^^ -vt. TV *^- ' " "" '%: .ovv "^^ "'■' c 6 <-, =- .1? -^: .0 ^* U A . V .^#- '^^^ ./'' ^>nV^ ^o •» o '^^^-i^" oV^^^^U^"- "-^^n-^" :^M^r^^ '^bv* "' ^f^" *^J^f/h.-. '^ ^^ ^'^M^^". '"^^ c'?^'' *, -ov*' : Il SENATOR GRUNDY S POLITICAL CONDUCT 'v'i ,1 ' > J REVIEWEiD. BY CHAUI.es 'jBIDDIuE. Kaspille: REPUBLICAN AND GAZETTE OFFICE- 1832. TO THE PUBLIC, Every man who obtrudes his private concerns upon the peoi)le and soHcits their attention to subjects in which they apparently have but litde or no concern, owes it to himself and the community he addresses, to assign a sat- isfactory reason for his intrusion. The present appeal to your patient attention is not, however, altogether of a pri- vate nature, but in some degree involves the character and conduct of the President of the United States, and a Senator from the State of Tennessee. I shall, therefore, endeavor by a plain statement of facts, to satisfy the re- flecting part of tlie community, that great injustice has been done both to tae President and myself; and if, in ex- hibiting the proof, it should happen that censure attaches to others, it must result solely from the nature of the trans- actions which it may be necessary to develope. About one year ago, some of the most distinguished men in this state, who were my political friends, strenuous- ly urged me to become the conductor of a public press m this City, and they so far flattered my vanity as to state their belief of my ability to conduct a public journal with credit to myself and benefit to the people. Before acce- ding to these solicitations, I requested a personal friend ot mine to address a letter to the President recpiesting to know whether it was his intention, (as he had once sta- ted) to nominate me to any office under the government. 1 o this letter ray friend received an answer stating that the President intended appointing nic a Judge in Florida. / reqmsfed him to smj to th^ Prrsuhnt that Uwns an office which I would not accept. As I have snice learn- ed that this answer was never comnjunicated to the Pre- sident, it is necessary, in order to prove my detennination upon this subject, to st^ate, thai it v.as only three days after the receipt of the President's letter that I advertised pro- posals for issuing a newspaper to be called ih< "Tennes- see Reporter." My persona! friends all knew of niy de- termination to dechne the office designated lor me by the President; they knew that my subsequent abandonment of the press arose from family consiiierations not necessa- ry now to be discussed; and they also know, that so far as regards pecuniary interest there never has been a news- paper established in the western country with fairer pros- pects of enriching its proprietor. Entertaining such views relative to the Judgeship of Florida, it may readily be imagined that I lelt no very great regret at the rejection of my nomination. Indeed, so indiiTcrent did I feel upon the subject, that although I have relatives and friends in Congress, who could have furnished the isiformation, yet I have never enquired, nor do I at this moment, know the majority by which the nomination was rejected, //£;/• ^/fc name of a single Senator itJio voted against it. As I occasionally visit the City of Washington, it would have afforded me pleasure to remain in the same state of ignoi-ance, il Mr. Grundy had not publicly avowed his support of my nomination, and assigned reasons for his conduct w^iich appear altogether unworthy of a Sena- tor. At the present moment, whilst an important elec- tion is pending, it is peculiarly unpleasant to be compel- led to expose the duplicity of a man who founds his v>'hoIe clamfi for public support upon the ground of his rigid ad- 5 hesioii to the present administration of the general gov- ernment. It is not my intention, however, to travel out of tiic record lor the purpose of criminating Mr. Grnn- dy, but 1 shall endeavor to keep sieadily in view the main object of diis address — which is, to vindicate the President from the foul imputation which the Senator has endeavored to fasten upon him, of nomindling an un- loorlhy and unjil man jor anhnporlant puhlic sUiLion. In order to complete this design it will be proper for me to enter into a detailed statement of some facts, which, I fear, will be uninteresting to the reader, but are rendered necessarv for a correct understanding' of the motives and actions ol the parties concerned. If I shall succeed in shewing that the President nomin- ated me to oiiice at the r< quest of Mr. Grundij himsdf and that his subsequent outrageous conduct towards the Prcisidentand myself was produced by die most malignant feelings arising from my political opposition to him, I shall then have exhibited him to the public in a mv>st un- enviable position. During the late warmly contested canvas for Senator of the United States, it is well known to the citizens of this community that I not only felt, but expressed deep anxiety for die success of Miijor Eaton ; but I am not aware that either in writing or speaking upon the subject, I exceeded the bounds within which all political discussions should be circumscribed. Having thus confined myself to a fair and legitimate opposition to Messrs. Grundy and Foster, I had a right to expect from those gendemen to be met by arguments or proofs going to shew the superiority of their claims over those of Major Eaton, or at least, that they would have avoided the use of uncourteous language towards those who diflered from them in opinion. So far as regards Col. Foster and his friends, my expectations 6 were fully realized ; but I regret to say x.hat a different j course was pursued by Mr. Grundy. About three weeks j before the day fixed upon for the election, I learned from a variety of sources, that Mr. Grundy, for purposes best known to himself, had spoken of me in such terms as I considered not warranted by our relative situations before the public. It appeared to me that the same delicacy of feeling which prompted me, (out of respect for his official station,) to restrain myself from too rigid an enquiry into < hi^ 'private character, ought to have prevented him from exercising an influence which he derived solely from that station, for the purpose of injuring a private citizen. It is now decided to postpone the eh ction ; but as the part which I took in the matter has been variously represented, i and not always correcdy, I deem it proper to submit some documents for public inspection, and to add a few explanatory remarks. In taking this step, my sole object is to vindicate myself against vile aspersions without the shghtest view of aggravating the wounds which have been recently inflicted upon others. The first letter in the series which I shall publish, is one written by myselt to the gentleman who communica- ted to me, confidentially, the course of conduct which Mr. Grundy was pursuing in order to weaken the effect of my opposition to him ; and my reason for enclosing in that letter the recommendations of the members of Congress from Pennsylvania and Tennessee, arose from the cir- cumstance of Mr. Grundy's having denied (as was re- ported) that his signature was attached to that paper. Of his denial I have no positive evidence; but I do know that whilst the President was lately in the neighbourhood of Nashville, it was so stated to him by a gendeman of Tennessee, and the answer of the President rendered it prudent for Mr. Grundy to abandon that position if he had ever before assumed it. kf My dislike to Seiialor Grundy was originally founded upon considerations altogeduir of a public nature, and arose from a settled conviction of the instability of his political character, and his entire destitution, as I Uiought, of every thing like fixed principles of government. I view- ed him as a politician who adopted neiUier the motto of "principles — not men," nor of "principles and men," nor of "men and not principles." On the contrary, I consid- ered him prepared at all hazards to support the inleresls of Felix Grundy — principle or no principle. With such impressions I could never consent to yield him my support for any office. Letter from Cliarles Biddle, to Esquire. Nashville, lOlh September, 1832. Dear Sir; — You stated to me in conversation this morning, that Mr. Felix Grundy had asserted that his vote in the Senate of the United States upon my nomination was given with re- luctance and solely to gratify the President. I ha^ e since learn- ed that he claims considerable merit, and founds a large por- tion of his demands upon the Jackson party in consequence of his always voting in the Senate for all the "President's Bobtail Nominations, whether right or wrong." It must at once have occurred to a gentleman of your discernment, that such a course of conduct pursued from such motives was not calcula- ted to elevate the character of a Senator chosen to represent the interests and dignity of the state of Tennessee; but there is another reflection which may not immediately have occur- red to you, which is, that such remarks have a tendency to bring General Jackson and his administration into disrepute. My own opinion is, that the Hero of New Orleans requires no "6o6-fai7s," but is able without such factitious aids to soar far above all his enemies, whether they combine under the shallow pretensions of National Republicanism or the traitorous appel- lation of Nullifiers. It is not my intention at present to enter 8 into a discussion as to the dangers to be apprehended from the South Carolina doctrine, nor to expose the names of men in our own state, who, without sufficient courage openly to encounter public odium, have subserviency enough to shield themselves behind the High Priest of the Nullification party. Although no man places a higher estimate than I do upon those affection- ate feelings which arise from consanguinity, yet I think, Mr. Grundy, as a public officer, ought to consult his country's safe- ty, instead of sacrificing the Union to gratify his kinsman (Mr. John C. Calhoun.) A crisis in our national affairs is fast ap- proaching which threatens destruction to the fairest fabric which was ever reared upon the foundations of liberty and the rights of man. Are we prepared to lend a hand in undermin- ing this beautiful building? Shall we pull down twenty-four splendid columns erected with the most perfect symetry, mere- ly to gratify an idle curiosity, to look upon the chaos w^hich must inevitably result from our own folly? God forbid! Let us then remember that the state of Tennessee is enabled by her geograpical position and physical power to give a strong tone to public feeling and a direction to the political iriove- mentsof the Southern states; which facts are perfectly under- stood by the nullification party in South Carolina. It is owing to these circumstances that the proceedings of our Legislature are viewed with such intense anxiety by Carolina; and it is considered in that state that our approaching election for Sen- ator will unequivocally decide whether Tennessee does or does not respond in sentiment to the President, that "the Union must be preserved." But, my dear sir, I have been, unawares, led into a discus- sion upon the subject of nullification, when I only intended saying a (ew words about Mr Grundy; and the only apology I have to offer is, that the two subjects are so intimately con- nected in the public mind that it is difficult to sever them. 1 shall now say something about Mr. Grundy, and in doing this it will be necessary to introduce my OAvn name. In the month of February 1830, 1 was invited to a party at Judge Hemp- hill's in Washington City, where I met a number of my old Pennsylvania friends; and in the course of conversation I sta- ted, that 1 had that day, for the first time in my life, offered my 9 services to the President of the United States in any station he might assinii me, without designating any particular office. The quc>tion was at once asked, wlietlier I had presented any recommendations; in answer to which I stated, that as the President was personally and intimately acquainted with me, I deemed such documents unnecessary, and at the same time ex- pressed my decided conviction of the utter inutility of recom- dations in cases where the executive and the applicant were known to each other. My friends thought otherwise, as will appear by the annexed papers. To one of those papers you w^ill find the name of Mr. Grundy, and as it is said that he has recently connected my name with what he calls "Jackson's bob-tail nominations,'*" you must indulge me whilst I state the origin of his bitterhostility towards me. About one year ago, whilst the names of INlessrs. Foster and Grundy were before the people as candidates for Senator, there appeared in the newspapers several severe strictures upon Mr. Grundy's dubious political course and a direct charge made against him of fa- vorins: the South Carolina doctrine of nullilication. He call- ed upon me and entreated, with the most abject servilitj^, that I would become his Champion and defend him through the newspapers against these attacks — an office xchich I very civilly declined. 1 not only refused to become his advocate, but with the best of my feeble powers endeavored to expose his political errors. But this is not the whole head and front of my offend- ing: for during the last session of the legislature a violent ef- fort was made by Mr. Grundy and his friends to bring on the senatorial election; but it so happened they failed, and this failure they ascribed, in a great measure, to the arguments urg- ed through the public presses of the country; and the sin of penning those arguments was, very justly, laid at my door. From that time until the present hour, Mr. Grundy has been unable to conceal his inveterate hatred towards me, which has been aggravated of late by a very strong suspicion that I would prefer a change in the senatorial ofhcer. If, under sueh cir- cumstances, he had claimed merit for voting, as a Senator, in favor of a personal foe, it is possible that his claims might have been admitted even by some of those who were aware of the insidious artifices to which he resorted in order to defeat a B 10 measure which he was apparently anxious to promote. But when Mr. Grundy publicly announces that he voted for an in- competent man for office, merely because the President nomi- nated him, then I think the Senator not only digraces himself, but is willing to sacrifice State pride and State rights, which have heretofore been considered as peculiarly under the protection of the senatorial branch of the National Legislature. Although I scorn Felix Grundy's malignity, and smile at his folly, yet so great is my pity for the man that I am v.'illing to extend towards him the most sincere forgiveness for the inju- ries he has attempted to inflict upon me, leaving him to settle in the best way he can with the Jackson party, for his sneers about the President's ^'-hob-tail nominations.^'' I am your friend, CHALES BIDDLE. [The following letter from the Honorable Geo. G. Leiper, Jos. Hemphill and T. H. Crawford, was enclos- ed in the foregoing.] Washington City, 27th February, 1830. To Charles Biddle, Esq. Dear Sir — After the conversation which took place be- tween you and ourselves, a few evenings since, in relation to your application to the President, we consulted together upon the matter, and concluded that a recommendation could do no harm if it did no good. In accordance with that opinion we proceeded to act, and have now the pleasure of enclosing a pa- per, signed by the greater part of the members of Congress, composing the Delegation from Pennsylvania, We did not deem it necessary to go beyond the Delegation from your na- tive state. If the President entertained the same views of your qualifications which we and your other old friends and as- sociates entertain, he would give you an early call to promi- nent public service. We are, with sentiments of sincere regard, very respectful- ly, yours, GEO. G. LEIPER, [Signed] JOSEPH HEMPHILL, T. HARTLEY CRAWFORD. 11 T//C following is a copy of ihc paper enclosed in the foregoing teller. To Ills ExCELLKNCY AndUEW JaCKSON, PllESIDENT OF THE UnITEI) St/VTES Sir; — We understand that Charles Biddle, Esquire, is an applicant for oflice under the general government. Your own knowledge of him will, of course, point out the situation in which he would be most useful. Many of us are personally and intimately acquainted with him, and all of us know his character. He is a gentleman of talents and integrity; of ca- pacity fully equal to the discharge of most duties; and of prin- ciples which will ensure lidelity and the best application of his powers to any trust. We hope that his being a native citizen of Pennsylvania, and an adopted son ol Tennessee, will not weaken his claims to the favorable consideration either of the public or yourself. Joseph Hemphill, John Gilmore, [Signed,] George G. Leiper, C. Forward, T. Hartley Crawford, R. Coulter, Thomas Irwin, W. Ramsey, Sam. A. Smith, John Scott, Peter Ihrie, jr. Daniel H. Miller, Hen. A. Muhlenburg, Adam King, Ilarmar Denny, Jos. Fry, jr. Philander Stephens, Innis Green, James Ford, Wm. McCreery. Joshua 'Evans, Lelier from C. Biddle to the President. Washington Citi/, I2lh March, 1830. To THE President of the U. S. Sir; — 1 take the liberty of enclosing a paper which has just been handed to me, and which, your Excellency will perceive, is signed by all the members of Congress from Tennessee ex- cept two. I shall be pleased if this letter and the one which 1 forwarded to you a few days since, from the Pennsylvania dele- gation, should produce a favorable impression upon your mind. Whether these two documents will promote the main object 12 for which they were intended or not, I shall ever remember willi pleasure and pride the kind feelings and good motives which actuated my friends in presenting them to me. Knowing how much of your time has been recently engaged in public affairs, I have abstained from obtruding myself upon your society so often as my own inclinations would have prompted; but I shall shortly ask a few moments conversation before leaving this city. I have the honor to be, Your most ob't. servant, CHARLES BIDDLE. P. S. Mr. Bell, who handed me the enclosed letter, informs me that he called twice at Senator White's lodgings, but did not find him at home. Copy of tfie paper enclosed in the foregoing Idler. To THE President of the United States; The undersigned, members of the Tennessee delegation, to whom Mr. Biddle, of Nashville, is known personally or by char- acter, beg leave to represent that they consider him a gentle- man of honor and talents; and that he possesses qualifications well adapted to the discharge of the duties of any office which the President's own personal acquaintance with him may ena- ble him to designate as one in which Mr. Biddle may be most useful to his country. We will add, that it will be gratifying to us if Mr, Biddle should be employed under the government. FELIX GRUNDY, [Signed,] John Bell, James K. Polk, J. C. Isaacks, D. Crockett, Pryor Lea, James Blair, James Standifer, I Cave Johnson. 13 Let us now return to Mr. Grundy and the late Sena- torial election. After learning from several gentlemen, the imwarrant- ahle use which Mr. Grundy was making of my name, I addressed him the following note. To THE Hon. Felix Guundy; Sir; — It was with much surprise and deep regret that I learned, on Monday last, that my name had heen used by you in a disrespectful manner, which I scarcely expected from u gentleman of your exalted public station. The expressions at- tributed to you are so variously stated, that I am unwilling to believe them to the extent reported; but shall, at present, content myself by stating one of them. It is said that, in order to prove your attachment to General Jackson, you declared that you had, as Senator of the United States, voted for all his "bob-tail nominations, even including Charles Biddle;" adding at the same time, some opprobrious epithets towards me per- sonally. I scarcely know how the name of so obscure an in- dividual as myself, holding no public ofhce, could have been in- troduced into a discussion upon important state affairs; and it is with a view of ascertaining the facts in the case that I ad- dress you this note. Your ob't. servant, CHARLES BIDDLE. JVashville, I2th September, 1832. To the foregoing letter I received the following answer; and altho' it is not my intention to criticise the chaste and beautiful style of the Jocular Senator, yet the substantial parts ot his letter will be hereafter noticed, and therefore I claim for it an attentive perusal. September 12, 1832. Sir — I have received your note of to-day, and in my turn express my surprise; that Jocular remarks should be report- ed by those who heard them as matters of serious import — all that was said was in a Jocular way and the report made to 14 3'ou very diflferent from what occurred. I never said in ear- nest or in JEST that I had voted for all "the President's bob tail nominations even including Charles Biddle" or any thing of the like kind. When rallied upon the superior claims of others on the score of attachment to the administration I said 1 had as good evidence on my side, and among other Jocular remarks I observed I had voted for your nomination as Judge of Flori- da, meaning that I had done so upon very slight evidence of your qualifications for the office. I have no recollection of using or ap- plying any opprobrious epithets to you personally. Governor Car- roll was present and I refer to him, his recollection may be more perfect than mine. While on this subject I will remark two winters before your nomination was made, the Tennessee and Pennsylvania delegation (myself of the number) with very few exceptions recommended you to the President as a man of character and taleyits but said nothing (I believe) in reference to your legal attainments or qualifications for a judicial station. Your character and the President's nomination induced me to vote for you. Yours with respect, F. GRUNDY. To Charles Biddle, Esq. After receiving from a Senator of the United States so positive a denial of his having used or applied any op- probrious epithets to me, and an assurance that my char- acter formed an inducement for his voting in my fa- vor, it may appear strange to those who reside at a dis- tance from Nashville, that I should not have been perfect- ly satisfied with Mr. Grundy's explanation. But so it is (and most unfortunately for the Senator it is so) that my calling for additional evidence in this case created no surprise here where his character is well known. If it should be asked why I am not satisfied with Mr. Grun- dy's declaration, my answer is that the testimony opposed to him is so strong, both as to number and great respec- tability of the witnesses, that it would prevail and be triumphant in any court of justice in opposition to the 15 nnsiipporlcd recollections of any sin<;le witness, however exalted his official station mii>ht he. In a lon^i^ list of witnesses whom I might summon to disprove JMr. (Grun- dy's assertions upon this occasion are to he found the names of The llonorahlc F. W. Iluling, Speaker of the II. of R. Dixon Allcii Esq. memher of do. Lucius J. Polk, member of the JScnato. Gen. R. Cheatham, member of the li. R. Col. Doling Gordon, do do Maj. Charles Watkins, do do all of them men to whom Mr. Grundy would yield his entire confidence in every thing unconnected witli po- litics. From these gendcmen I have letters which I w ill proceed to lay before the public. It will be perceived that in copying those letters I have omitted some of the slanderous words used by Mr. Grundy, because altho' false, and known at the time they were uttered to be so, yet Mr. Grundy clothed them in language as unfit for the public eye as they w^re deemed by those who heard them unfit for the public ear. The reader, however, can conceive what would be die ravings of an ambitious politician upon finding an active opponent where he ex- pected to meet a warm and zealous friend in a closely contested election. His style is said to have been mark- ed by all the graces of a Mississippi boatman, and his words flowc.'d with that volubility, variety, beauty and harmony which so peculiarly distinguish the ladies of the London Fish JMarket, which cause a smile but create no belief in the listener. The reader is requested in perus- ing these letters to pay particular attention to Mr. Grun- dy's doctrine about oa//i 9 as I intend making a few re- jnarks upon that subject. 16 House of Representatives, Sept. 17, 1832. Dea.r Sir — Your note of this date desiring to know the substance of certain remarlis made to me by Mr. Grundy in re- lation to your character and standing has been received, and in reply I will observe that between Mr. Grundy and myself personally no conversation of that kind ever took place. The conversation to which you allude was in the House of Repre- sentatives some eight or ten days since in presence I believe of Gen. Cheatham, Mr. Dixon Allen, Bailey Peyton and myself. At the time Mr. Grundy approached as we were conversing I think on the subject of the approaching Senatorial election, when Mr. Grundy observed that he had just heard that his Jacksonism was questioned; meaning as I supposed his want of devotion to the cause of the Administration. He observed that he thought it would be difficult for any person to give stronger evidence than he had done, as he had voted to sus- tain the nomination of****************** Biddle before the Senate, at the same time addressing himself to Mr. Foster who was near, and asking him if he (Mr. F.) could cite stronger evidences in his favor. He also observed that even if he were disposed to deny the extent to which he had gone he could not do it as his votes were on record to show for themselves. Whether these remarks were made in a jocular way or not, I am unable to say, but thought at the time, perhaps they were, as the general tenor of the conversation was of that character. I further recollect that I thought the expression an imprudent one, and felt surprised that it was made under any circumstan- ces. I may be mistaken as to the precise words but know them to be nearly correct. Having no other interest in this matter other than a perfect regard to truth, I have felt it due in compliance with your re- quest to give the information asked for. I am very respectfully, Dear Sir your ob't. servant, B. GORDON. To Charles Biddle, Esq. 17 Reprcsentnlive Hall, ISlh Seplcmbcr 1832. Dear Sin — Your note of the 17th inst. is now before nnc, in which you state that you have been informed that Mr. Grun- dy in conversation with me had made some remarks prejudi- cial to your character— and you request me as nearly as pos- sible to state the purport of the remarks, the words and im- pressions which Mr. Giundy appeared anxious to make. The conversation and remarks to which I presume you allude were not made individually to myself. I was some days since after the House had adjourned in the Representatives Hall, in com- pany with several gentlemen, among the number present Dix- oa Allen Esq., Major Boling Gordon, Bailey Peyton Esq. of Gallatin and others not now recollected. Mr. Grundy and I think Mr. Foster was also in the Hall. A Jocular conversa- tion took place between Mr. Grundy and others — Mr. Grundy remarked that something had been said in relation to Jackson- ism, and which was the best administration man him or Mr. Foster — he said he would like to hear the evidence of their devotion — that he Mr. Grundj^, could give strong evidence of his attachment and devotion to the administration — that he had voted for all General Jackson's nominations — that he had voted for that man Biddle's nomination, and that after voting for such a nomination he thought none would doubt his devo- tion to the administration — he thought you (using his own lan- guage) totally unfit for the office— but as you and him were both lawyers and resided in the same town, that he was com- pelled to go for the nominatio.i in order to sustain the admin- istration — but at the same time remarked that we do not there take the same oath that you the members of the Legislature take here. I thought at the time the remarks were unguarded and im- prudent — and I will here remark that 1 did not speak of the conversation, until called upon by some two or three gentle- men to repeat what I had heard Mr. Grundy say — which con- versation and remarks I felt it my duty to make to them — and LOW to you in accordance with ;j our request. Respectfully yours, RICHARD CHEATHAM. To Col. ClIAKLKg BiDDLL'. C 18 Mashville, Seplemher 1832. To Charles Biddle Esq. I received your note of the 17th inst. enquiring of me if Mr. Felix Grundj had not to me made some remarks prejudicial to your character, and also desiring to know the purport of those remarks, as also the impression he was desirous to make. As I have repeated a conversation held by Mr. Grundy to me, to some gentlemen, not wishing or intending the same should come to j^our knowledge, as the same may have been misrepre- sented to you I will state the conversation in substance and Avords as near as I can. In the Hall of the House of Repre- sentatives, after the House had adjourned, several of the mem- bers were sitting about in small groups, I walked near where Mr. Grundy was sitting and where he had been talking to some person, — I know Col. M'Farland was present and I think Governor Carroll. Mr. Grundy had been telling them some- thing I had not heard; Mr. Grundy said, Mr. Huling I have just been telling these gentlemen that Mr. Foster and myself were considered Jackson men, and I suppose it to be true, but the question is who is the best Jackson man; he thought he could give evidence that he was a better Jackson man than him. Now (says he) for the proof, last winter General Jack- son nominated to the Senate *=^************** Biddle as a Judge in the Floridas and I voted for him; now can Mr. Foster give as strong testimony as that — I looked surpriz- ed — he then said, but recollect, Mr. Huling, I dont take the same oath that you do; 1 only take an oath to support the constitution of the United States — you swear that you will give no vote prejudicial to the interests of the people — now, says he, can Mr. Foster give as strong evidence of his Jacksonism. ************ The impression his conversation made on my mind was that his object was not to prejudice you, but to remove an impres- sion that many have, and I as one, that his support of Jackson was not sincere and disinterested. This conversation in ap- pearance was Jocular, but it struck me as intended for effect, to shew his devotedness to Jackson and to remove the doubts of his sincerity. I am respectfully yours, F. W. HULING. 19 JVashville 17 ih September 183-2. Sm — Your note of to-day is no\v before inc, in which you state that you have been iufornned that Mr. Gruiuiy, in a con- versation with me, made some remarks prejudicial to your character. I will here state the conversation as near as I can recollect, and leave you to draw your own conclusions. Some days since Mr. Iluling informed me that Mr. Grundy had sta- ted to him or in his presence, that he believed he could give as strong proof of his Jacksonism as any of the candidates, and stated that when GeneralJackson nominated that ****** * * * * ^- * * :¥ * Biddle to be Judge he voted to confirm the nomination, knowing liim to be unqualified. I was much sur- prised at hearing this, and the first opportunity that olfered I enquired of Mr. Grundy if he had made the statement. He answered that he had in a jocular way said something of the kind. I asked him if he voted for lominations whether they were qualified or not; he answered that Policy sometimes made it right aiid said that he was not sworn as I was; he was only sioorn to support the constitution of the United States. I then as- ked Mr. Grundy if he did not recommend Mr. Biddle to the President, he answered he did as a man of talents, and so had all the Tennessee delegation he believed except Hugh L. White; but also stated that he did not recommend him as a Judge. Respectfully yours, CHARLES Vv^ATKINS. To Charles Biddle Esq. -.Yashville October d, 1832. Dear Sir — Your note requesting us to state the remarks made by Mr. Grundy prejudicial to your character, and the impression he seemed anxious to make on our minds, has been received — as to the impressions prove such duplicity. Although the letters, as published, do not contain most of the offensive phrases used by Mr. Grundy, yet they are at ail times subject to the inspection of diose who may doubt the malignity and itit(jmperance which characterised his conduct. It can scarcely be considered necessary, in a christian community, to waste the time of the public in proving the solemn obligations imposed by oaths, in which the Searcher of all Hearts is invoked to witness our sincerity and truth; and it might be deemed insulting to the good sense and patriotism of the people, in a republican go- vernment, to advance arguments in favor of a strict ad- herence to the public interests, by the agents of their own appointment. Without pretending, therefore, to discuss these self-evident propositions, let us compare the princi- ples avowed by Mr. Grundy, widi those conscientious mo- tives and rules of action, which ought to influence vir- tuous cidzens, whether in public or private stations. By reference to the letter of Mr. Huling it will be seen, that after that gentleman had expressed his surprise at Mr. Grundy's avowal of his reasons for voting upon my nominatixjn, the Senator adds, ^^hul recollect Mr. Huling, 23 I do not take the same oath that you do; I onhj take an oaih to support the CouslUidlon of the VniUd. States, you swear that you imll gwe no vt te contrary to the isdcrests of the 'people.'''' This is, in eill^ct saying, like Sliylock in the play, "tlie words are not in the bond;' and Mr. Grundy there- fore, considered himself at liberty to sacrifice the in- terests of the pBople, because he was not specially sworn to supjDort them ! Citizens of Tennessee, let me ask whether you will commit into the hands of such a man the dearest rights of your country, and perhaps its very existence as an in- dependent nation'? Is it not probable, that Mr. Grundy would advocate mdlifieatlon upon the ground that he is not sworn to resist that dangerous doctrine? He cer- tainly appears to have a very confused sense of the im- plied obligation which every citizen, with or without an oath, owes to his country to promote her rights and main- tain her interests. If any man, at the very moment of so- liciting the votes of his fellow citizens for a re-election as Senator of the United States, could deliberately assert his freedom from every restraint not specifically imposed upon him by oath, what security can the people have for his good conduct, when placed six years beyond their control? If we are a moral and religious people, and are anx- ious to preserve the parity of our political institutions, it is time to dismiss from the councils of the nation, men whose principles hang so loosely about them, as to be sha- ken off whenever private interests shall come in conflict with public duty — men, who, to use Mr. Grundy's lan- guage to Major Watkins. think, that ""polcy sometimes makes righf,''^ actions which are morally, religiously and politically Avrong. 24 Tn the midst of so many causes of regret and mortifi- cation, which Mr. Grundy's conduct is calculated to pro- duce upon the minds of reflecting men, it is cheering to find one part of it which must involuntarily create a smile, I mean his presumption in attempting to pronounce sen- tence upon the qualifications of any man for a judicial station. Mr. G. was a young man in the infancy of the western States, when almost the only road to preferment lay through the log court houses of the country, and when what is called Lynch's law, (the law of force) was stu- died with much more assiduity than the pages of Coke, Bacon or Blacksione. During that period, the man who could most artfully select a jury to suit his client's pur- poses, and who succeded best in influencing the prejudi- ces of the ignorant portion of the community, always made money. Many of Mr. Grundy's contemporaries left this field of strife, retired to their libraries, and diere prepared themselves for the altered condition of society which was fairly anticipated, from the immense tide of emigration to the west. Mr. Grundy alone remained sta- tionary, and he now holds the same rank with his pro- fessional brethren which he did thirty years ago; and how could it be otherwise with a man who never reads a book, and whose whole time, for many years previous to his election as a Senator, had been occupied, either in the defence of horse thieves, counterfeiters and murder- ers, or in the degrading broils of a county or state elec- tion. I can safely assert, that during the whole course of the late excitement, I studiously avoided mingling political with personal considerations, aUhough frequently furnish- ed with materials from which they might have been ad- vantageously combined to the prejudice of Mr. Grundy. It formed, however, no part of my scheme of politics, to 25 erect any other tribunal for the trial of public officers than that of public opinion ; nor to resort for evidence to tiie reminiscences of private enemies in order to sustain a charge of public defalcation. If Mr. Grundy and his friends had confined themselves vvitliin the same limits, much of that rancorous feeling which now exists, would never have been engendered, and the harmony of social intercourse would not have been so materially interrupted as it has been. His letter to me of the V2th ultimo, ex- hibits a melancholy instance of the miserable shifts to which trading politicians will occasionally resort, in order to screen themselves from public odium. To that letter I again request the reader's particular attention, and he will there find "a grave Senator" endeavoring to apolo- gise for his follies and indiscretions, by asserting that they were committed in his jocular moments. Now, it does appear to me, that a jocular and jesiing Senator, should, at the present crisis of our public affairs, yield his station to some patriotic citizen, who would serious- ly reflect upon the value of the Union and endeavor to preserve it. The poHtical institutions of our country are of too sacred a character to become the jest of every jo- cular charlatan, w ho may for a season have succeeded in Winding the judgment of the people. I am the publics' obedient servant, CHARLES BIDDLE. Nashville, October 17, 1832. W46 /i ft » y<» m -t-^ .-jp • < • O, '. ^^cf :m^ ^^i:.^ C" ♦ ^ J ' '■^'sirir^'" °^ *•« ^5^ "' ^y a5°x. .^^ "^vPS'' 3^: "^^^ - *.-"''^, 4 n^ .•*■"•» O "'P. 0^ ' -OV^- N^-' t (. ', • «> 1-^ .v^r^ 0°-:°"- -^^ 1 "^ .,^^ 0' * - ' ^ • .^^ O * ... 4,1 ^'■^-o'-i •^''<^, ^^ •> *r(\\8^?/h!^ **^>. • ^' <^'' <* V^ ^v'" • .-i-^ ,*i'=^^ l/\ V ,0* .•'J^. "^o. f/% ^, ^ . . • . * * <'V 4.* < • <^ ^ .c:^