,^-^ -^^^ A^^' a" 'A- ,^^ "*. ''^r- .^^^' «^ -/'^ .\.^1 -. V >^ c-^ -n^ ■<^' h * -^y- v'' v^^ '^. "<;. S ' .o- SMITBSONIAN INSTITUTION BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY. OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. REV. J. OWEN DORSEY. (205) ^ 0>* ^^ ^^ 52267 SIOUAN ALPHABET. [Tbis is given to explain tl>e prouunciation ( a, as in father. 'a, an initially exploded a. fi, as in tchat. % an initially exploded a. a, as in hat. c, as sh iu nhe. See s. 0, a medial sh, a sonant-surd. c (Dakota letter), as ch in church. y, as f/t in thin. 5, a medial 5, sonant-surd. ^, as 3 Children 205 (207) 208 C'HAi'TKU V. — Do.MKSTic LIFE — Coiitiuued. Stamliug of women in society 266 Catamcnia 267 Widows and widowers 2CT Rights of parents and others -.'06 PtTsonal habits, politeness, etc '^(iO Meals, etc ■■i'l Chapteu VI.— VisiTixG Customs .. . 276 Chapter VII.— Ixdvsteial Occupations 1 2S;i Hunting cnstoiiis 283 I'i.sliing customs 301 Cnltivation of the ground 302 Chapteu VIII.— Industrial Occupations (continued) 303 Food and its i)i'ei)aration 303 Clothing and its preparation 310 Chapter IX. — Protective Industries 312 War customs 312 Defensive warfare 312 Oft'cnsive warfare 3ir> Chapter X. — Amusements and Corporations 334 Games 334 Corporations 342 Feasting societies 342 Dancing societies 342 Chapter XI.— Regulative Industries. 356 The government 3.56 Religion 363 Chapter XII.— The Law 364 Personal law 364 Property law 366 Corporation law 367 Government law 367 International law 368 Military law 368 Religious law 368 ILLUSTRATIONS. Plate XXX.-Map showing the migrations of the Omahas and cognate 212 237 253 255 220 XXXI.— Tent of Agaha- wacuce - • • XXXII.— Omaha system of consanguinities XXXIII. — Omaha system of affinities Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal circle 13.— Places of the chiefs, &c., in the tribal assembly ^^* 14.— luke-sabo tent " 15.— luke-sabe style of wearing the hair 16.— luke-sabe Gentile assembly 17.— The sacred pole lg._Wasabe-hit'aji style of wearing the hair 23/ 19 _j^e-sinde style of wearing the hair 24^ 20.— The weawa" or cahimet pipe ' 21. —Rattles used in the pipe dance ~' •>2 — Tbe Dakota style of tobacco pouch used by the Omahas in the pipe , ■ 278 dance 23.— The position of the pipes, the ear of corn, &c ■"^ 24.— Decoration of child's face ■ ■--■ 25.— Showing positions of the long tent, the pole, and rows of " ';a withm the tribal circle 26. — Figures of pumpkins 27.— The Webajabe 28.— The Weubaja" 29. — Front view of the iron 30.— Old Pouka fort 31.-Diagram showing places of the gne-sts, messengers, etc 31o 32. — Tlie bauaiige 33.— The sticks 31.— Xa^ba" an ha, 35. — (f ab)ii" an ha, 36.— Diagram of the play-ground ^' ' 37.— The stick used in playing ja^'i-'-jahe ^38 38.-ThewaYigije ^^f 39.— The stick used in playing ini-^buia -^^^ 40.— The waqi^eqtSe 'a"sa ^^ 41.— ThePonkastyleof hanga-5ii'a'>ze 'f''" 42.— The Omaha style of hauga-5[i'a"'ze ^I'l 3 ETH — 14 2.?0 295 306 310 311 311 314 336 336 337 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. By J. Owen Dorsey. CHAPTEE I. INTRODUCTION. § 1. The Omaha Indians belong to the ^egiba group of the Siouan family. The (//egiha group may be divided into the Omalia-(pegiha and the Kwapa-(pegiha. In the former are four tribes, speaking three dia- lects, while the latter consists of one tribe, the Kwapas. The dialects are as follows : Parika, spoken by the Ponkas and Omabas; Waoaoe, the Osage dialect; ^a^ze, that of the Kansas or Kaws, closely related to the Waoaoe; and Ugaqpa, or Kwapa. § 2. (fegiha means, "Belonging to the people of this l;ind," and answers to the Oto "xoi^cr®'" '^^^ t^® Iowa " j^oe5[iwere." Mr. Joseph La Flfeche, who was formerly a head chief of the Omahas, also said that (pegiha was about equivalent to " Dakota." When an Omaha was chal- lenged in the dark, when on his own land, he generally replied, "I am a ^egiha." So did a Ponka reply, under similar circumstances, when on his own land. But when challenged in the dark, when away from home, he was obliged to give the name of his tribe, saying, " I am an Omaha," or, " I am a Ponka," as the case might be. § 3. The real name of the Omahas is " Uma^ha"." It is explained by a tradition obtained from a few members of the tribe. When the ances- tors of the Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, and several other cognate tribes traveled down the Ohio to its mouth, they separated on reaching the Mississippi. Some went up the river, hence the name Uma°ha°, from j]ima°ha", " to go against the wind or .stream." The rest went down the river, hence the name Ugaqpa or Kwdpa, from ugaqpa or ug4ha, " to float down the stream." EARLY MIGRATIONS OF THE (^EGIHA TRIBES The tribes that went up the Mississippi were the Omahas, Ponkas, Osages, and Kansas. Some of the Omahas remember a tradition that their ancestors once dwelt at the place where Saint Louis now stands; and the Osages and Kansas say that they were all one people, inhabit- ing an extensive peninsula, on the Missouri River. (211) 212 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. On tbis peninsula was a high mountain, which the Kansas called Ma^-claqpaye ami Tce-duiiga-ajabe ; the corresponding Osage name be- Ma°}aqpa(j;6.' Subsequently, these tribes ranged through a territory, including Osage, Gasconade, and other adjacent counties of the State of Missouri, perhaps most of the country lying between the Mississippi and the Osage Elvers. The lowas were near them ; _^ut the Omahas say that the Otos and Missouris were not known to them. The Iowa chiefs, however, have a tradition that the Otos were their kindred, and that both tribes, as well as the Omahas and Ponkas, were originally Winne- bagos. A recent study of the dialects of the Osages, Kansas, and Kwapas discloses remarkable similarities which strengthen the supposi- tion that the lowas and Otos, as well as the Missouris, were of one stock. At the mouth of the Osage Eiver the flnal separation occurred. The Omahas and Ponkas crossed the Missouri and, accompanied by the lowas, proceeded by degrees through Missouri, Iowa, and Minnesota, till they reached the neighborhood of the Eed Pipestone quarry. This must have taken many years, as their course was marked by a suc- cession of villages, consisting of earth lodges. Thence they journeyed towards the Big Sioux Eiver, where they made a fort. They remained in that country a long time, making earth lodges and cultivating fields. Game abounded. At that time the Yanktons dwelt in a densely wooded country near the head of the Mississippi ; hence the Omahas called them, in those days, " Ja°'a;a ni'kaci^ga, The people who dwelt in the woods." After that the Yanktons removed and became known as Yanktons. By and by the Dakotas made war on the three tribes, and many Omahas were killed by them. So at last the three tribes went west and southwest to a lake near the head of Choteau Greek, Dakota Territory, now known as Lake Andes (?). There they cut the sacred pole (see §§ 36 and 153), and assigned to each gens and subgens its peculiar customs, such as the sacred pipe, sacred tents, and the taboos. There were a great many geutes in each tribe at that time, far more than they have at present ; and these gentes were in existence long before they cut the sacred pole. After leaving the lake, known as "Waq^exe gasai' (fa"". Where they cut the sacred pole," they traveled up the Missouri Eiver till they ar- rived at Ni-iigacude, White Earth Eiver. They crossed the Missouri, ' The "n-riter was told by an Osage that Ma°^aqpac|e was at Fire Prairie, Missouri, where the first treaty with the Osages was made hy the United States. But that place is on a creek of the same name, which empties into the Missouri River on the south, in T. 50 N., R. 28 W., at the town of Napoleon, Jackson County, Missouri. This could uot have baeu the original Ma"L(aqpa^e. Several local names have been dujilicatcd by the Kansas in the course of their wandcriugs, and there are traces of similar duplications among the Osages. Besides this, the Omahas and Ponkas never accompanied the Kansas and Osages beyond the mouth of the Osage River ; aud the Kansas did not reach the neighborhood of Napoleon, Missouri, for some time after the seuaratiou at the mouth of the Osage River. BUREAU OF ETITNOLOGT AjraUAL REPORT 1882 PL. XXX ISIAP SHOWlNa MIGUATIUXS OF TUE OMAUAS AND COGXATE TUUiES. Legend. AViunebago habitat. Iowa babitat. Arkansas babitat. Kwapa habitat, after the separation from the Omahas, etc. , lioute of tbo Omahas, Ponkaa, Kansas, and Osagea. . Tbeir habitat at thu mouth of the Missouri River. , Their courso along that liver. , Their habitat at the mouth of Osage River. Subsequent course of the Osages. , Subsequent course of the Kansas. , Course of Iho Omahas and Ponkas, according to some. . Their course, according to others. . Where they met the lowas. , Course of ibe three tribes. , IMpeatone quarry. , Clilfs 100 feet high on each bank. Fort built by the three tribes. , Lake Andes. , Mouth of White River. Mouth of the Niobrara River. . Omaha village on Bow Creek. , Iowa village on Ionia Creek. Omaha village xil^-iigS'.iifig^' smd Zande bu4a, , Omaha village at Omadi. , Omaha village on Bell Creek. Probable course of the lowas. , Omaha habitat on Salt Creek. , Omaha habitat at Ane nat'ai ifa°. Omaha habitat on Shell Creek. , Omaha habitat on the Elkhorn River. , Omaha habitat on Logan Creek. Omaha babitat near BoUovue. DOKSEY] MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS. 213 above this stream, and occupied the country between the Missouri and the Black Hills, though they did not go to the Black Hills.^ After awhile, they turned down stream, and kept together till they reached the mouth of the Niobrara, where the Ponkas stopped. The Oraahas and lowas continued their journey till they reached Bow Creek, Ne- braska, where the Omahas made their village, the lowas going beyond till they reached Ionia Creek, where they made a village on the east bank of the stream, near its mouth, and not far from the site of the pres- ent town of Ponca. By and by the Omahas removed to a place near Covington, Nebr., nearly opposite the present Sioux City. The remains of this village are now known as " xi-?an'ga jifi'ga," and the lake near by is called "(pix- ucpa°-ug(j!e," because of the willow trees found along its banks. In the course of time the lowas passed the Omahas again, and made a new village near the place where Florence now stands. After that they continued their course southward to their present reservation. The Otos did not accompany the Ponkas, Omahas, and lowas, when they crossed the Missouri, and left the Osages and others. The Otos were first met on the Platte Eiver, in comparatively modern times, ac- cording to Mr. La Flfeche. SUBSEQUENT MIGRATIONS OF THE OMAHAS. § 4. After leaving jLi-^anga-jiiiga, where the lodges were made of wood, they dwelt at Zand6 \>\L%a. 2. Ta^'wa^-jan'gajThe Large Village, is a place near the town of Omadi, Nebr. The stream was crossed, and the village made, after a freshet. 3. On the west side of Bell Creek, Nebraska. 4. Thence south to Salt Creek, above the site of Lincoln. 5. Then back to Ta''wa°-^auga. While the people were there, A^ba- hebe, the tribal historian was born. This was over eighty years ago. 6. Thence they went to Ane-ndt'ai ^a°, a hill on the west bank of the Elkhorn Eiver, above West Point, and near Bismarck. 7. After five years they camped on the east bank of Shell Creek. S. Then back to Ta°wa°-}anga, on Omaha Creek. 9. Then on the Elkhorn, near Wisner, for ten years. While there, A^ba-hebe married. 10. About the year 1832-'3, they returned to Ta^wa^-^anga, on Omaha Creek. 11. In 1841 they went to Ta°'wa"-jing4 ^a", The Little Village, at the mouth of Logan Creek, and on the east side. = A Ponka chief, Buffalo Chips, said that liis tribe left the rest at White Earth River and went as far as the Little Missouri River and the region of the Black Hills. Finally, they returned to their kindred, who then began their journey down the Missouri River. Other Ponkas have told about going to the Black Hills. 214 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY 12. In 1843, they returned to Ta"wa°-^anga. 13. In 1845 they went to a plateau west of Bellevue. On the top of the plateau they built their earth lodges, while the agency was at Belle- vue. 14. They removed to their present reserve in 1855. PRESENT STATE OF THE OMAHAS. § 5. Their reservation was about 30 miles in extent from east to west, and IS or 20 from north to south. It formed Black Bird County. The northern part of it containing some of the best of the timber lands, was ceded to the Winnebagos, when that tribe was settled in Nebraska, and is now in Dakota County. The southern part, the present Omaha res- ervation, is in Burt County. The Omahas have not decreased in popu- lation during the past twenty-five years. In 1876 they numbered 1,076. In 1882 there are about 1,100. Most of the men have been farmers since 1869; but some of them, under Mr. La Flfeche, began to woi'k for themselves as far back as 1855. Each man resides on his claim, for which he holds a patent given him by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Many live in frame houses, the most of which were built at the exjiense of their occupants. CHAPTER II. THE STATE. § 6. "A state," said Maj. J. W. Powell, in his presidential address to tbe Anthropological Society of Washington, in 1882, " is a body politic, an organized gronp of men with an established government, and a body of determined law. In the organization of societies nuits of dif- ferent orders are discovered." Among the Omahas and other ti'ibes of the Sionan family, the primary unit is the gens or clan, which is com- posed of a number of consauguinei, claiming descent from a common an- cestor, and having a common taboo or taboos. But starting from the tribe or state as a whole, we find among the Omahas two half tribes of five gentes each, the first called " Hauga-cenu," and the second, "Icta- sanda." (See § 10.) These half-tribes do not seem to be phratries, as they do not possess the rights of the latter as stated by Morgan : the Uaiigacenu gentes never meet by themselves apart from the Icta-sanda gentes. IS^ext to the half-tribes are the gentes, of which the Omahas have ten. Each gens in turn is divided into " ujjig^asne," or subgentes. The nnmber of the latter varies, at present, according to the particular gens; though the writer has found traces of the existence of four sub- gentes in each gens in former days. The subgentes seem to be com- posed of a number of groups of a still lower order, which are provision- ally termed "sections." The existence of sections among the Omahas had been disputed by some, though other members of the tribe claim that they are real units of the lowest order. We find among the Tito"- wa" Dakotas, many of these groups, which were originally sections, but which have at length become gentes, as the marriage laws do not afiect the higher groups, the original phratries, gentes, and subgentes. The Ponka chiefs who were in Washington in 1880, claimed that in their tribe there used to be eight gentes, one of which has become extinct; and that now there are ten, thi-ee subgentes having become gentes in recent times. According to Mr. Joseph La Fl^che, a Ponka by birth, who spent his boyhood with the tribe, there are but seven gentes, one having become extinct ; while the Wajaje and Nuqe, which are now the sixth and seventh gentes, were originally one. For a fuller discus- sicu of the gentes see the next chapter. The state, as existing among the Omahas and cognate tribes, may be termed a kinship state, that is, one in which "governmental functions are performed by men whose positions in the government are deter- mined by kinship, and rules relating to kinship and the reproduction of (215) 216 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. the species constitute the larger body of the law. The law regulates marriage and the rights and duties of the several members of a body of kindred to each other. Individuals are held responsible," chiefly " to their kindred; and certain gToups of kindred are held responsible," in some cases, " to other groups of kindred. When other conduct, such as the distribution of game taken from the forest or fish from the sea, is re- gulated, the rules or laws pertaining thereto involve the considerations of kinship," to a certain extent. (See Chapter XII, § 303.) DIFFEEENTIATION OF ORGANS IN THE STATE. § 7. The legislative, executive, and judicial functions have not been differentiated. (See Government, Chapter XI.) Whether the second mode of differentiation has taken place among the Omahas, and Justin the order described by Major Powell, is an open question. This mode is thus stated : " Second, by the multiplication of the orders O'f units and the specialization of the subordinate units so that subordinate organizations perform special functions. Thus cities may be divided into wards, counties into towns." Subgentes, as well as gentes, were necessary among the Omahas for marriage purposes, as is shown in §§ 57, 78, etc. The recent tendency has been to centi'aliza- tion or consolidation, whereas there are strong reasons for believing that each gens had four subgentes at the first ; several subgentes having become few in number of persons have been united to the remaining and more powerful subgentes of their respective gentes. The third mode of differentiations of organs in the State is " by mul- tiplication of corporations for specific purposes." The writer has not yet been able to find any traces of this mode among the Omahas and cognate tribes. § 8. Two classes of organization are fouud in the constitution of the State, " those relating directly to the government, called major organ- izations, and those relating indirectly to the government, called minor organizations." The former embraces the State classes, the latter, cor- l)orations. STATE CLASSES. . These have not been clearly differentiated. Three classes of men have been recognized: Nikag^hi, wauiice, and c6nujiii'ga. In civil affairs, the nikagahi are the chiefs, exercising legislative, ex- ecutive, and judicial functions. They alone have a voice in the tribal assembly, which is comi)osed of them. The wanace, policemen, or braves, are the servants or messengers of the chiefs, and during the surround- DORSEY.I STATE CLASSES. 217 ing of a herd of buffalo, tliey have extraordinary powers conferred ou them. (See §§ 140 and 297.) The cenujinga, or young men, are the "common people," such as have not distinguished themselves, either in war or in any other way. They have no voice in the assembly, and during the buffalo hunt they must obey the chiefs and wanace. In rehgious affairs, which are closely associated with civil ones, we lind the chiefs having a prominent part. Besides the chiefs proper are the seven keepers of the sacred pipes, or pipes of peace (see §§ 14-19. 287, 296), and the keepers of the three sacred tents (see §§ 13, 22-24, 36, 295). The functions of these keepers of the sacred tents, especially those of the two Haiiga men, appear to be both religious and civil. Of these two men, ^ja(J;i°-na"paji said : " The two old men, Waka^'-ma^fi" and j^e-ha^'ma^fi", are the real governors of the tribe, and are counted as gods. They are reverenced by all, and men frequently give them presents. They mark the tattooed women." Frank La Flfeche denied this, saying that these two old men are the servants of the Haiiga chief, being only the keepers of the sacred tents of his gens. J. La Fl^che and Two Crows said that while there were some "nikaci'^ga qub^," sacred or mysterious men, among the Omahas, they did not know who they were. Some of the chiefs and people respect them, but others despise them. It is probable that by nikaci''ga qube, they meant ex- orcists or conjurers, rather than priests, as the former pretend to be " qube," mysterious, and to have supernatural communications. There is no military class or gens among the Omahas, though the Ponka art of the Nikadaona gens are said to be war- riors. Among the Omahas, both the captains and warriors must be taken from the class of cenujiiiga, as the chiefs are afraid to undertake the work of the captains. The chiefs, being the civil and religious leaders of the people, cannot serve as captains or even as subordinate ofQcers of a war party. IS or can they join such a party unless it be a large one. Their influence is exerted on the side of peace (see §§ 191, 292), and they try to save the lives of murderers. (See § 310.) They conduct peace ne gotiations between contending tribes. (See §§ 220, 292.) All the members of a war party, including the captains, lieutenants, and wanace, as well the warriors, are promoted to the grade or class of (civil) wanace on their return from battle. (See § 216.) There are no slaves ; but there are several kinds of servants called wagAq^a". In civil and religious affairs, the following are wagiiq(fa". The two keepers of the Hanga sacred tents are the servants of the Hauga chief. (See above, § 295, etc.) One of these old men is always the servant of the other though they exchange places. (See § 151.) The keepers of the sacred pipes are the servants of the chiefs. (See §5 17-19). The (patada Qujja man is the servant of the keepers of the 218 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. sacred tents. (See § 143.) Some of the Wasabe-hit'ajl men are serv- ants of the Weji"cte gens, acting as such in the sacred tent. (See §§ 23, 24.) Some of the Iulie-sab6 men are the servants of the HaSga when tliey act as criers (see §§ 130, 136, etc.), and so is a ga^ze man (§ 152). The wanace are the servants of the chiefs. The wagfa or messengers acting as criers for a feast are the servants of the giver of the feast for the time being. In military affairs, the following are servants : The men who act as wag^a for the preliminary feast ; the men who carry the baggage of the captains and wait on them ; the bearer of the kettle ; the bearers of the sacred bags when there is a large party ; the special followers of each captain, including his lieutenant, the followers or warriors being about equally divided between the captains ; and the wanace or police- men. (See War Customs, Chapter IX.) Social classes are undifferentiated. Any man can win a name and rank in the state by becoming " wacuce," or brave, either in war or by the bestowal of gifts and the frequent giving offcasts. (See § 224.) CORPORATIONS. Corporations are minor organizations, which are indirectly related to the government, though they do not constitute a part of it. The Omahas are organized into certain societies for religious, indus- trial, and other ends. There are two kinds, the IkAgeki(j;6 or brother- hoods, and the tjkikune^6, or feasting organizations. The former are the dancing societies, to some of which the doctors belong. A fuller description of them will be found in Chapter X. The industrial organization of the state will be discussed in Chapters VII, VIIT, IX, X, and XI. CHAPTER III. THK GEKTILE SYSTEM. TRIBAL CIRCLES. § 9. Tu former clays, whenever a lai-ge camping ground could not be found, the Poukas used to encamp in three concentric circles; while the Omahas, who were a smaller tribe, pitched their tents in two similar circles. This custom gave lise to the name " O.yate yamni," The Three Nations, as the Poukas were styled by the Dakotas, and the Omahas became known as the Two Nations. But the usual order of eucami)- ment has been to pitch all the tents in one large circle or horseshoe, called "hu(j;uga" by the Indians. In this circle the gentes took their regular places, disregarding their gentile circles, and pitching the tents, one after another, within the area necessary for each gens. This circle was not made by measurement, nor did any one give directions where each tent should be placed ; that was left to the women. When the people built a village of earth-lodges, and dwelt in it, they did not observe this order of camping. Each man caused his lodge to be built wherever he wished to have it, generally near those of his kind- red. But whenever the whole tribe migrated with the skin tents, as when they went after the buffaloes, they observed this order. (See § 133.) Sometimes the tribe divided into two parties, some going in one di- rection, some in another. On such occasions the regular order of camp- ing was not observed ; each man encamped near his kindred, whether they were maternal or paternal consanguinities. The crier used to tell the people to what place they were to go, and when they reached it the women began to pitch the tents. THE OMAHA TRIBAL CIRCLE. § 10. The road along which they passed divided the tribal circle into two equal parts ; five gentes camped on the right of it and five pitched their tents on its left. Those on the right were called the Hangacenu, and the others were known as the Ictasanda. The Haiigaceuu gentes are as follows : W^ji^cte, Ink6-sdb6, Haii'ga, (fatada, and ^ja^'ze. The Ictasanda gentes are as follows : Ma°'(^iLika-g^xe, j^e-sin'de, j,a-dii, Ing^e-jide, and Ictdsanda. According to \Vaha°^iuge, the chief of the j,e-8inde gens, there used (219) 220 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. to be one buBdred and thirty-three tents pitched by the Haugacenu, and one hundred and forty-seven by the Ictasanda. This was probably the case when they went on the hunt the last time, in 1871 or 1872. Fig. 12.— The Omaha tribal ciicle. EaSgacenu gentes. Ictasanda ge.\tes. F. Mafi^iflka-gaxe. G. xeslnde. H. la da. L IBg<:e-jid6. K. Ictasanda. A. Weji'cte, or Elk. B. liike-sabe. C. HaDga. D. (fatada: a. Wasabe-hit'ajl. h. "Wajiiiga-^iatajl. c. xe-da-it'ajl. d. se-'i". E. Ha»ze. The sacred teDts of the Weji''cte and Ha&ga gentes are designated by appropriate figures ; so also are the seven f,ente3 which keep the sacred pipes. The diameter of the circle represents the road traveled by the tribe, A and K forming the gentes in the van. RULES FOB PITCHING THE TENTS. § 11. Though they did not measure the distances, each woman knew ■where to pitch her tent. Thus a ga^ze woman who saw a Weji°cte tent set up, knew that her tent must be pitched at a certain distance from that part of the circle, and at or near the opposite end of the road or diameter of the circle. When two tents were pitched too far apart one womau said to the other, " Pitch the tent a little closer." Or, if they were too close, she said, " Pitch the tent further away." So also if the tents of neigh- boring gentes were too far apart or too close together. In the first case the women of one gens iniglit say, " Move along a little, and give us more room." In the other they might say, " Come back a little, as there is too mucli space betweeu us." When the end gentes, Weji"cte and DonsET] TRIBAL CIRCLE SACRED TENTS. 221 Ictasauda, were too far apart there was sometimes dauger of attacks of enemies. On one occasion tbe Dakotas made a dash into the very midst of the circle and did much damage, because the space between these two geutes was too great. But at other times, when there is no fear of an attack, and when the women wish to dress hides, etc., the crier said : "Halloo ! Make ye them over a large tract of land." This is the only occasion when the command is given how to pitch the tents. When the tribe returned from the hunt the gentes encamped in re- verse order, the Weji^cte and Ictasanda gentes having their tents at the end of the circle nearest home. There appear indications that there were special areas, not only for the gentes, but even for the subgentes, all members of any subgcns having their lodges set up in the same area. Thus, in the Iiike-sab6 gens, there are some that camped next the Weji°cte, and others next the Haiiga ; some of the Haiiga camped next the Iiike-sab6, and others next the ^atada, and so on. (See §73.) § 12. Within the circle were placed the horses, as a precaution against attacks from enemies. When a man had many horses and wished to have them near him, he generally camped within the circle, apart from his gens, but this custom was of modern origin, and was the exception to the rule. THE SACRED TENTS. § 13. The three sacred tents were pitched within the circle and near their respective gentes : that of the Weji^cte is the war tent, and it was placed not more than 50 yards from its gens ; those of the Haiiga gens are connected with the regulation of the buffalo hunt, etc.; or, we may say that the former had to do with the protection of life and the latter with the sustenance of life, as they used to depend mainly on the hunt for food, clothing, and means of shelter. THE SACRED PIPES § 14. All the sacred pipes belong to the Haiiga gens, though HaQga, in ancient times, appointed the liikesabg gens as the custodian of them. (J. La Flfeche and Two Crows.) The liike sab6 gens, however, claims through its chief, Gahige, to have been the first owner of the pipes; but this is doubtful. There are at present but two sacred pipes in existence among the Omahas, though there are seven gentes which are said to possess sacred pipes. These seven are as follows: Three of the HaiJgacenu, the luke-sabe, (patada, and ^ja^ze, and four of the Ictasanda, the Maofinka-gaxe, xe-sinde, x^^a, and Ictasanda. 222 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. The two sacred pipes still in existence are kept by the Inke-sabg gens. These pipes are called "Niniba waqtibe," Sacred Pipes, or "Niniba jide," lied Pipes. They aie made of the red pipestone which is found in the famous red pipestone quarry. The stems are nearly flat and are worked near the mouth-piece with porcupine quills. VHIGE'S ACCOCNT OF THE TRADITION OF THE PIPES. § 15. Gahige, of the Ifikesabg gens, said that his gens had the seven pipes at the first, and caused them to be. distributed among the other gentes. He named as the seven gentes who had the pipes, the follow- ing: 1. Inkesabfi; 2. j^e-da-it'aji sub-gens of the (patada; 3. Ma''(|;iuka- gaxe; 4. j^R-dn; 5. j^e-amde; 6. Ictasanda; 7. Hauga {sic). In order to reach the Haiiga again the seven old men had to go partly around the circle a second time. These are the gentes that had pipes and chiefs at the first. The chiefs of the three remaining gentes, the We- ji^cte, 5ia"zr, and liig^e-jide, were not made for years afterward. He also said that the bufialo skull given to the jjC-da-ifaji was regarded as equivalent to a sacred pipe. The writer is inclined to think that there is some truth in what Gahige has said, though he cannot accept all of his statement. Gahige gives one pipe to the Hauga gens ; Two Grows intimated that his gens was the virtual keeper of a pipe. But A^ba-hebe's story shows that it was not a real pipe, but the firebrand for lighting the pipes. In like man- ner, jLeda-it'aji has not a real pipe, but the butfalo skull, which is con- sidered as a pipe. Hence, it may be that the men who are called " keeper's of the pipes " in the ^a^ze, Ma°(J;iiika-gaxe, X'^^a, j^e-sinde, and Ictasanda gentes never had real pii)es but certain objects which are held sacred, and have some connection with the two pipes kept by the Iuke-sab6. ABBA-HEBE'S ACCOUNT OF THE TKADITION OF THE PIPES. §16. The following is the tradition of the sacred pij^es, according to A'^ba-hebe, the aged historian of the Omahas: The old meu made seven pipes and carried tliem around the tribal circle. They first reached Weji^cte, who sat there as a male elk, and was frightful to behold, so the old men did not give him a pipe. Passing on to the liike-sabC, they gave the first pipe to the head of that gens. Next they came to Hauga, to whom they handed a firebrand, saying, "Do thou keep the firebrand," i. c, "You are to thrust it into the pipe-bowls." Therefore it is the duty of Hauga to light the pipes for the chiefs (sic). When they reached the Bear people they feared them because they sat there with the sacred bag of black bear-skin, so they did not give them a pipe. The Blackbird people received no pipe because they sat with the sacred bag of bird-skins and feathers. And the old meu feared the Turtle people, who had made a big turtle on the ground, so they passed thoDi by. But when they saw the Eagle people they gave them a pipe because they did not fear them, and the buifalo was good. (Others say that the Eagle jicople had started ofl' in anger when they found themselves slighted, but the old men pursued them, and on overtaking them they handed them a bladder filled with tobacco, and also a butJ'alo skull, saying, " Keep this skull as a sacred thing." This DORSEY] THE SACRED PIPES. 223 appeased them, and they rejoined the tribe.) Next the old men saw the jja^ze, itart of whom were good, and part were bad. To the good ones they gave a pipe. The Ma^^iuka-gaxe people were the next gens. They, too, ivero divided, half being bad. These bad ones had some stones at the front of their lodge, and they colored these stones, as well as their hair, orange-red. They wore plumes (hi"qpe) in their hair (and a branch of cedar wrapped around their heads. — La Flfeche), and were awful to behold. So the old men passed ou to the good ones, to whom they gave the fourth pipe. Then they reached the x^-slndc, half of whom made sacred a buffalo, and are known as those who eat not the lowest rib. >lalf of these were good, and they received the fifth pipe. All of the x*-leases with the pipes. Hanga told Iiike-sabg to carry the pipes around the tribal circle ; so that is why the seven old men did so. And as Hanga directed it to be done, liike-sabfi is called " Aijsi"' ak6," The Keeper. Ictasanda fills the pipes. When the Ictasanda man who attends to this duty does not come to the council tbe pipes cannot be smoked, as no one else can fill them. This man, who knows the ritual, sends all the others out of the lodge, as they must not hear the ancient words. He utters some words when he cleans out the pipe-bowl, others when he fills the pipe, etc. He does uot always require the same amount of time to perform this duty. Then all return to the lodge. Haitga, or rather a member of that gens, lights the pipes, except at the time of the greasing of the sacred pole, when he, not Ictasanda, fills the pipes, and some one else lights them for him. (See § 152.) These three gentes, Hanga, liakesabg, and Ictasanda, are the only rulers among the keep- ers of the sacred pipes. The other keepers are inferior ; though said to be keepers of sacred pipes, the pipes are not manifest. These seven niniba waqube are peace pipes, but the uiniba waqube of the Weji°cte is the war pipe. § IS. The two sacred pipes kept by Inke-sab6 are used on various cer- emonial occasions. When the chiefs assemble and wish to make a de- cision for the regulation of tribal affitirs, Ictasanda fills both pipes and lays them down before the two head chiefs. Then the inke sabe keeper takes one and the x^ cl^ it'aji keeper the other. liikesabS precedes, starting from the head chief sitting on the right and passing around 224 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. half of the circle till he reaches an old man seated opposite the head chief. This old man (one of the HaQga wag^a) and the head chief are the only ones who smoke the pipe ; those sitting between them do not smoke it when luke-sabe goes around. When the old man has finished smoking Inkesal)6 takes the pipe again and continues around the circle to the starting-point, but he gives it to each man to smoke. When he reaches the head chief on the left he gives it to him, and after receiving it from him he returns it to the place on the ground before the head chiefs. When liike-sabg reaches the old man referred to x^-da-ii'aji starts from the head chiefs with the other pipe, which he hands to each one, in- cluding those sitting between the second head chief and the old man. j^e-daifaji always keeps behind liike sab6 just half the circumference of the circle, and when he receives the pipe from the head chief on the left he returns it to its place beside the other. Then, after the smoking is over, Ictasanda takes the pipes, overturns them to empty out the ashes, and cleans the bowjs by thrusting in a stick. (See §§ 111, 130, 296, etc.) In smoking they blew the smoke upwards, saying, "Here, Wakanda, is the smoke." This was done be- cause they say that Wakanda gave them the jiipes, and He rules over them. §19. Frank La Fl^che told the following : The sacred pipes are not shown to the common people. When my father was about to be installed ahead chief, Mahi°-zi, whose duty it was to fill the pipes, let one of them fall to the ground, violating a law, and so preventing the continuation of the ceremony. So my father was not fully in- itiated. When the later fall was partly The sec- gQug Mahi"-zi died. of tlie cliiefs iu the tribal Fig. 13.— Pla assembly. A— Tho IJrst head cliief. on the left. oncl bead ciiief, on f he rifiht. C. — The two Haiig.. wajifa, one being the old man whom liilie-sabs Waouce, my father-in-law, was the Inke- causes to smoke tho pipe. D. — lho place where .., i^v , ^ .-i ^;„„„ titv.^,. «-i,« n#-no the two pipes are laii. The chiefs sit aronnd in sab6 keepf r of the pipes. When the Otos a circle. E.— The giver of the feast. visited tho Omahas (in the summer of 187ti), the chiefs wished the pipes to be taken out of the coverings, so they ordered Wacuce to undo the bag. This was unlawful, as the ritual prescribed certain words to be said by the chiefs to the keeper of the pipes previous to the opening of the bag. But none of the seven chiefs know the formula. Wacuce was unwilling to break the law; but the chiefs insisted, and he yielded. Then Two Crows told all the Omahas present not to smoke tho small pipe. This he had a right to do, as he was a Hauga. Wacuce soon died, and in a short time he was followed by his daughter and his eldest sou. It takes four days to make any one understand all about the laws of the sacred pipes ; and it costs many horses. A bad man, i. e., one who is saucy, quarrelsome stingy, etc., cannot be told such things. This was the reason why the seven chiefs did not know their part of the ritual. SACRED PIPES THE ELK GENS. 225 LAW OF MEMBERSHIP. § 20. A child belongs to its father's gens, as " father-right " has suc- ceeded " mother-right." But childreu of white or black men are as- signed to the gentes of their mothers, and they cannot marry anj- women of those gentes. A stranger cannot belong to any gens of the tribe, there being no ceremony of adoption into a gens. THE WEJrCTE OR ELK GENS. § 21. This gens occupies the first place in the tribal cii'cles, pitching its tents at one of the horns or extremities, not far from the Ictasanda gens, which camps at the other end. When the ancient chieftainship was abolished in 1880, Mahi"-fiiige was the chief of this gens, having succeeded Joseph La Fleche in 1865. The word "Weji°cte" cannot be translated, as the meaning of this archaic word has been forgotten. It may have some connection with " waji^'cte," to he in a had humor, but we have no means of ascertaining this. La Flfeche and Two Crows said that there were no subgentes in this gens. But it seems probable that in former days there were subgentes in each gens, while in the course of time changes occurred, owing to decrease in numbers and the advent of the white men. Tahoo. — The members of this gens are afraid to touch any part of the male elk, or to eat its flesh ; and they cannot eat the flesh of the male deer. Should they accidentally violate this custom they say that they are sure to break out in boils and white spots on different parts of the body. But when a member of this gens dies he is buried in moccasins made of deer skin. Style of wearing the hair. — The writer noticed that Bi°ze-tigfe, a boy of this gens, had his hair next the forehead standing erect, and that back of it was brushed forward till it projected beyond the former. A tuft of hair at the back extended about 3 inches below the head. This style of wearing the hair prevails only among the smaller children as a rule ; men and women do not observe it. Some say that 'A"-wega°(fa is the head of those who join in the wor- ship of the thunder, but his younger brother, Qaga-ma"(j;i", being a more active man, is allowed to have the custody of the Iug^'a°('e and the Iiig(fa°haiigac'a. J. La Fleche and Two Crows said that this might be so; but they did not know about it. Nor could they or my other in- formants tell the meaning of irig((;a"(j;e and lug^a^haiigac'a. Perhaps they refer either to the wild-cat (iiig(j;ariga), or to the thunder (iiigifa"). Compare the Ictasanda "keepers of the claws of a wild-cat." 3 E'lH — 15 226 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. §22. The sacred ienf. — The sacred tent of the Elk gens is consecrated to war, and scalps are given to it, but are not fastened to it, as some have asserted. Bf.a"ti used to be the keeper of it, but he has resigned the charge of it to the ex-chief, Mahi" (fiiige. The place of this sacred tent is within the tribal circle, and near the camping jilace of the gens. This tent contains one of the wa(|;ixabe, a sacred bag, made of the feathers and skin of a bird, and consecrated to war. (See § 196.) There is also another sacred bag in this tent, that which holds the sacred ^ihaba or clam shell, the bladder of a male elk filled with tobacco, and the sacred pipe of the gens, the tribal war pipe, which is made of red pipestoue. The ^ihaba is about nine inches in diameter, and about four inches thick. It is kept iu a bag of bufl'alo hide which is never placed on the ground. In ancient days it was car- ried on the back of a youth, but in modern times, when a man could not be induced to carry it, it was put with its buflalo-skin bag into the skin of a coyote, and a woman took it on her back. When the tribe is not in motion the bag is hung ou a cedar stick about five feet high, which had been i^lanted in the ground. The bag is fastened with some of the sinew of a male elk, and cannot be opened except by a member of the Wasabe-hit'aji sub-gens of the (fatada. (See § 45, etc.) § 23. Service of the scouts. — When a man walks in dread of some un- seen danger, or when there was an alarm in the camp, a crier went around the tribal circle, saying, "Maja"' i^6gasafiga t6 wi ^^i"he-f !" I icho move am he icho will know what is the matter with the land! {i. e., I will ascertain the cause of the alarm.) Then the chiefs assembled in the war tent, and about fifty or sixty young men went thither. The chiefs directed the Elk people to make the young men smoke the sacred pipe of the Elk gens four times, as those who smoked it were compelled to tell the truth. Then one of the servants of the Elk gens took out the pipe and the elk bladder, after untying the elk sinew, removed some of the tobacco from the pouch (elk bladder), which the Elk men dare not touch, and handed the pipe with the tobacco to the Elk man, wiio filled it and lighted it. They did not smoke with this pipe to the four wiuds, nor to the sky and ground. The Elk man gave the pipe to one of the bravest of the young men, whom he wished to be the leader of the scouts. After all had smoked the scouts departed. They ran around the tribal circle and then left the camp. When they had gone about 20 miles they sat down, and the leader selected a number to act as po- licemen, saying, " I make you policemen. Keep the men iu order. Do not desire them to go aside." If there were many scouts, about eight were made policemen. Sometimes there were two, three, or four leaders of the scouts, and occasionally they sent some scouts in advance to distant bluffs. The leaders followed witli the main body. When they reached home the young men scattered, but the leaders went to the Elk tent and reported what they had ascertained. They made a detour, iu order to avoid encountering the foe, and sometimes thej' v. ere obliged D01.8EY] THE ELK GENS. 227 to flee to reach home. This service of the young men was considered as equivalent to going ou the war path. § 24. Worshqy of the thunder in the spring.— When the first thunder is heard in the spring of the year the Elk people call to their servants, the Bear people, who proceed to the sacred tent of the Elk gens. When the Bear people arrive one of them opens the sacred bag, and, after re- moving the sacred pipe, hands it to one of the Elk men, with some of the tobacco from the elk bladder. Before the pipe is smoked it is held toward the sky, and the thunder god is addressed. Joseph La FIfeche and Two Crows do not know the formula, but they said that the follow- ing one, given me by a member of the Ponka Hisada (Wasabe-hit'aji) gens, may be correct. The thunder god is thus addressed by the Pon- kas : " Well, venerable man, by your striking (with your club) you are frightening us, your grandchildren, who are here. Depart on high. According to j£4^i"na°p^ji, one of the Wasabe-hit'aji, who has acted as a servant for the Elk people, "At the conclusion of this ceremony the rain always ceases, and the Bear people return to their homes." But this is denied by Joseph La Flfeche and Two Crows, who say, " How is it possible for them to stop the rain ? " While the Elk gens is associated with the war path, and the worship of the thunder god, who is invoked by war chiefs, those war chiefs are not always members of this gens, but when the warriors return, the keeper of the sacred bag of this gens compels them to speak the truth about their deeds. (See § 214.) § 25. Birth names of boys. — The following are the birth names of boys in the Elk gens. These are sacred or nikie names, and sons used to be so named in former days according to the order of their births. For example, the first-born son was called the Soft Horn (of the young elk at its first appearance). The second. Yellow Horn (of the young elk when a little older). The ne.^t, the Branching Horns (of an elk three years old). The fourth, the Four Horns (of an elk four years old). The fifth, the Large Pronged Horns (of an elk six or seven years old). The sixth, the Dark Horns (of a grown elk in summer). The seventh, the Standing White Horns, in the distance {i. e., those of a grown elk in winter). Other proper names. — The following are the other nikie^ names of 3. Nikie names are thoae referriiig to a mythical ancestor, to some part of his body, to some of his acts, or to some ancient rite which may have been established by him. Nikie names are of several kinds, (a.) The seven birth names for each sex. (b.) Other nikie names, not birth names, but peculiar to a single gens, (e.) Names common to two or more gentes. There are two explanations of the last case. All the gentes using the same name may have had a common mythical ancestor or a mythical ancestor of the same species or genus. Among the Osages and Kansas there are gentes that exchange names ; and it is probable that the custom has ex- isted among the Omahas. Some of these gentes that exchange names are those which have the same sacred songs. The following law about nikie names has been observed by the Omahas : There must never be more than one person in agens bearing any particular male name. 228 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. tlie Elk gens : Elk. Young Elk. Standing Elk. White Elk (near by). Big Elk. 'A'^-wega^cfa (meaning uncertain). B^a''-ti, The odor of the dung or urine of the elk is wafted by the wind (said of any jilace where the elk may have been ). (A young elk) Cries Suddenly. Hidaha (said to mean Treads on the ground in walking, or, Passes over what is at the bottom). Iron Eyes (of an elk). Bullet-shaped Dung (of an elk). (Elk) Is coming back — fleeing from a man whom he met. Muscle of an elk's leg. Elk comes back suddenly (meeting the hunter face to face). (Elk) Turns round and round. No Knife or No Stone (probably referring to the tradition of the discovery of four kinds of stone). Dark Breast (of an elk). Deer lifts its head to browse. Yellow Eump (of an elk). Walking Full-grown Elk. (Elk) Walks, making long strides, swaying from side to side. Stumpy Tail (of an elk). Forked Horn (of a deer). Water-monster. The Brave Weji°cte (named after his gens). Women^s names. — Female Elk. Tail Female. Black Moose (?) Female. Big Second-daughter (any gens can have it). Sacred Third-daughter (Elk and liike-sabfe gentes). Iron-eyed Female (Elk and Hauga gentes). Land Female (Elk and ^atada gentes). Moon that Is-traveling (Elk, liike-sabf , Hauga, <|Jatada, and 5£a"ze gentes) ; iSra°-ze-i"-ze, meaning uncertain (Elk, (JJatada, and Deer gentes). Ninda-wi" (Elk, (f atada, and Ictasanda gentes). Namen of ridicule. — Dog. Crazed by exposui-e to heat. Good Buffalo. § 20. According to xe-da-u^iqaga, the chief A^pa^-ijaiiga, the younger, had a boat and flag painted on the outside of his skin tent. These were made " qube," sacred, but were not nikie, because they were not trans- mitted from a mythical ancestor. § 27. This gens has furnished several head chiefs since the death of the famous Black Bird. Among these were A°pa°-sk3 (head chief after ISOO), A"pa"-;auga, the elder, the celebrated Big Elk, mentioned by Long and other early travelers, and A°pa°-^auga, the younger. On the death of the last, about A. D. 1853, Joseph La Fleche succeeded him as a head chief. THE INKE-SABfi, OR BLACK SHOULDER GENS. §28. This is a Buffalo gens, and its place in the tribal circle is next to that of the Elk gens. The head chiefs of this gens in 1880 were Gahige For iustauce, when, in any househokl, a child is named Wasabe-jiuga, that name can- not be given to any uew-boru child of that gens. But when the first bearer of the name changes his name or dies, another boy can receive the name Wasabe-jinga. As that is one of the seven birth names of the Wasabe-hit'ajl it suggests a reason for having extra uilfie names in the gens. This second kind of nikie names may have been birth names, resorted to because the original birth names were already used. This law ap- plies in some degree to girls' names, if parents know that a girl in the gens has a certain name they cannot give that name to their daughter. But should that uame be chosen through iguorancc, the two girls must be distinguished by adding to their own names those of their resiicctive fathers. i-OK-Ey.| THE INKE-SABE GENS. 229 (wlio died iu 18S2), aud Duba-ma"(fi", who "sat on ojiposite sides of the gentile ^/-ej^^rtce." Gahige's predecessor was Gahige-jinga or Icka- dabi. Creation myth, told by Gahige. — The first men created were seven in number. Thej- were all made at one time. Afterwards seven women were made for them. At that time there were no gentes ; all the people were as one gens. (Joseph La Fieche and Two Crows never heard this, aud the following was new to them:) Mythical origin of the liike-sabe, as related by Gahige. — The luke- sabe were buflaloes, and dwelt under the surface of the water. When they came to the surface they jumped about in the water, making it muddy; hence the birth-name for the first son, Ni-gaqude. Having reached the laud they snuS'ed at the four winds and prayed to them. The north and west winds were good, but the south and east winds were bad. § 29. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens. — In former days, when any member of the gens was near death, he was wrapped in a bufialo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the privi- leged decoration. Then the dying person was addressed thus : " You are going to the animals (the buffaloes). You are going to rejoiu your ances- tors. (Ani^a diibaha hue. Wackaii'-ga, ('. e.) You are going, or. Your four souls are going, to the four winds. Be strong ! " All the members of this gens, whether male or female, were thus attired and spoken to when they were dying. (La Fieche and Two Crows say that uothiug is said about four souls, and that " Wackah-ga" is not said; but all the rest may be true. See § 35 for a similar custom.) The " hailga-iii'a°ze," or privileged decoration, referred to above and elsewhere in this mono- graph, is made among theOmahasbypaiuting two parallel lines across the forehead, two on each cheek and two under the nose, one being above the upper lip aud the other between the lower lip and the chin. §30. When the tribe weut on the buffalo hunt and could get skins for tents it was customary to decorate the outside of the principal IQke- sab6 tent, as follows, according to j^e-da-u^-iqaga: Three circles were painted, one on each side of the entrance fo the tent, and one at the back, opposite the eutrance. Inside each of these was paiuted a buffalo- head. Above each circle was a pipe, ornamented with eagle feathers. Frank La Fleche's sketch is of the regular peace pipe ; but his father drew the calumet pipe, from which the duck's head had been taken and the pipe-bowl substituted, as duriug the dancing of the Hedewatci. (See §§ 49 aud 153.) A model of the principal xe-da-it'aji tent, decorated by a native artist, was exhibited by Miss Alice C. Fletcher, at the session of the American Associatioii/at Montreal iu 1882. It is now at the Peabody Museum. Iftke-sabe style of wearing the hair. — The smaller bo.\s have their hair cut iu this style. A A, the horns of the buffalo, being two locks of 230 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. hair about two inches long. B is a fringe of hair all around the head. It is about two inches long. The rest of the head is shaved bare. Frank La Fleche's sketch of the Ifike-sabe tent, as he saw it when he went on the buffalo hunt. § 31. Suhgentes and Taboos. — Thei'e has evidently been a change in the subgentes since the advent of the white man. In 1878, the writer was told by several, including La Fleche, that there were then three sub- gentes in existence, Wa(|'igije, Wata'"zijide (fati^ji, and Naqfe-it'abiiji ; a the fourth, or Ieki(J'e, having become extinct. Now (1882), La Fleche and Two Crows give the three subgentes as follows: 1. '\Ya((-igije; 2. Niniba t'a"; 3. (a part of 2) lekife. The second subgens is now called by them "^Yata"'zi■ji'de [b (J'ati'iji and Naqf.e it'abaji." "jja"(fi"-na"ba and Nagu or Waif-anase are the only sui'vivors of the real Niniba-t'a", Keepers of the Sacred Pipes." (Are not these the true Naq^'e-it'abaji, They who cannot touch charcoal? I. e., it is not their place to touch a fire-brand or the ashes left in the sacred pipes after they have been used.) " The Sacred Pipes were taken from the ances- tors of these two and were given into the charge of Ickadabi, the pater- nal grandfather of Gahige." Yet these men are stillcalled Xiniba-t'a°, while " Gahige lielongs to the Wata"zi-jide (|-ataji and Xaqfe it'abaji, and he is one of those from whom the lekiife could be selected." INI?E-SABfi SUBGENTES AND TABOOS. 231 In 1878 La Fl^clie also gave the divisions and taboos of the liike-sabfi as follows: "1. Ninibat'a°; 2. Wata°zijide ^ataji; 3. x^h^ s^l>6 it'^ji; 4. xe-f^ze(fatc'\ji;" but he did not state whether these were distinct subgentes. The T^e-he-sabiS it'aji, Those who touch not black horns (of bufi'aloes), appear to be the same as the j,e-^eze ^ataji, i. e., the Waifigije. The following is their camping order : In the tribal circle, the Wa^igije camp next to the Hanga gens, of which the Wacabe people are the neighbors of the Wa^igije, having almost the same taboo. The other liike-sabg people camp next to the Weji^cte gens. But in the gentile "council-fire" a different order is observed; the first becomes last, the Wa(figije having their seats on the left of the fire and the dooD and the others on the right. The Wa^igije cannot eat buffalo tongues, and they are not allowed to touch a buffalo head. (See §§ 37, 49, and 59.) The name of their subgens is that of the hooped rope, with which the game of " jacjji"- jahe"is played. Gahige told the following, which is doubted by La Fleche and Two Crows: "One day, when the principal man of the Wa^igije was fasting and praying , ,, J , XI 1 j_ /» Fig. 16. — The Inke-sabC- Gentile A.ssembly. A. — to the sun-god, he saw the ghost Ot The Wa^^igye, or Waqube g4x6 alii, under Duba- i_ /v. 1 • '1 ^ J} XI XI 1 ma^fri". B. — The Wata^zi-iide^atajl; theletit^S, a buffalo, visible from the flank up, audtheXaq^je-ifabaji. These were Wer Gahige. arising out of a spring. Since then the members of his subgens liave abstained from buffalo tongues and heads." Gahige's subgens, the Wata^zi jide ^ataji, do not eat red corn. They were the first to find the red corn, but they were afraid of it, and would not eat it. Should they eat it now, they would have running sores all around their mouths. Another tradition is that the first man of this subgens emerged from the water with an ear of red corn in his hand. The lekife are, or were, the Criers, who went around the tribal circle proclaiming the decisions of the chiefs, etc. Prior to 1S78, Wacuce, Gahige's brother, was the keeper of the two sacred pipes. At his death, in that year, his young son succeeded him as keeper ; but, as he was very young, he went to the house of his father's brother, Gahige, who subsequently kept the pipes himself. § 32. Gahige said that his subgens had a series of Eagle birth-names, as well as the Buffalo birth-names common to the whole gens. This was owing to the possession of the sacred pipes. While these names may have denoted the order of birth some time ago, they arc now be- stowed without regard to that, according to LaFlfeche and Two Crows. Buffalo birth-names.— The first son was called "He who stirs up or muddies the water by jumping in it," referring to a buffalo that lies 232 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. down in the water or paws in the shallow water, making it spread out in circles. The second son was "Bufialoes swimming in large numbers across a stream." The third was Si-jja'-qega, referring to a buifalo calf, the hair on whose legs changes from a black to a withered or dead hue in February. The fourth was "Knobby Horns (of a young buffalo bull)". The fifth was "He (^. e., a bufl'alo bull) walks well, without fear of falling." The sixth was "He (a buffalo bull) walks slowly (because he is getting old)." The seventh was called Gaqaja-naji°, explained by the clause, " ^eniigawi"^qtci, jiig^e ^iBg^, a single buffalo bull, without a companion." It means a very old bull, who stands off at one side ajjart from the herd. The Eagle birth-names (see § 64), given by Gahige, are as follows: Qifi'i-i"^ (mciining unknown to La Fleche and Two Crows; word doubted by them). Eagle Neck. Waji"-hai3ga, He who leads in disposition. Ki^ka-^anga, the first bird heard in the spring when the grass comes up (the marbled godwit?). Blue ISTeck (denied by La Flfeche and Two Crows). Rabbit (La Fleche and Two Crows said that this name be- longed to the Haiiga gens). Ash tree (doubted by La Fleche and Two Crows). A birth-name of this series could be used instead of the cor- responding one of the gentile series, e. g., Gahige could have named his son, Uka^adigfa", either Sijia°qega or Waji°-haiiga. There were similar series of birth-names for girls, but they have been forgotten. § 33. Principal Iuke-sab6 names. — I. Men. — (Buftalo that) Walks Last in the heard. (Buffalo) Euns Among (the people when chased by the hunters). Four (buffaloes) Walking. Black Tongue (of a buffalo). The Chief. Eeal Chief. Young Chief. Walking Hawk. Without any one to teach him {i. e., He knows things of his own accord). (Buffalo) Makes his own manure miry by treading in it. Horns alone visible (there being no hair on the young buftalo bull's head). Little (buffalo) with Yellowish-red hair. He who practices conjuring. Thick Shoulder (of a buffalo). (Buffalo) Comes suddenly (over the hill) meeting the hunters face to face. Swift Rabbit. Rabbit (also in Haiiga gens). He who talks like a chief; referring to the sacred pipes. Big Breast (of a buffalo). Seven (some say it refers to the seven sacred pipes). (He who) Walks Before (the other keepers of the sacred pipes). Badger. Four legs of an animal, when cut off'. Bent Tail. Double or Cloven Hoofs (of a buffalo). Yonder Stands (a buftalo that) Has come back to you. Buftalo runs till he gets out of range of the wind. Little Horn (of a buftalo). Two (young men) Running (with the sacred pipes during the Hede-watci). Skittish Buftalo Calf. Foremost White Buf- falo in the distance. Looking around. (Buffalo'?) Walks Around it. (Buffalo) Scattering in different directions. Big Boiler (a generous man, who put two kettles on the fire). (Buffalo) Sits apart from the rest. He who makes one Stagger by pushing against him. He who * Probably Qii)a-bi", as the Osages have Qui|'a-hi'', Eagle Featbers. DORSET.] PERSONAL NAMES THE IIANGA GENS. 233 speaks saucily. Difficult Disposition or Temper (of a growing buffalo calf). Tbe Shooter. He wbo fears no seen danger. Young Turkey. II. Women. — Sacred Third-daughter. She by Whom they were made Human beings (see Osage tradition of the Female Red Bird). Moou in Motion during the Day. Moou that Is traveling. Moou Has come back Visible. Foremost or Ancestral Moon (first quarter?). Visible Moon. White Ponka (female) in the distance. Precious Female. Visi- ble one that has Returned, and is in a Horizontal attitude. Precious Buffalo Human-female. Buffalo Woman. THE HANGA GENS. § 34. Hafiga seems to mean, "foremost," or " ancestral." Among the Omahas this gens is a buffalo gens ; but among the Kansas and Osages it refers to other gentes. In the Omaha tribal circle, the Haiiga people camp next to the Inkg-sabe. Their two chiefs are Two Crows and Icta- basude, elected in 1880. The latter was elected as the successor of his father, " Yellow Smoke," or " Two Grizzly Bears." Mythical origin of the gens. — According to Yellow Smoke, the first HaSga people were buffaloes and dwelt beneath the water. When they were there they used to move along with their heads bowed and their eyes closed. By and by they opened their eyes in the water ; hence their first birth-name, Niadi-icta-ugab(J;a. Emerging from the water, they lifted their heads and saw the blue sky for the first time. So they assumed the name of 3;ef a-gaxe, or " Clear skj' makers." (La Fleche, in 1879, doubted whether this was a genuine tradition of the gens; and be said that the name Niadi-icta-ugabifa was not found in the Hanga gens; it was probably intended for Niadi-ctagabi. This referred to a buffalo that had fallen into mud and water, which had spoiled its flesh for food, so that men could use nothing but the hide. Two Crows said that Xiadi-ctagabi was an ancient name.) § 35. Ceremony at the death of a member of the gens. — In former days, when any member of the gens was near death he was wrapped in a buffalo robe, with the hair out, and his face was painted with the "hauga- jji'a^ze." Then the dying person was thus addressed by one of his gens : " You came hither from the animals. And you are going back thither. Do not face this way again. When you go, continue walk- ing." (See § 29.) § 36. The sacred tents. — There are two sacred tents belonging to this gens. When the tribal circle is formed these are pitched within it, about 50 yards from the tents of tbe gens. Hence the proper name, U(};uci-naji°. A straight line drawn from one to the other would bisect the road of the tribe at right angles. The sacred tents are always together. They pertain to the buffalo hunt, and are also " w6waspe," having a share in the regulative system 234 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. of the tribe, as they coutain two objects which have been regarded as " Wakafida 6ga"," partaking of the nature of deities. These objects are the sacred pole or " waqfixe," and the " ^e-sa"'-ha." The decoration of the outside of each sacred tent is as follows : A corn- stalk on each side of the entrance and one on the back of the tent, opposite the entrance. (Compare the ear of corn in the calumet dance. See §§ IL'3 and 1G3.) Tradition of the sacred pole. — The " waqfexe," " ja"' waqi'ibe," or sa- cred pole, is A'erj' old, having been cut more than two hundred years ago, before the separation of the Omahas, Ponkas, and lowas. The Ponkas still claim a share in it, and have a tradition about it, which is denied bj^ La Fleche and Two Crows. The Ponkas say that the tree from which the pole was cut was first found by a Ponka of the Hisada gens, and that in the race which ensued a Ponka of the Maka" gens was the first to reach the tree. The Omahas tell the following : At the first there were no chiefs in the gentes, and the people did not prosper. So a council was held, and they asked one another, "What shall we do to improve our condition?" Then the young men were sent out. They found many cotton- wood trees beside a lake, but one of these was better than the rest. They returned and re- ported the tree, speaking of it as if it was a person. All rushed to the attack. They struck it and felled it as if it had been a foe. They then put hair on its head, makiug a person of it. Then were the sacred tents made, the first chiefs were selected, .and the sacred pipes were distributed. The sacred pole was originally longer than it is now, but the lower part having worn out, a piece of ash-wood, about 18 inches long, has been fastened to the cotton-wood with a soft piece of cord made of a buflalo hide. The ash-wood forms the bottom of the pole, and is the part which is stuck in the ground at certain times. The cotton-wood is about 8 feet long. Fig. 17.— The sacred pole. A. — The place where the two pieces of wood arc joined. B.— The aqande-pa or hi"-qpe-i*iba", made of the down of the mi°xa (a swan. See the Ma'tiiika z'y- > gens.) C— The scalp, fastened to the top, whence the proper name, Nik'umi"je, Indian-man's (scalp) couch. Two Crows said that the pole rested on the scalp when it was in the lodge. The proper name, Mi^-wasa", referring to the mi^xasa'^ or swan, and also to the aqande-pa (B). The proper name, "Yellow Smoke" (rather), " Smoked Yellow," or Cude-nazi, also refers to the pole, which has become yellow from smoke. Though a scalp is fastened to the top, the pole has nothing to do with war. But wlien the Omahas encounter enemies, any brave man who gets a scalp may decide to present it to the sacred pole. The middle of the pole has swan's down wrapped DORsEv] THE HANGA GENS. 235 aroimd it, and tbe swan's down is covered with cotton-wood bark, over which is a piece of %€ha (buffalo hide) about 18 inches square. All the :jeha and cord is made of the hide of a hermaphrodite buffalo. This pole used to be greased every year when they were about to return home from the summer hunt. The people were afraid to neglect this cere- mony lest there should be a deep snow when they traveled on the next hunt. When Joseph La Fl^chelost his leg, the old men told the people that this was a punishment which he suffered because he had opposed the greasing of the sacred pole. As the Omahas have not been on the hunt for about seven years, the sacred tents are kept near the house of Wa- ka^-ma^cfi". (See § 295.) The other sacred tent, which is kept at present by Waka°-ma°^i", con- tains the sacred " ^e-sa°'-ha," the skin of a white buffalo cow, wrapped in a buffalo hide that is without hair. Joseph La Flfeche had two horses that ran away and knocked over the sacred tents of the Haiiga gens. The two old men caught them and rubbed them all over with wild sage, saying to Frank La Flfeche, " If you let them do that again the buffaloes shall gore them." § 37. Subgentes and Taboos. — There are two great divisions of the gens, answering to the number of the sacred tents : The Keepers of the Sacred Pole and The Keepers of the jjC-sa^-ha. Some said that there were originally four subgentes, but two have become altogether or nearly extinct, and the few survivors have joined the larger subgentes. There are several names for each subgens. The first which is some- times spoken of as being " Ja°'ha-a;4(^ica°," Pertaining to the sacred cotton-wood bark, is the "Waq(fexea^i°"' or the "Ja°' waqiibe a^i"'," Keepers of the Sacred Pole. When its members are described by their taboos, they are called the " jj4 waqiibe ^atdji," Those who do not eat the "!)a" or buffalo sides; and " Mi^xa-sa" (|;atijl" and "^j^ta" ^atiijl," Those who do not eat geese, swans, and cranes. These can eat the the buffalo tongues. The second subgens, which is often referred to as being" j^e-sa°'-ha-;A^ica°," Pertaining to the sacred skin of the white buffalo cow, consists of the Wac4be or Haii'gaqti, the Real Haiiga peo- ple. When reference is made to their taboo, they are called the " j^e- (f6ze (j;at4ji," as they cannot eat buffalo tongues; but they are at liberty to eat the " ;)a," which the other Haiiga cannot eat. In the tribal circle the Wacabc people camp nest to the Iiike-sab6 gens; and the Waqijiexe a(fi" have the Qu:5{a of the ^atada gens next to them, as he is their serv- ant and is counted as one of their kindred. But, in the gentile circle, the Waq(^exe a(J;i" occupy the left side of the "council-fire," and the Wacabe sit on the opposite side. §38. Style of tcearing the hair. — The Haiiga style of wearing the hair is called " ^e-uaii'ka-b^xe," referring originally to the back of a buffalo. It is a crest of hair, about 2 inches long, standing erect, and extend- ing from one ear to the other. The ends of the hair are a little below the ears. 236 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. § 39. Birth-names of boys, according to ja^i°-na°paji. The first is Niadi ctagabi ; the second, Ja°-gap'uje, referring to tlie Sacred Pole. It may be equivalent to the Dakota Tca'^-kap'oja (Catj-kapoza), mean- ing that it must be carried by one unincumbered with much baggage. The third is named Ma° peji, Bad Arrow, i. e., Sacred Arrow, because the arrow has grown black from age ! (Two Crows gave this exi^lana- tion. It is probable that the arrow is kept in or with the " ^e-sa°-ha.") The fourth is Fat covering the outside of a butfalo's stomach. The fifth is Buffalo bull. The sixth, Dangerous buffalo bull ; and the sev- enth is Buffalo bull rolls again in the place where he rolled formerly. §40. Prmcipal Haiiga names. I. Men. — (Buffalo) Makes a Dust by rolling. Smoked Yellow (" Yellow Smoke"). (Buffalo) Walks in a Crowd. He who makes no impression by Striking. Eeal Hanga. Short Horns (of a buffalo about two years old). (Buffalo calf) Sheds its hair next to the eyes. Two Crows. Flying Crow. He who gives back blow for blow, or, He who gets the better of a foe. Grizzly bear makes the sound "';ide" by walking. Grizzly bear's Head. Standing Swan. He (a buf- falo ?) wlio is Standing. (Buffalo !) That does not run. (Buffalo) That runs by the Shore of a Lake. Seven (buffalo bulls) In the Water. Pursuer of the attacking foe. Scalp Couch. Pointed Eump (of a buf- falo?). Artichoke. Buffalo Walks at Night. A Bufialo Bellows. Odor of Buffalo Dung. Buffalo Bellows in the distance. (Sacred tent) Stands in the Middle (of the circle). Seeks Fat meat. Walking Sacred one. Corn. He who Attacks. II. Women. — Iron-eyed Female. Moon that is Traveling. White Hu- man-female Butt'alo in the distance. THE (pATADA GENS. §41. This gen occupies the fourth place in the tribal circle, being be- tween the Hanga and the 3;a°ze. But, unlike the other gentes, its sub- gentes have separate camping areas. Were it not for the marriage law, we should say that the (fJattula was a phratry, and its subgentes were gentes. The present leaders of the gens are jedegahi of the Wajiuga- ^ataji and Cyu-jiiiga of the Wasabe hit'aji. When on the hunt tbe four subgentes pitch their cents in the following order in the tribal circle : 1. Wasabehit'aji; 2. Wajiuga (fataji; .'5. ^e-da-it'ajl; 4. 3;e-'i". TheWa- sabe-hit'aji are related to the Haiiga on the one hand and to the Wa- jiflga-ifataji on the other. The latter iu turn, are related to the xe-da- itaji; these are related to the jje-'i"; and the 5£e-'i" and 3;a°ze are re- lated. THE WASABE-niT'AjI StIBeEKS. §42. The name of this subgens is derived from three words: wasabe, ablaclcbear; ha, a skill; and it'aji, not to touch; meaning "Those who do 13UUEAU OF ETHNOLOOy AKNUAL KEl-OKT 1882 I'l,. XXil TENT or AGAIIA-WACTTCK. U0R6EY.] (fATADA GENS WASABE-HIT'AJI SUBGENS. 237 not touch the skin of a black bear." The wi-iter was told in 1879, that the uju, or principal man of this siibgens, was Icta-duba, but La Fleche and Two Crows, in 1882, asserted that they never heard of an " uju" of a gens. Taboo. — The members of this snbgens are prohibited from touching the hide of a black bear and from eating its flesh. Mythical origin. — They say that their aucestors were made under the ground and that they afterwards came to the surface. § 43. Plate II is a sketch of a tent which belonged to Agaha-wa- cuce, the father of ja((-i"-na"pajl. Hupefa's father, Hupeifa II, owned it before Agaha-wacuce obtained it. The circle at the top representing a bear's cave, is sometimes painted blue. Below the zigzag lines (repre- senting the different kinds of thunders ?) are the prints of bear's paws. This painting was not a nikie but the personal "qube" or sacred thing of the owner. The lower part of the tent was blackened with ashes or charcoal. § 44. Style of wearing the hair. — Four short locks are left on the Head, as in the following diagram. They are about 2 inches long. Birth-names of boys. — ^a(f'i°-na"paji gave the following : The first son is called Young Black bear. The second, Black bear. The third, Four Eyes, including the true eyes and the two spots like eyes that are above the eyes of a black bear. The fourth, Gray Foot. The fifth. Cries like a Raccoon. (La Fleche said that this is a Ponka name, but the Omahas now have it.) The sixth, Nidaha", Progressing toward maturity (sic). The seventh. He turns round aud round suddenly (said of both kinds of bears). § 45. Sections of the subgens. — The Wasabe- hit'aji people are divided into sections. (ja(fi"- na"paji and others told the writer that they consisted of four divisions : Black bear. Raccoon, Grizzly bear, and Porcupine people. The Black bear and Raccoon people are called brothers. And when a man kills a black bear he says, "I have killed a raccoon." The young black bear is said to cry like a raccoon, hence the birth-name Mijia-xage. The writer is inclined to think that there is some foundation for these state- ments, though La Fleche and Two Crows seemed to doubt them. They gave but two divisions of the Wasabehit'aji ; aud it may be that these two are the only ones now in existence, while there were four in ancient times. The two sections which are not doubted are the Wasabe-hit'aji in-oper, and the Quj[a, i. e., the Raccoon people. When they meet as a subgens, they sit thus iu their circle : The Wasabe-hit'aji people sit on the right of the entrance, and the Qujia have their places on the left. But in the tribal circle the Qujja people 238 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. camp uext to the Hauga Keepers of the Sacred Pole, as the former are the servants of the Haflga. The leader of the Qu5[a or Singers was himself the only one who acted as qui[a, when called on to serve the Haiiga. ^ja^i^na^paji's half-brother, Hupe^a, commonly styled x^-da- u^iqaga, used to be the leader. Since the Omahas have abandoned the hunt, to which this office pertained, no one has acted as qu^ia ; but if it were still in existence, the three brothers. Dangerous, Gihaji, and Ma°(J;i'u-ke, are the only ones from whom the quj[a could be chosen. Qujja men. — Dried Buffalo Skull. Dangerous. Gihaji. Black bear. Paws the Ground as he Reclines. Young (black bear) Runs. Mandan. Hiipe^a. Laugher. Maqpiya-qaga. j,aiiga-gaxe. Crow's Head. Gray Foot. J. La Fltehe said that Hupe^a, Laugher, Maqpiyaqaga, and j^aQga-gaxe were servants of the Elk gens ; but ja(j!i°-na"paji, their fellow-gentile, places them among the Qusja. (See § 143.) In the tribal circle the Wasabe-hit'aji proper camp next to the Wajinga-^ataji. These Wasabe-hit'aji are the servants of the Elk peo- ple, whom they assist in the worship of the thunder-god. When this ceremony takes place there are a few of the Quj[a people who accom- pany the Wasabe-hit'aji and act as servants. These are probably the four men referred to above. Though all of the Wasabe hit'ajl proper are reckoned as servants of the Weji^cte, only two of them, 0RSEV.1 TURTLE SUBGENS HA^ZE GENS. 241 ond is Turtle that does not flee, under Cageska or Kistuma°^i°. The third is Red-breasted Turtle, under xt^misa ja"-(^iiike. The fourth is Spotted Turtle with Bed Eyes, under Ehna°juwag^e." Turtle men. — Heat makes (a turtle) Emerge from the mud. (Turtle) Walks Backward. He Walks (or continues) Seeking something. An- ce.stral Turtle. Turtle that Flees not. (Turtle that) Has gone into the Lodge (or Shell). He alone is with them. He Continues to Tread ou them. Turtle Maker. Spotted Turtle with Red Eyes. Young Turtle- carrier. Buzzard. He who Starts up a Turtle. One of the women is Egg Female. THE HA°ZE GENS. § 54. The place of the -^n^'ze or Kansas gens is between the jje-'i" and the Ma"^irika-gaxe in the tribal circle. The head man of the gens who was recognized as such in 1879 was Za°zi-mande. Taboo. — The 3[a°ze people cannot touch verdigris, which they call " wase-}u," green clay, or " wase-'ju-qude," gray-green clay. Being Wind people, they flap their blankets to start a breeze which will drive off the musquitoes. Subgentes. — La Flfeche and Two Crows recognize but two of these : Keepers of a Pipe and Wind People. They assign to the former Maja°ha(J'i°, Maja°-kide, &c., and to the latter Waji°-^icage, Za^zi niandS, and their near kindred. But Lion said that there were four sub- gentes, and that Maja°ha(f;i" was the head man of the first, or Niniba t'a°, which has another name, Those who Make the Sacred tent. He gave Waji° (ficage as the head man of the Wind people, Za°zi-maud(5 as the head of the third subgens, and Maja°-kide of the fourth ; but he could not give the exact order in which they sat in their gentile circle. A member of the gens told the writer that Four Peaks, whom Lion assigned to Za"zi-mand6's subgens, was the owner of the sacred tent : but he did not say to what sacred tent he referred. Some say that Maja"La(Ju" was the keeper of the saci'ed pipe of his gens till his death in 1879. Others, including Frank La Flfeche, say that Four Peaks was then, and still is, the keeper of the pipe. According to La Flfeche and Two Crows, a member of this gens was chosen as crier when the brave young men were ordered to take part in the sham tight. (See § 1 52.) "This was Maja^ha f i"" [Franh La Fleche). § 55. Names of Kansas men. — Thick Hoofs. Something Wanting. Not worn from long use. He only is great in his own estimation. Boy who talks like a chief. Young one that Flies ['?]. He Lay down On the way. Young Beaver. Two Thighs. Brave Boy. Kansas Chief Young Kansas. Making a Hollow sound. Gray Cottonwood. The one Moving toward the Land. He who shot at the Land. Young Grizzly bear. 3 ETH — IG 242 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. White Grizzly bear near at baud. He started suddenly to Lis feet. Heartless. Cliief. Four Peaks. Hair on the legs (of a buffalo calf takes) a withered appearance. Swift Wind. Wind pulls to pieces. He Walks In the Wind. Buifalo that has become Lean again. Lies at the end. Young animal Feeding with the herd. He who makes an object Fall to pieces by Punching it. Blood. He who makes them weep. Bow- wood Bow. Names of Kansas women. — Kansas Female. Moon that Is traveling. Ancestral or Foremost Moon. Moon Moving On high. Last [?] Wind. Wind Female. Coming back Gray. THE MA°([;iNKA-GAXE GENS. § 56. This gens, which is the first of the Ictasanda gentes, camps next to the 5j[a°ze, but on the opposite side of the road. The chief of the gens is Cange-ska, or White Horse, a grandson of the celebrated Black Bird. The name Ma^cfiiika-gaxe means " the earth-lodge makers," but the members of this gens call themselves the Wolf (and Prairie Wolf) People. Tradition. — The principal nikieof the Ma°(f!inka-gaxe are the coyote, the wolf, and the sacred stones. La Fleche and Two Crows say that these are all together. Some say that there are two sacred stones, one of which is red, the other black; others say that both stones have been reddened. (See §16.) La Fleche and Two Crows have heard that there were four of these stones ; one being black, one red, one yellow, and one blue. (See the colors of the lightning on the tent of Agaha-wacuce, § 43.) One tradition is that the stones were made by the Coyote in an- cient days to be used for conjuring enemies. The Usage tradition men- tions four stones of difierent colors, white, black, red, and blue. Style of wearing the hair. — Boys have two locks of hair left on their heads, one over the forehead and another at the parting of the hair on the crown. Female children have four locks left, one at the front, one at the back, and one over each ear. La Fleche and Two Crows do not know this, but they say that it may be true. § 57. Suhgentes. — La Fleche and Two Crows gave but two of these: Keepers of the Pipe and Sacred Persons. This is evidently the classi- fication for marriage jjurposes, referred to in §78; and the writer is con- fident that La Fleche and Two Crows always mean this when they speak of the divisions of each gens. This should be borne in mind, as it will be helpful in solving certain seeming contradictions. That these two are not the only divisions of the gens will appear from the statements of Lion and (^aiige-skii, the latter being the chief of the geus. Cauge- ska said that there were three subgentes, as follows : 1. Qube (includ- DORSEVO THE MA^i-INKA-GAXE GENS. 243 ing the Wolf people?). 2. Niniba t'a°. 3. Mi°'xa-sa^ wet'Aji. Lion gave the following : 1. Mi'jjasi (Coyote and Wolf people). 2. I'>"6 waqube, Keepers of the Sacied Stones. 3. Niniba t'a°. 4. Mi°'xa-sa° wet'4ji. According to Caiige-ska, Qube was the name given to his part of the gens after the death of Black Bird ; therefore it is a modern name, not a hundred years old. But I°"6-waqiibe points to the mythical origin of the gens ; hence the writer is inclined to accept the fourfold division as the ancient one. The present head of the Coyote people is j,aqie-tig^e, whose predecessor was Hu-^agebe. Ca3ge-ska, of the second subgens, is the successor of his father, who bore the same name. Uckadaji is the rightful keeper of the Sacred Pipe, but as he is very old Ca°ta"-jiuga has superseded him, according to jj[a^i°-na°pajl. Mi°xa-skii was the the head ot the Mi°xa-sa° wet'aji, but Manga'aji has succeeded him. The name of this last subgens means " Those who do not touch swans," but this is only a name, not a taboo, according to some of the Omahas. Among the Kansas Indians, the Ma°yiuka-gaxe people used to include the Elk gens, and part of the latter is called, Mi°'xa unikaci^ga. Swan people. As these were originally a subgens of the Kansas Ma°yiiika- gaxe, it furnishes another reason for accepting the statement of Lion about the Omaha Mi°xa-sa°- wet'aji. § 58. Birth-names of boys. — ja^i°na°pajji gave the following, but he did not know their exact order : He who Continues to Travel (denied by the La Fleche and Two Crows). Little Tail (of a coyote). Sudden Crunching sound (made by a coyote or wolf when gnawing bones). (Coyote) Wheels around suddenly. (Coyote) Stands erect very sud- denly. Surly Wolf. Names of men. I. Wolf subgens. — Sudden crunching sound. Wacicka. Continues Running. Wheels around suddenly. The Standing one who is Traveling. (Wolf) Makes a sudden Crackling sound (by alighting on twigs or branches). Ghost of a Grizzly bear. Stands erect Very suddenly. Little Tail. Young Traveler. He who Continues to Travel, or Standing Traveler. Standing Elk. Toung animal Feeding or graz- ing with a herd. IL I^'g-waqube subgens. — White Horse. Ancestral Kansas. Thunder-god. Village-maker. Brave Second-son. Black Bird {not Blackbird). Big Black bear. White Swan. Night Walker. He whom they Reverence. Big Chief. Walking Stone. Red Stone. jja^i°-na°paji said that tiie last two names were birth-names in this subgens. III. 'Simba.Va^ subgens. — He who Rushes into battle. Young Wolf. Saucy Chief. IV. Swan subgens. — He whom an Arrow Fails to wound. Willing to be employed. A member of this gens. Tailless Grizzly bear, has been with the Ponkas for many years. His name is not an Omaha name. Names of women. — Hawk-Female. New Hawk-Female. Miacte-cta", or Miate-cta°. Mi°-mi:)ega. Visible Moon. (Wolf) Stands erect. White Ponka iu the distance. Pouka Female. She who is Ever Coming back Visible. Eagle Circling around. Wate wi°. 244 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. THE XE-SINDE GENS. § 59. The xe-sinde, or Buffalo-tail gens, camps between the Ma°f inka- inaxe and the x^-s on the child, who had not worn any previously, and after turning him around four times he addressed him thus : " j^ucpaha, Wakan'da ^a'6^i(|!6-de j[^ci 7na"(;nii'ka si d^ag(J;6 tat^ — Grandchild, may Wal-atida pity you, and may yovrfeet rest for a long time on the ground!" Another form of the address was this : " Wakan'da (^a'eijii^e tat6 ! Ma°^iii'ka si A^ag(j;e tat6. Giidih^ga" hn6 tat6! — May Wakanda pity you! May your feet tread the ground! May you go ahead (i. e., may you live hereafter)!" At the conclusion of the ceremony the parent took the child home, and on arriving there the father cut off the rest of the child's hair, according to the style of the gens. La Fl^che told the following, in 1879 : " If it was desired, horns were left, and a circle of hair around the head, with one lock at each side, over the ear. Some say that they cut off more of the hair, leaving none on top and only a circle around the head." But the writrr has not been able to ascertain whether this referred to any par- ticular gens, as the Ictasanda or to the whole tribe. " It is the duty of Waji^-a^ba, of the Real Ictasanda, to cut the children's hair. The Keepers of the Pipe and the Real Ictasanda were distinct subgentes, each having special duties." [Frank La Fleche.) § 72. Names of men. — j[e-ujia°ha (Sentinel Buffalo Apart from the herd) and his brother, ^[awaha, are the only survivors of the Keepers of the Pipe. Hauga-cenu and Mahi°-zi (Yellow Rock) are dead. II. Real Ictasanda people. — Waji°-a°ba and Small Heel are the only survivors. The following used to belong to this subgens : Reptile Catcher. (Thunder-god) Threatens to strike. Wishes to Love. Frog. (Thunder) Makes a Roar as it Passes along. Night Walker. Runs (on) the Land. Sacred Mouth. Soles of (gophers') Paws turned Outward. The Reclining Beaver. Snake. Touched the distant foe. Rusty-yellow Corn-husk (an Oto name). Young Black bear. He who Boiled a Little (a nickname for a stingy man). Small Fireplace. He who Hesitates about asking a favor. Maker of a Lowland forest. Stomach Fat. III. Waceta" suhgens. — Roar of approaching thunder. He who made the foe stir. He who tried to anticipate the rest in reaching the body of a foe. Cedar Shooter. Flat Water (the Platte or Nebras- ka). He is Known. Thunder-god) Roars as he Stands. Sharp Stone. (Thunder that) Walks after the others at the close of a storm. Big Shoulder. (Thunder) Walks On high. Wace-jiiiga (Small Reptile?) DOiisET.) THE ICTASANDA GENS. 251 Wace-ta" (Standing Eeptilel) Wace-ta°-jiSga (Small Standing Eep- tile?). (Snake) Makes himself Round. Sheet-lightning Flashes Sud- denly. ForkedlijihtningWalks. Thunder makes he sound "z-f!" Black cloud in the horizon. Walks during the Night. White Disposition for, Sensible). Sole of the foot. He got the better of the Lodges (of the foe by stealing their horses). Ibaha°bi (He is Known) gave the following as names of Ictasanda men, but J. La Flfeche and Two Crows doubt them. Large Spotted Snake. (Snake) Makes (a frog) Cry out (by biting him).'' Small Snake.^ (Snake) Lies Stiff. Big Mouth. Black Eattlesnake. (Snake that) Puffs up itself. IV. Thunder subgens. — Sheet-lightning Flashes inside the Lodge. Swift at Running up a hill. Young Policeman. Cloud. He Walks with them. He who Is envied because he has a pretty wife, a good horse, etc., though he is poor or homely. Names of women. — Da°ama. She Alone is Visible. Skin Dress. She who Is returning Roaring or Bellowing. She who is made Muddy as she Moves. Moon has Returned Visible. Moon is Moving On high.' «These names are found in the corresponding Ponka gens, the Wajaje or Osage, a rejitile gens. 'Mauy names have been omitted because an exact translation could not be given, though the references to certain animals or mythical ancestors are apparent. It is the wish of the writer to publish hereafter a comparative list of personal names of the cognate tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, Osagee, Kansas, and Kwapas, for which con- siderable material has been collected. OHAPTEE IV. THE KINSHIP SYSTEM AND MARRIAGE LAWS. CLASSES OF KINSHIP. § 73. Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows recognize four classes of kin- ship: 1. Consanguineous or blood kinship, which includes not only the gens of the father, but also those of the mother and grandmothers. 2. Marriage kinship, including all the afdnities of the consort, as weU as those of the son's wife or daughter's husband. 3. Weawa" kinship, connected with the Calumet dance. (See § 126.) 4. Inter-gentile kinship, existing between contiguous gentes. This last is not regarded as a bar to intermarriage, e. g., the Weji°cte and liike sabe gentes are related ; and the Weji°cte man whose tent is at the end of his gentile area in the tribal circle is considered as a very near kinsman by the Iiike-sab6 man whose tent is next to his. In like manner, the Iiikesabe Wa(|;igije man who camps next to the Hanga gens is a brother of his nearest Hanga neighbor. The last man in the Hanga area is the brother of the first (JJatada (Wasabe-hit'aji), who acts as Qujia for the Haiiga. The last (JJatada 3[e-'i° man is brother of the first ^[a^ze man, and so on around the circle. Two other classes of relationship were given to the writer by mem- bers of three tribes, Omahas, Ponkas, and Missouris, but Joseph La Fleche and Two Crows never heard of them. The writer gives author- ities for each statement. 5. Nikie kinship. "Nikie" means "Something handed down from a mythical ancestor," or "An ancient custom." Nikie kinship refers to kinship based on descent from the same or a similar mythical ancestor. For example, Big Elk, of the Omaha Weji°cte or Elk gens, told the writer that he was related to the Kansas Elk gens, and that a Weji°cte man called a Kansas Elk man " My younger brother," the Kansas man calling the Weji°cte " My elder brother." Icta(|;abi, an Ifliie sab6, and Ckdtceyiii'e, of the Missouri tribe, said that the Omaha Weji"cte calls the Oto Hotatci (Elk gens) "Elder brother." But Big Elk did not know about this. He said, however, that his gens was related to the Ponka Nijjadaona, a deer and elk gens. Ictafabi said that Omaha Iuke-sab6, his own gens, calls the Ponka (fixida "Grandchild"; but others say that this is owing to intermar- riage. Ictafabi also said that luke-sabg calls the Ponka Wajaje " El- der brother" ; but some say that this is owing to intermarriage. Gahige, 252 KUItF.AU OF KTlIXOLOCy i EGO, a male. A Father group. 1"i]m\\, my J'niher. r~/f Motber group. r'iiii"lia, m\j moliter. 15 Grandfather group. Wijiga" m// ijraiiUfather. <^/j Grand mother grouii. Wi>[a", mii graiidmolhir. Son group. Wijingp, my son. C^ Daughter group. Wijange, my (laii/ihtrr. ]■) — /^ Graudchild group. W"\\nci>a. my grdiidrliihl. N. B — D denotes a graud- .son, ami /!/. a uranddaiiglitrr. E Elder In-other group. \ViJi"fc, my chin- lirothn: V Younger Iirolher group. Wisauga, my yoiiiiycr brother. X EGO, a female. A, C^ H, -9*?, C, ^ D, .0', F, II, and ,^ ' above. E Elder hrotler group. Wi^iuu, my dihr brother. E Elder sister group. Wija"^:e, my ^ ). G Sister's son group. \Vi)a"cka, ini/ sister's son. J^ Sister's daughter group. Wi(ija", iiii/ sister's damjliter. H Mother's brother group. Wiuegi, iiii/ mother's brother. ^2^-" Father's sister group. Wijiaii, mij father's sister. Affiuity groups in this part of the i>late : a Wife's brother or sister's husband gronp. ■'Vi)alia". iiiij lirother-iii-law. ^ Wife's fis er or brother's wife group. Wihanga, »i// jioteiiliul irife. c Son'.s wife group. Wijini, m\j son's wife. d Daughter's husband group. Wijande, iny dauyhlir's husband. q(' lirotber's daughter group. Wijujange, mij brother's daughter. Affinity groui)s in this pirt of the plate: See above for explanation of r and d. e Husband's brother group. Wiei'e. my potential husband. / Ilu.sbaud's sister group. Wici>|a", w.i/ husband's sister. WANGUIXITIES. uoiibEv] CLASSES OF KINSHIP. 253 of the Inke-sabg gens, calls Standing Grizzly bear of the Ponka Wijjaje his grandchild ; and Standing Buffalo, of the same gens, his son. So Icta^abi's statement was incorrect. Icta^abi and Ckatce-yine said that liike-sabg calls the Oto Aruqwa, orBufl'alogens, " Grandfather ; " and that the Oto Eiitce or Pigeon gens is called " Grandchild " by Iiikesab6. Some said that the Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji called the Ponka Wasabe hi- t'aji "Grandchild"; but-C A Dr r-D2 Affinities of j EGO, a male: g Wigaqfa", my wife. a Wife's brother groii]). Wiinlia", mi/ wi/t'/i hmthcr. i^ Wife's sister group. Wihau'ga, niii poienlial irifc. TLougli "My wife's niotlier's sister's busbaud" is wijifja", mil n>a»d- fdthir (see ]!*). that term, as apjilic-d to him, is seemingly without rea- son. — .losKPii La ri.ixiii:. 'Die hiisliaiiil of my wife's sisler (/ ) is not always my eonsaiigiiinity, liiit if be is a kiusiuan, 1 call him my elder (E) or younger (F) brother. Affinities of x ]"-(a", mn linxhaniVx xisttfr. )M.\IIA SYS1 AXXCAL nErORT 1882 PI.. XXXIII C ^ C ^ BJ a # Si^ C4 \ A A A A 'DS' "Df? C^" Id D@ &B Till- wife cif "e'' is my sister (svija°^e or wi jafige), my father'.s sister (wijinii), (ir my lirotLci's (laughter (wijnjarige), if related to Ego, a female, This kiii.ship will be expressed by E, l^, (2^, or oC ac- ennling to eircumstanees. See j in the chart. Artiiiities common to both sexes: B fiiaii(U':itlier uroiiii. \Vi)in;i", mij grnii(Unlli(r. C/J Oraudmother uroiip. \Vi>^a", nii/ graiidniolhrr. e Son's ^ife group. Wijini, miy joh's ici/'c (1 r);L lighter's liu.sbaiid group. Wiiandp, iiiii (hiiKjIiter's hiisbaud. C Son group. AVijinge, mi/ son. "~0 Daughter group. Wijauge my AaxKjMer. D — C/j Grundehihl group. AVitiicp.-i, hi_i/ .'/raiirfc/ii/ff (D, if male: (^y . if female). ATKIXITIES. DOBSEY.j CONSANGUINEOUS KINSHIP AFFINITIES. 255 or real husbands of my sisters; and they are my potential husbands, when Ego is a female. AFFINITIES. § 77. Any female is the potential wife of Ego, a male, whom my own wife calls her ija^cfie {E), itauge (i^^"), itimi {^2^ )i ^^ itujailge ( --/ ). I, a male, also call my potential wives those who the widows or wives of my elder or younger brothers. I, a male, have any male for my brother-in-law whom my wife calls her elder or younger brother ; also any male who is the brother of my wife's niece or of my brother's wife. But my wife's father's brother is my grandfather, not my brother-in-law, though his sister is my potential wife. When my brother-in-law is the husband of my father's sister or of my own sister, his sister is my grandchild, and not my potential wife. A man is my brother-in-law if he be the husband of my father's sister, since he can marry my own sister, but my aunt's husband is not my brother-in-law when he is my uncle or mother's brother (H). Any male is my brother-in-law who is my sister's husband (a). But while my sis- ter's niece's husband is my sister's potential or real husband, he is my son-in-law, as he is my daughter's husband (d). I, a male or female, call any male my son-in-law who is the husband of my daugh' er (c^), my niece {j^ or ^ ), or of my grandchild {/^ ), and his father is my son- in-law. When I, a male, or female, call my daughter-in-law's father my grand- father, her brother is my grandchild (D). Any female is my daughter-in-law (male or female speaking) who is the wife of my son, nephew, or grandchild ; and the mother of my son- in-law is so called by me. Any male affinity is my grandfather (or father- in-law) who is the father, mother's brother, or gi^ndfather of my wife, my potential wife, or my daughter-in-law (the last being the wife of my son, nephew, or grandson). The corresponding female afiinity is my grandmother (or mother-in-law). MARRIAGE LAWS. § 78. A man must marry outside of his gens. Two Crows, of the Haiiga gens, married a Weji°cte woman ; his father married a j^e-sinde woman his paternal grandfather, a Hanga man, married a Wasabe-hit'aji wo man ; and his maternal grandfather, a j^e-sinde man, married a x^-da It'aji woman. His son, Gai°'-baji, a Hanga, married an liikesabe wo man ; and his daughter, a Haiiga, married Qi^4-gah]ge, a jj^"tl^ '^an Caa"', a brother of Two Crows, and a Haiiga, married a j^ada woman, a daughter of the chief SinMc-xa"'xa". Another brother, Mi°x^-ta°, also a Hanga, married a ^ja^ze woman. Joseph La Elfeche's mother was a Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji woman; hence he belongs to that Ponka gens. His maternal grandfather, a Ponka 256 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. Wasabe-bit'iijT, married a Ponka Wajaje womau. Her father, a Wajaje, married a Poiika Maka" woman. Two Crows, being a Haiiga, cannot marry a Hauga woman, nor can lie marry a j^e-sinde woman, as tbey are all his kindred through his mother, lie cannot marry women belonging to the Wasabe hit'aji and j^e-dait'aji snbgentes (" iijjig^asne") of the (fatada gens, because his real grandmothers belouged to those subgentes. But he can marry women belonging to the other (fatada subgentes, the Wajinga-^ataji and g^e-'i", as they are not his kindred. In like manner Joseph La Fleche cannot marry a Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji woman, a Ponka Wajaje woman, or a Ponka Maka" womau. But he can marry an Omaha Wasa- be hit'aji woman, as she belongs to another tribe. Gai°baji cannot marry women belonging to the following gentes: Hauga (his father's gens), Weji^cte (his mother's gens), j,e-sinde (his paternal grandmother's gens), Wasabe-hit'aji, and j^e-da-ifaji. Gai''-baji's son caunot marry any women belonging to the following gentes: Iiike-sabe, Hauga, Weji°cte, jQesinde, or that of the mother of his mother. Nor could he marry a Wasabe-hit'aji or j^e-da-it'aji wo- man, if bis parents or grandparents were living, and knew the degree of kinship. But if they were dead, and he was ignorant of the fact tliat the women and he were related, he might marry oue or more of them. The same rule holds good for the marriage of Qi^a-gahige's son, but with the substitution of j^a-da for liike-sabg. Two Crows cauuot marry any Iiike-sabe woman belonging to the subgeus of his son's wife ; but he can marry one belonging to either of the remaining subgentes. So, too, he cannot marry a x^^"' wo- man belonging to the subgeus of Qi^a-gahige, his son-in-law, but he can marry any other j/i-da woman. As his brother Caa°, had mar- ried a X'^"dii woman of Siude-xa°xa"'s subgens, Two Crows has aright to marry any x^ il''' woman of her subgens who was her sister, father's sister, or brother's daughter. He has a similar privilege in the ^ja^ze gens, owing to the marriage of another brother, Mi°xa-ta". An Omaha Hauga man can marry a Kansas Hanga woman, because she belongs to another tribe. A Ponka Wasabe-hit'aji man can marry an Omaha Wasabe-hit'aji woman, because she belongs to a different tribe. WHOM A MAN OR WOMAN CANNOT MAIiRT. A mail caunot marry any of the women of the gens of his father, as they are his graudmothers, aunts, sisters, nieces, daughters, or grand- children. He caunot marry any woman of the subgens of his father's mother, tor the same leason; but he can marry any womau belonging to the other subgentes of his paterual grandmother's gens, as they are not his kindred. The womeu of the subgens of his paterual grand- mother's mother are also forbidden to him ; but those of the renuiiuiug subgentes of that gens can become his wives, provided they are such L'0,;sEv.] MARRIAGE LAWS. 257 as liave not become his mothers-in-law, daughters, or graudehildreu. (See § 7, 12G, etc.) A man cannot marry any women of his mother's gens, nor any of his maternal grandmother's subgens, nor any of the subgens of her mother, as all are his consanguinities. A man cannot marry a woman of the subgens of the wife of his sou, nephew, or grandson ; nor can he marry a woman of the subgens of the husband of his daughter, niece, or granddaughter. A man cannot marry any of his female aflinities who are his iiia°, be- cause they are the real or potential wives of his fathers-in-law, or of the fathers-in-law of his sons, nephews, or grandchildren. A man cannot marry any woman whom he calls his sister's daughter. He cannot marry any woman whom he calls his grandchild. This iQ- cludes his wife's sister's daughter's daughter. He cannot marry the daughter of any woman who is his ihaiiga, as such a daughter he calls his daughter. He cannot marry his sister's husband's sister, for she is his ijucpa, He cannot marry his sister's husband's father's brother's daughter, as she is his i^ucpa ; nor can he marry her daughter or her brother's daugh- ter, for the same reason. He cannot marry his sister's husband's (broth- er's) daughter, as she is his sister's potential-daughter, and he calls her his ijija". A woman cannot marry her son, the son of her sister, aunt, or niece ; her grandson, the grandson of her sister, aunt, or niece ; any man whom she calls elder or younger brother ; any man whom she calls her father's or mother's brother ; her i^iga" (including her consanguinities, her father- in-law, her brother's wife's brother, her brother's wife's father, her broth- er's son's wife's father, her brother's wife's brother's son, her father's brother's son's wife's brother, her grandfather's brother's sou's wife's brother) ; or any man who is her i^aude. WHOM A MAN OR WOMAN CAN MARRT. A man can marrj- a woman of the gens of his grandmother, i)aternal or maternal, if the woman belong to another subgens. He can marry a woman of the gens of his grandmother's motber, if the latter belong to another subgens, or if he be ignorant of her kinship to himself. He can marry a woman of another tribe, even when she belongs to a geus corresponding to his own, as she is not a real kinswoman. He can marry any woman, not his consanguinity, if she be not among the forbidden affinities. He can marry any of his affinities who is his ihaiiga, being the ija^cjje, ijaiige, i^imi, or i^ujahge of his wife. And vice versa, any woman can marry a man who is the husband of her ija»(-e, i:(afige, i:>imi, or i:)ujauge. If a man has several kindred whom he calls his brothers, and his wife has several female relations who are his ibanga. the men and women can intermarry. 3 ETH — 17 258 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. IMPORTANCE OF THE SIBGEXTES. Were it not for the institution of subgeutes a man would be com- pelled to marry outside of bis tribe, as all the women would be his kin- dred, owing to previous intermarriages between the ten geutes. But in any gens those ou the other side of the gentile "unefe," or fire-place, are uot reckoned as full kindred, though they cannot intermarry. BEMARBIAGE. § 79. A man takes the widow of his real or potential brother in order to become the stepfather (i^adi jiiiga, little father) of his brothei''s chil- dren. Should the widow marry a stranger he might hate the children, and the kindred of the deceased husband do not wish her to take the children so far away from them. Sometimes the stepfather takes the children without their mother, if she be maleficent. Sometimes the dying husband knows that his kindred are bad, so he tells his wife to marry out of his gens. When the wife is dying she may say to her brother, " Pity your brother-in-law. Let him marry my sister." OHAPTEE V. DOMESTIC LIFE. COURTSHIP AND MARRIAGE CUSTOMS. § 80. Age of puberty and marriage. — It is now customary for girls to be married at the age of fifteen, sixteen, or seventeen years among the Omahas, and in the Ponka tribe they generally take husbands as soon as they enter their fifteenth year. It was not so formerly; men waited till they were twenty-five or thirty, and the women till they were twenty years of age. Then, when a consort was si)oken of they used to refer the matter to their friends, who discussed the characters of the parties, and advised accordingly, as they proved good (*. e., industrious and good-tempered, and having good kindred) or bad. Sometimes an Omaha girl is married at the age of fourteen or fifteen ; but in such a case her husband waits about a year for the consummation of the marriage. When a girl matures rapidly she is generally married when she is six- teen; but those who are slow to mature marry when they reach seven- teen. (See § 97.) Dougherty states ^in Longh Expedition to the Rocky Mountains^ \o\. 1, p. 230) that "lu the Omawhaw nation numbers of females are be- trothed in marriage from their infancy. * * * Between the ages of nine and twelve years the young wife is occasionally an invited visit- ant at the lodge of her husband, iu order that she may become famil- iarized with his company and his bed." But such is not the case among the Omahas according to La Fl^che and Two Crows, who say that Dougherty referred to a Kansas custom. § 81. Courtship. — The men court the women either directly or by proxy. The women used to weigh the matter well, but now they hasten to marry any man that they can get. Sometimes the girl told her kindred and obtained their advice. Parents do not force their daugh- ters to marry against their will. Sometimes a girl refuses to marry the man, and the parents cannot compel her to take him. All that they can do is to give her advice : " Here is a good young man. We desire you to marry him." Or they may say to the people, " We have a single daughter, and it is our wish to get her married." Then the men go to court her. Should the parents think that the suitor is not apt to make her a good husband they return his" presents. Suitors may cuny favor with parents and kindred of the girl bj- making presents to them, but parents do not sell their daughters. The presents made for such a pur- pose are generallj- given by some old man who wishes to get a very young girl whom he is doubtful of winning. When a man courts the •259 2fiO OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. girl directly this is uunecessary. Theu lie gives what he pleases to her kindred, aud sometimes they make presents to him. When meu reach the age of forty years without haviug courted auy one the women generally dislike them, aud I'efuse to listen to them. The only exception is when the suitor is beneficent. Such a man gets his father to call four old men, by whom he sends four horses to the lodge of the girl's father. If the latter consents and the girl be willing he consults his kindred, and sends his daughter, with four horses from his own herd, to the lodge of the suitor's father. The latter often calls a feast, to which he invites the kindred of the girl, as well as those of his son. When the girl is sent away by her parents she is placed on one of the horses, which is led by an old man. There is not always a feast, and there is no regular marriage ceremony. A man of twenty-five or thirty will court a girl for two or three years. Sometimes the girl pretends to be unwilling to marry him, just to try his love, but at last she usually consents. Sometimes, when a youth sees a girl whom he loves, if she be willing, he says to her, " I will stand in that place. Please go thither at night." Then after her arrival he enjoys her, and subsequently asks her of her father in marriage. But it was different with a girl who had been petulant, one who had refused to listen to the suitor at first. He might be inclined to take his revenge. After lying with her, he might say, "As you struck me and hurt me, 1 will not marry you. Though you think much of yourself, I despise you." Then would she be sent away without winning him for her husband; and it was customary for the man to make songs about lier. In these songs the woman's name was not mentioned unless she had been a " mi°ckeda," or dissolute woman. One day in 1872, when the writer was on the Ponka Reservation in Dakota, he noticed several young men on horseback, who were waiting for a young girl to leave the Mission house. He learned that they were her suitors, and that they intended to run a race with her after they dismounted. Whoever could catch her would marry her ; but she would take care not to let the wrong one catch her. La Fl^che aud Two Crows maintain that this is not a regular Ponka custom, and they are sure that the girl (a widow) must have been a " mi°ckeda." § 82. Marriage by elopement. — Sometimes a man elopes with a woman. Her kindred have no cause for anger if the man takes the woman as his wife. Should a man get angry because his single daughter, sister, or niece hrocure some of the dried pumpkins and yd (dried meat) that had been buried in caches by the people. They were not left for a long time, generally for but a month or two. The Indians were afraid to aband n (waa"'(J;a) their aged people, lest Wakanda should punish them when they were away from home. They always placed them (i^a'^'wa^g) near their village, where thej' made their home diu'ing the winter. They do not grow gray early, though Mr. Hamilton saw some chil- dren that were gray. But gray hairs are of such rare occurrence that an Omaha woman who has them is called " Gray Hair." When any one has white hair it is regarded as a token that he or she has violated the taboo of the gens, as when an Ictasanda or Wajaje man should touch a snake or smell its odor. § 115. Preparation for a journey. — When a man is about to start on a journey he gets his wife to prepare moccasins and food for him. Then he goes alone to a bluff, and prays to Wakanda to grant him a joyful and stout heart as well as success. (See § 195.) CHAPTER VI. VISITING CUSTOMS. § lie. Medicines or fetiches taken along. — Some of the (JJegiba used to take tbeir respective medicines with them, saying, "Our medicines are wise; they can talk like men, and they tell us how many horses we are to receive from the people to whom we ai'e going." For an account of the dance of discovering the enemy, as Dougherty terms it, see § 271. It is danced by visitors. §117. Mode of approaching a village. — When people go tn make a friendly visit to another tribe, they stop when they are a short distance from the village or camp of their hosts, say at about 100 or 200 yards from it. There they sit on the ground and wait for some one to come and invite them to the village. Generally, each visitor departs with his special friend, or with the messenger sent from the village by that friend. On some occasions, all the visitors have been invited to one lodge, but these have been very unusual. The Omahas, Ponkas, Dako- tas, Pawnees, and other tribes act thus when they visit. THK CALUMET DANCE. § lis. The Calumet Dance. — The generic term is "w^wa"," in ^egiha, answering to the j^oiwere •' waya"'we" (the specific of which is "dkiwa"," j,oiwere, akiya"we), to dance the calumet dance for any particular per- son. But the word makes no refereDce to dancing or singing. It is equivalent to " waqiibe ekicfi?," to inal;e a sacred kinship. He who wishes to confer this degree is called " wawa° akd," the dancer of the calumet dance, which is also the title of those who assist him. He for whom the dance is made is the "awa"i aki'i," who becomes the adopted sou of the other man. § lit). The preliminary feast. — When a man contemplates adopting anotJier man in this dauce he invites all the other chiefs to a feast, and consults them. When the person has not been selected he says to them, "Wawama" ka"'b^a. I"wi'"(f ixi'dai-ga " — I irish to dance the calumet dance for some one ; look ye around for mf (and see who would be the proper object). But if he has already selected the person, he says to the chiefs, "Awauia" ka"'bpear. (See Kiuship, § 78.) A child is danced for but ouce by the same party. Should they come again, there are no ceremonies observed but the giving of horses and goods. The children thus honored are from five to six years of age, none over ten years of age can be thus adopted. Frank La Fleche said, " Cauge-ska d.anced this dance for my father, who therefore, called him 'father' ; and I, too, call Caiige-ska my father. So all the Weji"cte people (being my father's gens by adoption), called Caiige-skn, 'father' for four years. Then the kinship ceased. During that period it would have been unlawful for any of my family to inter- marry with the gens of Caiige-ska." The Poukas are not fully acquainted with the calumet dance. They use but one pipe; but the Omahas always have two pipes. CHAPTEE VIJ. IXDUSTEIAL OCCI'PATIOXS. § 127. luclustrial occnpatious ainoug the ^egiha may be treated of in three graud divisions : I. Those relating to the Susteuauce of Life ; II. Those conceruiug the Protection of Life; III. Those which have to do with the Eegulatioii of Life. The first and second of these divisions are not fully differentiated. To the first division may be assigned those industries pertaining to Food, Clothing, and Shelter. Food is obtained by hunting, trapping, fishing, and cultivation of the ground. In order to obtain it one is obliged to resort to weapons, traps, farming implements, &c ; and to prepare it for a meal, there are several processes required, as well as implements or utensils used in those processes. This gives rise to another kind of industry, the manufacture of those weapons, traps, implements, and utensils. Among the industries pertaining to the Protection of Life are "War Customs (especially defensive warfare) and the Practice of Bledieine. (See Chapters IX and X.) The following are connected with theEegulation of Life : The Govern- ment and the Law. (See Chapters XI and XII.) The following relate to the Sustenance of Life. HUNTING CUSTOMS. § 128. Kinds of hunting. — There are two kinds of hunting known among the (pegiha. One is called "abae," answering to the j^oiwere "kiuan}[ra," and the "wotihni" of the Dakotas. This refers to the hunting of the larger animals by a few men, or even by one person, the family of each hunter having been left at home or in the tribal camp. The other kind is the " 40 une," when all the people go in a body, with their families, moving from place to place as they seek for herds of butitaloes. This latter is often called " gaqfa"' " by the Omahas and Ponkas, and " jiiqra"* " by the xoi^ere tribes. § 129. Hunting seasons. — The summer huut was not undertaken till the corn and i)umpkins had been planted, the weeds cut, and the beans gathered. The time for the return was when the wind blew open the " jaqcazi," the sunflowers and the flowers of other species of the '"ja," which was about the first of September. It was only during the sum- 23:! 284 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY luer Luut that the tribe camped iu the tribal circle ou the open prairie. The fall or wiuter huut gave a name to the season when it began "t'a°- gar|(J-a°," the hunting fall, or later fall, as distinguished from "fa" "the harvest or earlier fall. This later fall corresponded with the latter ])art of October. Then some of the men took their families with them, and went iu pnrsuit of deer, or occupied themselves with trapping beaver and otter. But most of the people went on the tiill hunt when they sought the " me-ha," literally, " spring hides," that is, those which had thick hair. They did not camp in the tribal circle, as it was too cold to pitch their tents ou the open prairie ; but each head of a family had his tent i)itched in a sheltered spot ; and for this purpose the hunters did not always go in oue large party, but scattered in several directions, camping wherever they could find heavy timber or brush that could protect their lodges during heavy winds. They returned home iu the spring about the mouth of April. § loO. Preliminary Jeast heldhefore the departure for the summer hunt. — The principal chief or head man of the Hanga gens prepared a feast, to which he invited all the chiefs and brave men. An Inke-sabg man was sent as ieki(j;e (crier, herald) or wag(J;a (messenger) around the village, and he called to each guest to bring his bowl and spoon. When the guests had assembled at the lodge of the HaQga chief the two primnpal chiefs sat at the back of the lodge, opposite the entrance, and on each side of them were ranged the subordiuate chiefs around the circle, ac- cording to their rank. After them were seated the braves, as far as the entrance, ou the left side of which sat the giver of the feast, while on the right side were the wag^a (Waka''ma"(j;i° and jjeha°-ma°(fi", the keepers of the sacred tents of the Haiiga), who were expected to attend to the fire aud the kettles. The sacred pipes were lighted, according to the prescribed rules, aud passed around the circle. (See §§ 18 and 111.) The object of the couucil was explained by one of the head chiefs say- ing, " Come ! consider the question. Let us remove. In how many days shall we remove?" The question was then discussed by others, aud having agreed among themselves what course to pursue, one said, " Cqe ctl gifita^i }[i, wata"' zi-hi cti g^ita"! jp, driba ja°' jji, a^wa^'ha^tai" — When they hare prepared their caches and have worked {i. e., examined) their curnstalks, let us remove after an interval of four days. When the chiefs perceived what was the sense of the council they decided on the route. When the food was sufiflcieutly cooked the wag^a removed the kettles from the fire. Then oue of the head chiefs called a young man by name, saying, " Cha" C(5t6 we'^itaii' gti," Handle that little for us. Then the young mau holding a spoon in his right hand dipped it into one of the kettles, took out a piece of a choice part of the meat. His lefc hand being elevated, with extended palm, he presented the meat iu the spoon to each of the four winds, beginning at the entrance of the lodge, and he finished the ceremony by casting the meat into the fire. DORSET.] HUNTING CUSTOMS FEAST DEPARTURE. 285 Then the food was served out to the guests, the best ])ortions of it being placed before the chiefs. Each person who received a i)ortiou thaukedthehost, using the appropriate kiuship term, as, "Hau! ji"(j;eha!" Thanks! elder brother! — "Hau! kage!" Thankfi! younger brother! — "Hau! neglha!" Thankn! mo1her''s brother! The okl men ])resent thanked the host, chiefs, and young men. Food is precious to them, so they talked a long time about it. The young men left some of the food in the kettles for the criers and old men, who then ate out of the ket- tles instead of bowls. The feast ended, smoking succeeded, after which the guests rose in succession, thanked the host, and passed out of the lodge in an orderly manner, beginning with those on the left of the en- trance and fii-eplace. These passed in single file before the head chiefs, and round the rest of the circle of the guests, till they reached the en- trance when they passed out. Then those on the right of the fireplace made a complete circuit of the lodge, passed before the head chiefs and went out of the lodge. In each case the guest followed the course of the sun as he appears to revolve around the earth. The criers sang through the village in praise of the host, whom they thanked for his hospitality. They also thanked the chiefs and young men who were present at the feast ; and they proclaimed to the people the decision of the council. § 131. Preparations for the departure. — The women buried in caches whatever they wished to leave. Food, etc., was placed in a blanket, which was gathered up at the corners and tied with a thong; then the bundle was allowed to fall to the bottom of the cache. Many of such bundles were put into a single cache. Then the women went over the cornfields to see that all the work had been finished. They prepared their pack-saddles and litters, and mended moccasins and other cloth- ing. The young men spent part of the time in dancing in honor of the "watcigaxe ^i uue^6 akd," the men at whose lodges the dancing socie- ties met. § 132. The departure. — The day for their departure having arrived, the women loaded their horses and dogs, and took as great weights on their own backs as they could conveniently transport. Such lodges as were left unoccupied by aged or infirm people wei'e secured by closing the entrances with large quantities of brushwood. Those men who were the owners of many horses were able to mount their families on horseback, but the most of the people were obliged to go afoot. Be- fore starting the place for passing the night was detf^rmined and an Inke-sabe man was sent through the village as crier saying, "Maja"' ga((uadi (faji te,ai,a(fa+ !'" — They say, indeed, that you shall pitch the tents in t\at land which is out of sight! He described the location of the place as he made this proclamation, so that the abae-ma (hunters or scouts) might know where they were expected to rejoin the people. This precaution was taken each succeeding night, or else on the mor row before the departure of the hunters. 286 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. § 133. The Hujufia or Tribal Circle.— {See §§ 9-12). They generally selected some place uear a stream, aud they tried to find a level spot large enough to allow the formation of a single hu(j;uga, but when so large a level could not be had, the Omahas pitched their lodges in two concentric circles, and the Ponkas in three circles of that arrangement. The exact order of the encampment of the gentes in these concentric circles has not been preserved. As soon as the tents were erected each woman put up her wiima^ciha, of which there were two or three for each tent. They were used for drying the 5anuj[a or fresh meat, and each was made by sticking into the ground two forked sticks that were about four feet high, about six or eight feet apart, and placing a ]X)le across tliem. The pieces of meat were hung across the transverse pole of each wama°ciha. After the setting up of the tent of one of the keepers of the wa^ixabe or sacred bags, a stick was thrust in the ground outside the tent, and the wa^ixabe was hung on it, provided there was no rain. But should a rain ensue after the bag was hung outside, or if it was raining at the time the tent was pitched, the stick was set up without delay within the tent, and the bag was hung on it. § 134. The Wa(f;a° or directors of the hunt. — The chiefs always ap- pointed four men to act as directors of the hunt. He who wished to be the principal director had to provide a pipe aud a standard called the " waciibe." The former had a bowl of red pipe-stone, but was not one of the sacred pipes. The latter consisted of an oak or hickory stick about eight feet long, and reddened, to which was fastened a row of eagle feathers, some of which were white and others spotted. Their use will be explained hereafter. A "nikide" (see § 151) was fastened to the top of the stick. The chiefs said to the directors, '• It is good to do such and such things." The directors considered whether it would be right or not, and finally decided what course should be pur- sued. Then, if any accident occurred, or quarrels between men or women, dog fights, high winds, rain, etc., ensued, the director who had advised going in that direction was blamed, and his advice was disre- garded from that time, so he had to resign, and let some one else take his place. During the last summer hunt of the Omahas the directors weie Icta^abi, Nugii, and Duba-ma"(j;i", of the Inke-sabe gens, and a fourth man, whose name has been forgotten. Icta(J!abi succeeded his father as the principal director.'^ § 135. When the people stopped and camped for only a single night, '-These ilirectois ■were not necessarily lilke-sabg men. The wacabe and pipe were always abandoned wLf^u the people were about to retnm home. The order of cere- monies varied. Sometimes the sacred pole was anointed after the first herd of buffa- loes had been surrounded. In that case the abandonment of the wacabe and pipe was postponed awhile. Sometimes they were abandoned before the pole was anointed ; and sometimes they were retained till the end of the Hede-watci. They were abandoned during the day. The pipe was fastened across the middle of tha wacabe, which was stuck into the ground on a hill. L.OKSEV.1 TRIBAL CIRCLE — DIRECTORS SCOUTS. 287 the act was called " u;i;" but wheu they stopped at a place for two or more days, the act was known as "epaze." This latter happened wheu the horses were tired or the weather was bad. " V^i di'iba satiV da"'- ctea"' 5[i, ^pazai" — When they had vamped but one night at each place for four or five nights, tuey stopped to rest for two or more days. § 136. Appointment of the scouts. — It was generally two or three weeks after the departure from the village that they reached the country where the buflalo abounded. IMeanwhile, the people were frequentLj' in need of food, so it was customary for some of the men to leave the camp each moniing to seek game of any kind for the sustenance of the tribe till the buflalo herds were suri'ounded. This service, too, was sometimes called "abac," and, also, " wada"'be ^6," to go to see or scout; and the men were " abae-ma" or " wada^'bema." Before their depart- ure they were summoned to the Wacabe tent by Tcilhlc, the aged liike- sabS crier, who stood by that tent, and called for each man in a loud voice. The man himself was not named, but the name called was that of his small son. Thus, wheu Two Crows was summoned, Tcahic said, " Gai"-baji hau-f ! " as the latter was then the young son of Two Ci'ows, and the father knew that he was summoned. When the fathers had assembled at the Wacabe tent, each one was thus addressed by the principal director: " You shall go as a scout. No matter what thing you see, you shall re]Jort it just as it is. If you do not tell the truth may you be struck by lightning! May snakes bite you! May men slay you! May your feet hurt you! May your horse throw you!" When the sons are large enough they go themselves as scouts when called by name. These scouts or hunters were expected to bring to the camp what game they killed, and to reconnoiter the surrounding country for buflalo and enemies. They used to traverse a vast extent of country, and to shoot at all animals except the buffalo. Whenever those who went the farthest came in sight of the butialo, or discovered signs of their prox- imity, they dared not shoot at the animals, but they were bound to return at once to the tribe to report the fact. When they got in sight of the camp, or of the tribe in motion, tliey made signs with their blank- ets or robes. (See First Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology. Sign Language, p. 532.) § 137. Return of the .scouts when the tents are pitched. — If the tents were pitched when the scouts came in sight, the latter went at once to the Wacabe tent, where the Lie-sa"-ha is kept. As soon as each director heard or learnt of the coming of the scouts, he proceeded to the Wacabe tent. When all four had arrived the scouts made a report. They never told any news on such occasion till they reached the sacred tent ; and when they reported, they did not say, " We saw buflalo." They had to say, if they discovered a herd, " TJci^jii(j;e-dega", %e-i ebcfega"" — I may have deceived myself, but I thinlc that they were buf aloes. The words 288 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. are proDounced very deliberately. "How many were there?" said the directors. The reply might be, " I thitdc about forty." They were afraid of telling a falsehood to the directors aud the keeper of the sacred tent. Big Elk said that when they reported they used to give a good robe to the pole in the other sacred tent, but this is denied by La Fleche aud Two Crows. After hearing the report the directors sent the crier for the chiefs, who assembled at the Wacabe tent. He also proclaimed that all the young men should go thither ; so they went, and stood outside. The Hauga man (tlie keeper of the sacred tent?) told the young men, "In such a direction there are so many buffaloes." Then the men left the women in the camp, mounted their horses, and hastened towards the herd. § 138. Return of the scmtts tchen the people are moving. — If the people were moving along when the scouts came in sight, the four directors proceeded in advance to meet the scouts, and the liike-sabe crier ac- companied them. He marched behind the directors till they met the scouts, when he advanced to the front, and received the report from one of the scouts, who spoke in a whis])er. Then the crier whispered the news to the principal director, who stood on his left, and he whis- pered it to the next director, and so ou. After the crier told the tir>t. director, the former stepped backward several jtaces to the rear of the four directors, aud lay down with his head pointing in the direction whence the scouts caiue. After all of the directors heard tlie news, they smoked once, aud then sent the crier to proclaim the news. The scouts proceeded to their families after delivering their report to the directors. The crier proclaimed thus : "(J'azige te, ai a(fa+!" That is, " They say indeed that you shall halt ! " The tents were pitched im- mediately, as the people knew that a herd of buflaloes had been found. Then the men hastened toward the herd, each one being mounted. § 139. Some of the men used to address their horses thus: "Ho, my child! do your best. I shall do my best." This was not said by all. Some gave medicine to their horses to make them swift. (See the ,jafi"-wasal)e dance. Chapter X.) § 140. Council and appointment of policemen. — As soon as they could see the herd they stopi)ed. Then the crier called certain young men by name, saying, " Let us consecrate some ^a or sides of buft'alo meat. You will take a ^a for me." (See § 151.) A council was held by the chiefs and directors, and having decided to surround the herd, ])olice- iiien were appointed. These wanace were selected from the wahehajl or brave men. They had no work to do till they were near the herd. Then they had to watch the peoi)le to keej) them from scaring ofl' the herd by moving before the proper time. All who disobeyed them were severely punished. Cada^tice, an aged Omaha, who is now lame and palsied in one limb, was once strong and highly esteemed by his people; but he violated the rules of the hunt, and all the policemen flogged him DORSET.) POLICEMEN — SURROUNDING A HERD. 289 SO unmercifully that he never fully recovered from the effects of his punishment. The offense was committed when the people had been un- successful in finding a herd, and were almost starved. Suddenly some buffaloes were discovered. Though it was against the law for any small number of men to go against the herd, independently of the rest, two or three, including Cada(j;ice, disobeyed, and, rushiug forward, scared off the herd, so that none were caught. On another hunt, when the men were behind a bank, seven of them wished to ascend the hill sooner than Two Crows directed. They started up against his wishes ; but he rushed after them and lashed them right and left with his whip, com- pelling them to desist. During the council the chiefs said, " Let us consecrate some buffalo tongues, and also two or four hearts." Then, calling on two of the young men, they said, "Young men, you will get the hearts and tongues for us, and place them together at the sacred tent." § 141. Order of approaching and surrounding a herd. — The attack- ing party was always led by two men carrying the sacred objects be- longing to the principal director; one man carried the pipe, and the other bore the wacabe standard. They marched abreast, and behind them came the two young men who had been chosen to collect the hearts and tongues. The latter wore no clothing but their breech -cloths, and they carried only their bows and knives. Behind them came the hunt- ers, not going abreast or in any fixed order, but somewhat scattered. When the two leaders reached the proper distance from the herd they separated, one going to the right and the other to the left, each one proceeding in a course nearly the shape of a semicircle, and followed by half of the men. . They began to form their lines for surrounding the herd, and the leaders ran on till they had met in the rear of the herd, and then passed one another, going a short distance around on the op- posite side. Then the attack began. The bearers of the pipe and standard were called " 'A^'sagi-ma," the swift ones. § 142. Collection of the hearts and tongues. — After they separated in front of the herd the two young men behind them did not follow them, but kept straight ahead towards the front of the herd, where they stopped. They were obliged to be constantly on the alert in order to avoid the onset of any buffalo that might rush towards them. As soon as they saw that an animal was down they rushed towards it and pro- ceeded to cut out the heart and tongue. Then they passed to the next one that was slain, and so on. Each one cut out eight or ten tongues, but he was obliged to cut a hole in the throat before taking out the tongue, which was drawn through that hole. This was the last time that the tongues could touch any tool or metal, except when they were boil- ing in the kettles at the sacred tent. As fast as the men removed the hearts and tongues they cut holes in them, through which was thrust one end of a bow. When all were strung on the bows they were se- cured by tying pieces of green hide to the ends of each bow. The bow 3 ETH 19 290 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. aud its burden was placed on the back of the owner while the green hide or bow-string went across the chest. Then the young men ran quickly in advance of the hunters and gave the hearts and tongues to the keeper of the Wacabe tent. § 143. The feast on the hearts and tongues. — In the evening, when all the policemen and other hunters had returned to the camj), the two keepers of the HaSga sacred tents boiled the hearts and tongues. As soon as they were done an luke-sabe man was sent as crier to invite the chiefs, who proceeded to the Wacabe tent. On some of these occasions all of the chiefs and Haiiga mendid notattend,so, whenthereweremany tongues, and few chiefs were present, some of the brave young men were invited to assist in consuming the sacred food. None of the Wa- cabe Haiiga could eat the sacred tongues, though any of the other Haiiga who were present might do so. None of the meat was then cut with a knife. Bach guest was obliged to eat his portion there, as he could not take it to his own lodge. He must put one cornerof bis robe (the wai°hahage or lower part) on the ground, and having placed the piece of meat on that, he had to raise the improvised dish to his mouth aud bite off a mouthful at a time. Even when the blanket was a new one that would be soiled the wearer could not avoid using it thus. This ceremony was observed four times during the summer hunt. After the surrounding of the fourth herd there were no further prohibitions of the use of a knife or bowl during that season. When the people divide and go in two parties during the summer hunting season, only those who have the sacred tents observe the cere- monies which have just been described. The others did not consecrate any hearts and tongues. While the guests were eating certain sacred songs were sung. Ac- cording to La Fleche and Two Crows, the singers were two of the Wa- cabe Hafiga and the (f atada man who acted as qu^ia ; but Frank La Fleche says that the singers were the Hafiga guests who ate the tongues. The luke-sabe crier sat by the door, looking wistfully towards the food, and hoping almost against hope for some to be left for him. These songs were very many, and lasted till daylight, according to A^'bah^be, the tribal historian. From him the writer gained an incom- plete description of them. First were the corn songs : 1. " I clear the land." 2. " I put in corn." 3. " The corn comes up." 4. " Ukit'6 t*a°, It has blades." 5. Q(J;4 6(j;a°be, The cars appear." G. " Wahilba najiha t'a". The ears have hair, i. e., silk." 7. Egiife a^'^ispa", At length tee try the cars, squeezing them tcith the fingers, to see if they are ripe." 8. "I3gi(j;e jut'a° ^i, At length it is ripe." 9. " figi^e wahiiba a"'^ija, At length iPe pull off the ears from the stalks." 10. " I5gi(fe wahi'iba a"'((!iga, At length tee husk the ears." 11. " figiifse wah^ba a°'^icpi, 4< length we shell the corn." 12. " l5gi(j;e wahdba a^'^ate, At length ice eat the corn." Then followed the buffalo songs in similar order, of which were DonsEv.l FEAST ON THE HEARTS AND TONGUES — SACRED SONGS. 291 the following : " Sig<^e wada°'be, The tracks are seen." " j,6 wada^'be ag^i, They have come back from seeing the buffalo." " jahe i)Ad'6 a^ai', They hare gone to the hill that is near by." * * * "j^e wi° au hS, I have tcounded a buffalo." "Hiiqpaqpa ma°^i°', He icalks coughing repeatedly." This last refers to a habit of wounded buffaloes, they cough repeatedly as the blood pours forth. La Flfeche and Two Crows say that they never attended these feasts, so they cannot give the words of the songs. Frank La Fl^che says, "None besides the HaEigas and chiefs can give you correctly all of the songs of the corn and buffalo, as it is looked upon as sacrilege to sing these songs. The young people are strictly forbidden to sing them. None of the young Omahas have taken any pains to learn them, although we have often been to listen to the singing of them while the Haiigas and the chiefs were performing the ceremonies of the pole. Tou may, but I very much doubt it, get it all from one of the Hafigas or chiefs by liberally compensating him for his patience (of which I fear he wouldn't have enough) iu going through with it, as it takes three or four nights without stopping, lasting from sundown till sunrise; and even then they find, sometimes, that they have omitted some." I my- self would like to know it all, but I have never ouce heard it sung by any of the young men with whom I am accustomed to go, although they frequently have had the presumption to sing all other religious songs, such as the I"'kug(J;i acjji'", Wacicka aifi"', Was6 a^i"', etc., for amuse- ment." § 144. Skill in archery. — So great is the skill of the Indians in archery, that they frequently sent their arrows completely through the bodies of the animals at which they shot, the arrow-heads appearing in such cases on the opposite side. Dougherty heard that in some instances the arrows were sent with such force that they not only passed entirely through the bodies of the buffaloes, but even went flying through the air or fell to the ground beyond the animals. § 145. Sets of arrows. — As each man had his own set of arrows dis- tinguished from those of other men by peculiar marks, he had no diffi- culty in recovering them after the slaughter of the herd, and by means of them he could tell which animals were killed by him. Hence quar- rels respecting the right of property in game seldom occurred, and the carcass was awarded to the more fortunate person whose arrow pierced the most vital part. § 146. Frank La Flfeche killed his first buffalo when he was but sev- enteen years of age. On such occasions the slayer citt open the body and ate the liver with the gall over it. § 147. Carving and division of a buffalo. — When plenty of buffalo had "The Osages have an account of the orgin of com, etc., in one of their sacred songs preserved in their secret society. They do not allow their young men to learn these songs. The writer has au abstract of this account obtained from one of the Osage chiefs. It takes four days or nights to tell or chant the tradition of any Osage gens. 292 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. been killed, the slayer of one took but one man to aid him in cutting it up, and each man took half of the body as his share. All agree in say- ing that the hide was kept by the slayer, and some say that the choice pieces were also his. Sometimes the slayer gave pieces of the meat to those of his kindred who had no horses. All recognize the right of the slayer to give the pieces as he saw best. He was generally assisted in the cutting up by four or five men, and the body was divided into six portions, as follows : The :)e-maii'ge or chest, one share ; the (je-na^'qa or hump, one share ; the ije-ju' or front portions of the body, two shares, with each of which was put a foreleg; the :je-j6ga or thighs, the hinder portions of the body, two shares ; with one was put the ;e-nixa or paunch, with the other, the :je-cibe or entrails. The men who assisted were not necessarily of the same gens or tribe. Sometimes the slayer took only the hide for his part and gave all the rest away. According to Frank La Fl^che, " the first man who reached a slain buffalo had for his share, if the animal was fat, one of the !je-ju and the ;je-nixa ; but if it was lean, he took one of the ^e-jega and the je-nixa. The second man that reached there received the other ^e-ju, and the third had the ^e- mange. The fourth one's share consisted of the i}a"'he or ije-cibe and the other ijejega. But if the slayer of the animal wished any of these parts he could keep them. The je-di or liver was good for nothing." Should only one buflalo be killed by a large party, say, thirty or more, the slayer always cut up the body in many pieces of equal size and di- vided among all the hunters. Sometimes two or three men came and helped the slayer to carve the body. Then he gave each a share. If a chief who had not been invited to sit down came and assisted in the carv- ing, he too would get a share; but he had no right to demand a part, much less the whole body, for himself, as some writers assert. When a chief approached a carcass the slayer, if he chose, could tell him to sit down. Then the slayer, after cutting up the body, might give a i>iece to the chief, saying, " Take that and carry it on your back." Then the chief would thank the donor. If the chief could not tell in public of the kindness of his benefactor, the slayer would not give him a piece of the meat. When a man killed a buffalo, elk, deer, beaver, or otter, he might carry it to a chief, and say, " Wi'daha", I give it to youJ" § 148. The women never aided in the carving. Sometimes, when a man had no boy to take care of his extra horse, he let his wife ride it, and allowed her to take out the entrails, etc., after he had slit the belly. But if the slayer offered any objection the woman could not do that. As a rule the men took out " tigaqe^a te," or all the intestines, includ- ing the paunch, ^ecibc, etc., and put them aside for the women to un- coil and straighten. § 149. Kinds of buffaloes eaten. — During the winter hunt young buf- falo bulls were eaten, as they were fat, but the full-grown bulls were never eaten, as their flesh was too hard. So in summer the young bulls were not eaten for the same reason. Buffalo cows were always in DonsET.] DIVISION OF A BUFFALO, ETC. 293 good condition for eating, and so were the "^e-mi°quga" or hermaphro- dite buffaloes. The lattter had very long horns. While the Ponkas and Dakotas, when pressed by hunger, might eat the kidneys raw, the Omahas always boiled them before eating. § 150. Disposition of the various parts of the buffalo. — With the excep- tions of the feet and head, all the edible parts of the animal were car- ried to the camp and preserved. The brains (w^^iq^i) were taken from the skull for the purpose of dressing (fiq^i) the skin or converting it into leather. These skins, which were obtained during this season, were called ":)a'ha," and were used in the construction of the skin lodges, as well as for their individual clothing during the warm weather. When but few animals were killed even the feet were taken to the camp, and when they were boiled till they came apart they were eaten. According to Dougherty " three women sufficed for carrying all the pieces of a buffalo, except the skin, to the camp if it was at any moder- ate distance, and it was their duty to prepare the meat, etc., for keep- ing." But Frank La Fltehe says that the women seldom went out to bring in the packs of meat. Men and boys usually carried them. A woman who had any male kindred used to ask some of the younger ones to take her husband's horses and go for the meat. All the meat could be cut into thin slices, placed on low scaffolds, and dried in the sun or over a slow fire. Some, who did not know how to cut good slices, used to cut the ^je-maiige int© strips about two inches wide, called " wasnege." But those who knew how would cut them in three, long slices (waga) for drying. "The bones of the thighs, to which a small quantity of meat was left adhering, were placed before the fire till the meat was sufficiently roasted, when they were broken. The meat and the marrow were considered a most delicious repast. These, with the tongue and hump, were considered the best parts of the ani- mals. The meat, in its dried state, was closely compressed into quad- rangular packages, each of the proper size to attach conveniently to one side of the pack-saddle of a horse. The dried intestines were inter- woven together into the form of mats and tied up in packages of simi- lar form and size." Then the women put these supplies in caches, and the tribe continued onward in the pursuit of other herds. (For a fuller account of the uses of the different parts of the buffalo meat see Chap- ter VIII, § 1G4.) § 151. Ccrtmonies of thanksgiving prior to the return home. Anointing the sacred pole. — It will be noticetl that on the way to the hunt, and nntil the time for the greasing or anointing of the sacred pole, the Wacabe tent is the more important one. But after that a change occurred. The keeper of the other sacred tent, in which is the sacred pole, became the master of ceremonies, and the keeper of the Wacabe tent acted as his assistant. When the people had killed a great many buffaloes they were willing to return to their home. But before they could start they must take part in a religious ceremony, of which a partial description 294 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. follows. The keeper of the pole sent a crier to summou the chiefs, who assembled and decided to perform the sacred rites. For this pnrpose !i ":(a" was boiled at the sacred tents. About a hundred young men were collected there. They who had not yet distinguished themselves in battle went stripped to the waist, and sat in a circle around the tents. Here and there were some of the braves who wore robes, and some had on good shirts. They departed -when they had eaten the food. As they followed the line of the tents several women went after them. Two of these women were they who carried the sacred tents, and with them were three or five others. As the braves proceeded they snatched from each " 4i-u(figije " or ";i-ufipu" (high or low tent) a tent-pole or else a forked stick (Isagc^e) such as were used for hanging the kettles. No one offered any resistance, as they knew the purpose for which the sticks were taken. These tent-poles and isag^e were handed to the women, who carried them to the keepers of the sacred tents. When they arrived there they used the sticks for making a long tent ; and they placed the sacred pole directly in front of the tent, as in the figure. Then the crier (Tcahic) stood at the long tent and proclaimed as follows, by command of the keeper of the sacred pole, calling on each small child by name : " O grandchild, wherever you are standing, even though you bring but one thing, you will put it yonder on the ground for me at a (>hort dis- tance." Over two hundred children of parents that were prosperous were thus invited to make i>resents to the sacred tents. No children of poor people were expected to make any presents, but young men, boys, girls, and even infants, were expected to bring "ja" or their equivalents, if they could afford them. Then came the young men whom the crier had named when they first saw the buffaloes. (See § 140.) Each one brought a "^eju" or side of a buffalo. Sometimes they brought back as many as thirty, forty, or fifty. Then came the fathers with their children who had been called by name, each person bringing four presents in the name of his child. These consisted, in modern times, of a ";a," a gun, a fine robe, and a kettle. Each piece of " ■ja" used at this ceremony was about a yard long and half a yard wide. When a gun could not be had, " nikide," which were very precious, being used for necklaces, were offered instead. Sometimes a horse was the fourth gift. The wahehaji took '"ja," and also horses or goods, as their offer- ings. The keeper of the pole, who could not eat the " ja," then called on the keeper of the Wacabe tent to act for him ; and the latter then proceeded to arrange the pieces of the " ja" before the pole. Selecting the two pieces that were the fattest, he placed them before the pole, as the "nuda^'hauga" or lords. Then he arranged the others in a row with the two, parallel with the long tent. When but few buffaloes had been killed, there was only one row of the "ja" before the pole; but when there had been a very successful hunt, the i)ieces were spread in one and a half, two, or even two and a half rows, each full row being the length of the long tent. Then the keeper of the pole sent a man of his gens to ANOINTING THE SACRED POLE — SHAM FIGHT. 295 the liike-sabS gens for the two sacred pipes. These were takeu by the Haiiga man to the long tent for future use. In the mean time, the prin- cipal pieces of the ja were cut by the keeper of the Wacabe tent in pieces as wide as one hand, and as long as from the elbow to the tips of the fingers (fully eighteen inches). These pieces of fat were mixed with red clay, and then the compound was rubbed over the sacred pole. Some say that throughout this ceremony sacred songs were sung : "A"'- ba i^dug^gqti waa"' g^i°i," They sat singing throughout the day. (See § 143 for what Frank La Fleche says on this point.) When the anoint- ing was completed the remaining ^ja were collected, and divided among the Hauga people who could not eat the tongues. Sometimes the chiefs received one apiece; and the keeper of the pole asked for one, two, three, and sometimes four, which he gave to the kindred of his wife, as he could not eat that part of the buffalo. According to some, the keeper of one of the Haiiga sacred tents prayed over the sacred object which was tied upon the pole, extending the palms of his hands towards it. Then evei-y one had to be silent and keep at a certain distance from the long tent. Inside that tent were seated twelve men in a row. (The writer suspects that ten chiefs, one from each gens, and the two keepers of the Hauga sacred tents were the occupants of the long tent. See below.) When the presents poie7and'ro'w3'of'^^'jS''°witbii were made to the sacred pole, ^^Legend.-l, Thetent; 2, Thepole, 3, Therows young girls led horses and brought blankets to the two sacred men, and were allowed to touch the sacred pole. The wife of a former trader at the Omaha Agency, when very sick, was taken in a wagon to witness the praying before the sacred pole, in hope that it might cause her recovery. § 152. The sham fight. — After the pole was anointed, the chiefs spoke of pretending to engage with enemies. So a member of the -^a,^z% gens (in modern times MitcAqpe-jifiga or Maja^'ha-^i" held this oiBce) was ordered by the keeper of the pole to siimmon the stout-hearted young men to engage in the combat. Mitcaqpe-jiiiga used to go to each brave man and tell him quietly to come to take part in the fight. According to some he proclaimed thus : "Ye young men, decorate yourselves and come to play. Come and show yourselves." Then the young men as- sembled. Some put on head-dresses of eagles' feathers, others wore ornaments of crow feathers (and skins of coyotes) in their belts. Some 296 OMAHA SOCIOLOGY. decorated their horses. Some were armed with guus ; others with bows aud arrows. The former loaded their weapous with powder alone; the latter pulled their bow-strings, as if against foes, but did not shoot the arrows. The flaps of the skins in front of the long tent were raised from the ground and kept up by means of the isag^e or forked sticks. Within the long tent were seated the chiefs (ten of them ? — see above) aud the two keepers of the sacred tents. The chiefs had made four grass fig- ures in the shape of men, which they set up in front of the long teut. After the young men assembled they rode out of the circle and went back towards a hill. Then they used to send some one on foot to give the alarm. This man ran very swiftly, waving his blanket, and saying, " We are attacked!" All at once the horsemen appeared and came to the tribal circle, around which they rode once. When they reached the Weji°cte and Ictasauda tents they dispersed, each one going wherever he pleased. Then the occupants of the long tent took the places of the horsemen, being thenceforth regarded as Dakotas. As soon as the horsemen dispersed the pursuers of the foe started out from all parts of the tribal circle, hastening towards the front of the long tent to attack the supposed Dakotas. These pursuers evidently included many of the horsemen. They shot first at the grass figures, taking close aim at them, and knocking them down each time that they fired. Having shot four times at them, they dismounted and pretended to be cutting up the bodies. This also was done four times. Next the pursuers passed between the grass figures and the place where the "^ja" had been, in order to attack the occupants of the long tent. Four times did they fire at one another, and then the shooting ceased. Then followed the smoking of the two sacred pipes as tokens of peace. These were filled by a member of the HaSga gens and lighted by some one else. (See Sacred Pipes, § 17.) They were carried first to the chiefs in the long tent, aud then over to the young men representing the pursuers. Here and there were those who smoked them. The pipes were taken around four times. Then they were consigned by the keeper of the pole to one of the men of his sub-gens, who took them back to their own tent. When he departed he wrapped around them one of the oflferings made by the brave men to the sacred pole. He returned the bundle to the keeper of the pipes without saying a word. The writer has not been able to learn whether the }e-sa°-ha was ever exposed to public gaze during this ceremony or at any other time. Frank La Flfeche does not know. After the anointing of the pole (and the conclusion of the sham fight) its keeper took it back to its tent. This was probably at or after the time that the sacred pipes were returned to the Irike-sabS tent. The tent skins used for the covering of the long tent consisted of those belonging to the two sacred tents of the Haiiga, and of as many others as were required. DORSET.! SHAM FIGHT — HEDE-WATCI. 297 § 153. The Hede-watci. — Sometimes the ceremonies ended witli tlie sham fight, in which event the people started homeward, especially when they were in a great hurry. But when time allowed the sham fight was followed by a dance, called the H(§de-watci'. When it occurred it was not under the control of the keepers of the two sacred tents, but of the lukc-sabe keeper of the two sacred pipes. On the evening of the day when the sham fight took place, the chiefs generallj' assembled, and consulted together about having the dance. But the proposition came from the keeper of the pipes. Then the chiefs said, " It is good to dance." The dance was appointed for the following day. On the morrow five, six, or seven of the Inke-sabfi men, accompanied by one of their women, went in search of a suitable tree. According to La Fleche and Two Crows, when the tree was found, the woman felled it with her ax, and the men carried it on their shoulders back to the camp, marching in Indian file. Frank La Fleche says that the tree was cut during the evening previous to the dance; and early the next morning, all the young men of the tribe ran a race to see who could reach the tree first. (With this compare the tradition of the race for the sacred pole, § 36, and the race for the tree, which is to be used for the sun-dance, as practiced among the Dakotas). He also says that when the sham fight ended early in the afternoon, the Hede- watci could follow the same day. (In that event, the tree had to be found and cut on the preceding day, and the race for it was held early in the morning before the anointing of the sacred pole.) In the race for the tree, the first young man who reached it and touched it, could carry the larger end on his shoulder; the next one who reached it walked behind the first as they bore the tree on their shoulders ; and so on with the others, as many as were needed to carry the tree, the last one of whom had to touch the extreme end with the tips of his fingers. The rest of the young men walked in single file after those who bore the tree. Frank La Flfeche never heard of the practice of any sacred rites previous to the felling of the tree. Nothing was prepared for the tree to fall on, nor did they cause the tree to fall in any particu- lar direction, as was the case when the Dakotas procured the tree for the sun-dance.'^ In the sun-dance, the man who dug the " uj6;i" in the middle of the tribal circle for the sun-pole had to be a brave man, and he was obliged to pay for the privilege. Frank La Flfeche could not tell whether there were similar requirements in the case of him who dug the ujeji for the pole in the Hede-watci ; nor could he tell whether the man was always chosen from the liike-sabe gens. When the men who bore the tree reached the camp they planted it '