Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2010 with funding from The Library of Congress http://www.archive.org/details/congressof1826at00inte 51ST Congress, > SENATE. 5 Ex. Doc. 232, 1st Session. \ ) Pm-t 4 INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCE. REPORTS OF COMMITTEES AND DISCUSSIONS THEREON. Volume IV. HISTORICAL APPENDIX. THE CONGRESS OF I82G. AT PANAMA. AND SUBSEQUENT MOVEJIENTS TOWARD A CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN NATIONS. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1890. 51sT Congress, > SENATE. ( Ex. Doc. 2;52, 1st Session. ) i Part 4. INTERNATIONAL AMERICAN CONFERENCE. REPORTS OF COMMITTEES AND DISCUSSIONS THEREON. Volume IV. HISTORICAL APPENDIX. THE CONGRESS OF lS2(i, AT PANAMA, AND SUBSEQUENT MOVEMENTS TOWARD A CONFERENCE OF AMERICAN NATIONS. WASHINGTON: GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE. 1890. 4- ^\ 5:*- By trap'*^ SEP 15 1908 O TABLE OK CONTENTS Historical Papers relating to the Congress at Panama. Adams, President John Quincy. Message to Congress, 1835. . 19 Adams, President John Quincy, nominates Commissioners to Panama Congress 23 Adams, President John Quincy, reply to Resohition of In- quiry from the House of Repi'esentatives 34 Address of President of Panama Congress 101 Agreement, secret, of South American Republics. 1836 197 Agreement of Panama Congress 113 Anderson, Richard C. , nominated commissioner to Panama Congress 33-53 Anderson, Richard C. , commissioner, instructions to 113, 151 Bolivar's suggestion of International Conference 155 Bolivar's " Prophetic Letter " 158 Canaz, Antonio Jose, to Henry Clay '33 ' Central American Minister to Henry Clay 32 ■ Clay, Henry, letter to the President on Panama Congress. .. 23 Clay, Henry, to Mexican Blinister 30, 99 Clay, Hem-y, to Central American Minister 33 Clay, Henry, reply to Resolution of iTiquiry 50 Clay, Hem-y, instructions to United States Delegates 113, 151 Colombia ratifies action of Panama Congress 301 I Colombian Minister to Henry Clay 37, 111 Commissioners, U. S. , to the Panama Congress nominated ... 93 Commissioners to Panama, Senate refuses to confirm 53 Commissioners to Panama Congress 101 Constitutional history of the United States, extracts from. . 7 Conference, International, proposed by Bolivar 155 Delegates, United States, instructions to 113 Foreign affairs, report of Senate Committee on 53 Foreign affairs, report of committee on, H. of R. , 1836 81 Guatemala represented at Panama Congress 101 Guatemala refuses to ratify action of Panama Congress. . . . 301 Installation of President of Panama Congress 101 3 Page. Congress at Panama— Contmued. Instructions, Mr. Clay's, to United States delegates 113, 151 Message of President Adams to Congress, 1825 19 Message of President Adams in reply to the Resolution of Inquiry 34 Message of President Adams to Congi-ess, 1839 113 Mexican Minister to Henry Clay 35, 101 Mexico represented at Panama Congress 101 Mexico refuses to ratify action of Panama Congress 301 Monroe Doctrine, history of 13 Notes on Panama Congress by J. I. Rodriguez 155 Obregon, Pablo, to Henry Clay 25 Pei-u represented at Panama Congress 101 Peru refuses to ratify action of Panama Congress 301 Poinsett, Mr., letter to Hemy Clay 101, 110 Proceedings of Panama Congress 173 Protocols of Panama Congress 113, 174 Report of the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, 1836. . . 53 Report of the Committee on Foreign A£fah-s, H. of R. , 1836 . . 81 Representatives, House of, Resolution of Inquiry 34 Representatives, House of, reply to, by Mr. Clay 50 Repi'esentatives, House of, appi-oves appointment of Commis- sioners 81 Resolution of Inquiry, reply of Henry Clay to 50 Results of Panama Congress 174 Rochester, WiUiam B. , Secretaiy to Panama Congress 33 Salazar, Jose Maria, to Henry Clay 30, 111 Senate, U. S., refuses to confirm Delegates to Panama 53 Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, report of 53 Sergeant, John, Commissioner to Panama 23-53 Sergeant, Jolm, Commissioner, insti-uctions to 113, 151 Smith, John Speed, Secretary to Panama Congress 152 Tucker, George F. , history of Monroe Doctrine 12 Venezuela represented at Panama Congress 101 Vidaurre, Antonio de. President of Panama Congress 101 Bolivar delivers invitation to the Conference of 1836. 159 Columbia replies to 161 Mexico replies to 163 ChUi replies to 164 Brazil replies to 165 Argentine Republic replies to 166 United States rephes to 30 Bolivar's instructions to Panama Congress 169 Congress at Lima in 1847 203 Chili, treaty with Colombia 220 Conference of 1856 , 307 Congress at Lima in 1864 209 Continental treaty of 1856 207 Congress op 1881 proposed. Invitation from Colombia to 218-237 Argentine Republic, reply of 330 Bolivia, reply of 244 Chili, reply of 233 Costa Rica, reply of 335 Ecuailor, reply of 243 Guatemala, reply of. . 341 Honduras, reply of '. 348 Mexico, reply of 338 Nicaragua, reply of 339 Peru, reply of 334 Salvador, reply of 34I San Domingo, reply of 333 Uruguay, reply of 346 Congress of 1883 proposed 353 Invitation from tlie United States to 355 Bolivia, reply of 266 Brazil, reply of 363 Costa Rica, reply of 357 Guatemala, reply of . . 261 Honduras, reply of 36.5 Mexico, reply of 369 Nicaragua, reply of 365 Salvador, reply of 364 Venezuela, reply of 358 Invitation withdrawn by the United States 273 Ecuador responds to 374 Guatemala responds to 373 Paraguay responds to 377 Salvador responds to 275 Uruguay responds to 376 Congress of Montevideo, 1888. Invitation to Congress of Montevideo 283 Meeting of Congress of Montevideo .... 281 Results of Congress of Montevideo 284 Lagos, Garcia, President, address of 384 Costa, Quirno, address of 286 Conference, International American. Arbitration, scheme presented in House of Representatives . 310 Arbitration scheme in Senate 311 Belmont, Perry, minority report against Conference 330 Bill authorizing Conference pa.ssed 329 Cleveland, President, declines to sign bill authorizing meet- ing of Conference 375 Conference, International American— Continuea. Cookrell, Senator, inteoduces bill for 294 Commission, South American, authorized 308 Cm-tis, William Eleroy, appointed Secretary to South Amer- ican Commission. 309 Ciu'tis, William Eleroy, address before Committee on Foreign Relations. 360 Customs Union proposed 297 Customs Union adversely reported 809 Davis, David, introduces first bill for 293 Foreign Affairs Committee, adverse report on 297 Foreign Relations Committee, report on 399 Frelinghuysen, Secretary, project 300 Frye, Senator, bill to authorize holding the Conference 313 Frye, Senator, bill passes Senate 339 Helper, H. R. Bill for a Railway Conference 229 House of Representatives passes bill authorizmg Arbitration . - 375 Legislation referring to International American Conference. 291 McCreary, Representative, reports against arbitration 310 McCreary, Representative, iatroduces bill for Conference. . . 314 McCreary, Representative, favorable report for Conference. . 315 McKinley, Representative, proposes arbitration Conference. 315 Morgan, Senator, introduces bill for Conference 295 Railway, Intercontinental, scheme revived 311 Reagan, Senator, proposes common silver coin 313 Reynolds, Thomas C, appointed commissioner 309 Reynolds, Thomas C, to Committee on Foreign Relations. . . 847 Senate passes bill authorizing Conference 373 Sharpe, George H., appointed on Soutli American commis- sion 809 Silver, common coin projaosed 313 Stewart, Representative, favorable report on Conference . . . 302 Thacher, Solon O. , appointed on South American commis- sion 309 Thacher, Solon O., address before Committee on Foreign Relations 331 Townshend Representative, proposes Customs Union 373 HISTORICAL APPENDIX. THE CONGRESS OF 1826 AT PANAMA. Extracts from Constitutional History of the United States. Von Hoist, 1750-1833. As early as 1831 the idea of foi-ming a close connection between the Spanish colonies in Central and South America, then engaged in revolution, had been suggested by Colom- bia. A few months before their independence was recog- nized by the United States a treaty was negotiated between Colombia and Chili (July, 1833), in which a convocation of a congress of the new republics was contemplated. "The construction of a continental system for America," which should ''resemble the one already constructed in Europe," was the apparent project of these two powers. The idea ripened very slowly. It was not until the spring of 1825 that the meeting of the Congress in Panama was so far assured that the ambassadors of Colombia and Mex- ico verbally inquired of Clay, who was then Secretary of State of the United States, whether an invitation to be represented at the Congress would be acceptable to the President. Adams had an answer sent, worded in his own cautious way, to the effect that he first wished to be in- formed concerning the topics agreed upon for discussion, the nature and form of i^owers to be given to the "diplo- matic agents," and the "organization and method of jjro- cedure " of the Congress. The ambassadors of the two mentioned states, in their formal letters of invitation, gave very iinsatisfactory assurances on these points. Clay re- ferred to this in his answers, but at the same time declared that the President had decided to accept the invitation " at once." 7 Wlien the question of sending representatives to the- Congress came up in the Senate, and later in the House, the opposition tried to make capital out of this piece of inconsistency. It was too meaningless in itself to deserve any censure. Its interest was due simply to the fact that it lifted for a moment the veil of the f utiire. * ^ * * * * * Ingham of Pennsylvania read in the House of Repre- sentatives two newsjDaper articles, which treated the re- quest for participation in the Panama Congress in exactly different ways. He stated that it was as good as certain that the article opposing this had proceeded from or been inspired by Adams, and the one in its favor by Clay. He gave no proof for the assertion. It must therefore remain a c^uestionwhether his zeal in opposition did not lead him to put forward groundless suspicions as facts. But it may be considered as sufficiently proved that Adams at first looked on the project much more coolly than he did after- wards, and that Clay was not without influence upon this change of opinion. Clay had rendered great services to the young republics. He had been the most determined champion of their affairs in the United States. He had at first demanded with stormy energy that sympathy for them should not exhaust itself Id worthless words, but take the form of acts. No defeat frightened him from the field, and it was largely due to his constant efforts that their independence had been already recognized by the United States in the spring of 1822. His speeches on these questions are among the most brilliant productions of his genius. His most nota- ble characteristics, as well as his greatest weakness, ap- peared in them in the clearest light. His enthusiasm lifted him, with a bold sweep, to a height from which he looked down with compassionate impatience upon the petty poli- ticians who, in their routine wisdom, could not see the forest because of the trees around them. The knowledge that America was an integral part of one civilized world dawned in his mind. If his agitation was based on the sharp emphasis which he laid on the opposing positions of America and Europe, vet the fact does not contradict this assertion. Exactly becaiise lie did not, in his political reasoning, lose sight of Europe, he strove for the consoli- dation of America and insisted upon its peculiar charac- teristics and its specific interests. The attempt of the Holy Alliance to fetter together Europe in behalf of the inter- ests of absolute monarchy made it seerh to him desirable, if not necessary, to oppose to this "unholy league" a union of the states founded upon the "American princi- ple" of popular sovereignty. The authorship of this idea of a solidarity of the interests of all America, resting not only upon the geographical proximity of States, but mainly, indeed, upon the identity of their fundamental political principles, belongs, not ex- clusively, but yet chiefly to Clay. According to his plan this solidarity of interests was to assume concrete form in the Panama Congress. It would there be legally adopted so far as this fundamental political principle had obtained practical recognition. From this firm stand-point he hoped to see the great plan he had announced as early as 1820 realized — the establishment of a " human-freedom league in America," in which "all the nations from Hudson's Bay to Cape Horn" should be united, but not simply for the sake of remaining in permanent contrast to Europe, tortured by despots. He declared that through the power of example, through its moral influence, the American system would ever extend farther and farther, so that a point of union, a haven for freedom and lovers of freedom, woidd be formed upon the soil that was wet with the blood of the revohitionary forefathei's. * * ***** In his speech of March 2i, 1818, " on the emancipation of South Amei'ica," he denied the justice of the assertion that the South Americans were too ignorant and too super- stitious "to allow of the existence of a free state." He questioned the ignorance, but yet denied that ignorance necessitated incapacity for self-government. That, he de- clared, was the doctrine of the throne, and conflicted with the natural order of things. The South Americans, he said, "adopt our principles, copy our institutions, and in 10 many cases use both the language of our revolutionary ordinances and the thoughts therein expressed." * * * * * * * The Secretary of State had known how to impart to the President something of his own enthusiasm, which let him see in the Panama Congress the boundary stone of a •' new epoch of the world's history." Adams's message to the House of Eepresentatives fairly surpassed Clay's effusions in pompous phrases. He doubted whether such a favor- able opportunity for subserving '' the benevolent pur- poses of Divine Providence" and dispensing "the prom- ised blessings of the Redeemer of mankind " would again be presented to the United States in centuries. * * ***** He discusses, first and most thoroughly, the conclusion of friendly and commercial treaties, on the basis of com- plete reciprocity, on the footing of the most favored nation, "the abolition of private war upon the ocean,'' and limita- tions of war usages, in regard to contraband-of-war and blockade, in such a way as to favor neutral trade. After explaining, with great minuteness, his position on the Monroe doctrine and the way in which he wishes to see it brought before the Congress and treated by the latter, he touches upon Hayti and Cuba with diplomatic prudence, and finally expresses the opinion that an effort should be made on the part of the United States to obtain the recog- nition of "the just and liberal principles of religious liberty." * * * * * * * But the opi^osition was so crazed in its blind zeal that, out of policy, it had not the slightest word of approval for any point whatever of the whole scheme. Every part of it was raked over the coals, and the most innocent portion was held up as the source of sure destruction. * * ***** The slaveholders simply stated that they saw in the Con- gress peril to their "peculiar institution," and drew from this fact, in the same conclusive way, the inference that this must be recognized eo ipso as an absolute veto. 11 Now, the South affirmed that in reference to the rest of America, as well as to Europe, slavery miist be and remain tlie prime motive of the foreign policy of the United States. * * ***** In the invitations to the Congress Hayti was mentioned, a name that had an ominous sound in the Southern States for more than thirty years. ' If they could have blotted one page out of the book of history, it can scarcely be doubted that they would have chosen the one which told the story of the successful negro revolution in Hayti. It was a cry of warning, the whole significance of which was re- called to the conscience of the slaveholder by the slightest cause. The thing which had been done could not be un- done; but men did what they could— the independence of Hayti did not exist for the United States. * * ***** The history of the republics gave an example which was " scarcely less fatal than the independence of Hayti to the repose " of the South. They had not only copied from the revolutionary records of the United States the words "freedom" and "equality" and "universal emancipa- tion," but had actually broken the chains of all slaves.* It had already been declared tliat the United States could not with equanimity see Cuba pass into the hands of a * While connected with slavery can we consent to treat with other nations, and least of all ought we to touch this question of the inde- pendence of Hayti in conjunction with revolutionary governments, whose own history affords an example scarcely less fatal to our repose? Those governments have proclaimed the principles of liberty and equality, and have marched to victory under the banner of " universal emancipation." You find men of color at the head of their armies, in their legislative halls, and in their executive departments.— Hayne, March 14, 1836, Debates of Congi-ess. VIII, p. 437. * * * * * * * Deb. of Cong., VIII, p. 441. = Hamilton, of South Carolina, declared in the House of Representa- tives : " I should avow what I believe to be the sentiments of the Southern people on this question; and this is, that Haytianin depend- ence is not to be tolerated in any form. * * * a people will not stop to discuss the nice metaphysics of a federative system when havoc and destruction menace them in tlieir doors. 12 Eiiropean power. Now it was directly declared that the United States would not '' allow '" and "permit"' it. More- over, the position of the country in regard to Colombia's and Mexico's plans of acquisition was more sharply de- fined. It was stated first that ''the President could see no just ground for armed intervention " if Spain should obstinately continue the war, for invasion would then be only a "legal warlike operation" of the States named. Yet this declaration was linked with a significant condi- tion. If these Republics, contrary to all expectation, should place arms in the hands of one race in order to destroy another; if * * * they should countenance and encourage excesses and actions which, on ac- count of our proximity, could by infection endanger our repose and safety; then the Government of the United States might feel obliged to interpose. * ***** * The administration gained a formal victory in both houses, but practically the opposition had reached its end by delaying the decision. When the ambassadors of the United States arrived in Panama the Congress had already adjourned and the agreed-upon reunion in Tacubaya did not take place. [Extract from the History of the Monroe Doctrine, by George F. Tucker.] The qitotation from the diary of Mr. Plumer which con- cludes the preceding chapter confirms the opinion gener- ally entertained, that Mr. Adams did something more than merely contribute to those passages of the Presi- dent's message which refer to the threatened intervention of European powers. Mr. Adams's fervid patriotism was doubtless quickened by an apprehension, amounting al- most to a conviction, that the adherents of absolutism in Europe were determined to let no opportunity slip to impede in some way the progress of democratic institu- tions on this continent. His continuance in public office, 13 therefore, was a guaranty of tlie continuauce of his for- eign policy; and very soon after his accession to the Presi- dency as the successor of Mr. Monroe an opportunity to continue that policy was presented, in the invitation of several of the South American Republics to the Govern- ment of this country to participate in the deliberations of the Congress of American States to be held at Panama. These South American republics were now rejoicing in the assurance of their own autonomy. It was in 1808, nearly twenty years before, that the interference of Napo- leon in the affairs of Spain enabled them to sever their connection with the mother country and to assert their independence. Even then a long struggle was inevitable. In vain they looked to the monarchies of Europe for suc- cor or approval. Their only hope of recognition was in the Government of the United States. Mr. Clay became particularly prominent in the espousal of their cause. Early in the year 1818 he made a passionate appeal in the House of Representatives for immediate recognition, and it seems that the condition of those provinces was, on May 13, 1818, one of the subjects of discussion at a meeting of the Cabinet.* Recognition of the new republics by this country was delayed for four years longer, and it was fol- lowed not very long after by their acknowledgment by Great Britain. The inference, therefore, is natural that upon his acceptance of the office of Secretary of State under President Adams, Mr. Clay was as ready to join in any effort to extend help to the new republics as he had been to champion their cause in the House of Represent- atives. S])ain had not yet given up all hope of resubjugating her former dependencies ; but coercion without the aid of some other European power was practically an impossi- bility. Their sovereignty and independence thus acknowl- edged by the two great English-speaking nations, the young republics began to agitate the calling of a Congress at Panama, to which the Governments of the American States (including the Government of this country) should be in- vited to send representatives to discuss questions and adopt * See Works of John Quincy Adams, IV, 91. 14 measures particularly affecting the welfare and develoi^- ment of the American continents. Here it should be noted that Mr. Clay, in his instruc- tions of March 25, 1835, to Mr. Poinsett, minister of the United States to Mexico, directed him to urge upon the Government of that country the utility and expediency of asserting the principles laid down in the message of Pres- ident Monroe, of December 2, 1823. In regard to the principle that the American continents are not henceforth to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power, Mr. Clay remarked : There is no disposition to disturb the colonial possessions, as they may now exist, of any of the European powers ; but it is against the estab. lislimeut of new European colonies upon this continent that the prin- ciple is du-ected.* At about the time when these instructions were given to Mr. Poinsett, Mr. Clay informed the ministers of Colombia and Mexico, Messrs. Sala'zar and Obregou, that the Pres- ident thought that the United States ought to be repre- sented at Panama if preliminary points could be satisfac- torily arranged : Such as the subjects to wliich the attention of the Congress was to be du-ected, the nature and the form of the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its organ- ization and its action, f Messrs. Salazar and Obregon, on the 2d and 3d of the following November respectively, adddressed communica- tions to the Secretary of State, defining in a general way the probable subjects of discussion at the Congress. Mr. Clay replied on the 30th of the same month that there was not a satisfactory compliance with the President's desire as to the arrangement of preliminary points ; yet the Presi- dent had decided to send commissioners, provided the Senate should give their advice and consent. The same intention was also on the same day communicated to Mr. Canaz, the representative of the Government of Centi*al America. Only a few days after, on the 6th day of December, appeared the President's message, in which he announced * British and Foreign State Papers, 1835, 1836, p. 487. jlbid., p. 457. tho acceptance of the invitation of the republics of Colom- bia, of Mexico, and of Central America to the United States to take part in the deliberations of the Congress at Panama. On the aoth of the same month, the President sent a special message to the Senate, in which he stated his mo- tives for acceding to tlie measure, and also the probaljle subjects of discussion at Panama. He concluded by nom- inating Richard C. Andersim, of Kentucky, and Jolm Sergeant of Pennsylvania, to be envoys e.xtraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary. The following passage from the message particularly refers to our suljjcct of in- quiry : An agreement tetwoen all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard, by its own means, against the estaVilishment of any future European colony within its borders, may he found advisa- ble. Tliis was more tliaii two years since announced by my prede- cessor to tho world as a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American continents. It may te so developed to the new southern nations that they will all feel it an an essential appendage to their independence.* On March 15. 1820, the President submitted a message to the House of Representatives in which, after referring to that portion of President Monroe's message deprecat- ing future European colonization, he remarked as follows : The principle had first been assumed in the negotiation with Ru.ssia. It rested upon a course of reasoning equally simple and conclusive. With the exception of the existing European colonies, which it was in no- wise intended U> disturb, the two continents consisted of several sov- ereign and independent nations, whose territories covered their whole surface. By this their independent condition the United States en- joyed the right of commercial intercourse with every part of their posseasions. To attempt the establishment of a colony in those pos- sessions would l»e to usurp, to the exclusion of others, a commercial intercourse which was the common [jossession of all. It could not be done without encroaching upon existing rights of the United States. The Gf)vernment of Russia has never disputed these prjsitions, nor manifested the slightest dissatisfafition at their having been taken. Most of the new American republics liave declared their assent tt> them ; and they now propose, among the subjects of consultation at Panama, U> take into consideration the means of making effectual the aasertion •British and Foreign State PajHjrs, 183.5, 1826, p. 391. 16 of that principle, as well as the means of resisting interference, from abroad, with the domestic concerns of the American Governments. In alluding to these means it would obviously be premature at this time to anticipate that which is offered merely as a matter for consul- tation, or to pronounce upon those measures which have been or may be suggested. The purpose of this Government is to concur in none which would import hostility to Europe, or justly excite resentment in any of her States. Should it be deemed advisable to contract any con- ventional engagement on this topic, our views would extend no further than to a mutual pledge of the parties to the compact, to maintain the principle in application to its own territory, and to permit no colonial lodgments or establishment of European jurisdiction upon its own soil; and with respect to the obtrusive interference from abroad, if its future character may be inferred from that which has been, and perhaps stiU is, exercised in more than one of the new States, a joint declaration of its character, and exposure of it to the world, may be probably all that the occasion would require.* Later on, tlie President coiasiders the question whether the acceptance of the invitation might not have a tendency to change the policy, advocated by Washington, of avoid- ng foreign alliances, f He argues that the counsel of Washington "was founded upon the circumstances in which our country and the world around us were situated at the time when it was given ; " that Europe has still her set of primary interests, and that our distant and detached situation remains the same ; but that the Spanish-Amer- ican colonies have now been transformed into eight inde- pendent nations, with reference to whom our situation is neither distant nor detached. Our territorial exjjansion and national development in the interval have been such that America has now "a set of primary interests which have none, or a remote relation to Europe." The President, therefore, concludes that the acceptance of the invitation, " far from conflicting with the counsel or the policy of Washington, is directly deducible from and conformable to it ; " and that it was no less conform- able to the declaration of President Monroe that the ex- tension of the European political system to any portion of this hemisphere would be regarded as dangerous to our peace and safety. J * British, Foreign, and State Papers, 1835, 1826, p. 450. fSee page 3. X British, Foreign, and State Papers, 1835, 1836, p. 453. 17 After quoting this particular declaration, Mr. Adams proceeds as follows : To the question which may be asked, whether this meeting, and the principles wliich may be adjusted and settled by it, as rules of inter- course between the American nations, may not give umbrage to the Holy League of European powers, or offense to Spain, it is deemed a sufficient answer that our attendance at Panama can give no just cause of umbrage or offense to either, and that the United States will stipu- late nothing there which can give such cause. Here the right of in- quiry into our purposes and measures must stop. The Holy League of Europe itself was formed without inquiry of the United States whether it would or would not give umbrage to them. The fear of giving um- brage to the Holy League of Europe was urged as a motive for denying to the American nations the acknowledgment of theii- independence. That it would be viewed by Spain as hostility to her was not only urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress and adminis- tration of that day consulted their rights and duties, and not their fears. Fully determined to give no needless displeasure to any foreign I)ower. the United States can estimate the probability of their giving it. only by the right which any foreign state could have to take it. from their measures. Neither the representation of the United States at Panama, nor any measure to which their assent may be yielded there, will give to the Holy League or any of its members, nor to Spain, the right to take offense. For the rest, the United States must still, as heretofore, take counsel from their duties rather than their fears. The debate in the Senate upon the proposed mission was e.vtremely acrimonious. Serious charges were brought against the President, and the policy and purposes of the administration were denounced as of a dangeroiis charac- ter. It was claimed that a participation in the delibera- tions of the Congress could be of no benefit to this country, and might be the means of involving us in international complications. However, the Senate at last concurred in the appointment of Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant as envoys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary. The concurrence of the House was required in order to afford the appropriation necessary to carry the executive measure into effect. Daniel Webster was then a member of that body, and in April, 1826, in committee of the whole, he delivered a remarkably able speech upon the duty of the House. It was not their duty constitutionally to decide, he said, "what shall be discussed by particular ministers, already appointed, when they shall meet the ministers of 3pa 18 the other powers," but simply to vote the necessary appro- priation. The matter would thus be left where the Con- stitution had left it, " to executive discretion and executive responsibility." After reviewing the events which pre- ceded the declaration of Mr. Monroe, he declared: I look on the message of December, 1823, as forming a bright page in our liistory. I will neither help to erase it or tear it out, nor shall it be by any act of mine blurred or blotted. It did honor to the sagacity of the Government, and I will not diminish that honor. It elevated the hopes and gratified the patriotism of the people. Over those hopes I wQl not bring a mildew, nor will I put tliat gratified patriotism to shame.* The statement of Mr. Adams in regard to the parties to be represented at the conference that "each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony within its borders " f has been often crit- icised, and sometimes denounced as a limitation of the inhibition by Mr. Monroe of European colonization. Mr. Dana maintains that on the assumption, " that a sovereign State would not permit other sovereign States to appro- priate its territory by colonization," Mr. Monroe simply declared, "the fact that the whole continent was within the territory of- some responsible State, and not ferm nat- urce, and so open to appropriation," and therefore that the proper view of Mr. Adams's proposal is — that each State represented at the Congress should make for itself the declaration which Mr. Monroe made for the United States in 1823 ; that is, that its territories were not open to apjiropriatiou by colonization, and pledge itself to resist any attempts in that direction.}: It is proper to remark that Mr. Adams's administration was not a popular one, and it is therefore probable that much of the opposition to the mission was inspired by per- sonal feelings and partisan motives. Few measures in the history of the country have excited more intemperate dis- cussion, or created greater antagonism between a Presi- dent, and, a Senate. Messrs. Anderson and Sergeant, provided with elaborate instructions from Mr. Clay, at last set out to attend the meeting at Panama ; but before their arrival that Con- * Works, iii, 205. f See page 27. t Wheaton, edited by Dana, g 67 n. 19 gress had assembled, discussed the three cousidei-ations of independence, peace, and security, and adjourned. On March 3, 1839, nearly three years after, the President, in laying before the Senate a copy of Mr. Clay's instructions to the deputies, said, that while there was no probability of the renewal of negotiations, "the purposes for which they were intended are still of the deepest interest to our country and to the world, and may hereafter call again for the active energies of the Government of the United State.s."* If this statement may be regarded as a prophecy, then the recent action of the United States Congress in making an appropriation for sending three commissioners to the countries south of us may be regarded as its fulfillment. Just before the late President Garfield was shot he made the resolution, which was carried out by his successor, of issuing invitations to all the indej)endent Governments of North and South America, to meet in a Peace Congress at Washington. These invitations were afterward recalled or suspended, in order that Congress might give an opin- ion upon the expediency of the step ; and on the 7th of July, 1884, an act was approved making the approjjria- tiou referred to above, and providing that — Said commissioners shall ascertain the best modes of securing more intimate international and commercial relations between the United States and the several countries of Central and South America, and for that purpose the^ shall visit sucli countries in Central and South America as the President may direct, f Message of Mr. Adams to Congress December 6, 1825. [Extract from the message from the President of the United States, to both Houses of Congress, at the commencement of the first session of the Nineteenth Con- gress.] Among the measures which have been suggested to them by the new relations with one another, resulting from the recent changes in their conditions, is that of assembling, at the Isthmus of Panama, a Congress, at which each of * Benton's Abridgment, x., 252. t U. S. Statutes. 1883, 1884, chap. 333, p. 235, 20 them should be reijresented, to deliberate upon the objects important to the welfare of all. The Republics of Colom- bia, of Mexico, and of Central America, have already de- puted plenipotentiaries to such a meeting, and they have invited the United States to be also represented there by their ministers. The invitation has been accepted, and ministers on the part of the United States will be com- missioned to attend at those deliberations, and to take part in them, so far as may be compatible with that neu- trality from which it is neither our intention, nor the desire of the other American States, that we should depart. President Adams s special message to the Senate, Decem- ber 26, 1835. Washington, December 26, 1825. To the Senate of the United States : In the message to both houses of Congress at the com- mencement of the session, it was mentioned that the Gov- ernments of the Republics of Columbia, of Mexico, and of Central America had severally invited the Govern- ment of the United States to be represented at the Congress of American nations to be assembled at Panama, to deliberate upon objects of peciiliar concernment to this hemisphere, and that this invitation had been accepted. Although this measure was deemed to be within the con- stitutional competency of the Executive, I have not thought proper to take any stejD in it before ascertaining that my opinion of its expediency will concur with that of both branches of the Legislature : First, by the decision of the Senate iipon the nominations to be laid before them; and, secondly, hy the sanction of both houses to the ap- propriations, without which it can not be carried into effect. A report from the Secretary of State, and copies of the correspondence with the South American Governments on this subject, since the invitation given by them, are 21 herewith transmitted to the Senate. They will disclose the objects of importance which are expected to form a subject of discussion at this meeting, in which interests of high importance to this Union are involved. It will be seen that the United States neither intend nor are expected to take part in any deliberations of a belligerent character ; that the motive of their attendance is neither to contract alliances nor to engage in any undertaking or project im- porting hostility to any other nation. But the South American nations, in the infancy of their independence, often find themselves in positions with reference to other countries, with the principles applicable to which, derivable from the state of independence itself, they have not been familiarized by experience. The re- sult of this has been, that sometimes in their intercourse with the United States they have manifested dispositions to reserve a right of granting sjjecial favors and privileges to the Spanish nation as the price of their recognition; at others, they have actually established duties and imposi- tions operating unfavorably to the United States, to the advantage of European powers; and sometimes they have appeared to consider that they might interchange among themselves mutual concessions of exclusive favor, to which neither European powers nor the United States should be admitted. In most of these cases their regulations unfavorable to us have yielded to friendly expostulation and remonstrance; but it is believed to be of infinite moment that the principles of a liberal commercial inter- course should be exhibited to them, and urged with dis- interested and friendly persuasion upon them, when all assembled for the avowed purpose of consulting together upon tlie establishment of such principles as may have an important bearing upon their future welfare. The consentaneous adoption of principles of maritime neutrality, and favorable to the navigation of peace and commerce in time of war, will also form a subject of con- sideration to this Congress. The doctrine that free ships make free goods, and the restrictions of reason upon the extent of blockades, may be established by general agree- ment, with far more ease and perhaps with less danger, 22 by the general engagement to adhere to them, concerted at such a meeting, than by partial treaties or conventions with each of the nations separately. An agreement be- tween all the parties represented at the meeting that each will gnard by its own means against the establishment of any future European colony within its borders may be found advisable. This was more than two years since an- nounced by my predecessor to the world as a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American continents. It may be so developed to the new southern nations that they will all feel it as an essential appendage to their independence. There is yet another subject upon which, without enter- ing into any treaty, the moral influence of the United States may, perhaps, be exerted with beneficial conse- quences at such a meeting— the advancement of religious liberty. Some of the southern nations are even yet so far under the dominion of prejudice that they have incorpo- rated with their politic'al constitutions an exclusive church, without toleration of any other than the dominant sect. The abandonment of this last badge of religious bigotry and oppression may be pressed more effectually, by the united exertions of those who concur in the principles of freedom of conscience, upon those who are yet to be convinced of their justice and wisdom than by the solitary efforts of a minister to any one of the separate Governments. The indirect influence which the United States may ex- ercise upon any projects or purposes originating in the war in which the southern Eepublics are still engaged, which might seriously affect the interests of this Union, and the good offices by which the United States may iilti- mately contribute to bring that war to a speedier termina- tion, though among the motives which have convinced me of the propriety of complying with this invitation, are so far contingent and eventual that it would be improper to dwell upon them more at large. In fine, a decisive inducement with me for acceding to the measure is to show, by this token of respect to the southern Republics, the interest that we take in their wel- fare and our disposition to comply with their wishes. •23 Haviug been the first to recognize their iiidepeiuh^nce and sympathize with them so far as was compatible with our neutral duties in all their struggles and sufferings to ac- (juire it, we have laid the foundation of our futui-e inter- course with them in the broadest principles of reciprocity and the most cordial feelings of fraternal friendship. To extend those principles to all our commercial relations with them, and to hand down that friendship to future ages, is congenial to the highest policy of the Union, as it will be to that of all those nations and their posterity. In the confidence that these sentiments will meet the appro- bation of the Senate, I nominate Richard C. Anderson, of Kentucky, and John Sergeant, of Pennsylvania, to be en- voys extraordinary and ministers plenipotentiary to the assembly of American nations at Panama, and William B. Rochester, of New York, to be secretary to the mission. John Quus'CY Adams. Letter of Mr. Clay. Department op State, Washington, December 20, 1835. The President of the United States : Sir: Agreeably to your directions, that a statement should be presented to you of what jmssed in the Department of State with the ministers of the Republics of Columbia. Mexico, and Central America, in resjiect to the invitation to the United States to be represented in the Congress at Panama, I have the honor now to report : That, during the last spring I held separate conferences on the same day with the respective ministers of Mexico and Colombia at their recjuest, in the course of which each of them verbally stated that his Government was desirous that the United States should be represented at the pro- posed Congress, and that he was instructed to communicate an invitation to their Government to send representatives to it. But that as his Government did not know whether it would or would not be agreeable to the United States to receive such an invitation, and as lie did not wish to oc- 24 casion any embarrassment, he was charged informally to inquh'e, previous to the delivery of the invitation, whether it would be accepted if given by both of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia. It was also stated by each of those ministers that his Government did not expect that the United States would change their present neutral policy, nor was it desired that they should take part in such of the deliberations of the proposed Congress as might relate to the prosecution of the present war. Having laid before you what transpired at these confer- ences, I received, about a week after they had been held, your direction to iiaform the ministers of Mexico and Co- lombia, and I accordingly did inform them, that their com- munication was received with due sensibility to tlie friendly consideration of the United States by which it had 1 >een dictated ; that, of course, they could not make them- selveK a party to the existing war with Spain, nor to coun- cils for deliberating on the means of its further jarosecu- tion : that the President believed such a Congress as was proposed might be highly useful in settling several im- portant dispi;ted questions of public law, and in aiTanging other matters of deep interest to the American continent, and strengthening the friendship and amicable intercourse between the American powers ; that before such a Con- gress, however, assembled it appeared to him to be ex- pedient to adjust, between the diiferent powers to be rep- resented, several i^reliminary points, such as the subjects to which the attention of the Congress was to be directed, the nature and the form of the jjowers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its organization and action. If these preliminary points could be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United States, the ministers from Colombia and Mexico were in- formed that the President thought the United States ought to be represented at Panama, Each of these ministers undertook to transmit to his Government the answer which was thus given. In this posture the affair remained until the letters were received which accompany this I'epoi't, from the ministers of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia, under date of 25 the 3d and 3d of November last. To both of those letters the same answer was retnrned, in official notes, a copy of one of which is with this report. The first and only communication from the minister of the Republic of Central America to this Department, in regard to the Congress at Panama, is contained in his of- ficial note, a copy of which, together with a copy of the answer whicli was returned by your directions, will be found along with this report. I have the honor to be, with great respect, your obedient servant, H. Clay. Tlie Mexican Minisfer to Mr. Clay. iTranslatiou.] Legation of the United States of Mexico, IVashingfon. November 3, 1825. Hon. Henry Clay, Secretary of State : The underwritten minister plenipotentiary has the honor of informing the honorable Secretary of State that he has communicated to his Government the conversations which occurred between them on his making known to him the determination of the Governments of Colombia and Mex- ico to form a congress of representatives from the new States of the continent, who, to that end, had been invited, in which were to be discussed subjects of general interest to all the American powers, as well as those which might be particularly suggested by the existence and actual posi- tion of the new powers ; and in the meeting of which it was thought proper by the Government of the subscriber that the United States of America, by means of their commis- sioners, should constitute and take part, as being so mucli interested in the first and principal subject upon which the congress would be engaged. In consequence of which, being informed of the concur- rence of this Government in the idea of discussing the first point in a congress, as was desired, and that it would 26 send representaLives to it under condition that the neutral- ity in which it stood towards Sjjain should not be violated, and that it should be invited thereto by the Republics of Mexico and Colombia, who should, moreover, signify the affairs with which it was to be occupied, to promote its object, and the necessary uniformity of credentials or authorization of the respective representatives, the Presi- dent of the United States of Mexico has charged and com- missioned anew the underwritten to make the invitation and to point out the affairs as stated. The Government of the subscriber never supposed nor desired that the United States of America would take part in the congress about to be held, in other matters than those which, from their naiure and importance, the late administration pointed out and characterized as being of general interest to the continent; for which reason, one of the subjects Avhicli will occupy the attention of the con- gress will be the resistance or opiaosition to the interfer- ence of any neutral nation in the question and war of independence between the new powers of the continent and Spain. The Government of the undersigned aj^prehends that, as the powers of America are of accord as to resistance, it behooves them to discuss the means of giving to that resist- ance all possible force, that the evil may be met, if it can not be avoided ; and the only means of accomplishing this object is by a previous concert as to the mode in which each of them shall lend its co-operation ; for, otherwise, resistance would operate but partially, and in a manner much less certain and effective. The opposition to colonization in America by the Euro- pean powers will be another of the questions which may be disciissed, and which is in like predicament with the foregoing. After these two principal subjects the representatives of the United States of America may be occupied upon others to which the existence of the new States may give rise, and which it is not easy to point oiit or enumerate, for which the Government of the United States of Mexico will give instructions and ample powers to its commis- 27 sioners, and it trusts tliat tliose from the other powers may bear tlie same. The congress is to be assembled iu Panama, at wliich city the representatives from Colombia, Peru, Guatemala, and Mexico will already have arrived at the date of this ; they will be engaged upon the preliminary rules of the assembly, and likewise upon questions which belong ex- clusively to the belligerents. The United States of America may send their represent- atives to that city to take part in those questions whicli long since they were the first in declaring to the world, as of transcendant importance to the interests of all Anaer- ica, and in others to which the formation of the new States will give rise, the concurrence in which will, moreover, accomplish the ol)ject so much desired by their respective Governments of manifesting, by deeds, the disposition and facility which the powers of this continent jwssess to act in concert in the common cause. To which end, and in compliance with the tenor of the conversations held with the honorable Secretary of State, the underwritten minister plenipotentiary invites this Gov- ernment to send representatives to the congress of Pan- ama, with authorities as aforesaid, and with express in- structions in their credentials iipou the two principal questions, in which step he is likewi.se joined by the min- ister of Colombia, and with which he trusts he has ful- filled all that was stipulated to this end. The subscriber has the honor on this occasion to pre- sent to the honorable Secretary of State his respects and highest consideration. Pablo Obreoon. Tlie Colombian Minister to Mr. Clay. [Translation.] Legation of Colombia, Near the United States of North America, Washington, November 2, 1825. The undersigned has the honor to communicate to the Hon. Henry Clay, for the information of his Government and the attainment of the objects proposed, that the 28 assembly of American plenipotentiaries, in relation to which the minister to Mexico and the undersigned have held some verbal conferences with the Secretary of State, at their previous request, will shox'tly be organized. The plenipotentiaries from Peru are already at the Isthmus of Panama, the place appointed for the Congress, and those from Colombia and other American Republics are on their way to this assembly, which they have provided for by public treaties. The honorable Secretary having intimated, ■ in the name of his Government, that the United States, if formally in- vited by Mexico and Colombia, and apprised of the sub- jects to be discussed, would on their part appoint a person to represent them, if these subjects should be approved by the United States, the undersigned is accordingly au- thorized by his Government to address this invitation which he now makes by this note, in all due form. He is also assured that the minister from Mexico will present the same invitation on the part of his Government, and the minister from Guatemala has just received similar instructions from his Government. Of the points which will be under discussion by the assembly of Panama the undersigned is unable to give a minute enumeration, as they will evidently arise out of the delibei-ations of the Congress. He is, however, au- thorized by his goveimment to assure the United States that these points have no tendency to violate their pro- fessed principles of neutrality. The undei'signed has also been instructed to suggest some subjects that will form useful matter of discussion in the Congress. These siibjects constitute two classes : (1) Matters peculiarly and exclusively concerning the belligerents. (2) Matters between the belligerents and neutrals. As the United States will not take part in the discussion of subjects of the first desci'iption, we will confine our- selves to the latter. At Panama the best and most opportune occasion is offered to the United States to fix some principles of inter- national law, the unsettled state of which has caused 20 much evil to humanity. It is to be presumed that this Government possesses more light upon the subject than the other States of our hemisphere, both from its experi- ence during the wars that succeeded the French R(!volu- tion and from its negotiations now on foot with Great Britain and other nations relative to these principles. It belongs to each of the concurring parties to projiose their views, but the voice of the United States will be heard with the respect and deference which its early labors in a work of such importance will merit. The manner in which all colonization of European . l^owers on the American continent shall be resisted and their interference in the present contest between Spain and her former colonies prevented are other points of great interest. Were it jjroper an eventual alliance, in case these events should occur, is within the range of possibilities, and a treaty, of which no use should be made as long as the casus fosderis should happen to remain .secret; or, if this should seem premature, a convention so anticipated would l)e a proper means to secure the same end of preventing foreign influence. This is a matter of immediate utility to the American States that are at war with Spain, and is in accordance with the repeated decla- rations and protests of the Cabinet at Washington. The conferences held on this subject being confidential would increase mutiial friendship and promote the respective interests of the parties. The consideration of the means to be adopted for the entire abolition of the African slave trade is a subject sacred to humanity and interesting to the policy of the American States. To effect it their energetic, general, and uniform co-operation is desirable. At the proposition of the United States, Colombia made a convention with them on this subject, which has not been ratified by the Government of the United States. Would that America, which does not consider politic what is unjust, would con- tribute in union and with common consent to the good of Africa. The inhabitants of this portion of the globe have suc- ceeded in founding an independent Republic, whose gov- 30 ernment is now recognized by its ancient sovereign. On what basis the relations of Hayti and other parts of our hemisphere that sliall liereafter be in like circumstances are to be placed, is a question simple at first view, but at- tended with serious difficulties when closely examined. These arise from the diiferent manner of regarding Africans and from their different rights in Hayti, the United States, and in other American States. This ques- tion will be determined at the Isthmus, and, if possible, a uniform rule of conduct adopted in regard to it, or those modifications that may be- demanded by circumstances. The undersigned merely makes these suggestions by way of example ; it is left to the wisdom of the Governments and the judgment of their representatives to propose whatever may be esteemed of common good to the new hemisphere. Inviting the United States, in the name of Colombia, to a Congress, the mere assembling of which will increase the political importance of America and show the facility with which she can combine her re- soiirces in defense of common rights when necessary, the undersigned hopes that the United States will make an early appointment of a person or persons to represent them in this assembly, as the conditions that were re- quired have been fulfilled. The undersigned has the honor to offer to the Honor- able Henry Clay his most distinguished consideration. Jose Maria Salazar. Mr. Clay to the Mexican Minister. Department op State, Washington, November 30, 1825. Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your official note of the 3d instant, communicating a formal invitation from the Government of the United States of Mexico to that of the United States to send deputies to the contemplated congress of Panama; and particularizing several subjects, which your Government conceives may be proper for the consideration of that con- 31 gress ; and I have laid your note before the Pi-esident of the United States. When, at your instance, during the last spring, I had the honor of receiving you at the Department of State and conferring with you verbally in regard to the pro- posed congress, and to the friendly wish entertained by your Government that ours should be represented at it, I stated to you, by direction of the President, that it appeared to him to be necessary, before the assembling of such a congress, to settle, between the different jjowers to be represented, several preliminary points, such as the subjects to which the attention of the congress should be directed, the substance and the form of the j^owers to be given to the resiDective representatives, and the mode of organizing the congress ; and that, if these points should be satisfactorily arranged, the President would be dis- posed to accejjt, in behalf of the United States, the invita- tion with which yoii were provisionally charged. In your note there is not recognized so exact a comjjli- ance with tlie conditions on which the President expressed his unwillingness that the United States should be repre- sented at Panama as could liave been desired. It would have been, perhaps, better if there had been a full under- standing between all the American powers who may as- semble by their representatives, of the precise q^iestions on which they are to deliberate; and that some other mat- ters respecting the powers of the deputies and the organ- ization of the Congress should have been distinctly ar- ranged prior to the opening of its deliberations. But as the want of the adjustment of these preliminaries, if it should occasion any inconvenience, could be only produc- tive of some delay, the President has determined at once to manifest the sensibility of the United States to Avhatever concerns the prosperity of the American hemisphere and to the friendly motives which have actuated your Govern- ment in transmitting what you have communicated. He has therefore resolved, should the Senate of the United States, now expected to assemble in a few days, give their advice and consent, to send commissioners to the Congress at Panama. Whilst they will not be authorized to enter 32 upon any deliberations, or to concur in any acts inconsist- ent with the present neutral position of the United States and its obligations, they will be fully empowered and in- structed iipon all questions likely to arise in the Congress on siibjects in which the nations of America have a com- mon interest. All unnecessary delay will be avoided in the departure of these commissioners from the United States for the point of their destination. I avail myself of the occasion to offer you assurances of mv distinguished consideration. H. Clay. Don Pablo Obregon, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary from Mexico. (A similar letter was sent to Mr. Salazar the Colombian minister.) The Minister from Central America to Mr. Clay. [Translation.] Washington, November 14, 1825. The Secretary of State: The Government of Central America, which I have the honor to represent, as early as the year 1821 was sensible of the importance to the independent nations of this con- tinent of a general congress of their representatives at some central point, which might consider upon and adopt the best plan for defending the States of the ISTew World from foreign aggression, and, by treaties of alliance, com- merce, and friendship, raise them to that elevation of wealth and power which from their resources they may attain. It also acknowledged that as Europe had formed a conti- nental system, and held a congress whenever questions affecting its interests were to be discussed, America should form a system of itself, and assemble, by its representa- tives, in cortes whenever circumstances of necessity and great importance should demand it. Entertaining these views, the Government of Central America voluntarily expressed its willingness to appoint its deputies for such an object. Sensible of its importance. 33 which has also been felt by the Governments of South America, it has resolved to send plenipotentiaries to a general congress, to be formed for the purpose of pre- serving the territorial integrity and firmly establishing the absolute independence of each of the American Re''- publics. On the 19th of March last the Government of Central America formed a convention with that of Colom- bia, providing for this object; and I, as its representative, have been instructed to express to the Government of the United States the desire entertained by my government that it should send a representative to the general con- gress. To fulfill the wishes of my government, and convinced at the same time of the importance and respectability which would attach to the general congress of the Ameri- can Republics from the presence of envoys from the United States of America, I now address this high Gov- ernment upon the subject in the name of Central America. I am anxious, therefore, to know if this republic, which has ever shown itself the generous friend of the new American States, is disposed to send its envoys to the gen- eral congress, the object of which is to preserve and con- firm the absolute independence of these republics and to promote the general good, and whicJi ivill not require that the representatives of the United States should in the least compromise their present neutrality, harmony, and good fellowship ivith other nations. This my government has deemed it necessary to state distinctly in making the pres- ent invitation. Be pleased, sir, to accept expressions of the high con- sideration with which I am, respectfully, your obedient servant, Antonio Jose Canaz. Mr. Clay to the Minister from Central America. Department of State, Washington, November 30, 1825. Sir : I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your official note of the lith instant, communicating an invitation from the Government of the Federation of the 3pa 34 Couter of Amorica to that of the United States to the oontemphxted congress at Panama. Having hiid it before the President. I am instructed by him to say, that the United States, ahA'ays feeling the deepest interest in -vrhat- ovor concerns the prosperity of the American hemispliere, and receiving, with great sensibility, this new proof of the friendly esteem of the Government of the Central Repub- lic, will be represented at that congress, if the Senate of the United States should so advise and consent. That body will assemble in the course of a few days, and, if it concur with the President, commissioners from the United States will be deputed to Panama without any unneces- sary delay. These commissioners will be empowered and instructed upon all questions which may appear to this Goverument to be likely to arise in the congress, on sub- jects on which the nations of America may be siipposed to have a common interest. I avail myself of the occasion to offer you, sir, assur- ances of my distinguished consideration. H. Clay. Don Antonio Jose Canaz, Envoy Extraordinari/ and Minisfer Plenipotentiary from Central America. Feply of President Adams to a Besohition of Inquiry from the House of Bepresentatives. [Message from the President of the United Stfites. tiansinittiiig the inform.ition re- quired by a resolution of the House of Representatives of JTarch 5, lSi6.] Washington, March 15, 1S36. To the House of Representatives of the United States: In compliance with the resolution of the House of the 5th ultimo, requesting me to cause to be laid before the Hoxise so much of the correspondence between the Govern- ment of the United States and the new States of America or their ministei-s respecting the proposed congress or meeting of diplomatic agents at Panama, and such iufor- juation respecting the general character of that expected congress as may be in my possession aad as may, in my 35 opinion, be communicated without prejudice to the public interest; and, also, to inform tlie House, so far as, in my opinion, the public interest may allow, in regard to what objects the agents of the United States are expected to take part in the deliberations of that Congress, I now transmit to the House a report from the Secretary of State, with the correspondence and information requested by the resolution. With regard to the objects in which the agents of the United States are expected to take part in the delibera- tions of that congress, I doom it proper to premise that these objects did not form the only, nor even tlie principal, motive for ray acceptance of the invitation. My fii'st and greatest inducement was to meet, in the spirit of kindness and friendship, an ovei-ture made in that spirit by three sister Eepublics of this hemisphere. The great revolution in human affairs which has brought into existence, nearly at the same time, eight sovereign and independent nations in our own quarter of the globe, has placed the United States in a situation not less novel and scarcely less interesting than that in wliich they had found themselves, by their own transition, from a cluster of colonies to a nation of sovereign States. The deliver- ance of the Southern American Republics from the oppres- sion under which tliey had been so long afflicted was hailolo of this Union as among the most auspicious events of the age. On the 4th of May, 1822, an act of Congress made an appropriation of $100,000 " for such missions to the independent nations on the American continent as the President of the United States might deem proper. " In exercising the authority recognized Ity this act my predecessor, by and with the advice and consent of tlie Senate apjxnnted, successively, ministers plenipotentiary to the Republics of Colombia, Buenos Ayres, Cliili, and Mexico. Unwilling to raise among the fraternity of free- dom questions of precedency and etiquette which even the European monarchs had of late found it necessary in a groat measure to discard, he dispatched these ministers to Colombia, Buenos Ayres, and Chili without exacting 36 from those Republics, as by tbe ancient principles of polit- ical primogeniture he might have done, that the compli- ment of a i^lenipotentiary mission should have been paid first by them to the United States. The instructions prepared, under his direction, to Mr. Anderson, the first of our ministers to the Southern Con- tinent, contain, at much length, the general princij)les upon which he thought it desirable that our relations, polit- ical and commercial, with these, our new neighbors, should be established, for their benefit and ours, and that of the f ature ages of our posterity. A copy of so much of these instructions as relates to these general subjects is among the papers now transmitted to the House. Similar instruc- tions were furnished to the ministers api^ointed to Buenos Ayres, Chili, and Mexico ; and the system of social inter- course which it was the purpose of those missions to estab- lish, from the first opening of oxir diplomatic relations Avith those rising nations, is the most effective exposition of the principles upon which the invitation to the congress at Panama has been accepted by me, as well as of the objects of negotiation at that meeting, in which it was expected that oiir plenipotentiaries should take part. The House will perceive that, even at the date of these instructions, the first treaties between some of the south- ern republics had been concluded, by which they had stip- ulated among themselves this diplomatic assembly at Panama ; and it will be seen with what caution, so far as it might concern the policy of the United States, and, at the same time, with what frankness and good will towards those nations, he gave countenance to their design of iuAdt- ing the United States to this liigh assembly for consulta- tion upon American interests. It was not considered a conclusive reason for declining this invitation that the proposal for assembling such a con- gress had not first been made by ourselves. It had sprung from the urgent, immediate, and momentous common in- terests of the great communities struggling for independ- ' euce, and, as it were, quickening into life. From them the proposition to us appeared respectful and friendly ; from us to them it could scarcely have been made without ex- 37 posing ourselves to suspicions of purposes of ambition, if not of domination, more suited to rouse resistance and excite distrust than to conciliate favor and friend- ship. The first and paramoiint principle upon which it was deemed wise and just to lay the corner-stone of all o\ir future relations with them was disinterestedness ; the next was cordial good- will to them ; tlie third was a claim of fair and equal reciprocity. Under these impressions, when the invitation was formally and earnestly given, had it even been doubtful whether any of the objects proposed for consideration and discussion at the congress were such as that immediate and important interests of the United States would be affected by the issue, I should, neverthe- less, have determined, so far as it depended upon me, to have accepted the invitation and to have ap^aointed min- isters to attend the meeting. The proposal itself implied that the republics by whom it was made believed that important interests of ours, or of theirs, rendered our at- tendence there desirable. They had given us notice that, in the novelty of their situation, and in the spirit of defer- ence to our experience, they would be pleased to have the benefit of our friendly counsel. To meet the temper with which this proposal was made with a cold repulse was not thought congenial to that warm interest in their welfare with which the people and Gov- ernment of the Union had hitherto gone hand in hand through the whole progress of their revolution. To insult them by a refusal of their overture and then invite them to a similar assembly to be called by themselves was an expedient which never presented itself to the mind. I would have sent miiaisters to the meeting had it been merely to give them such advice as they might have de- sired, even with reference to their own interests, not in- volving ours. I would have sent them had it been merely to explain and set forth to them our reasons for declining any proposal of specific measures to which they might de- sire our concurrence, but whicli we might deem incompat- ible with our interests or our duties. In the intercoiirse between nations temper is a missionary, perhaps, more powerful than talent. Nothing was ever lost by kind 38 treatment. Nothing can be gained by snllen repnlses and aspiring pretensions. But objects of the highest importance, not only to the future welfare of the whole human race, but bearing di- rectly upon the special interests of this Union will engage the deliberations of the congress of Panama whether we are represented there or not. Others, if we are repre- sented, may be offered by our plenipotentiaries for consid- eration having in view both these great results — our own interests and the improvement of the condition of man upon earth. It may be that in the lapse of many centu- ries no other opportunity so favorable will be presented to the Government of the United States to subserve the benevolent purposes of Divine Pro^ddence to dispense the promised blessings of the Redeemer of mankind ; to pro- mote the prevalence in future ages of peace on earth and good will to man, as will now be placed in their power by l^articipating in the deliberations of this congress. Among the topics enumerated in official papers, piib- lished by the Republic of Colombia, and adverted to in the correspondence now communicated to the House as in- tended to be presented for discussion at Panama, there is scarcely one in which the result of the meeting will not deeply affect the interests of the United States. Even those in which the belligerent States alone will take an active part will have a powerful effect upon the state of our re- lations with the American and probably with the princi- pal European States. Were it merely that we might be correctly and speedily informed of the proceedings of the congress, and of the progress and issue of their negotia- tions, I should hold it advisable that we should have an accredited agency with them, j)laced in such confidential relations with the other members as would insure the au- thenticity and the safe and early transmission of its reports. Of the same enumerating topics are the preparation of a manifesto setting forth to the world the justice of their cause and the relations they desire to hold with other Christian powers, and to form a convention of navigation and commerce applicable both to the Confederated States and to their allies. 39 It will be within the recollection of the House that im- mediately after the close of the war of our Independence a measure closely analogous to this congress of Panama was adopted by the congress of our confederation and for purposes of precisely the same character. Three commis- sioners with plenipotentiary powers were appointed to negotiate treaties of amity, navigation, and commerce with all the principal powers of Europe. They met and resided for that purpose about one year at Paris, and the only result of their negotiations at that time was the first treaty between the United States and Prussia, memorable in the diplomatic annals of the world and precious as a monu- ment of the principles in relation to commerce and mari- time warfare, with which oiw country entered upon her career as a member of the great family of independent nations. This treaty, prepared in conformity with the instrvictions of the American plenipotentiaries, consecrated three fun- damental principles of the foreign intercourse which the congress at that period were desirous of establishing: First, equal reciprocity and the mutual stipulation of the privileges of the most favored nation in the commercial exchanges of jjeace; secondly, the abolition of private war upon the ocean; and, thirdly, restrictions favorable to neu- tral commerce upon belligerent practices with regard to contraband of war and blockades. A painful, it may be said a calamitous, exx^erience of more than forty years lias demonstrated the deep importance of these same jirinci- ples to the peace and i^rosperity of this nation, and to the welfare of all maritime States, and has illustrated the pro- found wisdom with which they were assumed as cardinal points of the policy of the Union. At the same time, in the infancy of their political exist- ence under the inflvience of those principles of liberty and of right, so congenial to the cause in which they had just fought and triumphed, they were able but to obtain the sanction of one great and philosophical, though absolute, sovereign in Europe to their liberal and enlightened principles. They could obtain no more. Since then a political hurricane has gone over three-fourths of the 40 civilized portions of the eartli, the desolation of which, it may with confidence be expected, is passing away, leaving, at least, the American atmosphere purified and refreshed. And now, at this propitious moment, the new-born nations of this hemisphere, assembling by their representatives at the isthmus between its two continents, to settle the prin- ciples of their futur.e international intercourse with other nations and with us, ask, in this great exigency, for our advice upon those very fundamental maxims, which we, from our cradle, at first proclaimed and partially suc- ceeded to introduce into the code of national law. Without recurring to that total prostration of all neu- tral and commercial rights which marked the progress of the late European wars, and which finally involved the United States in them, and adverting only to our political relations with these American nations, it is observable that, while in all other respects those relations have been uniformly and, without exception, of the most friendly and mutually satisfactory character, the only causes of difference and dissension between us and them which ever have arisen originated in those never-failing fountains of discord and irritation, discriminations of commercial favor to other nations, licentious i^rivateers, and paper blockades. I can not, without doing injustice to the Re- publics of Buenos Ayres and Colombia, forbear to acknowledge the candid and conciliatory spirit with which they have repeatedly yielded to our friendly representa- tives and remonstrances on these subjects ; in repealing discriminative laws which operated to our disadvantage, and in revoking the commissions of their privateers ; to which Colombia has added the magnanimity of making reparation for unlawful captures by some of her cruisers, and of assenting, in the midst of war, to treaty stipulations favorable to neutral navigation. But the recurrence of these occasions of complaint has rendered the renewal of the discussions which result in the removal of them neces- sary, while, in the meantime, injuries are sustained by mer- chants and other individuals of the United States, which can not be repaired, and the remedy lingers in overtaking the pernicious operation of the mischief. The settlement 41 of general principles pervading with equal efficacy all the American States can alone put an end to these evils, and can alone be accomplished at the proposed assembly. If it be true that the noblest treaty of peace ever men- tioned in history is that by which the Carthagenians were bound to abolish the practice of sacrificing their own chil- dren, because it was stipulated in favor of human nature, I can not exaggerate to myself the unfading glory with which these United States will go forth in the memorj'^ of future ages if, by their friendly counsel, by their moral influence, by the power of argument and persuasion alone, they can prevail upon the American nations at Panama to sti^julate, by general agreement among themselves and so far as any of them may be concerned, the perpetual abolition of private war upon the ocean. And, if we can not yet flatter ourselves that this may be accomplished, as advances towards it, the establishment of the principle that the friendly flag shall cover the cargo, the curtail- ment of contraband of war and the proscription of fictitious paper blockades, engagements which we may reasonalily hope will not prove impracticable, will, if successfully in- culcated, redound proportionally to our honor and di'ain the fountain of many a future sanguinary war. The late President of the United States, in his message to Congress of the 3d December, 1833, while announcing the negotiation then pending with Russia relating to the northwest coast of this continent, observed that the occa- sion of the discussions to which that incident had given rise had been taken for asserting as a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States were involved, that the American continents, by the free and indejjendent condition which they had assumed and maintained, were thenceforward not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. The princijjle had first been assumed in that negotiation with Russia. It rested upon a course of reasoning equally simple and con- clusive. With the exception of the existing European colonies, which it was in no wise intended to disturb, the two conti- nents consisted of several sovereign and independent na- 42 tions, Avhose territories covered their whole surface. By this, their indepeudent condition, the United States en- joyed the right of commercial intercourse with every j)art of their possessions. To attempt the establishment of a colony in those j)ossessions would be to usurp, to the ex- clusion of others, a commercial intercourse which was the common possession of all. It could not be done with- out encroaching upon existing rights of the United States. The Government of Riissia has never disputed these posi- tions nor manifested the slightest dissatisfaction at their having been taken. Most of the new American Repub- lics have declared their entire assent to them; and they now propose, among the subjects of consultation at Panama, to take into consideration the means of making effectual the assertion of that principle as well as the means of resisting interference from abroad with the domestic con- cerns of the American Governments. In alluding to these means it would ob\'iously be pre- mature at this time to anticipate that which is offered merely as matter for consultation, or to pronounce upon those measiires which have been or may be suggested. The purpose of this Government is to concur in none which would import hostility to Europe or justly excite resentment in any of her States. Should it be deemed advisable to contract any conventional engagement on this toiDic our views would extend no further than to a mutual pledge of the parties to the compact to maintain the prin- ciple in application to its own territory and to permit no colonial lodgments or establishment of European jurisdic- tion upon its own soil; and, Avith respect to the obtrusive interference from abroad, if its future character may be inferred from that which has been and perhaps still is exercised in more than one of the new States, a joint dec- laration of its character and exposure of it to the world may be probably all that the occasion would requii'e. Whether the United States should or should not be parties to such a declaration may justly form a part of the deliberation. That there is an evil to be remedied needs little insight into the secret history of late years to know, and that this remedy may best be concerted at the 43 Panama meeting deserves at least the experiment of consid- eration. A concert of measures, having reference to the more effectual abolition of the African slave trade and the consideration of the light in which the political con- dition of the island of Hayti is to be regarded, are also among the subjects mentioned by the minister from the Republic of Colombia as believed to be suitable for deliber- ation at the Congress. The failure of the negotiations with that Republic undertaken during the late admin- istration for the suppression of that trade, in comiili- ance with a resolution of the House of Representatives, indicates the expediency of listening, with respectful at- tention, to propositions which may contribute to the ac- complishment of the great end which was the purpose of that resolution, while the result of those negotiations will serve as admonition to abstain from pledging this Govern- ment to any arrangement which might be expected to fail of obtaining the advice and consent of the Senate by a constitutional majority to its ratification. Whether the political condition of the Island of Hayti shall be brought at all into discussion at the meeting may be a question for preliminary advisement. There are in the political constitution of government of that people circumstances which have hitherto forbidden the acknowl- edgment of them by the Government of the United States as sovereign and independent. Additional reasons for withholding that acknowledgment have recently been in their acceptance of a nominal sovereignty by the grant of a foreign prince, under conditions equivalent to the concession by them of exclusive commercial advantages to one nation, adapted altogether to the state of colonial vassalage, and retaining little of independence but the name. Our plenipotentiaries will be instructed to present these views to the assembly at Panama, and should they not be concurred in to decline acceding to any arrangement which may be proposed upon different principles. The condition of the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico is of deeper import and more immediate bearing upon the present interests and future prospects of our Union. The 44 correspondence herewith transmitted will show how ear- nestly it has engaged the attention of this Government. The invasion of botli those islands by the united forces of Mexico and Colombia is avowedly among the objects to be matured by the belligerent states at Panama. The con- vulsions to which, from the j)eculiar composition of their popixlation, tliey would be liable in the event of such an invasion, and the danger therefrom resiilting of their fall- ing ultimately into the hands of some European power - other than Spain, will not admit of our looking at the consequences to which the congress at Panama may lead with indifference. It is unnecessary to enlarge upon this topic, or to say more than that all our efforts in reference to this interest will be to preserve the existing state of things — the tranquillity of the islands and the peace and security of their inhabitants. And, lastly, the congress of Panama is believed to pre- sent a fair occasion for urging vipon all the new nations of the soiith the just and liberal principles of religious liberty. Not by any interference whatever in their internal con- cerns, but by claiming for our citizens, whose occupations or interests may call them to occasional residence in their territories, the inestimable privilege of worshipping their Creator according to the dictates of their own consciences. This privilege, sanctioned by the customary law of nations, and secured by treaty stipulations in numerous national compacts, secured even to our own citizens in the treaties with Colombia and with the Federation of Central Amer- ica, is yet to be obtained in the other South American States and Mexico. Existing prejudices are still strug- gling against it. which may perhaps be more successfully combated at this general meeting than at the separate seats of government of each republic. I can scarcely deem it otherwise than siiperfluous to ob- serve that the assembly Avill be in its nature diplomatic and not legislative. That nothing can be transacted there obligatory upon any one of the states to be repre- sented at the meeting, unless with the express conciirrence of its own representatives ; nor even then, hwt subject to the ratification of its constitutional authority at home. 45 The faith of the United Staters to foreign powers can not otherwise be pledged. I sliall, indeed, in the first instance, consider the assembly as merely consultative ; and al- though the pleniiiotentiaries of the United States will Ijo empowered to receive and refer to the consideration of their Government any proposition from tlie other parties to the meeting, they will be authorized to conclude noth- ing unless suVjject to the definitive sanction of this Gov- ^ernment in all its constitutional forms. It has, therefore, seemed to me unnecessary to insist that every object to be discussed at the meeting should be specified witli the precision of a judicial sentence or enumerated with the exactness of a mathematical demonstration. The pur- pose of the meeting itself is to deliberate upon the great and common interests of several new and neighboring nations. If the measure is new and without precedent, so is the situation of the parties to it. That the purjjoses of the meeting are somewhat indefinite, far from being an objection to it, is among the cogent reasons for its adop- tion. It is not the establisliment of principles of inter- cour.se with one, but with seven or eight nations at once. That', before they have had the means of exchanging ideas and communicating with one another in common upon these topics they should have definitely settled and arranged them in concert, is to require that the effect should precede the cause. It is to exact as a preliminai-y to the meeting that for the accomplishment of which the meeting itself is designed. Among the inquiries which were thought entitled to consideration, before the determination was taken to ac- cept the invitation, was that, whether the measure might not have a tendency to change the policy, liitherto invaria- bly pursued by the United States, of avoiding all entangling alliances, and all unnecessary foreign connections. Mindful of the advice given by the Fathei- of our C(jun- try, in his farewell address, that the great rule of conduct for us in regard to foreign nations is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible ; and, faithfully adliering to the spirit of that admonition, I can not overlook the reflection 46 that the counsel of Wasliiugton, in that instance, like all the counsels of wisdom, was founded upon the circum- stances in which our country and the world aro\;ud us were situated at the time when it was given. That of the reasons assigned by him for his advice were: that Europe had a set of primary interests, which to us had no, or a very remote, relation. That hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which were essentially foreign to our concerns. That our de-, tached and distant situation, invited and enabled ns to pursue a different course. That by our union and rapid growth, with an efficient Government, the period was not far distant when we might defy material injury from ex- ternal annoyance ; when we might take such an attitude as would cause our neutrality to be respected ; and. with reference to belligerent nations, might choose peace or war, as our interests, guided by justice, should coxmsel. Compare our situation and the circumstances of that tim with those of the present day, and what from the very words of Washington, then, would be his counsels to his coiintrymennow? Europe has still her set of pri- mary interests with which we have little or a remote rela- tion. Our distant and detached situation, with reference to Europe, remains the same. But we were then the only independent nation of this hemisphere : and we were surrounded by European colonies, with the greater part of which we had no more intercotirse than with the in- habitants of another planet. Those colonies have now been transformed into eight independent nations, extend- ing to our very borders ; seven of them Republics like oiTrselves. mth whom we have an immensely growing commercial, and must have, and have already, important policital connections ; with reference to whom our situa- tion is neither detached nor distant ; whose political principles and systems of government, congenial with oiir own, must and will have an" action and counteraction upon us and ours, to which we can not be inditferent if we would. The rapidity of our growth, and the consequent increase of our strength, has more than realized the iinticipations 47 of this admirable political legacy. Thirty years have nearly elapsed since it was written, and in the interval our population, our wealth, our territorial extension, our power, physical and moral, lias nearly trebled. Reason- ing upon this state of things from the sound and judicious principles of Washington, must we not say that the period which he predicted as then not far off has arrived ; that America has a set of primary interests which have none, or a remote relation to Europe ; that the interfer- ence of Europe, therefore, in those concerns, should be spontaneously withheld by her upon the same principle— that we have never interfered with hers; and that, if slie should interfere, as she may, by measures which may have a great and dangerous recoil upon ourselves, we might be called, in defense of our own altars and firesides, to take an attitude which would cause our neutrality to be re- spected, and choose peace or war as our interest, guided by justice, should counsel. The acceptance of this invitation, therefore, far from conflicting with the counsel or the policy of Washington, is directly deducible from and conformable to it. Nor is it less conformable to the views of my immediate prede- cessor, as declared in his annual message to Congress, of the 2d December, 1833, to which I have already adverted, and to an important passage of which I invite the attention of the House. The citizens of the United States [said he] cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and hajipiness of their fellow-men on tliat [the Europr^an] side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the Euro- pean [xjwers, in matters relating to themselves, we liave never taken any part, nor does it comport with our poUcy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hem- isphere we are of neceasity more immediately connected, and by causes which mu.st te obvioas U> all enlightened and impartial observers. The political system of the allied fwwers is es.sentially different in this re- spect from that of America. This difference proceefls from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defense; of our own which has been achieved by the loss of so much bl(X)d and treasure and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under wliich we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable re- 48 lations subsisting between tbe United States and those powers, to de- clare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangei-ous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and sliaU not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their independence, and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great con- sidei-ation and on just principles acknowledged, we could not view any nterposition, for the purposes of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any Eiu-opean power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition towards the United States. In the war between those new Governments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, m the judgment of the competent authorities of tliis Government, shall make a corresponding change on the pai't of the United States indispensable to then- security. To the question wliich may be asked, whether this meet- ing and the principles which maj^ be adjusted and settled by it, as rules of intercourse between the American na- tions, may not give umbrage to the Holy League of Euro- pean powers, or offense to Spain, it is deemed a sufficient answer that our attendance at Panama can give no just cause of umbrage or offense to eitlier, and that the United States will stipulate nothing there which can give such cause. Here the right of inq\iiry into our purposes and measures must stop. The Holy League of Europe itself was formed without inquiring of the United States whether it would or would not give umbrage to them. The fear of giving iimbrage to the Holy League of Europe was urged as a motive for denjdng to the American nations the acknowledgment of their independence. That it would be viewed by Spain as hostility to her was not only urged, but directly declared by herself. The Congress and administration of that day consulted their rights and duties, and not their fears. Fiilly determined to give no needless displeasure to anj^ foreign power, the United States can estimate the probability of their giving it only by the right which any foreign State could have to take it from their measures. Neither the representation of the United States at Panama nor any measure to which their assent may be yielded there will give to the Holy League, 49 or any of its members, nor to Spain, the riglit to take offense. For the rest, tlie United States must still, as hereto- fore, take counsel from their duties, rather than their fears. Such are the objects in wliic-h it is expected that the plenipotentiaries of the United States, when commissioned to attend the meeting at the Isthiuus, will take part ; and such are the motives and purposes with which the invita- tion of the three Republics was accepted. It was, how- ever, as the House will perceive from the correspondence, accepted only ui)on condition that the nomination of com- missionei's for the mission should receive the advice and consent of the Senate. The concurrence of the House to the measure, by tlie appropriations necessary for carrying it into effect, isalike subject to its free determination and indispensable to the fulfillment of the intention. That the congi'ess at Panama will accomplish all or even any of the transcendent benefits to the human race which warmed the concei^tions of its first proposer, it were, perhaps, indulging too sanguine a forecast of events to promise. It is, in its nature, a measure speculative and experimental. The blessing of Heaven may turn it tf) the account of human improvement. Accidents unforeseen and mischances not to be anticipated may baffle all its high purposes and disappoint its faire.st expectations ; but the design is great, is benevolent, is humane. It looks to the melioration of the condition of man. It is congenial with that spirit which prompted the declai'a- tion of our independence ; which inspired the preaml)le of our first treaty with France ; which dictated our first treaty with Prussia, and the instructions under which it was ne- gotiated ; which filled the hearts and fired the souls of the immortal founders of our revolution. With this unrestricted exposition of the motives by which I have been governed in this transaction as well as of the objects to be discussed, and of the ends, if possible, to be attained by our representation at the proposed con- gress, I submit the propriety of an appropriation to the candid consideration and enlightened patriotism of the Legislature. jqjjn Quin'CY Adams. 50 Eephj of Mr. Clayto a BesoJutionof Inquiry fromtlie House of Bepresentafives. To the President: The Secretary of State, to -wliom the President has re- ferred that part of the resolution of the House of Rep- resentatives of the 5th instant -which requests that he •wouhi cause to be h^id before the House "so much of the correspondence between the Government of the United States and the new States of America or their ministers, respecting the proposed congress or meeting of diplo- matic agents at Panama, and of such information re- specting the general character of that expected congress as may be in his possession," has the honor now to report : That, during the last spring, he held, at the Department of Sttite, sejaarate conferences, on the same day, with the respective ministers of Colombia and Mexico, in the course of which each of them verbiilly stated that his Government was desirous that the United States should be represented at the proposed congress, and that he was instructed to communicate an invitation to their Govern- ment to send representatives to it ; but that, as his Gov- ernment did not know whether it woiild be agreeable or not to the United States to receive such an invitation, and as it was not wished to occasion any embarrassment to them, he was charged informally to inquire, previous to the delivery of the invitation, whether it would be ac- cepted if given by both of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia. It was also stated by each of those ministers that his Government did not expect that the United States would change their i^resent neutral policy, nor was it de- sired that they shoi\ld take part in such of the delibera- tions of the proposed congress as might relate to the pros- ecution of the existing war with Spain. HaA-ing laid before the President what transpired at these conferences, his direction was received, about a week after they had been held, to inform the ministers of Mexico and Colombia, and they were accordingly informed, that their communication was received with due sensibilitv to 51 the friendly consideration of tlie United States l)y which it liad been dictated ; tliat, of course, they coukl not make themselves a party to the war between the new States and Spain, nor to councils for deliberating on the means of its further prosecution ; that the President believed that such a congress as was contemplated might be highly useful in settling several important disputed questions of public law, in arranging other matters of deep interest to the American Continent, and in strengthening the friendship and amicable intercourse between the American powers ; that before such a Congress, however, assembled it ap- peared to the President to be expedient to adjust between the different powers to be rei^resented, several preliminary points, such as the subjects to which the attention of the congress was to be directed, the nature and the form of the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its organization and its action. If these preliminary points could be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United States the ministers from Colombia and Mexico were informed that the Pres- ident thought tliat the United States ought to be repre- sented at Panama. Each of those ministers undertook to transmit to his Government the answer which was thus given to both. In this posture the overture remained ^intil the letters were received, which accompany this report, from the ministers of the Republics of Mexico and Colombia, under date of the 2d and 3d of November, 1825. A similar anwer was returned to each of those letters in official notes, a copy of one of which is with this report. The first and only communication from the minister of the Republic of Central America to this Department in regard to the congress of Panama is contained in his offi- cial note, a copy of which, together with a copy of the answer which was returned, will be found along with this I'eport. Copies of conventions containing stijjulations respect- ing the intended congress are herewith reported between the Republic of Colombia and that of Chili, the Republic of Colombia and Peru, the Republic of Colombia and the Federation of the Centre of America, and tlie Republic of Colombia and the United Mexican States. * The Secretary of State has also the honor to report to the President extracts from the instructions which were given by the Department of State to Mr. Anderson on the 37th day of Maj-, 1823. and copies of certain parts of the correspondence which, since the last session of Con- gress, has taken place between the Executive of the United States and the Governments of Russia, France. Spain, and Mexico, of which a descriptive list accompanies this report. In respect to the negotiation which Mr. Middle- ton was authorized, by the dispatch of the 10th of May lastf (one of the papers now reported), to institute at St. Petersburg, considering the lapse of time and the great and lamented event which has lately occurred in Europe, perhaps there is no adeqiiate reason for refraining from a communication of it to the House, which is recommended by its intimate connection with the interests of the new Republics. Aboiit the same period with the date of that dispatch instriictions were given to Mr. Everett to incul- cate on Spain the necessity of peace and to our ministers in France and England to innate the cabinets of Paris and London to co-operate in the same work. The hope, not yet abandoned, was indulged that, by an united exer- tion of all the great powers, and especially of Russia, Spain might be brought to see her true interests in termi- nating the existing war. Other negotiations, growing out of and subordinate to that which was aiithorized in the before-mentioned dispatch of the 10th of May to Mr. Middleton. have been more recently commenced. They have for their object the prevention of disorder in the Spanish island of Cuba and Porto Rico and also to guard the United States against the danger of bad examples and * These conTentions communicated to the Senate in a report of tlie Secretary of State, accompanying tlie President's message to the Sen- ate of the 10th of January. 1836. in answer to a resohition of the Sen- ate of the 3d of January. 1826. f This letter to Mr. Middleton of the lOtli of May. 182-5. communi- cated, icith others, to the Senate, at the same time with the conven- tions above mentioned. 53 excesses, of which, in the course of events, those islands might become tlie theatre, as well as the conservation of our commercial and navigating interests. All Avhich is respectfully submitted. H. Clay. Department of State, March, 14, 1S2G. Report of the Senate Committee on Foreign. Affairs, Janu- ary iG, i8-^(;. Monday, January 16, 1826. Mr. Macon, from tlie Committee on Foreign Relations, to whom was referred, on the 38th of December, the mes- sage of the President of the United States nominating Richard C. Anderson and John Sergeant to be envoys extraordinary and ministers plenij^otentiary to the assem- bly of the American nations at Panama; and, on the 10th instant, the message communicating certain documents relating thereto, submitted the following report: That they have examined the subject to them referred witli the most profound attention, and have bestowed uj^on it all the consideration demanded by its novelty, delicacy, and high importance to the character and future destinies of the United States. In making this examination the committee found themselves not a little embarrassed at first by the circumstance announced by the President in his message to both Houses of Congress at the commence- ment of the present session, that he had already accepted the invitation given to the United States by some of the American Rei)ublics to be represented at the contemplated Congress of American nations about to be assembled at Panama. Biit seeing in the several communications made by the Secretary of State to the dift'erent ministers of these Republics that an express reference was made to the concurrence of the Senate as the indispensable preliminary to the acceptance of this invitation, and finding in the present message of the President the explicit assurance that he had not thought proper to take any step in carry- ing this measure into effect until he could ascertain that his opinion of its expediency would concur with that of 54 both "branclies of the legislature, the committee believed it became a part of the duty they owed to the Senate, and ■would be evidence of the proper respect due to the Presi- dent, that they should fully and freely examine into the propriety of the proposed measure, the expediency of adopting which was the subject that the Senate was thiis invited to deliberate \ipou. and to make known their opinion. Considerations of much higher imi^ortance than even these iudiiced the committee to adopt this course. lu the ordinary progress of their proceedings, the Senate can rarely if ever find it either necessary or proper to inquire as to the objects expected to be obtained by appointments, to which their advice and consent is asked. As to all offices created by statute in which these objects are de- fined and their attainment positively required, the single question arising before the Senate must ever refer merely to the fitness of the person nominated by the President to fulfill strch duties. The same will generally be found the sole inquiry necessary to be made in filling up vacancies happening in pre-existing foreign missions, designed to maintain the customary relations and intercourse of friend- ship and commerce between the United States and other nations. Very difl'erent, however, is the case when it is proposed to create new offices by nomination, or to dis- patch ministers to foreign States for the first time, or to accomplish by such missions objects not specially disclosed or under circumstances new. peciiliar. and highly impor- tant. In all these cases, instead of confining their inquir- ies to the mere fitness of the persons nominated to fill such offices, it is not only the right but the duty of the Senate to determine previoiisly as to the necessity and propriety of creating the offices themselves ; and in deciding these questions not only the objects for the accomplishment by which it is proposed to create them, but every other cir- cumstance connected with such a measure must necessa- rily and unavoidably become a subject of their serious examination. This right, conferred by the Constitution upon the Senate, is the only direct check upon the power possessed by the President in thi« reHpeot, which, rfclievere8sey the documents U) them referral, most deejdy impressed with the importanceof the ctjnsequences that may very probably result from it. By the principles of this policy, inculcated by our vrmmt statesmen in fonner days and approved by the ex- perience of all subs(:!quent time, the true interest of the Unitosed to be promoted by avoiding all entangling connections with any other nation whutao- ever. Stearlily pursuing this course while they liave been desirous to manifest the most cordial good will to all nations, and to maintain with each lelations of perfect amity and of commerce regulated and a'l justed by rules of the most fair, equal, and just reciprocity, the Unite adopt sucJi a measure, there is nothing known to them that requires or Justifies it at this time. It is true the power confided to tlie Senate to ratify or reject any agreement that may be entered int/j l>y sucli agents would constitute some safeguard to the impoi-tant interests of the United States. But long experience must have informed tlie Senate that it is generally exceedingly difficult, anrl sometimes even inipo.ssible, to escape from the embarrassments produced by the mere act of entering into a negotiati(jri ; and that it is mucli better to abstain from doing so until its objects are distinctly known and approved, than trj confide in the power of tiie Senate, in the last i-e.sort, to refuse tlieir assent to tlie ratification of an agreement after it is adjusted by means of such nego- tiation. In the present case, if the measures to be accomplished by the proposed congiess, whatever may be their object or character, should not meet the concurring opinion of all the jjarties there to be represented, we need not the lights of history to inform us that many consequences mLschievous in themselves, and greatly to be dejdored, not only may, but most probably will, result. And that a difference of ojnnion will exi.st in regard to measures so important in themselves, and so various and diversified in their effects ujion nations fliffering from each other in almo.st every particular, is much to be apprehended. The power possessed by the Seriate of withholding its assent, ought not, therefore, to be regarded as furnishing suffi- cient assurance against the possible and probable effects of the proposed measure. Turning from the undefined objects of this congres.s, so imperfectly disclosed in the vague description given of them, that, if seen at all, they are presented most indis- tinctly to their view, and regarding tho.se which are par- ticularly mentioned and described with more precision, this committee have not been able to discover in any one of 60 these last a single snbject concerning which the United States ought to enter into any negotiation with the States of America to be assembled at the contemplated Congress at Panama. Before proceeding to the enumeration of these objects, the committee can not refrain from calling the attention of the Senate to a singular circumstance disclosed by the documents referred to them. Although an enumeration of the subjects to which the attention of the proposed con- gress was to be directed was explicitly stated as a condi- tion preliminary to the acceptance by the United States of the invitation given to them to be there represented; al- though each of the ministers giving this invitation had communicated this to his Government and received its instructions relative thereto, yet great diversities will be found in the enumeration of these subjects made by each of these ministers in pursuance of such instructions. And, what is still more remarkable, while many of the subjects of intended discussion so enumerated by each of these ministers are not referred to in the message of the President to the Senate, others are therein stated as mat- ters for the deliberation of the propos^ congress to which not the slightest allusion seems ever to have been made by any one of the American ministers in any of their communications to this Government ; nay, one of the sub- jects (the most important, probably, of any which the United States are desirous to discuss at this congress) is neither noticed in the communications made to this Gov- ernment by any of the American States nor in the mes- sage of the President to the Senate, and is to be only inferred from the documents last referred to this com- mittee, received under the call made by the Senate for further information ; all which will be very clearly shown by the details which the committee will now lay before the Senate. The first subject stated by the Mexican minister as one which would occupy the attention of the contemplated congress, and the deliberations concerning which the United States are expected to take a part, is, "The resist- ance or opposition to be made to the interference of any 61 neutral nation in the question and war ()f independence between the new powers of this continent and Spain." And in the deliberations upon tliis subject it seems to be proposed "to discuss the means of giving to that resist- ance all possible force," and so to adjust, by previous con- cert, the mode which each of the States represented at the Congress "shall lend its co-operation." The same subject is also stated by the minister of Colom- bia, and in terms still more explicit. He suggests as a matter of useful discussion in the congress, the formation of "an eveiitual alliance" of the States there to be repre- sented, for the purpose of preventing any European power from interfering in the present contest between Spain and her former colonies : and that the treaty for this purpose should "remain secret, until the casus pederis should happen." Notwithstanding this is so stated by both of these min- isters as the first and great object of the proposed congress, yet the President, in his message, assures the Senate "that the motive of the attendance of the United States is neither to contract alliances, nor to engage in any undertaking or project importing hostility to any other nation." It thus appears, that, in relation to this first and most important point, which seems to have given birth to the scheme of this congress, the views and motives of the United States differ essentially from those of the other parties. And this difference of opinion, occurring as to* the very first proposition, Avhich is said to be "a matter of immediate utility to the American States that are at war with Spain," and is believed by them to "be in accordance with the repeated declarations and protests of the Cabinet at Wash- ington," must unavoidably excite doubts as to "the inter- est we take in their welfare, and our disposition to comply with their wishes," and would so contribute not a little to defeat other objects. The next subject stated by the Mexican minister, as pre- senting " another of the questions which may be discussed," and which he considers as being " in like iiredicament with the foregoing," is "the opposition to colonization in Amer- ica by the European powers." 62 The minister of Colombia concurs in this enumeration. He places "the manner in which all colonization of Euro- pean powers on the American continent shall be re- sisted,"' at the very head of all the subjects of proposed discussion, and couples this with the former as an object to be effected by the joint and united efforts of all the States to be represented at the congress, who should be bound by a solemn convention to secure this end. The President concurs in part in the opinion as to the propriety of attaining this end, but differs radically as to the mode of accomplishing it. " An fvgreement between all the parties represented at the meeting that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony withm its borders,"' he thinks " may be found ad\dsable." Now, if this be meant that each nation shall, by its own means, protect its own territory against all encroachments upon them, attempted by any European or other foreign State whatsoever, the committee can not discern either the necessity or expediency of entering into any formal agree- ment with other States to that eif ect more than exists for reducing to treaty stipulations any other of the high, just, and universally admitted rights of all nations. Such an idea, however, is obviously not. that suggested by the ministers of Mexico and Colombia, and if more is meant to be qomprehended in the agreement which the President thinks may be found advisable, every other arti- cle it would contain must, in the opinion of this commit- tee, violate all the well-settled principles of the policy of the United States, and put at hazard their best interest, without any adequate motive for so novel an experiment. In the one case, the views and motives of the President differ again, essentially, from those of the other parties to be represented at this congress ; and from the disclosure of these repeated differences of opinion, no good can pos- sibly result. And in the other, should the views of the President concur with those of the other American States (which the committee do not believe), the mutual stipula- tions growing out of such an agreement would, in the opinion of this committee, prove fatal to the best interests 63 of the United States, should the casus faederis ever hap- pen. To adjust the means of most effectual resistance to the interference of neutral nations, in the war of independence between the new powers of this continent and Sjjain ; and of opposition to colonization in America hy the European powers, are said by the Mexican minister to be "the two principal subjects " of intended discussion at the contem- plated congress ; and, indeed, are all the subjects of dis- cussion which he particularly states. The minister of Colombia, however, extends his enumeration of the sub- jects of intended discussion .somewhat further ; and after mentioning those before stated, adds, as another, "the consideration of the means to be adopted for the entire abolition of the African slave trade." To this subject the President makes no allusion in his message; and, after the examination which it has received in the Senate during two successive years, this committee deem it quite unnecessary to say much in relation to it at this time. Some of the sovereign States here represented were the first in the world to proclaim their abhorrence of this traffic. . Since the formation of this Government the United States have exerted (and as this committee believe have exerted effectually) all the means in their power to arrest its progress so far as their own citizens were con- cerned; and if all other nations, and especially those nations holding possessions in America, would follow their example, the African slave trade would no longer exist. The United States, however, have not certainly the right and ouglit never to feel the inclination to dictate to others who may differ with them upon this subject; nor do the committee see the expediency of insulting other States with whom we are maintaining relations of jjeifect amity by ascending the moral chair and proclaiming from thence mere ab-stract principles, of the rectitude of which each nation enjoys the perfect right of deciding for itself. The minister of Coloml)ia states, as another subject of discussion at the contemjilated congress, " on what basis the relation of Hayti. and of other parts of our hemis- phere that shall hereafter be in like circumstances, are to 64 be placed. ■"• To this matter also the President makes uo allusion in his message. And surely if there is any sub- ject within the whole circle of political relations, as to which it is the interest and the duty of all States to keep themselves perfectly free and unshackled by any previous stipulation, it is that which regards their future connec- tions with any other people not parties to such an agree- ment. Of the propiiety or imiaroprietj^ of such connec- tions each must ever be jDermitted to judge freely for itself, because the benefit or disadvantage to result from them must be peculiar and very different to each, and that relation which is highly desirable at one time may become hurtful at another. In the opinion of this com- mittee, therefore, the United States should never permit themselves to enter into discussion with any foreign State whatever as to the relations they should be obliged to establish with any other people not parties to such dis- cussions. And the ol)jections to such a course become in- finitely stronger when the discussions are intended to refer not only to those who then exist, but also to others who may hereafter be considered as placed "in like circum- stances." These are all the points particularly suggested by the minister of Columbia as subjects of discussion at the contemplated congress. The minister of Guatemala (who also unites iu the invitation given to the United States) has stated no jjarticular subject as matter of discussion at this congress. He intimates, however, "that, as Europe had formed a continental system, and held a congress whenever questions affecting its interests were to be dis- cussed, America should also form a system for itself." How far this general suggestion meets the views of the President the committee are not enabled, by anj'' docu- ment referred to them, to decide. But they will present to the Senate their own ideas in relation to it ; the rather because it seems now to be the prominent object of the proposed congress, the magnitude and variety of details be- longing to which defy present enumeration and particu- lar specification. Without adverting to the great and obvious diversities 65 existing between the States of this continent and those of Europe, by which the system here alhided to has been established — diversities growing out of the situation of their peoi)le, the nature of their governments, and the positions they occupy, not only in relation to each other, but to the rest of the civilized world, this committee will state, as their opinion, that no effect yet produced by the continental system of Europe is of a character to invite the States of this continent to take that system as a model or example for their imitation. The great object of the continental system of Europe is, to preserve ancient insti- tutions, and relations long known and well understood, in the position which they now occupy and for many centuries have done. The o^jeration of this system is, by the combination of powers and the application of mere force, to arrest the progress of imj^rovement in the science of government and in the condition of society, ends which all free States must reprobate as much as they do the means employed for their accomplishment. If this were not so, however, a system formed for this continent for the same or even different objects would most probably produce the worst effects. The short political existence of all the States on this continent, even of the United States themselves, the most ancient of any, has enabled them to profit so little as yet by experience, that it would seem rash to proclaim their perfection at this time, or to pledge any of them to perpetuate either their jjresent institutions or existing political relations. Our own excellent Constitution is based iipon the supposition of its own probable imperfec- tions, and most wisely provides for its amendment when- ever such defects shall be discovered to exist. We can not, therefore, stipiilate to preserve it as it is, and no com- pact with other States can be necessary to bestow upon each the power it now possesses to effect any change which experience may hereafter show to be beneficial to itself. And a stipulation to make such changes as the good for any others may hereafter require would either be futile or must inevitably lead to discord and to wars. The committee doubt, moreover, the authority of the 5 PA 66 Government of the United States to enter into any nego- tiations with foreign nations for the purpose of settling and promulgating either principles of internal polity or mere abstract propositions as parts of the public law. And if the proposed congress is viewed but as a convenient mode of conducting a summary negotiation relative to existing interests important to this continent alone, it not only may, biit most probably will, be considered by all other civilized nations as a confederacy of the States therein represented for purposes as prejudicial to the in- terests of the Old as they are supposed to be beneficial to those of the New World. Many of the provisions in the different conventions already concluded between some of the new States relative to this very congress, and which are now public, are well calculated to create such a sus- picion, even if they do not justify a belief in its truth. And whensoever this siispicion shall be entertained by the nations of the Old World, and especially by those who still hold possessions on this continent, it must be obvious to all that consequences much to be deplored will unavoid- ably result. Nothing that can be done hereafter by anj^ department of this Government in refusing to sanction the stipulations concluded at a congress regarded in this light will suffice to avert the calamity ; and the United States, who have grown up in happiness to their present prosperity by a strict observance of their old well-known course of policy, and by manifesting entire good-will and most profound respect for all other nations, must prepare to embark their future destinies upon an iinknown and turbulent ocean, directed by little experience, and destined for no certain haven. In such a voyage the dissimilitude existing be- tween themselves and their associates in interest, charac- ter, language, religion, manners, customs, habits, laws, and almost every other particiilar, and the rivalship these discrepancies must surely produce among them, woiild generate discords, which if they did not destroy all hope of its successful termination, would make even suc- cess itself the iiltimate cause of new and direful conflicts between themselves. Such has been the issue of all such 67 enterprises in past time, and we have therefore strong reasons to expect in the future similar results from simi- lar causes. The committee, having thus examined the several sub- jects of proi^osed discussion, stated or alluded to by each of the ministers of the new States of America, as matters of deliberation at the contemplated congress, will now proceed to the investigation of others not mentioned or I'eferred to by any of them, but exhibited in the message of the President. The committee see nothing in the documents to them referred to prove that the States who originated the proj- ect of this Congress, and settled the subjects proper for its deliberation, and who most probably have already ad- justed " the preliminary rules of that assembly," will admit as fit matters of discussion any other than those which they themselves have so previously announced. Should this be tlie case, the degraded position which the United States must then occupy at the congress must be apparent to all. "Without adverting further, however, at this time, to this consideration, the committee will enter into the examination of the several topics suggested by the Presi- dent, as though the discussion of them was a matter settled and already agreed. The first of these siibjects stated by the President is "the establishment of principles of a liberal commercial inter- course." The motives for desiring this are stated to be that "the Southern American nations, in their intercoui'se with the United States, have sometimes manifested dispo- sitions to reserve a right of granting special favors and privileges to the Spanish nation at the price of their rec- ognition. At others they have actually established duties and impositions, operating i;nfavorably to the United States to the advantage of other European powers, and sometimes they have appeared to consider that they might interchange among themselves mutual concessions of ex- clusive favors to which neither European i^owers nor the United States should be admitted." In considering these reasons it can not escape the observa- tion of any that in manifesting dispositions to establish 68 such commercial relations the Soiitliern American nations must have been actiiated by the only motive that ever operates either upon nations or individuals in regard to tlieir mere commercial intercourse — a desire fairly to ad- vance their own interests, and a belief that they could by such means pro^^erly accomplish this end. If, in this belief, these nations are right, then the United States can scarcely be viewed as acting toward them in that spirit of generous kindness and fraternal friendship they have pro- fessed when thej' would strive to induce them to establish as liberal principles such as would be injurious to the in- terests of these Southern nations themselves. And if they are wrong, it seems to this committee that the task of ex- hibiting their errors may be miicli better performed, as hitherto it hath been, by particular discussions with each separately than by general demonstrations made to all, assembled as a congress. The interests of commerce are necessarily peculiar ; they grow out of niimerous circiimstances produced by locality, climate, population, manners, customs, and other causes, no one of which exists alike in any two nations on the globe. Few general principles, therefore, can ever apply, with equal truth, to so many peculiarities ; and such as do so apply, need not the sanction of solemn compact to give them eifect. They may be very safely confided to the natural disposition of man, promptly to discover, and eagerly to advance, his own best interests. Whatever disposition, then, may have been manifested by the Soiithern nations of America, this committee think that their eifects, both upon themselves and the United States, will constitute subjects much more fit for separate discussions with each, than of general investigation before all. And the committee are the more confirmed in this opinion by the assiirance given by the President, in his message, that "in most of these cases their regulations un- favorable to us have already yielded to friendly expostu- lation and remonstrance,"' and, by the fact of the treaties recently concluded between these States, contain express stipulations that, in no event, will they agree or enter into any treaty with Spain, or any other nation, to the prejudice 69 of tlieir iiiili'jH-nilfiicf:!, Ijut to maintain, at all timr^.s, thfiir mutual intiiieKtH, witli the dignity and energy proper to free independent States. It is true a difference of opinion appears to exist at jjres- ont between the United States and one of the new Rejiub- lics of Ameri(;a in relation to a single principle of their commercial intercourse. When the Senate recollect, liow- ever, that tr(;aties have l^een ali'cady concluded between the United States and tliree others of these Republics, in each of which treaties this point has been settled as tlie United States themselves think right, the committee be- lieve that the Senate will concur with them in the opinion that it is much better to continue the discussion of this subject with the dissenting State singly, urging uj^on her the examjjle of her sister States, than to put in hazai'd the .stipulations already secured by voluntarily entering into an examination of their exftediency before the contem- plated congress. "The consentaneous adoption of principles of maritime neutrality, favorable to the navigation of peace and com- merce in time of war," is the next object which, in the opinion of the President, should "also form a subject of consideration in this congress." In relation to tliis, so far as it regards the commerce of peace, the committee liave already expressed their opinion; and, so far as it is in- tended to settle the rules of war as applicable to naviga- tion, the committee will only remark that there exists so much risk of compromising and destroying the relations of neutrality, which the United States are now maintain- ing, should they involve themselves by any compact rela- tive to belligerent rights entered into with only one of the parties to the present war during its continuance, that, in their opinion, it would be highly inexpedient to make such an expenment at this time. Any principle relating to the rights of war which one of the parties in the existing contest might be willing to a^lopt as promoting its interests could scarcely be regarded with indifference by the other. And the great maritime States of Europe would most proljably consider that the United States had seized the occasion of this war to enter into a 70 confederacy with the other States of this continent now actually engaged in it for the purpose of settling principles intended to affect materially their future interests. It is well known to the Senate, moreover, that treaties al- ready exist between the United States and several of the new States of this continent, in which all the subjects al- luded to by the President in this part of his message are already settled; and no reason is known to this committee to excite the slightest doubt that the others of these States with whom treaties are not yet concluded will feel any dis- inclination to enter into similar stipulations for themselves. "' There is yet another subject," says the President, "upon which, without entering into any treaty, the moral influence of the United States may perhaps be exerted with bene- ficial consequences at such a meeting— the advancement of religioiis liberty." And as a motive for making an effort to accomplish this object he states that " an exclusive church has been incorporated with the political constitu- tions of some of the southern nations without toleration of any other than the dominant sect." In the opinion of this committee there is no proposition concerning which the people of the United States are now and ever have been more unanimous than that which de- nies not merely the expediency but the right of inter- meddling with the internal affairs of other States, and especially of seeking to alter any provision they may have thought proper to adopt as a fundamental law or may have incorporated with their political constitutions. And if there be any such subject more sacred and delicate than another, as to which the United States ought never to intermeddle even by obtrusive advice, it is that which concerns religious liberty. The most cruel and devastat- ing wars have been produced by such interferences ; the blood of man has been poured out in torrents : and from the days of the Crusades to the present hour no benefit has resulted to the hi\man family from discussions carried on by nations upon such subjects. Among the variety even of Christian nations which now inhabit the earth, rare in- deed are the examples to be found of States who have not established an exclusive church, and to far the greater n number of these toleration is yet unknown. In none of the communications which have taken place is the most distant allusion made to this delicate subject by any of the ministers who have given this invitation ; and the committee feel very confident in the opinion that if ever an intimation shall be made to the sovereignties they rep- resent that it was the purpose of the United States to dis- cuss at the proposed congress their plans of internal civil policy, or anything touching the supposed interests of their religious establishments, the invitation given would soon be withdrawn. The committee have thus exhibited to the Senate, in detail, all the subjects which they have been enabled to find particularly stated, either by the President in his first message or by any of the nunisters of the new States of America, as matters intended to be discussed at the con- templated Congress. In reviewing these they will repeat that a concurrence of opinion does not seem to exist be- tween the difl:erent i^arties as to the subjects of delibera- tion ; nor has the mode of discussion or decision been in any way settled between them. In relation to some of the subjects alluded to as fit matters for consideration differ- ences of opinion, radical and irreconcilable, seem ah'eady to exist, which discussion may aggravate but can not as- suage. As to others, their very agitation in this mode threatens seriously the compromitment of the neutral re- lations which the United States are now maintaining and have so carefully observed throughout this whole contest. Others, again, are unfit subjects for deliberation in this mode at all times, and any agreement resulting from their discussion must impair that freedom of action which it is so necessary for the United States to preserve as to these ; and, as to the residue, they are either not of sufficient im- portance to require the adoption of this new and untried experiment of a Congi-ess of Nations, or may be much better adjusted and settled in separate negotiations with each than in a general conference with all. For these reasons, if there were none other, this committee should regard the adoi^tion of the measure proposed by the Presi- dent as highly inexpedient at this time. 72 Altliough in the message of the President of the 9th instant no new subject of deliberation at the contemplated Congress is specially stated, yet, from the documents ac- companying that message, and therein referred to as con- taining information tending to show the expediency of adopting the proposed measure, it appears to this com- mittee that the present and future condition of the remain- ing Spanish possessions in America are considered as proper matters to be there agitated and settled. Such being the inference of the committee they will proceed to lay before the Senate their opinion upon this subject also. The committee are well aware that the United States can never regard with indifference the situation and probable destiny of the neighboring Spanish islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico; but so far from believing it expedient to dis- cuss these subjects at a Congress of all the American States, and especially at this time, the committee consider the great probability that such a discussion might be forced iipon the United States if they are there represented as a circumstance furnishing in itself the strongest objections to the adoption of the measure proposed. If the existing war between Spain and the new States of America continues the United States could scarcely en- deavor to arrest the progress of that war in the only direction it can hereafter take, or prevail upon one of the belligerents not to strike their enemy where alone he is now assailable and most vulnerable by them, without an- nouncing a determination to take part in the contest ; and if peace shall happily be restored all apprehension of the effects of such a blow must cease of coiirse. Why, then, discuss the merits of such a question which it seems prob- able may never arise ? Or why place the United States in a situation where, if the question does arise and they must speak, the language which they utter must be regarded as equally unfriendly to all the new States, and where, if the United States keep silence, this very silence will be misinterpreted ? Should the situation or policy of the United States in- duce them to look with indifference upon the new direction that the existing war may take and to abstain from all in- 73 terference in it, oven tliouf^h tlif noif^liliorinj^ islands of Cuba and Pufirto Rico may he thrdiitimcA or assailed, then the very annuiunation of such a purpose must contribute much to accelerate an event that can not be desii-ed by us. In whatever light, therefore, this subject is viewed it does not seem to Vje one wliich the United States should discuss witli the other American States assembled at a Congress. The inexpediency of jjursuing a cour.se aj)peared more obvious to this committee when they considei-ed that many of the nations of Europe must also feel that tlieir interests were materially involved in its decision, and tliat they would not aljstain from making some movement in relation to it whicli must greatly emljari-ass any course that the United States may wish liereafter to pursue. Wliile the United States I'etaiii tlie position wliich they have tiitherto (occupied, and maniftj.st a constant deter- mination not to mingle their interests with tliose of the other States of America, they may continue to emjiloy the influence which they possess, and liave already happily exerted, witli tlie nations of Europe in favor of th(!se new republics. But if ever the United States x^ermit tliem- .selves to be associated witli these nations in any geriei-al congi'ess, as.sembled for the discussion of commoji plans, in any way affecting European interests, tliey will, by such an act, n(jt only deprive themselves of tlie ability they now po.sse.ss of rendering useful assi.stance to the other American states, but also jiroduce other eff«'cts prejudicial to tlieir own interests. Tlien the ]>owers of Europe, wlio have hitherto confided in tlie sagacity, vigi- lance, and impartiality of the United States to watcli, de- tect, announce, and restrain any disposition tliat the heat of the existing contest might excite in the new states of America to extend their emjjires beyond tlieir own limits, and who have tlierefore considered tlieir own possessions and commerce in America safe while so guarded, would no longer feel this confidence. Each would tlierefore endeavor to secure its own interests by its own means, and the power of Spain not being considered by any as equal to the protection of her remaining American possessions, a struggle would probably commence who should first ob- 74 tain the islands of Cuba and Puerto Rico, the possession of which must ever be of the last importance to the com- merce of this hemisphere. Or, if such should not be the case, the interest of many European nations might seem to require that they should make common cause with Spain for the purpose of preventing these islands from falling into other hands. To the United States it would be of little moment which of these events should occur, for it can not be expected that any such contest could be carried on so near them without the most imminent dan- ger to their neutrality. The very situation of Cuba and Puerto Rico, therefore, furnishes the strongest inducement to the United States not to take a place at the contemplated Congress, since, by so doing, they mtist be considered as changing the at- titude in which they hitherto have stood as impartial spectators of the passing scenes and identifying them- selves with the new republics. These reasons, strong as they have appeared to this com- mittee, are not the only objections to the proposed meas- ure disclosed by the doc^^ments to them referred. The manner in which this invitation has been given, of itself, furnishes many forcible obstacles to its acceptance, and, in the opinion of this committee, the United States will neither consult their own dignity nor what is due to the proper respect they have a right to claim from all nations, and especially from the new states of America, if they noAV agree to co-operate in carrying this proposed measure into effect. The history of the transaction, so far as it is disclosed to this committee, seems to be this: So early as the year 1821 the project of assembling a general congress of their representatives to consider and adopt the best plan for defending the states of the New World from foreign ag- gression, and to conclude treaties of alliance, commerce, and friendship for the promotion of their happiness and prosperity, ajDpears to have been received by one at least of the new states of America. This scheme of forming a continental system for America, to resemble that already formed in Europe, was communicated to the others of these 75 states, who, concurring in tlie project, negotiations were instituted between tliem for the purpose of concluding conventions to provide for this object. The plan being so far matured, the United States were, for the first time, informally applied to during the last spring by the ministers of two of the new states, separ- ately, to learn whether an invitation to be represented at this Congress, if given by both these republics, would be accepted. To this communication, informally made, the President as informally replied that he believed such a congress as was proposed might be highly useful for sev- eral purposes, but that, before it assembled, it appears to him expedient to adjust between the powers to be repre- sented several preliminary points, such as the subjects to be discussed, the nature of the powers to be given to the agents who were to compose it, and the mode of its organi- zation and action. And if these preliminary points could be arranged in a manner satisfactory to the United States, the ministers to whom this communication was made were informed that the President thought the United States ought to be represented at the contemplated congress. Each minister undertook to transmit to his government this answer thus given. The affair remaining in this posture as to the United States, the negotiatioiis previously entered into between the new states were brought to a close, and conventions providing for the objects of the proposed congress were actually concluded, some of them so far back as the Oth day of July, 1.S23. After the conclusion of all these conventions, and only A few weeks since, during the month of November last, separate formal communications were made to the United States by the ministers of Mexico, Colombia, and Guate- mala, respectively, disclosing some of the objects inten(l(!d to be discussed at the proposed congress in the manner already stated by the committee, and giving the invitation to the Uni ed States to be there represented. In some of these communications the United States were informed that instructions and ample powers for the attainment of the proposed objects would be given by at least one of 76 the new Republics, and a wish was expressed that the agents of all the others might bear the same. In none, however, is any mention made either of the mode or or- ganization or action of the congress, nor is it anj^where stated who would be the parties, or what representatives were either invited, expected, or would be received. But in the very communication which conveys the information already stated the United States are told that at the date of that communication (November 3) the repre- sentatives from Colombia, Peru, Guatemala, and Mexico woiald have arrived at Panama, the agreed place of as- sembling, and would be engaged in settling the prelimi- nary rules of the assembly, and in discussing the cpiestions which should be supposed by them to belong exclusively to the belligerents. It thus appears that, after everything relative to the meeting of the proposed congress had been settled by formal negotiations and treaties between themselves, the United States have been thus loosely invited by the other American States as if in mere courtesy to attend its delib- erations. Should the United States accept such an invita- tion, the deputies Avhom they may send to Panama will there be associated with they know not whom, or for what piirposes, or in what mode. When these deputies shall inqiiire of the congress as to any of these important par- ticulars thej'' will receive the information they ask in reso- lutions and compacts adjusted and concliided before their arrival. And if, waiving all these things, which none ought to consider as mere ceremonials, the agents of the United States shall take the places previously assigned to them, and propose to take a part in the discussions, they will find all the leading principal topics for deliberation already passed upon and concluded. The committee are well aAvare that the interest and character of free States should never be permitted to rest upon matters of mere fastidious etiquette and ceremonious observance; but even in the intercourse between individ- uals, and much more in that between sovereignties, there is a point at which forms become substance, and when scrupulous attention to the most minute ceremonials that 77 comity and respect exact is due to the sacred character and dignity of the Republic. At that point the committee be- lieve the United States should ever make a stand, and resting there should always exact even from the most ancient and puissant sovereign of the earth everything re- (juired by their own self-respect. Nor should anything be then waived even to manifest their sensibility to what- ever concerns the prosperity of the American hemisphere or the sincere friendship which they feel for these new Republics. As the most ancient State in the New World ; the first acknowledged sincere friend of those more recently exist- ing ; as a State from whose greater experience more light is said to be expected to be shed upon the subjects to be discussed and the principles to be established at the con- templated congress than from the other States, the United States had a right to expect that when this project of a congress of American nations was conceived it should have been communicated to them as early as to any othei's whose jiresence by their representatives was deemed desirable. That they, too, should have been asked whether such a measure would be acceptable ; that they, too, should have been consulted as to the time, the jjlace, and the man ner of assembling such a congress. That they, too, should have been permitted to assist in the enumeration of the subjects to which its attention might properly be directed ; in the adjustment of the nature and form of the powers to be given to the diplomatic agents who were to compose it ; in the mode of its organization and action ; and, above all others, in the settlement of the great ques- tion, who should be invited to take a part in its delibera- tions. The United States had also a right to expect that the result of all such consultations should be fixed and secured by solemn compacts and conventions, in which they too should be parties. Such the committee believe ought to have been and would have been the course jjursued by the United States towards the other American States, if the project of con- vening a Congress of American nations had occurred to us as a measure useful and beneficial to the American 78 continent ; and being never disposed to exact from others more respect than in the like circumstances they are will- ing themselves to pay the United States, in the opinion of this committee, would themselves, even if an opinion shoiild be entertained that anything exists i-equiring the adoption of such a measure at this time, courteously to de- cline the invitation given under the circumstances stated, and to institute the proj^er proceedings necessary to its consummation in the mode which friendship, comity, and deference to others require. Such a movement belongs to the high character which the United States enjoy in the estimation of all the world, the merit of which is accorded to them by none more willing than by the newborn States of this continent ; and, if it be not now made, the time will go by when the position may ever hereafter be properly assumed. The committee would not be understood as suggesting the expediency of any such measure at this time. In their opinion, there exists no adequate motive to induce its adop- tion. Every sjDot known or habitable in America is already ajJi^ropriated by different nations, whose rights of terri- tory all recognize; and if trifling differences may exist between any upon the subject of mere common boundary, these differences constitute fit matter of friendly discus- sion between them alone. The idea of colonization in America, therefore, no longer exists; and in the present posture of nations there is little reason to aj^prehend the willful encroachment of any upon the American possessions of another. Each passing hour strengthens the just claims which the new States of America have preferred, to be recognized as sovereign and independent by all other nations; and the quiet efflux of time, if it has not already done so, must very soon place their sovereignty upon the same basis on which rests that of the most ancient nations of the earth. Spain possesses not the ability to give any of them cause of serious concern; and enjojdng the friendship and pro- claimed recognition of Great Britain and of the United States, there is no sufficient reason to apprehend the inter- ference of ■ any European nation in the question and war 79 of ilieir independence. Compacts have been already con- cluded, or ai-e now negotiating, between each of the States of this continent, wlierein their mutual interest, both general and particular, will be firmly fixed upon princi- ples of the most perfect justice and liberal equity. And no common sirbject now remains of sufficient magnitude to require a movement so new and important as the assembling of a Congress of all the American nations, which can not but excite suspicion and jealousy in the other hemisphere, and might so affect injuriously the in- terests of the new States themselves. Should this happy state of things ever change the lively interest which the United States have ever taken in the wel- fare of these their sister sovereignties, ought to be regarded by them as the surest pledge, that we cannot be indiflierent to anything that concerns them. An eye the most vigilant we .shall ever direct to their prosperity; the ajipearance of the first cloud, rising to obscure its light, will be announced to them; and the United States will then manifest the deep interest which they feel in the elevation and happiness of all the nations of the new world. AVlien such an event shall occur the United States will probably be the first to solicit the assembling of a Congress of American States, and the invitations which they shall then give to others to be there represented will be such as their friendship and respect shall dictate and upon terms which the most fair and liberal principles of policy require. The same, this committee have no doubt, would have been the character of the invitation given to the United States upon this occasion if the new States of America, when they conceived or matured the scheme for assembling the Congress at Panama, had entertained the most remote idea that the United States either would or ought to be there represented. All the conventions' concluded between these States, however, prove lieyond doubt that even at the date of the most recent of all their compacts none others were expected or desired to be represented at this Congress, but the States of America who had formerly been colonies of Spain, and who were then engaged in war with that power. That the great object of this Congress was to adjust be- 80 tween themselves the most effectual means of conducting this war to the most speedy and happy conclusion; and that the j^resence of no neutral State could, therefore, be anticipated. Before they conclude their report, the committee beg leave to remark, that the intimation given by the Presi- dent, in -his first message to the Senate, that this measure, in which he had thought proper to take no step, before ascertaining that his opinion of its expediency would con- cur with that of both branches of the Legislature, was, nevertheless, " deemed by him to be within the constitu- tional competency of the Executive," did not escape their observation. But, as the correctness of this opinion, en- tertained and expressed by the President, will constitute proper matter for the deliberation and decision of the Senate when they shall enter upon the consideration of a resolution now lying on the table, and not referred to this ' committee, they did not believe that they were authorized by the Senate to consider this subject. The committee forbear from saying anything in relation thereto. The committee feel, most sensibly, the embarassiug sit- iiation in which they are placed. On the one hand, the duty which they owe to themselves,'and to the Senate and to the President, reqiiired that they should examine fully and freely the measiire proposed, and should state the reasons that lead to the conclusion which they felt them- selves bound to adopt. On the other, they were well aware that the adoption of this conclusion and the assignment of the reasons which produced it might contribute not a little to embarrass the President, whose acceptance of the invitation given was already announced. Placed in this delicate situation, after bestowing upon the subject the most mature consideration, believing it to be a sacred duty which the Senate * owed to the sovereign States that they here represent to exercise the constitutional power conferred upon them, by examining, at this time, every feature of this new project, and deciding upon its expediency or inexpediency as to them might seem right, the committee could not hesitate to disclose all their views in relation to this important matter in order that 81 these, being fully exliiliitod to the Senate, might be by them either adopted or corrected. The committee were induced to ado])t tliis course with less reluctance by the assurance given by the President that until he could be aided by the advice and consent of the Senate he would take no stop to carry the measure which he had proposed into effect. Most willingly would the committee recommend to the Senate to abstain from pronouncing any opinion upon this now delicate subject if they could permit themselves to propose to this body a dereliction of its bounden duty or the adoption of any course that might lead it to shrink from its high responsi- bility. But, convinced that the Senate had the right and were bound to decide directly upon the expediency of this new scheme without limiting their decision to the mere nominations incidentally connected with it, and convinced that the project itself, viewed in any light, was highly in- expedient at this time, the committee thought it better to exhibit these" their views, and to advise the expression of the opinion of the Senate in relation thereto in the first instance. Abstaining, therefore, from any remark at present as to the nominations to them referred, the com- mittee recommend to the Senate the adoption of the fol- lowing resolution : Resolved, That it is not expedient at this time for the United States to send any ministers to the Congress of American nations, assembled at Panama. Itepnrf of the Committee on Foreign Affairs. House of Rep- resentatives March 25, 1.^26. Mr. Crowninshield, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, to which was referred the message of the Presi- dent of the United States, of the 1.5th instant, made the following report : The Committee on Foreign Affairs, to whom was referred the message of the President of the United States, to the House of Representatives, of the loth instant, with the PA 82 documents accompanying it, have had the same under con- sideration, and beg leave to report : That it appears, from the above-named message and papers, that anjnvitation has been I'eceived by the United States, from the Republics of Colombia, Central America, and Mexico, to attend the congress about to be held at Pan- ama. It appears that this invitation was accepted by the President, on the condition that the nomination of commis- sioners for the mission should receive the advice and con- sent of the Senate. This advice and consent having been constitutionally expressed, in the confirmation of the min- isters nominated by the President, the concurrence of the House of Representatives is requested, as necessary to carry the mission into eifect, by an appropriation to defray the expense of it. This concurrence being "subject to the free determination" of the House, the committee have regarded it as their duty to the House, to inquire into the expediency of accepting this invitation. The ordinary courtesy of nations, in friendship with each other, and the peculiar interest which, for the strongest reasons, the people of the United States have ever felt, and must ever feel, in the new American republics, would seem to dictate the propriety of accepting this invitation, unless there were sufficient reasons for declining it. No such reasons are believed by the Committee of Foreign Aft'airs to exist. In order to present the subject in its true light to the House the committee would first make a remark on the general nature of the assembly, designated by the name of the Congress of Panama. The term Congress, it need scarcely be observed, is by no means to be here understood in the sense in which it is applied to some other political assemblies. The Congress at Panama is not a representa- tive delegation, forming a branch of a Government, like the present Congress of the United States. It is not a body in which the government of several confederated sovereign states is deposited, like the old American Con- gress. Neither is it a personal meeting of sovereigns like the recent congresses of Europe. It. is an assembly of diplomatic agents, clothed with no power except to discuss and to negotiate, deputed by Governments whose consti- 83 tutions reqiiii-ii that all engjigeineiits witli foroij^ii ]jower8 shall be subject to the ratification of some organic body at home; and the more effectually to guard against mis- take, even of the design in which this Congress has been jjroposed, it is stipulated in the several treaties formed by Colombia with the other new Republics, that this meeting at Panama "shall not affect, in any maimer, the exercise of the national sovereignty of the contracting parties, in regard to their laws and the estaPjIishment and form of thiur resi)ective Governments." 8uch is the general nature of t-ho proposed Congress, as appears from the [japers referred to this committee. Of its objects, the committee will, in the course of this re- port, more particulai-ly speak. They are, in general, all subjects interesting to the powers represented at the Con- gress, and susceptible »[ discussion at such a meeting. The minister (if the Colombian Republic, with the liberal design, as it would appear, of excluding the supposition that his own Government, or those which joined it, in in- viting us to the Congress, had any wish to exercise a dic- tation as to what subjects should exclusively be dis- cussed, has oljserved, in his letter to the Secretary of State of 2d Nov(!mber 18^5, tliat tlie topics of discussion tlierein enumerated, are designed merely " as suggestions by way of example ;" while " it is left to the wi.sdom of the Governments and the judgment of their representa- tives to projjose whate\'er may be esteemed of common good to tlie new hemisjdiere.'" In the same letter of the Colombian minister to the Secretary of State the follow- ing remarks also occur : At Panama the best and most opportune occasion is offered to the UnitetJ States to fix sfime principles of International law, the unsettled state of which ha« caused much evil to humanity. It is U) \h; presumed that this Government (the United States of America) ixwsesse.s more light ujxjn the subject than the other States of our hemisphere, both from its expf'rience during the wars that succeeded the French revo- lution and from its negotiations (now on toot) with Great Britain and other nations relative to these principles. It belongs to each of tlie concurring parties to propose their views, but the voice of the United States will be heard with the res|)ect and deference which its early labors in a work of such importance will merit. 84 The sentiments here expressed by the minister of Colombia are in accordance with those of tlie ministers of Mexico and Central America, as contained in their re- spective letters to the Secretary of State on the subject of the invitation to attend the Congress. The object of this body, therefore, as far as the United States are concerned, are all subjects which the United States may deem it for their interest to propose for dis- cussion. They embrace, consequently, in general terms, our political and commercial relations with the new- American republics. Tlie Committee of Foreign Aflfairs has accordingly been led to inquire what the principle of our diplomatic inter- coiirse with other Governments has been? The answer to this inquiry is, that it has ever been the policy of the United States to maintain diplomatic relations with those powers, and those only with- which we have important political and commercial relations. We have not formed diplomatic connections with the very powerful states, such as Austria and the Porte, where no great political, no exten- sive commercial relations required such connections, while with powers not of the first class, such as Holland and Spain, important political and commercial relations have led the United States to the establishment of permanent missions. This being the principle of our diplomatic intercourse, the committee conceive it to apply, with great force, in the present instance, and to require the attendance of our agents at the Congress of Panama. In that body questions directly involving our most important political and com- mercial interests are to be discussed. Though the new republics there represented are so many separate Govern- ments, our relations with them are not merely those which we hold toward each individually; they form one whole family in language, religion, law. historical fortunes, and present political alliance. From this family, as far as the eniimerated circumstances go, we are necessarily excluded; out of this exclusion springs an entire class of political and commercial relations, between us on the one side and a large family of new republics on the other. This family 85 of republics has thought it expedient to convene an as- sembly of plenipotentiaries at Panama. As an important part of tlieir public relations are those in which they stand to us; they have invited us to send our ministers to this assembly. The law of nations warrants them in tlius des- ignating the place and mode of treating with friendly powers, and if we refuse to acci^pt the invitation, takes from us the right of complaining of any results, however inconsistent with our interests. Under the circumstances in which this subject is before the House, the committee deem it their duty to consider some of the objections which may be urged against the acceptance by the United States of this invitation. Tliese may be, among others: that such acceptance is unconsti- tutional; that all the objects of the Congress, as far as we are concerned, may be attained by negotiations with the separate States; that the subjects of discussion, the powers of the ministers, the mode of organizing the Ccmgress, and the mode of deciding questions are not sufficiently settled to authorize our accepting the invitation; that our attendance would endanger our neuti-ality towards Spain; that it miglit involve us in an entangling alliance with the new States; that our attendance would be a novel and unprecedented measure; that there is in a Congress of States something essentially perniciou.s, as proved by the example of Europe in its recent history. The first objection may be that the attendance of the United States at the Congress of Panama would be un- constitutional. To this objection the committee would reply that they are not acquainted with any restriction in the Constitution on the appointment of foreign ministers by the projjcr authority. It may not, however, be super- fluous to add that this objection proceeds on the assump- tion that the Congress at Panama is either a Government, a branch of a Government, or a Confederacy of Govern- ments; and that the United States by attending this as- sembly unite themselves to the said Government or Con- federacy. Neither part of this assumption is true. The Congress is a meeting of diplomatic agents from inde- pendent Governments; and, granting for a moment that 86 the Congress at Panama were a Government or a Confed- eracy, onr attendance at it by diplomatic ministers would be no entrance into such Confederacy — no iinion with such Government. It need scarcely be urged that the United States do not enter into confederacy, do not form a union with a foreign power, or any niimber of powers, by sending a minister to treat with such power or powers. It may, in the next place, be objected to our attendance at this meeting, that all its objects may be attained by separate negotiations with the several States. It may ad- mit a doubt whether this could, by possibility, be the case. It is questionable whether separate and disconnected negotiations between States geographically so remote, and in various respects politically so different from each other could be brought to the same harmonious and systematic result, as a discussion in an assembly of diplomatic agents, promptly communicating with each other information, counsel, and argument. At all events, it may safely be affirmed that the same result may be far more expedi- tiously and conveniently attained by a conference with the assembled ministers of States so remote from each other ; that an interchange of intelligence with their respective capitals could not take place more than twice in a tAvelve- month. This objection, going only to the convenience of the measure, need not be more particularly weighed. The third objection may be that the subjects of discus- sion, the powers of the ministers, the mode of organizing the congress, and mode of deciding questions, are not yet sufficiently settled to justifj^ our attendance. From the papers submitted to the committee, it appears that this consideration engaged the attention of the Executive when the invitation was made to this Government last spring b}'" the ministers of Mexico and Colombia. It was then required by the President that previous satisfaction should be given on these points. The replies of those ministers, after having consulted their Governments, do not enter into minute detail on all these points, yet the committee are of opinion that they are satisfactory. As to the sub- jects in general to be discussed, there is uo limitation to 87 tlie disadvantaj^o of any Governmontrepresonted; and the meeting being one of diplomatic agents, and it being stipu- lated in the Coloinhian treaties that tlie ministers to the congress are to go witli the usual diplomatic powers and instructions, it follows that their m