Ohio, in 1843 ; Henry Ward, of Brooklyn, N. Y. ; Charles, of Newark, N. J.; and Thomas K., of Williamsbnrgh, L.I. His daughters, Miss Catharine E. Beccher, and Mrs. Harriet Bccchcr Stowe, are well known authors. BoAiiu.MAN, I'^LiJAH, was bom in New Milford, .March 7, 1700, anrri in Diirlinin, .l\mo 11, 1717, and stiidu'd law witli James A. Ilillliousc, lOsij., of New llaviri, wliere lit' continiud to reside until his doeoasc. He was not only a sound ami al)le lawyer, hut was learned in various departments of literature, history, <'ivil |ioliey,and theology. In 1789, ho was appointed a, judge of the su]ierior emirt. Judge Chauneey died la New Haven, April 18, 18-23. His son of the same name, graduated at Yale in 179'2, and became an eminent lawyer in Philadelphia. lie died in ]>urlington, New Jersey, August 30, 1S4'J, aged 73. Both received the degree of doctor of laws. CniPMAN, Nathaniel, LL. D., was born in Salisbury, November ].">, 1752, graduated at Yale in 1777, and settled as a lawyer in Tinmouth, then the capital of Rutland county, Vermont. In 1780), he was elected a judge of the supreme court; in 1789 he was chosen chief justice ; and two years after, he received the appointment of judge of the United States district couit. He was subsequently again elected chief justice, and in 1797, he was chosen Tnitcd States senator. For twenty-eight years he was proR'ssor of law in MiddUbury College. He re- ceived the dcgi'ee of doctor of laws from Dartmouth College, in 1797. In 1793, Judge Chipman published a volume entitled '' Sketches of the Princi- ples of Government," and another entitled, "Reports and Dissertations." The first of these works, witli additions, was revised and republished in an octavo volumes, of 333 pages, in 1833. He died at Tinmouth, February 1.5, 1813, in the 91st year of his age. Chipman, Daniel, LL. D., brother of the preceding, was born in Salisbury, Octo- ber 22, 1765, graduated at Dartmouth College in 1788, and having studied law, he was admitted to the bar in 1790. He commenced practice at Rutland, Vermont, and in 1793, he represented that town in the convention held at Windsor for amending the constitution. During the following year he lemoved to Middlebury. He was frequently elected a member (»f both branches of the legislature, and in 1813 and 1814, he was chosen speaker of the House. In 1815, he was elected to Congress; was subsequently reporter of the supreme court ; and in 183G, was chosen a member of the constitutional convention. He was also professor of law in Middlebury College, and a fellow of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences. In 1822, Mr. Chipman published an "Essay on the Law of Contracts for the Payment of Specific Articles ;" and has since published a volume of " Law Reports ;" " The Life of Nathaniel Chipman, LL. D., with .selections from his miscellaneous Papers ;" "The Life of Colonel Seth Warner;" and " The Life of Governor Thomas Chittenden." In 1848, he received the degree of doctor of laws from Dartmouth College. Chittenden, Thomas, was born in East Guilford, in 1730. At the age of tvtrenty years he married a sister of the Rev. Sanuu'l Johnson, D.D., of Stratford, and soon after settled in Salisbury, in the north-west corner of the colony. While a resident of that town, he was commissioned as a colonel of militia, and was elected a representative at thirteen sessions, between the years 1764 and 1772, inclusive. In 1774, he removed to Williston, on Onion river, in tlio " New Hamp- shire Grants," so called. He was a member of the convention which, January 630 APPENDIX. 16, 1777, declared Vermont an independent state, and was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate for her admission into the Union. From 1778 to 1797, with the exception of a single year, he was annually elected governor of Vermont. lie died August 21, 1797. His son, Martin Chittenden, was a member of Con- gress from 1803 to 1813, and governor of Vermont in 1813 and 1814. Church, Samuel, LL. D., was born in Salisbury, February 4, 1785, and graduated at Yale in 1803. He studied law with the Hon. Judson Canfield, of Sharon, and at the Litchfield Law School, and was admitted to the bar in Septem- ber, 180C. In the spring of 1808, he commenced the practice of law in his native town; was appointed postmaster in 1810, a justice of the peace in 1818, and during the later year he was chosen a delegate to the convention which formed the i)resent constitution of this state. lie was subsequently a member of the house of representatives six sessions, judge of the probate court eleven years, state's attorney ten years, and in 1832 was chosen a judge of the superior court, and of the supreme court of errors. In May 1847, he was appointed chief judge of the supreme court, and at the following commencement of Trinity College ho received the degree of doctor of laws. He died in 1854. Church, Leman, brother of the preceding, was born in Salisbury, and pursued his ])rofessional studies at the Litchfield Law School in 1815 and 1816. Soon after his admission to the bar, he took up his residence in Canaan, where he con- tinued to reside until his death. He became one of the best criminal lawyers in the state, and had a very extensive practice. He was occasionally a representa- tive from Canaan ; for several years he held the office of state's attorney ; and in 1835, he was appointed by the legislature, in connection with the Hon. Royal R. Hinman and the lion. Elisha Phelps, a commissioner to revise the public statutes of Connecticut. He died in Canaan, in 1849. CusHMAN, John Paine, was born in Pomfret, graduated at Tale in 1807, mar- ried a daughter of the Hon. Benjamin Tallmadge of Litchfield, and settled in Troy, N. Y., in the practice of the law. lie was elected to Congress, was recorder of Troy, a judge of the circuit court, and a regent of the university. He was a man of eminence in his profession, and discharged the duties of these various offices with fidelity and ability. He died, September 16, 1848, aged 64. Daggett, David, LL. D.,was born in Attleborough, Mass., December 31, 1764, graduated at Yale in 1783, read law with Charles Chauncey, Esq., jjnd settled in New Haven. He was frequently a representative and speaker of the House, and member of the council. From 18l3to 1819, he was a senator in Congress ; from 1826 tfl 1832 he was a judge of the supreme court, and was chief judge from the latter date until he reached the ago of 70 years — December 31, 1834. He was also state's attorney, mayor of New Haven, and professor of law in Yale College. He died April 12, 1851. Deane, Silas, was born in Groton, graduated at Yale in 1758, and became a resident of Wethersfield. In 1774, he was chosen a member of the Continental Congress, and continued in that body until he was appointed as a political and commercial agent from the government of the United States to the court of France, to endeavor to obtain her assistance. He arrived in Paris, in June, 1776. Through his efforts, Lafayette, Roehambeau, and others, were induced to APrENDIX. 631 engage with us hi the cause of independvnce. AN'ilh Dr. Franklin and Arthur Leo, he was a coiiimissiimer for negotiating treaties with foreign powrrs. He died at Deal, in England, August 23, 1789. Dickinson, Daniel S., was born in Goshen, September 11, 1801), and at the age of twenty-five years commeneed the study of the law in the otlice of Messrs. Clark and C'lapp, Norwich, New York. In 1829, he was admitted to the bar, and after practicing his new profession for a short time in Guilford, in that state, he removed to Einghaniton, Broome county, his present residence. Here his busi- ness increased, and lie soon became a favorite with his political party. In IS.'i 4, he was elected president of the village of Binghamton, and in is;)(i he was elected a member of the senate of New York for the term of four years. In 18 111, he was nominated for the office of lieutenant-governor, but was defeated at the general election ; in 1842, however, he was elected to that honorable post by a majority of about twenty-five thousand. In 1844, ho was elected one of the two presiden- tial electors for the state at large, and cast his vote for Mr. Polk. About the same time, he received from Governor Bouck the appointment of United States Sena- tor, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the resignation of Mi'. Tallmadgc On the assembling of the legislature, lie was duly elected for the unexpired term ; and was subsequently reelected for the full tei in of six years — w hich expired on the 4th of March, 1851. r)wiGiiT, Timothy, DD., LL, D., was born at Noi1liam|(ton, Massachusetts, May 14, 17.'>2. His father was Colonel Timothy Dwight, who graduated at Yale College in 1744, and became a merchant in Northampton, where he married Mary, daughter of the celebrated Jonathan Edwards. The subject of this sketch gradu- ated at Yule in 17()9 ; and was a tutor in that institution from 1771 to 1777. In the la.st year, lie served as chaplain to Parsons' brigade at West Point ; and dur- ing that period he wrote several patriotic songs, the most celebrated of which was entitled " Columbia." On the death of his father, he took up his residence in his native town, in 1778, where he spent about five years ; and was chosen a repre- sentative in 1781 and 1782. On the Dth of November, 1783, he was ordained as pastor of the church in Greenfield, Connecticut, where he remained for twelve years. In 1785, he published his celebrated poem, '• The Conquest of Canaan," which was written eleven years before; and in 1795, he published another poem entitled " Greenfield Hill." On the death of President Stiles, he was chosen Pre- sident of Yale College, and was inaugurated in September, 1795. In this office he remained until his death, which took place at New Haven, January 11, 1817. In March, 1777, he had married a daughter of Benjamin Woolsey, of Long Island, by whom he had eight sons, six of whom survived him. One of these was the Rev. Sireno E. Dwight, D.D., President of Hamilton College, who died in 1850. The princii)al prose works of President Dwight, are his Travels, in 4 octavo volumes; and "Theology E.xplaincd and Defended," in 4 volumes. He was succeeded in the Presidency of Yale College, by the Ile'V. Jeremiah Day, D.D., LL. 1)., who had been profi ssor of mathematics and natural philoso- phy for the fourteen years next preceding; in 1851, President Day resigned, and Professor Theodore D. Woolsey, D.D., LL. D., was elected liis successor, and still remains at the head of that venerable institution. 632 APPENDIX. Dyer, Elipiialet, LL. D., of 'Windham, grafluated at Tale in 1740. In August, 1755, he was commissioned as a heutenant-colonel of one of the Connec- ticut regiments designed for the reinforcement of our army in the vicinity of Crown Point; and in March, 1758, he was appointed colonel of a regiment raised for the service against the French in Canada. In 17G2, he was chosen a mem- ber of the council ; in 1765, he was chosen a delegate to the General Congress in New York; from 1766 to 1789, he was a judge of the superior court; and from 1789 to 1793, he was chief judge of that court. In 1774, he was elected a mem- ber of the Continental Congress, and continued in that body, with the exception of one year, until 1783. Judge Dyer received the degree of doctor of laws from Yale College in 1787. He died May 13, 1807, aged 86 years. Edmond, "William, was born of Irish parents, in South Britain (then a parish of Woodbury,) September 28, 1755, and graduated at Yale in 1773. lie was a vol- unteer soldier at the burning of Danbury, and received a wound in his leg which made him lame for life. Jle studied law and settled in Newtown, where he mar- ried a daughter of General Chandler. She having died, he married a daughter of Benjamin Payne, Esq., of Hartford. He was chosen a representative and speaker of the House, member of the council, representative in Congress, and judge of the supreme court. He died in Newton, August 1, 1838, aged 82 years. He was a man of powerful frame and of superior intellectual endowments. Edwards, Jonathan, D.D., son of the great divine of the same name, was born in Northampton, Mass., June 6, 1745, and graduated at the college of New Jer- sey in 1765. Having studied divinity with Dr. Bellamy at Bethlem, he was ordained pastor of the church at Wliite Haven, in the town of New Haven, January 5, 1769, and remained there until May, 1795. He was soon after set- tled over the church in Cokbrook, Litchfield county, and in June, 1799, he was elected president of Union College, and immediately entered upon the duties of tliis appointment. He died August 1, 1801, aged 56. Dr. Edwards was a man of uncommon powers of mind. He published a large number of sermons and dissertations, and edited several volumes of his father's works. Edwards, Pierpont, of New Haven, was one of the most successful lawyers of his time. He was speaker of the Connecticut house of representatives, member of the Continental Congress, judge of the United States district court, and mem- ber of the convention which formed the state constitution. Edwards, Henry W., LL. D., son of the preceding, graduated at the college of New Jersey in 1797, studied his profession at the Litchfield Law School, and settled in New Haven. Pie was a representative in Congress from 1819 to 1823 ; United States senator from 1823 to 1827 ; member of the state senate in 1828 and 1829 ; speaker of the Connecticut house of representatives in 1830 ; and governor in 1833, and from 1835 to 1838. He died in New Haven in 1847. Fitch, Thomas, born in Norwalk, graduated at Yale in 1721, and settled in his native town. He was chosen an assistant the first time in 1734, and held the office for twelve years. From 1750 to 1754, he was lieutenant-governor of the colony, and from 1754 to 1766, he held the oflice of governor. He was also chief judge of the colony for four years. In October, 1742, Mr. Fitch was appointed by the legislature, in connection with Roger Wolcott, Jonathan Trumbull and APPENDIX. 633 John Bulklcy, to make a revision of all the laws of the colony. lie (lierovements in his steamboat, but was unable to obtain the means sutheieiit to jierleet his great invention. lie w^s, however, sanguine of the ulti- mate triumpli of his plan of navigation ; and in .liuie, ll'J'?., in a ktter to INIr. Rittcnhouse on his favorite tliemi.', he wrote — '' This, sir, will be the mode of crossing the Atlantic in time, whether I bi'ing it to perfection or not." It is now generally eonee