Class Book. SELECT ORATIONS OF M. TULLIUS CICERO WITH, NOTES. FOR THE USE OF SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES E. A. JOHNSON, I'ROFFSSOB. OF LATIN IN Xlii; 0MVLUS1TY OF TIIIC CITY OF NEW YOFOL NEW YOEK: P. APPLETON AND COMPANY, 549 & 55 1 BROADWAY. 1873. Entered, according to Act of Congress, in the year 1850, By D. APPLETON & CO., In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the United States for the Southern District of New York. PREFACE This \olume of Select Orations of Cicero is intended to form one of the series of Classical Books published by the Messrs. Appleton, and was prepared at their request. After the pi pose was formed to issue such a volume, there appeared England, edited by T. K. Arnold, a small volume containi , the fourth book of the impeachment of Verres, the fo speeches against Catiline, and the speech for the poet Archi It was the desire of the publishers that that volume shoi I be made the basis of their edition, and accordingly, so far it coincided with the selection usually read in the preparatc schools of our country, it has been incorporated in the pres( work. The Verrine oration, which is given in the Engl edition, has been omitted in the present, as it is the intent: of the editor to issue it in some other form. The present volume will be found to contain those oratio which in this country usually go under the name of sel orations. They are the same, and given in the same order in the Boston edition, with the exception of the second Phil pic, which is omitted in the present volume. The editions of Cicero's select Orations, which are m m general use in this country, are the Boston edition just referred to, by Charles Folsom, and Professor Anthon's edition published by Harper & Brothers. These volumes are so well known that it is needless to speak of them in detail. Those, however, who are acquainted with them, and with the progress which O PREFACE. has been made since their appearance in the careful collation and correct deciphering of the best MSS. of Cicero's writings, will be ready to admit, without hesitation, that if nothing more should be attempted, a new and improved text was called for. The labors of Orelli, Madvig, Klotz, and others, have not been without important results for the text of Cicero, and no one will deny that these results are of primary importance to be- ginners in the study of the classics. The editor felt therefore that he would render an essential service to the cause of accu- rate scholarship, if he did nothing more than furnish a text as correct as possible. It was not his plan, however, to present a text which should be made up of several others, however good, and correspond entirely with no one. He was convinced that it would more certainly meet the views of scholars and teachers, if he should select the text which might be consid- ered on the whole the best for his object, and give a careful and exact reprint of that. He has accordingly intended in this edition to give the text of Orelli, as revised by him sub- sequently to his edition of the entire works of Cicero, and published in a volume containing fifteen orations. This re- mark refers to all the orations given in this volume, except those for Marcellus and for Milo, which are not found in Orelli'a revision. The text of the Milo is a reprint of that of Madvig ; and of the Marcellus, of that of Klotz. The principal varia- tions, in the most recent editions, from the text, which has been in either case adopted, are noticed in the notes. This has been done often with what may at first sight appear unne- cessary minuteness, but the editor is convinced that a teachei may make use of various readings to the advantage of the pu- pil, even at this stage of his progress. The notes have been collected freely from any sources which were within the editor's reach. It will readily appear to those who are acquainted with the subject that they have been largely drawn from the productions of German scholarship. Those which were given in Arnold's edition are here retained in full. PREFACE. 7 They were there credited, in many cases by initials, to Orelli, Klotz, Bloch, Matthise, and Stiirenburg, with the remark, that those without an initial letter appended are generally from Matthise. It would have been agreeable to the editor's views and feelings to give credit in connection with each note to the source or sources from which it was taken, but this was incon- venient, and seemed hardly necessary in a work of this kind. It is his pleasure however here, as well as his duty, fully and distinctly to acknowledge and specify the authorities which he has so freely and as he hopes profitably used in compiling the notes to this edition. Of editions by English or American scholars, besides those already mentioned, the editor has had before him Valpy's and M'Kay's ; from the latter of which he has taken many not especially on the later orations. But, as already remarl German scholars have furnished him the most abundant i and besides the editions of Mobius and Crusius, Mattl Siipfle, Schultz, Steinmetz, Klotz, Madvig, Orelli, which c tain all or nearly all the orations given in this volume, I editor has. made use of several special editions of most of orations selected. They are, for the orations against Catili Benecke's, Holzapfel's, and Morgenstern's, from the first m tioned of which he has derived much assistance. On the c tion for the Manilian law, he has been largely indebted a to Benecke's separate edition of this oration. The recent € tion of the same oration by Halm was not received till af the notes to this oration had been stereotyped ; and while editor regrets that he could not make use of Halm's labc he has been gratified to find that the uses made by him of resources in so many instances correspond with the rest airived at by the German editor. As neither the revision Orelli nor the edition of Madvig contained the oration for M cellus, the text of Klotz was chosen, and the special edition Wolf, with the essays of Hug and Jacob on the genuineness this oration, consulted. Again, Benecke's edition of the three 8 PREFACE. orations next in order for Ligarius, Deiotarus, and Archias was of great service in regard to them. Besides tins, Soldan's separate editions of the orations for Ligarius and Deiotarus, and the two editions of Stiirenburg of the oration for Archias, contributed greatly to aid the editor in his task. At this point also the editor received the edition by Schmitz and Zumpt, which has just been republished in this country. In regard to the oration for Milo, the editor, in leaving Orelli's text, did not hesitate to follow Madvig, whose principles of criticism mainly harmonize with those of Orelli. For assistance in this oration the editor is greatly indebted to the special edition of Osenbrtiggen. He has also consulted the edition with Garato- ni's notes, published separately by Orelli. Besides the editions above specified, to which the editor would be glad to indicate his indebtedness more minutely than it is in his power to do here, he has also made use of pro- grammes and journals, and works on antiquities and on style, as well as various Latin grammars, and remarks of scholars in editions of the classics generally, which came under his notice. The references to Harkness's Latin Grammar will be found par- ticularly frequent. "With this statement of the design of this edition, and of the sources from which it has been compiled, the editor offers it to the public, in the hope that it may be found useful in its place by the side of others' labors in the same field, in promo- ting the interests of true and accurate scholarship. IN L. CATILINAM ORATIO PRIMA HABITA IN SENATU. I. 1. Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, palientia nostra? Quamdiu etiam furor iste tuus [nos] eludet? Quern ad finem sese cffrenata jactabit audacia ? Nihiln te nocturnum presidium Palatii, nihil urbis vigiliae, nihi timor populi, nihil concursus bonorum omnium, nihil hi munitissimus habendi senatus locus, nihil horum ora vultus que movcrunt ? Patcre tua consilia non sentis ? Constr: etara jam horum omnium conscientia teneri conjurationer tuam non vides ? Quid proxima, quid superiore noct egeris, ubi fueris, quos convocaveris, quid consilii ceperi: quern nostrum ignorare arbitraris ? 2. tempora ! < • mores ! Senatus hsec intelligit, consul videt : hie tame visit. Vivit ? Immo vero etiam in senatum venit : 1 publici consilii particeps : notat et designat oculis ad caBClei unum quemque nostrum. Nos autem, viri fortes, satistV cere rei publicoe videmur, si istius furorem ac tela vitemu Ad mortem te, Catilina, duci jussu consulis jampride: oportebat; in te conferri pestem istam, quam tu in n< omnes jamdiu machinaris. 3. An vero vir amplissimus, ] Scipio, pontifex maximus, Ti. Gracchum mediocriter lab' factantem statum rei publicaa privatus interfecit : Catilina orbem terre casde atque incendiis vastare cupientem, n< consules perferemus ? Nam ilia nimis antiqua proetere quod C. Servilius Ahala Sp. Mcelium, novis rebus studei tern, manu sua occidit. Fuit, fuit ista quondam in hac : publica virtus, ut viii fortes acrioribus snppliciis civem pe niciosum quam acerbissimum hostem coercerent. Habemi , Bcnatus consultum in te, Catilina, vehemens et grave : non LO or atio r. deesi rei publicse consilium neque auctoritas liujus ordiuis nos, nos, dico aperte, consules desumus. II. 4. Decrevit quondam senatus, ut L. Opimius consul videret, ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet. Nox nulla 5 intercessit : interfectus est propter quasdam seditionurn suspiciones C. Gracchus clarissimo patre avo majoribus; occisus est cum liberis M. Fulvius consularis. Simili sena- tus consul to C. Mario et L. Valcrio consulibus est permissa res publica. Num. unum diem postea L. Saturninura tri- lObunum plebi et C. Servilium praetorem mors ac rei publico? poena remorata est? At vero nos vicesimum jam diem patimur hebescere aciem horum auctoritatis. Habemus enim liujusmodi senatus consultum, verumtamen inclusum in tabulis, tamquam in vagina re'conditum : quo ex senatus 15 consulto confestim interfectum te esse, Catilina, convenit. Vivis : et vivis non ad deponendam, sed ad confirmandam audaciam. Cupio, Patres conscripti, me esse clementem ; eupio in tantis rei publicae periculis me non dissolutum vi- deri : sed jam me ipsum inertioe nequitiaeque condemno. 20 5. Castra sunt in Italia contra rem publicam in Etrariae faucibus collocata : crescit in dies singulos hostium nume- rus : eorum autem castrorum imperatorem ducemque ho- stium intra moenia atque adeo in senatu videmus intestinam aliquam quotidie perniciem rei publicae molientem. Si te 25 jam, Catilina, comprehendi, si interfici jussero: credo, erit verendum mihi, ne non hoc potius onraes boni serius a me, quarn quisquam crudelius factum esse dicat. Verum ego hoc, quod jampridem factum esse oportuit, certa de causa nondum adducor, ut faciam. Turn denique interficiam . te, 30 quum jam nemo tarn improbus, tarn perditus, tain tui simiiis inveniri poterit, qui id non jure factum esse fatealur. G. Quamdiu quisquam erit, qui te defendere audeat, vives : sed vives ita, ut vivis, multis meis et firmis praesidiis ob- sessus, ne commovere te contra rem publicam possis. Mul- 35 torum te etiam oculi et aures non sentientem, sicut adkuc fecerunt, speculabuntur atque custodient. III. Etenim quid est, Catilina, quod jam amplius ex spectes, si neque nox tenebris obscurare ccetus nefarios nee privata domus parietibus continere voces conjurationis [tuae] (0 potest? Si illustrantur, si erumpunt omnia? Muta jam istam mentem, mihi crede : obliviscere credis atque incen- diorum. Teneris undique : luce sunt clariora nobis tua consilia omnia: quae jam mecum licet recognoscas. v. Meministine me ante diem XII. Kalendas Novembres dicere IN CATILINAM, CAP. IV. 11 in senatu, fore in arniis certo die, qui dies futurus essel ante diem VI. Kal. ISTovembres, C. Mallium, audaciaa satel- litcm atque administrum tuae ? Num. me fefellit, Catilina, non modo res tanta, tarn atrox, tarn incredibilis, verum, id quod multo magis est admirandum, dies? Dixi ego idem 5 in senatu, caedem te optimatium contulisse in ante diem V. Kalendas Novembres, turn, quum multi principes civitatis Roma non tarn sui conservandi, quam tuorum consiliorum reprimendorum causa profugerunt. Num. infitiari potes te illo ipso die meis praesidiis, mea diligentia circumclusum, 10 commovere te contra rem publicam non potuisse, quum tu, discessu ceterorum, nostra tamen, qui remansissemus, caede contentum te esse dicebas ? . 8. Quid ? Quum tu te Prae- neste Kalendis ipsis Novembribus occupaturum nocturno impetu esse confideres : sensistine illam coloniam meo jussu meis praesidiis custodiis vigiliisque esse munitam? Nihil agis, nihil moliris, nihil cogitas, quod ego non modo audiam, sed etiam videam planeque sentiam. IV. Recognosce tandem mecum noctem illam superio- rem : jam intelliges multo me vigilare acrius ad salutem quam te ad perniciem rei publicce. Dico te priore noctc venisse inter falcarios (non again obscure) in M. LaecaD domum: convenisse eodem complures ejusdem amentiaj scelerisquc socios. Num negare audes ? Quid taces ? Convincam, si negas. Video enim [esse] hie in senatu quosdam, qui tecum una fuerunt. \ 9. O dii immortales ! ubinam gentium sumus? Quam rem publicam liabemus ? In qua urbe vivimus ? Hie, hie sunt, nostro in numero, Patres conscripti, in lioc orbis terrse sanctissimo gravissi- moque consilio, qui de nostro omnium interitu, qui de hujus urbis atque adco orbis terrarum cxitio cogitent. Ilosce ego video consul, ct de re publica scntentiam rogo ! Et, quos ferro trucidari oportebat, eos nondum voce vulnero ! luiisti igitur apud Laecam ilia nocte, Catilina : distribuisti partes Italiae : statmsti, quo quemque proficisci placeret : delegisti, quos Romae reJinqueres, quos tecum educeres ; descripsisti urbis partes ad incendia ; confirmasti te ipsum jam esse exiturum ; dixisti paullulum tibi esse etiam nunc moraa, quod ego viverem. Reperti sunt duo equites Ro- mani, qui te ista cura liberarent et sese ilia ipsa nocte 40 paullo antc.luceni me in meo lectulo interfecturos esse pol- liccrentur. 10. Haec ego omnia, vixdum etiam ccetuvestro dimisso, comperi : domum meam majoribus praesidiis mu- nivi atque firmavi: exrlusi cos, quos tu mane ad me saluta- 12 • OR ATI U i. turn miseras, quum illi ipsi venissent, quos ego jam multis ac sumniis viris ad me id temporis venturos esse praodi- xeram. V. Quce quum ita sint, Catilina, pergc, quo ccepisti: 5 egredere aliquando ex urbe : patent porta? : proiiciscere. Nimium diu te imperatorem tua ilia Malliana castra desi- derant. Educ tecum etiam omnes tuos: si minus, quam plurimos. Purga urbem. Magno me metu liberabis, dum- modo inter me atque te mums intersit. Nobiscum versari 10 jam diutius non potes: non feram, non patiar, non 'sinam. 11. Magna diis immortalibus habenda est atque buic ipsi Jovi Statori, antiquissimo custodi hujus urbis, gratia, quod hanc tarn tetram, tarn horribilem tamque infestam rei pu- blico pestenrtoties jam effugimus. Non est scepius in unc loliomine summa salus periclitanda rei publica?. Quamdiu mihi consuli designato, Catilina, insidiatus es, non publico me praesidio, sed privata diligentia defendi. Quum proxi- mis comitiis consularibus me consulem in campo et compc- titores tuos interficere voluisti, compressi conatus tuos ne- 20 farios amicorum prcesidio et copiis, nullo tumultu publico concitato : denique, quotiescunque me petisti, per me tibi obstiti : quamquam videbam perniciem meam cum magna calamitate rei publicae esse conjunctam. Nunc jam aperte rem publicam universam petis : templa deorum immortalium, 25 tecta nrbis, vitam omnium civium, Italiam denique totam, ad exitium ac vastitatem vocas. 12. Quare, quoniam id, quod est primum et quod hujus 'mperii disciplinseque majorum proprium est, facerc nondum audeo, faciam id, quod est ad severitatem lenius et ad 30 communem salutem utilius. Nam, si te interfici jussero, residebit in re publica reliqua conjuratorum manus ; sin tu (quod te jamdudum liortor) exieris, exhaurietur ex mbe tuorum comitum magna et perniciosa sentina rei publicre. 13. Quid est, Catilina? Num dubitas id me imperante fa- 35 cere, quod jam tua sponte faciebas? Exire ex urbe jubet consul hostcm. Interrogas me, num in exsilium ? Nod jubeo : sed si me consulis, suadeo. VI. Quid est enim, Catilina, quod te jam in Lac urbe delectare possit ? In qua nemo est extra istam coujura- 4C tionem perditorum hominum, qui te non metuat ; nemo, qui non oderit. Quse nota domestics turpitudinis non innstu vita? tua? est ? [Quod privatarum rerum dedecus non hce- ret infamiae ?] Qua? libido ab oculis, quod facinus a m;ini- bus unquam tuis, quod flagitium a toto corpore abfuit I IN CATILINAM, CAP. VII. 13 Cui tu adolescentulo, quern corruptelarum illecebris irre- tisses, non aut ad audaciam ferrum ant ad libidinem facem prsstulisti ? 14. Quidvero? Nuper, quiim morte supcrioris uxoris novis nuptiis domum vacuefecisses, nonne etiam alio incredibili scelere hoc scelus cumulasti? Quod ego pro> 5 termitto, et facile patior sileri ; ne in hac civitate tanti faoi- noris immanitas aut exstitisse aut non vindicata esse videa- tur. Praetermitto ruinas fortunarum tuarum, quas omnes impendere tibi proximis Idibus senties : ad ilia venio, quae non ad privatam ignominiam vitiorum tnorum, non ad do- 10 mesticam tuam dimcultatem ac turpitudinem, sed ad suni- mam rem publicam atque ad omnium nostrum vitam salu- temque pertinent. V 15. Potestne tibi haec lux, Catilina, aut hujus cceli spiritus esse jucundus, quum scias borum esse neminem, qui nesciat te pridie Kalendas Januarias Lepido 15 et Tullo consulibus stetisse in comitio cum telo ? Manum consulum et principum civitatis interficiendorum causa pa- ravisse? Sceleri ac furori tuo non mentem aliquam at timorem tuum, sed fortunam populi Romani obstitisse Ac jam ilia omitto (neque enim sunt aut obscura aut no multa post commissa) : quotiens tu me designatum, quotien consulem interficere conatus es ! Quot ego tuas petitionc ita conjectas, ut vitari posse non viderentur, parva quadai declinatione et, ut aiunt, corpore effugi ! [Nihil agis], nib assequeris, [nihil moliris], neque tamen conari ac velle dc sistis. 16. Quotiens tibi jam extorta est sica ista de man: bus ! Quotiens vero exciclit casu aliquo et elapsa est [Tamen ea carere diutius non potes] : quae quidem quibu abs te initiata sacris ac devota sit, nescio, quod earn neccss" putas esse in consulis corpore defigere. VII. Nunc vero, quae tua est ista vita ? Sic enim jar tecum loquar, non ut odio permotus esse videar, quo debcc sed ut misericordia, quae tibi nulla debetur. Venisti paull ante in senatum. Quis te ex hac tanta frequentia, tot e: tuis amicis ac necessariis salutavit ? Si hoc post hominuE memoriam contigit nemini, vocis exspectas contumeliam quum sis gravissimo judicio taciturnitatis oppressus? Quid Quod adventu tuo ista subsellia vacuefacta sunt, quo< omnes consulares, qui tibi persaepe ad caedem consLitut fuerunt, simul atque assedisti, partem istam subselliorum 4(1 nudam atque inanem reliquerunt, quo tandem animo hoc tibi ferendum putas ? 17. Servi mehercule mei si me isto pacto metuerent, ut te metuunt omnes cives tui, domum meam re- linquendam putarem : tu tibi urbem nonarbitraris? Et, 14 ORATIO I. si me rneis civibus injuria suspectuni tarn graviter atque offensum viderem, carere me adspectu civium, quam infestis oculis omnium conspici mallem : tu, quum conscientia sce- lerum tuoruni agnoscas odium omnium justum et jam din 5 tibi debitum, dubitas, quorum mentes sensusque vulneras, eorum adspectum praesentianique vitare ? Si te parentes timerent atque odissent tui neque eos ulla ratione placare posses, ut opinor, ab eorum oculis aliquo concederes : nunc te patria, quae communis est omnium nostrum parens, odit 10 ac metuit et jamdiu te nihil judicat nisi de parricidio suo cogitare. Hujus tu neque auctoritatem verebere nee judi- cium sequere nee vim pertimesces ? 18. Quae tecum, Catilina, sic agit et quodam modo tacita loquitur : " Nullum jam aliquot annis f acinus exstitit nisi per te; nullum flagi- lotium sine te; tibi uni multorum civium neces, tibi vexatio direptioque sociorum impunita fuit ac libera ; tu non solum ad negligendas leges et quaestiones, verum etiam ad ever- tendas perfringendasque valuisti. Superiora ilia, quamquam ferenda non fuerunt, tamen, ut potui, tuli : nunc vero me 20 to tarn esse in metu propter nnum te, quid quid increpuerit, Catilinam timeri, nullum videri contra me consilium iniri posse, quod a tuo scelere abhorreat, non est ferendum. Quamobrem discede atque bunc milii timorem eripe : si est verus, ne opprimar ; sin falsus, ut tandem aliquando timere 25 desinam." VIII. 19. Haec si tecum, ut dixi, patria loquatur, nonne impetrare debeat, etiam si vim adhibere non possit ? Quid ? Quod tu te ipse in custodiam dedisti ? Quod vitandae sus- picionis causa ad M\ Lepidum te habitare velle dixisti ? A 30 quo non receptus, etiam ad me venire ausus es atque, ut domi nieae te asservarem, rogasti. Quum a me quoque id responsi tulisses, me nullo modo posse iisdem parietibus tuto esse tecum, qui magno in periculo essem, quod iisdem mcenibus contineremur, ad Q. Metellum praetorern venisti. 3d A quo repudiatus, ad sodalem tuum, vii'um optimum, M. Marcellum demigrasti ; quern tu videlicet et ad custodien- dmn te diligeiitissimum et ad suspicandum sagacissimum et ad vindicandum fortissimum fore putasti. Sed quam Ijnge videtur a carcere atque a vinculis abesse debere, qui (Ose ipse jam dignum custodia judicarit ? 20. Quae quum ita.sint, Catilina, dubitas, si emori aequo animc non potes, abire in aliquas terras, et vitam istam, multis suppliciis justis debitisque ereptam, fugae solitudinique mandarc ? "Refer, inquis, ad senatum :" id enim postulas, et, si hie IN CATILINAM, CAP. IX. 15 ordo sibi placere decreverit te ire in exsilium, obteinpera- fcurum te esse dicis. Non referam, id quod abhorret a meis moiibus : sed tamen faciam, ut intelligas, quid hi de te sentiant. Egredere ex urbe, Catilina : libera rem publicam metu : in exsilium, si banc vocem exspectas, proficiscere. 5 Quid est, Catilina ? Ecquid attendis, ecquid animadvertis horum silentium ? Patiuntur, tacent. Quid exspectas auctoritatem loquentium, quorum voluntatem tacitorum perspicis ? '21. At si hoc idem huic adolescenti optimo, P. Sestio, si fortissimo viro, M. Marcello dixissem, jam mihi 10 consuli hoc. ipso in templo jure optimo senatus vim et maims intulisset. De te autem, Catilina, quum quiescunt, probant, quum patiuntur, decernunt, quum tacent, clamant. Neque hi solum, quorum tibi auctoritas est videlicet cara, vita vi- lissima : sed etiam illi equites E-omani, honestissimi atque 15 optimi viri, ceterique fortissimi cives, qui circumstant sena- tum, quorum tu et frequentiam videre et studia perspicere et voces paullo ante exaudire potuisti. Quorum ego vix abs te jamdiu manus ac tela contineo, eosdem facile addu- cam, ut te hsec, quae jampridem vastare studes, relinquen- tem usque ad port-as prosequantur. IX. 22. Quamquam quid loquor ? Te ut ulla res fran- gat ? Tu ut unquam te corrigas ? Tu ut ullam fugam meditere ? Tu ut ullum exsilium cogites ? Utinam tibi istam mentem dii immortales duint ! Tametsi video, si mea voce perterritus ire in exsilium animum induxeris, quanta tempestas invidiam nobis, si minus in praesens tempus recenti memoria scelerum tuorum, at in posteritatem impendeat. Sed est tanti ; dummodo ista privata sit calamitas et a rei publico periculis sejungatur. Sed tu ut vitiis tuis commo- <. veare, ut legum pcenas pertimescas, ut temporibus rei pu- blican cedas, non est postulandum. Neque enim is es, Cati- lina, ut te aut pudor a turpitudine aut metus a periculo aut ratio a furore revocarit. 23. Quamobrem, ut seepe jam dixi, proficiscere: ac, si mihi inimico, ut prcedicas, tuo con- «3 flare vis invidiam, recta perge in exsilium : vix feram scr- monos hominum, si id feceris ; vix molem istius invidioe, si in exsilium jussu consulis ieris, sustinebo. Sin autem ser- vire raeae laudi et glorias mavis, egredere cum importuna ' sceleratorum manu ; confer te ad Mallium ; concita perditos 40 cives ; secerne te a bonis, infer patriae bellum ; exsulta im~ pio latrocinio, ut a me non ejectus ad alienos, sed invitatus ad .tuos isse videaris. 24. Quamquam quid ego te invitem, a quo jam sciam esse pnemissos, qui tibi ad Forum Aure- 16 ORATIO I. Hum prsestolarentur arcnati? Cui sciam pactam et con- stitutam cum Mallio diem ? A quo etiam aquilam illam argenteam, quam tibi ac tuis omnibus perniciosam esse con- fido ac funestam futurarn, cui domi tuaa sacrarium scelerum .5 tuorum constitutum fuit, sciam esse praemissam ? Tu ut ilia carere diu/ius possis, quam venerari ad caadem profici- scens solebas ? a cujus altaribus scepe istam impiam dextc- ram ad necem civium transtulisti 1 X. 25. Ibis tandem aliquando, quo te jampridem tua lOista cupiditas effrenata ac furiosa rapiebat. Neque eniin tibi beec res affert dolorem, sed quandam incredibilem vo- luptatem. Ad hanc te amentiam natura peperit, voluntas exercuit, fortuna servavit. Nunquam tu non modo otium, sed ne bellum quidem nisi nefarium concupisti. Kactus es 15 ex perditis atque ab omni non modo fortuna, verum etiam spe derelictis, conflatam improborum manum. 26. Hie tu qua lastitia p erf mere ? Quibus gaudiis exsultabis ? Quanta in voluptate bacchabere, quum in tanto numero tuorum neque audies virum bonum quemquam neque videbis ? Ad 20 bujus vitas studium meditati sunt illi, qui feruntur, labores tui : jacere liumi non modo ad obsidendum stuprum, verum etiam ad facinus obeundum ; vigilare non solum insidiantem somno maritorum, verum etiam bonis otiosorum. Habes, ubi ostentes illam tuam praeclaram patientiam famis, frigo- 25ris.. inopias rerum omnium, quibus te brevi tempore con- fectum esse senties. 2V. Tantum profeci [turn], quum te a consulatu reppuli, ut exsul potius tentare quam consul vexare rem publicam posses atque ut id, quod esset abs te scelerate susceptum, latrocinium potius quam bellmn nomi- 30 naretur. XI. Kunc, ut a me, Patres conscripti, quandam prope justam patrice querimoniam detester ac deprecer, percipite, quceso, diligenter, quaa dicam, et ea penitus animis vevStris mentibusque mandate. Etenim, si mecum patria, quae mihi 35 vita mea multo est carior, si cuncta Italia, si omnis res pu- blica loquatur : " M. Tulli, quid agis ? Tune eum, qucm esse hostem comperisti, quern ducem belli futurum vides, quern exspectari imperatorem ir tris bostium sentis, au- ct-orem sceleris, principem conjiu-ationis, evocatorem servo- 40r timet civium perditorum, exire pati^^ ut abs te non ( missus ex urbe, sed immissus in urbem esse videatur ? JNonne liunc in vincula duci, non ad mortem rapi, non sum- mo supplicio mactari imperabis? 28. Quid tandem to impedit ? Mosne majorum ? At persaope etiam privati iu IN CATILINAM, CAP. XII, XIII. 17 Jiac re publica perniciosos cives morte multarunt. An leges, quae de civium Romanorum supplicio rogatae sunt ? At nunquam in hac urbe ii, qui a re publica defecerunt, civium jura tenuerunt. An invidiam posteritatis times? Praeclaram vero populo Romano refers gratiam, qui te ho- 5 minem per te cognitum, nulla commendatione majorum tarn mature ad summum imperium per omnes honorum gradus extulit, si propter invidiam aut alicujus periculi metum salutem" civium tuorum negligis. 29. Sed, si quis est invidiae metus, num est vehementius severitatis ac for- 10 titudinis invidia quam inertiae ac nequitiae pertimescenda ? An quum bello vastabitur Italia, vexabuntur urbes, tecta ardebunt, turn te non existimas invidiae incendio conflagra- turum?" XII. His ego sanctissimis rei publicae vocibus et eorum 15 liominum, qui hoc idem sentiunt, mentibus pauca responde- bo. Ego, si hoc optimum factu judicarem, Patres con- scripti, Catilinam morte multari, unius usuram horae gladia- tori isti ad vivendum non dedissem. Etenim, si summi viri et clarissimi cives Saturnini et Gracchorura et Flacci et 20 superiorum complurium sanguine non modo se non conta- minarunt, sed etiam honestarunt, certe verendum mihi non erat, ne quid hoc parricida civium interfecto invidiae mihi in posteritatem redundaret. Quod si ea mihi maxim e im- penderet, tamen hoc animo semper fui, ut invidiam virtute 25 partam gloriam, non invidiam putarem. 30. Quamquam nonnulli sunt in hoc ordine, qui aut ea, quae imminent, non videant, aut ea, quae vident, dissimulent : qui spem Catilinae mollibus sententiis aluerunt, conjurationemque nascentem non credendo corroboraverunt : quorum auctoritatem secuti 30 multi, non solum improbi, verum etiam imperiti, si in hunc animadvertissem, crudeliter et regie factum esse dicerent. Nunc intelligo, si iste, quo intendit, in Malliana castra per- venerit, neminem tarn stultum fore, qui non videat conjura- tionem esse factam, neminem tarn improbum, qui non fa- 35 teatur. Hoc autem uno interfecto intelligo banc rei publicae pestem paullisper reprimi, non in perpetuum comprimi posse. Quod si se ■ ] . ,'rit secumque suos eduxerit, et eodem ceteros undique collectos naufragos aggregaverit, exstinguetur atq^ delebitur non modo hcec tarn adulta rei 40 publicae pcstis, verum etiam stirps ■ ac semen malorum omnium. XIII. 31. Etenim jamdiu, Patres conscripti, in his peri- iulis conjurationis insidiisque versamur, sed nescio quo 18 ORATIO I. IN UATILIffAM. pacto omnium scelerum ac veteris furoris et audacise matu* ritas in nostri consulatus tempus erupit. Quod si ex tanto latrocinio iste unus tolletur, videbimur fortasse ad breve quoddam tempus cura et metu esse relevati : periculum au- 5 tern residebit et erit inclusum penitus in venis atque in vi- sceribus rei publicse. Ut ssepe homines segri morbo gravi, quum sestu febrique jactantur, si aquam gelidam biberint, primo relevari videntur, deinde multo gravius vehementius- que afflictantur, sic hie morbus, qui est in re publica, rele- lOvatus istius poena vebementius vivis reliquis ingravescet. 32. Quare secedant improbi, secernant se a bonis, unum in locum congregentur, muro denique, id quod ssepe jam dixi, secernantur a nobis, desinant insidiari domi suae consuli, circumstare tribunal prsetoris urbani, obsidere cum gladiis 1 5 curiam, malleolos et faces ad inflammandam urbem compa- rare ; sit denique inscriptum in fronte unius cuj usque, quid de re publica sentiat. Polliceor vobis hoc, Patres conscripti, tantam in nobis consulibus fore diligentiam, tantam in vobis auctoritatem, tantam in equitibus Romanis virtutem, tantam 20 in omnibus bonis consensionem, ut Catilinse profectione omnia patefacta illustrata, oppressa vindicata esse videatis. 33. Hisce ominibus, Catilina, cum summa rei publico salute et cum tua peste ac peraicie cumque eorum exitio, qui se tecum omni scelere parricidioque junxerunt, profici- 25 scere ad impium bellum ac nefarium. Tumtu, Juppiter, qui iisdem, quibus hsec urbs, auspiciis a Romulo es constitutus, quern Statorem hujus urbis atque imperii vere nominamus, liunc et hujus socios a tuis aris ceterisque templis, a tectis urbis ac mcenibus, a vita fortunisque civium [omnium] ar- 30 cebis : et homines bonorum inimicos, hostes patrise, latronea Italias, scelerum foedere inter se ac nefaria societate con- junct os SDternis suppliciis vivos mortuosque mactabis. IN L. CATILINAM SECUNDA AD QUIRITES OBATIO. I. 1. Tandem aliquando, Quirites, L. Catilinam, furen tern audacia, scelus anhelantem, pestem patriae nefarie mo licntem, vobis atque huic urbi feiTO flammaque minitantem, ex urbe vel ejecimus vel emisimus vel ipsum egredientem verbis prosecuti sumus. Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. Nulla jam pernicies a monstro illo atque prodigio mcenibus ipsis intra moenia comparabitur. Atque hunc quidem unum hujus belli domestici ducem sine controversia vicimus. Non enim jam inter latera nostra sica ilia versabitur: non in campo, non in foro, non in curia, non denique intra dome- sticos parietes pertimescemus. Loco ille motus est, quum est ex urbe depulsus. Palam jam cum hoste, nullo impe- diente, bellum justum geremus. Sine dubio perdidimus hominem magnificeque vicimus, quum ilium ex occultis in- sidiis in apertum latrocinium conjecimus. 2. Quod vero non cruentum mucronem, ut voluit, extulit, quod vivis no- bis egressus est, quod ei ferrum e manibus extorsimus, quod incolumes cives, quod stantem urbem reliquit : quanta tandem ilium mserore esse afflictum et profligatum putatis 1 Jacet ille nunc prostratusque est et se perculsum atque ab- jectum esse sentit et retorquet oculos profecto saepe ad banc urbem, quam e suis faucibus ereptam esse luget ; qua quidem mini laetari videtur, quod tantam pestem evomueri forasque projecerit. II. 3. At si quis est talis, quales esse omnes oportebat. qui in hoc ipso, in quo exsultat et triumphat oratio mea, mi vebementer accuset, quod tarn capitalem hostem non com prehenderim potius, quam emiserim : non est ista mea cul pa, Quirites, sed .temporum. Interfectum esse L. Catilinar et gravissimo supplicio affectum jampridem oportebat : id 20 oratio n. que a me et mos majoruni et hujus imperii severitas et res publica postulabat. Sed quam multos fuisse putatis, qui, qua3 ego deferrem, non crederent? [Quam multos, qui propter stultitiam non putarent ?] Quam multos, qui etiam 5 defenderent ? [Quam multos, qui propter improbitatem faverent ?] Ac si, illo sublato, depelli a vobis omne peri- culum judicarem, jampridem ego L. Catilinam non modo invidiae mece, verum etiam vitse perieulo sustulissem. 4. Sed quum viderem ne vobis quidem omnibus re etiam turn pro- 1 bata, si ilium, ut erat meritus, morte multassem, fore, ut ejus socios invidia oppressus persequi non possem, rem hue deduxi, ut turn palam pugnare possetis, quum hostem aperte videretis. Quern quidem ego hostem, Quirites, quam vehementer foris esse timendum putem, licet hinc intelliga- 15 tis, quod etiam illud moleste fero, quod ex urbe parum comitatus exierit. Utinam ille omnes secum suas copias eduxisset ! Tongilium mihi eduxit, quern amare in prse- texta [calumnia] coeperat ; Publicium et Munatium, quorum ses alienum contractum in popina nullum rei publicse motum 20afferre poterat : reliquit quos viros ! quanto sere alieno ! quam valentes ! quam nobiles ! III. 5. Itaque ego ilium exercitum et Gallicanis legio- nibus et hoc delectu, quern in agro Piceno et Gallico Q. Me- tellus habuit, et his copiis, quse a nobis quotidie comparantur, 25 magno opere contemno, collectum ex senibus desperatis, ex agresti luxuria, ex rusticis decoctoribus, ex iis, qui vadimo- nia deserere quam ilium exercitum maluerunt ; quibus ego non modo si aciem exercitus nostri, verum etiam si edictum prcetoris ostendero, concident. Hos, quos video volitare in 30 foro, quos stare ad curiam, quos etiam in senatum venire ; qui nitent unguentis, qui fulgent purpura, mallem secum suos milites eduxisset : qui si hie permanent, mementote non tarn exercitum ilium esse nobis quam hos, qui exercitum deseruerunt, pertimescendos. Atque hoc etiam sunt ti- U5 mendi magis, quod, quid cogitent, me scire sentiunt nequ8 tamen permoventur. 6. Video, cui sit Apulia attributa, quis habeat Etruriam, quis agrum Picenum, quis Gallicum, quis sibi has urbanas insidias csedis atque incendiorum depoposcerit. Omnia superioris noctis consilia ad me perlata esse sentiunt ; 40 patefeci in senatu hesterno die ; Catilina ipse pertimuit, pro* fugit : hi quid exspectant ? Nae illi vehementer errant, si illam meam pristinam lenitatem perpetuam sperantfuturam. IV. Quod exspectavi, jam sum assecutus, ut vos omnea factara esse aperte conjurationem contra rem publicam vi- IN CATILINAM, CAP. V. 21 deretis. Nisi vero si quis est, qui Catilinae similes cum Ca- tilina sentire non putet. Non est jam lenitati locus : seve- ritatem res ipsa ilagitat. Unum etiam nunc concedam: exeant, proficiscantur, ne patiantur desiderio sui Catilinam mi serum tabescere. Demonstrabo iter: Aurelia via pro- 5 fectus est. Si accelerare volent, ad vesperam consequentur. 7. fortunatam rem publicam, si quidem hanc sentinam liujus urbis ejecerit ! Uno meliercule Catilina exhausto relevata mihi et recreata res publica videtur. Quid enim mali aut sceleris fingi aut cogit3jri potest, quod non ille con- 10 ceperit ? Quis tota Italia veneficus, quis gladiator, quis la- fcro, quis sicarius, quis parricida, quis testamentorum sub- jector, quis circumscriptor, quis ganeo, quis nepos, quis adulter, quae mulier infamis, quis corrupter juventutis, quis corruptus, quis perditus inveniri potest, qui se cum Catilina 15 non familiarissime vixisse fateatur? Quae csedes per hosce annos sine illo facta est ? Quod nefarium stuprum non per ilium? 8. Jam vero quae tanta unquam in ullo nomine juventutis illecebra fuit, quanta in illo? Qui alios ipse amabat turpissime, aliorum amori flagitiosissime serviebat, 20 aliis fructum libidinum, aliis mortem parentum non modo impellendo, verum etiam adjuvando pollicebatur. Nunc vero quam subito non solum ex urbe, verum etiam ex agris, ingentem numerum perditorum hominum collegerat ? Nemo non modo Romoe, sed [nee] ullo in angulo totius Italia? op- 25 pressus sere alieno fuit, quern non ad hoc incredibile scele- ris fcedus adsciverit. V. 9. Atque ut ejus diversa studia in dissimili ratione perspicere possitis, nemo est in ludo gladiatorio paullo ad facinus audacior, qui se non intimum Catilince esse fateatur ; 30 nemo in scena levior et nequior, qui se non ejusdem prope sodalem fuisse commemoret. Atque idem tamen stuprorum et scelerum exercitatione assuefactus frigori et fami et siti et vigiliis perferendis, fortis ab istis prcedicabatur, quum in- dustrise subsidia atque instrumenta virtutis in libidine auda- 35 ciaque consumerentur. 10. Hunc vero si secuti erunt sui comites ; si ex urbe exierint desperatorum hominum flagi- tiosi greges : o nos beatos, o rem publicam fortunatam, o prseclaram laudem consulatus mei ! Non enim jam sunt mediocres hominum libidines, non hurnana? audacia? ac tole- -10 randce : nihil cogitant nisi coedes, nisi incendia, nisi rapinas: patrimonia sua profuderunt : fortunas suas obligaverunt : res eos jampridem, fides nuper deficere ccepit : eadem ta- men ilia, qua) erat in abundantia, libido permanet. Quod 22 ORATIO II. si iii vino et alea comissationes solum et scorta quiererent essent illi quidem desperandi, sed tamen essent ferendi. Hoc vcro quis ferre possit, inertes homines fortissimis viria insidiari, stultissimos prudentissimis, ebriosos sobriis, dor- 5 mientes vigilantibus ? Qui mihi accubantes in conviviis, complexi mulieres impudicas, vino languidi, conferti cibo, sertis redimiti, unguentis obliti, debilitati stupris, eruotant sermonibus suis caedem bonorum atque urbis incendia. 11, Quibus ego confido impendere fatum aliquod et poenam 10 jamdiu improbitati, nequitise, sceleri, libidini debitam aut instare jam plane aut certe appropinquare. Quos si mens consulates, quoniam sanare non potest, sustulerit, non breve nescio quod tempus, sed multa secula propagarit rei publi- cse. Nulla est enim natio, quam pertimescamus ; nullus 15 rex, qui bellum populo Romano facere possit. Omnia sunt externa unius virtute terra marique pacata: domesticum bellum manet ; intus insidise sunt, intus inclusum periculum est; intus est hostis. Cum luxuria nobis, cum amentia, cum scelere certandum est. Huic ego me bello ducem 20 profiteor, Quirites ; suscipio inimicitias hominum perditorum. Quse sanari poterunt, quacunque ratione sanabo : quce rese- canda erunt, non patiar ad perniciem civitatis manere. Pro- inde aut exeant aut quiescant aut, si et in urbe et in eadem mente permanent, ea, quae merentur, exspectent. 25 VI. 12. At etiam sunt, qui dicant, Quirites, a me in exsilium ejectum esse Catilinam. Quod ego si verbo asse- qui possem, istos ipsos ejicerem, qui hsec loquuntur. Homo videlicet timidus aut etiam permodestus vocem consulis ferre non potuit: simul atque ire in exsilium jussus est, 30 paruit, ivit. Hesterno die, quum domi mese psene interfe- ctus essem, senatum in tcdem Jovis Statoris convocavi ; rem omnem ad patres conscriptos detuli. Quo quum Catilina venisset, quis eum senator appellavit ? quis salutavit ? quis denique ita adspexit ut perditum civem, ac non potius ut 35 importunissimum hostem ? Quin etiam principes ejus or- dinis partem illam subselliorum, ad quam ille accesserai* nudam atque inanem reliquerunt. 13. Hie ego veliemena ille consul, qui verbo cives in exsilium ejicio, quoesivi a Ca- tilina, nocturno conventu apud M. Lrecam fuisset necne. 40 Quum ille, homo audacissimus, conscientia convictus primo reticuisset, patefeci cetera; quid ea node egisset, quid proxima constituisset, quemadmodum esset ei ratio totius belli descripta, edocui. Quum ha3sitaret, quum teneretur, quassivi, quid dubitaret proficisci eo, quo jampridem para- IS CATILINAM, CAP. VII, VIII. 23 ret : quum arm a, quum secures, quum fasces, quum tubas, quum signa militaria, quum aquilam illam argenteam, cui ille etiam sacrarium scelerum domi suae fecerat, scirem esse prsemissam. 14. In exsilium ejiciebam, quern jam ingres- sum esse in bellum videbam ? Etenim, credo, Mallius iste 5 centurio, qui in agro Fsesulano castra posuit, bellum populo Romano suo nomine indixit ; et ilia castra nunc non Catili- nam ducem exspectant et ille ejectus in exsilium se Massi- liam, ut aiunt, non in hcec castra conferet. VII. conditionem miseram, non modo administrandse, 1 verum etiam conservandaa rei publicoe ! Nunc, si L. Cati- Una consiliis laboribus periculis meis circumclusus ac debili- tatus subito pertimuerit, sententiam mutaverit, deseruerit suos, consilium belli faciundi abjecerit, ex hoc cursu sce- leris et belli iter ad fugam atque in exsilium converterit, 15 non ille a me spoliatus armis audaciae, non obstupefactus ac perterritus mea diligentia, non de spe conatuque depulsus, sed indemnatus, innocens, in exsilium ejectus a consule vi et minis esse dicetur : et erunt, qui ilium, si hoc fecerit, non improbum, sed miserum, me non diligentissimum consulem, 9.0 sed crudelissimum tyrannum existimari velint. 15. Est mihi tanti, Quirites, hujus invidiam falsa) atque iniquae tem- pestatem subire, dummodo a vobis hujus horribilis belli ac nefarii periculum depcllatur. Dicatur sane ejectus esse a me, dummodo eat in exsilium. Sed mihi credite, non est 25 iturus. Nunquam ego a diis immortalibus optabo, Quirites, invidiae meae levandaa causa, ut L. Catilinam ducere exerci- tum hostium atque in armis volitare audiatis ; sed triduo tamen audietis : multoque magis illud timeo, ne mihi sit in- vidiosum aliquando, quod ilium emiserim potius, quam 30 quod ejecerim. Sed quum sint homines, qui ilium, quum profectus sit, ejectum esse dicant, iidem, si interfectus esset, quid dicerent? 1G. Quamquam isti, qui Catilinam Massi- liam ire dictitant, non tarn hoc queruntur, quam verentur. Nemo est istorum tam misericors, qui ilium non ad Mallitfm 35 quam ad Massilienses ire malit. Ille autem, si mehercule hoc, quod agit, nunquam ante cogitasset, tamen latrocinan- tem se interfici mallet quam exsulem vivere. Nunc vero, quum ei nihil adhuc praeter ipsius voluntatem cogitatio- nemque accident, nisi quod vivis nobis Roma profectus est, 40 optemus potius, ut eat in exsilium, quam queramur. VIII. 17. Sed cur tamdiu de uno hoste loquimur, et de eo hoste, qui jam fatetur se esse hostem, et quern, quia, quod semper volui, murus interest, non timeo : de his, qm 24 ORATIO II. dissimulant, qui Romae remanent, qui nobiscum sunt, nihil dicinius ? Quos quidem ego, si ullo modo fieri possit, non tarn ulcisci studeo quam sanare sibi ipsos, placare rei pu- blico? ; neque id quare fieri non possit, si me audire volent, 5 intelligo. Exponam enim vobis, Quirites, ex quibus generi- bus hominum istae copiae comparentur : deinde singulis medicinam consilii atque orationis meee, si quam potero, af- feram. 18. Unum genus est eorum, qui magno in sere alieno majores etiam possessiones liabent, quarum am ore lOadducti dissolvi nullo modo possunt. Horum hominum species est honestissima ; sunt enim locupletes : voluntas vero et causa impudentissima. Tu agris, tu cedificiis, tu ar- gento, tu familia, tu rebus omnibus ornatus et copiosus sis, et dubites de possessione detrahere, acquirere ad fidem ? 1 5 Quid enim exspectas ? Bellum ? Quid ? Ergo in vasta- tione omnium tuas possessiones sacrosanctas futuras putas ? An tabulas novas ? Errant, qui istas a Catilina exspectant. Meo beneficio tabulae novas proferentur, verum auctionariae. Neque enim isti, qui possessiones habent, alia ratione ulla 20 salvi esse possunt. Quod si maturius facere voluissent, ne- que (id quod stultissimum est) certare cum usuris fructibus praediorum, et locupletioribus his et melioribus civibus ute- remur. Sed hosce homines minime puto pertimescendos, quod aut deduci de sententia possunt ; aut, si permanebunt, 25 magis niihi videntur vota facturi contra rem publicam quam arma laturi. IX. 19. Alteram genus est eorum, qui quamquam pre- muntur aere alieno, dominationem tamen exspectant, rerum potiri volunt, honores, quos quieta re publica desperant, JO perturbata consequi se posse arbitrantur. Quibus hoc praecipiendum videtur, unum scilicet et idem, quod reliquis omnibus, ut desperent, se id, quod conantur, consequi posse: primum omnium, me ipsum vigilare, adesse, providere rei publicse ; deinde magnos animos esse in bonis viris, magnam 35 concordiam, maximam multitudinem, magnas praeterea co- pias militum ; deos denique immortales huic invicto populo, clarissimo imperio, pulcherrimaa urbi contra tantam vim sceleris prcesentes auxilium esse laturos. Quod si jam sint id, quod cum summo furore cupiunt, adepti, num illi in ci- 40nere urbis et in sanguine civium, quae mente conscelerata ac nefaria conGupierunt, consules se aut dictatores, aut etiam reges sperant futuros? Non vident id se cupere, quod si adepti sint, fugitivo alicui aut gladiatori concedi sit neeesse? 20. Tertium genus est aetate jam affectum, sed IN CATILINAM, CAP. X. 25 tamen exercitatione robustum : quo ex genere iste est Mal- lius, cui nunc Catilina succedit. Hi sunt homines ex iis coloniis, quas Fsesulis Sulla constituit : quas ego universas civium esse optimorum et fortissimorum virorum sentio: sed tamen hi sunt coloni, qui se in insperatis ac repentinis 5 pecuniis suraptuosius insolentiusque jactarunt. Hi dum xdificant, tamquam beati, dum praediis, lecticis, familiis magnis, conviviis apparatis delectantur, in tantum ass alienum iaciderunt, ut, si salvi esse velint, Sulla sit iis ab inferis ex- citandus. Qui etiam nonnullos agrestes, homines tenues 10 atque egentes, in eandem illam spem rapinarum veterum impulerunt ; quos ego, Quirites, in eodem genere preedato- rum direptorumque pono. Sed eos hoc moneo : desinant furere et proscriptiones et dictaturas cogitare. Tantus enim illorum temporum dolor inustus est civitati, ut jam ista non 15 modo homines, sed ne pecudes quidem mihi passurse esse videantur. X. 21. Quartum genus est sane varium et mixtum et turbulentum; qui jampridem premuntur, qui nunquam emergunt ; qui partim inertia, partim male gerendo negotio, 20 partim etiam sumptibus in vetere sere alieno vacillant ; qui vadimoniis, judiciis, proscriptionibus bonorum defatigati, permulti et ex urbe et ex agris se in ilia castra conferre di- cuntur. Hosce ego non tarn milites acres, quam infitiatores lentos esse arbitror. Qui homines primum si stare non 25 possunt, corruant: sed ita, ut non modo civitas, sed ne vicini quidem proximi sentiant. Nam illud non intelligo, quamobrem, si vivere honeste non possunt, perire turpiter velint, aut cm* minore dolore perituros se cum multis, quam si soli pereant, arbitrentur. 22. Quintum genus est parri- 30 cidarum, sicariorum, denique omnium facinorosorum ; quos ego a Catilina non revoco ; nam neque divelli ab eo possunt, et pereant sane in latrocinio, quoniam sunt ita multi, ut eos career capere non possit. Postremum autem genus est, non solum numero, verum etiam genere ipso atque vita, quod 35 proprium Catilina? est, de ejus delectu, immo vero de com- plexu ejus ac sinu ; quos pexo capillo, nitidos aut imberbes aut bene barbatos videtis, manicatis et talaribus tunicis, ve- ils amictos, non togis ; quorum omnis industria vitae et vi- gilandi labor in antelucanis coenis expromitur. 23. In his 40 gregibus omnes aleatores, omnes adulteri, omnes impuri impudicique versantur. Hi pueri tarn lepidi ac delicati non solum amare et amari, neque cantare et psallere, sed etiam sieas vibrare et snargere venena didicerunt ; qui nisi exeunt, 3 26 ORATIO II. nisi pereimt, etiam si Catilina perierit, scitotelioc in re pnblica seminarium Catilinarium futurum. Verumtamen quid sibi isti miseri volnnt ? JSTum suas secum mulierculas sunt in castra ducturi ? Quemadraodum autem illis earere 5 poterunt, his prsesertim jam noctibus ? Quo autem pacto illi Apenninum atque illas prainas ac nives perferent ? Nisi idcirco se facilius hiemem toleraturos putant, quod nudi in conviviis saltare didicerunt. XI. 24. bellum magno opere pertimescendum, quum 10 nanc sit habiturus Catilina scortorum cohortem preetoriain ! Instruite nunc, Quirites, contra has tarn prseclaras.Catilinse copias vestra prsesidia vestrosque exercitus; et primum gladiatori illi confecto et saucio consules imperatoresque vestros opponite : deinde contra illam naufragorum ejectam 15 ac debilitatam manum floremtotius Italise ac robur educite. Jam vero urbes coloniarum ac municipiorum respondebunt Catilinoe tumulis silvestribus. Neque ego ceteras copias, ornamenta, praesidia vestra, cum illius latronis inopia atque egestate conferre debeo. 25. Sed, si, omissis his rebus 20 omnibus, quibus nos suppeditamur, eget ille, senatu, equi- tibus Romanis, populo, urbe, asrario, vectigahbus, cuncta Italia, provinciis omnibus, exteris nationibus, si his rebus omissis, causas ipsas, quae inter se confligunt, contendere velimus : ex eo ipso, quam valde illi jaceant, intelligere "5 possumus. Ex hac enim parte pudor pugnat, illinc petu- lantia : hinc pudicitia, illinc stuprum : hinc fides, illinc frau- datio : hinc pietas, illinc scelus : hinc constantia, illinc fu- ror : hinc honestas, illinc turpitudo : hinc contmentia, illinc libido : denique aequitas, temperantia, fortitudo, prudentia, 30 virtutes omnes certant cum iniquitate, luxuria, ignavia, te • meritate, cum vitiis omnibus : postremo copia cum egestate, bona ratio cum perdita, mens sana cum amentia, bona de- nique spes cum omnium rerum desperatione confligit. In hujusmodi certamine ac prcelio nonne, etiam si hominum 35 studia deficiant, dii ipsi immortales cogent ab his praecla- rissimis virtutibus tot et tanta vitia superari ? XII. 26. Qua3 quum ita sint, Quhites, vos, quemadmo- dum jam antea, vestra tecta custodiis vigiliisque defendite : mihi, ut urbi sine vestro motu ac sine ullo tumultu satis 40 esset praesidii, consultum itque provisum est. Coloni omnes municipesque vestri certiores a me facti de hac nocturna excursione CatihnaB facile urbes suas finesque defendent : gladiatores, quam sibi ille manum certissimam fore putavit^ quamquam meliore animo sunt ijuam pars patriciorum, po* IN CATILINAM, CAP. XIII. 2l testate tamen nostra continebuntur. Q. Metellus, quem ego hoc prospiciens in agrum Gallicum Picenumque proe- misi, aut opprimet hominem aut ejus omnes motus cona- tusque prohibebit. Reliquis autem de rebus constituendis maturandis agendis jam ad senatum referemus, quem vocari 5 videtis. 27. Nunc illos, qui in urbe remanserunt atque adeo qui contra urbis salutem omniumque nostrum in urbe a Catilina relicti sunt, quamquam sunt hostes, tamen, quia nati sunt cives, monitos eos etiam atque etiam volo. Mea lenitaslO adhuc si cui solutior visa est, hoc exspectavit, ut id, quod latebat, erumperet. Quod reliquum est, jam non possum oblivisci meam hanc esse patriam, me horum esse consulem, mini aut cum his vivendum aut pro his esse moriendum. Nullus est portis custos, nullus insidiator vise : si qui exire 15 volunt, connivere possum : qui vero se in urbe commoverit, cujus ego non modo factum, sed inceptum ullum conatum- ve contra patriam deprehendero, sentiet in hac urbe esse eonsules vigilantes, esse egregios magistratus, esse fortem senatum, esse anna, esse carcerem, quem vindicem nefario- 20 rum ac manifestorum scelerum majoresnostri esse voluerunt. XIII. 28. Atque haec omnia sic agentur, Quirites, ut res maxima minimo motu, pericula summa nullo tumultu, bellum intestinum ac domesticum post hominum memoriam crudelissimum et maximum me uno togato duce et impera- 25 tore sedetur. Quod ego sic administrabo, Quirites, ut, si ullo modo fieri poterit, ne improbus quidem quisquam in hac urbe pcenam sui sceleris sufferat. Sed si vis manifests andacise, si impendens patriae periculum me necessario de hac animi lenitate deduxerit, illud profecto perficiam, quod 30 in tanto et tarn insidioso bello vix optandum videtur, ut neque bonus quisquam intereat paucorumque poena vos jam omnes salvi esse possitis. 29. Quae quidem ego neque mea prudentia neque huraanis consiliis fretus polliceor vo- bis, Quirites ; sed multis et non dubiis deorum immortalium 35 significationibus, quibus ego ducibus in hanc spem senten- tiamque sum ingressus ; qui jam non procul, ut quondam solebant, ab externo hoste atque longinquo, sed hie prss- sentes suo numine atque auxilio sua templa atque urbis tecta defendunt ; quos vos, Quirites, precari, venerari [atque] 40 implorare debetis, ut, quam urbem pulcherrimam, florentis- Bimam potentissimamque esse voluerunt, hanc omnibus hostium copiis terra marique superatis a perditissimorum sivium nefario soelere defendant. IN L. C ATI LIN AM ORATIO TERTIA AD QUIRITES. 1. 1. Rem public am, Quirites, vitamque omnium ve- strum, bona fortunas, conjuges liberosque vestros atqne hoc domicilium clarissimi imperii, fortunatissimam pulcherri- mamque urbem hodierno die deorum immortalium summo 5 erga vos amore, laborious eonsiliis periculis meis ex flamma atque ferro ac paene ex faucibus fati ereptam et vobis con- servatam ac restitutam videtis. 2. Et, si non minus nobis jucundi atque illustres sunt ii dies, quibus conservamur, quam illi, quibus nascimur, quod salutis certa lsetitia est, LOnascendi incerta conditio, et quod sine sensu nascimur, cum voluptate servamur, profecto, quoniam ilium, qui hanc ur- bem condidit, ad deos immortales benevolentia famaque sustulimus, esse apud vos posterosque vestros in honore debebit is, qui eandem hanc urbem conditam amplificatam- 1 5 que servavit. Nam toti urbi, templis delubris, tectis ac mcenibus subjectos prope jam ignes circumdatosque re- stinximus iidemque gladios in rem publicam destrictos retu- dimus mucronesque eorum a jugulis vestris dejecimus. S. Quse quoniam in senatu illustrata, patefacta, comperta sunt 20 per me, vobis jam exponam breviter, Quirites, ut et quanta et quam manifesta et qua ratione investigata et comprehensa sint, vos, qui ignoratis, ex actis scire possitis. Principio, ut Catilina paucis ante diebus erupit ex urbe, quum sceleris sui socios, hujusce nefarii belli acerrimos 25 duces Romce reliquisset, semper vigilavi et providi, Quirites, quemadmodum in tantis et tam absconditis insidiis salv esse possemis. ORATIO III. IN CATILINAM, CAP. II, ill. 29 II. Nam turn, quum ex urbe Catilinam ejiciebam (non enim jam vereor liujus verbi invidiam, quum ilia magis sit timenda, quod vivus exierit), sed turn, quum ilium extermi- nari volebam, aut reliquam conjuratorum manum simul exituram aut eos, qui restitissent, infirmos sine illo ac debiles 5 fore putabam. 4. Atque ego, ut vidi, quos maxime furore et scelere esse inflammatos sciebam, eos nobiscum esse et Romse remansisse, in eo omnes dies noctesque consumpsi, ut, quid agerent, quid molirentur, sentirem ac viderem : ut, quoniam auribus vestris propter incredibilem magnitudinem 10 sceleris minorem fidem faceret oratio mea, rem ita compre- lienderem, ut turn demum animis saluti vestrae provideretis, quum oculis maleficium ipsum videretis. / 5. Itaque ut comperi legatos Allobrogum belli Transalpini et tumultus Gallici excitandi causa a P. Lentulo esse sollicitatos eosque 15 in Galliam ad suos cives eodemque itinere cum Uteris man- datisque ad Catilinam esse missos comitemque lis adjun- ctum T. Volturcium atque huic esse ad Catilinam datas literas, facuitatem mihi oblatam putavi, ut, quod erat diffi- cillimum quodque ego semper optabam a diis immortalibus, 20 ut tota res non solum a me, sed etiam a senatu et a vobis manifesto deprehenderetur. Itaque hesterno die L. Flac- cum et C. Pomptinum, praetores, fortissimos atque aman- tissimos rei publicse viros, ad me vocavi ; rem omnem ex- posui; quid fieri placeret, ostendi. Illi autem, qui omnia 25 de re publica praeclara atque egregia sentirent, sine recusa- tione ac sine ulla mora negotium susceperunt et, quum ad- vesperasceret, occulte ad pontem Mulvium pervenerunt atque ibi in proximis villis ita bipartito fuerunt, ut Tiberis inter eos et pons interesset. Eodem autem et ipsi sine cu- 30 jusquam suspicione multos fortes viros eduxerunt, et ego ex praefectura Reatina complures delectos adolescentes, quo- rum opera utor assidue in re publica, prassidio cum gladiis miseram. 6. Interim tertia fere vigilia exacta, quum jam pontem Mulvium magno comitatu legati Allobrogum ingredi 35 inciperent unaque Yolturcius, fit in eos impetus ; educuntur et ab illis gladii et a nostris. Res erat praetoribus nota solis ; ignorabatur a ceteris. III. Turn interventu Pomptini atque Flacci pugna, quae erat commissa, sedatur. Literae, quaecunque erant in eo 40 comitatu integris signis prastoribus traduntur ; ipsi compre- hensi ad me, quum jam dilucesceret, deducuntur. Atque horum omnium scelerum improbissimum machinatorem Cimbrum Gabinium statim ad me nihil dum suspicantem 30 ORATIO III. vocavi. Deinde item arcessitur L. Statilius et post eun: [C] Cethegus. Tardissime autem Lentulus venit, credo quod in Uteris his dandis prEeter consuetudinem proxima nocte vigilaverat. 7. Qiram vero summis et clarissimis 5 hujus civitatis viris, qui audita re frequentes ad me mane convenerant, literas a me prius aperiri quam ad senatum referri placeret, ne, si nihil esset inventum, temere a me tantus tumultus injectus civitati videretur, negavi me esse facturum, ut de periculo publico non ad consilium publicum 10 rem integram deferrem. Etenim, Quirites, si ea, quae erant ad me delata, reperta non essent, tamen ego non arbitrabar in tantis rei publicse periculis esse mihi nimiam diligentiam pertimescendam. Senatum frequentem celeriter, ut vidistis, coegi. 8. Atque interea statim admonitu Allobrogum C. 15 Sulpicium prsetorem, fortem virum, misi, qui ex aedibus Cethegi, si quid telorum esset, efferret ; ex quibus ille ma ximum sicarum numerum et gladiorum extulit. IV. Introduxi Yolturcium sine Gallis : fidem ei publicam jussu senatus dedi ; hortatus sum, ut ea, quae sciret, sine 20metu indicaret. Turn ille dixit, quum vix se ex magno ti- more recreasset, a P. Lentulo se habere ad Catilinam man- data et literas, ut servorum praesidio uteretur et ad urbem quam primum cum exercitu accederet : id autem eo consilio, ut, quum urbem ex omnibus partibus, quemadmodum de- 25 scrip turn distributumque erat, incendissent caedemque infi- nitam civium fecissent, praesto esset ille, qui et fugientes exciperet et se cum his urbanis ducibus conjungeret. 9. Introducti autem Galli jus jurandum sibi et literas a Lentulo, Cethego, Statilio ad suam gentem datas esse dixerunt, atque 30 ita sibi ab his et a L. Cassio esse praescriptum, ut equitatum in Italiam quam primum mitterent : pedestres sibi copias non defuturas ; Lentuium autem sibi confirmasse ex fatis Sibyllinis haruspicumque responsis esse se tertium ilium Cornelium, ad quern regnum hujus urbis atque imperium 85 pervenire esset necesse ; Cinnam ante se et Sullam fuisse ; eundemque dixisse fatalem hunc esse annum ad interitum hujus urbis atque imperii, qui esset decimus annus post Virginum absolutionem, post Capitolii autem incensionem vicesimus. 10. Hanc autem Cethego cum ceteris contro- 40 versiam fuisse dixerunt, quod Lentulo et aliis csedeni Satur- nalibus fieri atque urbem incendi placeret, Cethego nimium id longum videretur. V. Ac, ne longum sit, Quirites, tabellas proferri jussiinus, quae a quoque dicebantur datse. Primum ostendimus Ce« IN CATILINAM, CAP. V. 81 thego signum; cognovit. Nos linum incidimus; legimus. Erat scriptum ipsius maim Allobrogum senatui et populo, sese, quse eorum legatis confirmasset, facturum esse : orare, ut item illi facerent, quae sibi eorum legati recepissent. Turn Cethegus, qui paullo ante aliquid tamen de gladiis ac 5 sicis, quse apud ipsum erant deprehensse, respondisset di- xissetque se semper bonorum ferramentorum studiosum fuis- se, recitatis Uteris debilitatus atque abjectus, conscientia convictus, repente conticuit. ' Introductus est Statilius ; cognovit et signum et manum suam. Recitatae sunt tabellae 10 in eandem fere sententiam: confessus est. Turn ostendi tabellas Lentulo et qusesivi, cognosceretne signum. Annuit. — " Est vero, inquam, notum signum, imago avi tui, claris- simi viri, qui amavit unice patriam et cives suos : quce qui- dem te a tanto scelere etiam muta revocare debuit." 11.15 Leguntur eadem ratione ad senatum Allobrogum populum- que literce. Si quid de his rebus dicere vellet, feci pote- statem. Atque ille primo quidem negavit ; post autem ali- quanto, toto jam indicio exposito atque edito, surrexit; quaesivit a Gallis, quid sibi esset cum lis ; quamobrem do- 20 mum suam venissent ; itemque a Volturcio. Qui quum illi breviter constanterque respondissent, per quern ad eum quotiensque venissent, quaesissentque ab eo, nihilne secum esset de fatis Sibyllinis' locutus, turn ille subito scelere de- mens, quanta conscientia? vis esset, ostendit. Nam, quum 25 id posset infitiari, repente prceter opinionem omnium con- fessus est. Ita eum non modo ingenium illud et dicendi exercitatio, qua semper valuit, sed etiam propter vim sceleris manifesti atque deprehensi impudentia, qua superabat omnes, improbitasque defecit. 12. Volturcius vero subito 30 literas proferri atque aperiri jussit, quas sibi a Lentulo ad Catilinam datas esse dicebat. Atque ibi veliementissime perturbatus Lentulus, tamen et signum et manum suam cognovit. Erant autem scriptse sine nomine, sed ita : Qui sim, scies ex eo, quern ad te misi. Cura, ut vir sis, et cogita 35 quern in locum sis progressus, et vide, quid jam tibi sit ne- cesse. Et cura, ut omnium tibi auxilia adjungas, etiam in- fimorum. Gabinius deinde introductus, quimi primo im- pudenter respondere ccepisset, ad extremum nihil ex iis, qua? Galli insimulabant, negavit. 13. Ac mini quidem, 40 Quiritcs, quum ilia certissima sunt visa argumenta atque indicia sceleris tabella?, signa, manus, denique unius cujus- que confessio, turn multo certiora ilia, color oculi, vultus tacitumitas. Sic enim obstupuerant, sic terrain intuebantur, 82 ORATIO III. sic furtim nonnunquam inter se adspiciebant, ut non jam ah aliis indicari, sed ipsi a se viderentur. VI. Indiciis expositis atque editis, Quirites, senatum con- sului, de summa re publica quid fieri placeret. Dictse sunt 5 a principibus acerrimse ac fortissimse sententiee, quas sena- tus sine ulla varietate est consecutus. Et quoniam nondum est perscriptuin senatus consultum, ex memoria vobis, Qui- rites, quid senatus censuerit, exponam. 14. Primum mihi gratiae verbis amplissimis aguntur, quod virtute consilio 1 C procidentia mea res publica maximis periculis sit liberata ; deinde L. Flaccus et C. Pomptinus, prsetores, quod eorum opera forti fidelique usus essem, merito ac jure laudantur : atque etiam viro forti, collegae meo, laus impertitur, quod eos, qui hujus conjurationis participes fuissent, a suis et rei ISpublicoe consiliis removisset. Atque ita censuerunt, ut P. Lentulus, quum se preetura abdicasset, in custodiam tradere- tur : atque idem hoc decretum est in L. Cassium, qui sibi procurationem incendendse urbis depoposcerat : in M. Cae- parium, cui ad sollicitandos pastores Apuliam esse attribu- 20 tarn erat indicatum : in P. Furium, qui est ex iis colonis, quos Fsesulas L. Sulla deduxit : in Q. Manlium Chilonem, qui una cum hoc Furio semper erat in hac Allobrogum sollicitatione versatus : in P. Umbrenum, libertinum homi- nem, a quo primum Gallos ad Gabinium perductos esse 25 constabat. 15. Atque ea lenitate senatus usus est, Quirites, ut ex tanta conjuratione tantaque vi ac multitudine dome- sticorum hostium novem hominum perditissimorum poena, re publica conservata reliquorum mentes sanari posse arbi- traretur. Atque etiam supplicatio diis immortahbus pro 30 singulari eorum merito meo nomine decreta est, Quirites ; quod mihi primum post hanc urbem conditam togato con- tigit: et his decreta verbis est, Quod urbem incendhs, c^ede gives, Italiam bello liberassem. Quas supphcatio si cum ceteris supplicationibus conferatur, Quirites, hoc Bointersit, quod ceterse bene gesta, haec una conservata re publica constituta est. Atque illud, quod faciendum pri- mum fuit, factum atque transactum est. Nam P. Lentulus, quamquam patefactus indiciis et confessionibus suis, judicio senatus non modo prcetoris jus, verum etiam civis amiserat, 10 tamen magistratu se abdicavit : ut, qua? religio C. Mario, clarissimo viro, non fuerat, quo minus C. Glauciam, de quo nihil nominatim erat decretum, prsetorem occideret, ca nos rehgione in privato P. Lentulo puniendo liberaremur. VII. 1G. Ifunc, quoniam, Quirites, sceleratissimi jjeii- W CATILINAM, CAP. VIII. 33 culosissimique belli nefarios duces captos jam et coinpre- hensos tenetis, existimare debetis omnes Catilina3 copias, omnes spes atque opes bis depulsis urbis periculis conci- disse. Quern quidem ego quum ex urbe pellebam, hoc providebam animo, Quirites, remoto Catilina non mihi esse 5 P. Lentuli somnum, nee L. Cassii adipes, nee C. Cethegi furiosam temeritatem pertimescendam. Hie erat unus ti- mendus ex bis omnibus, sed tamdiu, dum moenibus urbis continebatur. Omnia norat, omnium aditus tenebat; ap- pellare, tentare, sollicitare poterat, audebat; erat ei consi- 10 Hum ad facinus aptum ; consilio autem neque lingua neque manus deerat; jam ad certas res conficiendas certos homines delectos ac descriptos babebat ; neque vero, quum aliquid mandaverat, confectum putabat. Nihil erat, qudo non ipse obiret occurreret, vigilaret laboraret ; frigus sitim famem ferre 15 poterat. 17. Hunc ego hominem tarn acrem, tam paratum, tarn audacem, tam callidum, tam in scelere vigilantem, tam in perditis rebus diligentem, nisi ex domesticis insidiis in cas- trense latrocinium compulissem (dicam id, quod sentio, Qui- rites), non facile hanc tan tam molem mali a cervicibus ves- 20 tris depulissem. Non ille nobis Saturnalia constituisset neque tanto ante exitii ac fati diem rei publicse denuntiavisset nee commisisset, ut signum, ut literae suae testes manifesti sceleris deprehenderentur. Qua3 nunc illo absente sic gesta sunt, ut nullum in privata domo furtum unquam sit tam palam 25 inventum, quam hsec in tota re publica conjuratio manifesto inventa atque deprehensa est. Quod si Catilina in urbe ad hanc diem remansisset, quamquam, quoad fuit, omnibus ejus consiliis occurri atque obstiti, tamen, ut levissime di- cam, dimicandum nobis cum illo fuisset, neque nos unquam, 30 quum ille in urbe hostis esset, tantis periculis rem publicam tanta pace, tanto otio, tanto silentio liberassemus. VIII. 18. Quamquam hasc omnia, Quirites, ita sunt a me administrata, ut deorum immortalium nutu atque consilio et gesta et pro visa esse videantur. Idque quum conjectura 35 sonsequi possumus, quod vix videtur humani consilii tanta- rum rerum gubernatio esse potuisse, turn vero ita prsesentes his temporibus opem et auxilium nobis tulerunt, ut eos peene oculis videre possemus. Nam, ut ilia omittam, visas nocturno tempore ab occidente faces ardoremque cceli, ut 40 fulminum jactus, ut terrse motus ceteraque, quee s tam multa nobis consulibus facta sunt, ut haec, quae nunc fiunt, canere dii immortales viderentur: hoc certe, Quirites, quod sum dicturus, neque praetermittendum neque rclinquendum est. 34 ORATIO III. 19. Nam profecto memoria tenetis Cotta et Torquato con sulibus complures in Capitolio res de coelo esse percussas, quum et simulacra deorum immortalium depulsa sunt et statuae veterum liominum dejectae et legum aera liquefacta ; 5 tactus est etiam ille, qui hanc urbem condidit, Romulus, quern inauratum in Capitolio parvum atque lactentem, ube- ribus lupinis inbiantem fuisse meministis. Quo quidem tempore quum haruspices ex tota Etruria convenissent, caedes atque incendia et legum interitum et bellum civile ac 1 domesticuni et totius urbis atque imperii occasum appro- pinquare dixerunt, nisi dii immortal es omni ratione placati suo numine prope fata ipsa flexissent. 20. Itaque illorum responsis tunc et ludi per decern dies facti sunt, neque res ulla, quae ad placandos deos pertineret, praeterrnissa est : 15iidemque jusserunt simulacrum Jovis facere majus et in excelso collocare et contra, atque ante fuerat, ad orientem convertere : ac se sperare dixerunt, si illud signum, quod videtis, solis ortum et forum curiamque conspiceret, fore, ut ea consilia, quae clam essent inita contra salutem urbis ?.0 atque imperii, illustrarentur, ut a senatu populoque Romano perspici possent. Atque illud signum ita collocandum con- sules illi locaverunt, sed tanta fuit operis tarditas, ut neque a superioribus consulibus neque a nobis ante hodiernum diem collocaretur. 25 IX. 21. Hie quis potest esse, Quirites, tarn aversus a vero, tarn praeceps, tarn mente captus, qui neget bsec omnia, quae videmus, praecipueque banc urbem deorum immorta- lium nutu ac potestate administrari ? Etenim quum esset ita responsum, caedes, incendia interitumque rei publican SO comparari, et ea per cives, quae turn propter magnitudinem scelerum nonnullis incredibilia videbantur, ea non modo cogitata a nefariis civibus, verum etiam suscepta esse sen- sistis. Illud vero nonne ita praesens est, ut nutu Jovis Optimi Maximi factum esse videatur, ut, quum bodierno die 35 mane per forum meo jussu et conjurati et eorum indices in aedem Concordiae ducerentur, eo ipso tempore signum sta- tueretur ? Quo collocato atque ad vos senatumque converso omnia et senatus et vos, quae erant contra salutem omnium cogitata, illustrata et patefacta vidistis. 22. Quo etiam tOmajore sunt isti odio supplicioque digni, qui non solum vestris domiciliis atque tectis, sed etiam deorum templis atque delubris sunt funestos ac nefarios ignes inferre conati. Quibus ego si me restitisse dicam, nimium mihi sumam et non sim ferendus : ille, ille Juppiter restitit : ille Capitolium, IN CATIL1NAM, CAL'. X. 35 ille hse% templa, ille banc urbem, ille vos omnes salvos esse voluit. Diis ego imrnortalibus ducibus banc mentem, Qui- rites, voluntatemque suscepi atque ad haec tanta indicia perveni. Jam vero ilia Allobrogum sollicitatio f sic a P. Lentulo ceterisque domesticis bostibus tarn dementer tanta 5 res credita et ignotis et barbaris commissaeque literse nun- quam essent profecto, nisi ab diis imrnortalibus buic tantee audaciae consilium esset ereptum. Quid vero ? Ut bomines Galli ex civitate male pacata, quae gens una restat, quay bellum populo Romano facere et posse et non nolle videa- 1 tur, spem imperii ac rerum amplissimarum ultro sibi a pa- triciis bominibus oblatam negligerent vestramque salutem suis opibus anteponerent, id non divinitus factum esse pu- tatis? Praesertim qui nos non pugnando, sed taccndo superare potuerunt. 16 X. 23. Quamobrem, Quirites, quoniam ad omnia pulvi- naria supplicatio decreta est, celebratote illos dies cum conjugibus ac liberis vestris. Nam multi saepe bonores diis immortalibus justi babiti sunt ac debiti, sed profecto justiores nunquam. Erepti enim estis ex crudelissimo ac 20 miserrimo interitu, et erepti sine csede, sine sanguine, sine exercitu, sine dimicatione ; togati me uno togato duce et rmperatore vicistis. 24. Etenim rccordamini, Quirites, omnes civiles dissensiones, non solum eas, quas audistis, sed eas, quas vosmet ipsi meministis atque vidistis : L. Sulla P. 25 Sulpicium oppressit : ex urbe ejecit C. Marium, custodem bujus urbis, multosque fortes viros partim ejecit ex civitate, partim interemit. Cn. Octavius, consul, armis expulit ex urbe collegam suum ; omnis bic locus acervis corporum et civium sanguine redundavit. Superavit [postea] Cinna 30 cum Mario. Turn vero clarissimis viris interfectis lumina civitatis exstincta sunt. Ultus est bujus victories crudeli- tatem postea Sulla ; ne dici quidem opus est, quanta de- minutione civium et quanta calamitate rei publicae. Dissen- sit M. Lepidus a clarissimo ac fortissimo viro, Q. Catulo. 35 Attulit non tarn ipsius interitus rei publicEe luctum, quam ceterorum. 25. Atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones erant ejusmodi, Quirites, quae non ad delendam, sed ad commu- tandam rem publicam pertinerent ; non illi nullam esse rem pubiicam, sed in ea, quae esset, se esse principes, neque 40 banc urbem conflagrare, sed se in bac urbe florere volue- runt. Atque illae tamen omnes dissensiones, quarum nulla exitium rei publicae quaesivit, ejusmodi fuerunt, ut non re- ?onciliatione concordiae, sed internecione civium dijudicatoe 30 ORATIO III. sint. In hoc autem uno post hominum menioriam ^aaximo crudelissimoque bello, quale bellum nulla unquani barbaria cum sua gente gessit, quo in bello lex haec fuit a Lentulo, Catilina, Cethego et Cassio constituta, ut omnes, qui salva 5 urbe salvi esse possent, in hostium numero ducerentur, ita me gessi, Quirites, ut omnes salvi conservaremini ; et, quum hostes vestri tantum civium superfuturum esse putassent, quantum infinites caedi restitisset, tantum autem urbis, quantum flamma obire non potuisset, et urbem et cives 1 integros incolumesque servavi. XI. 26. Quibus pro tantis rebus, Quirites, nullum ego a vobis praemium virtutis, nullum insigne honoris, nullum monumentum laudis postulabo praeterquam hujus diei me- moriam sempiternam. In animis ego vestris omnes trium- 15 phos meos, omnia ornamenta honoris, monumenta gloriae, laudis insignia, condi et collocari volo. Nihil me mutum potest delectare, nihil taciturn, nihil denique ejusmodi, quod etiam minus digni assequi possint. Memoria vestra, Qui- rites, nostras res alentur, sermonibus crescent, literarum 20monumentis inveterascent et corroborabuntur: eandemque diem intelligo, quam spero aeternam fore et ad salutem urbis et ad memoriam consulatus mei propagatam f unoque tempore in hac re publica duos cives exstitisse, quorum alter fines vestri imperii non terras, sed coeli regionibus 25 terminaret, alter ejusdem imperii domicilium sedemque servaret. XII. 27. Sed, quoniam earum rerum, quas ego gessi, non eadem est fortuna atque conditio, quae illoram, qui externa bella gesserimt : quod mihi cum iis vivendum est, 30quos vici ac subegi, illi hostes aut interfectos aut oppressos reliquerunt : vestrum est, Quirites, si ceteris recte facta sua prosunt, mihi mea ne quando obsint, providere. Mentes enim hominum audacissimorum sceleratae ac nefariae ne vobis nocere possent, ego providi : ne mihi noceant, vestrum 35 est providere. Quamquam, Quirites, mihi quideni ipsi nihil ab istis jam noceri potest. Magnum enim est in bonis praesidium, quod mihi in perpetuum comparatum est; magna in re publica dignitas, quae me semper tacita de- fendet ; magna vis conscientiae, quam qui negligent, quum £0me violare volent, se ipsi indicabunt. 28. Est etiam in nobis is animus, Quirites, ut non modo nullius audaciee cedamus, sed etiam omnes improbos ultro semper lacessa* mus. Quod si omnis impetus domesticorum hostium de« pulsus a vobis se in me unum converterit, vobis erit viden« IN CATILINAM, CAP. XII. 3«J dum, Quirites, qua conditione posthac eos esse velitis, qui se pro salute vestra obtulerint invidiae periculisque omnibus. Mihi quidem ipsi quid est, quod jam ad vitae fructum possit acquiri, prassertim quum neque in honore vestro neque in gloria virtutis quidquam videam altius, quo mihi libeat5 ascendere? 29. Illud perficiam profecto, Quirites, ut ea, quae gessi in consulatu, privatus tuear atque ornem; ut, si qua est invidia in conservanda re publica suscepta, lasdat invidos, mihi valeat ad gloriam. Deinde ita me in re publica tractabo, ut meminerim semper, quae gesserim, curemque, 10 ut ea virtute, non casu gesta esse videantur. Vos, Quirites, quoniam jam nox est, veneramini ilium Jovem, custodem hujus urbis ac vestrum, atque in vestra tecta discedite : et ea, quamquam jam periculum est depulsum, tamen aeque ac priore nocte custodiis vigiliisque defendite. Id ne vobis 1 5 diutius faciendum sit atque ut in perpetua pace esse possitis, providebo, Quirites. IN L. CATILINAM ORATIO QUARTA HABITA IN SENATU 1. 1. Video, Patres conscripti, in me omnium vestrum ora atque oculos esse conversos. Video vos non solum de vestro ac rei publicse, verum etiam, si id depulsum sit, de meo periculo esse sollicitos. Est milii jucunda in malis et 5 grata in dolore vestra erga me voluntas : sed earn, per deos immortales ! deponite atque obliti salutis meaa de vobis ac de vestris liberis cogitate. Mihi si lisec conditio consula- tes data est, ut omnes acerbitates, omnes dolores crucia- tusque perferrem, feram non solum fortiter, verum etiam LO libenter, dummodo meis laboribus vobis populoque Romano dignitas salusque pariatur. 2. Ego sum ille consul, Patres conscripti, cui non forum, in quo omnis sequitas continetur, non campus consularibus auspiciis consecratus, non curia, summum auxilium omnium gentium, non domus, commune 1 5 perfugium, non lectus ad quietem datus, non denique haec sedes honoris, sella curulis, unquam vacua mortis periculo atque insidiis fuit. Ego multa tacui, multa pertuli, multa concessi, multa meo quodam dolore in vestro tirnore sanavi. Nunc, si liunc exitum consulates mei dii immortales esse 20 voluerunt, ut vos, Patres conscripti, popul unique Romanum ex csede miserrima, conjuges liberosque vestros virginesque Vestales ex acerbissima vexatione, templa atque delubra, banc pulcherrimam patriam omnium nostrum ex fcedissima rlamma, totam Italiam ex bello et vastitate eriperem, quac- 25 cunque mihi uni proponetur fortuna, subeatur. Etenim, si P. Lentulus suum nomen, inductus a vatibus, fatale ad perniciem populi Romani fore putavit, cur ego non laeter ORATIO IV. IN CAT1LINAM, CAP. II, III. 39 meum consulatum ad salutem rei publicae prope fataleni exstitisse ? II. 3. Quare, Patres conscripti, consulite vobis, prospi- cite patriae, conservate vos, conjuges, liberos fortunasque vestras, populi Romani nomen salutemque defendite, mihi 5 parcere ac de me cogitare desinite. Nam primum debeo sperare omnes deos, qui huic urbi praesident, pro eo mihi, ac mereor, relaturos esse gratiam ; deinde, si quid obtigerit, aequo animo paratoque moriar. Nam neque turpis mors forti viro potest accidere neque immatura consulari nee 1C misera sapienti. Nee tamen ego sum ille ferreus, qui fratris carissimi et amantissimi praesentis masrore non movear horumque omnium lacrimis, a quibus me circumsessum videtis. Neque meam mentem non domum saepe revocat exanimata uxor et abjectametu filia et parvulus nlius, quern 15 mihi videtur amplecti res publica tamquam obsidem consu- latus mei ; neque ille, qui exspectans hujus exitum diei adstat in conspectu meo gener. Moveor his rebus omnibus, sed in earn partem, uti salvi sint vobiscum omnes, etiam si me vis aliqua oppresserit, potius quam et illi et nos una rei 20 publicae peste pereamus. 4. Quare, Patres conscripti, in- cumbite ad salutem rei publicae ; circumspicite omnes pro- cellas, quae impendent, nisi providetis. Non Ti. Gracchus, quod iterum tribunus plebi fieri voluit, non C. Gracchus, quod agrarios concitare conatus est, non L. Saturninus, 25 quod C. Memmium occidit, in discrimen aliquod atque in vestrae severitatis judicium adducitur : tenentur ii, qui ad fc urbis incendium, ad vestram omnium caedem, ad Catilinam accipiendum Romae restiterunt. Tenentur literae signa manus, denique unius cujusque confessio; sollicitantur Al- 30 lobroges ; servitia excitantur ; Catilina arcessitur ; id est initum consilium, ut interfectis omnibus nemo ne ad deplo- randum quidem populi Romani nomen atque ad lamen tan- dam tanti imperii calamitatem relinquatur. III. 5. Haec omnia indices detulerunt, rei confessi sunt ; 35 vos multis jam judiciis judicastis: primum, quod mihi gratias egistis singularibus verbis, et mea virtute atque diligentia perditorum hominum conjurationem patefactam esse decrevistis : deinde quod P. Lentulum, ut se abdicaret praetura, coegistis ; turn quod eum et ceteros, de quibus 40 judicastis, in custodiam dandos censuistis, maximeque, quod meo nomine supplicationem decrevistis, qui honos togato habitus ante me est nemini ; postremo hesterno die praemia legatis Allobrogum Titoque Yolturcio dedistis amplissima. 40 ORA.TIO IV. Quae sunt omnia ejusmodi, ut ii, qui in eustodiam nominalim dati sunt, sine ulla dubitatione a vobis damnati esse vide- antur. 6. S<*(d ego institui referre ad vos, Patres conscript!, 5 tamquam integrum et de facto, quid judicetis, et de poena, quid censeatis. Ilia praedicam, quae sunt consulis. Ego magnum in re publica versari furorem et nova quaedam misceri et concitari mala jampridem videbam; sed banc tantam, tarn exitiosam baberi conjurationem a civibus nun- 10 quam putavi. Nunc, quidquid est, quocunque vestrae men- tes inclinant atque sententiae, statuendum vobis ante noctem est. Quantum facinus ad vos delatum sit, videtis. Huic si paucos putatis affines esse, veliementer erratis. Latius opinione disseminatum est boc malum ; manavit non solum 15 per Italiam, verum etiam transcendit Alpes et obscure serpens multas jam provincias occupavit. Id opprimi sustentando ac prolatando nullo pacto potest. Quacunque ratione placet, celeriter vobis vindicandum est. IV. 1. Video duas adhuc esse sententias : unam D. 20 Silani, qui censet, eos, qui base delere conati sunt, morte esse multandos; alteram C. Caesaris, qui mortis pcenam removet, ceterorum suppliciorum omnes acerbitates am- plectitur. Uterque et pro sui dignitate et pro rerum magnitudine in summa severitate versatur. Alter eos, qui ; - 5 nos omnes, qui populum Romanum vita privare conati sunt, qui delere imperium, qui populi Romani nomen exstinguere, n punctum temporis frui vita et hoc communi spiritu non putat oportere, atque boc genus pcenae saepe in improbos cives in hac re publica esse usurpatum recordatur. Alter 30 intelligit mortem a diis immortalibus non esse supplicii causa constitutam, sed aut necessitatem naturae aut laborum ac miseriarum quietem esse. Itaque earn sapientes minquam inviti, fortes saepe etiam libenter appetiverunt. Vincula vero, et ea sempiterna, certe ad singularem pcenam nefarii 35 sceleris inventa sunt. Municipiis dispertiri jubet. Habere videtur ista res iniquitatem, si imperare velis, dimcultatem, si rogare. Decernatur tamen, si placet. 8. Ego enim suscipiam et, ut spero, reperiam, qui id, quod salutis omnium causa statueritis, non putet esse suae dignitatis recusare. 10 Adjunct gravem pcenam municipiis, si quis eorum vincula ruperit; borribiles custodias circumdat et digna scelere bominum perditorum sancit, ne quis eorurn pcenam, quos condemnat, aut per senatum aut per populum levare possit ; eripit etiam spem, quae sola homines in miseriis consolari IN CATILINAM, CAP. V, VI. 41 Bclet. Bona praeterea publican jubet: vitam solam relin- qmt nefariis hominibus ; quam si eripuisset, multos uno dolore animi atque corporis et omnes scelerum poenas ademisset. Itaque ut aliqua in vita formido improbis esset posita, apud inferos ejusmodi quae dam illi antiqui supplicia 5 impiis constituta esse voluerunt ; quod videlicet intelligebant his remotis non esse mortem ipsam pertimescendam. . V. 9. Nunc, Patres conscripti, ego mea video quid intersit. Si eritis secuti sententiam C. Caesaris, quoniam hanc is in re publica viam, quae popularis habetur, secutus 1C est, fortasse minus erunt hoc auctore et cognitore hujusce sentential mihi populares impetus pertimescendi : sin illam alteram, nescio, an amplius mihi negotii contrahatur. Sed tamen mcorum periculorum rationes utilitas rei publica? vincat. Habemus enim a C. Caesare, sicut ipsius dignitas lc et majorum ejus amplitudo postulabat, sententiam tamquam obsidem perpetuae in rem publicam voluntatis. Intellectum est, quid intersit inter levitatem concionatorum et animum vere popularem, saluti populi consulentem. 10. Video de istis, qui se populares haberi volunt, abesse non neminem, 2C ne de capite videlicet civium Romanorum sententiam ferat. Is et nudiustertius in custodiam cives Romanos dedit et supplicationern mihi decrevit et indices hesterno die maximis prcemiis affecit. Jam hoc nemini dubium est, qui reo custodiam, quaesitori gratulationem, indici premium decrevit, 25 quid de tota re et causa judicarit. At vero C. Caesar intel- ligit legem Semproniam esse de civibus Romanis constitu- tam; qui autem rei publicae sit hostis, eum civem esse nullo modo posse : denique ipsum latorem Semproniae legis jussu populi poenas rei publicae dependisse. Idem ipsum 30 largitorem Lentulum et prodigum non putat, quum de pernicie populi Romani, exitio hujus urbis tarn acerbe tamque crudeliter cogitarit, etiam appellari posse popula- rem. Itaque homo mitissimus atque lenissimus non dubitat P. Lentulum aeternis tenebris vinculisque mandare et sancit 35 in posterum, ne quis hujus supplicio levando se jactare et in pernicie populi Romani posthac popularis esse possit. Adjungit etiam publicationem bonorum, ut omnes animi eruciatus et corporis etiam egestas ac mendicitas consequa- tur. 40 VI. 11. Quamobrem sive hoc statueritis, dederitis mihi comitem ad concionem populo carum atque jucimdum; sive Silani sententiam seqm malueritis, facile me atque vos crudelitatis vituperatione populo Romano exsolvetis atque 42 O RATIO IV. obtinebo earn multo leniorem fuisse. Quamquam, Patres conscripti, quae potest esse in tanti sceleris immanitate punienda crudelitas ? Ego enim de meo sensu judico. Nam ita uiihi salva re publica vobiscum perfrui liceat, ut 5 ego, quod in hac causa vehementior sum, non atrocitate animi moveor, (quis enim est me mitior?) sed singular! quadam humanitate et misericordia. Videor enim milii videre banc urbem, lucem orbis terrarum atque arcem omnium gentium, subito uno incendio concidentem ; cerno lOanimo sepultam patriam, miseros atque insepultos acervos civium; versatur mihi ante oculos adspectus Cethegi et furor in vestra caede bacchantis. 12. Quum vero mihi proposui regnantem Lentulum, sicut ipse se ex fatis spe- rasse confessus est, purpuratum esse huic Gabinium, cum 15 exercitu venisse Catilinam, turn lamentationem matrum- familias, turn fugam virginum atque puerorum ac vexationem virginum Vestalium perborresco : et, quia, mihi vebementer haec videntur misera atque miseranda, idcirco in eos, qui ea perficere voluerunt, me severum vehementemque praebebo. 20 Etenim quaero, si quis paterfamilias liberis suis a servo interfectrs, uxore occisa, incensa domo supplicium de servis quam acerbissimum sumpserit, utrum is clemens ac mise- ricors, an inhumanissimus et crudelissimus esse videatur ? Mihi vero importunus ac ferreus, qui non dolore ac cruciatu 25 nocentis suum dolorem cruciatumque lenierit. Sic nos in his hominibus, qui nos, qui conjuges, qui liberos nostros trucidare voluerunt, qui singulas unius cuj usque nostrum domos et hoc universum rei publicae domicilium delere conati sunt, qui id egerunt, ut gentem Allobrogum in 30 vestigiis hujus urbis atque in cinere deflagrati imperii collo- carent, si vehementissimi fuerimus, misericordes habebimur ; sin remissiores esse voluerimus, summae nobis crudelitatis in patriae civiumque pernicie fama subeunda est. 13. Nisi vero cuipiam L. Caesar, vir fortissimus et amantissimus rei 35 publicae, crudelior nudiustertius visus est, quum sororis suae, feminae lectissimae, virum prsesentem et audientem vita privandum esse dixit, quum avum jussu consulis inter- fectum flliumque ejus impuberem, legatum a patre missum, in carcere necatum esse dixit. Quorum quod simile factum ? 40 quod initum delendao rei publicae consilium? Largitionia voluntas turn in re publica versata est et partium quaedam contentio. Atque illo tempore hujus avus Lentuli, clarissi- nius vir, armatus Gracchum est persecutus : iiie etiam grave turn vulnus acccpit, ne quid do summa re publica IN CATILINA&, CAP. VII. 43 iiuniieretiir : liic ad evertenda fimdamenta rei publico? Gallos arccssit, servitia concitat, Catilinam vocat, attribuit nos trucidandos Cethego, ceteros cives interficiendos Gabi- nio, urbem inflammandam Cassio, totam Italiam vastandam diripiendamque Catilinoe. Vereamini, censeo, ne in hoc 5 scelere tarn immani ac nefando nimis aliquid severius sta- tuisse videamini. Mulfo magis est verendum, ne remissione poena? crudeles in patriam, quam ne severitate animadver- pionis nirais vehementes in acerbissimos hostes fuisse videa- mur. 1 VII. 14. Sed ea, quae exaudio, Patres conscripti, dissi- mulare non possum. Jaciuntur enim voces, quce pervcniunt ad aures meas, eorum, qui vereri videntur, ut habeam satis prsesidii ad ea, quae vos statueritis hodierno die, transi- gunda. Omnia et pro visa et parata et constituta sunt, 15 Patres conscripti, quum mea summa cura atque diligentia, turn multo etiam majore populi Romani ad summum impe- rium retinendum et ad communes fortunas conservandas voluntate. Omnes adsunt omnium ordinum homines, omni- um denique cetatum ; plenum est forum, plena templa 20 circum forum, pleni omnes aditus hujus templi et loci. Causa est enim post urbem conditam hose inventa sola, in qua omnes sentirent unum atque idem prseter eos, qui, quum sibi viderent esse pereundum, cum omnibus potius quam soli perire voluerunt. 15. Hosce ego homines excipio 25 et secerno libenter neque in improborum civium, sed in acerbissimorum hostium numero habendos puto. Ceteri vero, dii immortales ! qua frequentia, quo studio, qua vir- tute ad communem salutem dignitatemque consentiunt? Quid ego hie equites Romanos commemorem ? qui vobis 30 ita summam ordinis consiliique concedunt, ut vobiscum de amore rei publicoe certent ; quos ex multorum annorum dissensione hujus ordinis ad societatem concordiamque re- vocatos hodiernus dies vobiscum atque haec causa conjun- git ; quam si conjunctionem in consulatu confirmatam meo 35 perpetuam in re publica tenuerimus, confirmo vobis nullum posthac malum civile ac domesticum ad ullam rei publicae partem esse venturum. Pari studio defendendce rei publico? convenisse video tribunos o3rarios, fortissimos viros ; scribas item universos ; quos quum casu hie dies ad terarium fre- 40 quentasset, video ab exspectatione sortis ad salutem com- munem esse conversos. 16. Omnis ingenuorum adest mul- titudo, etiam tenuissimorum. Quis est enim, cui non haec templa, adspectus urbis, possessio libertatis, lux deniquo 44 DRATIO IV. haec ipsa ct hoc commune patriae solum quum sit canni, turn vero dulce atque jucuiidurn ? VIII. Opera pretium est, Patres conscripti, libertinonun hominum studia cognoscere ; qui sua virtute fortunam hujua 5 civitatis consecuti vere hanc suam patriam esse judicanfc, quam quidam hie nati et summo nati loco non patriam suam, sed urbem hostium esse judicaverunt. Sed quid ego hujusce ordinis homines commemoro, quos privatae fortuna), quos communis res publica, quos denique libertas, ea, quae 10 dulcissima est, ad salutem patriae defendendam excitavit? Servus est nemo, qui modo tolerabili conditione sit servitutis, qui non audaciam civium perhorrescat ; qui non haec stare cu- piat ; qui non quantum audet et quantum potest conferat ad communem salutem voluntatis. 17. Quare si quem vestrum 15 forte commovet hoc, quod auditum est lenonem quendam Len- tuli concursare circum tabernas, pretio sperare sollicitari posse animos egentium atque imoeritorum, est id quidem coeptum atque tentatum ; sed nulli sunt inventi tarn aut fortuna miseri aut voluntate perditi, qui non ilium ipsum sellae atque operis 20 et quasstus quotidiani locum, qui non cubile ac lectulum suum, qui denique non cursum hunc otiosum vitae sua3 salvum esse velint. Multo vero maxima pars eorum, qui in tabernis sunt, nisi vero (id enim potius est dicendum) genus hoc universum amantissimum est otii. Etenim omne instrumen- 25 turn, omnis opera atque qusestus frequentia civium susten- tatur, alitur otio : quorum si quaestus occlusis tabernis minui solet, quid tandem incensis futurum fuit ? IX. 18. Quae quum ita sint, Patres conscripti, vobis populi Romani praesidia non desunt : vos ne populo Romano 30 deesse videamini, providete. Habetis consulem ex plurimis periculis et insidiis atque ex media morte non ad vitam suam, sed ad salutem vestram reservatum ; omnes ordines ad conservandam rem publicam mente, voluntate, studio, virtute, voce consentiunt ; obsessa facibus et telis impiae 35 conjurationis vobis supplex manus tendit patria communis ; vobis se, vobis vitam omnium civium, vobis arcem et Capi- tolium, vobis aras Penatium, vobis ignem ilium Vesta? sempiternum, vobis omnia deorum templa atque delubra, vobis muros et urbis tecta commendat. Praeterea de vestra 40 vita, de conjugum vestrarum atque liberorum anima, de fortunis omnium, de sedibus, de focis vestris hodierno die vobis judicandum est. 19. Habetis ducem memorem vestri, oblitum sui, quae non semper facultas datur ; habetis omnes ordines, omnes homines, universum populum Roma- IN CAT11INAM, CAP. X. 45 num, id quod in civili causa hodierno die primum videmus, unum atque idem sentientem. Cogitate, quantis laborious fundatum imperium, quanta virtute stabilitam libertatem, quanta deorum benignitate auctas exaggsratasque fortunas una nox paene delerit. Id ne unquam posthac non modo 5 confici, sed ne cogitari quidem possit a civibus, hodierno die providendum est. Atque hose, non ut vos, qui mihi studio paene praecurritis, excitarem, locutus sum, sed ut mea vox, quag debet esse in re publica princeps, officio functa consulari videretur. 10 X. 20. Nunc antequam, [Patres conscripti], ad senten- tiam redeo, de me pauca dicam. Ego, quanta manus est conjuratorum, quam videtis esse permagnam, tantam me inimicorum multitudinem suscepisse video, sed earn esse turpem judico, infirmam et abjectam. Quod si aliquando 15 alicujus furore et scelere concitata manus ista plus valuerit quam vestra ac rei publico dignitas, me tamen meorum factorum atque consiliorum nunquam, Patres conscripti, poenitebit. Etenim mors, quam mihi illi fortasse minitantur, omnibus est parata : vitas tantam laudem, quanta vos me 20 vestris decretis honestastis, nemo est assecutus. Ceteris enim bene gesta, mihi uni conservata re publica gratula- tionem decrevistis. 21. Sit Scipio clarus ille, cujus consilio atque virtute Hannibal in Africam redire atque Italia dece- dere coactus est ; ornetur alter eximia laude Africanus, qui 25 duas nrbes huic imperio infestissimas Karthaginem Numan- tiamque delevit ; habeatur vir egregius Paullus ille, cujus cuiTum rex potentissimus quondam et nobilissimus Perses honestavit : sit aeterna gloria Marius, qui bis Italiam obsi- dione et metu servitutis libera vit ; anteponatur omnibus 30 Pompeius, cujus res gestae atque virtutes iisdem, quibus solis cursus, regionibus ac terminis continentur : erit profecto inter horum laudes aliquid loci nostrae gloriae ; nisi forte majus est patefacere nobis provmcias, quo exire possimus, quam curare, ut etiam illi, qui absunt, habeant, quo vie tores 35 revertantur. 22. Quamquam est uno loco conditio melior externas victoriae quam domesticae, quod hostes alienigenae aut oppressi serviunt aut recepti beneficio se obligatos pu- tant : qui autem ex numero civium dementia aliqua depra- vati hostes patriae semel esse coeperunt, eos, quum a perni- 40 cie rei publicas reppuleris, nee vi coercere nee beneficio placare possis ; quare mihi cum perditis civibus aeternum bellum susceptum esse video. Id ego vestro bonorumque omnium auxilio rcemoriaque tantorum periculoruni, quae 18 011ATI0 IV. IN CATILINAM, CAP. XI. non mode in hoc populo, qui servatus est, sed [etiam] in omnium gentium sermonibus ac mentibus semper haerebit, a me atque a meis facile propulsari posse confido. Neque ulla profecto tanta vis reperictur, qua3 conjunctionem ve- 5 stram equitumque Romanorum et tantam conspirationem bonorum omnium confringere et labefactare possit. XI. 23. Quae quum ita sint, Patres conscripti, pro impe- rio, pro exercitu, pro provincia, quam neglexi, pro triumplio ceterisque laudis insignibus, quae sunt a me propter urbis lOvestraeque salutis custodiam repudiata, pro clientelis hospi- tiisque provincialibus, qua3 tamen urbanis opibus non minore labore tueor, quam comparo : pro his igitur omnibus rebus, pro meis in vos singularibus studiis, proque hac, quam conspicitis, ad conservandam rem pubheam diligentia nihil 15 a vobis nisi hujus temporis totiusque mei consulatus memo- riam postulo, quae dum erit in vestris fixa mentibus, tutissi- mo me muro saeptum esse arbitrabor. Quod si meam spem vis improborum fefellerit atque superaverit, commendo vo- bis parvum meum filium ; cui profecto satis erit prassidii 20 non solum ad salutem, verum etiam ad dignitatem, si ejus, qui haec omnia suo solius periculo conservaverit, ilium filium esse memineritis. 24. Quapropter de summa salute vestra populique Romani, Patres conscripti, de vestris conjugibus ac liberis, de aris ac focis, de fanis atque templis, de totius 25 urbis tectis ac sedibus, de imperio ac libertate, de salute Italias, de universa re publica decernite diligenter, ut insti- tuistis, ac fortiter. Habetis eum consulem, qui et parere vestris decretis non dubitet et ea, quae statucritis, quoad vivet, defendere et per se ipsum prastarc possit, ORATIO DE IMPEBIO CI. POMPEII SIVE PRO LEGE MANILIA. I. 1. Quamquam mihi semper frequens conspectus ve- ster multo jucundissimus, hie autem locus ad agendum amplissimus, ad dicendum ornatissimus est visus, Quirites, tamen hoc aditu laudis, qui semper optimo cuique maxime patuit, non mea me voluntas adhuc, sed vitse meae ra- 5 tiones ab ineunte estate susceptse prohibuerunt. Nam, quum antea per setatem nondum hujus auctoritatem loci attingere auderem statueremque nihil hue nisi perfectum ingenio, elaboratum industria afFerri oportere, omne meum tempus amicorum temporibus transmittendum putavi. 2. 10 Ita neque hie locus vacuus unquam fuit ab iis, qui vestram causam defenderent, et mens labor in privatorum periculis caste integreque versatus ex vestro judicio fructum est amplissimum consecutus. Nam quum propter dilationem comitiorum ter praetor primus centuriis cunctis renuntiatus 15 sum, facile intellexi, Quirites, et quid de me judicaretis et quid aliis praescriberetis. Nunc quum et auctoritatis in me tantum sit, quantum vos honoribus mandandis esse voluistis, et ad agendum facultatis tantum, quantum homini vigilanti ex forensi usu prope quotidiana dicendi exercitatio potuit 20 afferre ; certe et si quid auctoritatis in me est, [ea] apud eos utar, qui earn mihi dederunt; et si quid in dicendo consequi possum, iis ostendampotissimum, qui ei quoque rei fructum suo judicio tribuendum esse censuerunt. 3. Atque Llud in primis mihi laetandum jure esse video, quod 25 in hac insolita mihi ex hoc loco ratione dicendi causa talis oblata est, in qua oratio dcesse nemini possit. Dicendum 4S O RATIO est enim de Cn. Pompeii singulan eximiaque virtute ; hujus autem orationis difficilius est exitum quam principium inve- nire. Ita mihi non tarn copia, quam modus in dicendo quaerendus est. 5 II. 4. Atque, ut inde oratio mea proficiscatur, unde haec omnis causa ducitur, bellum grave et periculosum vestris vectigalibus ac sociis a duobus potentissimis regibus infertur, Mithridate et Tigrane ; quorum alter relictus, alter lacessitus, occasionem sibi ad occupandam Asiam oblatam 10 esse arbitrantur. Equitibus Romanis, honestissimis viris, afferuntur ex Asia quotidie literae, (quorum magnae res aguntur in vestris vectigalibus exercendis occupatae ; qui ad me pro necessitudine, quae mihi est cum illo ordine, causam rei publicae periculaque rerum suarum detulerunt) : 15 5. Bithyniae, quae nunc vestra provincia est, vicos exustos esse complures ; regnum Ariobarzanis, quod finitimum est vestris vectigalibus, totum esse in hostium potestate ; Lu- cullum magnis rebus gestis ab eo bello discedere ; liuic qui successerit, non satis esse paratum ad tantum bellum admi^ 20 nistrandum ; unum ab omnibus sociis et civibus ad id bellum imperatorem deposci atque expeti; eundem hunc ur.am ab hostibus metui, praeterea neminem. 6. Causa quae sit, videtis : nunc quid agendum sit, consi- derate. Primum mihi videtur de genere belli, deinde de 25 magnitudine, turn de imperatore deligendo esse dicendum. Genus est enim belli ejusmodi, quod maxime vestros animos excitare atque inflammare ad persequendi studium debeat; in quo agitur populi Romani gloria, quae vobis a majoribus quum magna in omnibus rebus, turn summa in re militari 30 tradita est ; agitur salus sociorum atque amicorum, pro qua multa majores vestri magna et gravia bella gesserunt ; aguntur certissima populi Romani vectigalia et maxima, quibus amissis et pacis ornamenta et subsidia belli require- tis ; aguntur bona multorum civiurn, quibus est a vobis et 35 ipsorum et rei publicae causa consulendum. III. 7. Et quoniam semper appetentes gloriae praeter ceteras gentes atque avidi laudis fuistis, delenda vobis est ilia macula Mithridatico bello superiore concepta: quae penitus jam insedit ac nimis inveteravit in populi Romani 40 nomine : quod is, qui uno die, tota Asia, tot in civitatibus, uno nuntio atque una significatione literarum cives Romanos necandos trucidandosque denotavit, non modo adhuc pce- nam nullam suo dignam scelere suscepit, sed ab illo tempore annum jam tertium et vicesimum regnat, et ita re^nat, ut PRO LEGE MANILLA, CAP. IV, V. 49 se non Ponto ncque Cappadociac latebris occultare velit, sed emergere e patrio regno atque in vestris vectigalibus, hoc est, in Asiee luce versari. 8. Etenim adliuc ita nostri cum illo rege contenderunt imperatores, ut ab illo insignia victoriae, non victoriam reportarcnt. Triumphavifc L. Sulla, 5 triuniphavit L. Murena de Mithridate, duo fortissimi viri et sumuii imperatores, sed ita triumpharunt, nt iile pulsus superatusque regnaret. Verumtamen illis imperatoribus laus est tribuenda, quod egerunt, venia danda, quod reli- querunt ; propterea quod ab eo bello Sullam in Italiam res 10 publica, Murenam Sulla revocavit. IV. 9. Mithridates autem omne reliquum tempus non ad oblivionem veteris belli, sed ad comparationem novi contulit : qui posteaquam maximas aedificasset ornassetque classes, exercitusque permagnos, quibuscunque ex gentibus 15 potuisset, comparasset et se Bosporanis, finitimis suis, bel- lum inferre simularet, usque in Hispaniam legatos ac literas misit ad cos duces, quibuscum turn bellum gerebamus, ut, quum duobus in locis disjunctissimis maxirneque diversis uno consilio a binis hostium copiis bellum terra marique 20 gereretur, vos ancipiti contentione districti de imperio dimi- caretis. 10. Sed tamen alterius partis periculum, Sertorianae atque Hispaniensis, quae multo plus firmamenti ac roboris habebat, Cn. Pompeii divino consilio ac singulari virtute depulsum est ; in altera parte ita res a L. Lucullo, summb 25 viro, est administrata, ut initia ilia rerum gestarum magna atque praeclara non felicitati ejus, sed virtuti, haec autem extrema, quaa nuper acciderunt, non culpae, sed fortunoa tribuenda esse videantur. Sed de Lucullo dicam alio loco, et ita dicam, Quirites, ut neque vera laus ei detracta oratione 30 nostra neque falsa afficta esse videatur. 11. De vestri imperii dignitate atque gloria, quoniam is est exorsus ora- tionis mea3, videte, quern vobis animum suscipiendum pu- tetis. V. Majores nostri saspe mercatoribus aut naviculariis 35 injuriosius tractatis bella gesserunt : vos tot milibus civium Romanorum uno nuntio atque uno tempore necatis quo tandem animo esse debetis ? Legati quod erant appellati superbius, Corinthum patres vestri, totius Grascia3 lumen exstinctum esse voluerunt : vos eum regem inultum esse 40 patiemini, qui legatum populi Roniani consularem vinculis ac verberibus atque omni supplicio excruciatum necavit ? illi libertatem civium Eomanorum imminutam non tulerunt ; vos vitam ereptam negligetis ? Jus legationis verbo viola- BO O RATIO turn illi perseouti sunt ; vos legatum omni supplicio inter- fectum relinquetis? 12. Videte, ne, ut illis pulcberrimura fuit tantam vobis imperii gloriam tradere, sic vobis turpis- simimi sit, id, quod accepistis, tueri et conservare non 5 posse. Quid, quod salus sociorum summum in periculum ac discrimen vocatur quo tandem animo ferre debetis ? Regno est expulsus Ariobarzanes rex, socius populi Romani atque amicus ; imminent duo reges toti Asise non solum vobis 10 inimicissimi, sed etiam vestris sociis atque amicis ; civitates autem omnes cuncta Asia atque Grcecia vestrum auxilium exspectare propter periculi magnitudinem coguntur ; impe- ratorem a vobis certum deposcere, quum prsesertim vos alium miseritis, neque audent neque se id facere sine summo 15periculo posse arbitrantur. 13. Vident et sentiunt hoc idem, quod vos, unum virum esse, in quo summa sint omnia, et eum propter esse, quo etiam carent segrius : cujus adventu ipso atque nomine, tametsi ille ad maritimum bellum venerit, tamen impetus liostium repressos esse intel- 20 ligunt ac retardatos. Hi vos, quoniam libere loqui non licet, tacite rogant, ut se quoque, sicut ceterarum provinciarum socios, dignos existimetis, quorum salutem tali viro corn- mendetis ; atque hoc etiam magis, quod ceteros in provin- ciam ejusmodi homines cum imperio mittimus, ut, etiamsi 25 ao hoste defendant, tamen ipsorum adventus in urbes sociorum non multum ab hostili expugnatione differant. Hunc audiebant antea, nunc prsesentem vident tanta tempe- rantia, tanta mansuetudine, tanta humanitate, ut ii beatissimi esse videantur, apud quos ille diutissime commoratur. 30 VI. 14. Quare, si propter socios nulla ipsi injuria la- cessiti, majores nostri cum Antiocho, cum Philippo, cum JEtoYis, cum Poenis bella gesserunt, quanto vos studio con- venit injuriis provocatos sociorum salutem una cum imperii vestri dignitate defendere? prsesertim quum de maximis 35 vestris vectigalibus agatur. Nam ceterarum provinciarum vectigalia, Quirites, tanta sunt, ut iis ad ipsas provincias tutandas vix contend esse possimus ; Asia vero tarn opima est ac fertilis, ut et uber- tate agrorum et varietate fructuum et magnitudine pastionia 10 et multitudiue earum rerum, quae exportantur, facile omni- bus tcrris antecellat. Itaque hsec vobis provincia, Quirites, si et belli utilitatem et pacis dignitatem retinere vultis, non modo a calamitate, sed etiam a metu calamitatis est defen- denda. 15. Nam in ceteris rebus, quum venit calamitas, PRO LEG^ MANILLA, CAP. -VII. 51 ium dctrimcntum accipitur ; at in vectigalibus non solum adventus mali, sod etiam metus ipse affert calamitatcra. Nam quum hostium copiee non longe absunt, etiam si irruptio nulla facta est, tamen pecua relinquuntur, agri cultura deseritur, mercatorum navigatio conquiescit. Ita 5 neque ex portu neque ex decumis neque ex scriptura vecti- gal conservari potest; quare saepe totius anni fructus uno rumore periculi atque uno belli terrore amittitur. 16. Quo tandem igitur animo esse existimatis aut eos, qui vectigalia nobis pensitant, aut eos, qui exercent atque exigunt, quum 1C duo reges cum maximis copiis propter adsint ? quum una excursio equitatus perbrevi tempore totius anni vectigal auferre possit ? quum publicani familias maximas, quas in salinis habent, quas in agris, quas in portubus atque custo- diis, magno periculo se habere arbitrentur? Putatisne vos 15 illis rebus frui posse, nisi eos, qui vobis fructui sunt, conser- varitis, non solum (ut ante dixi) calamitate, sed etiam calamitatis formidinc liberatos ? VII. 17. Ac ne illud quidem vobis negligendum est, quod milii ego extremum proposueram, quum essem de belli 20 genere dicturus, quod ad multorum bona civium Romanorum pertinet ; quorum vobis pro vestra sapientia, Quirites, ha- benda est ratio diligenter. Nam et publicani, homines honestissimi atque ornatissimi, suas rationes et copias in illam provinciam contulerunt ; quorum ipsorum per se res 25 et fortunae vobis curae esse debent. Etenim si vectigalia nervos esse rei publicae semper duximus, cum certe ordinem, qui exercet ilia, firmamentum ceterorum ordinum recte esse dicemus. 18. Deinde ex ceteris ordinibus homines navi atque industrii partim ipsi in Asia negotiantur, quibus vos 30 absentibus consulere debetis, partim eorum in ea provincia pecunias magnas collocatas Labent. Est igitur humanitatis vestrae magnum numerum eorum civium calamitate prohi- bere, sapientiae, videre multorum civium calamitatem a re publica sejunctam esse non posse. Etenim primum illud 35 parvi refert, nos publicanis amissis vectigalia postea victoria recuperare: neque enim iisdem redimendi facultas erit propter calamitatem, neque aliis voluntas propter timorem. 19. Deinde quod nos eadem Asia atque idem iste Mithri- dates initio belli Asiatic! docuit, certe id quidem calamitate A Q docti memoria retinere debemus : nam turn, quum in Asia res magnas permulti amiserant, scimus, Romae solutione impedita fidem concidisse. Non enim possunt una in civi- tate multi rem atque fortunas amittere, ut non plures secum $2 RATIO in eandem trahant calamitatem. A quo poriculo prohibcto rem publican) et mihi credite, id quod ipsi videtis : hcec fides atquc hffic ratio pecuniarum, quse Romae, quae in foro versatur, implicita est cum illis pecuniis Asiaticis etcchaeret; 6 mere ilia non possunt, ut hoec non eodem labefacta motu concidant. Quare videte, nura dubitandura vobis sit omni studio ad id bellum incumbere, in quo gloria nominis vestri, salus sociorum, vectigalia maxima, fortunse plurimorum civium cum re publica defenduntur. 10 VIII. 20. Quoniam de genere belli dixi, nunc de ma- gnitudine pauca dicam. Potest hoc enim dici : belli genus esse ita necessarium, ut sit gerendum ; non esse ita magnum, ut sit pertimescendum. In quo maxime laborandum est, ne forte a vobis, quae diligentissime providenda sunt, con- 1 5 temnenda esse videantur. Atque ut omnes intelligant me L. Lucullo tantum impertire laudis, quantum forti viro et sapienti homini et magno imperatori debeatur, dico, ejus adventu maximas Mithridatis copias omnibus rebus ornatas atque instructas fuisse, urbemque Asise clarissimam nobisque 20 amicissimam Cyzicenorum obsessam esse ab ipso rege ma- xima multitudine et oppugnatam veliementissime, quam L. Lucullus virtute assiduitate consilio summis obsidionis peri- culis libera vit; 21. ab eodem imperatore classem magnam et ornatam, quae ducibus Sertorianis ad Italiam studio atque 25 odio inflammata raperetur, superatam esse atque depressam ; magnas hostium prasterea copias multis prceliis esse deletas patefactumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus fuisset; Sinopen atque Amisum, quibus in oppidis erant domicilia regis, 30 omnibus rebus ornatas atque refertas ceterasque urbes Ponti et Cappadocise permultas uno aditu adventuque esse captas ; regem spoliatum regno patrio atque avito ad alios se reges atque ad alias gentes supplicem contulisse : atque hsec omnia salvis populi Romani sociis atque integris vecti- 35 galibus esse gesta. Satis opinor hoc esse laudis, atque ita, Quirites, ut hoc vos intelligatis, a nullo istorum, qui huic obtrectant legi atque causae, L. Lucullum similiter ex hoc loco esse laudatum. IX. 22. Requiretur fortasse nunc, quemadmodum, quum <0 haoc ita sint, reliquum possit magnum esse bellum. Cogno- scite, Quirites, non enim hoc sine causa queeri videtur. Primum ex suo regno sic Mithridates profugit, ut ex eodem Ponto Medea ilia quondam prof ugisse dicitur; quam pra> dicant in fuga fratris sui membra in iis locis, qua se parens PRO LEGE MANILIA, CAP. IX. 53 persequeretur, dissipavisse, ut corum collectio dispcrsa mae- rorque patrius celeritatem perscquendi retardarct. Sic Mithridatcs fugiens maximam vim ami atque argcnti pu]» cherrimarumque rcrum omnium, quas et a majoribus acce- perat, et ipse bello superiore ex tota Asia direptas in snum 5 regnum congesserat, in Ponto omnem reliquit. Hcec dum nostri colligunt omnia diligentius, rex ipse e manibus efFugit. Ita ilium a persequendi studio mairor, hos lcetitia tardavit. 23. Hunc in illo timore et fuga Tigranes, rex Armenius, excepit diffidentemque rebus suis confirmavit et afflictum 10 erexit perditumque recreant : cujus in regnum posteaquam L. Lucullus cum excrcitu venit, plures etiam gentes contra imperatorem nostrum concitatce sunt. Erat enim metus injcctus iis nationibus, quas nunquam populus Romanus neque lacessendas bello neque tentandas putavit; erat etiam 15 alia gravis atque vehemens opinio, quse per animos gentium barbararum pervaserat, fani locupletissimi et religiosissimi diripiendi causa in cas oras nostrum esse exercitum addu- ctum. Ita nationes multse atque magnas novo quodam terrore ac metu concitabantur. Foster autem exercitus, 20 tametsi urbeni ex Tigrani regno ceperat et proeliis usus erat secundis, taraen nimia longinquitate locorum ac deside- rio suorum commovebatur. 24. Hie jam plura non dicam. Fuit enim illud extremum, ut ex iis locis a militibus nostris reditus magis maturus quam processio longior qusereretur: 25 Mithridatcs autem et suam manum jam confirrnarat [et eo- rum, qui se ex ipsius regno collegerant] et magnis ad- venticiis auxiliis multorum regum et nationum juvabatur. Jam hoc fere sic fieri solere accepimus, ut regum afflictce fortunee facile multorum opes alliciant ad misericordiam, 30 maximeque eorum, qui aut reges sunt aut vivunt in regno : ut [iis] nomen regale magnum et sanctum esse videatur. 25. Itaque tantum victus emcere potuit, quantum incolumis uunquam est ausus optare. Nam quum se in regnum suum recepisset, non fuit eo contentus, quod ei praater spem 35 acciderat, ut illam, posteaquam pulsus erat, terrain unquam attingeret, sed in exercitum nostrum clarum atque victorem impetum fecit. Sinite hoc loco, Quirites, sicut poetae so- lent, qui res Romanas scribunt, prssterire me nostram calamitatem, quae tanta fuit, ut earn ad aures imperatoris 4 non ex pruelio nuntius, sed ex sermone rumor afFerret. 26. Hie in illo ipso malo gravissimaque belli offensione L. Lucullus, qui tarnen aliqua ex parte iis incommodis mederi fortasse potuisset, vestro jussu coactus, quod imperii diu- 54 O RATIO f.urniiati modum staluendum veterc exemplo tutavistis, partem milituin, qui jam stipendiis confecti erant, dimisit, partem Glabrioni tradidit. Multa praatereo consulto : sed ea vos conjectura perspicite, quantum illud bellum factum 5 putetis, quod conjungant reges potentisshni, renovent agi- tatoe nationes, suscipiant integrae gentes, novus imperator noster accipiat, vetere exercitu pulso. X. 27. Satis mihi multa verba fecisse videor, quare esset hoc- bellum genere ipso necessarium, magnitudine lOpericulosum: restat, ut de imperatore ad id bellum deli- gendo ac tantis rebus praeficiendo dicendum esse videatur. Utinam, Quirites, virorum fortium atque innocentium copiain tantam haberetis, ut base vobis deliberatio difficilis esset, quemnam potissimum tantis rebus ac tanto bello praefici- 15 endum putaretis. Nunc vero quum sit unus Cn. Pompeius, qui non modo eorum hominum, qui nunc sunt, gloriam, sed etiam antiquitatis memoriam virtute superarit, quae res est, quae cujusquam animum in bac causa dubium facere possit? 28. Ego enim sic existimo, in summo imperatore quattuor 20 lias res inesse oportere, scientiam rei militaris, virtutem, auctoritatem, felicitatem. Quis igitur hoc bomine scientior uuquam aut fuit aut esse debuit ? qui e ludo atque pueritiae disciplinis bello maximo atque acerrimis bostibus ad patris exercitum atque in militia? disciplinam profectus est ; qui 25 extrema pueritia miles in exercitu fuit summi imperatoris, ineunte adolescentia maximi ipse exercitus imperator ; qui saepius cum boste conflixit, quam qmsquam cum inimico concertavit ; plura bella gessit, quam ceteri legerunt ; plures provincias confecit, quam alii concupiverunt ; cujus adole- 30 scentia ad scientiam rei militaris non alienis praeceptis, sed suis imperils, non offensionibus belli, sed victoriis, non sti- pendiis, sed triumpbis est erudita. Quod denique genus esse belli potest, in quo ilium non exercuerit fortuna rei publicae? Civile, Africanum, Transalpinum, Hispaniense 35 mixtum ex incitatis atque bellicosissimis nationibus, servile, navale bellum, varia et diversa genera et bellorum et ho- stKim, non solum gesta ab hoc uno, sed etiam confecta, nullam rem esse declarant in usu positam militari, qua) hu- jus viri scientiam fugere possit. 10 XI. 29. Jam vero virtuti Cn. Pompeii quae potest oratio par inveniri ? Quid est, quod quisquam aut illo dignum aut vobis novum aut cuiquam inauditum possit afferre? Neque enim illse sunt solac virtutes imperatoria5, quas vulgo cxistimantur, labor in negotiis, fortitudo in periculis, industria TRO LEGE MANILIA, CAP. XII. 55 in agendo, celeritas in conficiendo, consilium in providendo; quas tanta sunt in hoc uno, quanta in omnibus reliquis imperatoribus, quos aut vidimus aut audivimus, non fuerunt. Testis est Italia, quam ille ipse victor, L. Sulla, hujus virtute et subsidio confessus est liberatam. 30. Testis est 5 Sicilia, quam multis undique cinctam periculis non terrore belli, sed consilii celeritafe explicavit. Testis est Africa, quae magnis oppressa hostium copiis eorum ipsorum san- guine redundavit. Testis est Gallia, per quam legionibus nostris in Hispaniam iter Gallorum internecione patefactum 10 est. Testis est Hispania, quas soepissime plurimos hostes ab hoc superatos prostratosque conspexit. Testis est iterum et scepius Italia, qua3, quum servili bello tetro periculosoque premeretur, ab hoc auxilium absente expetivit: quod, bellum exspectatione ejus attenuatum atque imminutum est, adventu 15 sublatum ac sepultum. 31. Testes nunc vero jam omnes orce atque omnes exterse gentes ac nationes, denique maria omnia, quum universa, turn in singulis oris omnes sinus atque portus. Quis enim toto mari locus per hos annos aut tarn lirmum habuit presidium, ut tutus esset? aut tarn fuit20 abditus, ut lateret ? Quis navigavit, qui non se aut mortis aut servitutis peiiculo committeret, quum aut hieme aut referto prsedonum mari navigaret ? Hoc tantum bellum, tarn turpe, tam vetus, tarn late divisum atque dispersum, quis unquam arbitraretur aut ab omnibus imperatoribus 25 uno anno, aut omnibus annis ab uno imperatore confici posse? 32. Quam provinciam tenuistis a prsedonibus libe- ram per hosce annos? quod vectigal vobis tutum fuit? quern socium defendistis ? cui prsesidio classibus vestris fuistis ? quam multas existimatis insulas esse desertas ? 30 quam multas aut metu relictas aut a prsedonibus captas urbes esse sociorum ? XII. Sed quid ego longinqua commemoro ? Fuit hoc quondam, fuit proprium populi Romani, longe a domo bel- lare et propugnaculis imperii sociorum fortunas, non sua 35 tecta defendere. Sociis ego nostris mare per hos annos clausum fuisse dicam, quum exercitus nostri nunquam a Biundisio nisi hieme summa transmiserint ? Qui ad vos ab exteris nationibus venirent, captos querar, quum legati populi Romani redempti sint ? Mercatoribus tutum mare 4 non fuisse dicam, quum duodecim secures in preedonum potestatem pervenerint ? 33. Cnidum aut Coiophonem aut Samum, nobilissimas urbes, innumerabilesque alias ca- ptas esse commemorem, quum vestros portus, atque eos 50 ORATIO portus quibus vitam et spiritum ducitis, in priedonum fttisse potestate sciatis? An vero ignoratis portuni Caietae cele berrimum atque plenissimum navium inspectante pnetoic a preedonibus esse direptum ? ex Miseno autem ejus ipsius 5 liberos, qui cum prsedonibus antea ibi bellum gesserat, a prredonibus esse sublatos? Nam quid ego Ostiense in- commodum atque illam labem atque ignominiam rcipublicaa querar, quum prope inspectantibus vobis classis ea, cui consul populi Romani propositus esset, a prredonibus capta 10 atque oppressa est? Pro dii immortales ! tantamne unius hominis incredibilis ac divina virtus tarn brevi tempore lucem afferre rei publicoe potuit, ut vos, qui modo ante ostium Tiberinum classem hostium videbatis, nunc nullam intra Oceani ostium prsedonum navem esse audiatis ? 31 15 Atque haec qua celeritate gesta sint, quamquam videtis, tamen a me in dicendo praetereunda non sunt. Q.uis enim unquam aut obeundi negotii aut consequendi qusestus studio lam brevi tempore tot loca adire, tantos cursus conficere potuit, quam celeriter Cn. Pompeio duce tanti belli impetus 20 navigavit ? qui nondum tempestivo ad navigandum man Siciliam adiit, Africam exploravit, inde Sardiniam cum classe venit atque hoec tria frumentaria subsidia rei publicse firmis- simis prcesidiis classibusque munivit. 35. Inde quum se in Italiam recepisset, duabus Hispaniis et Gallia [Transalpina] 25 praesidiis ac navibus confirmata, missis item in oram Illyrici maris et in Achaiam omnemque Grceciani navibus Italia? duo maria maximis classibus firmissimisque prcesidiis ador- navit; ipse autem, ut Brundisio profectus est, undequinqua- gesimo die totam ad imperium populi Romani Ciliciam SOadjunxit: omnes, qui ubique proedones fuerunt, partim capti interfectique sunt, partim unius hujus se imperio ac potestati dediderunt. Idem Cretensibus, quum ad eum usque in Pamphyliam legatos deprecatoresque misissent 5 spem deditionis non ademit obsidesque imperavit. Iia J 5 tantum bellum, tarn diutunium, tarn longe latequc disper- sum, quo bello omnes gentes ac naliones premebantur, Cn. Pompeius extrema hieme apparavit, ineunte vere suscepit, media oestate confecit. XIII. 3G. Est luec divina atque incredibilis virtus mipe- 40 ratoris. Quid cetera?, quas paulo ante commemorare cce- peram, quanta? atque quam multoe sunt ? Non enim bel- landi virtus solum in summo ac perfecto imperatore qua?- renda est, sed multce sunt artes eximise, hujus adminisira? comitesque virtutis. Ac primum quanta innocentia dehent PRO LEGE MAXIMA, CAP. XIV. 51 esse imperatores ! quanta deinde in omnibus rebus tempe- rantia ! quanta fide, quanta facilitate, quanto ingcnio, quanta humanitate ! qua? breviter, qualia sint in Cn. Pompeio, consideremus. Summa enim omnia sunt, Quirites, sed ea magis ex aliorum contentione quam ipsa per sese cognosci 5 atque intelligi possunt. 37. Quern enim imperatorem pos- sumus ullo in numero putare, cujus in exercitu centuriatus veneant atque venierint ? quid hunc hominem magnum aut ampluni de re publica cogitare, qui pecuniam ex serario depromptam ad bellum administrandum aut propter cupi- 10 ditatem provincise magistratibus diviserit aut propter avari- tiam Roma? in qusestu reliquerit? Vestra admunnuratio facit, Quirites, ut agnoscere videamini, qui hsec fecerint : ego autem nomino neminem ; quare irasci mibi nemo poterit, nisi qui ante de se voluerit confiteri. 38. Itaque propter 15 banc avaritiani imperatorum quantas calamitates, quocunque ventum sit, nostri exercitus ferant, quis ignorat ? Itinera, quae per hosce annos in Italia per agros atque oppida civium Romanoruni nostri imperatores fecerint, recorda- mini ; turn facilius statuetis, quid apud exteras nationes fieri 20 existimetis. Utrum plures arbitramini per hosce annos mili- Lurn vestrorum armis hostium urbes, an hibernis sociorum civitates esse deletas ? Neque enim potest exercitum is continere imperator, qui se ipse non continet, neque severus esse in judicando, qui alios in se severos esse judices non 25 vult. 39. Hie miramur hunc hominem tantum excellere ceteris, cujus legiones sic in Asiam pervenerint, ut non modo manus tanti exercitus, sed ne vestigium quidem cui- quam pacato nocuisse dicatur ? Jam vero, quemadmodum milites hibernent, quotidie sermones ac literae perferuntur ; 30 non modo, ut sumptum faciat in militem, nemini vis affertur, sed ne cupienti quidem cuiquam permittitur. Hiemis enim, non avaritioe perfugium majores nostri in sociorum atque amicorum tectis esse voluerunt. XIV. 40. Age vero, ceteris in rebus qua sit temperantia, 3D considerate. Unde illam tantam celeritatem et tarn incre- dibilem cursum in ventum putatis ? Non enim ilium eximia vis remigum aut ars inaudita qusedam gubernandi aut venti aliqui novi tarn celeriter in ultimas terras pertulerunt, sed ese res, quae ceteros remorari solent, non retardarunt ; non avaritia ab 40 instituto cursu ad pradam aliquam devocavit, non libido ad voluptatem, non amcenitas ad delectation em, non nobilitas urbis ad cognitionem, non denique labor ipse ad quietem. Postremo signa et tabulas ceteraque ornamenta Graxorum 68 ORATIO oppidorum, quce ceteri tollenda esse arbitrantur, ea sibi illc ne visenda quidem ezistimavit. 41. Itaque omnes nunc in iis locis Cn. Pompeium sicut aliquem non ex hac urbe missum, sed dc coelo delapsum intuentur; nunc deniquo 5 incipiunt credere, fuisse homines Romanos hac quondam continentia, quod jam nationibus exteris incredibile ac falso memoriae proditum videbatur. Nunc imperii vestri splendor illis gentibus lucet ; nunc intelligunt non sine causa majores suos turn, quum ea temperantia magistratus habebamus, 1 servire populo Romano quam imperare aliis maluisse. Jam vero ita faciles aditus ad eum privatorum, ita liberee queri- moniae de aliorum injuriis esse dicuntur, ut is, qui dignitate principibus excellit, facilitate infimis par esse videatur. 42. Jam quantum consilio, quantum dicendi gravitate et copia 15 valeat, in quo ipso inest quaedam dignitas imperatoria, vos, Quirites, hoc ipso ex loco saspe cognovistis. Fidem vero ejus quantam inter socios existimari putatis, quam hostes omnes omnium generum sanctissimam judicarint ? Humanitate jam tanta est, ut difficile dictu sit, utrum hostes magis virtutem 20 ejus pugnantes timuerint, an mansuetudinem victi dilexerint. Et quisquam dubitabit, quin huic hoc tantum bellum trans- mittendum sit, qui ad omnia nostras memoriae bella con- ficienda divino quodam consilio natus esse videatur ? XV. 43. Et, quoniam auctoritas quoque in bellis ad- 25 ministrandis multum atque in imperio militari valet, certe nemini dubium est, quin ea re idem ille imperator plurimum possit. Vehementer autem pertinere ad bella administranda, quid hostes, quid socii de imperatoribus nostris existiment, quis ignorat, quum sciamus homines in tantis rebus, ut aut 30 contemnant aut metuant aut oderint aut ament, opinione non minus et fama quam aliqua ratione certa commoveri ? Quod igitur nomen unquam in orbe terrarum clarius fuit? cujus res gestae pares? de quo homine vos, id quodmaxime facit auctoritatem, tanta et tarn praeclara iudicia fecistis ? 35 44. An vero ullam usquam esse oram tarn desertam putatis, quo non illius diei fama pervaserit, quum universus populus Romanus referto foro completisque omnibus templis, ex quibus hie locus conspici potest, unum sibi ad commune omnium gentium bellum Cn. Pompeium imperatorem de- (Opoposcit? Itaque, ut plura non dicam neque aliorum exemplis confirmem, quantum auctoritas valeat in bello, ab eodem Cn. Pompeio omnium rerum egregiarum exempla sumantur ; qui quo die a vobis maritimo bello praepositus est imperator, tanta repente vilitas annonae ex sum ma PRO LEGE MANILLA, JA1>. XVI. 60 inopia et caritate rei frumentariai consccuta est unius homi- nis spe ac nomine, quantara vix ex summa ubertate agrorum diuturna pax efficere potuisset. 45. Jam, accepta in Ponto calamitate ex co proelio, de quo vos paulo ante invitus admonui, quum socii pertimuissent, hostium opes animique 5 crevissent, satis firmum presidium provincia non haberet, amisissetis Asiam, Quirites, nisi ad ipsum discrimcn ejus tempoi is divinitus Cn. Pompeium ad eas regiones fortuna populi llomani attulisset. Hujus adventus et Mitliridatem insolita inflammatum victoria continuit et Tigranem magnis ] copiis minitantem Asise retardavit. Et quisquam dubitabit, quid virtute perfecturus sit, qui tantum auctoritate perfecerit? aut quam facile irnperio atque exercitu socios et vectigalia conservaturus sit, qui ipso nomine ac rumore defenderit ? XVI. 46. Age vero, ilia res quantam declarat ejusdem 15 hominis apud hostes populi llomani auctoritatem, quod ex locis tarn longinquis tamque diversis tarn brevi tempore omnes huic se uni dediderunt ! quod Cretensium legati, quum in eorum insula noster imperator exercitusque esset, ad Cn. Pompeium in ultimas prope terras venerunt eique 20 se omnes Cretensium civitates dederevelle dixerunt ! Quid? idem iste Mithridates nonne ad eundem Cn. Pompeium legatum usque ad Hispaniam misit eum, quern Pompeius legatum semper judicavit, ii, quibus erat semper molestum ad eum potissimum esse missum, speculatorem quam lega- 25 turn judicari maluerunt. Po testis igitur jam constituere, Quirites, banc auctoritatem multis postea rebus gestis ma- gnisque vestris judiciis amplificatam quantum apud illos reges, quantum apud exteras nationes valituram esse existi- metis. 30 47. Reliquum est, ut de felicitate, quam prcestare de se ipso nemo potest, meminisse et commemorare de altero possumus, sicut sequum est homines de potestate deorum, limide et pauca dicamus. Ego enim sic existimo : Maximo, Marcello, Scipioni, Mario et ceteris magnis imperatoribus 35 non solum propter virtutem, sed etiam propter fortunam saepius imperia mandata atque exercitus esse commissos. Fuit enim profecto quibusdam summis viris qusedam ad amplitudinem et ad gloriam et ad res magnas bene gerendas divinitus adjuncta fortuna. De hujus autem hominis felici-'40 iate, de quo nunc agimus, hac utar moderatione dicendi, non ut in illius potestate fortunam positam esse dicam, sed ut prseteiita meminisse, reliqua sperare videamur, ne aut invisa diis immortalibus oratio nostra aut ingrata esse vi- 20 OUATIO deatur. 48. Itaque non sum praedicaturus, quantas ilk resdomi militias, terra marique quantaque felicitate gesserit; ut ejus semper vohmtatibus non modo cives assenserint, socii obtemperarint, liostes obedierint, sed etiam venti tem- 5 pestatesque obsecundarint : hoc brevissime dicam, neminem unquam tarn irapudentcm fuisse, qui ab diis immortalibus tot et tantas res tacitus auderet optare, quot et quantas dii immortales ad Cn. Pompeium detulerunt : quod ut illi pro- prium ac perpetuum sit, Quirites, quum communis salutis 1 atque imperii, turn ipsius hominis causa, sicuti facitis, velle et optare debetis. 49. Quare quum et bellum sit ita necessarium, ut negligi non possit, ita magnum, ut accuratissime sit administrandum, et quum ei imperatorem praeficere possitis, in quo sit eximia 1 5 belli scientia, singularis virtus, clarissima au'storitas, egregia fortuna, dubitabitis, Quirites, quin hoc tantum boni, quoa vobis ab diis immortalibus oblatum et datum est, in rem publicam conservandam atque amplificandam conferatis ? XVII. 50. Quod si Romse Cn. Pompeius privatus esset 20 hoc tempore, tamen ad tantum bellum is erat deligendus atque mittendus. Nunc, quum ad ceteras summas utilitales haec quoque opportunitas adjungatur, ut in iis ipsis locis adsit, ut habeat exercitum, ut ab iis qui habent, accipere statim possit, quid exspectamus ? aut cur non ducibus diis 25 immortalibus eidem, cui cetera summa cum salute rei pu- blico commissa sunt, hoc quoque bellum regium committa- mus ? 51. At enim vir clarissimus, amantissimus rei publico, vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus, Q. Catulus, itemquc 30 summis ornamentis honoris fortunae, virtutis ingenii prsedi- tus, Q. Hortensius, ab hac ratione disscntiunt : quorum ego auctoritatem apud vos multis locis plurimum valuisse et valere oportcre confiteor ; sed in hac causa, tametsi cogno- scetis auctoritates contrarias virorum fortissimorum et cla- 35 rissimorum, tamen omissis auctoritatibus ipsa re ac ratione exquirere possumus veritatem ; atque hoc facilius, quod ea omnia, qua) a me adhuc dicta sunt, iidem isti vera esse concedunt, et necessarium bellum esse et magnum et in uno Cn. Pompeio summa esse omnia. 52. Quid igitur ait Hor- 5 sertim quum jam suo jure populus Romanus in hoc homine Buam auctoritatem vel contra omnes, qui dissentiunt, possit defendere ; propterea quod, iisdem istis reclamantibus, vos unum ilium ex omnibus delegistis, quern bello prcedonum praeponeretis. G4. Hoc si vos temere fecistis et rei publicaj lOparum consul uistis, recte isti studia vestra suis consiliis regere conantur ; sin autem yos plus turn in re publica \ idistis, vos his repugnantibus per vosmet ipsos dignitatem lmic imperio, salutem orbi terrarum attulistis ; aliquando isti principes et sibi et ceteris populi Romani universi 15 auctoritati parendum esse fateantur ! [Atque in hoc bello Asiatico et regio non solum militaris ilia virtus, quas est in Cn. Pompeio singularis, sed alia? quoque virtutes animi magnse et multre requiruntur. Difficile est in Asia, Cilicia, Syria regnisque interiorum nationum ita versari nostrum 20 imperatorem, ut nihil aliud nisi de hosteac de laude cogitet. Deinde etiam si qui sunt pudore ac temperantia modera- tiores, tamen eos esse tales, propter multitudinem cupidorum hominumnemo arbitratur. 65. Difficile est dictu, Quirites, quanto in odio simus apud exteras nationes propter eorum, 25 quos ad eas per hos annos cum imperio misimus, libidines et injurias. Quod enim fanum putatis in illis terris nostris magistratibus religiosum, quam civitatem sanctam, quam domura satis clausam ac munitam fuisse ? Urbes jam locu- pletcs ac copiosae requiruntur, quibus causa belli proptci 30 diripiendi cupiditatem inferatur. 66. Libenter haec coram cum Q. Catulo et Q. Hortensio summis et clarissimis viris, disputarem ; noverunt enim sociorum vulnera, vident eorum calamitates, querimonias audiunt. Pro sociis vos contra hostes excrcitum mittere putatis, an hostium simulatione 35 contra socios atque amicos ? quas civitas est in Asia, quae non modo imperatoris aut legati, sed unius tribuni militum animos ac spiritus capere possit? XXIII. Quare, etiam si quern habetis, qui collatis signis excrcitus regios superare posse videatur, tamen, nisi erit 40 idem, qui se a pecuniis sociorum, qui ab eorum conjugibus ac liberis, qui ab ornamentis fanorum atque oppidorum, qui ab auro gazaque regia manus oculos animum cohibere possit, non erit idoneus, qui ad bellum Asiaticum regiumque mittatur. 07. Ecquam putatis ci\itatcm pacatam fuisse, PRO "lege MAXIMA, CAT. XXIV. 05 inn lo&uples sit? ecquam esse locuplctem, quae istis pacata esse videatar ? Ora maritima, Quirites, Cn. Pompeium nou solum propter rei militaris gloriam, scd etiam propter animi continentiam requisivit. Videbat enim praetores locupletari quotannis pccunia publica, praeter paucos ; neque eos quid- S quam aliud assequi classium nomine, nisi ut detrimentis accipiendis majore affici tiirpitudine vidercmur. Nunc qua cupiditate homines in provincias, quibus jactulis, quibus condilionibus proficiscantur, ignorant videlicet isti, qui ad unura deferenda omnia esse non arbitrantur : quasi veio Cn. 1C Pompeium non qiuim suis virtutibus, turn etiam alienis vitiis magnum esse videamus. G8. Quare nolite dubitare, quin lmic uni credatis omnia, qui inter tot annos unus inventus sit, quern socii in urbes suas cum exercitu venisse gaudeant.] Quod si auctoritatibus 15 banc causam, Quirites, confirmandam putatis, est vobis auctor vir bellorum omnium maximarumque rerum peritis- simus P. Servilius, cujus tantae res gestae terra manque exstiterunt, ut, quum de bello deliberetis, auctor vobis gra- vior nemo esse debeat ; est C. Curio summis vestris bene- 20 ficiis maximisque rebus gestis, summo ingenio et prudentia praeditus ; est Cn. Lentulus, in quo omnes pro amplissimis vestris bonoribus summum consilium, summam gravitatem esse cognovistis ; est C. Cassius, integritate virtute con- stantia singulari. Quare videte, ut horum auctoritatibus 25 illorum orationi, qui dissentiunt, respondere posse videamur. XXIV. 69. Quae quum ita sint, C. Manili, primum istam tuam et legem et voluntatem et sententiam laudo vehementissimeque comprobo : deinde te hortor, ut auctore populo Romano mancas in sententia neve cujusquam vim 30 aut minas pertimescas. Primum in te satis esse animi perseverantiaeque arbitror ; deinde quum tantam multitudi- nem cum tanto studio adesse videamus, quantam nunc iterum in eodem homine prasficiendo videmus, quid est, quod aut de re aut de perficiendi facilitate dubitemus ? 35 Ego autem, quidquid est iu me studii consilii, laboris ingenii, quidquid hoc beneficio populi Romani atque hac potestate praBtoria, quidquid auctoritate fide constantia possum, id omne ad banc rem conficiendam tibi et populo Romano polliceor ac defero: *70. testorque omnes deos, et eos 40 maxime, qui huic loco temploque praesident, qui omnium nientcs eorum, qui ad rem publicam adeunt, maxime per- spiciunt, me hoc neque rogatu facere cujusquam neque quo Cn. Pompeii gratiam mihi per banc causam conciliari putem 5G 0RATI0 PRO LEGE MANILLA, CAP. XXIV. neque quo mihi ex cujusquam amplitudinc aut prsesidia periculis aut adjumenta honoribus qiujeram; proptcrca quod pericula facile, ut liominera prsestare oportet, innocentia tecti repellemus ; honorem autem neque ab uno neque ex 5 hoc loco, sed eadem ilia nostra laboriosissima ratione vita?, si vcstra voluntas feret, consequemur. 11. Quamobrem, quidquid in hac causa mihi susceptura est, Quirites, id ego omne me rei publicae causa suscepisse confirmo ; tantumque abest, ut aliquam mihi bonam gratiam quaesisse videar, ut 10 multas me etiam simultates partim obscuras, partim apertas iatelligam mihi non necessarias, vobis non inutiles suscepisse. Sed ego me hoc honore prseditum, tantis vestris beneficiis affectum statui, Quirites, vestram voluntatem et rei publicce dignitatem et salutem provinciarum atque sociorum meis 1 5 omnibus commodis et rationibus praeferre oportere. ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO I. 1. Diuturni silentii, Palres conscripti, quo cram his temporibus usus, non timore aliquo sed partim dolore, partim verecundia, finem hodiernus dies attulit, idemque initium, qua3 vellem quaeque sentirem meo pristiuo more dicendi. Tantam enim mansuetudinem, tarn inusitatam 5 inauditamque cleinentiam, tantum in summa potestate omni- um rerum modum, tarn denique incredibilem sapientiam ac paene divinam tacitus praeterire nullo modo possum. 2. M. enim Marcello vobis, Patres conscripti, reique publican red- dito, non illius solum, sed etiam meam vocem et auctoriia- 1C tem et vobis et rei publicse conservatam ac restitutam puto. Dolebam enim, Patres conscripti, et veliementer angebar, quum viderem, virum talem, qui in eadem causa esset, in qua ego fuissem, non in eadem esse fortuna : nee mihi persuadere poteram nee fas esse ducebam, versari me in 15 nostro vetere curriculo, illo aemulo atque imitatore studiorum ac- laborum meorum quasi quodam socio a me et comite distracto. Ergo et mihi- nieae pristinoe vitas consuetudinem, C. Caesar, interclusam aperuisti et his omnibus ad bene de omni re publica sperandum quasi signum aliquod sustulisti. 20 3. Intellectum est enim mihi quid em in multis et maxime in me ipso, sed paulo ante omnibus, quum M. Marcellum senatui reique publicae concessisti, commemoratis pra3- scrtim offensionibus, te auctoritatcm hujus ordinis dignita- temque rei publicoe tuis vel doloribus vel suspicionibus 25 anteferre. Ilia quidem fructum omnis ante actoe vitas nodierno die maximum cepit, quum summo consensu senatus turn praoterea judicio tuo gravissimo et maximo. Ex quo profecto intelligis, quanta in dato beneficio sit laus, quum m accepto sit tanta gloria Est vero fortunatus ille, cujus 30 Od ORATIO ex salute non minor paenc ad omnes, quam ad ilium ventura sit, ketitia perveneril : 4. quod quidcm ci merito atque optimo jure contigit. Quis enim est illo aut nobilitate a at probitate aut optimarum artium studio aut innocentia aut 5 ullo laudis genere prsestantior ? II. Nullius tantum flumen est ingenii, nullius dicendi aut scribcndi tanta vis, tanta copia, qua? non dicam exornare, sed enarrare, C. Caesar, res tuas gestas possit. Tamen affirmo et hoc pace dicam tua : nullam in his laudem esse lOampliorem, quam earn, quam hodierno die consecutus es. 5. Soleo scepe ante oculos ponere idque libenter crebris usurpare sermonibus : omnes nostrorum imperatorum, omnes exterarum gentium potentissimorumque populorum, omnes clarissimorum regum res gestas cum tuis nee contentionum 15 magnitudine nee numero prceliorum nee varietate regionum nee celeritate conficiendi nee dissimilitudine bellorum posse conferri ; nee vero disjunctissimas terras citius passibas cujusquam potuisse peragrari, quam tuis non dicam cur- sibus, sed victoriis lustratse sunt. G. Quas quidem ego 20 nisi tarn magna esse fatear, ut ea vix cujusquam mens aut cogitatio capere possit, amens sim, sed tamen sunt alia inajora. Nam bellicas laudes solent quidam extenuare verbis casque detrahere ducibus, communicare cum multis, nc propriae sint imperatorum. Et ccrte in armis militum 25 virtus, locorum opportunitas, auxilia sociorum, classes, com- meatus multum juvant, maximam vero partem quasi suo jure fortuna sibi vindicat et quidquid prospere gestum est- id pcene omne ducit suum. 1. At vero hujus glories, C Caesar, quam es paulo ante adeptus, socium habes neminem: 30 totum hoc quantumcunque est, quod certe maximum est, totum est, inquam, tuum. Nihil sibi ex ista laude centurio, nihil prsefectus, nihil cohors, nihil turma decerpit: quin etiam ilia ipsa rerum humanarum domina, Fortuna, in istius societatem glorice se non offert, tibi cedit, tuam se esse 35 totam et propriam fatetur. Nunquam enim temeritas cum sapientia commiscetur neque ad consilium casus admittitur. III. S. Domuisti gentcs immanitate barbaras.. multitu- dinc mnumerabiles, locis inlinitas, omni copiarum genere abundantes : sed tamen ea vicisti, qua3 et naturam et eondi- 10 tioncm, ut vinci possent, habebant. Nulla est enim tanta vis, quae non ferro et viribus debilitari frangique possit. Animum vincere, iracundiam cohibere, victoriam temperare, adversarium nobilitate, ingenio, virtute prasstantem non modo extollere jacentcm, sed etiam ampliricare ejus pristi- PRO M. MARCELLO, CAP. IV. CO nam dignitatem, haec qui facit, non ego eum cum summis viris comparo, sed simillimum deo judico. 9. Itaque, C- Caesar, bellicae tuae laudes celebrabuntur illae quidem non solis nostris, sed paene omnium gentium Uteris atque linguis, ncc ulla unquam aetas de tuis laudibus conticescet : sed 5 tamen ejusmodi res nescio quomodo etiam quum leguntur, obstrepi clamore militum videntur et tubarum sono. At vero quum aliquid clementer, mansuete, juste, moderate, sapienter factum, in iracundia prossertim, quae est inimica consilio, et in victoria, quae natura insolens et superba est, 10 audimus aut legimus, quo studio incendimur, non modo in gestis rebus, sed etiam in fictis, ut eos saepe, quos nunquam vidimus, diligamus ! 10. Te vero, quern preesentem intue- mur, cujus mentem sensusque et os cernimus, ut quidquid belli fortuna reliquum rei publicae fecerit, id esse salvum 15 velis, quibus laudibus efferemus ? quibus studiis proseque- mur? qua benevolentia complectemur ? Parietes, medius fidius, ut mihi videtur, hujus curia3 tibi gratias agere gestiunt, quod brevi tempore futura sit ilia auctoritas in his majorum suorum et suis sedibus. 20 IV. Equidem quum C. Marcelli viri optimi et incompa- rabili pietate praediti lacrimas modo vobiscum viderem, omnium Marcellorum meum pectus memoria obfudit, quibus tu etiam mortuis, M. Marcello conservato, dignitatem suam reddidisti nobilissimamque familiam jam ad paucos redactam 25 paene ab interitu vindicasti. 11. Hunc tu igitur diem tuis maximis et innumerabilibus gratulationibus jure anteponis. Plaec enim res unius est propria Cassaris : ceterae duce te gestae, magnae illae quidem, sed tamen multo magnoque comitatu. Hujus autem rei tu idem es et dux et comes, 30 quae quidem tanta est, ut nulla tropaeis et monumentis tuis allatura finem sit aetas : nihil est enim opere et manu factum, quod non aliquando conficiat et consumat vetustas : 12. at haec tua justitia et lenitas animi florescit quotidie magis, ita ut quantum tuis operibus diuturnitas detrahet, tantum afFe- 35 rat laudibus. Et ceteros quidem omnes victores bellorum civilium jam ante aequitate et misericordia viceras: hodierno vero die te ipsum vicisti. Vereor ut hoc, quod dicam, perinde intelligi auditu possit atque ipse cogitans sentio : ipsam victoriam vicisse videris, quum ea, quae ilia erat 40 adepta, victis remisisti. ISTam quum ipsius victoriae condi- tione omnes victi occidissemus, clementiae tuae judicio con- servati sumus. Recte igitur unus invictus es, a quo etiam ipsius victoriae conditio visque devicta est. 70 RATIO V. 13. Atque hoc C. Csesaris judicium, Patres coil- Bcripti, quam late pateat attendite : omnes enira, qui ad ilia anna fa to sumus nescio quo rei publican misero funestoque compulsi, etsi aliqua culpa tenemur erroris liumani, a scelere 5 certe liberati sumus. Nam quum M. Marccllum depre cantibus vobis rei publica? conservavit : memet mihi et item rei publicce nullo deprecante reliquos amplissimos viros et sibi ipsos et patriae reddidit : quorum et frequentiam et dignitatem hoc ipso in consessu videtis. Non ille hostes lOinduxit in curiam, sed judicavit a plerisque ignoratione potius et falso atque inani metu, quam cupiditate aut cru- delitate bellum esse susceptum. 14. Quo quidem in bello semper de pace audiendum putavi semperque dolui non modo pacem, sed etiam orationem civium pacem flagitan- 15 tium repudiari. Neque enim ego ilia nee ulla unquam secutus sum arnia civilia semperque mea consilia pacis et togas socia, non belli atque armorum fuerunt. Hominem sum secutus privato consilio, non publico : tantumque apud me grati animi fidelis memoria valuit, ut nulla non modo 20 cupiditate, sed ne spe quidem prudens et sciens tamquam ad interitum ruerem voluntarium. 15. Quod quidem meum consilium minime obscurum fuit. Nam et in hoc ordine Integra re multa de pace dixi et in ipso bello eadem etiarr. cum capitis mei periculo sensi. Ex quo nemo jam erit tarn 25 injustus existimator rerum qui dubitet, quae Caesaris de bello voluntas fuerit, quum pacis auctores conservandos statim censuerit, ceteris fuerit iratior. Atque id minus fortassc mirum turn, quum esset incertus exitus et anceps fortuna belli : qui vero victor pacis auctores diligit, is pro- 30 fecto declarat se maluisse non dimicare quam vincere. VI. 16. Atque hujus quidem rei M. Marcello sum testis. Nostri enim sensus, ut in pace semper, sic turn etiam in bello congruebant. Quoties ego eum et quanto cum dolore vidi, quum insolentiam certorum hominum turn 35 etiam ipsius victoria? ferocitatera extimescentem ! Quo gratior tua liberalitas, C. Csesar, nobis, qui ilia vidimus, debet esse. Non enim jam causae sunt inter se, sed victo- ries comparandae. 17. Vidimus tuam victoriam prceliorum exitu terminatam: gladium vagina vacuum in urbe non 40 vidimus. Quos amisimus cives, eos Martis vis perculit, non ira victoriac, ut dubitfTre debeat nemo quin multos si fieri posset, C. Csesar ab inferis excitaret, quoniam ex eadem acie conservat, quos potest. Alterius vero partis nihil amplius dicam quam id, quod omnes verebamur, nimi3 ira- PRO M. MARCELL0, CAP. VII. 71 cimdaui futuram fuisse victoriam. 18. Quidam cnim non modo armatis, sed interdum ctiam otiosis minabantur, nee quid quisque sensisset, sed ubi fuisset, cogitandum esse dicebant : ut mihi quidem videantur dii immortales, etiam si pcenas a populo Romano ob aliquod delictum expetive- 5 runt, qui civile bellum tantum et tarn luctaosum excitave- runt, vel placati jam vel satiati aliquando omnem spem salutis ad clementiam victoris et sapientiam contulisse. 19. Quare gaude tuo isto tarn excellenti bono : et fruere quum fortuna et gloria turn etiam natura et moribus tuis : 1 ex quo quidem maximus est fructus jucunditasque sapienti. Cetera quum tua recordabere, etsi persaepe virtuti, tamen plevumque felicitati tuse gratulabere : de nobis, quos in re publica tecum simul salvos esse voluisti, quoties cogitabis, toties de maximis tuis beneficiis, toties de incredibili libe- 15 ralitate, toties de singulari sapientia tua cogitabis : quce non modo summa bona, sed nimirum audebo vel sola dicere. Tantus est enim splendor in laude vera, tanta in magnitu- dine animi et consilii dignitas, ut base a virtute donata, cetera a fortuna commodata esse videantur. 20. Noli 20 igitur in conservandis bonis viris defatigari, non cupiditate praesertim aliqua aut pravitate lapsis, sed opinione officii stulta fortasse, certe non improba, et specie quadam rei publican ; non enim tua ulla culpa est, si te aliqui timue- runt ? contraque summa laus, quod minime timendum fuisse 25 senserunt. VII. 21. Nunc venio ad gravissimam querelam et atro- cissimam suspicionem tuam; quae non tibi ipsi magis quam quum omnibus civibus turn maxime nobis, qui a te conser- vati sumus, providenda est : quam etsi spero falsam esse, 30 tamen nunquam extennabo verbis. Tua enim cautio nostra cautio est, ut si in alterutro peccandum sit, malim videri nimis timidus, quam parum prudens. Sed quisnam est iste tarn demens ? De tuisne ? — tametsi qui magis sunt tui, quam quibus tu salutem insperantibus reddidisti ? an ex hoc 35 numero, qui una tecum fuerunt ? Non est credibilis tantus in ullo furor, ut quo duce omnia summa sit adeptus, hujus vitam non anteponat suae. An si nihil tui cogitant sceleris, cavendum est ne quid inimici ? Qui ? omnes enim, qui fuerunt, aut sua pertinacia vitam amiserunt aut tua miseri- 40 cordia retinuerunt, ut aut nulli supersint de inimicis aut qui superfuerunt sint amicissimi. 22. Sed tamen quum in animis hominum tantse latebrse sint et tanti recessus, augea- mus sane suspicionem tuam: simul enim augebimus dili- 72 OKATIO gentiam. Nam quis est omnium tarn ignarus rerum, tam rudis in re publica, tam nihil unquam nee de sua nee de communi salute cogitans, qui non intelligat tua salute con- tineri suam ct ex unius tua vita pendere omnium? Equidem 5 de te dies noctesque, ut debeo, cogitans casus dumtaxat humanos et incertos eventus valetudinis et naturae communis fragilitatem extimesco, doleoque, quum res publica immor- talis esse debeat, earn in unius mortalis anima consistere. 23. Sivero ad humanos casus incertosque motus valetudinis lOseeleris etiam accedit insidiarumque consensio : quern deum, si cupiat, posse opitulari rei publicae cvedamus ? VIII. Omnia sunt excitanda tibi, C. Caesar, uni, qua? jacere sentis, belli ipsius hnpetu, quod necesse fuit, pro strata atque perculsa ; constituenda judicia, revocanda fides, 15 compriinendae libidines, propaganda suboles, omnia, quae delapsa jam defluxerunt, severis legibus vincienda sunt. 24. Non fuit recusandum in tanto civili bello, tanto animo- rum ardore et armorum, quin quassata res publica, qui- cunque belli eventus fuisset, multa perderet et ornamenta 20 dignitatis et prassidia stabilitatis sudd : multaque uterque dux faceret armatus, quae idem togatus fieri prohibuisset. Quae quidem tibi nunc omnia belli vulnera sananda sunt, quibus praater te nemo mederi potest. 25. Itaque illam tuam praeclarissimam et sapientissimam vocem invitus audi- 25 vi : " Satis diu vel naturae vixi vel glorias." Satis, si ita vis, fortasse naturae, addo etiam, si placet, glorias : at quod maximum est, patriae certe parum. Quare omitte istam, quseso, doctorum hominum in contemnenda morte pruden- tiam : noli nostro periculo esse sapiens. Saepe enim venit 50 ad aures meas, te idem istud nimis crebro dicere tibi te satis vixisse. Credo : sed turn id audirem, si tibi soli viveres aut si tibi etiam soli natus esses, nunc, quum omnium salu- tem civium cunctamque rem publicam res tuae gestae com- plexae sint, tantum abes a perfectione maximorum operum, 35 ut fundamenta nondum, quae cogitas, jeceris. Hie tu modum vitae tuae, non salute rei publicae, sed aequitat-e animi definies ? Quid? si istud ne glorias tuae quidem satis est? cujus te esse avidissimum, quamvis sis sapiens non negabis. 2G. Parumne igitur, inquies, gloriam magnam 40 relinquemus ? Immo vero aliis quamvis multis satis, tibi uni parum. Quidquid est enim quamvis amplum sit, est certe parum tunc, quum est aliquid amplius. Quod si rerum tuarum immortalium, C. Caesar, hie exitus futurus fuit, ut devictis adversariis rem publicam in eo statu reliu- PRO M. MAHCELLO, CAP. IX, X. 73 queres, in quo nunc est : vide, quaeso, ne tua divina virtus admirationis plus sit habitura quam gloria? : siquidem glo- ria est illustris ac pervagata magnorum vel in suos cives vel in patriam vel in omne genus hominum fama meritoriun. IX. 27. Haec igitur tibi reliqua pars est: hie restat actus, 5 in hoc elaborandum est, ut rem publicam constituas eaque tu in primis summa tranquillitate et otio perfruare : turn te, m voles, quum patriae, quod debes, solveris, et naturam ipsam expleveris satietate vivendi, satis diu vixisse dicito. Quid enim est omnino hoc ipsum diu, in quo est aliquid 10 cxtremum? quod quum venit, omnis voluptas praeterita pro nihilo est, quia postea nulla est futura. Quamquam iste tuus animus nunquam his angustiis, quas natura nobis ad vivendum dedit, contentus fuit, semper immortalitatis amore flagravit. 28. Nee vero haec tua vita dicenda est, 15 quae corpore et spiritu continetur. Ilia, inquam, ilia vita est tua, quoa vigebit memoria seculorum omnium, quam posteritas alet, quam ipsa aeternitas semper tuebitur. Huic tu inservias, huic te ostentes oportet, quae quidem, quae miretur, jampridem multa habet, nunc etiam quae laudet 20 exspectat. Obstupescent posteri certe imperia, provincial, Rhenum, Oceanum, Nilum, pugnas innumerabiles, incredi- biles victorias, monumenta, munera, triumphos audientes et legentes tuos. 29. Sed nisi haec urbs stabilita tuis consiliis et institutis erit, vagabitur modo nomen tuum longe 25 atque late : sedem stabilem et domicilium certum non habebit. Erit inter eos etiam, qui nascentur, sicut inter nos fuit, magna dissensio, quum alii laudibus ad ccelum res tuas gestas efferent, alii fortasse aliquid requirent, idque vel maximum, nisi belli civilis incendium salute patriae 30 restinxeris : ut illud fati fuisse videatur, hoc consilii. Servi igitur iis etiam judicibus, qui multis post seculis de te judicabunt et quidem haud scio an incorruptius, quam nos : nam et sine amore et sine cupiditate et rursus sine odio et sine invidia judicabunt. 30. Id autem etiam si turn ad te, 35 ut quidam falso putant, non pertinebit : nunc certe pertinet esse te talem, ut tuas laudes obscuratura nulla unquam sit oblivio. X. Diversae voluntates civium fuerunt distractaeque sen- tentiae. Non enim consiliis solum et studiis, sed armis40 etiam et castris dissidebamus, erat enim obscuritas quaedam : erat certamen inter clarissimos duces : multi dubitabant, quid optimum esset, multi quid sibi expediret, multi quid deceret, nonnuUi etiam quid liceret. 31. Perfuncta res 74 ORATIO PRO M. MARCELLO, CAP. XI. publica est hoc misero fatalique bello: vicit is, qui non fortuna inflammaret odium suum, sed bonitate leniret : nee qui onines, quibus iratus esset, eosdem etiam exsilio aut morte dignos judicaret. Arma ab aliis posita, ab aliis 5 erepta sunt. Ingratus est injustusque civis, qui armorum periculo liberatus, animum tamen retinet armatum, ut etiam ille melior sit, qui in acie cecidit, qui in causa animam pro- fudit. Quad enim pertinacia quibusdam, eadem aliis con- stantia videri potest. 32. Sed jam omnis fracta dissensio 1 est armis, exstincta sequitate victoris : restat ut omnes unum velint, qui modo habent aliquid non solum sapiential, sed etiam sanitatis. Nisi te, C. Caesar, salvo et in ista sententia, qua quum antea turn bodie vel maxime usus es, manente, salvi esse non possumus. Quare omnes te, qui ] 5 hsec salva esse volumus, et liortamur et obsecramus, ut vitaa tuae et saluti consulas, omnesque tibi, (ut pro aliis etiam loquar, quod de me ipse sentio), quoniam subesse aliquid putas, quod cavendum sit, non modo excubias et custodias, sed etiam laterum nostrorum oppositus et corporum polli- 20 cemur. XI. 33. Sed ut unde est orsa, in eodem terminetur oratio : maximas tibi omnes gratias agimus, C. Caesar, majores etiam habemus. Nam omnes idem sentiunt, quod ex omnium precibus et lacrimis sentire potuisti : sed quia 25 non est omnibus stantibus necesse dicere, a me certe dici volunt, cui necesse est quodammodo, et quod fieri decet M. Marcello a te huic ordini populoque Romano et rei publica? reddito, fieri id intelligo. Nam lsetari omnes non de unius solum, sed de communi salute sentio. 34. Quod autem 30 summse benevolentiae est, quae mea erga ilium omnibus semper nota fuit, ut vix C. Marcello, optimo et amantissimo fratri, praater eum quidem cederem nemini, quum id sollici- tudine, cura, labore tamdiu prsestiterim, quamdiu est de illius salute dubitatum, certe hoc tempore, magnis curis, 35molestiis, doloribus liberatus, praestare debeo. Itaque, C. Caesar, sic tibi gratias ago, ut omnibus me rebus a te non conservato solum, sed etiam ornato, tamen ad tua in n:e unum innumerabilia merita, quod fieri jam posse non arbi- trabar maximus hoc tuo facto cumulus aceesserit. O It A T I O PRO Q. LIGARIO I. 1. Novum crimen, C. Caesar, et ante hunc diem tuauditum propinquus meus ad te Q. Tubero detulit, Q. Ligarium in Africa fuisse ; idqne C. Pansa, praestanti vir ingenio, fretus fortasse familiaritate ea, quae est ei tecum, ausus est confiteri. Itaque, quo me vertam, nescio. Paratus 5 enim veneram, quimi tu id neque per te scires neque audire aliunde potuisses, ut ignoratione tua ad hominis miseri salutem abuterer. Sed quoniam diligentia inimici investi- gatum est, quod latebat, confitendum est, ut opinor ; prae- sertim quum meus nccessarius Pansa fecerit, ut id integrum ] C jam non esset : omissaque controversia, omnis oratio ad misericordiam tuam conferenda est, qua plurimi sunt con- servati, quum a te non liberationem culpae, sed errati veniam impetravissent. 2. Habes igitur, Tubero, quod est accusa- tori maxime optandum, conntentem reum : sed tamen hoc 15 confitentem, se in ea parte fuisse, qua te, qua virum omni laude dignum, patrem tuum. Itaque prius de vestro de- licto confiteamini necesse est, quam Ligarii ullam culpam reprehendatis. Q. enim Ligarius, quum esset nulla belli suspicio, legatus 20 in Africam cum C. Considio profectus est; qua in legatione et civibus et sociis ita se probavit, ut decedens Considius provincia satisfacere hominibus non posset, si quemquam alium provincial praefecisset. Itaque Ligarius, quum diu recusans nihil profecisset, provinciam accepit invitus ; cui 23 sic praefuit in pace, ut et civibus et sociis gratissima esset ejus integritas ac fides. 3. Bellum subito exarsit : quod, qui erant in Africa, ante audierunt geri quam parari. Quo audito, partim cupiditate inconsiderata, partim caeco quodam oimore, primo salutis, post etiam studii sui quaerebant ali- 30 7G ORATIO quern ducem; quum Ligarius domum spectans, ad suos redire cupiens, nullo se implicaii negotio passus est. Interim P. Atius Varus, qui proctor Africara obtinuerat, Uticam venit : ad eum statim concursum est. Atquc ille non me- 5 diocri cupiditate arripuit imperium, si illud iraperium esse potuit, quod ad privatum clamore multitudinis imperitas, nullo publico consilio deferebatur. 4. Itaque Ligarius, qui omne tale negotium cuperet effugere, paulum adventu Van conquievit. 10 II. Adhuc, C. Caesar, Q. Ligarius omni culpa vaeat. Domo est egressus non modo nullum ad bellum, sed ne ad minimam quidem suspicionem belli : legatus in pace pro- fectus, in provincia pacatissima ita se gessit, ut ei pacem esse expediret. Profectio certe animum tuum non debet 15 offendere : num igitur remansio ? Multo minus ; nam pro- fectio voluntatem habuit non turpem, remansio necessitatem etiam lionestam. Ergo haec duo tempora carent crimine : unum, quum est legatus profectus ; alteram, quum efflagi- tatus a provincia, praepositus Africa? est. 5. Tertium tem- 20 pus est, quo post adventum Vari in Africa restitit : quod si est criminosum, necessitatis crimen est, non voluntatis. An ille, si potuisset ullo modo evadere, Uticae quam Roniae, cum P. Atio quam cum concordissimis fratribus, cum alienis esse quam cum suis maluisset ? Quum ipsa legatio 25 plena desiderii ac sollicitudinis fuisset propter incredibilem quendam fratrum amorem, Lie aequo animo esse potuit belli discidio distractus a fratribus? 6. Nullum igitur babes, Caesar, adhuc in Q. Ligario signum alienae a te voluntatis Cujus ego causam, animadverte, quoeso, qua fide defendam. 30prodo meam. clementiam admirabilem atque omnium laude, praedicatione, Uteris monumentisque decorandam ! M. Cicero apud te defendit alium in ea voluntate non fuisse, in qua se ipsum confitetur fuisse, nee tuas tacitas cogita- tiones extimescit nee, quid tibi de alio audienti de se ipso 35 occurrat, reformidat. III. Vide, quam non reformidem ! vide, quanta lux libe- ralitatis et sapientioe tuce mihi apud te dicenti oboriatur ! Quantum potero, voce contendam, ut hoc populus Romanus exaudiat. V. Suscepto bello, Csesar, gesto etiam ex parte 40 magna, nulla vi coactus, judicio ac voluntate ad ea anna profectus sum, qua? erant sumpta contra te. Apud quern igitur hoc dico ? Nempe apud eum, qui, quum hoc sciret, tamen me, antequam vidit, rei publicae reddidit : qui ad me ex ^Egypto literas misit, ut essem idem, qui fuisscm : qui TRO Q. LIGARIO, CAP. IV. 77 me, quum ipse imperator in toto imperio populi Romani unus esset, esse alterura passus est: a quo, hoc ipso C. Pansa mihi liunc nuntium perferente, concessos fasces lau- reatos tenui, quoad tenendos putavi : qui mihi turn denique se salutem putavit reddere, si earn nullis spoliatam orna- 5 mentis dedisset. 8. Vide, quseso, Tubero, ut, qui de meo facto non dubitem, de Ligarii audeam dicere. Atque haee propterea de me dixi, ut mihi Tubero, quum de se eadem dicerem, ignosceret ; cujus ego industrial gloriaeque faveo vel propter propinquam cognationem, vel quod ejus ingenio 1C studiisque delector, vel q iod laudem adolescentis propinqui existimo etiam ad meum aliquem fructum redundare. 9. Sed hoc qusero : quis putat esse crimen fuisse in Africa ? Nempe is, qui et ipse in eadem Africa esse voluit et prohi- bitum se a Ligario queritur, et certe contra ipsum Csesarem 15 est congressus armatus. Quid enim, Tubero, tuus ille destrictus in acie Pharsalica gladius agebat? cujus latus ille mucro petebat ? qui sensus erat armorum tuorum ? quae tua mens, oculi, manus, ardor animi ? quid cupiebas ? quid optabas ? Nimis urgeo ; commoveri videtur adolescens : 20 ad me revertar ; iisdem in armis fui. IV. 10. Quid autem aliud egimus, Tubero, nisi ut, quod hie potest, nos possemus? Quorum igitur impunitas, Caesar, tuse clementise laus est, eorum ipsorum ad crudelitatem te . acuet oratio ? Atque in hac causa nonnihil equidem, Tu- 25 bero, etiam tuam, sed multo magis patris tui prudentiam desidero; quod homo quum ingenio, turn etiam doctrina excellens genus hoc causae quod esset, non viderit : nam, si vidisset, quovis profecto quam isto modo a te agi maluisset. Arguis fatentem ; non est satis : accusas eum, qui causam 30 habet aut, ut ego dico, meliorem quam tu : aut, ut tu vis, parem. 11. Ha3c admirabilia: sed prodigii simile est, quod dicam. Non habet earn vim ista accusatio, ut Q. Ligarius condemnetur, sed ut necetur. Hoc egit civis Romanus ante te nemo. Extend isti mores usque ad san- 35 guinem incitari odio, aut "evium Graecorum aut immanium barbarorum. Nam quid agis aliud ? Romae ne sit ? ut domo careat ? ne cum optimis fratribus, ne cum hoc T. Broccho, avunculo, ne cum ejus filio, consobrino suo, ne nobiscum vivat ? ne sit in patria ? Num est ? num potest 4() aiagis carere his omnibus, quam caret ? Italia prohibetur, exsulat. Non tu ergo hunc patria privare, qua caret, sed vita vis. 12. At istud ne apud eum quidem dictator em, qui omnes, quos oderat, morte multabat, quisquam egit isto 78 OR AIIO modo. Ipse jubebat occidi, nullo postulante ; pictmiis etiam invitabat ; quae tamen crudelitas ab hoc eodem aliquot armis post, quern tu nunc crudelem esse vis, vindicata est. V. Ego vero istud non postulo, inquies. Ita mehercule .5 existimo, Tubero. Novi enim te, novi patrem, novi domum nomenque vestrum ; studia generis ac familiae vestroe vir- tutis, humanitatis, doctrinae, plurimarum artium atque opti- marum nota mihi sunt. 13. Itaque certo scio vos non petere sanguinem. Sed parum attenditis. Res enim eo 1 spectat, ut ea poena, in qua adhuc Q. Ligarius sit, non videamini esse contenti. Quae est igitur alia praeter mortem ? Si enim est in exsilio, sicuti est, quid amplius postulatis ? an, ne ignoscatur? Hoc vero multo acerbius multoque durius. Quod nos [domi] petimus precibus, lacrimis, strati 15 ad pedes, non tam nostras causae fidentes quam hujus humanitati, id ne impetremus, pugnabis? et in nostrum fletum irrumpes ? et nos jacentes ad pedes supplicum voce prohibebis? 14. Si, quum hoc domi faceremus, quod et fecimus et, ut spero, non frustra fecimus, tu repente irru- 20 pisses et clamare coepisses : "C. Caesar, cave ignoscas, cave te fratrum pro fratris salute obsecrantium misereat ;" nonne omnem humanitatem exuisses ? Quanto hoc durius, quod nos domi petimus, id a te in foro oppugnari ? te in tali miseria multorum perfugium misericordiae tollere ? 15. Di- 25 cam plane, Caesar, quod sentio. Si in hac tanta tua for tuna lenitas tanta non esset, quantam tu per te, per te, inquam, ob tines (intelligo, quid loquar), acerbissimo luctu redunda ret ista victoria. Quam multi enim essent de victoribus, qui te crudelem esse vellent, quum etiam de victis reperi- 30 antur? quam multi, qui, quum a te ignosci nemini vellent, impedirent clementiam tuam, quum etiam ii, quibus ipse ignovisti, nolint te esse in alios misericordem ? 16. Quod si probare Caesari possemus in Africa Ligarium omnino non fuisse ; si honesto et misericordi mendacio saluti civi cala- 35 mitoso esse vellemus, tamen hominis non esset in tanto disorimine et periculo civis refellere et redarguere nostrum mendacium : et, si esset alicujus, ejus certe non esset, qui in eadem causa et fortuna fuisset. Sed tamen aliud est errare Caesarem nolle, aliud nolle misereri. Tunc diceres : 10 " Caesar, cave credas : fmt in Africa ; tulit arma contra te." Nunc quid dicis ? " Cave ignoscas." Haec nee hominis nee ad hominem vox est: qua qui apud te, C. Caesar, utitur, suam citius abjiciet humanitatem, quam extorquebit tuam. PRO Q. LIGARIO, CAP. VI, VII. 79 VI. 1*?. Ac primus aditus et postulatio Tuberonis base, ut opinor, fuit, velle se de Q. Ligarii scelere dicere. Noil dubito, quin admiratus sis, vel quod de nullo alio quisquam vel quod is, qui in eadem causa fuisset, vel quidnam novi seeleris afferret. Scelus tu illud vocas, Tubero ? cur ? 5 Isto enim nomine ilia adhuc causa caruit. Alii errorem appellant; alii timorem; qui durius, spem, cupiditatem, odium, pertinaciam ; qui gravissime, temeritatem : scelus prseter te adhuc nemo. Ac mihi quidem, si proprium et verum nomen nostri mali queeritur, fatalis qusedam calamitas 10 incidisse videtur et improvidas hominum mentes occupa- visse ; ut nemo mirari debeat bumana consilia divina ne- cessitate esse superata. 18. Liceat esse miseros ; quam- quam hoc victore esse non possumus : sed non loquor de nobis ; de illis loqucr, qui occiderunt. Fuerint cupidi, fue- 1 5 rint irati, fuerint pertinaces : seeleris vero crimine, furoris, parricidii liceat Cn. Pompeio mortuo liceat multis aliis carere. Quando hoc quisquam ex te, Caesar, audivit ? aut tua quid aliud arma voluerunt nisi a te contumeliam pro- pulsare ? quid egit tuus ille invictus exercitus, nisi ut suum 20 jus tueretur et dignitatem tuam? Quid? tu, quum pacem esse cupiebas, idne agebas, ut tibi cum sceleratis, an ut cum bonis civibus conveniret? 19. Mihi vero, Caesar, tua in me maxima merita tanta certe non viderentur, si me ut sceleratum a te conservatum putarem. Quomodo autem 25 tu de re publica bene meritus esses, quum tot sceleratos incolumi dignitate esse voluisses ? Secessionem tu illam existimavisti, Coesar, initio, non bellum; neque hostile odium, sed civile dissidium ; utrisque cupientibus rem publicam salvam, sed partim consiliis, partim studiis a communi 30 utilitate aberrantibus. Principum dignitas erat paene par; non par fortasse eorum, qui sequebantur : causa turn dubia, quod erat aliquid in utraque parte, quod probari posset : nunc melior ea judicanda est, quam etiam dii adjuverunt. Cognita vero dementia tua, quis non earn victoriam probet, 35 in qua occiderit nemo nisi armatus ? VII. 20. Sed, ut omittam communem causam, veniamus id lxostram, utrum tandem existimas facilius fuisse, Tubero, Ligarium ex Africa exire, an vos in Africam non venire ? Poteranmsne, inquies, quum senatus censuisset ? Si me 40 consulis, nullo modo. Sed tamen Ligarium senatus idem legaverat. Atque ille eo tempore paruit, quum parere senatui necesse erat : vos tunc paruistis, quum paruit nemo, qui noluit. Reprehendo igitur ? Minim e vero : nequc enim 80 O RATIO licuit aliter vestro generi, nomini, familiar, disciplinse. Sed hoc non concedo, ut, quibus rebus gloriemini in vobis, easdem in aliis reprehendatis. 21. Tuberonis sors conjecta est ex senatus consulto, quum ipse non adesset, morbo 5 etiam impediretur : statuerat excusare. Heec ego novi propter omnes necessitudines, quae mihi sunt cum L. Tube- rone. Domi una eruditi, militiae contubernales, post affines, in omni denique vita familiares : magnum etiam vinculum, quod iisdem studiis semper usi sumus. Scio igitur Tube- lOronem domi manere voluisse : sed ita quidam agebat, ita rei publicse sanctissimum nomen opponebat, ut etiamsi aliter sentiret, verborum tamen ipsorum pondus sustinere non posset. 22. Cessit auctoritati amplissimi viri vel potius paruit. Una est profectus cum iis, quonim erat una causa ; 15 tardius iter fecit. Itaque in Africam venit jam occupatam. Hinc in Ligarium crimen oritur vel ira potius: nam, si crimen est ullum voluisse, non minus magnum est vos Africam, arcem omnium provinciarum natam ad bellum contra banc urbem gerendum obtinere voluisse quam ali- 20 quern se maluisse. Atque is tamen aliquis Ligarius non fuit. Yarus imperium se habere dicebat; fasces certe habebat. 23. Sed quoquo modo se illud habet, haec que- rela vestra quid valet ? " Recepti in provinciam non sumus." Quid si essetis ? Caesarine earn tradituri fuistis, an contra 25 Ceesarem retenturi ? VIII. Vide, quid licentiae, Caesar, nobis tua liberalitas- det vel potius audacise. Si respondent Tubero Africam,. quo senatus eum sorsque miserat, tibi patrem suum traditu- rum fuisse, non dubitabo apud ipsum te, cujus id eum 30 facere interfuit, gravissimis verbis ejus consilium reprehen- dere. Non enim si tibi ea res grata fuisset, esset etiam probata. 24. Sed jam hoc totum omitto; non tam ne offendam tuas patientissimas aures, quam ne Tubero, quod nunquam cogitavit, facturus fuisse videatur. Veniebatis 35 igitur in Africam provinciam, unam ex omnibus huic victoriae maxime infestam, in qua erat rex potentissimus, inimicus huic causae, aliena voluntas, conventus firmi atque magni. Quaero, quid facturi fuistis. Quamquam, quid facturi fueritis, dubitem, quum videam, quid feceritis? Prohibiti estis in tOprovincia vestra pedem ponere, et prohibiti summa cum injuria. 25. Quomodo id tulistis ? Acceptae injuriae que- relam ad quern detulistis ? Nempe ad eum, cujus auctori- tatem secuti in societatem belli veneratis. Quod si Caesaris causa in provinciam veniebatis, ad eum profecto exclusi PRO Q. LIGAUIO, CAP. IX, X. 8 J provineia venissetis. Venistis ad Pompeium. Quce est ergo apud Caesarem querela, quum eum accusetis, a quo queramini proliibitos vos contra Caesarem gerere bellum ? Atque in hoc quidem vel cum mendacio, si vultis, gloriemini per me licet vos provinciam fuisse Caesari tradituros. Etiam- 5 si a Yaro et a quibusdam aliis prohibiti estis, ego tamen confitebor culpam esse Ligarii, qui vos tantse laudis oeca- sione privaverit. IX. 26. Sed vide, quaeso, Caesar, constantiam ornatissimi viri, L. Tuberonis : quam ego, quamvis ipse probarem, ut 10 probo, tamen non commemorarem, nisi a te cognovissem in primis earn virtutem solere laudari. Quae fuit igitur un- quam in ullo liomine tanta constantia ? constantiam dico ? nescio, an melius patientiam pcssim dicere. Quotus enim istud quisque fecisset, ut, a quibus in dissensione civili non 1 5 esset receptus, esset etiam cum crudelitate rejectus, ad eos ipsos rediret? Magni cujusdam animi atque ejus viri, quern de suscepta causa propositaque sententia nulla con- tumelia, nulla vis, nullum periculum possit depellere. 27. Ut enim cetera paria Tuberoni cum Varo fuissent, honos, 20 nobilitas, splendor, ingenium, quae nequaquam fuerunt ; hoc certe praecipuum Tuberonis, quod justo cum imperio ex senatus consulto in provinciam suam venerat. Hinc prohi- bitus non ad Caesarem, ne iratus, non domum, ne iners, non in aliquam regionem, ne condemnare causam illam, quam 25 secutus esset, videretur: in Macedoniam ad Cn. Pompeii castra venit, in earn ipsam causam, a qua erat rejectus cum injuria. 28, Quid? quum ista res nihil commovisset ejus animum, ad quern veneratis, languidiore, credo, studio in causa fuistis : tantummodo in praesidiis eratis, animi vero a 30 causa abhorrebant : an, ut fit in civilibus bellis * * * nee in vobis magis quam in reliquis ; omnes enim vincendi studio tenebamur. Pacis equidem semper auctor fui: sed turn sero ; erat enim amentis, quum aciem videres, pacem cogi- tare. Omnes, inquam, vincere volebamus: tu certe praeci- 35 pue, qui in eum locum venisses, ubi tibi esset pereundum, nisi vicisses : quamquam, ut nunc se res habet, non dubito, quin hanc salutem anteponas illi victoriae. X. 29. Haec ego non dicerem, Tubero, si aut vos ccn- stantiae vestrae, aut Caesarem beneficii sui poeniteret. Nunc 40 quaero, utrum vestras injurias, an rei publicae persequamini ? Si rei publicae : quid de vestra in ilia causa perseverantia respondebitis ? si vestras, videte, ne erretis, qui Caesarem yestris inimicis iratum fore putetis, quum ignoverit suis. 82 ORATIO Itaquc num tibi videor in causa Ligarii esse occupatus ? num de ejus facto dicere ? Quidquid dixi, ad unam sura- mam referri volo vel humanitatis vel clementiae vel miseri- cordiae. 30. Causas, Caesar, egi multas, et quidem tecum, 5 dum te in foro tenuit ratio honorum tuorum ; certe nunquam hoc modo : Ignosciie, judices ; erravit ; lapsus est ; non putavit: siunquam posthac. Apud parentem sic agi solet: ad judices, Non fecit, non cogitavit ; falsi testes, fictum crimen. Die te, Caesar, de facto Ligarii judicem esse: lOquibus in praesidiis fuerit, queere. Taceo; ne haec quidem colligo, quae fortasse valerent etiam apud judicem ; " Lega- tus ante bellum profectus, relictus in pace, bello oppressus, in eo ipso non acerbus, f totus animo ac studio tuus." Ad judicem sic agi solet; sed ego ad parentem loquor : Erravit, 1 5 temere fecit, pcenitet : ad clementiam tuam confugio, delicti veniam peto ; ut ignoscas, oro. Si nemo impetravit, arro- ganter ; si plurimi, tu idem fer opem, qui spem dedisti. 31. An sperandi Ligario causa non sit, quum mihi apud te locus sit etiam pro altero deprecandi ? Quamquam neque 20 in hac oratione spes est posita causae nee in eorum studlis, qui a te pro Ligario petunt, tui necessarii. XL Vidi enim et cognovi, quid maxime spectares, quum pro alicujus salute multi laborarent : causas apud te ro- gantium gratiosiores esse quam vultus : neque te spectare, 95 quam tuus esset necessarius is, qui te oraret, sed quam illius, pro quo laboraret. Itaque tribuis tu quidem tuis ita multa, ut mihi beatiores illi videantur interdum, qui tua liberalitate fruantur, quam tu ipse, qui illis tarn multa concedas. Sed video tamen apud te causas, ut dixi, valere 30 plus quam preces, ab iisque te moveri maxime, quorum justissimum videas dolorem in petendo. 32. In Q. Ligario conservando multis tu quidem gratum facies necessariis tuis; sed hoc, quaeso, considera, quod soles. Possum fortissimos viros, Sabinos, tibi probatissimos, totumque 35 agrum Sabinum, florem Italiae, robur rei publicae proponere. Nosti optime homines : animadverte horum omnium maesti- tiam et dolorem. Hujus T. Brocchi, de quo non dubito quid existimes, lacrimas squaloremque ipsius et nlii vides. 33. Quid de fratribus dicam? Noli, Caesar, putare, de 40 unius capite nos agere : aut tres tibi Ligarii retinendi in civitate sunt aut tres ex civitate exterminandi. Quodvis exsilium his est optatius, quam patria, quam domus, quam dii penates, uno illo exsulante. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore faciunt, moveant te horum lacrimae, moveat pietas, I'KO Q. LIGAR10, CAP. XII. 83 moveat germanitas ; valeat tua vox ilia, quae vicit. Te enim dicere audiebamus nos omnes adversarios putare, nisi qui nobiscum essent : te omnes, qui contra te non essent, tuos. Videsne igitur hunc splendorem omnium, hanc Brocchorum domum, hunc L. Marcium, C. Caasetium, L. Corfidium, 5 hosce omnes equites Romanos, qui adsunt veste mutata, non solum notos tibi, verum etiam probatos viros ? Tecum fuerunt. Atque his irascebamur, hos requirebamus, bis nonnulli etiam minabantur. Conserva igitur tuis suos : ut, quemadmodum cetera, quae dicta sunt a te, sic hoc verissi- 1 mum reperiatur. XII. 34. Quod si penitus perspicere posses concordiam Ligariorum, omnes fratres tecum judicares fuisse. An potest quisquam dubitare, quin, si Q. Ligarius in Italia esse potuisset, in eadem sententia fuisset futurus, in qua fratres 15 fuerunt ? Quis est, qui horum consensum conspirantem et paane conflatum in hac prope sequalitate fraterna non nove- rit ? qui hoc non sentiat, quid vis prius futurum fuisse, quam ut hi fratres diversas sententias fortunasque sequerentur ? Voluntate igitur omnes tecum fuerunt : tempestate abreptus 20 est unus; qui si consilio id fecisset, esset eorum similis, quos tu tamen salvos esse voluisti. 35. Sed ierit ad bellum, discesserit non a te solum, verum etiam a fratri- bus, hi te orant tui. Equidem, quum tuis omnibus ne- gotiis interessem, memoria teneo, qualis turn T. Ligarius 25 quaestor urbanus fuerit erga te et dignitatem tuam. Sed panim est me hoc meminisse : spero etiam te, qui obli- visci nihil soles nisi injurias, quoniam hoc est animi, quo- niam etiam ingenii tui, te aliquid de hujus illo quaastorio officio, etiam de aliis quibusdam quaastoribus reminiscentem 30 recordari. 36. Hie igitur T. Ligarius, qui turn nihil egit aliud (neque enim haac divinabat), nisi ut tu eum tui studi- osum ct bonum virum judicares, nunc a te supplex fratris salutem petit. Quam hujus admonitus officio quum utris- que his dederis, tres fratres optimos et integerrimos non 35 solum sibi ipsos neque his tot ac talibus viris neque nobis necessariis, sed etiam rei publicaa condonaveris. 37. Fac igitur, quod de homine nobilissimo et clarissimo fecisti nuper in curia, nunc idem in foro de optimis et huic omni frequentiaa probatissimis fratribus. Ut concessisti ilium 40 senatui, sic da hunc populo, cujus voluntatem carissimam . semper habuisti : et, si ille dies tibi gloriosissimus, populo Romano gratissimus fuit ; noli, obsecro, dubitare, C. Caesar, similem illi gloriaa laudem quam soepissime quaerere. Nihil 84 OUATIO 1'liO Q. LIGARIO, CAP. XII. est tam populare quam bonitas; nulla de virtutibus tuia plurimis nee admirabilior nee gratior misericordia est ; ho- mines enim ad deos nulla re propius accedunt quam salutem hominibus dando. 38. Nihil habet nee fortuna tua majus, 5 quam ut possis, nee natura melius, quam ut velis servare quam plurimos. Longiorem orationem causa forsitan postu- lat, tua certe natura breviorem. Quare, quum utilius esse arbitrer te ipsum quam me aut quemquam loqui tecum, finem jam faciam : tantum te admonebo, si illi absenti LO salutem dederis, prsesentibus his omnibus te daturum. PRO REGE DEIOTARO AD CAESAREM ORATIO. I. 1. Quum in omnibus causis gravioribus, C. Caesar, initio dicendi commoveri soleam vehementius, quam videa- tur vel usus vel aatas mea postulare, turn in hac causa ita me multar perturbant, ut, quantum mea fides studii mihi afferat ad salutem regis Deiotari defendendam, tantum 5 facultatis timor detraliat. Primum dico pro capite fortu- nisque regis ; quod ipsum etsi non iniquum est in tuo dumtaxat periculo, tamen est ita inusitatum, regem reum capitis esse, ut ante hoc tempus non sit auditum. 2. Deinde eum regem, quern ornare antea cuncto cum senatu soleba- 10 mus pro perpetuis ejus in nostram rem publicam mentis, nunc contra atrocissimum crimen cogor defendere. Acce- dit, ut accusatorum alterius crudelitate, alterius indignitate conturber. Crudelis Castor, ne dicam sceleratum et impi- um ; qui nepos avum in capitis discrimen adduxerit ado- 15 lescentiaeque suaa terrorem intulerit ei, cujus senectutem tueri et tegere debebat, commendationemque ineuntis aetatis ab impietate et scelere duxerit; avi servum, coiTuptum praemiis, ad accusandum dominum impulerit, a legatorum pedibus abduxerit. 3. Fugitivi autem dominum accusantis, 20 et dominiun absentem et dominum amicissimum nostras rei publicae, quum os videbam, quum verba audiebam, non tarn afflictam regiam conditionem dolebam, quam de fortu- nis communibus extimescebam. Nam quum more majorum de servo in dominum ne tormentis quidem quaeri liceat, in S6 ORATIO qua quiestione dolor elicere veram voceni possit etiam ab invito : exortus est servus, qui quern in equuleo appellare non posset, cum accuset solutus. II. 4. Perturbat me, C. Caesar, etiam illud interdum; 5 quod tamen, quum te penitus recognovi, timere desino : re enim iniquum est, sed tua sapientia fit aeqmssimuni. Nam dicere apud eum de facinore, contra cujus vitam consilium facinoris inisse arguare, si per se ipsum consideres, grave est ; nemo enim fere est, qui sui periculi judex, non sibi se 10 requiorein quam reo praebeat. Sed tua, Caesar, praestans singularisque natura liunc mihi metum minuit ; non enim tarn timeo, quid tu de rege Deiotaro, quam intelligo, quid de te ceteros velis judicare. 5. Moveor etiam loci ipsius insolentia, quod tantam causam, quanta nulla unquam in 15 disceptatione versata est, dico intra domesticos parietes, dico extra conventum et earn frequentiam, in qua oratorum studia niti solent : in tuis oculis, in tuo ore vultuque acqui- esco ; te unum intueor ; ad te unum omnis mea spectat oratio. Quae mihi ad spem obtinendae veritatis gravissima 20 sunt, ad motum animi et ad omnem impetum dicendi con- tentionemque leviora. G. Hanc enim, C. Caesar, causam si in foro dicerem, eodem audiente et disceptante te, quantam mihi alacritatem populi Romani concursus afferret ! Quis enim civis ei regi non faveret, cujus omnem aetatem in 25 populi Romani bellis consumptam esse meminisset ? Specta- rem curiam, intuerer forum, ccelum denique testarer ipsum. Sic, quum et deorum immortalium et populi Romani et senatus beneficia in regem Deiotarum recordarer, nullo modo mihi deesse posset oratio. V. Quae quoniam angusti- '30 ora parietes faciunt, actioque maximae causae debilitatur loco, tuum est, Caesar, qui pro rnultis saepe dixisti, quid mihi nunc animi sit, ad te ipsum referre ; quo facilius quum aequitas tua, turn audiendi diligentia minuat hanc perturba- tionem meam. Sed antequam de accusatione ipsa dico, de 35 accusatorum spe pauca dicam. Qui quum videantur nee ingenio nee usu atque exercitatione rerum valere, tamen ad h#* c causam non sine aliqua spe et cogitatione venerunt. III. 8. Iratum te regi Deiotaro fuisse non erant nescii ; affectum ilium quibusdam incommodis et detrimentis proptei i offensionem animi tui meminerant ; [teque quum huic iratum, turn sibi amicum esse cognoverant ;] quumque apud ipsum te de tuo periculo dicerent, fore putabant, ut in exulceratc animo facile fictum crimen insideret. Quamobrem hoc nos pri- mum, Caesar, metu, per fidem et constantiam et per clemen- PRO KEGE DEIOTARO, CAP. IV. 87 ciam mam, libera, ne residere in te ullam partem iracundiat: suspicenmr. Per dexteram istam te oro, quam regi Deio- taro hospes liospiti porrexisti: istam, inquam, dexteram, non tarn in bellis nee in prceliis quam in pro-missis et fide firmiorem. Tu illius domum inire, tu vetus hospitium 5 renovare voluisti; te ejus dii penates acceperunt ; te amicum et placatum Deiotari regis arse focique viderunt. 9. Quum facile [exorari], Caesar, turn semel exorari soles; nemo unquam te placavit inimicus, qui ullas resedisse in te simul- tatis reliquias senserit. Quamquam cui sunt inauditae cum 1C Deiotaro querelee tuae ? Nunquam tu ilium accusavisti ut hostem, sed ut amicum officio parum functum, quod pro- pensior in Cn. Pompeii amicitiam fuisset quam in tuam. Cui tamen ipsi rei veniam te daturum fuisse dicebas,. si tantum auxilia Pompeio vel si etiam filium misisset, ipse i 5 aetatis excusatione usus esset. Ita quum maximis eum rebus liberares, perparvam amicitiae culpam relinquebas. 10. Itaque non solum in eum non animadvertisti, sed omni metu liberavisti, hospitem agnovisti, regem reliquisti. IV. Neque enim ille odio tui progressus, sed errore communi lapsus 20 est. Is rex, quern senatus hoc nomine saepe honorificentis- simis decretis appellavisset, quique quum ilium ordinem ab adolescentia gravissimum sanctissimumque duxisset, iisdem rebus est perturbatus, homo longinquus et alienigena, quibiis nos in media re publica nati semperque versati, 25 11. quum audiret senatus consentientis auctoritate arma sumpta ; consulibus, praetoribus, tribunis plebi, nobis impe- ratoribus rem publicam defendendam datam, movebatur ammo et vir huic imperio amicissimus de salute populi Romani extimescebat, in qua etiam suam esse inclusam 30 videbat ; in summo tamen timore quiescendum sibi esse arbitrabatur. Maxime vero perturbatus est, ut audivit, consules ex Italia profugisse, omnesque consulares (sic enim ei nunciabatur), cunctum senatum, totam Italiam esse effu- sam: talibus enim nuntiis et rumoribus patebat ad Orientem So via, nee ulli veri subsequebantur. Nihil ille de conditioni- bus tuis, nihil de studio concordiae et pacis, nihil de conspi- ratione audiebat certorum hominum contra dignitatem tuam. Quae quum ita essent, tamen usque eo se tenuit, quoad a Cn. Pompeio legati ad eum literaeque venerunt. 12. Igno- 4C see, ignosce, Caesar, si ejus viri auctoritati rex Deiotarus cessit, quern nos omnes secuti sumus ; ad quern quum dii atque homines omnia ornamenta congessissent, turn tu ipse plurima et maxima. Neque enim, si tuae res gestae cetero- 8B O RATIO rum laudibus obscuritatem attulerunt, idcirco Cn. Pompeii memoriam amisimus. Quantum nomen ejus fuerit, quanta opes, quanta in omni genere bellorum gloria, quanti honores populi Romani, quanti senatus, quanti tui, quis ignorat ? 5 Tanto ille superiores vicerat gloria, quanto tu omnibus praestitisti. Itaque Cn. Pompeii bella, victorias, triumphos, consulatus admirantes numerabamus ; tuos enumerare non possumus. V. 13. Ad eum igitur rex Deiotarus venit hoc misero lOfatalique bello, quern antea justis hostilibusque bellis adju- verat, quocum erat non hospitio solum, verum etiam fami- liaritate conjunctus ; et venit vel rogatus, ut amicus, vel arcessitus, ut socius, vel evocatus, ut is, qui senatui parere didicisset ; postremo venit ut ad fugientem, non ut ad 1 5 insequentem, id est ad periculi, non ad victorias societatem. Itaque Pharsalico proelio facto a Pompeio discessit ; spem infinitam persequi noluit ; vel officio, si quid debuerat, vel errori, si quid nescierat, satisfactum esse duxit ; domum se contulit atque Alexandrinum bellum gerente te utilitati- 20 bus tuis paruit. 14. Ille exercitum Cn. Domitii amplis- simi viri suis tectis et copiis sustentavit ; ille Ephesum ad eum, quern tu ex tuis fidelissimum et probatissimum omni- bus delegisti, pecuniam misit, ille iterum, ille tertio auctio- nibus factis pecuniam dedit, qua ad bellum uterere ; ille 25 corpus suum periculo objecit, tecumque in acie contra Pharnacem fuit, tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. Qua? quidem a te in earn partem accepta sunt, Ccesar, ut eum amplissimo honore et regis nomine affeceris. 15. Is igitur, non modo a te periculo liberatus, sed etiam honore amplis- 30 simo ornatus, arguitur domi te suae interficere voluisse. Quod tu, nisi eum furiosissimum judices, suspicari profecto non potes. Ut enim omittam, cujus tanti sceleris fuerit, in conspectu deorum penatium necare hospitem ; cujus tantse importunitatis omnium gentium atque omnis memorise cla- 35 rissimum lumen exstinguere ; cujus tantse ferocitatis victo- rem orbis terrarum non extimescere ; cujus tarn inhumani et ingrati animi, a quo rex appellatus esset, in eo tyrannum inveniri: ut haec omittam, cujus tanti furoris fuit omnes reges, quorum multi erant finitimi, omnes liberos populos, it omnes socios, omnes provincias, omnia denique omnium arma contra se unum excitare? Quonam ille modo cum regno, cum domo, cum conjuge, cum carissimo filio di- stractus esset, tanto scelere non modo perfecto, sed etiam cogitato ? PilO REGE DEIOTARO, CAP. VI, VII. 80 VI. 10. At, credo, hsec homo inconsultus et temcrarius r 10 sertim id temporis ? Devertit in villain Pompeii. Pompeium ut videret ? sciebat, in Alsiensi esse ; villain ut perspiceret ? millies in ea fuerat ; quid ergo erat ? mora et tergiversatio ; dum hie venire t, locum relinquere noluit. XXI. 55. Age, nunc iter expediti latronis cum Milonis 15 impedimentis comparate. Semper ille antea cum uxore; turn sine ea ; nunquam nisi in rheda ; turn in equo ; comites Graeculi, quocunque ibat, etiam quum in castra Etrusea properabat ; turn in comitatu nugarum nihil. Milo, qui nunquam, turn casu pueros symphoniacos uxoris ducebat et 20 ancillarum greges. Ille, qui semper secum scorta, semper exoletos, semper lupas duceret, turn neminem, nisi ut virum a viro lectum esse diceres. Cur igitur victus est ? Quia non semper viator a latrone, nonnunquam etiam latro a viatore occiditur; quia, quamquam paratus in imparatos 25 Clodius, tamen mulier inciderat in viros. 56. Nee vero sic erat unquam non paratus Milo contra ilium, ut non satis fere esset paratus. Semper ille, et quantum interesset P. Clodii, se perire, et quanto illi odio esset, et quantum ille auderet, cogitabat. Quamobrem vitam suam, quam maxi- 30 mis praemiis propositam et paene addictam sciebat, nunquam in periculum sine praasidio et sine custodia projiciebat. Adde casus, adde incertos exitus pugnarum Martemque communem, qui saepe spoliantem jam et exsultantem evertit et perculit ab abjecto; adde inscitiam pransi, pOti, oscitantis 35 ducis, qui quum a tergo hostem interclusum rehquisset, nihil de ejus extremis comitibus cogitavit, in quos incensos ira vitamque domini desperantes quum incidisset, haesit in iis pcenis, quas ab eo servi fideles pro domini vita expetive- runt. 57. Cur igitur eos manumisit? Metuebat scilicet, 40 ne indicarent, ne dolorem perferre non possent, ne tormentis cogerentur occisum esse a servis Milonis in Appia via P Clodium confiteri. Quid opus est tortore ? Quid quceris ? Occideritne ? Occidit. Jure an injuria ? Nihil ad torto rem, Facti pnim in equuleo quaestio est, juris in judicio. PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXII, XXIII. 123 XXII. Quod igitur in causa qucerendum est, id agamus Lie ; quod tonnentis invenire vis, id fatemur. Manu vero cur miscrit, si id potius quaeris, quam cur parum amplis aflfecerit praamiis, nescis inimici factum reprehendere. 58. Dixit enim hie idem, qui omnia semper constanter et fortiter, 5 M. Cato, et dixit in turbulenta concione, quae tamen hujus auctoritate placata est, non libertate solum, sed etiam omnibus prasmiis dignissimos fuisse, qui domini caput defen- dissent. Quod enim praemium satis magnum est tarn bene- voiis, tarn bonis, tarn fidelibus servis, propter quos vivit? 10 Etsi id quidem non tanti est, quam quod propter eosdem non sanguine et vulneribus suis crudelissimi inimici mentem oculosque satiavit. Quos nisi manumisisset, tonnentis etiam dedendi fuerunt conservatores domini, ultores sceleris, de- fensors necis. Hie vero nihil habet in his malis, quod 15 minus moleste ferat, quam, etiamsi quid ipsi accidat, esse tamen illis meritum prtemium persolutum. 59. Sed quae- stiones urgent Milonem, quae sunt habita3 nunc in atrio Libertatis. Quibusnam de servis ? Rogas ? De P. Clodii. Quis eos postulavit ? Appius. Quis produxit ? Appius. 20 Unde? Ab Appio. Dii boni ! quid potest agi severius? De servis nulla lege qusestio est in dominum, nisi de incestu, .it fuit in Clodium. Proxime deos accessit Clodius, propius quam turn, quum ad ipsos penetrarat, cujus de morte tam- quam de cserimoniis violatis quaeritur. Sed tamen majores 25 nostri in dominum [de servo] quaeri noluerunt, non quia non posset verum inveniri, sed quia videbatur indignum et dominis morte ipsa tristius. In reum de servo accusatoris quum quaBritur, verum inveniri potest ? 60. Age vero, quae erat aut qualis qusestio? Heus tu, Rufio, verbi causa, 30 cave sis mentiare. Clodius insidias fecit Miloni? Fecit. Certa crux. Nullas fecit. Sperata libertas. Quid hac quacstione certius? Subito abrepti in qusestionem tamen separantur a ceteris et in areas conjiciuntur, ne quis cum iis colloqui possit. Hi centum dies penes accusatorem 35 quum fuissent, ab eo ipso accusatore producti sunt. Quid hac qusestione diji potest integrius? quid incorruptius ? XXIII. 61. Quod si nondum satis cernitis, quum res ipsa tot tarn claris argumentis signisque luceat, pura mente atque integra Milonem, nullo scelere imbutum, nullo metu 16 perterritum, nulla conscientia exanimatum Romam rever- tisse, recoidamini, per deos immortales ! qu33 fuerit celeritas reditus ejus, qui ingressus in forum, ardente curia, quce magnitudo animi, qui vultus, quoe oratio. Neque vero se I 2 -A ORATIO populo solum, sod cliam senatui commisit, neque senaiin modo, sed etiam publicis praesidiis et armis, neque his tantum, verum etiam ejus potestati, cui senatus totam rem publicam, oranem Italiae pubem, cuncta populi Romani 5 arma commisefat, cui nunquam se liic profecto tradidisset, nisi causae suae confideret, praesertim omnia audienti, magna metuenti, multa suspicanti, nomiulla credenti. Magna vis est conscientiae, judices, et magna in utramque partem, ut neque timeant, qui nihil commiserint, et poenam semper 10 ante oculos versari putent, qui peccarint. 62. Neque vero sine ratione certa causa Milonis semper a senatu probata est. Videbant enim sapientissimi homines facti rationem, prccsentiam animi, defensionis constantiam. An vero obliti estis, judices, recenti illo nuntio necis Clodianae, non modo 15 inimicorum Milonis sermones et opiniones, sed nonnullorum etiam imperitorum ? Negabant eum Romam esse reditu- rum. 63. Sive enim illud animo irato ac percito fecisset, ut incensus odio trucidaret inimicum, arbitrabantur, eum tanti mortem P. Clodii putasse, ut aequo animo patria <>0 careret, quum sanguine inimici explesset odium suum, sive etiam illius morte patriam liberare voluisset, non dubitaturum fortem virum, quin, quum suo periculo salutem rei publicae attulisset, cederet aequo animo legibus, secum auferret glo- riam sempiternam, nobis haec fruenda relinqueret, quae ipse 25 servasset. Mulli etiam Catilinam atque ilia portenta loque- bantur : " Erumpet, occupabit aliquem locum, bellum pa- triae faciet." Miseros interdum cives optime de re pubiica meritos, in quibus homines non modo res praeclarissimas obliviscuntur, sed etiam nef arias suspicantur ! 64. Ergo ilia 30 falsa fuerunt ; quae certe vera exstitissent, si Milo admisisset aliquid, quod non posset honeste vereque defendere. XXIV. Quid ? quae postea sunt in eum congesta, quae quemvis etiam mediocrium delictorum conscientia percu- lissent, ut sustinuit ! dii immortales ! sustinuit ? immo vero 35 ut contempsit ac pro nihilo putavit ! quae neque maxima animo nocens, neque innocens, nisi fort^ssimus vir, negligere pctuisset. Scutorum, gladiorum, f frenorum pilorumque < tiam multitudo deprehendi posse indicabatur ; nullum in urbe vicum, nullum angiportum esse dicebant, in quo non 10 Miloni conducta esset domus ; arma in villam Ocriculanam devecta Tiberi; domus in clivo Capitolino scutis referta; . plena omnia malleolorum ad urbis incendia comparatoiiuu. Lkec non delata solum, .sod pcene credita, nee ante repu- diata sunt, quam qHaesita. (55. Laudabam equidem incre- T'KO T. ANNIO MILOxNE, CAP. XXV. 126 dibilom diligentiam Cn. Pompeii; sed dicam, ut sentio, judiccs. Nimis niulta coguntur audire, ncque aliter facere possunt ii, quibus tota commissa est res publica ; cui etiam merit audiendus popa Licinius nescio qui de circo maximo ; servos Milonis apud se ebrios factos sibi confessos esse, de 5 interficiendo Pompeio conjurasse, dein postea se gladio pcrcussum esse ab uno de illis, ne indicaret, Pompeio in hortos nuntiavit. Arccssor in primis. De amicorum sen- tentia rem defert ad senatum. Non poteram in illius mei patriseque custodis tanta suspicione non metu exanimari, 10 sed mirabar tamen, credi popa?, confessionem servorum audiri, vulnus in latere, quod acu punctum videretur, pro ictu gladiatoris probari. 66. Verum, ut intelligo, cavebat magis Pompeius, quam timebat, non ea solum, quae timenda erant, sea omnia, ne vos aliquid timeretis. Oppugnata lb domus C. Csesaris, clarissimi et fortissimi viri, per multas noctis boras nuntiabatur. Nemo audierat tarn celebri loco, nemo senserat ; tamen audiebatur. Non poteram Cn. Pompeium, praestantissima virtute virum, timidum suspicari ; diligentiam, tota re publica suscepta, nimiam nullam puta- 20 bam. Frequentissimo senatu nuper in Capitolio senator inventus est, qui Milonem cum telo esse diceret. Nudavit se in sanctissimo templo, quoniam vita talis et civis et viri rideni non faciebat, ut, eo tacente, res ipsa loqueretur. XXV. 67. Omnia falsa atque insidiose ficta comperta 25 sunt ; quum tamen metuitur etiam nunc Milo. Non jam hoc Clodianum crimen timemus, sed tuas, Cn. Pompei, (te enim jam appcllo, et ea voce, ut me exaudire possis), tuas, tuas, inquam, suspiciones perhorrescimus. Si Milonem times, si liunc de tua vita nefarie aut nunc cogitare aut 30 molitum aliquando aliquid putas, si Italiaa delectus, ut non- nulli conquisitores tui dictitarunt, si heec arma, si Capitolinss cobortes, si excubiaj, si vigilia3, si delecta juventus, quce tuum corpus domumque custodit, contra Milonis impetum armata est, atque ilia omnia in hunc unum instituta, parata, 35 intenta sunt, magna certe in hoc vis et incredibilis animus et non unius viri vires atque opes indicantur, si quidem in hunc unum et proestantissimus dux electus et tota res publica armata est. 68. Sed quis non intelligit, omnes libi rei publicaa partes aagras et labantes, ut eas his armis 40 sanares et confirmares, esse commissas? Quod si locus Miloni datus esset, probasset profecto tibi ipsi, neminem 'inquam hominem homini cariorem fuisse quam te sibi ; nudum se unquam periculum pro tua dignitate fugisse; I2»t ORATIO cum ilia ipsa teterrima pcste sc ssepissime pro tua gloria contendisse ; tribunatum suum ad salutem meam, quse tibi carissima fuisset, consiliis tuis gubernatum ; se a te postea defensum in periculo capitis, adjutum in petitione praeturae ; 5 duos se habere semper amicissimos sperasse, te tuo bene- ficio, me suo. Quae si non probaret, si tibi ita penitus inhaesisset ista suspicio, nullo ut evelli modo posset, si de- nique Italia a delectu, urbs ab armis sine Milonis clade nunquam esset conquietura, nas iste haud dubitans cessisset 10 patria, is, qui ita natus est et ita consuevit; te, Magnc, tamen antestaretur, quod nunc etiam facit. XXYI. 69. Vide, quam sit varia vitas commutabilisque ratio, quam vaga volubilisque fortuna, quantae infidelitates in amicitiis, quam ad tempus aptae simulationes, quanta? in 1 5 periculis fugae proximorum, quantae timiditates. Erit, erit illud profecto tempus et illucescet ille aliquando dies, quum tu, salutaribus, ut spero, rebus tuis, sed fortasse motu aliquo communium temporum (qui quam crebro accidat, expert! scire debemus), et amicissimi benevolentiam et gravissimi 20 hominis fidem et unius post homines natos fortissimi viri rnagnitudinem animi desideres. 'ZO. Quamquam quis hoc credat, Cn. Pompeium, juris publici, moris majorum, rei denique publicas peritissimum, quum senatus ei commiserit, ut videret, ne quid res publtca detrimenti caperet, quo 25 uno versiculo satis armati semper consules fuerunt, etiam nullis armis datis, hunc exercitu, hunc delectu dato, judi- cium exspectaturum fuisse in ejus consiliis vindicandis, qui vi judicia ipsa tolleret ? Satis judicatum est a Pompeio, satis, falso ista conferri in Milonem, qui legem tulit, qua, 30 ut ego sentio, Milonem absolvi a vobis oporteret, ut omnes confitentur, liceret. 11. Quod vero in illo loco atque illis publicorum praesidiorum copiis circumfusus sedet, satis de- clarat, se non terrorem inferre vobis (quid enim minus illo dignum, quam cogere, ut vos eum condemnetis, in quern 35 animadvertere ipse et more majorum et suo jure posset ?), sed praesidio esse, ut intelligatis, contra hesternam illaia concionem licere vobis, quod sentiatis, libere judicare. XXVII. 12. Nee vero me, judices, Clodianum crimen mo vet, nee tarn sum demens tamque vestri sensus ignarus 40 atque expers, ut nesciam, quid de morte Clodii sentiatis. D i qua, si jam nollem ita diluere crimen, ut dilui, tamen impune Miloni palam clamare ac mentiri gloriose hceret : " Occidi, occidi, non Sp. Mselium, qui annona levanda jactu- risque rei familiaris, quia nimis amplecti plebem videbatur^ PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXVIII. 127 in suspicionem incidit regni appetendi, non Ti. Graccliuui, qui college? magistratum per seditionem abrogavit, quorum interfectores impleverunt orbem terrarum norninis sui gloria, sed cum (auderet enim dicerc, quum patriam periculo suo liberasset), cujus nefandum adulterium in pulvinaribus san- 5 ctissimis nobilissimse femince comprehenderunt ; *l 3. eum, cujus supplicio senatus sollemnes religiones expiandas ssepe censuit ; eum, quern cum sorore germana nefarium stuprum fecisse, L. Lucullus juratus se, qusestionibus habitis, dixit comperisse; eum, qui civem, quern senatus, quern populus 10 Romanus, quern omnes gentes urbis ac vitae civium conser- vatorem judicarant, servorum armis exterminavit ; eum, qui regna dedit, ademit, orbem terrarum, quibuscum voluit, partitus est ; eum, qui, plurimis caedibus in foro factis, sin- gulaii virtute et gloria civem domum vi et armis compulit ; 15 eum, cui nihil unquam nefas fuit nee in facinore nee in libi- dine ; eum, qui aedem Nympliarum incendit, ut memoriam publicam recensionis, tabulis publicis impressam, exstingue- ret ; 7 4. eum denique, cui jam nulla lex erat, nullum civile jus, nulli possessionum termini; qui non calumnia litium, 20 non injustis vindiciis ac sacramentis alienos fundos, sed castris, exercitu, signis inferendis petebat ; qui non solum Etruscos (eos enim 'penitus contempserat), sed bunc P. Varium, f ortissimum atque optimum civem, judicem nostrum, pellere possessionibus armis castrisque conatus est ; qui cum 25 architeetis et decempedis villas multorum bortosque pera- grabat ; qui Janiculo et Alpibus spem possessionum termi- nabat suarum ; qui, quum ab equite Romano splendido et forti, M. Paconio, non impetrasset, ut sibi insulam in lacu Prilio venderet, repente lintribus in earn insulam materiem, 30 calcem, casmenta, arma convexit, dominoque trans ripam inspectante non dubitavit sedificiuin exstruere in alieno ; Y5. qui liuic T. Furfanio, cui viro ? dii immortales ! (quid enim ego de muliercula Scantia, quid de adolescente P. Apinio dicam ? quorum utrique mortem est minitatus, nisi sibi hor- 35 torum possessione cessissent) ; sed ausus est Furfanio dicere, si sibi pecuniam, quantam poposcerat, non dedisset, mortuum se in domum ejus illaturum, qua invidia buic esset tali viro conflagrandum ; qui Appium fratrem, hominem mihi e^^" junctum fidissima gratia, absentem de possessionC"fun^i 4 (J dejecit; qui parietem sic per vestibulum sororis in^trfeuui ducere, sic agere fundamenta, ut sororem non modo vesti- bulo privaret, sed omni aditu et limine." XXVTII. ^G. Quamquam hsec quidem iam tolerabilia 128 o::.v;ro videbantur, etsi ooquabililer in rem pubheam, in privates, in longinquos, in propinquos, in alicnos, in suos irruebat ; sed nescio quomodo jam usu obduruerat et pcrcaliuerat civitatia incredibilis patientia. Quaa vero aderant jam et impende- 5 bant, quonam mode- ea aut depellere potuissetis aut ferre ? Imperium ille si nactus esset, omitto socios, exteras nationes, reges, tetrarchas ; vota enim faceretis, ut in eos se potius immitteret quam in vestras posscssiones, vestra tecta, ve- stras pecunias ; pecunias dico ? a liberis, medius fidius, et 10 a conjugibus vestris nunquam ille effrenatas suas libidines cohibuisset. Fingi hoec putatis, quse patent, quae nota sunt omnibus, quae tenentur ? servorum exercitus ilium in urbe conscripturum fuisse, per quos totam rem publicam resque privatas omnium possideret? 11. Quamobrem, si cruentum 1 5 gladium tenens clamaret T. Annius : " Adeste, quaeso, at- que audite, cives ; P. Clodium interfeci ; ejus furores, quos nullis jam legibus, nullis judiciis frenare poteramus, hoc ferro et liae dextera a cervicibus vestris reppuli, per me ut unum jus, sequitas, leges, libertas, pudor, pudicitia in civi- 20 tate manerent," esset vero timendum, quonam modo id ferret civitas ! Nunc enim quis est, qui non probet ? qui non laudet ? qui non unum post hominum memoriam T. Annium plurimum rei publiccs profuisse, maxima laetitia populum Romanum, cunctam Italiam, nationes omnes affe- 25 cisse et dicat et sentiat? Non queo, vetera ilia populi Romani gaudia quanta fuerint, judicare. Multas tamen jam summorum imperatorum clarissimas victorias Betas nostra vidit, quarum nulla neque tarn diuturnam attulit lsetitiam nee tantam. 18. Mandate hoc memorise, judices. Spero 30 multa vos liberosque vestros in re publica bona esse visuros; in iis singulis ita semper existimabitis, vivo P. Clodio nihil eorum vos visuros fuisse. In spem maximam et, quemad- modum confido, verissimam sumus adducti, hunc ipsum annum, hoc ipso summo viro consule, compressa hominum 35 licentia, cupiditatibus fractis, legibus et judiciis constitutis, salutarem civitati fore. Num quis est igitur tarn demens, qui hoc, P. Clodio vivo, contingere potuisse arbitretur ? Quid? ea, quae tenetis, privata atque vestra, dominante homine f arioso, quod jus perpetuce possessionis habere po- 40 tuissent? XXIX. Non timeo, judices, ne odio mearum inimicitiarum inflammatus libentius hose in ilium evomere videar quam verius. Etenim etsi praecipuum esse debebat, tamen ita communis erat omnium ille hostis, ut in communi odio pa3no PRO T. ANNIO M1L0NE, CAr. XXX. J 5251 sequaliter versaretur odium meum. Non potest dici satis, ne cogitari quidem, quantum in illo sceleris, quantum exitii fuerit. 1 9. Quin sic attendite, judices. Nempe liaec est quaestio de interitu P. Clodii. Fingite animis (liberae sunt enim nostrae cogitationes et, quae volunt, sic intuentur, ut ea 5 cernimus, quae videmus), fingite igitur cogitatione imaginem hujus conditionis meae, si possim efficere, ut Milonem ab- solvatis, sed ita, si P. Clodius revixerit. Quid vultu exti- muistis ? Quonam modo ille vos vivus afficeret, quos mor- Luus inani cogitatione percussit? Quid? si ipse Cn. Pom- 10 peius, qui ea virtute ac fortuna est, ut ea potuerit semper, quae nemo prater ilium, si is, inquam, potuisset aut quaesti- onem de morte P. Clodii ferre aut ipsum ab inferis excitare, utrum putatis potius facturum fuisse? Etiamsi propter amicitiam vellet ilium ab inferis evocare, propter rem pu- 15 blicam non fecisset. Ejus igitur mortis sedetis ultores, cujus vitam si putetis per vos restitui posse, nolitis, et de ejus nece lata quaestio est, qui si eadem lege reviviscere posset, lata lex nunquam esset. Hujus ergo interfector si esset, in confitendo ab iisne pcenam timeret, quos liberavis- 20 set ? 80. Graeci homines deorum honores tribuunt iis viris, qui tyrannos necaverunt. Quae ego vidi Athenis ? quae aliis in urbibus Graeciae? quas res divinas talibus institutas viris? quos cantus ? quae carmina ? Prope ad immortalitatis et religionem et memoriam consecrantur. Vos tanti conserva- 25 torem populi, tanti sceleris ultorem non modo honoribus nullis amcietis, sed etiam ad supplicium rapi patiemini ? Confiteretur, confiteretur, inquam, si fecisset, et magno animo et libente, fecisse se libertatis omnium causa, quod esset ei non confitendum modo, verum etiam praedicandum. 30 XXX. 81. Etenim, si id non negat, ex quo nihil petit, nisi ut ignoscatur, dubitaret id fateri, ex quo etiam praemia laudis essent petenda ? nisi vero gratius putat esse vobis, sui se capitis quam vestri defensorem fuisse ; quum praeser- tim in ea confessione, si grati esse velletis, honores asse- 35 queretur amplissimos; si factum vobis non probaretur (quamquam qui poterat salus sua cuiquam non probari ?), sed tamen si minus fortissimi viri virtus civibus grata ceci- disset, magno animo constantique cederet ex ingrata civi- late. Nam quid esset ingratius, quam lsetari ceteros, lugere 40 eum solum, propter quern ceteri laetarentur ? 82. Quam- quam hoc animo semper omnes fuimus in patriae proditori- bus opprimendis, ut, quoniam nostra futura esset gloria, periculum quoque et invidiam nostram putaremus. Nam 130 OKATIO qiuc mini ipsi tribuenda laus cssct, quum tantum in consu« lata meo pro vobis ac liberis vestris ausus essem, si id, quum conabar, sine maximis dimicationibus meis me esse ausurum avbitrarer ? Quae mulier sceleratum ac pernicio- 5 sum civem occidere non auderet, sj periculum non timeret ? Proposita invidia, morte, poena, qui nihilo segnius rem publicam defendit, is vir vere putandus est. Populi grati est, praemiis afficere bene meritos de re publica eives, viri fortis, ne suppliciis quidem moveri, ut fortiter fecisse poe- 10 niteat. 83. Quamobrem uteretur eadem confessione T. Annius, qua Ahala, qua Nasica, qua Opimius, qua Marius, qua nosmet ipsi, et, si grata res publica esset, laetaretur, si ingrata, tamen in gravi fortuna conscientia sua niteretur. Sed hujus beneficii gratiani, judices, fortuna populi Ro- 15 mani et vestra felicitas et dii immortales sibi deberi putant. Nee vero quisquam aliter arbitrari potest, nisi qui nullam vim esse ducit nunienve divinum, quern neque imperii nostri magnitudo neque sol ille nee coeli signorumque motus nee vicissitudines rerum atque ordines movent neque, id quod 20 maximum est, majorum sapientia, qui sacra, qui caer-imonias, qui auspicia et ipsi sanctissime coluerunt et nobis, suis posteris, prodiderunt. XXXI. 84. Est, est profecto ilia vis, neque in his cor- poribus atque in bac imbecillitate nostra inest quiddam, 25 quod vigeat et sentiat, et non inest in hoc tanto naturae tarn praeelaro motu. Nisi forte idcirco non putant, quia non apparet nee cernitur; proinde quasi nostram i]3sam mentem, qua sapimus, qua providemus, qua haec ipsa agi- mus ac dicimus, videre aut plane, qualis aut ubi sit, sentire 3C possimus. Ea vis igitur ipsa, quae saepe incredibiles liuic urbi felicitates atque opes attulit, illam perniciem exstinxit ac sustulit, cui primum mentem injecit, ut vi irritare ferro- que lacessere fortissimum virum auderet vincereturque ab eo, quern si vicisset, liabiturus esset impmiitatem et licen- se tiam sempiternam. 85. Non est humano consilio, ne rae- diocri quidem, judices, deorum immortalium cura res ilia perfecta. Religiones meliercule ipsae, quae illam belluam cadcre viderunt, commovisse se videntur et jus in illo suum retinuisse. Vos enim jam, Albani tumuli atque luci, vos ; 4C inquam, imploro atque testor, vosque Albanorum obrutae arae, sacrorum populi Romani socioe et aequales, quas ille, praeceps amentia, caesis prostratisque sanctissimis lucis, substructionum insanis molibus oppresserat; vestrae turn, [arae,] vestrae religiones viguerunt, vestra vis valuit, quam PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXII, XXXIII. 101 illo omni scelerc polluerat, tuque ex tuo edito monte. Latiu' ris sancte Juppiter, cujus ille lacus, nemcra finesque saope omni nefario stupro et scelerc macula-rat, aliquando ad cum puniendum oculos aperuisti; vobis illae, vobis vestro in conspectu serae, sed justse tamen et debitae poenae solutoc 5 sunt. 8G. Nisi forte hoc etiam casu factum esse dicemus, ut ante ipsum sacrarium Bonae Deae, quod est in fundo T. Sestii Galli, in primis honesti et ornati adolescentis, ante ipsam, inquam, Bonam Deam, quum prcelium commisisset, primum illud vulnus acciperet, quo teterrimam mortem 10 obiret, ut non absolutus judicio illo nefario videretur. so.rl ad hanc insignem pcenam reservatus. XXXII. Nee vero non eadem ira deorum banc ejus sa- tellitibus injecit amentiam, ut sine imaginibus, sine cantu atque ludis, sine exsequiis, sine lamentis, sine laudationibus, 15 sine funere, oblitus cruore et luto, spoliatus illius supremi diei celebritate, cui cedere etiam inimici solent, ambureretur abjectus. Non fuisse credo fas, clarissimorum virorum formas illi teterrimo parricidal aliquid decoris afferre, neque ullo in loco potius mortem ejus lacerari, quam in quo esset 20 vita damnata. 87. Dura, medius fidius, milii jam fortuna populi Romani et crudelis videbatur, quae tot annos ilium in hanc rem publicam insultare pateretur. Polluerat stupro sanctissimas religiones, senatus gravissima decreta perfregerat, pecunia 25 se a judicibus palam redemerat, vexarat in tribunatu sena- tum, omnium ordinum consensu pro salute rei publicas gesta resciderat, me patria expulerat, bona diripuerat, do- mum incenderat, liberos, conjugem meam vexarat, Cn. Pompeio nefarium bellum indixerat, magistratuum privato- 30 r unique caedes effecerat, domum mei fratris incenderat, vastara. Etruriam, multos sedibus ac fortunis ejecerat; instabat, urgebat; capere ejus amentiam civitas, Italia, provincise, regna non poterant; incidebantur jam domi leges, quae nos servis nostris addicerent ; nihil erat cujus- 35 quam, quod quidem ille adamasset, quod non hoc anno suum fore putaret. 88. Obstabat ejus cogitationibus nemo prater Milonem. Ilium ipsum, qui poterat obstare, novo reditu in gratiam quasi devinctum arbitrabatur ; Cassaris potentiam suam esse dicebat ; bonorum animos in meo casu 40 contempserat ; Milo unus urgebat. XXXIII. Hie dii immortales, ut supra dixi, mentem illi perdito ac furioso dederunt, ut huic faceret insidias. Aliter perire pestis ilia non potuit; nunquam ilium res publica 132 0BATIO suo jure essct ulta. Senatus, credo, prietorcm cum cir- cumscripsisset. JSTe quum solebat quidem id facere, in privato eodem hoc aliquid profecerat. 89. An consules in praetore coercendo fortes fuissent ? Primum, Milone occiso, 5 habuisset suos consules ; deinde quis in eo prastore consul fortis esset, per quern tribunum virtutem consularem cru- delissirne vexatani esse meminisset ? Oppressisset omnia, possideret, teneret ; lege nova, quae est inventa apud eum cum reliquis legibus Clodianis, servos nostros libertos suos 1 fecisset. Postremo, nisi eum dii immortales in earn mentem impulissent, ut homo effeminatus fortissimum virum cona- retur occidere, hodie rem publicam nullam haberetis, 90. An ille praetor, ille vero consul, si modo haec templa atque ipsa mcenia stare eo vivo tamdiu et consulatum ejus exspe- 1 5 ctare potuissent, ille denique vivus mali nihil fecisset, qui mortuus, uno ex suis satelhtibus [Sex. Clodio] duce, curiam incenderit ? Quo quid miserius, quid acerbius, quid luctu- osius vidimus ? Templum sanctitatis, aniplitudinis, mentis, consilii pubhei, caput urbis, aram sociorum, portum omnium 20 gentium, sedem ab universo populo concessam uni ordini, inflammari, exscindi, funestari ? neque id fieri a multitudine imperita, quamquam esset miserum id ipsum, sed ab uno ? Qui quum tantum ausus sit ustor pro mortuo, quid signifer pro vivo non esset a/usus ? In curiam potissimum abjecit, 25 ut earn mortuus incenderet, quam vivus everterat. 91. Et sunt, qui de via Appia querantur, taceant de curia ? et qui ab eo spirante forum putent potuisse defendi, cujus non restiterit cadaveri curia? Excitate, excitate ipsum, si po- testis, a mortuis. Frangetis impetum vivi, cujus vix susti- 30 netis furias insepulti ? Nisi vero sustinuistis eos, qui cum facibus ad curiam concurrerunt, cum falcibus ad Castoris, cum gladiis toto foro volitarunt. Csedi vidistis populum Romanum, concionem gladiis disturbari, quum audiretur si- lentio M. Coelius, tribunus plebis, vir et in re publica for- 35 tissimus et in suscepta causa firmissimus et bonorum volun- tati et auctoritati senatus deditus et in hac Milonis sive invidia sive fortuna singulari di\ina et incredibili fide. XXXIV. 92. Sed jam satis multa de causa ; extra cau- sam etiam nimis fortasse multa. Quid restat, nisi ut orem 10 obtosterque vos, judices, ut cam misericordiam tribuatis fortissimo viro, quam ipse non implorat, ego, etiam repu- gnante hoc, et imploro et exposco ? Nolite, si in nostro omnium fletu nullam lacrimam adspexistis ^lilonis, si vul- turn semper eundem, si vocem, si orationem stabilem ac PRO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXV. 133 non mulatam videtis, hoc minus ei parcere. Hand scio, an rnulto etiam sit adjuvandns magis. Etenim si in gladiatoriis pugnis et in infimi generis hominum conditione atque for- tuna timidos atque supplices et, ut vivere liceat, obsecrantes etiam odisse solemus, fortes et animosos et se acriter ipsos 5 morti offerentes servare cupimus, eorumque nos magis miseret, qui nostram misericordiam non requirunt, quam qui illam efflagitant, quanto hoc magis in fortissimis civibus facere debemus? 93. Me quidem, judices, exanimant et interimunt hae voces Milonis, quas audio assidue et quibus 1C intersum quotidie. " Valeant, inquit, valeant cives mei ; sint incolumes, sint florentes, sint beati; stet haec urbs praeclara mihique patria carissima, quoquo modo erit merita de me ; tranquilla re publica mei cives (quoniam mihi cum illis non licet) sine mo ipsi, sed per me tamen, perfruantur ; 15 ego cedam atque abibo ; si mihi bona re publica frui non licuerit, at carebo mala, et quam primam tetigero bene moratam et hberam civitatem, in ea conquiescam. 94. frustra, inquit, mei suscepti labores ! o spes fallaces ! o cogitationes inanes meae ! Ego, quum tribunus plebis, re 20 publica oppressa, me senatui dedissem, quern exstinctum acceperam, equitibus Romanis, quorum vires erant debiles, bonis viris, qui omnem auctoritatem Clodianis armis abje- cerant, mihi unquam bonorum praesidiuni defuturmri puta- rem ? ego, quum te (mecitm enim saepissime loquitur) 25 patriae reddidissem, mihi putarem in patria non futurum locum ? Ubi nunc senatus est, quern secuti sumus ? ubi equites Romani illi, illi, inquit, tui ? ubi studia municipio- rum ? ubi Italiae voces ? ubi denique tua ilia, M. Tulli, quae plurimis fuit auxiho, vox atque defensio ? mihine ea soli, 30 qui pro te toties morti me obtuli, nihil potest opitulari?" XXXV. 95. Nee vero haec, judices, ut ego nunc, flens, sed hoc eodem^ioquitur vultu, quo videtis. Negat enim se, negat, ingratis civibus fecisse, quae fecerit ; timidis et omnia pericula circumspicientibus, non negat. Plebem et infimam 35 multitudinem, quae P. Clodio duce fortunis vestris immine- bat, earn, quo tutior esset vestra vita, se fecisse commemorat, ut non modo virtute flecteret, sed etiam tribus suis patri- nioniis deleniret ; nee timet, ne, quum plebem muneribus placarit, vos non conciliarit meritis in rem publicam singu- 40 laribus. Senatus erga se benevolentiam temporibus his ipsis saepe esse perspectam, vestras vero et vestrorum ordi- num occursationes, studia, sermones, quemcunque cursum fortuna dederit, secum se ablaturum esse dicit. 96. Me- 13-1 onATin minit etiam, voccm sibi preeconis modo defuisse, quam minime desiderarit, populi vero cunctis suftragiis, quod unura cupierit, sc consulem declaratum ; nunc denique, si haec contra se sint futura, sibi facinoris suspicioneni, non 5 facti crimen obstare. Addit hsec, quae certe vera sunt, fortes et sapientes viros non tarn praeinia sequi solere recle factorum quam ipsa recte facta ; se nihil in vita nisi prse- clarissime fecisse, si quidem nihil sit preestabilius viro, quam periculis patriam liberare ; beatos esse, quibus ea res 10 honori fuerit a suis civibus, 97. nee tamen cos miseros, qui beneficio cives suos vicerint; sed tamen ex omnibus prsemiis virtutis, si esset habenda ratio praemiorum, amplis- simum esse praemium gloriam ; esse banc unam, quae bre- vitatem vitae posteritatis memoria consolaretur, quae effice- 1 5 ret, ut absentes adessemus, mortui viveremus ; banc denique esse, cujus gradibus etiam in ccelum homines viderentur ascendere. 98. " De me, inquit, semper populus Romanus, semper omnes gentes loquentur, nulla unquam obmutescet vetustas. Quin hoc tempore ipso, quum omnes a meis 20 inimicis faces invidiae meae subjiciantur, tamen omni in hominum ccetu gratiis agendis et gratulationibus habendis et omni sermone celebramur. Omitto Etruriae festos el actos et institutos dies ; centesima lux est haec ab interitn P. Clodii et, opinor, altera ; qua fines imperii populi Ro- 25 mani sunt, ea non solum fama jam de illo, sed etiam laetitia peragravit. Quamobrem, ubi corpus hoc sit, non, inquit, laboro, quoniam omnibus in terris et jam versatur et semper habitabit nominis mei gloria." XXXVI. 99. Haec tu mecum saepe, his absentibus; 30 sed iisdem audientibus haec ego tecum, Milo : te quidem, quum isto animo es, satis laudare non possum; sed, quo est ista magis divina virtus, eo majore a te dolore divellor. Nee vero, si mihi eriperis, reliqua est ilia t«men ad conso- landum querela, ut his irasci possim, _a quibus tantum 35 vulnus accepero. Non enim inimici mei te mihi eripient, sed amicissimi, non male aliquando de me meriti, sed sem- per optime. Nullum mihi unquam, judices, tantum dolorem inuretis (etsi quis potest esse tantus ?), sed ne hunc quidem ipsum, ut obliviscar, quanti me semper feceritis. Quae si 40 vos cepit oblivio, aut si in me aliquid offendistis, cur non id meo capite potius luitur quam Milonis ? Praeclare enim vixero, si quid mihi accident prius, quam hoc tantum mali videro. 100. Nunc me una consolatio sustentat, quod tibi, T. Anni, nullum a me amoris, nullum studii, nullum pietatia l'KO T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXVII, XXXVIII. 13J1 officiuni dcfuit. Ego inimieitias potentium pro to appetivi, ego meuni scepe corpus ct vitam objeci armis inimicorum tuorum, ego me plurimis pro te supplicem abjeci, bona, fortiinas meas ac liberorum meorum in communionem tuo- rum temporum contuli ; hoc denique ipso die, si qua vis 5 est parata, si qua dimicatio capitis futura, deposco. Quid jam restat? quid liabeo, quod faciam pro tuis in me meritis, nisi ut earn fortunam, quaecunque erit tua, ducam meam ? Non abnuo, non recuso, vosque obsecro, judices, ut vestra beneficia, quae in me contulistis, autin huj us salute augcatis 10 aut in ejusdem exitio occasura esse videatis. XXXVII. 101. His lacrimis non movetur Milo. Est quodam incredibili robore animi ; exsilium ibi esse putat, ubi virtuti non sit locus ; mortem naturae finem esse, non poonam. Sed hie ea mente, qua natus est; quid vos, ju- 15 dices ? quo tandem animo eritis ? Memoriam Milonis re- tinebitis, ipsum ejicietis ? et erit dignior locus ullus in terris, qui banc virtutem excipiat, quam hie, qui procreavit ? Vos, vos appello, fortissimi viri, qui multum pro re publica san- guinem effudistis ; vos in viri et in civis invicti periculo 20 appello, centuriones, vosque, milites ; vobis non modo in- spectantibus, sed etiam armatis et huic judicio praesidenti- bus, haec tanta virtus ex hac urbe expelletur, exterminabi- tur, projicietur? 102. me miserum, o me infelicem! Revocare tu me in patriam, Milo, potuisti per hos, ego te in 25 patria per eosdem retinere non potero ? Quid respondebo liberis meis, qui te parentem alterum putant? quid tibi, Quinte frater, qui nunc abes, consorti mecum temporum illorum? mene non potuisse Milonis salutem tueri per eosdem, per quos nostram ille servasset? At in qua causa 30 non potuisse ? quae est grata * * gentibus non potuisse ? iis, qui maxime P. Clodii morte acquierunt; quo depre- cante? me. 103. Quodnam ego concepi tantum scelus, aut quod in me tantum facinus admisi, judices, quum ilia indicia communis exitii indagavi, patefeci, protuli, exstinxi ? 35 O nines in me meosque redundant ex fonte illo dolores. Quid me reducem esse voluistis? an ut, inspectante me, expellerentur ii, per quos essem restitutus ? Nolite, obsecro vos, acerbiorem mini pati reditum esse, quam fuerit ille ipse discessus. Nam qui possum putare me restitutum esse, si 40 distrahar ab iis, per quos restitutus sum ? XXXVIII. Utinam dii immortales fecissent (pace tua, patria, dixerim ; metuo enim, ne scelerate dicam in te, quod pro Milone dicam pie), utinam P. Clodius non modo vive- I3G ORATIO rilC T. ANNIO MILONE, CAP. XXXVIII. ret, sed etiam praetor, consul, dictator esset potius, quara hoc spectaculum viderem ! 104. O dii immortales ! for tern et a vobis, judices, conservandum virum ! " Minime, mini- ine, inquit. Immo vero poenas ille debitas luerit; nos 5 subeamus, si ita necesse est, non debitas." Hiccine vir patriae natus usquam nisi in patria morietur, aut, si forte, pro patria ? hujus vos animi monumenta retinebitis, corporis in Italia nullum sepulcrum esse patiemini ? hunc sua quis- quam sententia ex hac urbe expellet, quern omnes urbes 10 expulsum a vobis ad sevocabunt? 105. terram illam beatam, quae hunc virum exceperit; hanc ingratam, si ejecerit, miseram, si amiserit ! Sed finis sit. Neque enim prce lacrimis jam loqui possum, et hie se lacrimis defendi vetat. Yos oro obtestorque, judices, ut in sententiis fe- 1 5 rendis, quod sentietis, id audeatis. Yestram virtutem, justitiam, fidem, mihi credite, is maxime probabit, qui in judicibus legendis optimum et sapientissimum et fortissimum quemque delegit. NOTES ABBREVIATIONS IN THE NOTES, Cf. = confer, compare. B. = Benecke's Cicero. Dem. = Demosthenes. Dod. = Doderlein. Garat. = Garatoni's Cicero. H. = Harkness's Latin Grammar. Hcum. = Heumann. K. = Klotz. M. = Horgenstern's Cicero. Manut. = Manutius. Muret. = Muretus. 0. = Orelli's Cicero. P. C. = Arnold's Practical Introduction to Latin Prose Composition. S. = Stiirenberg's Cicero. Scil. = Scilicet, understood. Veget. = Yegetius. Z, = Zumpt's Latin Grammar, NOTES. THE FOUR ORATIONS AGAINST CATILINE GENERAL INTRODUCTION. Catilina, L. Sergius,* the descendant of an ancient patrician family widen had sunk into poverty, first appeal's in history aa a zealous partisan of Sulla. During the horrors of the great proscription, among many other victims, ho killed, with his own hand, his brother-in-law, Q. Cajcilius, described as a quiet, inoffensive man, and having seized and tortured the well-known and popular M. Marius Gratidianus, the kinsman and fellow-townsman of Cicerc, cut off his head, and bore it in triumph through the city. Plutarch accuses him in two places (Sull. 32, Cic. 10) of having murdered his own brother at the same period, under circumstances of peculiar atrocity, but there is probably some confusion here between the brother ard the brother-in-law; for Sallust, when enumerating the crimes of Catiline, would scarcely havo failed to add such a monstrous deed as tins to the black catalogue/. Although his youth was spent in the most reckless extravagance, and in the open indulgence of every vice ; although he was known to have been guilty ot various acts of the foulest and most revolting debauchery ; although he had incurred the suspicion of an intrigue with the vestal Fabia, sister of Terentia ; and although it was said and believed that he had made away with his first wife and afterwards with his son, in order that he might wed the fair and rich but worthless Aurelia Orestilla, who objected to the presence of a grown-up step-child, yet this complicated infamy appears to have formed no bar to hia regular political advancement, — for he attained to the dignity of prootor in b. c. G8, was governor of Africa during the following year, and returned to Rome in 66, in order to press his suit for the consulship. The election for 65 was carried by P. Autronius Paetus and P. Cornelius Sulla, both of whom were Boon after convicted of bribery, and their places supplied by their competitors and accusers, L. Aurelius Cottaand L. ManliusTorquatus; Catiline, who was desirous of becoming a candidate, having been disqualified in consequence of an impeachment for oppression in his province, preferred by P. Clodius Pulcher, afterwards so celebrated as the implacable enemy of Cicero. Exasperated by their disappointment, Autronius and Catiline forthwith formed a project along with a certain Cn. Calpurnius Piso, a young man of high family, but turbulent, needy, and profligate, to murder the new consuls upon the first of January, when offering up their vows in the Capitol, after which Autronius and Catiline were to seize the fasces, and Piso was to be dispatched with an army to occupy the Spains. Some rumors of what was in contemplation having been spread abroad, such precautions were taken that the conspirators were induced to delay the execution of their plan until the 5th of February, .esolving at the same time to include many of the leading men of the state in the proposed massacre. This extraordinary design is«aid to have been frus^ trated solely by the impatience of Catiline, who, upon the appointed day, gave the signal prematurely, before the whole of the armed agents had assembJed, * This account of the career of Catiline is the article under that head in tho Dictionary of Greek and Roman Biography and Mythology." 140 NOTES. and thus confounded the preconcerted combinations. The danger being past, certain resolutions were proposed in the senate with regard to the authors ot this abortive attempt; but the proceedings were quashed by the intercession of a tribune. The plot was, however, a matter of common discussion, and no one seems to have entertained any doubt of its reality, while many did not scruple to assert that M. Crassus and Julius Caesar, who was then sedile, were deeply involved. (Q. Cic. de pet. Cons. 2, &c. ; Asconius in Tog. cand. and in Cornel. ; Sail. Catil. 15-18 ; Liv. Epit. 101 ; Dion Cass, xxxvi 27 ; Sueton Jul. 9 ; Cic. pro Sulla, 1-24, pro Murena, 38, pro Gael. 4, in Catil. i. 6.) Encouraged rather than disheartened by a failure which had so nearlj proved a triumph, and which had so distinctly demonstrated the practicabilitj of such a project, if conducted with common prudence and caution, Catiline was soon after (b. c. 65) left completely unfettered, by his acquittal upon trial for extortion, a result secured, it was alleged, by the liberal bribes administer- ed to the accuser as well as to the jury. From this time he seems to have de- termined to proceed more systematically ; to enlist a more numerous body of supporters ; to extend the sphere of operations, and to organize a more com- prehensive and sweeping scheme of destruction. Accordingly, about the Deginning of June, b. c. 64, probably soon after the successful termination of his second trial, when called to account for the blood which he had shed during the proscription of Sulla (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 10), he began, while canvassing vigorously for the consulship, to sound the dispositions of various persons, by pointing out the probable success of a great revolutionary move- ment, and the bright prospect of power and profit opened up to its promoters. After having thus ascertained the temper of different individuals, he called to- gether those who from their necessities, their characters, and their sentiments, were likely to be most eager and most resolute in the undertaking. The meet- ing, according to Sallust, was attended by eleven senators, by four members of the equestrian order, and by several men of rank and influence from the provincial towns. The most conspicuous were P. Cornelius Lentulus Sura, who had been consul in b. c. 71, but having been passed over by the censors had lost his seat in the senate, which he was now seeking to recover by standing a second time for the prsBtorship (Dion Cass, xxxvii. 30) ; C. Cor- nelius Cethegus, distinguished throughout by his impatience, headstrong im- petuosity, and sanguinary violence (Sail. Cat. 43 ; Cic. pro Sull. 19) ; P. Au- tronius, spoken of above ; L. Cassius Longinus, at this time a competitor for the consulship, dull and heavy, but bloodthirsty withal (Cic. in Cat. iii. 4-6 ; pro Sulla, 13) ; L. Vargunteius, who had been one of the colleagues of Cicero hi the quaestorship, and had subsequently been condemned for bribery (pro Sull. 5, 6, 18) ; L. Calpurnius Bestia, tribune elect ; Publius and Servius Sulla, nephews of the dictator ; M. Porcius Lceca (Cic. in Cat. i. 4, ii. 6, pro Sull. 2, 18); Q. Annius; Q. Curius; M. Fulvius Nobilior; L. Statilius ; P. Gabi- nius Capito ; C. Cornelius. In addition to these, a great body of the younger nobility were lcnown to be favorably inclined, although they had not openly committed themselves ; and now, as on the former occasion, rumor included Crassus and Caesar, although the report does not appear to have gained gen- eral belief. At this assembly, Catiline, after expatiating upen a number of topics calcu- lated to rouse the indignation and stimulate the cupidity of his audience, proceeded to develop his objects and resources. He proposed that all debts should be cancelled, thft the most wealthy citizens should be proscribed, and that all offices of honor and emolument shouAl be divided among the asso- ciates, while for support he counted upon Piso hi Hither Spain, P. Sittius Nu- cerinus with the army in Mauritania, and at home confidently anticipated the co-operation of C. Antonius, whom he expected to be chosen consul along INTRODUCTION. 141 Willi himself for the following year, having formed a coalition with him fot the purpose of excluding Cicero. The votes of the people, however, in some measure deranged these calculations. Cicero and C. Antonius were returned,, the former nearly unanimously, the latter by a small majority over Catiline. This disappointment, while it increased if possible the bitterness of his animos- ity towards the dominant party among the aristocracy and the independent portion of the middle ranks, rendered him more vigorous in the prosecution o! his designs. Large sums of money were raised upon his own security, or on the credit of his friends ; magazines of arms and other warlike stores were secretly formed ; troops were levied in various parts of Italy, especially in the neighborhood of Fsesulae, under the superintendence of C. Manlius, an expe- rienced commander, one of the veteran centurions of Sulla (Dion Cass. xxxvii. 30), and numerous adherents were enrolled from the most desperate classes, including not a few women of ruined reputation ; attempts also were made in various quarters to gain over the slaves, and it was determined, when the critical moment should arrive for an open demonstration, to set fire to the city in many different places at the same instant, and to slaughter tho well-disposed portion of the population in the tumult. Meanwhile, in tho midst of these extensive preparations, Catiline again (G3) stood candidate for the consulship, and used every effort to get rid of Cicero, who met him at every turn and thwarted all his best-contrived machinations. Nor was this wonderful, for he was countermined from a quarter whence he apprehended no danger. One of the most high-born, abandoned, but, at the same time, weak and vacillating, among the conspirators, was a certain Q. Curius, who had been expelled from the senate by the censors on account of the infamy of his life. This man had long consorted with a noble mistress named Fulvia, who appears to have acquired complete control over his mind, and to have been made the depositary of all his secrets. Fulvia, alarmed by the intelli- gence obtained from her lover, divulged what she had learned to several of her acquaintances, and, through them, opened a correspondence with Cicero, to whom she regularly communicated all the particulars she could collect, and at length persuaded Curius himself to turn traitor and betray his comrades. Thus the consul was at once put in possession of every circumstance as soon as it occurred, and was enabled to keep vigilant watch over the conduct of every individual from whom danger was to be apprehended. By imparting tc a certain extent his fears and suspicions to the senators and moneyed men, he excited a general feeling of distrust and suspicion towards Catiline, and bound firmly together, by the tie of common interest, all who having property to lose looked forward with dread to confusion and anarchy ; Antonius, whose good faith was more than doubtful, he gained over by at once resigning to him the province of Macedonia, while he protected his own person by a numerous body of friends and dependents who surrounded him whenever he appeared in public. These preliminary measures being completed, he now ventured to speak more openly ; prevailed upon the senate to defer the consular elections in order that the state of public affairs might be fully investigated ; and at length, on the 21st of October, openly denounced Catiline, charged him broadly with treason, predicted that in six days from that time Manlius would take the field in open war, and that the 28th was the period fixed for the mur- der of the leading men in the commonwealth. Such was the consternation produced by these disclosures, that many of those who considered themselves Deculiarly obnoxious instantly fled from Rome, and the senate being now thoroughly roused, passed the decretum ultimum, in virtue of which the con- suls were invested for the time befcig with absolute power, both civil and military. Thus supported, Cicero took such precautions that the Comitia passed off without any outbreak or even attempt at violence, although an at' 142 NOTES. lack upon the magistrates had been meditated. Catiline was again rejected; was forthwith impeached of sedition, under the Plautian law, by L. jEmiliua Paullus ; was forced to abandon the expectation he had entertained of sur- prising the strong fortress cf PraBiieste, which would have formed an admira ble base for his warlike operations ; and found himself every hour more and more closely confined and pressed by the net in which he was entangled through the activity of Cicero. Driven to despair by this accumulation of disappointments and dangers, he resolved at once to bring matters to a crisis, and no longer to waste time by persevering in a course of policy in which ho had been so repeatedly foiled. Accordingly, while he still endeavored to keep up appearances by loud protestations of innocence, and by offering to place himself under the control and surveillance of M. Lepidus; of Q. Metellus, the pnetor ; or of M. Marcellus, in whose house he actually took up his abode ; or even of Cicero himself; on the night of the 6th of November he met the ring- leaders at the dwelling of M. Porcius Laeca, and after complaining of their backwardness and inactivity, informed them that he had dispatched Manlius to Etruria, Septimius of Camerinum, to Picenum, C. Julius to Apulia, and others of less note to different parts of Italy to raise open war, and to organize a geneial revolt of the slave population. He added that he was desirous to place himself at the head of his troops, but that it was absolutely necessary in the first place to remove Cicero, whose vigilance was most injurious to their cause. Upon this L. Vargunteius, a senator, and C. Cornelius, a knight, undertook to repair at an early hour the following morning to the house of the consul, to make their way into his chamber as if for the purpose of paying their respects, and then to stab him on the spot. The whole of these proceedings were instantly reported to their intended victim ; the assassins, when they presented them- selves, were refused admission, and certain intelligence having been now re- ceived that the rebellion had actually broken out, on the 27th of October, in Etruria, Cicero, on the 8th of November, went down to the senate, which, for greater security, had been summoned to meet in the temple of Jupiter Stator and there delivered his celebrated oration, "Quousque tandem abutere, Catilina, patientia nostra ?" which paraded the traitor, not so much by the vehemence of the invective, as by the intimate acquaintance which it dis- played with all his most hidden contrivances. Catiline, who upon his entrance had been avoided by all, and was sitting alone upon a bench from which every one had shrunk, rose to reply with downcast countenance, and in hum- ble accents implored the fathers not to listen to the malignant calumnies oi an upstart foreigner against the noblest blood in Rome ; but scarcely had he commenced when his words were drowned by the shouts of " enemy" and " parricide" which burst from the whole assembly, and he rushed forth with threats and curses on his lips On his return home, perceiving that there was now no hope of destroying his hated foe, and that the strict watch kept throughout the city rendered tumult and fire-raising difficult if not impossible for the present, he resolved to strike some decisive blow before troops could be levied to oppose him, and accordingly leaving the chief control of affairs at Rome in the hands of Lentulus and Cethegus, with the promise at the same time to march with all speed to their support at the head of a powerful army, set forth in the dead of night (8th-9th November) , and after remaining for u few days with his adherents in the neighborhood of Arretium, where he as- sumed the fasces and other ensigns of lawful military command, proceeded to the camp of Manlius, having previously addressed letters to the most dis- tinguished consulars and others, solemnly protesting his innocence, and de- claring that, unable to resist the caba^ formed among his enemies, he had determined to retire to Marseilles, that he might preserve his country from agitation and disturbance. INTRODUCTION. 143 On the Oth, when the flight of Catiline was known, Cicero delivered his sec- md speech, which was addressed to the people in the forum. The senate pro- ceeded to declare Catiline and Manlius public enemies, dispatched officers of high standing to Etruria, Picenum, Campania, Apulia, and the different dis- tricts from which danger was apprehended, directed the consuls to hold a levy with all speed, decreed that Antonius should go forth to the war, and that Cicero should remain to guard the city ; offering at the same time an amnesty to all who should quit the rebels, and free pardon and great rewards to any who should give such information as might lead to the discovery and conviction of the conspirators within the walls. It is a remarkable fact, and one which indicates most strongly the disaffection of the lower classes to the existing or der of things, that not one man could be found to take advantage of this pre* clamation, and that not a single soldier deserted from the rebel standard. This circumstance threatened to prove a source of most serious embarrassment. Although the existence of the conspiracy and the names of the leading con- spirators were known, not only to the magistrates but to the public at large, yet there was no legal evidence against any individual ; for Curius, while he faith- fully supplied secret intelligence, could not come forward openly without blast- ing himself forever, and at the same time depriving the government of ita most powerful auxiliary. But such steadfastness of purpose did not extend to certain foreigners belonging to a race proverbial in ancient times for the light- ness of their faith. There was at Rome at this period a party of Allobroges, deputies dispatched by their nation to seek relief from certain real or alleged grievances. Their suit, however, had not prospered, and their complaints of the cupidity of the magistrates and of the indifference of the senate were open and loud. Lentulus, conceiving that their discontent might be made available for his own purposes, opened a negotiation through the medium of P. Umbrenus, a freedman, who, in the course of mercantile transactions, had become acquaint- ed with most of the Gaulish chiefs, and who now assuming a tone of warm sym- pathy with their wrongs, undertook to point out an easy method by which they might obtain ample redress. Finding that these mysterious hints were greedily caught up, he gradually disclosed the nature of the plot, and invited them to co-operate by stimulating their countrymen to insurrection. The men for a long while hesitated, but prudence prevailed. After calculating and balancing the chances, they resolved to secure a certain and immediate recompense, rather than to speculate upon doubtful and distant advantages. Accordingly, they revealed all to Q. Fabius Sanga, the patron of their state, who in his turn acquainted Cicero, and by the instructions of the latter enjoined the ambassa- dors to affect great zeal in the undertaking, and if possible to gain possession of some tangible documentary proof The Gauls played well the part assigned to them. A written agreement, signed by Lentulus, Cethegus, and Statilius, was placed in their hands, and they quitted Rome soon after midnight on the 3d of December, accompanied by T. Volturcius, of Crotona, who was charged with dispatches for Catiline, it being arranged that the Allobroges were to visit his camp on their way homewards for the double purpose of receiving his orders and obtaining a ratification of the pledges given by his agents. The whole cavalcade was surrounded a nd seized as it was crossing the Milvian bridge, by two of the praetors who had been stationed in ambush to intercept them. The Gauls quietly surrendered ; Volturcius, after having vainly en- deavored to lesist, was overpowered and forced to yield. Cicero, when informed of the complete success of his plan, instantly sum- moned Lentulus, Cethegus, Statilius, and Gabinius to his presence. Lentulus being praetor, the consul led him by the hand to the fane of Concord, where the senate was already met ; the rest of the accused followed closely guarded. The pnetor Flaccus was also in attendance, bearing the portfolio with tho 144 NOTES. papers still sealed. Volturcius finding escape impossible, agreed, upon Ida own personal safety being insured, to make a full confession. His statements were confirmed by the Allobroges, and the chain of testimony was rendered complete and conclusive by the signatures in the handwriting of the ringlead- ers, which they were unable to deny. The guilt of Lentulus, Cethegus, and seven others being thus established beyond a doubt, Lentulus was forced to abdicate his office, and then along with the rest was consigned to the charge of certain individuals of high station who became responsible for their appear- ance. These circumstances as they had occurred having been fully detailed by Cicero in his third oration, delivered in the forum, a strong reaction took place among the populace, who all now .joined in execrating Catiline and de- manding vengeance, from the well-founded conviction,' that although they might have derived profit from riot or even from civil war, yet the general conflagration, which had always formed a leading feature in the schemes of the conspirators, must have brought ruin upon the humblest mechanics as well as upon the wealthiest of the aristocracy. On the other hand, a vigorous effort was made by the clients of Lentulus to excite the dregs of the multitude to attempt his rescue. The danger appearing imminent, the senate was called together on the nones (5th) of December, the day so frequently referred to by Cicero in after times with triumphant pride, and the question was put, What was their pleasure with regard to those who were now in custody? After an animated debate, of which the leading arguments are strongly and pointedly expressed in the two celebrated orations assigned by Sallust to Caesar and to Cato, a decree was passed, that the last punishment should be inflicted according to ancient usage upon the convicted traitors. Thereupon the consul led away Lentulus to the subterranean prison on the slope of the capitol, and the others were conducted thither by the praetors. On the self-same night, the high-born patrician Lentulus, a member of the noble Cornelia gens, was strangled in that loathsome dungeon by the common executioner, and the rest of his associates shared his fate. While these things were going on at Rome, Catiline had gradually collected a force amounting to two legions, although not above one-fourth part of the whole, or about 5,000 men, were fully equipped, the rest being armed with pikes, clubs, and other rude weapons which chance presented. On the ap- proach of Antonius, Catiline, fearing to encounter regular troops with this motley crowd, threw himself into the mountains, and, by constantly shifting his ground and moving rapidly in different directions, contrived to avoid a collision, while at the same time he exercised and disciplined his followers, whose numbers daily increased, although he now refused to enrol slaves, mul- titudes of whom flocked to his banner, deeming that it might prove injurious to his prospects were he to identify their interests with what he termed the cause of Roman freedom. But when the news arrived of the disclosures that had taken place in the city, of the complete suppression of the plot, and of the execution of the leading conspirators, many who had joined his standard, from the love of excitement and the hope of plunder, gradually slunk away. Those who remained firm he led into the territory of Pistoria, with the design of crossing the Apennines and taking refuge iu Gaul. But this movement wao anticipated by the vigilance of Metellus Celer, who guarded Picenum with three legions, and had marched straight to the .oot of the hills that he might intercept the insurgents on their descent. Catiline, therefore, at the beginning of the year G2, finding that escape was cutoffin front, while Antonius was pressing on his rear, turned fiercely on his pursuers and determined as a last resource to hazard an engagement, trusting that, if successful, all Etruria would be thrown open for the maintenance of INTRODUCTION. 14& his soldiers, and that he would be able to keep hi3 ground in the disaffected districts until some diversion in his favor should be made in the metropolis The battle, in which the legions of the republic were commanded by M. Pe- treius, in consequence of the real or pretended illness of the proconsul Anto- nius, was obstinate and bloody. The rebels fought with the fury of despair, and long kept at bay the veterans by whom they were assailed. Catiline, in this his last field, nobly discharged the duties of a skilful general and a gal- lant soldier ; his eye and his hand were everywhere ; he brought up columns to support those who were most hotly pressed ; withdrew the wounded and tho weary, and supplied their place with the sound and fresh ; flew from rank to rank encouraging the combatants, and strove by repeated feats of daring Valor to turn the fortune of the day. But, at length, perceiving that all was lost, he charged headlong where the foes were thickest, and fell sword in hand fighting with resolute courage, worthy of a better cause and a better man. His body was found, after the struggle was over, far in advance of his own ranks in the midst of a heap of his enemies ; he was yet breathing, and his features in the agonies of death still wore their habitual expression of reckless daring. His adherents, to the number of 3000, imitated the example of their leader. Each perished at his post, and not*one freeborn citizen was taken alive either in the fight or in the pursuit. The victory cost the consular army dear, for all the bravest were slain or grievously wounded. Although we possess only a one-sided history of this famous conspiracy ; al- though much that has been recorded seems so marvellous and incredible, that many have regarded the whole narrative as little bet ter than a fabric of mis- representation and falsehood, built up by violent political animosity, and rest- ing on a very slender basis of truth ; although it cannot be denied that some of the particulars, set down by Dion Cassius (xxxvi. 30) and alluded to br- others (e. g. Sail. Cat. 32), of the revolting rites by which the compact be- tween the associates was ratified, are evidently vulgar exaggerations ; although little reliance can be placed on the self-panegyrics of Cicero, who would stu- diously seek to magnify the danger in order to enhance the merits of his own exertions ; yet, upon a careful and dispassionate investigation, we shall dis- cover no reasonable ground for entertaining any doubts with regard to tho general accuracy of the facts as presented to us by Sallust, whose account is throughout clear and consistent, and is corroborated in all the most important details by the information transmitted from other sources. Nor, upon a close examination into the circumstances of the individuals concerned, of the times, and of the state of public feeling and public morals, shall we have much diffi- culty in forming a distinct idea of the character of Catiline himself, of the motives by which he was stimulated, and of the calculations by which he was encouraged to anticipate success. Trained in the wars of Sulla, he was made familiar from his earliest youth with civil strife, acquired an indifference to human suffering, and imbibed an utter contempt for the constitutional forms and government of his country, which had been so freely neglected or violated by his patron. The wealth quickly acquired was recklessly squandered in the indulgence of coarse sen- tuality ; and, although his shattered fortunes may have been to a certain ex tent repaired by a wealthy marriage, and by the plunder of a province, yet the telief was but temporary ; his pleasures were too costly ; a considerable portiou of his ill-gotten gains would be expended in bribing the different juries who pronounced his innocence, and his necessities soon became pressing. Tha remorse too produced by his frightful vices and crimes— remorse which was betrayed by the haggard cheek, the bloodshot eye, the wild glance, and the unsteady step, so graphically depicted by the historian— must have given rise to a frame of mind which would eagerly desire tc escape from reflection and 1o O 14U N0TE3. seek reliof in fierce excitement. On the other hand, the consciousness of thus* great mental and physical powers, from which even his most bitter enemies could not withhold a tribute of admiration, combined with the extensive pop- ularity which he had acquired among the young by his agreeable address, varied accomplishments, and unwearied zeal in ministering to their pleasures, must have tended to augment his natural self-confidence, to foster his pride. and to stimulate his ambition. How soon the idea of destroying the liberties of his country may have entered his thoughts it is impossible to discover, but we can readily believe that the career of Sulla was ever present to his imagination, that his arand aim was to become what the dictator had been, and that, pro- vided this end was accomplished, he felt little scrupulous about the means employed. And, in truth, when he looked abroad, the moment seemed most propitious for the advancement of a man of daring and powerful intellect un- controlled by principle. The leading statesmen were divided into factions which eyed each other with the bitter jealousy engendered during the convul- sions in which they had played an active part some twenty years before. The younger nobility, as a class, were thoroughly demoralized, for the most part bankrupts in fortune as well as in fame, eager for any change which might relieve them from their embarrassments, while it held out the promise of un- restrained license. The rabble were restless and discontented, filled with envy and hatred against the rich and powerful, ever ready to follow at the bidding of any seditious demagogue. Thus, at home, the dominant party in the senate, and the equites or capitalists alone felt a deep interest in the stability of the government. Moreover, a wide-spread feeling of disaffection extended over the whole of Italy. Many of the veterans of Sulla, accustomed to riotous living and profuse expenditure, had already squandered their hoards, and .ooked forward with anxiety to the renewal of those scenes of blood which they had found by experience so profitable ; while the multitude whose estates had been confiscated, whose relations had been proscribed, and who them- selves were suffering under civil disabilities in consequence of their connection with those who had thus perished , were eagerly watching for any movement which might give them a chance of becoming oppressors, robbers, and mur- derers in their turn. Never was the executive weaker. The senate and magistrates were wasting their energies in petty disputes, indifferent to the great interests of the com- monwealth; Pompey, at the head of all the best troops of the republic, was prosecuting a long-protracted and doubtful war in the East ; there was no army in Italy, where all was hushed in a treacherous calm. If then, Catiline, surrounded as he was by a large body of retainers all devotedly attached to his person and detached from society at large by the crimes which he had sug- gested or promoted, had succeeded in striking his first great blow, had he as- sassinated the consuls and the most able of the senators, the chances were, that the waverers among the higher ranks would have at once espoused his cause, that the populace would have been intimidated or gained over, and that thousands of ruined and desperate men would have rushed from all quar- ters to his support, enabling him to bid defiance to any force which could have been brought to bear upon the city until the return of Pompey from the East. But Pompey might never return, or might not return victorious, or, at all events, a long period must elapse, and ample time would be given for negotia- tions or resistance. Such were the probabilities which led on Catiline to haz- ard all upon one great tlirow ;— but the fortune of Rome prevailed, the gamblei was ruined, and the state saved. (Sail. Catilin. ; Dion. Cass, xxxvi. 27, xxxvii. 10, 29-42; Liv. Epit. 101, 102; Cic. in Catilin. i. ii. iii. iv., pro Sulla, pro irhrena, 25, 26, in Pison. 2, pro Flacc. 40, pro Plane. 37, ad Ait. i. 19, ii. 1, Sir. 21, zvi. 14, ad Fain. i. 9 ; Sueton. Jul. 14 ; Plut. Cic. 10-22. Cat. Min. 23.) FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. ANALYSIS. This oration is distributed into three parts :• - 1. In the introduction the orator expresses his astonishment at the bold ap- pearance of Catiline in the senate, and reminds him with what severity ho ought long before to have been treated, as similar cases were dealt with in earlier periods of the state. He at the same time gives the reasons, for which he has not already put Catiline to death. (Chaps. 1, 2.) 2. The main proposition is a summons to Catiline to leave the city, to go either into exile or into the camp of Mallius (ch. 3) ; for— (a) His shameful conspiracy is known to all, his private life stained by crimes of every kind, and his public life has to such a degree excited the abhorrence of the senate, the citizens, and the whole country, that it by an emphatic silence, as it were, demands the removal of Catiline, although the consul by allowing him to go unpunished will bring upon himself the greatest- odium. (Chaps. 3-9, § 23.) (6) It must be agreeable to Catiline himself to leave Rome and withdraw to the camp of Mallius, whither he has already sent forward his troops, finding as he does, consistently with his character, his greatest delight in making war upon his country, and in the society of similar disturbers of the publk- peace. (Ch. 9, § 24, to ch. 10.) And, (c) Such a withdrawal of Catiline will be more advantageous to the state . than would be his execution, as in the former case his fellow-conspirators will follow him. and thus the seeds of disorder be extirpated. This last consideration the orator adds especially as a justification of his course of proceeding. (Chaps. 11-13, $ 32.) 3. In conclusion, Cicero promises to the senate the co-operation of all orders in suppressing the remnants of the conspiracy, after the removal of Catiline and his associates ; and, again bidding Catiline with his adherents to leave Rome, he supplicates Jupiter Stator to protect and save the Roman state. (Ch. 13, § 32-end.) Page Ch. I.— 1 . Q,uousque tandem. The abruptness of the language Q and the interrogative form here strongly express the indignation of the orator at seeing Catiline, contrary to all expectation, present in the sen- ate, as though innocent of all treasonable designs against his country. Comp. Sail. B. C. 31. — Tar.dem expresses impatience and adds forco to tho interrogation. It may often be rendered " pray," " I pray " So Sail. Cat. 20 : Quce quousque tandem patiemini ? See Harkness, 582. — Abutere = misapply, i. e. by making use of it to confirm, not eorrect your audacity. Of the form in re for ris, see H. 210, 236. 2. Nostra. Not of Cicero or the consuls only but of the senate also. — Etiam (ct jam). Sometimes the notion of time prevails, and t =s " still," as hero, " How long — still ?" — Furor. Benecko notices 148 NOTES. q the energy imparted by the personification of furor and audaeia. Fur ere is often used of instigators of sedition. Quid est aliud furere, nisi nun cognoscere homines, non cognoscere leges, non senatum, non civitatem ? Cic. in Pison. 20, 47. — Eludet. Properly a gladiatorial term of avoiding a thrust by the rapid motion of the body ; hence fig- uratively to deceive, baffle, and here with the notion of derision and contempt, derived from the bearing of the victor, to mock, insult over. — Nos is bracketed by Orelli as doubtful, defended by Klotz, omitted by Madvig. See pro Milone, 12, 32. 3 . Q,uem ad fiuem. This phrase should not be used to signify purpose or aim, but as equivalent to quousque or quamdiu. So Verr. 5, 29, 75: piraiam vivum tenuisii. Quern ad finem? Dum cum imperio fuisti. Of the three interrogates here used, quousque puts the more general question, with reference to time and degree ; quam- diu and quern ad finem, the more special, the former in regard to time only, the latter in regard to degree only. Schultz. — Jactabit = inso- lenter se efferet. The notion is derived from the proud gesture of one who tosses his head contemptuously, walks with a conceited swing, &c. Muretus can's attention to the frequency of the letter a in this passage, as giving fuller tone and stateliness to the discourse, and con- trasts it with cupio P. C. me esse clementem, ch. 2, 4. — Nihiln* For the'figure repelitio here used, see Arnold, P. C. 263 ; H. 704, II, 3, and for nihil instead of non, see Z. 677. 4. Palatii. The Palatine hill, which overhung the Forum on the south. At an earlier date it was the residence of the kings, and, be- fore the time of Augustus, of distinguished Romans. Cicero, Antony, Scaurus, and Catiline himself had houses on it. Augustus built upon it a splendid mansion, and succeeding emperors made it their resi- dence, so that palatium came to signify any royal residence, and hence the English word palace. In dangerous times a guard was set upon it, as upon its possession depended the possession of the city Comp. Sail. Cat. 49 : Nonnulli equites Romani — prcBsidii causa cum telis erant circum adem Concordia. — Vigilia. See Sail. Cat. 30 : itemque decrevere, uti — Roma per totam urbem vigilia habcrentur, Usque minores magistratus praessent. Under the republic, on special occasions, the triumviri capitales, a>diles or tribuni plebis, who are meant by " minores magistratus" in the passage of Sallust, were charged with providing a watch for the city. Cf. Liv. 39, 14. The triumviri nocturni appointed a watch to guard against fires. Au- gustus concentrated these offices in one head of police, the prafectun urbi and a special prafectus vigilum. 5. Timor populi. Compare Sallust's description of this alarm, Cat. 31 : repenle omnis tristitia invasit .... suo quisque metu pen- cula metiri, &e. ; and pro Murena, ch. 26. — Bonorum omnium, lioni, as often, used of the patriotic, conservative, order and quiel FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 149 .oving portion of the community. Sco Diet, of Greek and Roman q Antiquities, Optimates. 6. jLocus. The temple of Jupiter Stator at the foot of the Pala- tine. See infr. ch. 5, 11, and 2, 6, 12. The regular meetings of the .•senate were held on the calends, nones, and ides of each month, and commonly in the Curia Hostilia. Extraordinary meetings (senatus indictus) might be called on other days, and were often held in temples, or some other place inaugurated by the augurs for tho purpose. — Mu- nitissimus. From its position as well as from the special guard set there on this occasion. — Horum ora vultusque. All the senators rose up and left the bench on which Catiline seated himself. Comp. below, ch. 7, 16, 17, and 2, 6, 12. The words ora and vultus are often found in connection. They both denote the countenance as making known the state of tho mind — os more the natural and habitual state, as indicated by the expression of tho mouth and lower part of the face : vultus rather the temporary and changing state, as expressed by the motion of the eye and brow. T. Non sentis. Orelli (ad Verr. 4, 9, 19) states very clearly and neatly the difference between non and nonne in direct questions: " ubi dico von — est ? certus sentential meas adversarii responsum non euro ; ubi interrogo nonne — est ? opto atque exspecto eum, quem interrogo, mihi assensurum. In illo igitur major vis inest." Hand (Turs. iv. p. 309) says, " Is qui per non quoerit, supponit negationem in alterius, quocum loquitur, sententia, quam alter respondendo, aut pronuntiat, aut rejicit affirmans contrarium. — Utuntur hac dictione indignabundi, aut irascentes, aut admirantes." 8. Constrictam teneri. See H. 542. The metaphor is taken from chaining a wild beast, to which he compares the conspi- racy. Cf. Phil 7, 8, 27 ; Sest. 7, 16. 9. Q,uid proxima, quid superiore. The " nox superior" here mentioned is the same as that called "prior," § 8 ; viz. the night which followed the day after the nones of November, — the night be- tween Nov. 6 and 7. The conspirators were then assembled in the house of M. Porcius Lseca ; ch. 4, § 8 ; pro Sulla, 18, 52. The "nox proxima" is of course the night between Nov. 7 and 8. In what way Catiline was engaged on this night we are not informed. — Comp. Arch 5, 11, proximis censoribus — superioribus — primis. 10. Q,uos convocaveris. See Sail. Cat. 17. Muretus has collected from ancient authorities the names of forty persons connected with the conspiracy. — Quid consilii. See ch. 4, 9 ; Sail. Cat. 27, 28 ; and pro Sulla, 18, 52. 11. Arbitraris. See H. 206, 236. 13. Vivit? Immo vero. If a word only is to bo corrected, it m done by putting that word into the form of a question with or with- out dicam, and answering it by immo. So ad Att 12, 43 : Ferendua 150 NOTES. Pag-e q 3 tibi in hoc ?ncus error; ferendus? immo vero etiam adjuvandua Seo also Harkness, 584. — In senalum. Catiline had been praetor, and therefore possessed the right to a seat in the senate. His motive in appearing there at this time is given in Sail. Cat. 31. 14. Notat et designate As those who are about to offer a sac- rifice mark the victims out of the flock, p. Leg. Man. 3, 7- cives Romanos necandos trucidandosque denotavit. 15. Viri fortes. Ironical. 16. Videmur. Sc. nobis. See H. 547. — Istius. This is Jia regular pronoun by which the advocate speaks (in the 3d person) of the person against whom he is pleading = " the person who stands there before you (the judges)," or "whom you (the counsel for the op- posite party) defend." The notion o c depreciation does not by any means belong to the wora ; r. can at most be implied, from the fre- quency of its use, to denote another person whom the speaker is at- taching, and some one else defending. See P. C. 377 and 382 ; H. 450, 4. IT. Ad mortem .... oportebat. This is his r reposition, which he enforces by the example of others. — Jampridem. See below, 2, 4 : viccsimum jam diem. — Jussu consulis. The consuls were invested, for the time being, with absolute power. See ch. 2, 4 ; and Sail Cat. 29. Otherwise they had not the power of life and death over a Roman citizen. 1 8. Oportebat. See H. 475, 4. 1 9. Jamdiu machinaris. The present tense in Latin is often used as a present, including past time ; especially with jamdiu and jamdudum = have been — ing. P. C. 413. — Machinari = prixavaadai. So machinator, 3, 3, 6. — Machinari and moliri are both used of great undertakings. The former expresses more the secret and artful means, the latter the strong effort. Here machinaris is used because the con- spiracy is looked uoon as secretly and cunningly prosecuted by artful means; in 2, 1, 1, moliri is used, as the conspiracy was already dis- covered, and the powerful efforts of Catiline were known. Schultz.— An vero. A formula of the argument a minore ad majus, thus stated : whereas P. Scipio, a private individual, slew Tib. Gracchus, much more ought the consuls to have slain Catiline. Here when the sen- tence is of the form, " Can A do this — (but) B not do it?" consisting of two questions, the first is often introduced by an or (stronger) an zero. See H. 526 ; and Krebs' Guide, 332, (8). On the interroga- tive an, see P. C. 120. 20. P. Scipio. P. Cornelius Scipio Naslca Serapio, consul with D. Junius Brutus, a. u. c. 616. — Ti. Gracchum. Ti. Gracchus, descended from a father who had been twice consul, and Cornelia, daughter of the elder Africanus, when tribune of the commons, promised the rights of citizenship to the whole of Ital" r At the same time^ Tioreover, having FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 151 Pa«» promulgated the Agrarian laws, ho deprived his colleague Octavius of n his office, and constituted himself, his father-in-law Appius, and hia brother Caius, a triumvirate for the division of lands and the plantation of colonies. Upon this, P. Scipio Nasica, his cousin-german, from the upper part of the Capitol, summoned all who had at heart the welfare of their country to follow him, and rushed upon the crowd of Grac- chus' adherents. Gracchus, as he fled, was struck down by the frag- ment of a bench, and expired at the very gates of the temple of Fides, A. u. c. 621. Here and below, 2, § 4, Cicero speaks mildly of the of- fence of the Gracchi, to contrast the conduct for which they suffered with the fearful crime that Catiline moditated. Another passage, in which he speaks of the Gracchi with great moderation (but possibly, says Klotz, to please the people), is in the second book De Lege Agrar. 5, 10 : " Venit enim mihi in mcntem duos clarissimos, ingeniosissi- vws, amantissimos plebi Romance viros, Ti. et C. Gracchos, plebem in agris publicis constituisse, qui agri a privatis antea possidebantur. Non sum autem ego is Consul, qui, ut plcrique, nefas esse arbitre* Gracchos laudare ; quorum consiliis, sapientia, legibus multas esse video rei publicce partes constitutas." Quintilian points out the an- tithetical character of this passage : " Hie et Caiilina Graccho, et status rei publicce orbi t err arum, et mediocris labefactatio cccdi et incendiis et vastationi, et privatus consulibus comparatur." viii. 4, 14. — Pontifex maximus. Cicero appears to have added these words simply to remind his hearers that Scipio was a distinguished and pru- dent man, who had had that high office. It agrees also very well with the subsequent privatus, since the priesthood was not strictly a magistracy, and accordingly the pontifex, unless ho at the same time held some magistracy besides, was only a privato man. Consult Schmitz, Hist. Rome, pp. 330-333. 24. Spurium Maelium, a Roman knight, who, when the Roman people were suffering from famine, a. u. c. 314, distributed corn to them at his own expense. Having thus gained over the commons, ho aimed at regal power, and was slain by Servilius Ahala, at the command of Q. Cincinnatus the dictator, a. u. c. 315. Cf. Liv. 4, 13. See Schmitz, Hist. Rome, p. 126. — Novis rebus studentem, aiming to overturn the government, vodre^oira. 25. Fu.it, fuit. Gemiuatio. Arnold, Prose Composition, p. 265. It gives emphasis. So below, nos, nos. 27* Coercerent. This is the vocabulum proprium to express the executive duty of a magistrate. Cf. de Legg. 3, 3, 6 ; de Off". 3,5,23. 1. Non deest rei publicae consilium. Rei publico is usually in construed as the dative with deest. Benecke, however, regards it as the genitive limiting consilium, and referring the whole sentence to the historical events cited, he gives the following as the sense: " There 15'2 NOTES. Page in is no lack of decisions of the state, i. e. our slate has already, often by individual patriots punished dangerous citizens ; also the authority of tho senate is not wanting ; nothing stands in the way of thy punish- ment, except that wo the consuls make no use of the early precedents, and do not apply tho powers conferred on us by the senate." Or ii this explanation appears too forced (B. continues), consilium may be taken as = qui rei publicae consulunt. Cf. de Legg. 2, 12, 30. Ch. II. — 3. Ii. Opimius, &c. When C. Gracchus and M. Fulviua Flaccus, a man of consular rank, and who had been honored with a triumph, were summoned to appear before the senate, they disobeyed, and occupied the Aventine, posting themselves at the temple of Diana. Twice they sent tho younger son of Fulvius to make terms ; but the second timo Opimius caused him to be seized, and advanced to the attack. The insurgents fled : Fulvius, with his eldest son, was slain ; Gracchus prevailed on his slave to dispatch him. The younger son of Fulvius, who had been seized, was allowed to choose the manner of his own death. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 338. 4. Xe quid res publica det. caperet. This was tho usual for- mula by which the senate conferred upon the consuls unlimited power in dangerous times. Sail. Cat. 29 ; Liv. 3, 4. 5. Intercessit, viz. between the conferring of this power and tho death of Gracchus : on the same day therefore. Medius also with a noun and esse is sometimes used like inter cedere, and the following clause connected by et, especially in the poets. Propert. 3, 14, 1 ; Ovid, Fast. 3, 809. 6. Patre. Ti. Sempronius Gracchus, who had been twice consul 'a. u. c. 577 and 591) and censor, and had triumphed for a victory over the Celtiberians. — Avo. P. Scipio Africanus Major. 7. Simili senatus consulto. See p. C. Rahir. 7, 20. 9. Saturuinum. See Schmitz, Hist Rome, p. 349. 10. Plebi. See H. 398, 5. 11. Rcmorata est. As both things and persons are said differn, Cicero here, instead of saying that their death was put off, speaks cf death (whom he here persc-nifies), putting off, reprieving, as it were, Saturninus to a more distant day. — Mors ac rei p. poena = mortis poena a re p. injlicta. H. 704, II, 2. — Vicesimum. Asconius observes that it was only tho eighteenth day ; but Alliens shows that Cicero is correct, according to tho Roman way of reckoning in the two broken days. 1 2. Hebescere aciem .... auctoritatis. Metaphorically, from l\e comparison of the decree to a sword. 14. Ex senatus consulto. See H. 434, 1. 15. Convenit = consentaneum fu.it, oportuit, par fuit. Cf. cap 2>4. 16. Vivis : et vivis. See H. 704. — Ad deponendam . . . . au* FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 158 daciam. Is the accusative of tho gerund followed by its object-accu- 1 Q eativo a common construction in Latin? See H. 565, 2. IT, Cupio me esse clementem ; cupio in tantis rei publicae periculis me non dissolutum videri. The two wishes are opposed: " / wish to be lenient" and (on the other hand, or, at the same time) " / am anxious not to be justly thought guilty of any want of proper firmness ;" or, as Manutius gives the meaning, " ita me cupio esse clementem ut dissolutus ne sim;" or " cupio quidem me esse clementem, sed idem tamen cupio me non dissolutum videri" Weiske ; who compares Lucceii Ep. ad Fam. 5, 14, extr. Cupio non obtundere te cupio deterrere. The introduction of the ace pronoun (cupio me esse clementem, for esse clemens) gives more prominence to the circumstance wished, by disconnecting it from the cupio. Cf. sapientem civem me et esse et numerari volo (Fam. 1, 9, 18). After what verb of wishing is C. fond of inserting the pronoun ? P. C. 149, note r. Compare Z. G10. 19. Me ipsum. Others read me ipse. On the difFerance, see Arnold, P. C. § 368 ; Krebs, Guide, § 127 ; Harkness, Gr. 452.— Inertia nequiticeque. Compare ch. 11, § 29. 21. In Etrurise faucibus. At Fcesulae. Sail. 28. Mallius in Etruria plebem sollicitare .... praterea latrones cujusque generis .... nonnullos ex Sullanis colonis. — Crescit in dies. On in dies and quotidie, line 24, see P. C. 69, t. With words containing what idea is in dies found? See Z. § 315, 2d paragraph, in fin. 23i Atque adeo = nay more, nay even. Z. 737. 25. Credo, &c. For the construction of verbs and expressions which denote fear, see Arnold, P. C. § 95 ; and Harkness, 492, 4. Here the irony conveyed by credo (Z. 777) makes the sentence equiv- alent to non crit verendum mihi, &c. ; and the sense is : "I am con- vinced that all patriots will regard your death as occurring too late, rather than as too severe and cruel." Benecke cites a very similar passage from Cic. de lege agra. 1,8, 24. 2T. Ctuisquam. Explain its use here. P C. 390, v. H. 457. — Dicat agrees with the nearest subject. 28. Certa de causa. See H. 414, 2. This reason is explained in what follows, and more fully, ch. 12, and 2, 2, 3. 29. Interficiam te ; i. e. I will order you to be put to death Z. 713. [So the Lex Clodia condemned Cicero, " quod cives Roma- nos indicia causa necasset."] 30. Tarn tui similis. What is the difference between mei and mihi similis? P. C. 212, w. H. 391, 2, 4). 32. Ciuamdiu quisquam erit, qui. Explain the use of quia- quam here. P. C. 391, w; Hark. 457. Cf. Verr. 4, 39, 85: pcenam capitis constitutam, si injussu senatus quisquam attigisset. 33. Sed vives. Sed is a conjecture of Weiske and Madvig. Klotz 154 NOTES. Paga in and Siipflo defend the common reading ct = "and indeed" "ana moreover." — Below Madvig and Klotz read opprcssus for obsessus. Cn. III. — 39. Voces conjurationis = voces conjuratorum. Cf pro Mil. 94: Italia voces. — For ccetus, Steinmetz and Klotz read cceptus. 40. Illustrantur, &c. Observe illustrari opp. to obscurarc ,' and crumpere, to domus .... continet. 41. Mentcm = plan, purpose of remaining in the city to murder, toe—Mild crede. P. C. p. 259, § 111 ; 43. Recognoscas. Cf. Tusc. 1, 24, 57: reminiscendo—rcco- gnoscere. 44. Meministine = Nonne meministi ? See H. 346, II. — Ante diem. What other form of stating the day of the month was used? Which form is most common in Cicero and Livy ? How is tho pecu- liarity of this form to be explained? P. C. 530 ; H. 708. On the day named, the 21st October, Cicero had informed the senate of the con- spiracy, and received full powers to protect the state. — Dicere. P. C. 426 ; Z. 589. — Here, and page 11, line 2, Steinmetz and Klotz, on the authority of Priscian and some MSS., read Kalendarum Novembrium. Orelli remarks, " Apud Cic. me non memini genitivum lege re ; et nostri contra stant." |1 1. Certo die, qui dies. H. 704. Peter, ad Brut. Excursus, 4, explains this repetition, of the substantive after the relative, by the figure anaphora, or on the ground of perspicuity. Ellendt, de Orat 1 38, 174, derives it from legal usage. 4. Id quod. P. C. 36 ; H. 445, etc. 5. Ego idem. H. 451, 3. ii. Optimatium. H. 89, II, 5. — In ante diem. How is ants diem here to be considered? P. C. 530 ; H. 708. 8. Sui conservandi. Conservandorum would not here be correct. The explanation of the apparent violation of the rule of agreement in regard to this construction is given in H. 563, 4. 9. Profugerunt. It has been already remarked, that even men of high standing in tho state, such as M. Crassus, C. Caesar, and oth- ers, took an interest, if not a part in the conspiracy of Catiline. Of these we may suppose that one and another, perceiving that Catiline proceeded with too little caution in his enterprise, withdrew from the city, not because danger threatened them, though this may have been their pretext for leaving, but because they wished to remove from themselves (revrimere) , or, in the language of diplomacy, to disavow the plans of Catiline, in which they had previously perhaps been en- gaged. Klotz. Those " principes civitatis" considerately withdrew themselves from the city; not through personal fear, but lest they should be slain along with the consul, and, of course, nobody left to opposo Catiline ' M'Kay. — For tho position of causa, see H. 563, 1,4, FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 155 1JJ. Discessu ceterorum = quum ccteri discessissent. Ellendt i] (ad Brut. 79, 273), on ncscio quomodo discessu meo disccssit a scse, says, " Hoc est aliud genus ablativorum absolutis satis similmm, cau- sam iadicantium, quas tempore prior fuer it." Cf. dc Amic. 3, 10 : amicorum decessu; where Seyffert agrees with Ellendt, and disap- proves of the classification of such ablatives under tbe ablative of time H. 426, 1. — Nostra. . . qui. Qui refers to the personal pronoun im- plied in nostra. 13. Praeneste, a town of Latium (now Palesirina) ; being twi< raundred stadia from Rome, and very strongly fortified, was well suitod tor insurrectional purposes, as was Capua on the other side, which Catiline also attempted to secure by C. Marcellus. 14:. Novembribus. What part of speech are the names of the months? H. 151, 1, 2. 15. Sensistine = nonnc sensisti? H. 346, II. 17. Nihil agis .... quod ego non modo audiam, sed etiam videam. The meaning required is plainly, " you do nothing which J do not not only hear, but also see ;" but it does not seem possible that this meaning can bo expressed by these words, since the videam has no negative with it : so that the supposition of a non modo for non modo non can only explain the audiam. Madvig would read nihil agis quin ego non modo audiam, sed etiam videam (Opusc. I. p. 143). Hand approves of the usual reading (against Orelli and Klotz), nihil agis, quod ego non modo non audiam, sed etiam, non videam; i. e. "nihil quod non dico me non audire, sed quod ego non videam." Orelli observes that Madvig's conjecture removes all the difficulty ; and that, in the same way, in pro C&cin. § 39, the negative precedes and affects both of two closely united notions : ne non modo intrare, vcrum etiam adspicere .... possim. Klotz (who is followed by Supfle), ad Tusc. 2, 5, 14, disapproves of Madvig's correction, and retains the reading of the MSS. as given in our text, which he renders, " You think nothing which I do not hear only, but also see and clearly perceive." Ch. IV. — 19. Recognosce tandem. Cicoro having mentioned all Catiline's attempts agiinst the state, concludes by speaking of the meeting of the conspirators in the house of M. LaBca. Madvig, in his Opusc. alt. p. 162, says of Cicero's usage: "is enim semper in eventu imperatcB actionis significando imperativo futurum sine conjunctione subjicit ; inferioris oetatis scriptores et interponunt." e. g. Recognosce ct intelligcs. Seneca, Ep. 4. § 6. Recordare .... intelliges. Cic. p. Sull. 2,5. 2 1 • Dico. Notice the skill which is displayed in this passage Cicero first states the fact clearly and briefly. He notices the effect on Catiline, and calls upon him to answer. Catiline is silent. The orator then claims his silence as confirmation of his statement, and proceeds with a more full and emphatic exposition. Dico commences 150 NOTES. Pa ff o 11 the sentence with emphasis as the antithesis of " num negate audes V — Priore node. See note on p. 9, line 9. 22. Inter falcarios. Into the street, or quarter, inhabited by the scythe-makers. So inter lignarios, Liv. 35, 42. — In .... doinum Js the preposition necessary? See H. 3*79, 3; 435. 2T. Ubinam gentium. See H. 396, III, 2, 4). 30. Gravissimo consilio. Consilium, a deliberative assembly, is often used of the senate. Cf. 3, 3, 7 : consilium publicum. In this passage, the rhetorical exaggeration is well adapted to excito theii pride, and at the same time kindle their displeasuie. — De nostro omni- um. See H. 396, I, 446 ; Krebs, 105. With omnium the genitives nostrum, vcstrum are more common, and always used when omnium precedes. Cf. cap. 7, 17: omnium nostrum parens ; and 4, 2, 4: ad vestram omnium ccedem. 32. Sententiam rogo. Supply kos from the preceding. Sen- tcntiam rogare was said of the presiding magistrate, who, to ascertain the will of the senate, for the purpose of a senatus consultum, asked the opinion of the senators individually. Thus some of the conspira- tors who are present, would be called upon for their opinion. 33. Trucidari oportebat. See H. 475,4. — Nondum voce vulnero By not mentioning publicly their names, and charging them with their guilt. 34:. Fuisti igitur. Having been interrupted by the outbreak of his indignation, he now returns to the plans of the conspirators, as settled at the house of Lasca. — Apud Lacam = in domo Lcecce. 35. Partes Italiae. See Sail. Cat. 27, 32, and 43. 38. Etiam nunc, in oblique narration, is used to denote the speak- er's " now," not the narrator's. Catiline's words would be " paullulum mihi etiam nunc moras est," &c. 39. Mora?. SeeH. 396, III. — Duo equites Romani. Caius Corne- lius and Lucius Vargunteius. Sail. Cat. 28. Plutarch and Appian give other names. Sallust calls Vargunteius a senator. Orelli thinks Cicero did not regard him worthy of the title. 4:1. Iuterfecturos esse. P. C. § 15. 42. Vixdum. See H. 58S, I, 2. 43. Comperi. By means of Curius and Fulvia. Sail. 10, c. 28. 44. Exclusi. Cf. p. 10, 1. 29.—Salutalum. See Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiq. Sfortula, for some account of this usage in the earlier days of Rome, and to what it degenerated under the emperors. 12 1. Multis ac summis. H. 587; Krebs, Guide,' 81. — Id temporis P. C. 1G0 (/J) : H. 396, III, 2. Ch. V. — 4. Q,uae quum ita sint. The plural is used in reference to the many grounds which he has already stated, and from which he now draws his conclusion that Catiline should at once leave the city. Muretus reduces the argument of Cicero to the following syllc FIRST ORATION AGAINST C ATI LIKE. 15*3 lo- gistic form" Si omnia tua consilia nota sunt, exirc deles. Sunfii) autcm nota. Ergo : exire debes. The relations of the several sen- tences of this chapter, with reference to the figure asyndeton, are carefully oxamined in Niigelsbach's hat. Stilisiik, p. 404 Seo also H. 704, I, 1. 5. Patent. Compare 2, 12, 27. 7. Educ. Cf. cap. 9, 23.— Si minus. H. 503, 501,—Quamplu- 7 imos. P. C. 410 ; H. 170, 2. 9. Dummodo murus intersit. Cf. Plut. vit. Cic. 16 • . avaJTas b Kucipuv ■Kpoaira^ev avrio ttjs t:6\z. Jubet consul liostem. The expression is much stronger than if he had said, jubet Cicero Catilinam. The order of the words also may be noticed, by which the subject and object are brought to- gether at the close of the sentence in marked contrast. 37. Non jubeo. This Cicero could not do; for exile was not properly a punishment for a crime committed; but those who foresaw that they would be condemned in a judicium publicum, before their sentence, went into exile to escape it. In crimes of magnitude this voluntary exile was confirmed by the intcrdictio aqua et ignis, and thus became a real punishment. Cf. pro Ccbc 34, 100. Cir. VI. — 38. Q,uid est enim. Cicero now, as though a friendly adviser, gives the reasons for his advice. In Rome Catiline cannot be FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 159 Pa(t happy, for all hate him, his reputation is lost, he is burdened with debt, in and his treasonable designs are known to all. 1 1 . Nota domestical turpitudinis is different from privutarum i era m dedecus : res privates may include, but is more extensive than res domestical : the latter relates to moral or immoral domestic life, the former to all private actions as opposed to those that belong to a man's public character; e.g. to money transactions, &c. Privatarum terum dedecus = " dedecus e privatis rebus conceptum." M. Mad- fig, after Muretus, would read non inharet in fama : but (1) hcercrc With the dat. is found in another passage of Cic. (Potest hoc homini hvic hcerere peccatum ? Pro Rose. Com 6. 17, K.), and (2) it is a strong rhetorical turn, as Matthiee well remarks, not to use the expect- ed term of indifference (" vocabulum medium")j i. e. fama (which may be bona or mala), but at once to assume that he had no fama, but a notorious infamia. Nearly so Klotz. With nota .... inusta t cf. pro Sull. 31, 88 : Ne qua generi ac nomini suo nota nefaria tur- pitudinis inuratur. — Inusta. A metaphor from branding slaves, and especially used to denote what is violent and of long duration. 1, Cui tu adolescentulo, &c. Cf. 2, 4, 8 ; and Sail. 14: sed ]3 maxime adolescentium familiaritates appetebat, &c. 2. Facem prsetulisti. An allusion to the nightly revels and de- bauches of Catiline. Slaves carried torches before their masters when they visited their haunts. 3* Q,uid vero. See H. 602, III. 4. Novis nuptiis. His marriage with Aurelia Orestilla, a woman of most abandoned character; to remove all impediments to which, he is believed ("pro cerlo creditur," Sail.) to have murdered his own son. Cf. Sail. Cat. 15. 5. Hoc scelus; i. e. the murder of his wife. 7. Immanitas .... videatur. Is videri commonly used person- ally or impersonally ? See P. C. 297; Z. 380. 8. Q,uas ouines. See P. C. 174 ; H. 453, 5. 9. Prtximis Idibus. The day on which it was usual to pay the interest of borrowed money. Hor. Epod. 2, extr. fenerator Alfius Omnem redegit Idibus pecuniam, &c. Cf. Cic. Phil. 2, 37. Benecke thinks that on the Ides notico was only given to the borrower that the money must be paid on the next Calends. 11. Difficultatem : sc. nummariam = pecuniary difficulties. Cf. m Ycrr. 2, 28, 69. 16. Lepido et Tullo consulibus. JSV JEmilius Lepid us and L. Volcatius Tullus were consuls, a. u. c. 688. The Consules desig- naii were P. Autronius Patus and P. Cornelius Sulla; but these wore found to be disqualified by bribery, and L. Aurelius Cotta and L. Manlius Torquatus (their accusers) obtained the consulship. Cf. Sail. 18: Cum Cn. Pisone Catilina et Autronius consilio comnuni- 1G0 NOTJBS. io cato parabant in Capitolio Kal. Januariis L Cottam et L. Torqua turn Consoles intcrficere. See General Introduction, p. 139. — In comitio. How do comitium and comitia differ? See Bqjesen's Roman Antiquities, § 76.— Cum telo. H. 434 ; cf. pro Mil 4, 11. IT. Consulum .... interficiendorum causa. Is the genitive of the gerund, followed by its object accusative, used along with tho gerundive ? H. 559, ff. Is the usual position of causa = for the sake of, before or after its genitive 1 Z. 792. 18. N"on mentem aliquam, not some intention on your part " The commonly received rule, that aliquis is peculiar to affirmative sentences, must be confined within more definite limits ; for aliquis u found in negative sentences also, when any thing is spoken ^f which either really exists, or at least can be conceived as existing, as in the present passage, non mentem aliquam; for assuredly one might have suspected such an intention on Catiline's part. Quisquarn and ullus altogether deny the whole. Thus Orat. 56, 186 : Numerus autem non domo depromebatur, neque habebat aliquam necessitudincm ant cognationem cum oratione ; i.e. as one might have imagined. Cf. pro Sestio, 17, 40 ; 58, 125. Mil. 1, 2, ut ne non timere quidem sine aliquo timore possimus. But quisquarn and ullus are not negative in themselves, but with a negative particle ; and they are always placed after that particle." M. 20. Ac jam ilia omitto. Hand would read at for ac. Benecke says ac, et, and atque stand not unfrequently at the beginning, in the sense of sed, but without losing entirely their force as connectives. — Neque enim sunt, &c. ; i. e. "nam quae post a te commissa sunt, ca neque obscura sunt, neque pauca ; satis aperta sunt multa ilia, qua) post commisisti scelera." Beier Steinmetz, Klotz, and Madvig read, aut non multa commissa postea. — Aut . . . aut sometimes follow nega- tives for neque . . . neque. 21. Q,uotiens. On the form of this word, see Z. 122. Why id the pronoun tu expressed, and in the next sentence ego ? P. C. 1, Obs.; H. 446. 22. Q,uot .... tuas petitiones. See H. 188, 4. — Peiitiones. A term of the fencing-school. Cic. Or. 68, 228 : Ut enim athletas nee multo secus gladiatores videmus nihil nee vitando facere caute nee petendo vehementer, in quo non motus hie habeat palcestram quon- dam, — sic oratio nee plagam gravem facit, nisi petitio fuit apta, nee, Sec. 24. Ut aiunt, are often added to show the proverbial character ol the expression, generally after the first one or two words of the prov- erb. Here corpore effugere signifies, " barely to escape, by the slight- est movement or change of position." — [Nihil agis], &c. In this sen- tence the marks of a corrupt text will be observed. The passage or- dinarily stands, Nihil agis, nihil assequeris, nihil moliris, quod mihi FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. I CI Pasr« latere valeat in tempore, neque tamen, &c. In the clause quod 10 in tempore, for one mark of corruption, seo Z. 390, in fin. Madvig omits altogether the bracketed words, and reads, Nihil asaequeris, ncque tamen, &c. 26. Extorta, viz. by the precautions taken to thwart your meas- ures ; in reference to the preceding tuas petitiones .... effugi. 2T. Excidit casu aliquo. Cf. § 15: fortunam populi Romani cbstitisse. — Et clapsa est, = et ita elapsa est. 28. [Tamen .... non potes.] These wcrds are omitted by Matthiffl and Madvig. As above, [nihil agis], [nihil moliris] may be supposed to have crept in from § 8, so here the bracketed words may seem to have been taken from ch. 9, § 24. Benecke, Klotz, and Supfle retain and defend them. 29. Initiata sacris, &c. That a dagger or other weapon might execute successfully the purpose it was to be used for, its owner used to devote it, as it were, to that purpose by some solemn rites, accom- panied with a vow, that, after the accomplishment of it, he would offer it up to some god. Thus Justin. 9, 7, 13 : Olympias gladium, quo rex pcrcussus est, Apollini sub nomine Myrtales consecravit. Suet. Cal. 24 (extr.), ties gladios in necem suam prceparatos Marti ultori, addito elogio, consecravit. So Vitell. 10. — Necesse putas esse. Be- necke remarks that esse is very seldom omitted with necesse. What are the constructions of necesse est ? See H. 556, I. With necesse est in Cicero the infinitive and subjunctive appear to be equally fre- quent ; with oportet the infinitive is much the more common. Ch. VIL— 33. Q,use tibi nulla = "none of which." Nullus for non. H. 457, 3. It is however more emphatic, meaning " none at all," " not a particle." So " none of my words," not nullum dic- torummeorum, but nullum meum dictum; so unum verbum tuum, " one word of yours." — Venisti . ... in senatum. See Sail. Cat. 31. 35. Salutavit. It was customary among the Romans, when they saw their friends or eminent men approaching, to rise up and sa- lute them, and courteously address them. For an interesting illustra- tion of this mark of Roman politeness, see de Repub. 1, chaps. 9-12. —Post hominum memoriam, " within the memory of man." — Si hoc . contigit nemini. Observe that contigit is not confined to desira- ble occurrences. 3G. Vocis .... contumcliam . . . . judicio taciturnitatis. On Ibis arrangement of contrasted words, see P. C. p. 14, § 15, b, and p. 242, § 5. What is this figure called ? 3T. Ctuid. SeeZ. § 769. 38. Adventu tuo. Compare discessu ceterorum, ch. 3, § 7. — Ista subsellia. What is the force of ista ? How would hcec or i lla Vary the sense ? So below, partem istam. H. 450. 39. Tibi . , . ronstituti fuerunt. Seo II. 384. 102 NOTES. Page i q -1 2. Servi mehercule rnei. The emphasis and distinctness v/itft which Cicoro here exposes the shameless insensibility of Catiline should bo noticed. The comparison between his own regard for his slaves, and Catiline's indifference to his fellow-citizens, is fitted to excite the highest indignation of his audience. — Why do these words precede si? H. G02. And on the arrangement of the whole sentence, see P. C p. 242, § 5.— Mehercule see H. 589. 44. Tu tibi. Supply relinquendam. 14 2. Ofiensum = invisum, odiosum. Cf. Att. 2, 19 : omnibus ge* neribus, ordinibus, atatibus offensum. 3. Tu, quum, &c. A fortiori — should you, deservedly odious to your citizens, shun their sight. 5. Dubitas .... vitare. In what signification is dubito followed by the infinitive ? H. 498, S.-^Quorum. . . eorum. Z. 813 ; P. C. 3U T. Xeque . . . ulla. See Krebs, 527. 1 2. Q,ua3 tecum .... sic agit. To the close of the chapter, Cicero, by personification, introduces his native country as speaking. 13. Tacita loquitur. This figure, involving a contradiction, ia called oxymoron. So 8, 21 : quum tacent, clamant 14. Aliquot amiis. P. C. 302 ; H. 426.— Per te. H. 414, 5. 15. Multorum civium neces. Q. Cicero de petit, consul. 2: Hie (Catilina) ne leges quidem (metuit), natus in patris cgestate, educatus in sororis stupris, corroboratus in c rripziv iavrbv, 6Vw? Si] /n) (pvyrj irov, xapeSiSov' /xr] irpoaSeZa/Jitvov Si tKcivov Tijv (ppovpdv avrov, itapa tw MsrfAAqj tw arparrjyia rfjv Siairav iKovatws iiroiUTO, iV ws 7j/a v abrddi gwuiiotiov 1- to go into exile. FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 106 Cii. IX. — 22. Q,uamquam. In what peculiar way is t used -jk hero? 4 SeeH. 516, I. — Te ut, &c. Why does the pronoun, in this and the following sentences, precede the conjunction? P. C. p. 254, § 86. ; H. 602. What feeling do such interrogations express, and how is the construction to be explained ? Z. 609. 24:. Utinam .... duint. How is the wish conceived when the present or perfect tense is used ? P. C. 496 : H. 488. On the form duint, see H. 239, 3. 26. Animum induxeris. For the construction of the phrase animum induco or in animum induco, see Z. 614. Of these two forms, Madvig asserts that Cicero uses only the former, except p. S'ull. 30, 83 ; and that Livy uses only the latter. 28. Recenti memoria. Abl. of cause == on account of. — At. See H. 58V, III. — In posteritatem, i. e. in posterum tempus. 29. Sed est tanti = res est satis gravis: operae pretium est. Cf. 2, 7, 15. So Fam. 8, 14: Tanti nonfuit Arsacen capere, Seleuccam cxpugnare, ut earum rerum, quae hie gestce sunt, spectaculo carercs. See H. 396, IV. 30. Sed tu, &c. Refer the three following clauses each to its appropriate source, which Cic. subjoins ; sc. " pudor — metus — ratio." 31. Temporibus. Tempora in the plural (rarely in the singular) signifies the circumstances of the times, especially the difficulties and necessities of the times. 32. Is es . . . . ut te. What is a more common construction in- stead of the conjunction and pronoun ? P. C. 483 ; H. 500. Te is here emphatic. 33. Pudor a turpitudine. Klotz and Madvig (from Quintilian, 9, 3, 62) read pudor unquam, &c. 36. Recta. What is to be supplied with this word ? Via. 3 7. Sermoues hominum, i. e. their censure, as in " to be the talk of the town,'" &c. Verr. 4, 7, 13 : Nunquam — commisisset, ut propter cum in sermonem hominum atque in tantam vituperalionevi veniret. Pro Cesl. 16, 38: Sermones iniquorum effugere non potuit — Si id feceris, i. e. si in exsilimn perrexeris. Facer e, like the Eng- lish verb to do, is frequently used as the representative of a preceding verb. See Arnold's Nepos, Chabr 3, 4, p. 191. 38. Jussu. See Earkness, 414, 2, 3). — Sin autem. See Hark. 503, III. 41. Secerue te a bonis. Is the preposition necessary? H. 425. — Exsulta impio latrocinio. H. 414. Latrocinium is properly high- way robbery and murder. No more dignified or honorable, Cicero moans, is Catiline's course. — Impio It is impious, i. e. unfilial, undu- tiful, as being against his country, communis omnium parens. 4:2. Ut a me non ejectus. Does the non with ut express an effect without an intention, or belong to ejectus ? How is a negative 166 NOTES. Page \F\ intention, expressed, and how a simple result? H, 490. What is the position of non when it belongs to a single word of the proposition ? H. 602, IV. Compare page 16, lines 49 and 41. What is the common construction of videri ? 43. Q,uid ego te invitem. What is implied in such questions? H. 525. — In this line, for me videaris Klotz and Madvig road esse videaris. 44. Ad Forum Aurelium. A little town in Etruria, betwcea the rivers Armenta {Fiord) and Marta, not far from the sea; now called Monte Alto. It was named probably from some Aurelius, who paved the via Aurelia from Rome to Pisa. What is denoted by ad when joined with names of towns ? H. 379. 16 1. Praestolarentur. Z. 413. The prcBstolans waits for a person in order to perform services for him, and stands .n subordinate relation to the person waited for. Doderlein. 2. Diem. On the gender of this word, see Hark. 120. — AquUam Mam argenteam, &c. The allusion is supposed to be to the Eagle, which Sallust mentions, in speaking of the engagement: Ipse cum libertis et colonis propter aquilam adsistit, quam hello Cimbrico C. Marius in exercitu habuisse diccbatur. Ch. 59. On military stan- dards among the Romans, see Diet, of Gr. and Rom. Antiq., Signa Militaria. An ensign which, like this, had been so long borne by the victorious armies of Marius, was regarded with unusual reverence, as promising certain victory. Cicero adds scelerum to limit sacrarium, the place where it was kept, because there Catiline preserved the in- struments of his crimes, and his character was such that there waa nothing religious in his ceremonies, but all was wicked and criminal. It is explained in the last clause. 4. Sacrarium. " Nam erat eiiam quum signorum militarium omnium, turn aquilae qu&dam religio, et in sacello ilia reponeban- iur." M. Cn. X.— lO. Neque enim. See H. 602, in. 11. Hcec res, i. e. bellum contra patriam. Manut. Benecko refers it to his departure from Rome. 13. Nunquam . . . non modo . . . sed ne . . . quidem. See Hark. 584 ; 602, III. — Olium = peace is often contrasted with bellum. Compare below otiosorum. 15. Atque is here explicative, perditis being explained by what follows. 1 G. Derelictis. De strengthens tho simple. 11. Perfruere, &,c. A climax is here to be noticed. 20. Meditati sunt. Here used passively, as the participle fre- quently is. See Hark. 221 ; 465, II, 2. — Qui feruntur = qui ser monibus eclebrantur, commemoranlur. Pro Sull. 23, 66 : Ejus voces ejus mina>. ferebantur. M. — Labores fui. Cf. pro Ctel ) 12. T FIRST ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 167 1'ige 21* Ad obsidendum stuprum = "ad tempus stupro opportu- -ia nam obscrvundum." So Verr. 1, 2, extr. tempus obsidere. M. The infinitive clauses, jacere humi, &c, and vigilare, &c, are to be taken as in apposition with laborcs. 23. Otiosoriun. " The peaceably disposed." So the MSS. ; the common text is occisorum. Otiosus h. I. dicitur qu' in pace atque otio securus tranquillusque vivit, nihil mali exspectat. Steinmetz ; who compares 2, Catil. 4, and Sail. 16. Siipfle, agsinst Orelli, Klotz, and Madvig. retains occisorum; and remarks, that Cicero's design to ex- hibit the turpitude of Catiline in a gradation, seems to require bonis occisorum in antithesis to somno maritorum. 24. Illam tuam praeclaram, &c. Sail. Cat. 5: Corpus patiens inedia, vigilia, algoris, supra quam cuiquam credibilc est. 2T • Q,uum te a consulatu reppuli ; i. e. " at the last election." Cf. Sail. ch. 26 : Postquam dies comitiorum venit, et Catilincc neque petitio neque insidicB, quas Consuli (i. e. Ciceroni) in Campo fecerat t prosper e cessere, constituit bellum facer e, et extrema omnia experiri. Pro Murena, 24-26. — Exsul .... consul. Paronomasia. Ch. XI. — 3 2. Detester ac deprecer. These words signify to seek to turn from or avert by adjuration and entreaty. 34. Patria .... loquatur. Compare ch. 7, 18. Madvig reads sic loquatur. 36. Q,uid agis. Formula reprehendendi. 39* Evocatorem servorum ; whose aid however he afterwards rejected (Sail. 56, in fin.), although Lentulus urged its acceptance Cat. 3, 5, 12 ; Sail. 44. 41. Emissus .... imniissus. Paronomasia. P. C. p. 266. 42. Hunc .... duel .... imperabis. How is imperare moie frequently construed? H. 551. IT, 1. 44. Q,uid .... impedit. Cicero, arguing disjunctively, shows that neither precedent, nor laws, nor the dread of future obloquy, for- bade the punishment of Catiline. — At pcrs&pe .... privati. On this use of at, see H. 537. Cic. 1, 1, instanced Scipio Nasica. Benecko considers the plural and persape as rhetorical exaggeration. The first ground of excuse was " Mos major urn." His country answers. " At pcrsoepe" &.c. 2. An leges, &c. The Valerian and Porcian laws. P. Valerius in Publicola, when consul, a. u. c. 245, brought in a bill (the first that was ever brought before the comitia centuriata), which enacted, that no magistrate shoidd put to death or flog any Roman citizen if he had appealed to the people. Afterwards, a. u. c. 305, L. Valerius Potitus and M. Horatius Baibatus enacted, that no magistracy should be created with an exemption from appeal. Lastly, in a u. c. 454, M. Valerius Corvus brought in another law on the subject of appeal, tho third after the expulsion of the kings, and always by the same family. 1G8 NOTES. Pa The preposition is always repeated with et . . . . et (but sometimes cum precedes both the eVs ; cum et nocturno et diurno metu) ; nee .... nee ; generally with aut .... aut ; vel . . . vel; after nisi; and after quam following a comparative : e. g. et in bello et in pace ; in nulla alia re nisi in virtute ; in nulla re melius quam in virtute. 6. jEgri morbo gravi. H. 414. -On the structure of this period, seo Z. 816 ; also H. 357, ff. T. Biberiut. Madvig, from conjecture, reads bibcrunt 1 2. Id quod. See P. C. 36*. 14-. Prsetoris urbaiii. L. Valerius Flaccus, whose tribunal they hemmed around, that they might intimidate him when delivering judgment in cases of debt. 15. Malleolos. The term malleolus denoted a hammer, the transverse head of which was formed for holding pitch and tow ; which, having been set on fire, was projected slowly, so that it might not be 15 iq extinguished during its flight, upon houses and other buildings, in order to set them on fire. Diet. Antiq. Malleus. IT. Polliceor vobis hoc. On this use of hoc, see H. 450. — What tense of the infinitive follows polliceor ? P. C. 15. 22. Hisce ominibus .... cum summa .... salute. On this ablative, see H. 414, 3 ; and, for the use of cum to denote an accom- panying circumstance as a result or consequence of the action, see Zumpt, 472, and the similar passage there cited from in Verr. 1, 24. 23. Et ac que. How do these particles differ? P. C 4, d ; Z. 333. 25. Turn tu, Jupiter, &c. What is here said of Jupiter ia strictly true only of the Temple of Jupiter. Cf. Liv 1, 12, where Romulus vowed the Temple: Romulus etipse turba fugientium actus, anna ad caelum tollens, Juppiter, tuis, inquit, jussus avibus hie in Palatio prima urbi fundamenta jeci : — deme terrorem Romanis ; fu- gam foedam siste ; hie ego tibi templum, Statori Jovi, quod monu- menium sit posteris tua pr&senti ope servatam urbem esse, vovco So M. 2T. Statorem. Compare note on p. 12 line 12. It may here be taken as = conservatorem et eum per quern in oJternum stabit Roma Of. Son. de Bcnef. 4, 7 SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. ANALYSIS. 1. Ij i the introduction Cicero congratulates the Roman people, thai Catiline has left the city, and consequently can do it no more injury. S. He vindicates himself from a double charge : for the well-disposed citi- zens complained that he had suffered Catiline to escape unpunished, while on the other hand the friends of Catiline maintained that he had been too severely dealt with by the consul. To the first complaint he replies by set- ting forth the grounds of his course of action, viz. i he conspiracy had not yet been fully discovered ; moreover, the execution of Catiline would have rendered him odious and have prevented the punishment of the other con- spirators ; and finally, the absent enemy with his army is less to be feared than his adherents who have remained in Rome. The second reproach he meets by explaining the action which the senate had taken in regard to the conspiracy, and by showing from several circumstances that Catiline had previously determined to go, not to Marseilles, but to his army in Etruria. (§ 3— ch. 8, § 17.) In thus defending himself against the censure of the dis- affected, he gives 3. A classification of the conspirators and of the Romans who favored the treasonable designs, and divides them into six classes, from whom, however, he considers the state has not much to fear, particularly since the best measures have been taken for its security and weal. (§ 17— ch. 12, $ 26.) Finally, 4. After an apostrophe to the conspirators who had remained in the city, in winch he warns them to leave Rome without delay, or at least to keep themselves quiet, since the disturbance of the public security will be most severely punished, he closes with an address to the well-disposed citizens, in which he assures them, that, without resort to arms on their part, the civil war will be ended, and, at the same time, calls upon them to supplicate the gods for the preservation of the state. (§ 26-end.) Pig* Ch. I. — 1. Tandem aliquando = at last, at length. These ]rt words express great joy at the accomplishment, after long delay, of a desired or expected object. Tandem is often strengthened by aliquan- do ; and aliquando alone, in exhortations and wishes, and sometimes in narrative, is used with this meaning. The correspondence to tho opening of the first oration, quousque tandem, may be noticed. — Qui- rites = citizens. The origin of this word has given rise to much dis- cussion. It was, however, the political name by which the Roman people were at homo collectively designated and addressed as free cit- izens of the state. 2, Scelus anhelautem. H. 8W, 3. Anhelo describes the violence of his rage, and eagerness to execute the crime upon which he was bent. Scelus is here used in its proper senso ; it is the strongest of the general terms that denote evil deeds, and expresses an offence against 172 NOTES. in the rights of individuals, or tlio peace of society, by robbery, murdei and particularly by sedition. Dod. Cf. Auct. Rhet. ad Herenn. 4, 55, 68 : At istc spumans ex ore scelus, anhelans ex intimo pectorc cru- delitatem. — Pestem .... molientem. See note on line 19 of page 9. 3. Vobis atque huic urbi ferro flammaque minitantem. Klotz reads (with Matthiae) ferrum jlammamque. In other passages, he remarks, Cic. uses ferro ignique (or igni ferroque) minitari, e. g. Phil. 11, 14, 37: Huic urbi ferro ignique minitantur ; in Phil. 13, 21, 47: patricB igni ferroque [Nobbe ignem ferrumque] minitatur; but then igni ferroque denote only the instruments with which they threaten their country, &c. The ace. denotes what they threaten to inflict upon it : the sword (= death by the sword) and fire (= de- struction by flames). So Tusc. 1, 43 102: cui quum Lysimachus rex crucem minaretur = " death on the cross" " crucifixion." Con- cinnity of style here requires the accusative, that it may range, as it were, with scelus anhelantem. Klotz. 4r. Vel ejecimus vel emisimus. Ejicimur nolentes, emittimur volentes ; sed utrumque ab alio : egredimur autem ipsi per nos. Mure- tus. On the use of vel ... . vel, see P. C. 456, note a ; Z. §§ 336, 339. Cf. fro Sulla, 5, 17: ejecto sive emisso . . . Catilina. — Ipsum egredientem : ipsum = sponte (of himself; of his own accord). Tusc 5, 21, 62: jam ipsa defiuebant corona. Offic. 1, 22: delapsa arma ipsa ceciderunt. M. 5. Verbis prosecuti sumus = malis ominibus. Cf. the end of the preceding oration: Hisce ominibus . . . cum tua peste ac pernicie .... proficiscere, &c. — Abiit, excessit, evasit, erupit. " Certe quid inter abire et excedere intersit, haud facile dixeris : evadere autem et erumpere quum utrumque significet e loco parum tuto efrugere, ita differunt, ut evadere sit dolo aliquo vel arte et clam se subtrahere ; erumpere autem vi exitum sibi patefacere. Coacervatio autem verbo- rum idem significantium signum est animi laetitia exsultantis, et dubi- taiitis, quo verbo aptissime sensa sua exprimat." M. Cf. Quintiiian, 9,3,46. See H. 704, II. G. Nulla jam. See H. 602 : and compare non enim jam, line 9 — A monstra Mo atque prodigio. The primary notion in monstrum is, that it is unnatural and ugly ; in prodigium, that the appearance is replete with meaning and pregnant with consequences. Dod. 8. Sine controversia = sine dubio. 10. ~Son in campo, &c. Supply Martio. The several occasions here referred to, have been noticed in the first oration, chaps. 5, 11 ; 6, 15 ; 4, 9. 11. Pertimescemus, is here used intransitively = iimorem ha- hebimus, " shall not fear or be afraid" 1 2. Ex urbe depulsus. The more common form would be ex- ■puleua ; but Matthias remarks that ho chose rather to say depulsus, SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 1^3 Pare bocausc Catiline was driven from his position or vantage-ground ; as in de loco or gradu moveri, depelli, dejici, are properly used of soldiers and gladiators. — Nullo impediente. In what cases is nemo defective ? P.G.p. 342*; H. 457. 13. Bellum justum = regular, formal, open war. 14. Hominem, contemptuously, as opprimet hominem in ch. 12, 26. — Occultis, which seems pleonastic with insidiis, stands for the Bflke of the contrast with apcrtum latrocinium. 15. Q,uodvero. Quod, with verbs of the emotions, introduces the clause which contains the ground or cause of the feeling. See P. C. 517 ; Z. 629. In this sentence the emphatic position of non cruentum should be noticed, and also the position of vivis .... incolu- tnes .... stantem, which, as containing the whole force of the ex- pression, come before their substantives. See P. C. p. 238, 25. IT. E manihus extorsimus. The common text is de manibus. So in 1 Cat. 6, 16: extorta est .... de manibus. De is here ex- plained by Kriiger as = away. Ellendt on de Orat. 1, 52, 225, con- siders ensem ex manu as the proper, de manu as the metaphorical ex- pression, so that the latter = adimere utendi potestatem. 19. Q,uanto, &c putatis 2 This sort of question may often bo conveniently translated by imagine with must. " Imagine with how great sorrow he must have been stricken," &c. 21. Retorquet oculos. As the wild beast that wistfully eyes the prey which has been snatched from its jaws. 23. Evomuerit. A metaphor taken from the sick, who are often so relieved. This figurative use of evomo is common, nor did the an- cients feel that it offended against good taste. Ch. II. — 25. Si quis. How does si quis differ from si aliquis ? P. C. 391 ; Z. 708. Madvig reads, Ac si quis. — Quales esse omnes oportebat. All as true patriots should have judged that Catiline de- served death. 26. In hoc ipso, in quo exsultat .... accuset. In = in re- spect to, is especially used with certain verbs, such as l&tari, gloriari, exsultare, and the verbs of praising, blaming, and accusing, to express the point, to which the general notion contained in the verb applies. 2T. Accuset. Why subj.? P. C. 483, (2) ; H. 519. 29. Sed temporum. Would ea referring to causa be correctly expressed after sed / P. C. p. 30, caution XI. 1. A me. What is the construction of postulo ? H. 374, 3. 4). n/i 3. Cluae ego deferrem. Consult note on p. 14, line 44. He re- fers to the information derived through Fulvia and communicated by him to the senate. The emphasis which belongs to ego should be no- ticed. 4. Non putarent = did not duly estimate. The bracketed clauses have been regarded as spurious, because the former in one of the MSS. /7-I NOTES. Page qa's not found, and in others is placed after Quarn mullos, qui etiam J defender •ent. Klotz and Madvig give them in this order, and Klot3 omits the [ ]. 6. Ac si, like quod si, connects sentences which are mutually re- lated to each other, and = in hac rerum consecutione si. Cf. Hark. 588, HE. — Svhlato. To what verb do the forms sustuli and sublaium belong? II. 292, 2. — Depelli a vobis. Is the preposition necessary? H. 414, 5. 7. Si judicarem .... sustulissem. Cf. Oral. 1, p. 17, line 17. 8. Invidiam ruea?. The possessive pronoun here takes the place of the objective genitive. Z. 424. — Periculo. H. 414, 8. 9. Re etiam turn probata. Res = the fact of the conspiracy. 10. Fore ut . . . . non possem. When is the circumlocution by means of futurum esse or fore ut necessary tc express the infinitive of future time ? H. 544. 15. Parum comitatus. Hark. 594 ; and 396, III. 4. Sallust says, cum paucis ; and Plutarch gives the number 300. IT. Tongilium. Tongilius, Publicius, Munatius (Qy. Munatius Plancus ?), are unknown personages. Some have thought that the orator purposely mentions such names; but it. is enough to suppose that they icere persons of no note, and that Cicero points this out by avoiding all circumstantial or full description of them. Oreili quotes Q. Cic. de pet. Cons. 3, 10 : Catilina, qui ex curia Curios et Annios, ab atriis Sapalas et Carvilios, ex equestri or dine Pompilios et Vet- tios sibi amicissimos comparavit. — Mihi. What is this dative called ? P. C. 240 ; H. 389. It often gives an ironical coloring. Compare note on p. 22, line 5. — In pratexta. Supply toga. This was the dress worn by a Roman youth until he assumed the toga virilis. 18. [Calumnia]. This word is here found in most MSS. It ap- pears to have been a marginal gloss, which afterwards crept into the text. Some editors have proposed conjectural readings for the purpose of giving it significance, but recent editions omit it altogether. 19. Contractum in popina = i. e. sumiibus in popina factis Several MSS. read in popinam, which some editors receive as ex- pressing the object for which the indebtedness was contracted. 20. JSre alieno. On the order of the words, see H. 59S. This class, so deeply involved in debt, were more to be feared, as they had nothing to lose and every thing to hope for from the overthrow of the government. Cn. III. — 22. Et Gallicanis legionibus .... contemno. The abl. here denotes the cause of his setting it at naught or despising it. A nearly similar construction occurs, Or. 13, 41 : Isocrates videtur testirnonio Platonis aliorum judicia debcre contemnere. See H. 414. Some editions, from a conjecture of Lambinus, read pr * tleinac. 7. Medicinam cousilii = medicinam in consilio vositam; or medicinam, id est, consilium. So in § 24. M. H. 396,V. — Si quam votero, afferam. H. 470. 8. Unum geuus est eorum. For the genitive, see H. 396. Cf p. Mil. 2, 3 : unum genus est adversum infestumque nobis eorum, quos, &c The genuineness of this oration has been attacked against the most express testimony. Among other arguments, some have al- leged the length and fulness of these divisions, and of the antithetical array of opposed principles in ch. 11, § 25. Klotz observes, that the orator, who was here addressing the people after the decision, had not to persuade them to the adoption of measures, but to satisfy them that all had been done with sufficient reason. &c. Hence this fulness of description. 9. Majorea etiam. Would adhuc do for etiam as here used? No, not in the best writers. 10. Amore adducti. H. 414, 2, B).—DissoLvi = divelli, &c. a pradiis Mis; but not without allusion to the phrase, v Of y£vv(i)(Xfvu)v, rd tov KU)nq>8onoiov, ovi ot ycirovts atydSpa rot aia- Qdvovrai, Alcib. 1, p. 121, and Plutarch (Phocion, c. 30\ inov fiiv rrj* oi)v nrjTipa yajxovvros oiiS' b yeirwv fjaQiTO. 28. Honeste = with honor, in consequence of their debts. 32. Neque possunt et pereant. Here two leading clauses are connected, the former of which stands as unconditional in the in- dicative, the latter as concessive in the subjunctive. On neque . . . et, see H. 587, 1, 2. 34. Postremum. In a double sense "the last and worst," as Cicero immediately explains it. 36. Proprium, in the full meaning of what is peculiarly and ex- clusively his — De complexu ejus ac sinu = of his bosom friends. Tho expression is figurative, and derived from the Roman custom of re- clining at table. It is often used in a good sense of an intimate and valued friend. Muretus thinks there may be here an allusion to Cati- line's impurity of life. 37. Q,uos pexo capillo, nitidos, &c. Some editions omit the comma between capillo and nitidos, making pexo capillo limit and define nitidos. Compare ch. 3, 5, qui nitent vnguentis, and ch. 5, 10, unguentis obliti. 38. Bene barbatos = " adultiores qui barbula dclectantur," ut loquitur pro Coel. 14, 33. M. Cf. Diet. Antiq., Barba. — Manica- tis et talaribus tunicis. " It was considered a mark of effeminacy for men to wear tunics with long sleeves (manicatce), and reaching to the feet (talares)." Diet. Antiq., Tunica. Cf. Gell. N. A. 7, 12. 39. Velis amictos, non togis, i.e. "in such loose and flowing togas that they should rather be called veils." A close-fitting toga indicated a person of strict character, &c. ; e. g. exiguaque toga simulet textore Catonem. So, of course, an ample flowing toga be- longed to luxurious, effeminate livers. Tunc procul absiiis, quisquis colit arte capillos, Effluit effuso cui toga laxa sinu. M. 4:0. Ccenae antelucanse were banquets carried on all through tha night till the day broke : this was called coenare in lucem* 4:1. Gregibus. Contemptuously. So ch. 5, 10: jlagitiosi greges. — Aleatores. See note on p. 22, line 1. 4:3. Neque cantare et psallere. Supply solum from the pre* ceding. Cantare properly of vocal music ; psallere of instrumenta music, particularly on stringed instruments, accompanied by the voice Some editions give cantare et saltare, others psallere et saltare. 26 l. Scitote. Z. 1C4. See P. C. p. 135, note n. SECOND ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 185 Pag! 2. Seminarium Catilinarium, " a Catilinarian nursery ;" i-°oc for bringing up young Catilines ; men resembling Catiline in principles and morals. Cf. seminarium pomarium, &c. Madvig reads CatlU- narum. 3. Sibi isti .... volunt. See H. 389. 6. Nisi, Ironically. 7. Idcirco .... quod. Idcirco and ideo = " for this reason," and refer either to a preceding statement or a succeeding one. They sometimes refer to a following quod, quia, or quoniam. The order may be inverted, and quod, &c. precede. Sometimes ideo and idcirco refer to a -purpose to be afterwards stated by ut, quo ; ne, ut ne. The forms si ... . idcirco ; etsi . . . . idcirco ; neque si ... . idcirco, are common. Ideo also occurs with this reference to a conditional sen- tence. Cir. XI. — lO. Scortorum cohortem praetoriam. Scorta here = cinadi; those just before called impuri impudicique. Cohors pratoria was the name applied to the body of men which was partic- ularly appointed to. attend on the commander, and which was com- posed of soldiers of tried bravery. 13. Gladiatori illi confecto. Contemptuously of Catiline. Do- natus, ad Ter. Eun. V. 4, 4, citing this passage says, proprie \oc vcr- bum (confectus) convenit gladiatoribus Us, qui gravissimis vulncribus occubucrunt. 14:. Naufragorum ejectam. .... mauum. Compare note on p. 17, line 38. Ejicere is often used of one who is wrecked and cast upon the shore. Virg. JEn. 1, 578 : Si quibus ejectus sibis aut urbi- bus err at. 16. Urbes coloniarum ac muiiicipiorum = urbes, scilicet colonial ac municipia ; i. e. urbes denotes the genus, and colonial and municipia the species Cf. Or. 11, 15, 63 : Causa vel casus vel sa- pientia vel temeritatis ; where casus, sapientia, temerilas, are the species of the genus causa. M. H, 396,V. —Respondebunt = pares erunt ad resistendum ; resistent, ovpon&ntur ; " will be a match for.'* Cf. pro Flacco, 40, 100 : Septimio et Cadio tcstibus P. Servilius et Q. Metellus .... repugnabunt. Asiatics jurisdictioni urbana juris- dictio respondebit. The notion is that of drawing up one line of sol- diers opposite to another, so that each answers or corresponds to a par- ticular portion of the enemy's line. IT. Tumulis silvestribus ; which Catiline gave out that he would occupy, for the purpose of canying on a guerilla warfare ; Buch localities as cowards flee to who seek lurking-places for ambus- cades, and dare not give battle in the open plain. So Liv. 27, 20 : *umulus erat silvestris, quern Hannibal insidcis quam casiris aptio* few esse crediderat. ScLvit2. 18 Ornameiita = all the necessary equipments, the whole ap- 18G NOTES. Pa£C apparatus belli. — Cum illius latronis inopia atque cgeslate. Com] Sail. Cat. ch. 56: Sed ex ojnni copia circiter pars quarta crat ?k?H- taribus arinis instructa, &c, and ch. 59 : latrones inermes. 20. Suppeditamur = abundamus. Cf. suppeditatio honorum = abundautia, copia : do Nat. Deor. 1, 40. 22. Exteris nationibus. Externus denotes a merely local re- lation, and is applicable to things as well as to persons ; but externa an intrinsic relation, and is an epithet for persons only. Externa na- tiones is a merely geographical expression for nations that are situated without ; extercB nationes, a political expression for foreign nations. Dod. Compare ab externa hoste, p. 27, line 38. 23. Contendere = conferre ; comparare. Cf. quidquid tu con- tra dixeris, id cum defensione nostra contendito. Pro S. Rose. 33, 93. 29. JEquitas, &c. Heumann remarks, that the four primary or cardinal virtues are alluded to, according to the practice of Platonists and Stoics: SiKaiocvvrj, oaxppotvvn, avSpla, ////a«y. Cf. Tusc. 1, 12, 28. 14. Amplificatamque. The addition of this word serves to con- trast the present grandeur of Rome with its early narrow limits and thus magnify the merit of Cicero as its preserver. 15. Templis delubris. See P. C. p. 128, y; and compare bo- na fortunas above. IT. Iidemquc. See H. 451. 18. Dejecimus. Cf. Verr. 5,62. Phil. 1,2,6: A cervicibua jugum dejicere. Pro Sull. 9, 28 : quos (homines) ego a vestris cer- vicitis depuli. Cf. below, 7, 17. M. 19. Comperta sunt per me, " i. e mea opera atque industria, non a me. See Hark. 414, 5. Illustrata, in luce posita, ita ut non am- plius laterent, patejacta, ita illustrata, ut omnibus paterent, vel, ut ipse loquitur pro Sulla 2, in. id omnes viderent, quod antea juisset oc- cultum : comperta, certis indiciis cognita et deprehensa. Gravissimum ex his esse comperta, vel ex eo apparet, quod hoc verbo utentem Cice- ronem irridebant adversarii. Vid. ad Fam. 5, 5, ad Att. 1, 14. Acad. Disp. 4, 19, 62. Sic pro Sull. 4, 12 : non modo enim nihil comperi, sed vix ad aures meas istius suspicionis jama pervenit, ubi ad minora descenditur." M. 21. Investigata et comprekensa = deprehensa, a metaphor derived from the chaso. 22. Ex actis, accurately, according to the official reports of what has taken place. The regular daily journals (acta diurna) were not yet kept, if Suetonius is to be trusted. Inito honore, Caesar primus omnium instituit, ut tarn Senatus qvam populi diurna acta conjie- rent, et publicarentur. Jul. Cffis. c. 20 : this was in his first consul- ship. — The meaning of the passage from Suetonius is rather that Cae- sar introduced a regulation for the making up of the minutes of the proceedings of the senate in form for publication as a part of the Roman daily gazette. See Diet. Antiq. Acta Diurna. — Klotz reads, qui ig- noratis [et exspectatis], ex actis scire; Steinmetz, qui ignoralis, et exspectatis, scire, &c. 23. Faucis ante diebus. H. 427. This was the 25th day from his departure. Or. II. — 1. Ctuum .... ejiciebani, " whilst I was endeavoring oft to drive Catiline out" Cf. 2 Cat. § 14, and exterminari volebam just below. On the mood, see P. C. 488, b;R. 518. — Cicero is not always uniform or consistent in his expressions respecting the part which he took in the withdrawal of Catiline. He distinguishes between allowing him to go forth, and casting him forth, emitterc and ejiccre f using one or the other word a3 best suited his purpose. 190 NOTES. Pa^e oq 3. Sed turn. This is the sed of resumption = inquam, / say H. 587, III, 2. 6, Atque is here a particle of transition. " When then I saw," or (better) " and so when I saw." " Usurpatur atque in adjiciendo eo, quod id, de quo antea sermo erat, sive ex ratione causae, sive tem- poris consequitur ; ideoque in iis locum habet, qua? necessitate quadam continuationis vel consecutionis arete cohaerent. Nos dicimus und so (and so)." Hand, i. 478 ; and p. 497, he notices as especially frequent the forms atque ego, atque ego scio, ac nescio, atque haud scio, ac ve- reor, atque ego credo, which often have the appearance of modesty, as if the speaker would signify that >ie has been led to his opinion by the circumstances themselves. 7". Furore et scelere. Compare note 2 on page 19, and page 9. 10. Auribus vestris. For, segnius irritant animos demissa per aurem, Quam qua sunt oculis commissa fidelibus. Hor. ep. ad Pis 180. 11. Comprehenderem = liquido convincerem, tanquam manu prehensam. Cf. § 3 ; pro Cluent. 16, 47: quo facilius comprehende- retur res ejus indicio. Pro Flacc. 16, 38. 12. Saluti vestrae provideretis. P. C. 233 ; H. 385, 3. 13. Ut comperi. "Per Q. Fabium Sangam, cujus patrocinio civitas Allobrogum plurimum utebatur : Sallust, 41. Allobrogum autem legati Romam venerant, questum de avaritia magistratuum, ut ait idem, c. 40 : ahi&pzvoi rovs fiyovpivovs avrwv. Appian, B. C. 2, p. 179. Plut. Cic. 18 : TrpaTroiiivmv de tovtwv, £tv%ov i-idrjuovvTes 'A\\opp6- ywv 8vo Trptafieis, 'idvovs nakicrra Si] t6ts novrjpa 7rpdrTovros *ai fiapvvojjiivov Tt]v ^ye/ioviav. tovtovs ol Kepi AivrXov oxps\i[iovs fiyotifievoi Trpbs to Kivrjcai Kai perapaXelv ttiv TaXariav hoir/cravTO crvvwudras. Victi autem erant Allo- broges a Q. Fabio Maximo, a. u. c. 632." M. See General Intro- duction, p. 143. — The Allobroges were a Gallic people occupying the country between the Isara and Rhodanus, lake Lemannus and a part of the Alps, in modern Dauphine and Savoy. Their chief town was Vienna (Vienne), and their border-town towards the Helvetii was Geneva. The name Sapaudia was applied to this country as early as the time of Ammianus. 14. Belli Transalpine In farther Gaul. — Tumultus Gallici. In hither Gaul. For the peculiar meaning of tumultus, see Arnold's Nepos, Milt. 4, 3 ; and compare Cic. Phil. 8, 1 : Quid est enim aliud tumultus, nisi perturbatio tanta, ut major timor oriatur ? undc etiam ■nomen ductum est tumultus. Itaque majores nostri tumultum ItaU icum, quod erat domesticus , tumultum Gallicum quod erat Italia finitimus ; praterea nullum tumultum nominabant. 16. Eodemque itinere. Their route to Gaul would lie through Etruria, where Catiline was encamped. 18. Voltlircium. BovXrovpiciop avSpa Kforw.iJrTjv, Appian, 1. C THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 191 Vuliurcium quendam Crotoniensem, Sallust, 44. Tirov nvd Kporonua-^Q n?*, Plut. 1. c. 21. TJt is frequently repeated after a parenthetical relative clause, as this is a repetition of the ut in line 19. 22. Ii. Flaccum. Cf. or. pro Flacc. 40, 102 : O nox ilia, qua pane aternas huic urbi tenebras attulisti ! quum Galli ad helium, Catilina ad Urbem, conjurati ad ferrum et jlammam vocabantur : quum ego te, Flacce, coelum noctemque contestans, flens fientem ob- testabar : quum tua fidei optima et spectatissima salut'em Urbis et eivium commendabam. Tu, tu, Flacce, Prator, communis exitii nuntios cepisti; tu inclusam in litteris rei publica pestem deprehen- disti: tu periculorum indicia, tu salulis auxilia ad me et ad Sena- turn attulisti. Qua tibi turn gratia sunt a me acta ? qua ah Se- natu? qua a bonis omnibus? Quis tibi, quis C. Pomptino, fortissi- mo viro, quemquam bonum putaret unquam non salutem, verum ho- norem ullum denegaturum. 23. Fortissimos atque amantissimos. By these epithets Ci- cero wishes to show that he selected for the execution of his plan, men who had both the ability and the will to serve their country. Sallust, ch. 45, calls them homines militares. 25. Illi .... qui .... sentirent. When qui assigns the reason or ground, and stands for quum or quum is, it is followed by the sub- junctive ; and the noun or pronoun to which it refers usually precedes. P. C. 481; H.517. So Tusc. Disp. 1, 11, 24: quid de Dicaarcho dicam, qui nihil omnino animum dicat esse ? = qui dicit et quum dicat. Pro Arch. 10, 25 : qui sedulitatem mali poeta duxerit aliquo tamen pramio dignam, hujus ing., &c. M. 2T. Sine ulla mora. See H. 457. 28. Ad pontem Mulvium. Now corrupted into Pontc Mollo or Ponte Molle. It was three [Roman] miles from the column in the Roman forum, on the Flaminian road. 29. Bipartito fuerimt. Compare in Greek, bi%a thai. See Z 3G5, in fiu. Klotz reads bipertiti fuerunt. 32. Ex prsefectura Reatina. Cicero was the patronus of the Reatini (Reate, now Riete), and therefore summoned their aid. Ego nuper, quum Reatini, qui essent in fide mea, &c, pro Scauro, 27. Prafectura were towns, the highest magistrate of which was a pra- fectus juri dicundo, who was appointed annually in Rome and sent thither. Consult Diet, of Antiq., Coloxia, towards the end of the article. 33. Q,uorum opera, &c. Klotz and Madvig read, quorum opera ulor assidue in rei publica prasidio, cum gladiis miseram. 34:. Tertia fere vigilia. The Romans divided the night into four watches. The time here mentioned would, therefore, be towards three o'clock in the morning. 192 NOTES. Page on 35. Magno comitatu = cum m. com. Cf. pro Mil. 10, 28 : quum hie insidiator .... cum uxore vehereiur in rheda, pcenulatus, magno .... ancillarum puerorumque comitatu. M. See H. 434. 36. Educuntur .... gladii. "Probabilior est Salustii narratio, c. 45 : utrimque clamor exortus est ; Galli cito cognito consilio sine mora prcetoribus se tradunt. Volturcius primo cohortatus suos, gla. dio se a multitudine defendit cet. Conjurati memorantur a Salustio, c. 17. In his ex equesiri ordine P. Gabinius Capito; quod familiao nomen longe probabilius est, quam Cimber. Puto rhetorem memoriae vitio errasse. [This refers to Oreili's disbelief of the genuineness of the last three orations against Catiline. Compare note on p. 24, line 8.] C. Annius Cimber famosus fuit M. Antonii administer, L. Tillius Cimber, notus Caesaris interfector. L. Statilius item eques Ro. C. Cornelius Cethegus, post Lentulum princeps in ilia conjuratione. Na« turaferox, vekemens, manu promptus erat. Sail, c 43. P. Corne- lius Lentulus Sura, consul, a. u. c. 683. 'AW/p yivovs [ih thSo^ov, fie- J3iuku>s Se <})av\(i)s Kal Si' aaiXyuav i&\r)\aiiivos rrjs fiovXijs irpdrepov' t6tz Si crparriyCiv to Seirtpov, u»? sOos fori rots f| vnapxns dvaKTu/iivois to @ov\evTi- kov afana. Plut. Cic. 17. Excogitandi et loquendi tarditatem tege- bat formce dig nitas, corporis motus plenus et artis et venustatis, vo- cis et suavitas et magnitudo. Cic. Brut. 66. O. Cir. III. — 39. Interventu Pomptinl. See page 11, note 12. 41. Integris signis. With the seals unbroken. Letters wero frequently written upon waxen tablets, which were secured by being fastened together with packthread and sealed with wax. 4:4. Cimbrum Gabinium. P. Gabinius Capito, ex equestri or- dine. Cf. Sail. 17, and below, § 14. See also Sail, chaps. 40 and 55. — Statim is opposed to a future time (postea), and = " at once" an opposed to "then," "afterwards," " at another time." — Nihil dum. Nondum, necdum, nihil dum, nullus dum add to the negatives the meaning of up to this or that time, whether it be a past, present, or future time. 30 2. Credo. In what way is this word used ? See p. 23, line 5. 3. In Uteris his dandis. So Orelli, Klotz, and others. Madvig omits his; and Steinmetz omits dandis. The common text is Uteris dandis, which Wunder, ad Plane. 6, 15, defends as = quum Uterus darct. Compare H. 431, Hand, iii. p. 286, and Halm, in Vatin. p. 81, fg. By in more prominence is given to the duration of the time, which well suits the sluggish and indolent character of Lentulus. But even where the notion of time would be suitable, the Latin language prefers the causal or instrumental mode of expression as the more logically exact and definite. Seyffert, Pal. Cic. p. 93. — Pr&ter consuetudinem. Lentulus being notoriously indolent ; b AivTovXog tjKio-Ta Spaarijpios ifv . Dio. 37, 32. So Catiline says of him in Sallust: Scitis equidem, mi- THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATIEINE. 193 Pag» utcs, socordia atque ignavia Lentuli quantam ipsi cladem nnbisque ofk attulerit. 4t. Q,uum vero. Vero = part, affirmativa, gravitatem addens narrationi de re non minimi momenti. H. 587, III, 2. 7. Referri placeret. So Orelli, Klotz, and Supfle, from MSS. Madvig and others, deferri. " Correctio est ex seqq. Referri non ' literas,' Bed significat: relationem a me consule fieri." Orelli. See note, p 14, line 44. 8. Xegavi me esse facturum, ut, &c. On this circumlocution, *ee H. 558, IV. To what is the expression in the text equivalent ? H. 492, 1 ; 558, IT. <■ lO. Rem integram. The matter untouched, just as it was found ; in reference to literas . . xperiri above. — Si .... tamen. De Oral. 1, 16, 72 : quibus ipsis si in dicendo non utimur, tamen apparet at- que exstat, &c 41, 185: Nam si esset ista cogniiio juris magna ac difficilis, tamen utilitatis magnitudo deberet homines ad suscipiendum discendi laborem impeller e. Muretus. 12. Nimiam diligcntiam. = ninrice diligenticB crimen. M., who compares the Greek dpyiav ?%ezv, ivcraifistav KTrjoaoQai, &c. 13, Senatum .... coegi. He summoned them to meet in the Temple of Concord, which stood in a commanding situation on the ascent to the Capitol ; its elevated site (the ascent to it was by sev- eral steps), commanding the forum and place of assembly, made it a very strong place ; and a guard oi Equites volunteered to defend it against all attacks. It was vowed and built by M. Furius Camillua (388?) in commemoration of the reconciliation between the patricians and plebeians. Plut. Cam. 42 ; Ovid, Fast. 1, 641. 15. C. Sulpicium. Plut. Cic. c. 19: Taios Se ZovXttikios, its t&v arpaTTjyiov (= prastorum), inl rrjv oiKiav Tttnv dvafiGv di'iSpafxov. Jul. Obseq. c. 122 : trabs ardens ab occasu ad ccelum extenta. M. — Ut jaclus, ut motus ccteraque. Supply omittam. 41. Ceteraque. Que (= ut in unum contraham), " and in short." (Gorenz.) M. 44. Neque prsetermittendum neque relinquendum est. The former of an unintentional, the latter of an intentional omission. Off. 3, 2, 9: Negant, eum locum a Panaitio pr&termissum, sed consulto relictum. Cf. Or. 2, 29, 12G; Tusc. 1, 49, 119. M. 1. Cotta et Torquato consulibus, a. u. c. G89. Dio Cass. 37, 9, q | p 117 : «ri fitv ovv rovroig 'ix ai 9 0V 0l 'PwjuaToi, rd 8e S>i ripara Kai itdvv avrovs idopv(3ei' Iv yup r>ve6dt]- xrav Kai aydXfjiara dXXa re Kai Albs inl kiovos i6pvp.ivov, eiK&v ri ris XvKaivrn ttw rt tw 'Pci/tcj) Kai aiiv rw 'Pw^tuAw ISpvuivi) eneoe, rd re ypd^iara rZv arrjXSiv, IS as ol vdpoi heypdv irapaTTOvro, tKQavtitv, ISpvvdij- tat tyt)juh> buotws i/peae, Kal ndXia-a i~ei6ri, too Kitcipuivos 6riur]yopovvT6s ti xcpl axirutv, to ayaX^a to tov Albs es te to KairiT&Xiov Trap' avTbv tov Kaipbv ttjs 'EKKXtjaias dviSpvdr] Kal Kara tijv vcpjjyrjaiv tGjv udvTtwv ~p6; ts tus dvaroXas Kal npbs tijv dyopdv (iXenov dvCTtdr]' iiretSi] yap eksIvoi cvvwuoaiav rivd i^cXsy- xQfjeeadai tK Trjs tov aydXuaTos tttwgcms stprjKCMrav Kal >; avdOeais avrov to7s 0wja0e?ffi ovvifiaive t6 ts Qtlov eusydXvvov Kal tov; ttjv airiav Xa(l6vTas 6% ipyijg udXXov tiroiovvTo. M. Cf. the vv. above, from hate tardata diu to the end. 35. Per forum. According to Matthioe, Cicero then occupied the house which he bought of Crassus ; so that the forum lay between ; t and the Temple of Concord. Middleton describes it thus : — " About the time of this trial [pro Sulla, which, however, was after his con- sulship], Cicero bought a house of M. Crassus, on the Palatine hill, adjoining to that in which he had always lived with his father, and 202 NOTES. Pa ff e DA which he is now supposed to have given up to his brother Quiulus The house cost him near thirty thousand pounds, and seems to have been one of the noblest in Rome ; it was built about thirty years bo- fore by the famous tribune, M. Livius Drusus ; on which occasion we aro told, that when the architect promised to build it for him in such a manner, that none of his neighbors should overlook him: but if you have any skill, replied Drusus, contrive it rather so, that all the world may see what I am doing. It was situated in the most conspicuous part of the city, near to the centre of all business, overlooking the /o- rum and the rostra ; and what made it the more splendid, was its be- ing joined to a portico or colonnade, called by the name of Catulus, who built it out of the Cimbric spoils, on that area where Flaccus for- merly lived, whose house was demolished by public authority for hia seditious practices with C. Gracchus." Middleton. 43. Si me .... dicani . . sumam. P. C. 445. 44. Ille, ille Juppiter. Cf. 1 Cat. 13, 33. 35 4U Jam vero, &c. Orelli's mark t before the sic is intended to signify that the passage is ungrammatical, and probably corrupt. Matthiae explains it thus:— The regular construction would have been jam vero ilia Allobr. sollicitatio a Lentulo tarn temere suscepta nun- quam fuisset, nee tanta res tarn dementer credita et ignotis et bar- baris, &c, but the occurrence of tanta res, which embraces the solli- citatio and all its attendant circumstances, leads him to use one pred- icate (the nunquam credita esset) of both. — It is better, I think, to stop the passage thus (with Klotz) : Jam vero ilia Allobrogum solli- citatio sic a P Lentulo ceterisque domesticis hostibus, tarn dementer tanta res, credita et ignotis, &c. The sollicitatio Allobrogum is not the tampering with the ambassadors of the Allobroges, but the at- tempt to induce the nation of the Allobroges to rise up against the senate. This very important and dangerous mission, that of inducing the Allobroges to rebel, was intrusted to the ambassadors of the state, who were then at Rome, et ignoti et barbari. Ill voc. sic videtur sub- esse participium hac orationis forma : suscepta a P. Lent. — tarn de- menter, tanta, &c. Madvig. 9. Civitate male pacata. Cf. Orat. de Prov. Cons. 13 : Modo ille meorum laborum, periculorum, consiliorum socius, C. Pomp tin us, fortissimus vir, ortum repenie bellum Allobrogum atque hac scele- rata conjuratione excitaium, proeliis fregit eosque domuit, qui laces- gierant ; et ea victoria contentus, re publica metu libcrata quievit. Liv. Epit. 103 : C. Pomptinus prator Allobroges, qui rebcllaverant, ad Solonem (Torre di Sole) domuit, a. u. c. 693. O. 14. Praesertim qui = prasertim quum Mi. 15. Super are potuerunt, [125.] " Ex nostra consuetudine scri- be ndum essot potuissent, sed hoc interest inter nostram et L.itinoruni consuetudinem, quod nos conditio nem aliquant suppressant cogitaru TIIIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 203 solemns, Latini non solent. Itaque semper fere dicunt : multos com- ok inemor are possum, non possim, ut De Nat. D. 1, 36, 101, qua vel sine magistro facere potuerunt. Orat. 9, § 32 (cf. Or. 2, 32, 139), non potuissent. Quae consuetudo quum semel invaluisset, etiam nbi si cum conj. sequebatur, indicativum verbi posse ponebant, ut pro Quint. 13, 13 at, si id velles, jampridem actum esse poterat. Cf. Verr. 3, 31, 73 Sic Verr. 3, 49, 71, multo enim pluris fructus annui Sicilies W.nire potuerunt, si id te scnatus aut pop. Rom. facere voluisset. Cf. id Fam. 13, 29, 14 ; pro Flacc. 5, 12, etenim potest esse infinita (oratio), si mihi libeat. Cf. ad Manil. c. 17. Recto igitur hanc lec- lionem contra Ern., qu' superarent recepit, tuetur Goerenz. . . . ceterum m eo falsus, quod post qui, quando pro quia is ponatur, indicativum etiam sequi contondit. Imo ubi Latini causam plane et diserte exprin/i vol unt, semper conj uuctivo post qui utuntur: sed non semper necesse est causam diserte exprimi, ut Phil. 3, 6, 14. Si Me consul, fustu- arium meruerunt legiones qui consulem reliquerunt ; sceleraius Cce- sar, Brutus nefarius, qui contra consulem privato consilio exercitus comparaverunt ; membra, quae a qui incipiunt, causam continere ap- paret, cur illi scelerati ac nefarii appellentur, sed non necesse putavit Cic. h. 1. causam significare." M. Madvig, however, from conjecture, reads potuerint. Ch. X. — 16. Ad omnia pulvinaria = in omnibus templis. Pul- vinaria were couches provided for the purpose of a lectisternium. See Diet. Antiq., Lectisternium ; Arnold's Nepos, Tim. 2, 2. IT. Celebratote. The imperative forms in to, tote are stronger than the forms in a, ate, implying that the thing ordered is a duty either always, or under the circumstances. It is obvious from this, that they are (1) the natural form for laws. They are also (2) used in emphatic requests and exhortations ; and (3) in emphatic permis- sions, granted by one who has the right to forbid the action or power to prevent it. See, however, Hark. 53G, 537,— Processions of boys, matrons, and maidens, crowned with garlands, and singing hymns in honor of the gods, formed part of such celebrations. They lasted com- monly for three or five days. 21. Eterepti. Z. 717. 22. Togati togato duce. Cf. 2 Cat. 13, 28, and note on p. 27, line 25. 23. Recordamini. Recordari very rarely takes the genitive, but usually the accusative of the thing; and of a person regularly the ab- ative with de. 24. Non solum., .sed. H. 5S7, IIL— Quas (m-Usfii. The early contests between the patricians and plebeians, and the disturbances occasioned by the Gracchi and Saturninus are meant. 25. JL. Sulla P. Sulpicium orpressit. [a. u. c. 666.] Quum I . Sulpicius tribunus plebis, aucior" C. Mario, perniciosas leges 201 NOTES. Page ozpromulgasset, Ut exsules revocarentur, et novi civcs libertinique dif> tribuerentur in tribus, et Ut C. Marius adversus Mithridatem Pont) regcm dux crcaretur, et adversantibus consulibus Q. Pompeio et L Sulla vim intulisset, occiso Q. Pompeio consulis filio, genero Sulla, L. Sulla consul cum exercitu in urbem venit, et adversus /actionem Sulpicii et Marii in ipsa urbe pugnavit, eamque expulit: ex qua duodecim a senatu hostes, inter quos C. Marius pater et filius judi- cati sunt. P. Sulpicius, quum in quadam villa lateret, indicio servi sui retractus et occisus est. Servus, ut prcsmium promissum indict haberet, manumissus, et ob scelus proditi domini de saxo dejectus est. C. Marius filius in Africam trajecit. C. Marius pater, quum in paludibus Minturnensium lateret, extractus est ab oppidanis : et quum missus ad occidendum eum servus, natione Gallus, majcstatt tanti viri perterritus recessissei, impositus publice in navim delatus est in Africam. L. Sulla civitatis statum ordinavit : exinde colo- nias deduxit. Q. Pompeius consul, ad accipiendum a Cn. Pompeio proconsule exercitum profectus, consilio ejus occisus est. Mithrida- tes, Ponti rex, Bithynia et Cappadocia occupatis, et pulso Aquilio legato, Phrygiam, provinciam populi Romani, cum ingenti exercitu intravit. Liv. Epit. 11. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 357, foil. 26, Ex iirbe ejecit. Madvig brackets these words. — Custodem hujus urbis. On account of the defeat and destruction of the Cimbri and Teutoni. Cf. 4 Cat. § 21 ; Schmitz, Rome, pp. 344-49. 23. Cn. Octavius, consul, [a. u. c. 667.] L. Cornelius Cinna, quum perniciosas leges per vim atque arma ferret, pulsus urbe a Cn. Octavio collega, cum sex tribunis plcbis : imperioque ci abrogato, corruption Ap. Claudii exercitum in potestatem suam redegit, et bellum urbi intulit, arcessito C. Mario ex Africa cum aliis exsulibus : in quo bello duo fratres, alter ex Pompeii exercitu, alter ex Cinncs ignorantes concurrerunt : et, quum victor spoliaret occisum, agnito fratre, ingenti lamentaiione edita, rogo ci exstructo, ipse supra ro- gum se transfodit, et ef>dem igni consumptus est. Et quum opprimi inter initia potuissent, Cn. Pompeii fraude, qui, utramque partem fovendo, vires Cinnai dedit, ncc nisi projligatis optimatium rebus auxilium tulit, et consulis segnitie covfirmati Cinna et Marius quat- tuor exercitibus, ex quibus duo Q. Sertorio et Carboni dati sunt, urbem circumsederunt. Osiiam coloniam Marius cxpugnavit, et crudeliter diripuit. Liv. Epit. 79. Schmitz, Rome, p. 360, foil. 29. Omnis hie locus. The forum, where the conflict between Octavius and Cinna had taken place. Hie btiKTiK&s. 30. Cinna cum Mario. Italicis popuhs a senatu civitas data est. Samnitcs, qui soli arma rctinebant, Cinnce et Mario se con- junxerunt. Ab Us Plaulius cum exercitu casus est. Cinna ct Ma- rius cum Carbone et Sertorio Janiculum occupaverunt, ct fugati ab Octavio consule reccsserunt. Marius Antium, et Ariciam, ct LtinU' T111RD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 205 Page tium colonias devastavit. Quum nulla, spes esset optimatibus resis- oc iendi propter segnitiem et perfidiam et ducum et militum, qui cor- rupti aut pugnare nolebant, aut ad diversas partes transibanl, Cinna et Marius in urbem reccpti sunt : qui, velut captam, earn ccedibus et rapinis vastarunt, Cn. Octavio consule occiso, et omnibus adversa partis nobilibus trucidatis, inter quos M. Antonio eloquentissimo viro, L. et G. Gasarc, quorum capita in Rostris posita sunt. Crassus filius ab equitibus Fimbria occisus : pater Crassus, ne quid indig- 7ium virtute sua pateretur, gladio se transfixit. Et citra ulla comi- tia consules in sequentem annum se ipsos renuntiaverunt : eodemqite die, quo magistratum inierant, Marius Sex. Licinium senatorem dp. saxo dejici jussit ; editisque multis sceleribus, Idibus Januariis de- ccssit : vir, cujus si examinentur cum virtutibus vitia, haud facile sit dictu, utrum bello melior, an pace perniciosior "uerit : adeo, quam • rem publicam armatus servavit, earn prima togatus omni genere fraudis, postremo armis hostiliter evertit. Liv. Epit. 80. 33. Deminutione civium. [a. u. c. 672.] Sulla Carbonem, cxercitu ejus fuso ad Clusium, ad Faventiam Fidentiamque caso, Italia expulit : cum Samnitibus, qui soli ex Italicis populis nondum arma posuerant, juxta urbem Romanam ante portam Collinam de- bellavit : recuperataque re publica, pulcherrimam victoriam crude- litate, quanta in nullo hominum fuit, inquinavit. Octo millia dedi- torum in villa publica trucidavit : tabulam proscriptions proposuit : urbem ac totam Italiam cadibus replevit : inter quas omnes Prcenes- tinos inermes concidi jussit : Marium, senatorii ordinis virum, cru~ ribus brachiisque fractis, auribus prcssectis, et effossis oculis, neca- vit. C. Marius, Prozneste obsessus a Lucretio Ofella, Sullanarum partium viro, quum per cuniculum captaret evadere, sceptus ab ex- ercitu, mortem sibi conscivit, id est, in ipso cuniculo, quum sentirci se evadere non posse, cum Pontio Telesino, fuga comite, stricio utrimque gladio, concurrit : quern quum occidisset, ipse saucius im- petravit a servo, ut se occideret. Liv. Epit. 88. Floras, 3, 21, 24: Minus est, quod apud Sacriportum (Latii portum) et apud Collinam portam septuaginta amplius milia Sulla concidit; bellum erat. Quattuor milia deditorum inermium civium in villa publica interfici jussit. — Quis autem illos potest computare, quos in urbe passim, quisquis voluit, occidit ? donee admonente Furfidio, vivere aliquos debere, ut essent quibus imperaret, proposita est ingens ilia tabula, et ex ipso equestris ordinis jlore ac senatus duo milia electi, qui mori juberentur. Cf. C. pro S. Roscio Am. 32. O. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 3G4, foil. 34r. Dissensit M. Lepidus a Q,. Catulo. [M. JEmilius Lepi- dus : dpaeds avrjp ital 7roAf/noj ical i/j.Tr\t]KTiKWTaTos, Plut. Sull. 34. Cou- sul, A. u. c. 676. O.] Sulla decessit, konosque ei a senatu habitus t8t, ut in campo Marlio sepeliretur. M Mmilius Lepidus, quum 200 NOTES. 9K acta SullcB ientaret rescindere, helium excitavit, et a Q. Catulo col lega Italia pulsus est : et in Sardinia, frustra helium molitus, pe* Hit. M. Brutus, qui Cisalpinam Galliam ohtinehat, a Cn. Pompeio occisus est. Q. Sertorius proscriptus in ulteriore Hispania ingens helium excitavit. L. Manlius proconsul et L. Domitius legatus ah Hirtuleio qu&store praslic victi sunt. Liv. Epit 90. Schmitz, Rome, p. 370, 71. 36. Ipsius, i. e. M. Lepidi. 3T. Atque illae tameu ornnes. So Orelli, KIoU, Madvig. In some editions the reading is atque illcs dissensiones, Quirites, from non Mi to voluerunt being parenthetical. 4-0. Se esse .... voluerunt. P. C. 149, h, note r. 42. Atque illaj tameu. Ernesti says thti tamen here = inquam igitur (as a particle of resumption), after a parenthesis ; but M. prop- erly remarks that it has not a simple resumptive power, out can only be used when the second portion of a sentence, interrupted by a pa- renthesis, contains a statement opposed to the parenthetical statement: e. g. here the force is, — although those dissensions had for their ob- ject not the overthrow of the state, but a change of the constitution. From atque in this line to dijudicatcs sint, Madvig includes in brackets. 36 !• Post hominum memoriarn maximo, &c. Cf. 2 Cat. 13, 28. The expression is emphatic with reference to the milder term dissen- siones just used for rhetorical effect. 2. Nulla unquam barbaria. Cf. p. Arch. 8, 19. 4. Cethego et Cassio. So Orelli and Klotz. Madvig, with oth- ers, Cassio, Ccthego. 5. In hostium numero ducerentur. H. 4S9. T. Tantum civium. See Z. 726., 8. Infinitse ceedi restitisset. " Resistere cadi eodem modo di- citur ut resistere dolori; i. e. non succumbere, sed hac adjuncta vi, ut sit fortitudine sua vel alia ratione efficere ne caede infinita civium ipse etiam intereas." M. lO. Integros incolumesque a untouched and unhurt. Incolumis in opp. to being wounded, &c. ; integer (from tangere) in opp. to be- ing attacked. Dod. Cn. XI. — 1 2. Prasmium virtutis . . . insigne honoris. Daring supposes he has in mind the honor of a triumph, as in animis ego ves* tris omnes triumphos, &c, follows directly after 13. Praeterquam hujus diei memoriarn. Z. 735. Cf. 4 Cat. 11, 23. 16. Nihil .... mutum, e. g. a statue. 20. Eandemque diem, &c. This passage is probably corrupt Matthiae, after Muretus and Garatoni, makes dies = iempus ; and explains it thus : " Earn a se, conjuratione oppressa, propagatam sive productam esse dicit, ut et salus urbis et memoria consulatus sui diu- THIRD ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 207 Page tius constaret." Inlelligo = video, arbitror. — Bloch expjains it nearly n(i in the same way (both placing a comma after fore), eandem diem, * quam [= .cujus memoriam], spero ester nam fore, intelligo (= video, arbitror) propagatam (= productam, effectu suo ad posteros prolatam. Cf. 2 Cat. c. 5 : mcus consulatus .... multa secula propagarit rei publicee) esse et ad salutem urbis (quod ea hac die servata videtur) et ad memoriam consulatus mei. — Intelligo must be understood again be- fore uno : intelligoque uno tempore, &c. ; but Madvig is surely right in asserting that Cicero could not say se intelligere uno tempore sc et Pompeium exstitisse, &c. He supposes the omission of some infinitive dependent on intelligo, and adopts - the reading of the best MSS. omni, thus : Omnique tempore [hoc precdicatum iri, simul] in hac re publi- ca, &c. Op. Academ. p. 192. In his second edition he reads fore, propagatam esse et ad salutem . . . t unoque, &c. ; then, adding what he supposes omitted, he suggests, omnique tempore {sic codd. aliquot) hoc prsedicatum iri, uno tempore. — Klotz for cives reads dies. — My own opinion of the passage is this : As propagare tempus, multa secula, &c, rei publicce, is, to grant it or procure for it an extended duration, &c, so propagare diem (rei publicae) is to extend the period of its duration; and eandem diem propagare is to grant the same extended duration to two or more objects, &c. Henco the meaning would be : " And 1 know that the same extended period .... and I hope it may be an unlimited one .... has been granted both for the safety of the state and for the remembrance of my consulship." Perhaps the clause, unoque tempore exstitisse, &c, is loosely connected with ad memoriam consulatus mei (i. e. for the remembrance of my consulship, and of the fact that at the same time, &c.) 21. Alter . . . coeli regionibus. Alter = Pompejus. Compare his panegyric on Pompey • qui populi Romani imperium non terra- rum regionibus sed cozli partibus ierminavit (frag. Orat. de are alieno Milonis, 1, 4). O. Cf. also Virg. Mn. 1, 287: imperium Oceano, famam qui terminet astris. 25. Alter . . . servaret. Cf. 4 Cat. 10, 21 ; 2 Phil. 5, 12 ; I Of. 22, 78. Ch. XIL— 28. Eadem quae. H 451, 5. 29. Vivendum est. Klotz cum his vivendwn sit. 31. Recte facta sua. Cf. in Verr. 4, 38, 82: suarum rerum gestarum, where Ernesti said, it must be rerum a se gestarum; but Zumpt quotes p. Deiot. : tuce res gestez ; and Brut. 35 : de rebus ges- tis suis. Matthiae, on this passage, gives the following examples, in- cluding some where the attributive is a genitive case. Ad Herenn. 1, 14 • nisi quando pro eo dicimus, cujus multa recte facta constant Verr. 3, 80, 186 : nisi forte id egisti, ut hominibus ne oblivisci qui- dem rerum tuarum male gestarum liceret. Liv. 28, 25: suis recte factis gratiam qui exsolvat, non esse. Ad Fam. 10, 8, in. optima 208 NOTES. Page o£ mentis cogitata jampridem, maturo tempore enuntiarc Pro Cluent 31, in. qui alterius bene inventis obtemperat. 3 2. Q,uando. When is quando used for " ever" ? P. C 402.— Mentes ne possent. H. 602, m, 2. 35. Mihi quidem ipsi .... noceri potest. H. 385. 36. Magnum enim est. P. C. p. 255, 92. 38. Tacita defendet. ' Quia, qui me laedet, is violandae reip animum prodet." Weiske. 39. Negligent volent . indicabunt. H. 470. 4:1. Ufullius. What cases of nemo are not in use ? 37 3. Mihi quidem acquiri. Ad Famil. 3, 7: postea vera quam ita et cepi et gessi maxima imperia, ut mihi nihil nequc aa honorem, neque ad gloriam acquirendum putarem, &c. Cf. pro Sull. 9,27. M. 5. duidquam .... altius. H. 438, 5. 6. Illud perficiam ut. H. 558, 4. 8. In conservanda re publica. Cf. note on p. SO, lino 3, and page 25, line 5. 10. Meminerim .... curemque. H. 297, 2. 11. Ut ea virtute, nou casu. Ad Fam. 5, 2 : hujus ego teme- ritati si virtute atque animo non restitissem, quis esset, qui me in consulatu non casu potius existimaret, quam consilio, for tern fuisse': Manut. (ap. M.). 13. Vestrum. Nostrum, vestrum are seldom used objectively for nostri, vestri. Vestrum = of each individual of you. 1 6. Atque = sed potius. Compare note on p. 27, lino 33. IT. C^uirites is omitted by Madvig FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATJLINE. « ANALYSIS. , In the introduction Cicero thanks the senate for the kind feeling and con- cern which they had shown for his safety, and entreats them, without re- gard to his person, to consider only the welfare of the state. At the samo time, aware of the dangers whirt tnreaten him, he testifies his anxiety for his family, and urges upon the senate continued watchfulness. (Ch. 1, § 1-5.) t. The main proposition is, that the crime of the conspirators demands severe and speedy punishment. After again describing the magnitude of the crime he (a) states the different opinions in the senate respecting the punishment of the criminals,— that of Silanus for their punishment by death, and of Cae- sar for their imprisonment for life ; (b) he examines these two opinions, and while he praises the seemingly milder opinion of Caesar as less hazardous, he defends that of Silanus as more advantageous to the state ; (c) he refutes those who were afraid that the sentence of capital punishment could not be carried into execution, and shows that he has abundant resources for carrying it into effect, since all the orders of the state are ready to sustain him. (Ch. 3, § 5-ch. 8, § 17.) 3. In conclusion, he calls upon the senate to vote with decision and courage for the opinion of Silanus, expresses his satisfaction with the honors he has already attained, commends his family to the protection of the state, and asks no other return for the benefits he has conferred upon his country but its grateful recollection. (Ch. 8, § 17-end.) Pa-. Ch. I. — 2. Ora atque oculos. Descriptive of the anxiety with ou which all were waiting to see which of the opinions respecting the punishment of the conspirators Cicero would favor. 3. Depulsum sit, sc. a vobis et a re pubiica, sumto de sociis Ca- tilinae supplicio 5. Voluntas. Kind feeling. But as Cicero refers to this as prompting their anxiety for his welfare, he uses deponite, which prop- erly refers to sollicitudinem implied. So M. 12. Noil forum, in quo onuiis sequitas continetur. So pro Mur. § 31 : deque eo pauca disseram ; neque cnim causa in hoc con- tinetur. The usual meaning of contineri in re is to be confined within any thing : contineri re = positum esse in re ; ea scrvari, ex ca pendere. H. 414. Muretus remarks that Livy (40, 10) has imitated this passage, where he makes Perseus say, Quo enim alio confugiam, cut non — domus, non epulce, non nox ad quietem data natures, beneficio mortalibus, tuta est ? Muret. V. L. 19, 14. Cf. pro Mar. § 82. M. Cicero calls the Forum the seat of justice because in it the courts of jaw were held. 13. Consularibus auspiciis consecratus. See pro Mur. 1 210 NOTES. Fag-e 2Q The Campus Martius was the place of holding the consular elections at the commencement of which the auspices must be taken. Cf. 1 Cat. 5, 11. — Non curia, &c. Particularly the curia Hostilia, where the sittings of the senate were usually held. Cf. p. Mur. 39, 84 : in Mo sacrario rei publico,, in ipsa, inquam, curia non nemo hostis est. 14:. Non domus, &c. Cf. pro domo, 41, 109: Quid est sanctius^ quid omni religione munitius, quam domus uniuscujusque civium ? . . hoc perfugium est ita sanctum omnibus, ut inde abripi neminem fas sit. 15. Non lectus, &c. See 1 Cat. 4, ?. 16. Sedes honoris, sella curulis. Liv. 9, 46: Flavius curulem afferri sellam eo jussit, ac sede honoris sui anxios invidia inimicos spectavit. M. after Heum. Madvig reads hcec sedes hono- ris unquam. On the sella curulis, see Diet. Antiq., Sella. — Vacua .... periculo. H. 425. What preposition does it also take ? Ah. 11. Atque. Cf. note on p. 16, line 15. — Multa tacui. " Videtur de multis potentibus intelligere, qui in suspicionem conjurationis voca- bantur, Crasso, Caesare, aliis." Muretus. 18. In vestro timore = " quum in timore essetis." In is used to express the condition and present state of things, where otherwise the participle of a verb, or the conjunctions quum, dum, si, might be employed. Cf. 2 Cat. 8, 18 : magno in £ tovtov Kai ivTtfioTtpovs avdyKt] yivtaBai tovs avOpiZnovs xal itio-Toripovs 6okc7p Kai ebvovcripovg nepl Tag avruv Ttarpidas iv jcavri, £ia to lb vius compares Statius, Et populis mors una venit ; and Ovid, Met. I, 721 (of the eyes of Argus) : centum oculos mors occupat una. Mat- this; adds, C. Off. 2, 8, 27: secutus est, qui — universas provincial regionesque uno calamitatis jure comprekenderet. 21. Incumbite ad. See H. 386, With what preposition is it more frequently construed in its figurative sense 1 In. 23. Ti. Gracclius. See Schmitz, Rome, pp. 332, 333. 24:. C. Gracclius. See Schmitz, Rome, pp. 336-9. 25. Agrarios. On the agrarian laws consult Diet, of Aniiq., Agrariae Leges. 26. C. Memmium. Liv. Epit. 69. L. Appuleius Saturninus, adjuvante C. Mario, et per milites occiso A. Nonio competitore, tri- bunus plebis per vim creatus, non minus violenter tribunatum, quam petierat, gessit. — Idem Appuleius Saturninus tribunus plebis C. Memmium candidatum consulatus, quern maxime adversarium ac- tionibus suis timebat, occidit. Quibus rebus concitato senatu, in cujus causam et C. Marius, homo varii et mutabilis ingenii consilii- que semper secundum fortunam, transierat, quum eum tueri minime posset, oppressus armis cum Glaucia pratore, et aliis ejusdem furoris sociis, bello quodam interfectus est. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 349. 28. Vestram omnium. The genitive omnium is in apposition with the genitive implied in the possessive vestram. See note on p. 11 line 30. 32. Nemo ne . quidem. See H. 585, 2. Ch. III. — 36. Vos multis jam judiciis judicastis. He skil- fully endeavors to give to their decisions the force of judicial determi- nations. Res judicata formed precedents, which, in default of auy written law, were binding on other judges. Multis jam judiciis judi* castis is more emphatic than sape jam judicastis would have been So Klotz. Paulo ante frequens senatus judicaverat eos contra rem publicam fecisse ; and a little before : Legatis Allobrogum et T. VoL~ turcio comprobato eorum indicio pramia decernuntur. Sail. c. 50. O. 3T. Gratias egistis. See note on p. 12, line 11. 39. Ut se abdicaret .... coegistis. Cogere with ut is rare in C. — Matthiae gives de Orat. 3, 3, 9 : Catulum .... esse coactum, ut vita se ipse privaret. Verr 2, 17, 41 : cogere incipit eos ut absentcm Heraclium condemnarent, with four or five more passages See, how ever, H. 551, II, 2. <12. Supplicationem, &c. Cf. 3 Cat. § 15. — Qui honos. See Krebs Guide, 124. | a 1. Ctui in custodiam, &c See 3 Cat. 6, 14. 2. Sine ulla dubitatione. « Without any hesitation:' 4. Referre. See note on p. 14, line 44. "But I have determined to bring bofore you, Conscript Fathers, as if the matter were still un- FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 213 Pag-a decided, the question, both in regard to the fact, what is your juJg-^Q ment, and, in regard to the punishment, what is your decree." 6. Ctuoe sunt consulis. Cf. § 19, end, and p. C. Rabir. 1, 3. I. In republica versari furorem. On this meaning of furor, see note on p. 9, line 2. 8. Misceri. This is the verbum proprium to describe the attempts cf those who seek to overturn the government, and thereby throw sTBry thing into disorder and confusion. Cf. p. Mil. 9, 25. 1 0, duidquid est, quocunque vestrse mentes inclinant. The fwo clauses quidquid est and quocunque vestrce mentes inclinant are grammatically independent and co-ordinate : the second may be con- sidered explanatory of the first. Quidquid est, id est, quocunque vestra mentes inclinant. Klotz reads quocunque vestra se mentes, &c. II. Statuendum vobis ante noctem est. " Turn quia pericu- lum erat, ne noctu aliquis tumultus excitaretur, ut per vim eriperentur ii, qui in custodiam dati erant, turn quia senatum ante noctem dimitt: oportebat." Muret. Varro, in A. Gell. 14, 7, says that no senatus consultum was valid if pronounced before sunrise or after sunset. 13. Affines. What cases does affinis govern? P. C. 212 ; H. 391. Matthias gives the following examples of both cases : Aff. sceleri, Suli. 25, 70 ; turpidini, Clueiit. 45, extr. ; suspicionis, Sull. 5, extr. ; rei capitdlis, Verr. 2, 38, 94. — Latins opinione. H. 417, 2, 6. 1 T. Sustentando = differendo. This use appears to be confined to Cicero [Freund.] De Pausania Alabadensi sustentes rem, dum Nero veniat, Fam. 13, 64, 1 ; cadijicationem Arcani ad tuum adven- tam sustentari placebat, Q. Fr. 2, 7. 18. Vindicandum = puniendum. Off. 1, 30: Tib. Gracchi nc- farios conatus vindicavit. Ch. IV.— 19. Duas. For Cato (Sail. 52) had not yet spoken.— D. Silani, consulis designati. Sail. c. 50 : Turn D. Silanus, primus sententiam rogatus, quod eo tempore consul designatus erat. Appian, B. C. 2, 5, p. 180 : SjAavdj [iiv <5>) -rrpuJTos eXcyev, 8? is rd {ieXXov YjpriTO vtrarcvtiv' u><5£ yup 'Pw/iatois b jieXXwv vxarevueiv xp&ros iarcpipei yv&nrjv, w? tibrbs, olyiai, iroXXa t&v Kvpov/Jiivoiv ipyaad/jLevos, teal ik Tov6e £v(3ovX6TEp6v rt Kal EvXafiiorepov £vQvnr)a6jjtevos Kepi (KaoTiv. M. 20. Hasc, SeiKTiK&s ; see note on p. 15, line 20. 21. C. Caesaris, prsetoris designati. Suet. Cccs. 14. M. 23. Pro sui dignitate. So Orelli, Klotz, and others. Madvig and Ste'nmetz, pro sua dignitate. Cf. de Off. 1, 39 : Habenda ratio non sui [al. sua] solum sed etiam aliorum. So also the genitive elands with causa, but only where prominence or contrast is required. 25. Q,ui populuin Romanum. These words are included in brackets by Madvig. 27. Non putat. See note on p. 21, line 2, and compare beloWi lino 39 : non putet. 214 NOTKS. Page 4Q 29. Recordatur, here = commemorat. M. So Tusc. 5, 5: Multa de Atilio, &c, recordatur. Bloch. — Alter inteliigit = censel arhitratur ; as 3 Cat. § 26. 30. Mortem . . quietem esse. Caesar in Sail. c. 5L: in luctu atque tniseriis mortem arumnarum requiem, non cruciatum esse earn cuncta mortalium mala dissolvere : ultra neque euro, nequt gaudio locum esse ; which Muretus thinks an imitation of Soph. bans yap iv froAAojctv, ws iyw, kukms I £??, ttws off ov-xji Kar-Qatuv Kip&oi $ipa ; (Antig 463). Cf. Cic. p. Mil. 37, 101. M. 31. Necessitatem naturae, i. e quam natura affert, id quod aliter non potest evenire atque a natura constitutum est. It is used in a different sense, Off. 1, 35 : partes corporis ad natures necessita- tcm data. M. 33. Appetiveruiit. So Orelli and Klotz. Oppetiverunt is tlio reading of Madvig and others. — On the use of inviti .... libenter see H. 387. — Vincula . . . .jubet. Cf. Sail. 51: ita censeo ; publicandas eorum pecunias, ipsos in vinculis habendos per municipia, qua max- ume opibus valent ; neu quis de his postea ad Senatum referat, neve cum populo agat; qui aliter fecerit, Senatum existimare eum contra rem publicam et salutem omnium facturum. — The injustice is the commanding the municipal towns to receive them. 35. Municipiis == per municipia. 38. Suscipiam = will undertake it; i. e. the task of implormg; some of the municipia to receive them. 39. Hon putet. Madvig reads non •patent. 4:1. Digna .... sancit, &c. Sancire = proposita poena aliquid cavere et vetare. Madvig reads, with Lambinus and Muretus, cir- cumdat et dignas scelere hominum perditorum ; sancit, ne quis, &c. 44. Eripitetiam spem, &o* Cf. de Nat. D. 3, 6, 14: Miserum est enim, nihil proficientem angi, nee habere ne spei quidem cxtrc~ mum et tamen commune solatium. a i 2, Multos uno dolore animi. This is the reading of the best MSS. Orator tamen ipse scripsisse videtur, ut vidit Graevius : multos uno dolore dolores animi, &c. Orelli. This last is also received by Madvig. Klotz retains multas uno dolore animi, &c. 4. Pceuas ademisset. Observe an instance which proves that Doderlein's distinction, " adimuntur bona, eximuntur mala, is not al- ways observed. In C. Legg. 3, 9, it is used of a bad thing indeed, but one not felt to be so: tribunis plcbis injuria facienda potestatem .... adimere. 6. Voluerunt = statuerunt, contenderunt, ajjirmarunt. Cf Tusc. 5, 14, 41 : volumus eum, qui beatus sit, tutum esse, inclpug' nabilem, &c M. Cicero's own belief on this point may be derived from_p. Cluent. 61, 171, and Tuscul. 1, 5, 10 seq. Cu. V.— 8. Ego mea video quid intersit. See H. 408. FOUHTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 215 Tage 10. Popularis. Pro Sest. 45: qui ea, qua faciebant quaque a-i dicebant, mullitudini jucunda volebant esse populates . . . habeban- tur. The name popularis lost the good sense in which it stands below, line 19, and denoted one who sought to gain the favor of the crowd, and looked for support to the mass of the people, as opposed to the optimates ; and even became identified with seditiosus and turbulen- tus. The shades of meaning between iiese extremes will be noticed in this chapter. 11. Cognitore = defensore. Ernesti in CI. Auctor sententiee is the original proposer of an opinion ; cognitor, one who defends it as his own. 13, Nescio, an = perhaps. See P.O. 116 and p. 203, 25; Hark. 5*76. — Amplius .... negotii. " Rara dictio. No tamen re- scribas plus negotii. Nam et apud Cees. B. G. 6, 9, est amplius oh sidum." Heum. 15. Vincat. The MSS. here give vindicat, which Klotz retains. Vincat firmat Scholiasta. Orelli. — Habemus enim, &c. Cicero, hav- ing observed the impression which Caesar's opinion had made upon those who were present, designedly praises it, in order to show his deference and respect for him, and thereby at the same time also to render him more yielding and disposed to adopt severer measures. 16i Tamquam obsidem. " Quae confirmet, eum ita popularem fore ut tamen semper sit bonarum in rep. partium." Muret. 18. CLuid intersit. Lsel. 25, 95 : Concio, qua ex imperitissimis constat, tamen judicare solet, quid intersit inter popularem, id est, assentatorem et levem civem, et inter constantem, severum et gra- vem. M. Quid interesset is the reading of Klotz and Madvig from the MSS. On the repetition of inter after interesse, see Z. 745. 19. Deistis. H. 450,4. 20. Non neminem Is, &c. " The far more trustworthy Scholiast of Gronovius says, that by this . non nemo Cicero means Q. Metellus Nepos; against whose odious speech to the people Cicero had to deliver a formal defence of himself in the beginning of the next year. Compare the fragments of the Oratio contra Concionem Q Metelli." K. — Hence the use of the singular is relating to non nemo ; one only being intended, though vaguely pointed out. Of course non nemo means more than one ; but the is proves that the principal ref- erence is to an individual. 21. Videlicet, ironical. 25. Q,usesitori, &c. Cicero had not really been appointed (as quccsitor) to try the cause, nor had there been a regular trial ; but ho puts a general case, to which the present was analogous, though not identical with it. 29. Semproniae legis, de capite civium Romanorum, proposed by C. Gracchus, a. u. c. 631. It enacted that the people only should do- 216 NOTES. Page Q cide respecting the caput or civil condition of a citizen Cf. p. Rabir 4, 12. The argument of Cicero here is, that if the proposer of the Sempronian law himself, since he was an enemy of the state, was put to death with the approval of the people, then can these criminals also be executed. 30. Jussu populi. " Causae serviens hoc dicit ; neque enim pc- puli jussu interfectus est Gracchus." Muret. The senate had given Opimius unlimited power to take all necessary measures for the preser- vation of the state, without consulting the people ; i. e. by the well- known formula : darent operam Consules, ne quid res publico, detri- menti caperet. Cf. Sail. 29. Madvig. injussu populi, Buherii et Ernestii conj., quam forsitan aliquis firmet ex Scholiasta, p. 412, Ed. meffi: "Lege Sempronia injussu populi non licebat quari de capite civis Romani." Orelli. 31. Largitorem . . . . et prodigum. Largitor is one who gives from self-interested motives, generally for political ends ; prodigus ap- plies to one who seeks gratification and admiration from his profusion. Cic. Off. 2, 16 : omnino duo sunt genera largorum; quorum alteri prodigi, alteri liberales. Prodigi, qui epulis et viscerationibus et gladiatorum muneribus, ludorum venationumque apparatu pecunias profundunt in eas res, quarum memoriam aut brevem aut nullam omnino sint relicturi. M. Klotz and Madvig read Idem ipsum Len- tulum, largitorem et prodigum. 3 2. Pernicie .... exitio. Pernicies has an active meaning, and denotes the destruction of a living being by murder ; exitium has a passive meaning, and denotes the destruction even of lifeless objects by annihilation. Dod. 31. In pernicie. Cf. in vestro iimore, p. 38, line 18. Doring explains it as = in re populo Rom. perniciosa. Benecke reads in perniciem. Ch. VI. — 41. Dederitis. This is not for dabitis, but (as Matthias observes) the Romans used two future perfects in this way, when the second action was not merely consequent upon the first (so as then to begin to take place), but both were completed together. Cf. qui An- tonium oppresserrit, is hoc bellum, teterrimum periculosissimumque confecerit, Fam. 10, 13. See H. 473. 44. Exsolvetis. Madvig reads populus Romanus exsolvet. The common text is a crudel. viiup. defendetis. ^2 !• Obtineno = probabo, docebo. — Quamquam is corrective. Ci 1 Cat. 9, 22. 4. Ita mini liceat, ut, &cc. A well-known form of assevo ration by what a person holds dearest ; ita mihi deos omnes propitios esse velim, ut . . . . nc qua quam tantum capio voluptatis, &c. Verr. 5, 14, 37. Ita or sic precedes with the subjunctive, and that which is affirmed, follows with ut, commonly with tho indicative. FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 217 Pay* 6. Q,uis enim est. See P. C. p. 255, 92 and note ; H. 602, III. 40 7. Videor .... videre. Z. 380. The rhetorical figure here used is called Hypotyposis. 8. t,ucem orbis terrarum. Cf. p. L. Man. 5, 11 : totius Gra- tia lumen. 9. Uno iuceudio. Cf. una .... peste, 2, 4. 1 0. Sepultam patriam. So Orelli, Klotz, and others. Madvig, with others, reads sepulta in pairia. Sepulta then = deleta or in- Gendio consumpta, laid in ashes. 13. Ex fatis, sc. Sibyllinis. See 3 Cat. 4, 9. Klotz and Madvig lead sicut ipse ex fatis se sperasse, &c. 14r. Purpuratum. Purpurati = state officers, members of the royal household, &c. — ministers of state, &c ; e. g. ista horribilia minitare purpuratis tuis. Tusc. 1, 43. — Huic (scil. Lentulo) Gabi- nium. Some read hunc Gabinium. The picture of Lentulus in his fancied royalty, with the addition of Gabinius as his prime minister, clad in the purple robes of oriental courtiers, is well adapted to excito the indignation of the republican Romans. IT. Q,uia .... idcirco. See note on p. 26, line- 7. 19. Praebebo. Madvig retains the present prabeo. 21. De servis quam, &c. Klotz reads de servis non quam, &c. ; Madvig, de servo non quam, &c. The singular de servo is defended by some because of the singular nocentis in the next sentence. This does not, however, seem sufficient ground for rejecting the reading of the best MSS. Besides, nocentis may denote the entire class of the guilty. We know also from Tacitus, Ann. 14, 42, that when a mas- ter or one of his family had been murdered by a slave, punishment was inflicted upon all of the slaves. 21. Milii vero, &c. Cicero here speaks as the orator, not as the philosopher. 25. In his hominibus = in regard to these men, in the case of these men. 29. Id egerunt, ut. H. 492. Is the id necessary? It is. 33. Nisi vero has the same sense as nisi forte, used ironically. 3 4r. Ii. Coesav. This was L. Julius Caesar, who was consul with C. Marcius Figulus, a. u. c. 690. 35. Sororis suae. Julia, who, after the death of her first hus- band, M. Antonius Creticus (by whom sho had M. Antonius the Tri- umvir), married P. Cornelius Lentulus. 37. Avum. M. Fulvius Flaccus (Cf. 1 Cat. 2, 4). His daughter Fulvia was the wife of L. Julius Caesar (consul, a. u. c. 664), and L. Casar was their son. 2 Phil. 6, 14: L. Cccsar, avunculus tuus, qua oratione, qua constantia, qua gravitate sentcntiam dixit in sororis sucb virum, viiricum tuu?n ? M. 38. Filiumque ejus impuberem. Veil. 2, 7, 2 : juvenis, specis 19 218 NOTES. A 9 exccllens, necdum duodevicesimum transgressus annum, immunisqui delictorum paternorum, Fulvii Flacci filius, quern pater legatum de conditionibus miserat, ab Opimio intercmptus est. Quern quum ha~ ruspex Tuscus, amicus, Jlentem in custodiam duci vidisset, Quin tu hoc potius, inquit, facis ? proiinusque illiso capite in postern la- pideum janua carceris effusoque cerebro exspiravit. M. 4:0. liargitionis voluntas, sc. frumentaria, for the purpose ot gaining the favor of the people. 42. Hujus avus Ijentuli. [Consul, a. u. c. 592.] Cf. Phil. 8, 4, 14 : Num igitur temerarium civem aut crudelem putares .... P. Lentulum principem Senatus, complures alios summos viros, qui cum L. Opimio Cos. armati Gracchum in Aventinum persecuti sunt ? quo in prcelio Lentulus grave vulnus accepit? Cf. 3 Cat. 5, 10 d Q 2. Attribuit uos trucidandos Cethego. See H. 565. 3. Ceteros cives. Klotz and Madvig, from MSS., read et ceteros. 5, Vereamini, censeo, &e. This parenthetical insertion of censeo with an ironical force is unusual (Matthias says he knows of no othei instance). With credo it is very common. Z. 777. Cf. Sail. 52 : Misereamini censeo. In the next line Madvig reads ac nefario ali- quid severius, &c. The common text is nimis aliquid severe. T. Remissione pcense = mitigatione, lenitate. [Opposed to se- veritas animadversionis. M.] So remissior = lenior, facilior. Att. 16, 15. B. Ch. VII. — 11. Exaudio. The usual signification of the com- pound is to hear from a distance, or ex strengthens the meauiug, so that it = to hear distinctly. 12. Jaciuntur. Others would read jactantur. But Ernesti remarks that jactare would imply insolence, bravado, &c, whereas Cicero is speaking of good citizens, who were disposed to support him, but were timid and apprehensive. Such persons threw out the remarks in question in conversation with their friends. Jacere voces is, he says, the right term to express this. M. But jactare does not appear necessarily to imply bravado : in Liv. 8, 29, we have qua res, sicut eo anno sermonibus magis passim hominum jactata, quam in ullo concilio est, ita insequentis anni Consulibus .... nulla prior potiorque visa est, de qua ad Senatum referrent. 13. Vereri . . . . ut habeam. P. C. 95 ; E. 492, 4. 20. Plenum est. " De hac re Cicero in Philipp. 2, 7 : Quis equcs Ro., quis prater te adolescens nobilis, quis ullius ordinis, qui se civem meminisset, quum senatus in hoc templo esset, in clivo Capi* tolino non fuit ? quis nomen non dedit ? Quamquam nee scribes sufficere, nee tabula nomina corum capere potuerunt." Steinmetz. 21. Templi et loci. Not of Jupiter Stator, but of Concord. See 2 PM. 8, 19, and 46, 119. 24« Cum omnibus .... perire voluerunt. Cf. 2 Cat. § 21 FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 219 Page 31. Summam ordinis consiliique, "i. e. locum primum inter A Q crdines ot jus de re publica deliberandi ac decernendi : exquisita Lati- nitate." Ernesti. — Ita . . . . ut = quidem .... scd. So pro Rose. § 72 • Ita vivunt, dum possunt .... ut ducere animam dc coelo queant. M. 32. Q,uos ex multorum amiorum dissensione, &c. The quarrels alluded to are those that arose from the changes introduced of late years in the judicial departments. In a. u. c. 632, C. Gracchus had deprived the senate of their judicial power, and transferred it to the cquites ; Sulla restored it to the senate in 673 ; and L. Cotta, in 6S4, had made another change (that would naturally satisfy neither the senate nor the knights), and confided it jointly to the senate, the equites, and the tribuni cerarii. — Though this arrangement had existed for some years, yet Cicero speaks of this day as the day that had united the senate and the equites, because it was (we must assume) the first day of their cordial reconciliation ; the common danger having made both senators and knights co-operate zealously with Cicero against Catiline. But differences broke out anew, particularly in a. u. c. 693 and 694. See 2 Phil. 8, 19. 35. Confirmatam. Cf. ad Att. 1, 15: tueor, ut possum. Mam a me con glutina tarn concordiam. 39. Tribunos aerarios. These were officers who assisted the quoestors (from b. c. 49, the rediles) in the management of the treasury Their principal duty was to collect each from his tribe the pay of the army. They were plebeians. Madvig, Opusc. Alt. p. 242, seq., en- deavors to show that there was no connection between the tribuni cerarii of an earlier date, in the sense above explained, and the tribuni czrarii of the Lex Aurelia, who are here intended. His language is: Gradum aliqucm et distinctionem civium universorum certa aliqua norma factam, quemadmodum equites censu separabantur, illud nomen tribunorum cerariorum notare debet. His view is that the tribuni cera- rli of this period were those who possessed a property qualification next to that of the equites, and that they were so callod in the law of Cotta, from some resemblance in this respect to the earlier tribuni ararii, who, he supposes, were private men, whose property, of a pre- scribed amount, made them responsible for the trust reposed in them. The amount of property required in either period is not known. — Scribas. The scribes were public notaries, and received a salary. From the ab tuspectatione sortis and the Scholiast, we learn that it was decided by lot to which magistrate each should be attached (" Ipso die conve- ntrunt ad ararium scribce, ut sortirentur officia, qui scriba esset consults, qui tribuni plebis"). " In Cicero's time it seems that any one might become a scriba or public clerk by purchase ; and, conse- quently, as freedmen and their sons were eligible, and constituted a great part of the public clerks at Rome, the office vm U0t highly es- £20 NOTES. I'nge AO teemed, though frequently held by ingenui, or free-born citizens Cisero, however, informs us that the scribes formed a respectable class of men ; but he thinks it necessary to assign a reason for calling them such, as if he was conscious that he was combating a popular preju- dice." (Diet. Antiq.) His words are : Ordo est horiestus. Quis ne- gat ? aut quid ea res ad hanc rem pertinet ? Est vero honestus, quod eorum hominum fidei tabellce publicce periculaque magi&lra- tuum [the books in which the sentences pronounced were recorded. Cf. Nep. Epam. 8] committuntur. 3 Verr. 79, 183. 4rO« duos quum casu hie dies ad aerarium frequentasset. They did not happen to meet on that day ; but that day, the day on Which Cicero was speaking, happened to be the regular day that brought the scribes to the csrarium. — Frequentare is here r= frequen- tes cogere, or congregare ; an unusual use of the word. But Klotz observes properly that frequentare = frequentem facere or reddere ; so that it may very correctly be said of the person or occasion that causes men to be numerous in any place. It is used in the same way in the Or. pro domo sua [the genuineness of which is disputed] : quern tu tamen populum nisitabernis clausis frequentare nonpoteras: and ot any rate Cicero uses the word in other places in the sense of bring- ing or heaping many things together ; e. g. accrvatim multa frequen- tans (Or. 25, 85). 42. Ingenuorum .... etiam temiissimorum. See the extract from Diet. Antiq. in note on scribas above. Cf. 2 Verr. 79, 183 : Itaque ex his scribis, qui digni sunt Mo ordine, patribus familiis, viris bonis atque honestis percunctamini, &c. He also mentions that Imperatores, after victories, often raised their scribes to the rank cf knights (scribas suos annulis aureis in condone donarard : ib. 80, 185). <(4 Ch. VIII.— 3. Liibertiuorum. Libertus means the freedman, with reference to his master, in opp. to scrvus ; libertinus, with ref- erence to his rank, in opp. to civis and ingenuus. Dcd. 4. Fortunam. .... civitatis, i. e. the right of citizenship. He calls it fortuna civitatis, because, though gained by merit, yet merit could not always gain it : a man must be lucky enough to have a good opportunity of calling attention to his claims. T. Sed quid ego .... comiaemoro 1 Heumann, " Quid ego commemorem, inquit, est formula prceteritionis, ac turn usurpatur, quun; aliquid non sum commemoralurus. At quum jam commemoravi aliquid et ad ultimum dicere volo, commemcratione ilia me potuisse supersedere, subjungo quid eos commemoro ? hoc est, cur tarn longus sum in iis commemorandis ? pro Mil. 7, 18." But M. quotes the fol- lowing passages to prove that the subjunctive, in questions of this sort, does not always imply that the speaker does not do what he asks why he should do. Or. 3 8, in : Sed quid ego vet-era conquiram? Tusc FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE. 221 Pa£i 1, 45 , in : Sed quid singulorum opiniones animadveriam? Fin. 5, A a 22, 63 : quid loquar de nobis ? — Madvig, with others, reads Sed quia ego hosce homines ordinesque commemoro ? Klotz, with Orelli, as in the text. 8. Hujusce ordinis. The libertini. It is strange that Matthia) should deny the possibility of their having privates fortunes. 11. Qui modo sit. H. 519, 3. 13. Quantum .... voluntatis. M. quotes the following similar instances of a genitive dependent on iantum, though removed to a considerable distance from it. Or. 3, 23 : Non tantum ingenioso homini et ei, qui forum, qui curiam, qui causas, qui remp. spectet, opus esse arbitror temporis. lb. 24, in. : satis video tibi, homini ad perdiscendum acerrimo, ad ea cognoscenda, qua. dicis, fuisse tempo- ris. 1, 47, 207 : quoniam id nobis, Antoni, hominibus id atatis, oneris ab horum adolesceniium studiis imponitur. Offic. 2, 9, extr. : quantum volet, habebit ad faciendam fidem virium. Cf. de Or. 1, 1, 3 ; pro Arch. § 13. M. The common text is non tantum, quantum, &c. Klotz reads qui non quantum audet et quantum potest, tantum conferat, &c. 15. l/enonem quendam Jjentuli. Sail. c. 50: Dum hmc in senatu aguntur et dum legatis Allobrogum et Tito Vulturcio, co?n- probaio eorum indicia, pramia decernuntur, liberti et pauci ex cli- entibus Lentuli diver sis itineribus opifices atque servitia in vicis ad eum cripiendum solicitabant. Cf. Dio Cass. 37, 35, p. 134 ; Appian, B. C. 2, 5, p. 180. M. He uses leno for nuntius or administer, that he may give a sideblow to the dissipated habits of Lentulus. The word seems to have been used by later writers in the general sense of internuntius, &c Scythis bellum indixit, missis primo lenonibus. Just. 2, 3. B. 16. Tabernas = workshops, though properly it signifies the place of sale of wares elsewhere made. Hence just below the paraphrase scllcB, &lc, whence the workmen were called sellularii or sedentarii. 21. Denique. See Z. 727. — Otiosum = remotum a hello et tu- multu, quietum, i. e. peaceful. Cf. line 24, otii. 22. Velint. Inventi sunt, being followed by pres. subj., must be construed by the perf. definite. 23. Nisi vero. Madvig reads, with Ernesti, immo vero. 26. Occlusis tabemis. This occurred, by command cf tho magistrates, on the breaking out of public disturbances, and in general mourning. 27. Futurum fuit. Why fuit? P. C. 447 ; Harkness, 227. Cf. Liv. 2, 1: quidenim futurum fuit, si ulla pastorum convenarum- que plebs — agitari empta erat tribuniciis procellis ? Cii. IX. — 30. Ex plurimis . . . insidiis atque ex media morte« Atque = atque etiam or atque adco. Cf. 2 Cat. 12, 27. 222 NOTES. A A 35. Supplex manus tendit patria. Compare 1 Cat. 7, 17 Such a personification is frequently resorted to, to move the feelings of the hearers. 36. Arcem et Capitolium. See H. 587, 2. 38. Vobis omnia deorum templa. Klotz and Madvig read vo- bis omnium deorum templa. Orelli does not notice this variation. 39. Muros et iirMs tecta commendat. Madvig reads muroa atque urbis, &c. ; Klotz, muros urbis, tecta commendat. 41. De focis. Consult note on p. 46, line 24. 43. Q,uae .... facultas datur = cujus generis or qualem ducem non semper habere contingit. £5 2. Cogitate, quantis, &c. If the participial construction is em- ployed in a sentence introduced by a relative or interrogative, in trans- lating we may use a substantive and preposition, or change the parti ciple into the finite verb, and add the finite verb in an accessory clause, or we may make of the participle a leading sentence and connect it with the other sentence by and, but, and therefore, &c. Here, for example, we may translate, " consider, by how great labors the empire was founded, &a, and how a single night almost destroyed them." 5. Una nox. That on which the Allobroges were taken. Cf. p Flacc. 40, 102. — Ne unquam .... non modo .... sed ne . . . quidem. See H. 585. 9. Mea vox, &c. Cf. p. C. Rabir, 1, 3 ; and 3, 6, of this oration. Ch. X. — 1 1 . Ad sententiam, sc. rogandam. 14. Sed earn, &c. Klotz reads sed earn esse judico turpem et infirmam et objectam ; Madvig, sed cam esse turpem judico et infir- mam et abjectam. 15. Si aliquando alicujus. Si aliquando, si aliquis, &c, " dif- ferunt a si quando . n quis, &c, eo quod plena vocabula ponuntur, quando in iis vis inest, et nunquam, nemo, nullus vel multi, omncs opponi potest, ut h. 1. non significat nunquam cujusquam manum plua valituram esse, sed concedit fieri posse, ut aliquando alic, &c, si quando autem et si qui ponuntur, quando conditio tantum spectatur. Cic. Phil. 13, 1, extr. Proximo bello si aliquid de summa gravitate Pompejus, multum de cupiditate Cccsar remisisset. Brut. 82, 285: Quern igitur imitaris ? si aliquem, ceteri ergo Attice non dicebanl; si omnes, &e." M. See P. C. 391. 19. Mini is omitted by Klotz and Madvig. 22. Gratulationem = " supplicationem qua gratia diis aguntur " Fam. 11, 18: hac tarn recenti gratulatione, quam diis ad omnia tem- pla fecimus : and Phil. 14, 3, 7. 23. Sit Scipio. P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus major, who put an end to the second Punic war by the battle at Zama, a. u. c. 552. 24. In Africam redire atque Italia decedere. Benecke di- FOURTH ORATION AGAINST CATILINE 223 rects attention to the varepov r.p6rtpov in these words, which would be^jK more correct if inverted. But such instances are not uncommon. 25. Alter .... Africanus. Africanus minor. He was the son of L. iEmilius PauIIus, and adopted by the son of the elder Africanus He put an end to the third Punic war by the destruction of Carthage, a u. c 608. 26. Numantiamque delevit, a. u. c. 621. 27. Paullus ille. The father of the younger Africanus. 28. Perses. See Hark. 43 ; and consult Schmitz, Hist. Rome, p. 299. 29. Bis Italiam .... liberavit. " Propter Ambrones et Teu- tones in Gallia ad Aquas Sextias, Cimbros in Italia ad Vercellas de- victos, a. u. c. 652, 653." Manut. Schmitz, Rome, pp. 346-8. 3 1. Cujus res gestae, &c. Cf. 3 Cat. 11, 26, and p. Arch. 10, 23. Pompey's exploits are praised in the oration p. L. Manil. 33. Nisi forte, ironically. 35. Ut . . . . illi, qui absuiit .... revertantur. Cf. de Offic. 1, 22, 78 : Mihi quidem eerie vir abundans bellicis laudibus Cn. Pompeius, multis audientibus hoc tribuit, ut diceret frustra se tri- umphum tertium deportaturum fuisse, nisi meo in rem publicam be- neficio ubi triumpharet, esset habiturus. See also 2 Phil. 5, 12. Pompey was absent, being in command of the army in the war against Mithridates. M. 36. Revertantur. H. 465, II, 2, 3. — Quamquam. See note on p. 15, line 22. — Uno loco = una parte, in one respect. 42. Q,uare mihi, &c. So pro Sull. 9, 28 : Etenim in qua. civi- tate res tantas gesserim memini ; et in qua urbe verser, intelligo : plenum forum est eorum hominum, quos ego a vestris cervicibus de- puli, judices, a meo non removi. — Quare non sum nescius, quanto periculo vivam in tanta multitudine improborum, quum mihi uni cum omnibus improbis (Bternum videam bellum esse susceptum. 5. Conspirationem = consensum, unanimitatem. te» Cn. XI. — T. Pro imperio .... provincia, instead of pro imperio exercitus in provincia. Cicero separates the notions for the sake of emphasis. Some understand him to mean the province of Macedonia, which he relinquished to his colleague Antonius to gain him to his side, or at least to neutrality in regard to the conspiracy of Catiline. It is, however, better to refer it to the province of Gallia, which Cicero gave up because of the dangers wh'ch threatened the state. Cf. Plut. Cic. 12. In Gallia there was yet much opportunity to gain warlike renown and honors. lO. Pro clientelis. The colonies, allies, provinces, and especial- ly the countries dependent on Rome, chose from the most distinguish- ed men in Rome a patron who represented them in the city, and took care of their rights and interests. Thus Q. Fabius Sanga (Sail. 41) 224 NOTES. An was tho patronus of the AUobroges, probably becauso Q. Fabius Mai- imus had conquered them. Cf. de Off. 1, 12, 35. So Cicero was the patronus of the Sicilians. — Hospitiisquc. Such ties of hospitality often grew into the relation of patron and client, and increased tho dignity and authority of the Roman citizen who was the patron. 11. Urbanis opibus = auctoritate et potentia amicorum et cli- en turn urbanorum. 1 2. Igitur = inquam (H. 602), and in this connection with igitur the pronoun is not is but hie, since the latter refers more distinctly to the preceding. 15. Consulatas memoriam. Compare 3 Cat 11, 2G 16. Dum erit. Dum with the futuro = quamdiu. 21. Suo solius. The genitive solius agreeing with the genitivo implied in the possessive suo. See Krebs' Guide, § 105. 21. De aris ac focis. A well-known formula for private dwell- ings. For foci were fireplaces in the atrium for sacrifices to the household gods (lares), and arcs were little altars in the impluvium for sacrifices to the guardian deities (penatcs). — De fanis aique tern- plis. P. C. p. 128, note y. The result of this debate is given in the General Introduction, p. 144. It may here be briefly stated, that the genuineness of the Orations against Catiline has not been unquestioned. Each in its turn has been attacked. The second oration was early assailed, in consequence of a remark of F. A. "Wolf, that one of the four was spurious, he at the same time adding, u esse alteram e mediis duabusy "Wolf, however, it appears, intended the third, and he seems to have adopted this opin- ion from a suggestion made by Eichstadt. But the genuineness of tho fourth oration has been most warmly assailed, and by the largest num- ber. The first had escaped, until recently it has found an assailant in R. A. Morstadt. Orelli (Oralt. selectt. Cicer. pp. 1 76-182) endeav- ors to prove that all, with the single exception of the first oration, are spurious. But notwithstanding these attacks, the genuineness of these orations has had able defenders in Madvig, Drumann, and many otherai THE ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. INTRODUCTION. MmmiDATES, king of Pontus, had been checked in his plans of conquest and aggrandizement, by L. Sulla, as early as a. u. c. G69, by the battles of Chaero- neia and Orchomenos, and compelled to restrict himself to the dominions which he held before the commencement of the war. But he had from this time improved every opportunity to carry into effect his long-cherished hopes. Therefore, in the years 671 to 073, he had renewed the war, and defeated tho Roman general, Murena, near Sinope. In 680, while the Roman arms were occupied in Spain with Sertorius, in Italy with Spartacus, while too the pirates who infested the coasts of Cilicia and Insauria, increasing in boldness after tho downfall of Carthage, caused alarm along the sea and coasts of the Roman empire, Mithridates thought the most favorable moment had arrived for carry- ing his plans into execution, and directed his first effort to grasp Bithynia, which, by the will of king Nicomedes, was to become a Roman province. In pursuit of similar aims he sought to gain his son-in-law Tigranes, king of Ar- menia, and commenced a secret correspondence with Sertorius in Spain, for the purpose of bringing about some concert of action. The consuls of the year 680, L. Licinius Lucullus and M. Aurelius Cotta, marched against Mithridates from Rome, and although Cotta lost a battle on land and sea, Lucullus was afterwards so successful on land, that he not only signally defeated Mithridates in several battles and drove him from his kingdom, but also several times routed, in the years 685 and 686, Tigranes, who had received and protected Mithridates in his flight. Thus Lucullus probably would have completely frustrated the last efforts of the combined kings, if other circumstances, of which he was partly the cause, had not prevented. Lucullus had received his army in a wretched and insubordinate condition, but as a skilful general he had brought them under subordination thus far by strict discipline, until his insatiable ava- rice, which he sought to gratify at the expense of the legions, excited the minds of the soldiers against his severity. It was thus easy for his enemies in Rome, who, without his knowledge, had their agents even in his army, to foment insurrections in his legions, and in this way so to paralyze his energy, that Mithridates was enabled again to establish himself in Pontus. Thus his opponents in Rome, at the head of whom was Pompey, succeeded in effecting his recall from the command of the army, a. u. c. 687. He was succeeded by M\ Acilius Glabrio, consul of this year, who, however, showed such incapacity and so little activity, that Mithridates disgracefully defeated two Roman le- gates, Fabius and Triarius. At the same time also the pirates from the coast of Cilicia and Isauria, against whom Servilius Isauricus, M. Antonius, and Csecilius Metellus Creticus had fought, had made the most daring assaults upon Roman territory and property, and caused serious losses to the public treasury as well as to private individuals. This state of things led the tribune, A. Gabinius, a friend of Pompey, to propose a law that some one should be clothed with extraordinary powers for three year* for the purpose of putting 226 OilATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. an end to the disturbance of the pirates, who carried on open and formal wai against Rome. Although tins bill was directed less against the pirates than the existing constitution of the state itself, since that "some one" could be nc other than Cn. Pompey, who after his consulship had remained in Rome with- out a province, and only thought how he might secure to himself political pre- ponderance, it nevertheless was passed, and Pompey received the coram anu on all seas and coasts for 400 stadia inland with the most extensive powers. Pompey executed this trust with such success, that within fifty days he had entirely conquered the pirates and in part brought them back to a better mode of life. But instead of laying down his power after the conclusion of the war against the pirates, he sought to extend it still more, and when Mithridalea came forth against Glabrio with renewed strength, L. Manilius, a tribune, o. f Pompey's party, a. u. c. 688, proposed a bill that the extraordinary powers con- ferred on Pompey should not only be prolonged, but extended so as to include Pontus, Bithynia, and Armenia. This bill was opposed by many patriotic cit- izens, as Catulus and Hortensius, but C. Julius Caesar supported it from deep political motives, and M. Tullius Cicero, who had been chosen praetor, recom- mended it to the people in this oration, the first he ever addressed to the as- sembled people, and hi this year, 688, under the consulship of M\ JEmiliua Lepidus and L. Volcatius Tullus the bill was carried. The Romans, however had no occasion to regret the step they took. ANALYSIS In this lueid and finished oration the orator commences with a modest recital oi the reasons which have hitherto prevented him from addressing the people from the rostra, testifies his gratitude for the office of prastor conferred upon him by the people, and promises to devote the influence of his office, and his eloquence to the good of the state. (Ch. 1.) He then briefly reviews the con- dition of the Romans in Asia Minor and the position of Mithiidates, which had occasioned the Lex Manilia (§ 4, 5), and distributes his speech into three parts ; the first of which treats of the character of the war, the second of the magnitude, and the third of the general in whom are found the qualifications requisite to bring it to a successful issue. {§ 6.; |l.) On the first head, the character of the war, the orator shows (a) that the honor and dignity of the Roman people are endangered (§ 6-11) ; (b) that the protection of the allies in Asia deserves the closest attention (§ 12, 13) ; (c) that the largest and surest revenues of the state are exposed to the greatest danger, if help is not speedily rendered (§ 14-16) ; (d) that the property of many Roman citizens, especially of the farmers of the revenue and of merchants, is depre- ciated, so that in Rome itself the most disastrous consequences to the credit cl the state must ensue. (§ 17, 18.) 2.) Cicero speaks of the greatness and importance of the war, mentions with due praise the many and great victories of Lucullus (§ 20, 21), shows, however, at the same time, how powerful Mithridales has again become since his defeats, («) by the aid of Tigranes and many nations of Asia ; (b) by the resistance o. the army which has refused to follow its general ; (c) by the return of Mithri- dales to his kingdom, and the frightful overthrow which he caused the Romas army when Lucullus had been recalled from the command by the Roroafi people. (§ 21-20.) ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 227 $.) He seeks to show that to no other general than Pompey, who amies in him- self all the qualities of a commander, can the command in this war be given (§ 27) ; for (a) he possesses the most accurate knowledge and experience ol war (§ 28) ; (b) the greatest bravery as shown in the Italian, Sicilian, Gallic, and Servile wars ($ 29, 30), and especially in the war against the pirates ($ 31- 30). He besides possesses the greatest purity of character and disinterestedness ($ 37-39) ; self-command ($ 40, 41) ; good faith, courtesy, eloquence, and human- Sty (t) 42) ; respect and authority among all nations, friends and foes ($ 43-46) ; and finally, the marked favor of fortune everywhere attends him (i> 47-49). He can besides best take charge of this war as he is already in the neighborhood of it. ($50.) The orator having sufficiently dwelt upon these points, proceeds to refute two opposite opinions (t> 51) :— (I.J That of Hortensius, who had objected that all power ought not to be con- ferred upon one man. Cicero weakens this objection by showing that if the conduct of the war against the pirates, in accordance with this view of Horten- sius, had not been given to Pompey, the welfare of the Roman people, nay, even its world supremacy would have been lost (t> 52-56). He thus gives to his own opinion greater weight, and casts suspicion upon that of Hortensius, as opposed to the welfare of the state. He further adds, what does not properly form a part of this cause, that some had unworthily opposed Gabinius, in pre- venting his appointment as legate to Pompey, when he had been the proposer of the Lex by which Pompey was charged with the command of the war against the pirates (§ 57, 58). (2.) That of Catulus (to whom he testifies his respect for his merits,) that such a proceeding was contrary to the institutions of their ancestors ; by showing, (a) that the Roman people, for its own advantage, had often made exceptions and put many wars in charge of one man ($ 60) ; and (b) that Catulus himself had previously, to honor Pompey, voted for extraordinary measures. Praise ol Pompey ($ 60-62). Finally, Cicero concludes with urging that, in accordance with the judgment of the people, Pompey should be appointed to the command of the army against Mithridates (§ 63), especially because he possesses the self-control which is ne- cessary in an Asiatic war ($64-67). He then offsets to the authority of Hor- tensius and Catulus the views of other distinguished men who had supported the Manilian bill ($ 68). At last, praise of Manilius for his bill, encouragement to perseverance, and, with the promise of his support, the most solemn assurance also that the orator has been influenced solely by the good of the state to de- lend this bill and cause ({ S9-end). 228 .NOTES. - a-j Ch. I. — 1. Frequens conspectus vester, by hypallage for con. spectus frequently vcstras. Cf. p. Plane. 1,2: Nunc auiem vester, judices, conspectus et consessus iste reficit et recreat mentem meant. 2. Multo jucundissimus. See H. 444, 3, 2) Hie autem lo- cus. The rostra, Jrom. which the orators addressed the people. Con- sult Diet. Antiq. Rostra. — Autem = " and though," &c, serves to continue the discourse. See note on p. 30, line 23. — Ad agendum . dicendum The distinction between agere and diccre in this passage is given in Gell. 13, 15. Only magistrates had the right of submitting questions to the people (agere cum populo) for their approval or dis- approval ; while to harangue them was open to any one, though not invested with office, to whom the presiding magistrate gave the au- thority. — Ad = quod attinet ad. See note on p. 12, line 29 4. Hoc aditu laudis. The Rostra, the grand entrance to glory and fame at Rome. — Optimo cuique maxime patuit. H. 458, 1. 5. Vitse mess rationes. My chosen plan or course of life, i. e. pleading causes. 6. AT) ineuiite aetate. Referring to manhood, not boyhood. At the age of 26 Cicero argued his first private cause for P. Quinctiusj and in the following year his first public cause for Roscius of Amelia. — Nam, quum, &c. Three causes deterred him from the rostra : 1. his plans of life, 2. his modesty, 3. the talents and industry requisite for such an undertaking. T. Per eetatem. Cicero was now in his forty-first year, had been pleading causes for nearly twenty, and had held the offices of quaestor and aedile. — Hujus auctoritatem loci = Mine locum, qui auctoritatem tribuit concionantibus ex eo. But Benecke considers the words hie lo- cus ad ag. amplissimus, ad die. ornatissimus and hujus auct. loci at- tingere audeam, statuereihque nihil hue nisi perfect am ingenio, &c, us mutually corresponding, and explanatory of each other. Locus ad agendum amplissimus is therefore one to which only magistrates and men of the highest dignity were admitted, and ad dicendum ornatis- simus where the finished and elaborate eloquence of the most perfect orators was wont to be brought forward. Consequently, hujus aucto- ritatem loci is that to which the highest authority belongs, because from it men of the highest standing and influence were wont to con- sult the people. 10. Temporibus = Kaipols. Cf. § 2: in privatorum periculis, and note on p. 15, line 31. Benecke is displeased with the play upon the words tempus .... temporibus. — Transmittendum = tribuendmn. Cf. 14, 42: huic hoc tantum helium transmittendum. 11. Ita ucquc hie locus. Seusus est: Eo pacto, dum private eorvio, vestram mihi benevolentiam conciliavi, quum interea tameu desertus hie locus non esset. Holoman. For a dependent thought, which should be thrown in, as an intervening or accessory clauflo, ORATION FOR THE MANIJLIAX LAW. 229 Tags Bubordinately to the rest of the sentence, is sometimes put in co-onli-Aij nate relation with the leading thought, notwithstanding it does not pro- ceed from it ; as e. g. this passage does not follow from the preceding Cicero, however, could boast of having preserved by his activity as an advocate many citizens to the state, who now could defend its inter- ests. Especially was this the case before his praetorship. — Neque . fit. H. 587, 2. — Ab iis = talibus ; therefore the subjunctive defends- rent. 1 2. Causam = id in quo utilitas vestra posita est ; interest. So causa tei public avSpes SiKaaral, ttjs Karriyopias, aWa .ravaaadai Xiyovri. 3. Copia = materials for eloquence. — Modus, moderation in the use of them. Ch. II. — T. Vectigalibus. Tributaries. — Sociis, particularly Ario- barzanes, of whom below, ch. 5, rex, socius populi Rom. atque ami- cus. 8. Alter, Mithridates, relictus, non prorsus debellatus a L. Lucullo. See § 22. — Alter, Tigranes ab eodem Lucullo lacessitus dumtaxat, non victus. § 23. 9. Oecasionem .... ad occupandam Asiam. We might ex- pect the genitive of the gerundive after occasio. For one substantive is seldom joined to another by a preposition in Latin, except after a verbal substantive, retaining the construction of the verb from which it is derived (aditus ad portum) ; and when the substantive with its preposition expresses the material (monile ex auro). — Asiam. Procon- sular Asia, a portion of Asia Minor, including Mysia, Troas, iEolis, Ionia, Lydia, Caria, aud the two Phrygias. These were the finest and richest districts of Asia Minor, and from them the Romans de- rived large revenues. iO. Arbitrantur. So also Klotz and Madvig. It is defended by Wunder, Varr. Lectt. Cod. Erf. p. LXIX. against the common read- ing arbitratur, and by Benecke, since it refers to neither singly, but to Mithridates and Tigranes conjointly as allies. — Equitibus Romanis. The equites, as possessing large wealth, were usually the farmers or the public revenues. The revenues were let out, or, as the Romans expressed it, were sold by the censors in Rome itself to the highest bidder. The publicani, which word is used as synonymous with equi~ tes, had to give security to the state for the sum at which they bought one or more branches of the revenue in a province ; but as for this ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN. LAW. 231 Pa£« reason the property of even the wealthiest individual must have heen JQ inadequate, a number of equites generally united together and formed a company (socii, societas, or corpus), which was recognised by the state. The credit of these companies, and the flourishing state of their finances, were of the utmost importance to the state, and in fact its very foundation. See ch. 6. Cicero, p. Plane, calls them the or- namentum civitatis et firmament um rei publiccc. 1 2. Aguntur = are at stake, employed in the farming of your revenues. — Exercere vectigalia is said of the equites ; cxigcre of their subordinates (vid. § 16). Vectigalia is the general term for all the regular revenues of the Roman state. These were derived partly from the tithes paid to the state by those who occupied the public land (decumcc) ; partly from the sums paid by those who kept their cattle on the public pastures (scriptura) ; and partly from the harbor duties raised upon imported and exported commodities (portorium). There v/ere other revenues from the salt-works (salince) and the mines {me- talla). These various branches of the revenue were let out by the censors, who had the charge (.€ this business, to the Publicani for a fixed sum and for a certain number of years. The letting or sale of the revenues generally took place m the month of Quinctilis, and was made for a lustrum. The responsible person in each company, and the one who contracted with the state, was called manceps. There was also a magister to manage the business of each society, who re- sided at Rome, and kept an extensive correspondence with the agents in the provinces. See Diet. Antiq. Vectigalia and Publicani. 13. Pro necessitudine. For Cicero himself belonged to their order, and, regarding them as holding the balance of power in the state, zealously defended their interests. Cf. p. Rabir. Post. 6, 15 ; ad Q.frat. 1, 1, 12. 14. Causam rei publicae. See note on vestram cansam, p. 47, line 12. He adds the public interest to the private interest of the equites, that he may not seem to be solicitous for these only. 15. Bithyniae vicos exustos esse. The construction which the parenthesis had interrupted is here continued, and these words depend upon afferuntur .... Uteres. — Vesira provincia. By the will of the deceased king Nicomedes Philopator, a. u. c. 679, who bequeathed it to the Roman people, because Sulla had restored him to the throne when driven out of his kingdom by Mithridates. It became a Roman province, and was governed sometimes by proconsuls, some- times by propraetors. 16. Regnum Ariobarzanis, sc. Cappadocia, of which, on the re- call of Lucullus, Mithridates again took possession. IS. Huic qui successerit. M'. Acilius Glabrio, consul, a. u. c. 687, and at that time governor of Bithynia. JJO. Unum, sc Pompeium, whom Cicero designedly omits to name. 232 NOTES. Page A Q Tt is greater praise of Pompey that he does not need to be named, and the attention is more awakened. 21. Deposci atque expeti = magnopere et iustanter posci atque valde ac prae ceteris desiderari. The prepositions strengthen the meaning of the simple verbs. 24. De genere belli; as being in defence of civil rights and freedom, for supremacy, or for honor and glory. 25. Deligendo. Of choice from among several objects, with the accompanying notion of superior fitness. Cf. § 63. 28. In quo agitur. On the use of the relative ;u Latin, where wo should use the demonstrative or personal pronoun and some copu- lative or causal conjunction, see H. 453. This sentence is explanatory and not dependent upon genus est enirn, &c. ; therefore agitir is indica- tive, while debeat is subjunctive, by Z. 556. Notice also the ixava&opd. H, 704, II, 3. 30. Tradita est. Quo turpius videtur amittere. Cf. infra, 5, 11. 3 1. Magna et gravia bella. They are mentioned below, ch. 6, 14. 32. Certissima vectigalia. Such were the riches and fertility of Asia, that the revenues could be depended upon, unless in- terrupted by the calamities of war. Cf. 6, 14 : Asia vero, &,c. 33. Pacis oruamenta et subsidia belli. Below, ch. 7, 17, ho calls them nervos rei publico. — Requiretis = desiderabitis, carebitis. The consequent standing for the antecedent, for we commonly mis? and seek what we have lost. Compare Div. in Ccecil. 22, 71 : nihil de suis veteribus ornamentis requiret, where Pseudo-Asconius inter- prets it amissum sentiet. Here its relation to quibus amissis just be- fore may bo noticed. 3-1. Multorum civium. The collectors of the revenue aud oth- ers, who were engaged in business in Asia. — A vobis. Why is the preposition with the ablative here preferable to the dative, which is regularly the case of the agent with this participle ? H. 3S8, II, 1. 35. Et rei publicae causa. Because losses to the equites, who iaad farmed the revenues, would react upon the stato, in case of their inability to meet their engagements. Ch. III.— 36. Appctentes gloriae. H. 575, 399. 38. Mithridatico bcllo superiore. a. u. c. 666. For an ac- count of the manner in which it commenced, see Schmitz, Rome, p 356, fol 40*. Uno die. Velleius Paterculus says, eodem die atque Jwra. — ■ Tola Asia. On the omission of the preposition in, see Arnold's Nepos, Praf. [5], 1 ; Iphicr. 2, [3], 4, and H. 422. Klotz reads tota in Asia. 41. Una signifieatione literarum. H. 396, II. 42. Denotavit. Cf. 1 Cat § 2. Klotz reads curavit. Some writers state the number of those who perished in (his massacre at 80,000: Plutarch makes it 150,000 ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 233 1. Cappadociae latebris. From its being so far inland. Cf. in a q Rull. : In Paphlagonia ienebris atque in Cappadocice solitudinc. Klotz and Madvig read Ponti neque Cappadocia latebris. Siipfle defends Ponto. 2. Emergere. Emergere proprie dicuntur, qui aqua mersi eluc- tant et evadunt, undo pulchrae nascuntur translationes v. c. de eo ; qui "X obscuro loco ad illustriorem adspirat, aut ex infelice fit felix, aut a vitas pravitate se recipit ad bonam frugem. Ruhnken ad Terent. And. 3, 3, 30. Sic igitur emergere etiam Mithridates dicitur, qui e patrio et non ita nobili regno profectus totius Asiae imperium affectavit. 3. III Asiae luce = in maxima celebritate atque in oculis homi- num in ea provincia. Cf. ad Q.frat. 1, 1, 18: in luce Asia, in ocu- lis clarissima provincia, &c. 4. Insignia victoriae. These are triumphs, as may be seen from the following triumphavit. Reportarent then, which is strictly appli- cable only to vicioriam, comes under the figure zeugma. H. 704. Manutins considers insignia as = signa et indicia victoriae (ut capti- vos, aurum, argentum, vestes, &c). 5. Triumphavit Ii. Sulla. Schmitz, Rome, p. 359, fol. Sulla made peace with Mithridates in G70, and returned to Italy in 671 He triumphed in 673 6; Triumphavit Ii. Murena. Schmitz, Rome, p. 369. Though he was defeated and recalled, a triumph was still granted him, in the same year with Sulla. 7. Ita triumpharunt. Ita with a restrictive meaning. Z. 726. — Pulsus super atusque. What writers join the particles quamquam, quamvis, etiam, and vel with the participle itself ? The later Latin writers. 9, Q,uod egerunt, .... quod reliquerunt. Quod in both in- stances is to be considered as a causal conjunction, and the verbs are to be taken absolutely, the action, and not the object to which it is directed, being the prominent notion. Thus quod egerunt = quod non otiosi, sed strenui in bello Mithridatico gerendo fuerunt. The absolute use of agere is common, and here relinquere for the sake of concinnity is likewise so used. 10. In Italiam res publica. His opponents, the Marian fac- tion, having gained the ascendency in Rome. His recall too of Mure- na may have arisen from pressing occasion for all these troops in Italy. Consult Schmitz, Rome, p. 369, fol. Ch. IV. — 12. Omiie reliquum tempus. After the return of Murena. 14r. Fosteaquam .... aedificasset. Hark. 478. But Madvig adopts the conjecture of Benecke, qui postea, quum maximas, &c. — Ornassetque = instruxisset. On the omission of the English verb " to cxder," or " have," see Z. 713. 234 NOTEft. iQ 16. Bosporanis. Accolis Bospori CimmeriL They had revolted from Mithridates, but he afterwards reduced them to submission aud established Machares, one of his sons, as king of that country. 18. Ad eos duces. Sertorius. Consult Schmitz, Rome, p. 373, fol. Appian gives the names of the ambassadors as L. Magius and L. Fannius 19. Duobus in locis. Asia and Spain. 20. A binis .... copiis. Why the distributive bini ? H. 174. How does copia differ in meaning from copies ? H. 132. 21. De imperio, i. e. de conservatione vestri imperii vestraeque libertatis. 22. Alterius partis periculurn = periculum, quod ab altera parte vobis imminebat. 25. Depulsum est. By the defeat of Perperna, a. u. c. 682 See Schmitz, Rome, p. 376. 26. Initia ilia rerum gestarum. See ch. 8. 2T. Haec autem extrema. See ch. 9. Ch. V. — 35. Mercatoribus aut naviculariis, &c. Compare Verr. 5, 58, in. Quot bella majores nostros et quanta suscepisse arbitramini, quod cives Romani injuria affecti, quod navicularii rc- tenti, quod mercatores spoliati dicerentur ? Madvig reads majores vestri ; and after naviculariis, with Klotz, nostris. 38. Legati quod erant appellati superbius. Consult Scbmitz, Rome, p. 311, fol. 40. Extinctum esse voluerunt. H. 551. Extinctum is chosen with reference to lumen, and therefore the agreement with the nouu in apposition instead of Corinthum . . . extinctam esse. Hark. 462, 2. Cicero calls Corinth, Gracia totius lumen, but Rome {feCat. 6), lu- cem orbis terrarum ; Corinth is compared to a glimmering point of light ; Rome is distinguished as that city in comparison with which all other cities lie in darkness. Dod. 4:1. Legatum. Manius Aquillius, who had been consul a. u. c 653, and as proconsul had put ail end to the servile war in Sicily, a. u. c. 655. He was sent in 664 into Asia to Nicomedes and Ario- barzanes. Mithridates, into whose hands he had fallen, treated him in the most barbarous manner, and put him to death by pouring mol- ten gold down his throat. 4:3. Civiurn Romanorum, i. e. naviculanorum. K(\ 1. Persecuti sunt = ulti sunt. Persequi corresponds to the fol- lowing relinquetis. 2. Relinquetis. Verr. 1,33,84: cum injurias tuas reliquistit i. e. ncn persecutus, non ultus es. This figurative use of relinquere is derived from its senso f e= omittere, praeterire. — Videte, ne, = cavete, Voremini, &c. 6. Q,uid, quod. On this familiar formula, seo Z. 769. ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 235 Page 8. Socius p. R. atque amicus. Such honorary titles were re- kq ceived by friendly kings from the Roman people for services rendered. They were conferred by decree of the senate, and accompanied by rich gifts — as a golden crown, a golden patera, an ivory curule chair, an embroidered toga, an ivory sceptre, and a tunic with a purple bor- der. Those who had received this title, in foreign countries placed their throne next to the seat of the Roman generals, and had a squad- ron of Roman cavalry as a guard. 11. Cuncta Asia. Cf. tola Asia, 3, 7. "At non idem est in tota Asia et in cuncta Asia. Nam cuncti significat quidem omnes, sed conjunctos et congregates, ait Festus." Matthiae. So some separate these words from the preceding by a comma, and take them as nom- inatives. 14:. Alium miseritis. M.' Acilius Glabrio, the consul of the previous year. See §§ 5 and 26. — Sine summo periculo, no offendant Glabrionem. 16. Summa ... omnia. The greatest virtues, the highest qualities. IT. Propter esse, i. e in Cilicia, employed against the pirates. This war however he brought to an end in 687 and landed his forces in Cilicia and Pamphylia, where he waited hoping to receive the com- mand in Asia. — Quo .... agrius = et eo cegrius carent, sc. Pompeio. These words are included in a parenthesis by Klotz and Madvig, and the following cujus brought into immediate connection with cum 'propter esse. 22. Dignos . . quorum . . . commendetis. H. 501, III. 23. Atque hoc etiam magis. Supply dignos existimetis. Hoc magis stands with stronger emphasis for eo magis. — Quod ceteros, &c. The common reading is quam ceteros, quod ejusmodi horn, in prov. Benecke explains the text as arising from brevity of expression, for quod ceteri homines, quos in provinciam mittimus, ejusmodi sunt. 24. Cum imperio, sc. militari, quod habent ii, quibus potestas belli gerendi data est. Hoc impenum qui habent, dicuntur esse cum imperio. The wealth of the Asiatic provinces excited, more than any other, the avarice of the Roman generals. Cf. chaps. 22 and 23. 25. Adventus. Why the plural of an abstract noun? Z. 92. 26. Ah hostili expugnatione. For the conduct of the Roman oraetors in Asia, see chaps. 22 and 23, and compare ad Q.frat. 1, 2, 9. 2T. Hunc audiebant. When he was carrying on war in Italy, Africa, Gallia, and Spain. — Tania temper antia, &c. What ablatives are these 1 H. 428. Hanc virtutem primam nominal, ut opponat ali- orum libidini et rapacitati. 29. Commoratur. Eruesti thought the subjunctive necessary, and reads commorctur. But Cicero here speaks in his own person. Z. 546 23G NOTES. ka Cii. VI. — SO. Nulla ipsi injuria lacessiti. Notice the contrast between ipsi and socios. 31. Cum Antioclio. a. u. c. 562-5G4. See Schmitz, Ro:ne, p. 279, fol. — Cum Philippo. 553-556. Schmitz, Rome, p. 274, fol. — Cum JEtolis. They had formed an alliance with Antiochus. See Schmitz, Rome, p. 278, fol. 32. CumPcenis. 490-512; 536-553; 605-608. 36. Tauta sunt, i. e. tantilla, tam exigua. 38. Asia vero tam opima, &c. Opima in reference to (ho soil and pasturage ; fertilis in respect of the grain and produce. — Ubertate agrorum, &c. Three sources of revenue are referred to : decumcs, scriptura, and portorium. See note on p. 48, line 12. 4rO. Exportautur. H. 501, 1, 2. Klotz, however, from the Er- furt and some other MSS., reads exportentur. 4:2. Belli utilitatem, res eas, quae ad bellum gerendum bellique sumptus sufferendos sunt utiles. Retinere is the reading of the best MSS. Est autem inter sustinere et retinere illud discrimen, ut susti* neri dicatur res ea, quae ne labatur ac corruat, provideamus ; retineri, quae ne amittatur periculum sit. 43. A calamitate. Calamitas is here loss of crops by devasta- tion and by the expulsion of the cultivators, or by checking the pursuit of husbandry. Hence loss, misfortune, in general. 51 4:. Facta est .... pecua. So Benecke and Madvig ; Klotz, pe- cora. 6. Scriptura e The publicani had tc keep lists of the persons who sent their cattle upon the public pastures, together with the number and quality of the cattle. From this registering (scribere), the duty itself was called scriptura. See Diet. Antiq., Scriptura. 9. Q,ui vectigalia . . . . pensitant. The inhabitants of the prov- inces. 10. Q,ui exercdiit atque exigunt. The Roman equites ot publicani. 13. Familias rnaximas = servos. 14. Custodiis. These were places where the servants of the publicani kept watch, lest any goods should pass without paying cus- tom. Consult Diet. Antiq., Portorium. As this formed a part of the portorium, portubus and custodiis are rightly joined by atque, while the other three sources of revenue are distinguished by quas in. — For salinis various conjectures have been proposed, that this passage may be made to correspond with the one in § 14, where three sources of revenue are referred to. But the MSS. give, almost without excep- tion, salinis. These too were sources of revenue, and Pliny, H. N. 31, 7, speaks of numerous salt-works in Asia. Cf. Diet. Antiq^ Saun^e. to. Magno periculo. See H. 414, 2, 1). ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 237 Pasra 16. lllis rebus, vectigalibus. — Eos, publicanos. — Fruciui sunt, ^-j i.e. fructum preebent; sc. et socii et publicani. H. 390. Cf. vobis curtB esse debent, below Cir. VII. — 20. Q,uod mini ego, &c. Quod is here the pronoun ; in the next line it is the conjunction depending on negligendum. 22. Q,uorum .... babenda est ratio, Rationem habere ali- cujus rei = to regard something. 23. Nam et publicani. This sentence is anacoluthous. We should expect below, to correspond with this commencement, a second et. But in its place, at § 18, the orator begins a new period with deinde. See, however, Hand, Tursell. ii. p. 508, seq. 24:. Honestissimi, i. e. splendidissimi, an epithet of ihe equites. Honestus is one who deserves honor, honorable ; honoratus, one who is honored, qui magistratus gerit aut gessit. — Ornatissimi. A com- mon epithet of those who are distinguished for their high qualities, or for their rank and splendor. — Rationes = resources, property. 28. Firmamentum. Cf. p. Plane. 9, 23 : flos equitum Rom., ornamentum civitatis, firmamenium rei publicce publicanorum ordine continetur. 29. Ex ceteris ordinibus, praeter ordinem publicanorum. 30. Negotiautur. Negotiari is used of such Romans as sought for gain, partly by putting out their money to interest in the provinces, or in the purchase and sale of grain. They are expressly distinguished from the publicani. The former mode of employing capital was more profitable, as the rate of interest was not limited by law in the prov- inces. Cicero also distinguishes those who pursued their business in Asia, from those who remained at Rome and put out their money there. 31. Partim eorum, sc. nonnulli, aliquot. Hark. 396, 461. Somo read partim suas et suorum, but on insufficient authority. 32. Collocatas babent. See P. C. 291. 33. Calamitate probibere. Compare p. 52, line 1, and see S. 425. The preposition is more commonly expressed. 34:. A re publica sejuuetam esse lion posse. Cf. de Off. 3, 15, 63 : Singulorum enim facultates ct copies diviticE sunt civitatis. — ■ Illud, sc. quod mihi responderi possit. 35. Illud parvi refert. H. 408. Does refert occur in Cicero with the genitive of the person ? 36. Publicanis amissis, i. e. perditis. The common reading ia amissa. 3T. Redimeudi. Redimcre = to farm or purchase the revenues. Here re may have its force of again. 40. Initio belli. Twenty-three years before. Bcnecko and Madvig, id quidem certe ; Klotz as in the text. 41. Nam turn, &c. After certe id quidem .... memoria rcti» 238 NOTES. e-i nerc debemus, we should expect quod turn, quum, &c. But instead of the second member with quod, in imitation of the Greek usage, a new sentence begins with nam. 42. Solutione impedita. Payments were suspended in Rome because the publicani and capitalists had not received returns from Asia. 43. Non enim possunt . . . . ut non, &c. What is more com- mon than ut non in this construction ? How is the clause to be trans- lated? See Hark. 498. Compare below ruere ilia non possunt, ut hcBC non, &c. j)2 3. Ratio pecuniarum. Z. 678. — Inforo, in tabernis argentario- rum. The shops of the bankers were in the cloisters round the forum. 5. Ilia, sc. vectigalia Asiatica. — Hs a vocabulum medium, and like valetudo , j "acinus, dolus, &c, taken not only in ?nalam, but also in bonam partem. The "favor" of the elements was especially apparent in the piratical war. 5. Neminein unquam. See Krebs, 527 ; H. 457, 1. 6. Q,ui tacitus auderet. P. C. 483 (2) ; H. 500. On the use of tacitus, which may be rendered adverbially, see H. 443. lO. Sicuti facitis. As evinced by the extraordinary honors and offices conferred on him. — Velle et optare. Velle means to wish, and co-operate towards the realization of one's wish ; optare, to wish, and leave the realization of one's wish to others, or to fate ; cxpetcr \ f c wish, and apply to others for the realization of one's wish. Dod ORATION FOR THE MAKILIAN LAW. 251 Past 12. Ctuare quum, &c. The general conclusion before proceeding iu\ to the confutation. 16. Dubitabitis . . . quin . . . couferatis. Is this the common construction of dubitQ or non dubito when the meaning is " to scruple" or " hesitate" ? No. Quirt i3, however, necessary when dubitare stands in the passive or gerund : Domitius sibi dubitandum non putavit, quin proelio decertarel. Caes. B. C. 3, 37. So also, Quum- que nee mihi, nee fratri meo dubiumesset, quin Brundisium conten- der emus. Cic Att. 8, 11, D. 3. Ch. XVII. — 19. Q,uod si = quare si, is more than the simple si. Quod serves to indicate a connection with the preceding proposition. See Z. 342 and 807. How may we express this quod ? Z. 807. In rendering it may also bo sometimes unexpressed, and should not al- ways be translated by " because if." 20. Erat deligendus. Si with the imperfect or pluperfect sub- junctive is generally followed by the indicative of the historical tenses^ most frequently by the imperfect indicative, in expressions which de- note "must," "should," " can," " may," &c. ; also the participle of the future active, almost without exception, and the gerund and ge- rundive, regularly are connected with erat,fuit, fuerat. See Z. 519, a. The subjunctive denotes the simple thought or conception, the in- dicative the actual undoubted fact, in itself true and certain. 22. Adjungatur, ut adsit. See H. 495. 23. Ab iis, &c. Pompey had just brought the piratic war to a close, and was now in Cilicia, and could receive troops from Lucullus or Glabrio, the proconsul of Bithynia. 25. Cetera. Supply bella from the next clause, and connect summa with salute. On the cum, see H. 414, 3. 26. Bellum regium, adversus Mithridatem ac Tigranem. — Com- mittamus. So also Klotz and Madvig. 28. At enim. These particles are used in anticipating an objec- tion for the purpose of removing it. 29. Vestris beneficiis amplissimis affectus = suminis houo- ribus ornalus ; for Catulus had been consul with Lepidus twelve years before, and offices among the Romans were regarded as benefits, which the state conferred, and therefore named beneficia, to which amplissima is here added to denote the high dignity of the consulship. — Q. Catulus. Throughout life he was distinguished as one of the prominent leaders of the aristocracy, and being consul along with M JSmilius Lepidus, a. u. c. 676, the year in which Sulla died, he stead- ily resisted the efforts of his colleague to bring about a counter-revolu- tion by abrogating the acts of the dictator. During the progress of the Catilinarian plot, he strenuously supported Cicero, and either he or Cato was the first to hail him as " pare?is patriae." Catulus died during the consulship of Metellus Celer. a. u. c. 694 ; " happy," says 252 NOTES. £Q Cicero, " both in the splendor of his life, and in having been spared the spectacle of his country's ruin." 31. Q,. Hortensius was so distinguished as an orator, that Cicero calls him (Divin. in Q. Cacil. 7) rex judiciorum. This domination over the courts continued up to about the year, u. c. 684, when Hor- tensius was retained by Yerres against Cicero. The issue of this con- test was to dethrone Hortensius, and to establish his rival, Cicero, aa the first orator and advocate of the Roman forum. Hortensius at- tached himself closely to the dominant Sullane or aristocratic party, and after his consulship, a. u. c. 685, took a leading part in supporting the optimates against the rising power of Pompey. Up to Cicero's consulship, a. u. c. 691, Hortensius and Cicero were continually opposed, professionally and politically. After this period they usually acted to- gether professionally, for Hortensius retired from political life in the year 694. He possessed enormous wealth, and of his luxurious habits many stories are told. 32. Multis locis. See H. 422, 1. 33. Cognoscetis. So Benecke, Madvig, and others, instead of the common reading cognoscitis, which Klotz retains. See Jordan, ad CcBC. pp. 166, 167. Benecke considers this passage as closely con- nected with chap. 23, § 68 : Quod si auctoritatibus, &c, to the close of the chapter. The meaning then is, " Although I shall offset to tho views of these men (Catulus and Hortensius) the views of other dis- tinguished men (§ 68), we can however for the present pass these by, and seek the truth from the merits of the case." 34:. Auctoritates = sententias, quse a viris gravibus profecta? auctoritatem et vim habent. — Foriissimorum. In reference to the boldness of their declarations, quoniam neque ?netu, neque ulla alia re deterrebantur, quin libere dicerent, qua sentirent. It is also an ex- pression of courtesy, as clarissimorum which follows and denotes their rank as senators. 35. Tamen. The repetition of this particle after tametsi is not uncommon in Cicero. H. 516, HI. — Omissis auctoritatibus, I. e. praeter- misso pondere, quod illorum sentsntias, ut hominum honoratorum ha- bent. 36. Hoc facilius. H. 417. Supply ex quir ere possum us. 3T. Adhuc. Z. 292. 39. Igitur is used as a formula of commencement, to introduce a narration, argument, &c, the subject having generally been mention- ed before. 4rO. [Uaum.] Klotz and Madvig without brackets. 43. Tu idem. Hark. 446 and 451.— Pro. See Arnold's P. C. 56, in fin. ^1 1. A. Gabinium. Gabinius was tribune of the people in a. u. c. 687 and moved that tho command of the war against the pirate ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 253 iihould be given to Pompey. Having dissipated his fortune by extrav- (}] agance and profligacy, if he had not carried his law, says Cicero, {post Red. in Sen. 51), such were his embarrassments, that he must have turned pirate himself. He afterwards became consul in 696. See introduction, at the bottom of p. 225. 2. Uno. For Pompey was not named in the law. See introduc- tion, p. 226 3. Ex hoc ipso loco, i. e. ex rostris. 4. Contra legem earn. Klotz and Madvig read earn legem. 6. Vera causa. The true interests of the state. See note on page 47, line 12. 9. Capiebantur. See ch. 12. 12. Privatam rem. See §§ 31, 32. Ch. XVIII. — 14. Non dico, &c. The sense is, " I speak not now of larger states, which were distinguished for their navies and maritime power ; even small islands and states could protect them- selves against the pirates. How disgraceful then for the Roman em- pire not to be able to defend itself." 15. Atlieniensium, sc. civitatem. For nearly seventy years the Athenians commanded the maritime coasts, extending even to the Euxine and Pamphylian seas. 16. Karthaginiensium. The naval power of the Carthaginians was for a long time unrivalled in the Mediterranean. IT. Rliodiorum. The Rhodians often aided the Romans in their maritime wars, and Strabo testifies to their excellent discipline and naval prowess. 19. Q,uae ci vitas unquam tarn tenuis. After unquam Klotz reads antea, and Madvig [antea]. 24. In navalibus pugnis. Particularly the victories of Duilius, Regulus, and Catulus in the first Punic Avar ; and of Livius and L. iEmilius Regillus over the fleet of Antiochus, a. u. c. 563, 564. About half of the Roman fleet was furnished by the Rhodians, and tbey were further assisted by King Eumenes of Pergamus. The fleet of Antiochus was commanded by Polyxenidas. — Ac multo = atquo adeo multo maxima parte. 25. Utilitatis. Rerum ad usum vitas necessariarum, i. e. vecti- galium. — Dignitatis. See § 32, foil. 26. Antioclmm. See § 14. 2T. Persenqne. See H. 43 ; and note on p. 45, line 28. We must infer this defeat, which is not directly mentioned by historiany, from the naval triumph of Octavius. Liv. 45, 42. 29. Ii. So § 33 in sorao editious the reading is vos, qui .... ft nunc, &c. This pronoun is often used to resume or repeat with em- phasis a preceding noun or pronoun. See note on page 27, line 10 and compare the next sentence, nos .... iidem. 254 NOTES. Page /?1 3a. Delos. This island possessed an excellent harbor and situa tion, lying in the route of those who traded between Asia and Greece, or Italy ; and, after the overthrow of Corinth by Mummius, was very celebrated as a commercial place, until it was almost destroyed by the generals of Mithridates. — Tarn procul, tamen nostris armis et opi- bus tuta. 35, Referta divitiis. By its commerce and by the costly gifts and deposites made in its temple. Cf. C. Nep. Arist. c. 3. — Nihil ti- mebat. Delos is instanced as furnishing a lontrast between former security and present insecurity. 3T. Appia jam. via. This led from Rome to Capua and across to Brundisium. Where it touched the sea, or was near to it, it was insecure owing to the landing of the pirates. — Carebamus. Because we had not free and unobstructed enjoyment of them. 38. Noil pudebat, &c. Pudori esse debuit oratoribus hiuc (e rostris) verba facere, quod potestatem illam maritimam penitus ami- sisset populus Romanus. Hortensius may be particularly alluded to in reference to §§ 52 and 53. 40. Exuviis spoliis. Prceda and manulicB denote booty only as a possession and gain that has been made by conquest ; whereas spolia and exuvics, at the same time, are signs of victory and of honor. Dod. Ch. XIX. — 4-1 • Animo = mente, consilio, with good intention, in good faith. 43. Ea, qu» sentiebatis. Are such circumlocutions common? Z. 714, 3. 44. Dolori suo. Dolor denotes an inward feeling of pain, as from a wound or blow, especially when the sensation or feeling is fresh. Liv. 41, 10, joins it with indignatio, in which sense it may here be taken. The people were indignant at the wrongs and con- tumely they suffered from the pirates. 62 1. Una lex. The Gabinian. — Unus vir. Poinpey. 3. Vere. The ill success of former generals in their efforts to suppress the pirates might have made the Roman supremacy appear questionable. Now, however, it has at last recovered its true ascen- dency. 5. Obtrectatum esse. Impersonal, P. C. 285 ; Hark. 301, 3 ; Krebs, 171. On the meaning of obtrectare, see Arnold's Nepos, Arist. 1, 1. 6. Gabinio dicam, anne Pompeio, an utrique. For the forms of disjunctive questions, see H. 346. Anne is not frequently used, and only in the second member, and generally when the interrogative par- ticle is omitted in the first member. — Id quod. P. C. 36. T. Ne legaretur A. Gabinius. In his tribunate he procures a law to bo passed, investing Pompey with supreme command ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 25S When obtained, Pompey asks for his lieutenant this same Gabinius. go Such an attempt, leading to corrupt jobbing, was properly resisted. — Expetenti ac postulanti. On expetere, see note on p. 60, line ]0. Postulare = to make claims, or demand, with reasons of right and equity, or in accordance with relations and circumstances. By the Gabinian law, Pompey, as Plutarch (Pomp. 25) informs us, was em- powered to choose out of the senators fifteen legates, or lieutenants, to act under him. He actually chose twenty-four (Plut. id. 26), which number accords more nearly with Appian (B. Mith. 94), who gives the number as twenty-five. The persons appointed to this office wero usually men of great military talents, and were nominated by the consul or dictator under whom they served ; but the sanction of the senate was an essential point, without which no one could bo legally considered a legatus. But the senate baffled Gabinius in his favorite project of following Pompey into Asia, by successfully opposing, or, at least, delaying his election as one of the legates. 9. Idoneus qui impetret. What other adjectives have the same construction ? H. 419, IV. Consult also P. C. 486 and 212* 14:. Periculo. For if Pompey had been unsuccessful, the blame would also have attached to the proposer of the law by which Pompey was put in command. 15, An C. Falcidius, &c. On the form of the sentence, see note on p. 9, line 19. In the second member, the future or subjunc- tive is more common. 16. Q,uos omnes. Not quorum omnes. Compare note on p. 13, line 33 ; and see Z. 430, in fin. — Honoris causa = out of respect, with all due respect. 18. Diligentes = strict, scrupulous, careful, sc. in adhering to the rule that tribunes should not be appointed legates to a general who had received his appointment during their tribuneship. Confir- mation of the general's choice had become so much the rule, that Pompey must have deeply felt the rejection of Gabinius. To wound him still more deeply, laws which, as Cicero claims, had in tho case of Falcidius and others been neglected, or not applied, were revived and applied against Gabinius ; viz. that no one who had proposed a bill should participate in the commission under it. Klotz retains : in hoc uno Gabinio 20. Per vos. By your suffrages = vestris suffragiis, at the end of the chapter. 21. Deberet. The subjunctive imperfect refers to the implied conditional clause, si esset in exercitu Pompeii. 22. Ego me profiteor relaturum. Since a legatio required a decree of the senate, it was necessary, if Gabinius was to be a legate to Pompey under tho Manilian law, that a decree should approve. And as it devolved first upon the consuls (o propose the question, CU 25G NOTES. Pag-o an cero says, Co?isules spero, &c ; and immediately adds, in order to stimulate the consuls to act, that he (as preetor), in case they decline, will bring forward the business of Gabinius's appointment. For it ap- pears to be going too far to deny, as some do, that a praetor could in the presence of the consul propose a decree. He must however sub- mit, if the higher magistrate interfered to prevent his design. 23. Impediet quo minus. P. C. 94 and 98 ; H.499.— Inimicum edictum. With reference to the preceding note, this may mean an edict issued by the consuls, either of a general nature to pre- scribe the mode of conducting business in the senate ; or to define the mode of procedure in reference to a single session. Cicero calls it inimicum, as intended to trammel and thwart in his purpose the mover of a measure, and declares that he will disregard it and persist in hia motion. In such a case nothing was left to the consuls but to inter- cede, when the praetor must yield. Cicero could be bold, because the grounds of objection to Gabinius's appointment, which existed undei the Gabinian law, of which he was the mover, no longer existed un- der the Manilian law. 24r. Jus, sc. praeturac. Ernesti makes it the right which the tri- bunes had to be appointed legates, and beneficium, the honor and rights of the tribuneship itself. Benecke understands jus of the right of the people generally to bestow its honors on whom it pleases, and benefi- cium of the favor thereby conferred. L. v. Jan rejects both of these opinions, and understands the words of the right of the people to ap- point Pompey to the command of the war against the pirates. As the senate were opposed to this measure, they, in revenge for their defeat, refused to confirm Gabinius as legate to Pompey. The overcoming of this revenge, therefore, by the appointment of Gabinius, will be a triumph of the rights of the people. 25. Intercessionem, sc. tribunorum. A compliment to the per pie, to whose tribunes he v/as ready to defer. 26. Q,ui minautur, se intercessuros, aut, alii nt intercedantj operam daturos. 29. Socius adscribitur, i. e. pro socio Pompeii in bello maritime habetur, ejus gloriae particeps est. Cicero intimates that the tribunes had no just grounds for interceding, and reminds his hearers of Ga- binius's special and peculiar claims to the office of legate. See § 57. 30. Illud bellum. Madvig, id bellum. Ch. XX. — 32. Reliquum est, ut videatur. See H. 495, 2; and compare § 27: restat, ut . . . . dicendum esse videatur. 34. duaereret. See P. C. 415, s; Krebs' Guide, 232 (4); H. 486, 4. — Si .... poneretis, si quid eo factum esset Notice here ft double protasis without co-ordination or subordination of the one tc the other. In English we might put them in co-ordination by the conjunction and, but this is not allowable in Latin, whether they boto ORATION FOR THE MAMLIAN LAW 'Jo7 Page naud immediately together, or inclose the apodosis, or leading sen- acy tence. Render " When he inquired of you, if you were to place ail your dependence on Pompey alone, on whom you would set your nopes, in case any thing should befall him," or (inserting one protasis) 1 ' on whom, if any thing should befall him, you would set your hopes." — Si quid eo factum esset. A euphemism to avoid uttering a word of ill-omen or gloomy import. Compare noto on p. 39, line 8. — Eo. P. C. 291, in fin.; Z. 491. What other case is also found in this construction, and what preposition is sometimes expressed with the ablative ? 36, Q,uum omnes . . . . dixistis. H. 518, IT. This anecdote is given in Plut. Pomp. 25, and in Veil. Pat. 2, 32. The occasion was when Catulus rose up to speak against the Gabiniau law. 3T, In ipso. Madvig: in [eo] ipso; Klotz: in eo ipso, who says that as the Quirites could not cry out in ipso spem habcbimus, but in te ipso, &c, so in Cicero's speech eo is almost indispensable. — Talis est vir, &c. Cf. Sest. 47, 101 : qualis nuper Q. Catulus fuit, quern neque periculi tempestas, neque honoris aura potuit unquam de suo cursu aut spc aut metu demovere. 40. In hoc ipso. This refers to the words of Catulus : in v.no Cn. Pompeio non omnia ponenda, and quod gives the reason for Ci- cero's differing from Catulus on this point. 43. At eniin. An objection. See note on p. GO, line 28. — Ne quid is the reading of Benecke, Klotz, Madvig, and others. 44. Non dicain. Non dico, non dicam, non commemorabo aro forms of expression by which the orator, without omitting any thing that he wishes to say, under the appearance of brevity gains the good- will of his hearers, and their attention in expectation of something more important to come. Cf. in Rull. 1, 7, 21. 1. Iu pace consuetudini, in bello utilitati. Thus Marius too.. Q9 in later times, presented two cohorts of Camertiaus with the freedom of the city, on the field of cattle, for their gallant resistance to the Cimbrians ; and when told that it was illegal, he replied, that the din of arms drowned the voice of the laws. Vul. Max. 5, 2, 8. 3. Novoruin consiliorum rationes. New measures. Ratio is often used as a circumlocution. Z. G78. The concluding remark of note on p. 19, line 3, may apply here. 4. Duo bella maxima. The third Punic and Numantine wars. — Ab uno imperatore. P. Scipio JEmilianus. See Schmitz, Rome, pp. 307 and 316. 8. Vobis .... esse visum. That it seemed good to you, that you thought it proper. lO. Cum Ciinbris. Consult note on p. 45, line 29. Ch. XXI. — 14. Tarn novum." The meaning of novum is deter- mined hy the words prater consucludinem, inauditum, inusitalurn, 258 NOTES, l'age po singular e, incrcdibile, with which Cicero below varies the expression Ho introduces further variety iu the construction. The first three are followed by quam and the ace. c. inf., and the second three by quam and ut with the subjunctive. We may also notice the skill with which justness of proportion between uniformity and variety is again con- sulted for in the answers to the questions. — Adolescentulum, privatum. See note on p. 54, line 26; and compare Veil. Pat. 2, 29, 1. 15. Conficere = comparare, contrahere, conscribere, to enrol, levy. 18. A senatorio gradu. The age at which a person might be- come a senator, was probably at this period 27. Pompey was at this Lime only 24. 20. Bellumque iu ea. Klotz reads, in ea provincia. 23. Equitem Romaimm triumphare. On his return from Africa, he demanded a triumph, which was at first refused. Pompey however persisted, and was at last allowed a triumph at the age of 25. Plutarch says, it would have t/een nothing strange if Pompey had been a senator before the age fixed for it ; but it was a very extraor- dinary instance of honor, to lead up a triumph before he was a senator And it contributed not a little to gain him the affections of the multi- tude ; the people were delighted to see him, after his triumph, class with the equestrian order. 25. Visendam, Visere, as the frequentative of videre, is strong- er, and equivalent to studiose videre. Its meaning of " go to see," is also involved. Therefore, Ern. : non modo vidit, sed etiam studiose et frequenter spectavit. Klotz reads omnium for omni. 26. Q,uid tarn inusitatum, quam. ut. So below, quid tarn singulare, quam ut, and quid tarn incredibile, quam ut. H. 556, II. Above, with novum, prater consuetudinem, and inauditum, the con- struction is the accusative and infinitive. — Duo consules. They were D. Junius Brutus and Mam. iEmilius Lepidus, a. u. c. 677. 28. Bellum maximum. The Sertorian or Spanish war. 29. Non nemo. H. 585, 1. 31* Pro consule, i. e. as proconsul, with proconsular powers. — L. Philippus. A celebrated orator. Cf. Brut. 47, 173. Cos. a. u c. 663. 32. Pro cousuiibus. Here is a bonmot, consisting of a play upon words, by which the incapacity of the consuls of that year is in- timated. Cicero, who also mentions it in the 11th Philippic, 8, 18, skilfully makes use of it here, as though it had been uttered simply to glorify Pompey. 33. Rei publico; bene gerendse, i. e. belli rei publico? causa sus- ccpti bene gerendi. 36. Legibus solutus. By the lex annalis, a. u. c. 574, it was decreed that the consul should be 43 years of age. The age requisite ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 259 Pag9 or the sodileship, which was the first of the curale magistracies, by ao the same law was 36. But Pompey was consul when he was only 35. 38. Iterum .... triumph aret. a. u. c. 683, at the age of 35, over Sertorins. Usually no one could be permitted to triumph unless he had held the office of dictator, of consul, or of praetor. 42. Profecta sunt = ei tributa sunt. 43. A Q,. Catuli atque a cet h omnium auctoritate* On the repetition of the preposition, see note on p. 18, line 5. Cir. XXII.— 1. Videaut, ne, &c. II. 492, 4, 1). 64 5. Suo jure facere aliquid dicuntur, qui libere, pro arbitrio, nullo impediente, impune faciunt. With perfect right. 6. Vel contra omnes. Vel = " even." 7. Iisdem istis reclamantibus. Hortensius, Catulus, and their adherents. 8. Unum ilium ex omnibus. Z. 691. — Quern . . . praponeretis. H. 500. 10. Studia vestra. Your views and wishes. 11. Sin autem vos plus .... vidistis. But if you then saw more clearly the true interests of the state, if you hotter understood what was for the real welfare of the state. 14. Et sibi et ceteris populi auctoritati parendum. P. C. 332. Compare de Orat. 1, 23, 105 : Gerendus est tibi mos udolescentibus. How might Cicero have avoided the two datives, one of the agent, the other of the object? Z. 651 ; P. C. 335, h. 15. Atque, &c. This passage down to gaudeant, § 68, is by Orelli printed in italics and included in brackets. With reference to which he makes the following note : " Qua? literis inclinatis exprimen- da curavimus, ea subditicia et ex aliqua declamatiuncula hie inculcata esse viderunt Naugerius, Pantagathus, Blochius, qui subtiliter ea de re disputavit, et Madvig." But Madvig, in his second edition of select orations from Cicero, gives it without any indication of its being of doubtful genuineness. 18. Magnce et multae. Madvig retains, with Ernesti, multa et magna. The text is from Cod. Erf. and given also by Klotz. Of it Orelli says, u utique contra veri Ciceronis usum ; cf. § 23." Compare Krebs' Guide, § 81. — Difficile est. Owing to the wealth and remote situation of those countries. 19. Interiorum nationum. Remote from the sea. 20. Nihil aliud nisi. Arnold, P. O. 185. Benecke defends nihil aliud quam. 25. Per hos annos. Of late years. 29. Ctuibus = ut iis. — Causa belli = prastextus, simulatio belli. Dicitur enim causam inferre, qui simulat causam ac fingit. 36. Non modo .... sed. Z. 724, says, When a transition from greater to lesser things is to be expressed, we usually find nan modo 2G0 XOTES. Pn^e n* .... sed without the ctiam. Arnold (P. C. Part 2, 505) ohjects, that the second is always the stronger statement. Here, though a tribu- nus is in himself less than an imperalor or legatus, yet that a prov- ince could not endure even a tribune, is a stronger assertion than that it could not bear an imperator or legatus. 37. Aiiimos ac spiritus. Superbiam et quaB inde oritur, libidi uem atque avaritiam. On the plural, see Z. 92. Ch. XXIII. — 40. Q,ui se a pecuniis. Madvig adopts the con- jecture of Benecke and omits se. Benecke retains it in [ ]. 42. Maiius oculos animum cohibere, Cf. de Off. 1,40: At enim pratorem, Sophocle, decet non solum manus, sed jtiam oculos abstinentes habere. 44. Ecquani. H. 188. For even if a rich city were really dis- posed to peace and tranquillity, some occasion was sought to chargo it with disobedience and contumacy, for the purpose of plundering its riches. ()5 4. Requisivit = desideravit. — Videbat, se. ora maritima, i. e, habitatores, incolae orae maritimse. Z. 675. The common reading is Videbat enim populum Romanum non locupletari neque nos, &c. The leading of the text is defended by Benecke, and given by later editors, except that Madvig reads neque nos instead of neque cos It best suits the connection, and is nearest to the MSS. The sense is : For they (i. e. the inhabitants of the coast) saw that the praetors, with the exception of a few, yearly enriched themselves from the ap- propriations of the public money, and that they in the name of a fleet attained nothing else, &c. From this passage it appears that the praetors, along the Mediterranean and particularly in Asia Minor, yearly received appropriations from the public treasury, for the pur- pose of fitting out ships ; and that they embezzled this money, and ap- plied it to their own use. This neglect of their naval force left them too weak to resist the pirates, and subjected them to defeats, which brought disgrace upon the Roman name. 6. Classium nomine. Z. 679. — Detrimentis accipiendis. The difference in the use of the participle in dus and of the perf. pass, par- ticiple, though we may often render both by a verbal noun in ing, should be attended to. It is the difference of a completed and past action and one yet to be. Compare urbis condendte principium pro- fectum a Romulo, and institutes rei publico clarum exordium. De Rep. 2, 2. Also, superstitione tollenda religio non tollitur De Div. 2, 72. Sublata superstitione would represent this action as prior to the other ; but tollenda marks it as continuing at the same time. So ill Cat. 2, 10, 21 v male gesto negotio for gerendo, would modify the conception, though in itself giving a just idea. 8. Jacturis, from jactre, properly the throwing of goods over- board in a storm ; then any loss whatever ; and here, us a kind oi ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 261 Page Waste or loss, expense, largess, made to those through whose aid they p^ had received their province. * 9. Conditionibus. Engagements. Klotz reads, et quibus con- ditionibus. — Videlicet isii, sc. Hortensius, &c, ironically ; for he had eaid before, noverunt sociorum vulncra, &c. 11, Q,uum — .turn* Z. 723. — Alienis vitiis magnum Quia vitiis aliorum vacat ; with perhaps an allusion to the cognomen of Magnua, which he had received from Sulla. 13. Nolite dubitare. Hark. Lat. Gram., 535, 1, 3). — Quin. H. 498, 3. 14. Inter tot annos. The correctness of tnis expression was formerly questioned, but is sufficiently defended by several similar passages. On the ground of this doubt, however, some editors have erased annos, understanding imperatores ; and the correspondence be- tween huic uni and inter tot seems to favor this reading. — Unns . . . quern .... gaudeant. P. C. 484 (a) ; H. 501. IT. Bellorum omnium, i. e. omnis generis. 1 8. P. Servilius. Consul a. u. c. 675. Ho was the first of the Romans who led an army to Mount Taurus, and for his victory over the Isaurians, whom he reduced to subjection, he received the cogno- men of Isauricus. He was joint advocate of the law with Cicero. — Mariquc. He had been successful in several engagements with the pirates. 19. Ciuum .... deliberetis. Tho subjunctive denotes a pos- sible case, and asserts conditionally. 20. C. Curio. C. Scribonius Curio, consul a. u. c. 678. He tri- umphed over the Dardanians, a. u. c. 683 ; and was the first Roman general who penetrated to the Danube. 22. Praeditus. This word does not well suit rebus gestis. Here is a kind of zeugma, and insignis or conspicuus may be supplied.— Cn. Lentulus, Clodianus. Consul a. u. c. 682. — Pro. H. 384, H. 24. C. Cassius, Varus. Consul a. u. c. 681. — Cassius, intcgri- tate, &c. The genitive or ablative of quality seldom stands, as here, in immediate connection with proper names. The connection is com- monly effected by means of the apposition of homo or vir. So too, not sapientissimus Socrates, Corinthus a?nplissima, but Socrates, sap. homo ; Cor. urbs ampl. 25. Videte, ut. This is the reading of the MSS., and suits the sense. See Hark. 492, 1. From ut appears to have arisen utrum, and then num, which is the common text. Madvig adopts a former conjecture of Orelli, and gives videte, horumne. Ch. XXIV. — 33. Cum tanto studio. H. 428.— Nunc itcrum The first was in passing the Gabinian law. An earlier reading is non iterum vidimus. Benecke contends also for adesse videmus, claiming with Wunder, p. Plane. 12, 29, p. 101, that the particle 262 NOTES. Page GK quum, H3 often as it has the meaning of to, quod, necessarily requires the indicative. See P. C. 488 (c). 35, De re. De tanto viro deligendo. — De perficiendi facultatc. About our ability to carry through this choice. The numbers and zeal of the people show their sentiments. 3T« Atque is here explanatory. The beneficium consisted in the praetorship which had been conferred on him. 40. Polliceor ac defero. Defero = ultro offero, confero, ul numerosior cadat oratio, adjectum verbo polliceor. 41. Huic loco temploque. There were numerous temples around the forum. We are, however, to understand templo of the rostra, as a nearer explanation of loco. Cf. in Valin. in rostris, in ido, inquam, augurato templo ac loco ; Liv. 8, 14 : rostraque id tern- plum appellatum, because consecrated by auguries. — President. See note on p. 39, line 7. 42. Ad rem publicam adeunt. Compare ad magistratus rem- que publicam accedere. Verr. 1, 12, 33. These phrases are used of those who are candidates for public offices, or who are entering upon public life clothed with civic honors. 43. Cujusquam. Pompey or his friends. — Neque quo. H.497. We should expect " sed quod hoc rei publicae utilissimum esse confido" to follow, but the construction changes at § 71. In a similar way the construction is broken off, ad Q.frat. 2, 2 ; and pro Quinct. 3, 11. gg 2. Honoribus. The consulship particularly, since this was the only remaining object of Cicero's ambition. 3. Ut hominem praestare oportet. So far as a man can en- gage to do. 4. Honorem. Madvig and Klotz, honores. 5. Eadem ilia nostra laboriosissima ratione vitas, sc. vos do fendendi. T. MiM. See H. 388, II. 8. Tantumque abest, ut ut. And so far from seeming to have aimed at some grateful return, I even, &c. Tantum abesse, followed by two clauses with ut, is almost without exception used im- personally ; the first sentence with ut forming its subject, aud the sec- ond sontence with ut depending upon the tantum. 10. Simultates. See Arnold's Nepos, p. 177. 1 1 . Noil necessarias. For I might have avoided them. — Non inutiles. An instance of the figures litotes and asyndeton. Their advantage to the state Manutius finds, in the ascertaining of the will of the citizens, so as to be able to distinguish the good from the bad; Benecke, because he incurred them in undertaking a cause which would be of the highest utility to the people ; M'Kay, because public good often accrues from the disputes of political opponents by reason of the watch which they keep on each other's actions. ORATION FOR THE MANILIAN LAW. 263 1 2. Hoc lionore. The praetorship. nr> 13. Vestram voluntatem. Your inclination to confer this com- mand on Pompey. 15. Commodis et rationibus. The latter as a synonym 3f the former is more comprehensive : omnes enim res dicit, quae ad psum pertinent. THE ORATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. INTRODUCTION. M. Claudius Marcellus had been a friend of Cicero's from his earliest ,uuth ; their views on political affairs had generally coincided, and they con- tinued to act in concert until the breaking out of the civil war. His merits as an orator are said to have been of a high order, and inferior to few except Cicero himself. He is first mentioned as curule aedile with P. Clodius, a. u. c 698. In February of that year he defended Milo, at Cicero's request, against the charge of violence brought against him by Clodius. In 700, he was one of the six advocates who defended the cause of M. Scaurus ; and after the death of Clodius, 702, took a prominent part in the defence of Milo. In the year 703 he was consul with Ser. Sulpicius Rums, and during the period of his magis- tracy he showed himself a zealous partisan of Pompey, and sought to secure his favor by urging the senate to extreme measures against Caesar. But all the party zeal and animosity of Marcellus did not blind him to the ob- vious imprudence of forcing on a war for which they were unprepared. Though he joined Pompey and his partisans in Epirus, it is clear that he did not engage with any heartiness in the cause, of which, according to Cicero, he foresaw the failure from the beginning ; and after the battle of Pharsalia he aban- doned all thoughts of prolonging the contest, and withdrew to Mytilene, whero he gave himself up to the pursuits of rhetoric and philosophy. Here Caesar was content to leave him unmolested in a kind of honorable exile ; and Mar- cellus himself was unwilling to sue to the conqueror for forgiveness, though Cicero wrote to him repeatedly from Rome, urging him in the strongest man- ner to do so, and assuring him of the clemency of Caesar. But though Mar- cellus himself would take no steps to procure his recall, his friends at Rome were not backward in their exertions for that purpose ; and at length, in a full assembly of the senate, C. Marcellus, the cousin of the exile, threw himself at Caesar's feet to implore the pardon of his kinsman, and his example was fol- lowed by the whole body of the assembly. Caesar yielded to this demonstra- tion of opinion, and Marcellus was declared to be forgiven, and restored to all his former honors. Cicero wrote to announce to him this favorable result, in a letter now lost ; but the answer of Marcellus is preserved, and is marked by a singular coldness, which would lead us to the conclusion that his indiffer- ence in this matter was real and not assumed. He, however, set out on his return; but having touched at the Peiraeeus, where he had an interview with his former colleague, Sulpicius, then proconsul in Greece, he was assassinated immediately afterwards by one of his own attendants, P. Magius Chilo. There seems no doubt that the deed was prompted by private resentment, though suspected at the time to have been committed at the instigation of Ccesar. Sulpicius paid him all due funeral honors^and caused him to be buried in the Academy, where a monument was erected to him by the Athenians, at the public expense.— Dict. Git. and Rom. Biog. and Myth. OKATION FOR M. MARCELLUS. 265 The oration for Marcellus was spoken in the senate, a. u. c. 708 ; and waa me first which Cicero delivered after the downfall of the republic. As subse- quently written out and published, it was always admired as a finished dis- course. "Cicero," says Middleton, "touched by the generosity of Cassar, and greatly pleased with the act itself, on the account of his friend, returned thanks to him in a speech, which, though made upon the spot, yet for ele- gance of diction, vivacity of sentiment, and politeness of compliment, is supe- rior to any thing extant of the kind in all antiquity." It has been regarded as the model of Pliny's Panegyric of Trajan ; and passages from it are quoted and explained by Nonius Marcellus, Lactantius, and Priscian, as well as in the fragments of Commentaries on Cicero's Orations, which have come down to us under the name of Asconius Pedianus. Notwithstanding this, it is maintained by F. A. Wolf, that Cicero delivered no oration for Marcellus, still less that he wrote one out; and, consequently, that the present oration is a declamatory exercise of a later period, perhaps of the age of Tiberius, shortly before Asconius. This view was assailed by Worm, Kalau, and Weiske. but defended by Spalding, until at a later date Jacob re-examined the whole question, and came to the conclusion that, in accordance with the testimony of the ancients, Cicero delivered and wrote out a speech for Marcellus, and that this speech can be, in a great measure, recognised in the oration which has come down to us, but that it has received later additions and interpolations. This view was received with much favor by Passow and Hand. Independently of Jacob, Hug also, and after him Sa- rds, who gave prominence to the testimony of Cicero himself, endeavored \o set aside the doubts respecting the genuineness of the present oration, which Schutz, and after him Orelli, who also directed attention to earEer doubts of a Spaniard, John Andres, again condemned as spurious, though such a sentence, even allowing single interpolations, as also numerous varia- tions of MSS. from each other, on the whole, can hardly be justified or rest on a sure and satisfactory basis, in opposition to the external evidence of the au- thorities already noticed, or to the finished style and composition of this ora- tion. Some old scholia on this oration, which, although not written by Asco- nius in their present form, are yet not later than the 4th century, have been discovered by Angelo Mai. Among later assertors and defenders of the au- thenticity of the oration for Marcellus, may be mentioned Steinmetz, Dru- mann, R. Klotz, and Si'ipfle. For the authorities upon this question, we refer to Duulop's Roman Litera- ture, vol. 2 ; and Bahr's Geschichte d. Rom. Literatur. 3e Ausg. 2r Band, p. 284, fgg. ANALYSIS. In the introduction Cicero declares his purpose of again appearing as an orator in public ; and justifies his determination, partly by the uncommon and extraordinary goodness of Cassar, partly by his joy upon the pardon of Marcellus, ($ 1-4.) The orator magnifies the clemency of Cassar, by comparing it with hia great achievements and victories, which latter must doubtless give place to the former ; for— 23 260 NOTES. (a) The victor must share the glory of his victory with fortune and with his army, but not so the glory of his humanity and clemency, (^ 4-7.) (b) Victory over powerful nations is achieved by bravery and prudence, while acts of gentleness and compassion raise a hero to a level with deity, (* 8.) (c) Military exploits excite emotions of dread, but the qualities of a good heart gladden all hearts, even in mere fiction, or when they are found be- fore our time, and do not, as the deeds of Caesar, fall under our own ob- servation, ($ 9-11.) Nay more, this clemency and goodness of heart in a victor excites the highest conceivable joy and gratitude, and by it even the dead are honored in their surviving relatives, ($ 11.) (d) Time destroys and annihilates the works of our hands and of our power, but deeds of righteousness and mercy continue to shine more and more brightly, ft 11, 12.) (e) Caesar has vanquished victory, by showing the highest gentleness and fa- vor to the vanquished, which could not have been expected from the partisans of Pompey, ( 19, 20.) 3. The orator answers the twofold opinion of Cassar, that snares are laid for his .ife, and that he has lived long enough for nature and for fame. To this Cicero replies, That— (a) Such a suspicion is incredible, for none of his friends will be- tray him, and his enemies by his kindness have been made his truest and surest friends and followers, ($ 21.) (b) He wishes and hopes, however, that Caesar will not drop this solicitude, but retain it for the good of the state, which is so closely connected with his safety. (§ 22-24.) 2) Caesar may have lived long enough for nature, but not for his country. This point is touched with much frankness and discretion, and was by some of the earlier commentators regarded as the finest and most striking part of the oration, ((> 26-32.) Then follows an entreaty to Cassar to take care to preserve his life, and a promise, in his own and the senate's name, of the most faithful protection. 4. In conclusion, he gives repeated thanks for the preservation anr" pardon of Marcellus, (§ 32.) Pago QfJ Ch. I. — 1. Diuturui silentii, governed by finem ... attulit. So de Off. 2, 22, 76. Krebs, Guide, 351, incorrectly says finem facere takes the genitive only, not the dative. It has its object sometimes in the dative as well as iu the genitive. Pro Cluent. 67, 191. Cf. 4, 11, Monumentis tuis allatura finem sit ff e r alher refers to the readiness of the senators to defend Caesar at therrj risk of their own life. 19. Oppositus = oppositiones, an anal- \tyontvov in Cicero. So pnsitus, appositus, and other compounds, occur for the form in io. Ch. XI. — 21. Ut. Klotz has admitted this conjunction from MSS., by which the sentence is more compactly connected and round- ed. So also Steinmetz, Siipfle, and Schultz. — Unde, sc. gratiarum actionc 22. Gratlas agimus .... liabenius. See note on p. 12, line 11 Lambinu3 reads majorem, sc. gratiam, in accordance with the more common construction of habere. 23. Majores, to preserve the construction uniform and parallel with the preceding maximas .... agimus. Compare ab aliis posita, ab aliis erepta, § 31. Notice also that the comparative enhances the superlative, for the superlative does not always mean the highest, but only a high degree of a given quality. Cf. de Off. 3, 121 : Tibi per- suade, esse te quidem mihi c arissimum, sed multo fore cariorem, &c ; in Cat. 3, 5, 13. — Idem sentiunt. Entertain the same sentiments of gratitude. 24. ILacrimis. Compare p. Sert. 11 : Jiens universus or do dici- tur orasse, and p. Lig. § 13. 25. Stantibus. Senators who did not wish to make a speech on the question, assented while retaining their seats. Ad Fam. 5, 2, 9 : sedens Us assensi. The text in this passage is very corrupt. Orelli gives : sed, quia non est stantibus omnibus necesse dicere, a me eerie did volunt, cui necesse est quodammodo, quod volunt ; et quod fieri decet, et quod, M. Marcello a te huic ordini, populoque Romano et rei publico, reddito, fieri id intelligo. This he explains as follows : But because it is not necessary for all to rise and speak, they desire me to do so, upon whom their wish imposes the obligation ; both because it is proper in itself to give thanks now to you, and because it is M. Mar- cellus, my friend, that has been restored by you, for whose restoration I now thank you. With slight variations the common text agrees with the above from Orelli, except that et is given before quod volunt, and fieri omitted before decet; and prcecipue a me fieri debere, or pr&ci- pue id a me fieri debere, or prcecipuc id a me fieri, are found before intelligo. But of prcecipue a me and debere there is no trace in MSS. Steinmetz from MSS. gives the reading of Klotz, except that after quodammodo he retains in brackets et quod volunt and et quod before M. Marcello. He also indicates a lacuna before fieri id intel- ligo. They wish me to speak, who am under a kind of necessity of so doing, and who feel the propriety of it, since Marcellus has been restored, &c. 28. Nou de. Orelli, Schultz, and Steinmetz, non ut de; and in the next line, sed ut de, Sec. 282 NOTES. Page HA 29. Q,uod autem, &c. The construction is, Quum autem pra- sliterim tamdiu, quamdiu dubitatum est de salute illius, id, solU citudine, cura, labore, quod est summas benevolentia, (qua ne mini) certe debeo prastare hoc tempore (sc. id, quod summae benevo- lentiae est), liberatus magnis curis, molestiis, doloribus. But since I have, so long as his safety was uncertain, shown him by my solici- tude, anxiety, and efforts, the highest marks of affection (which all know I have felt towards him, so as hardly to fall behind his most ex- cellent and loving cousin, besides him so as to yield to no one), theso same marks of affection I ought certainly at the present time, when I am relieved from care, trouble, and pain, to testify. Compare ad Fain 4, 7, 6, and 9, 4. 32. Fratri, sc. patrueli. 35. Itaque, &c. This is a second evidence of affection, that ho thanks Caesar, as if the greatest benefit had been conferred not upon Marcellus, but himself. 36. Sic, huic rei convenienter, with such sentiments of gratitude. 3 7. Tamen, with reference to the correlative concessive, with pre- ceding participle. Z. 635. The sentence may be resolved into ut, licet omnibus rebus non solum conservatus, sed etiam ornatus sim, ta- men. 38. Unum, adds emphasis, ut alios taceam. 39. Maximus .... cumulus accesserit. Maximum cumulum accessisse profitear. In Latin two clauses are not unfrequently con- nected immediately with each other, the logical connection of which is only mediate. Cf. Tusc. 4, § 47: Ila . . . . definit, ut pcrturbctiv titj for ut dicat perturb ationem esse. THE ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. INTRODUCTION. Lmaiuus was the name of three brothers, who lived in the time of the civil fvars between Cesar and Pompey. They were of Sabine origin. Q. Ligarius is first mentioned in a. u. c. 704 as legate, in Africa, of C. Con- sidius Longus, who left him in command of the province, while he went to Rome to become a candidate for the consulship. On the breaking out of the civil war in the folio whig year, L. Atius Varus, who had commanded the Pompeian troops at Auximum, and had been obliged to fly before Caesar, arrived in Africa, of which province he had been formerly propraetor. Into his hands Ligarius resigned the government, although L. xElius Tubero had been appointed to the province by the senate ; and when Tubero made his appearance off Utica shortly afterwards, he was not permit- ted even to land. Ligarius fought under Varus against Curio in the course of the same year (a. u. c. 705), and against Caesar himself in 708. After the bat- tle of Thapsus, in which the Pompeian army was defeated, Ligarius was ta- ken prisoner at Adrumetum. His life was spared, but he was banished by Caesar. His friends at Rome exerted themselves to procure his pardon, but were unable to succeed at first, notwithstanding the intercession of his brothers, of his uncle, T. Brocchus, and of Cicero himself, who had an audience with the dictator on the 23d of September, a. u. c. 708, for the purpose. Meantime, a public accusation was brought against Ligarius by Q. iElius Tubero, the son of L. Tubero, whom Ligarius had united with Varus in preventing from landing in Africa. He was accused on account of his conduct in Africa, and his connection with the enemies of the dictator. The case was pleaded be- fore Caesar himself in the forum. Cicero defended Ligarius in the following speech, in which he maintains that Ligarius had as much claim to the mercy of Caesar as Tubero and Cicero himself. Ligarius was pardoned by Caesar, who was on the point of setting out for the Spanish war, and who probably was not sorry to have this public opportunity of exhibiting his usuar*mercy. Tho speech which Cicero delivered in his defence has been much admired. Liga- rius, however, felt no gratitude for the favor that had been shown him, and eagerly joined the conspirators, who assassinated Caesar in a. u. c. 710. Appian speaks of two brothers of the name of Ligarius, who perished in the proscription of the triumvirs in a. u. c. 711 (B. C. iv. 22) ; and in the following chapter, he mentions a third Ligarius, who met with the same fate. Now, as Cicero expressly mentions three brothers of this name, Q. Ligarius must have been one of those who were put to death on this occasion. Diet. G. and R Biog. and Myth., Ligarius. The oration of Q. Tubero against Ligarius in this trial, was still extant in the time of Quinctilian (cf. 10, 1, 23). But after his failure in this cause, he abandoned the profession of oratory, and devoted himself to the study of the civil law. 284 ANALYSIS. 1. The introduction consists of a continued and well-sustained iiony. Cicerc ridicules Tubero, for bringing an accusation against Ligarius before Cu?sar on account of a matter that is known to everybody ; represents himself a^ stripped of all means of defence, by the charge of so unheard of a crime, as the having been in Africa ; and proceeds to treat the whole accusation as trifling and contemptible. He accordingly goes on, in subtle and covert irony, to urge that the disclosure of this crime compels him to resort to Caesar's humanity as his on y refuge ; by which, he adds, so many already have been preserved to their country, whom Caesar has pardoned, not for any crime, but only for an error, and among them Tubero also, who, how- ever, as well as his father, has more to answer for to Caesar, than Ligarius who is charged by them with a crime, from which they are not able to clear themselves. ($ 1, 2.) 2. The narration shows, that Ligarius was in Africa, but without any fault of his own, and not as Csesar's enemy ; for, (a) He went as legate into the province of Africa before the outbreak of war was suspected ; (6) He was constrained, when Considius withdrew, by the urgent wish ol ihe inhabitants, against his will to assume the government of the province ; (c) He refused the command offered to him, but was unable, becoming in- volved in the war, to escape from the province, (t) 3-5.) 3. The argument itself has two parts : the first invalidates the charge of the accuser ; the second commends Ligarius to Cassar's mercy. (1) The orator introduces his proof of the weakness of Tubero 's accusation by a panegyric on Caesar, for having spared him who had been a Pompeian (§ 6-8), and then shows, («) How unwise and inconsiderate the accusation is, since the accuser had actually fought against Caesar, while the accused had only been in Africa (* 9. 10) ; (b) How cruel and inhuman, since it aims at the death of Ligarius (§ 11, 12), or at least hinders his pardon ($ 13, 14), a cruelty which Cicero purposely depicts in the strongest colors ($ IS, 16) ; (c) How unreasonable and unjust, since Tubero has called the error of Liga- rius treason, whereby he reflects upon the whole party of Pompey, and even condemns his own and his father's course ($ 17-19) ; in respect to (1) his own journey to Africa, which was entered upon by command of the senate t> 20-23), (2) his zeal to defend this province (§ 24), and (3) his firmness and consistency, in supporting the party of the senate, even after his affront (t) 25-28) ; id) How absurd and foolish it is, to desire that Caesar, who has pardoned public offences, should avenge private grievances. ($ 29.) (2) He directs his discourse to secure pardon for the accused, and, (a) In connection with praise of Caesar, he makes frank confession of his own mistake and fault (§ 30, 31) ; (b) lie draws a touching picture of the sorrow and distress of the brothers and kinsmen of Ligarius, who are present, and have beec. constant friends of Caesar ($ 32-34) ; (c) He briefly sets forth the merits of one of the brothers, T. Ligarius, for set vice done to Caesar, who now is reminded that he has it in his own power to show him a grateful recollection of the favor ($ 35, 36) ; ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 285 Id) He in a few words alludes to the glory which Caesar has already obtained by the preservation and pardon of Marcellus ($ 37) ; and finally, (c) Describes the praise, which the attributes of mercy and compassion wm. (* 38.) 1. In conclusion, the orator leaves the entire cause to Caesar's own rcfiec tions. and only reminds him that, by preserving Ligarius, he will at the same time preserve the happiness and welfare of many more. Ch. I. — Novum crimen. Ironically, as if he had said, " A mon- 75 etrous charge this, Caesar, that Ligarius was in Africa! (as if you had not pardoned even your Pharsalian foes before now ;) and what is worse still, Pansa, no mean authority, has had the hardihood, trusting, no doubt, to his intimacy with you, (as nothing less could warrant such a communication,) to confess this fact ! I am, therefore, completely at a loss ; for (as no one could defend) I was prepared to deny the charge, which being so new (i. e. notorious), you, of course, could, have no means of learning, either of yourself or from other sources." M'Kay. Cf. Quinctil. 4, 1, 38 and 70 ; 9, 2, 50 ; 11, 1, 78. 2. Inauditum. Benecke, Soldan, Madvig, and others read non auditum, as found in Quinctil. 11,3, 108 ; and some MSS. Benecke thinks that the separation of the negative particle gives it prominenco and sharpens the irony. — Propinquus metis. So ch. 3, § 8 : adole- acentis propinqui. The elder Tubero appears to have married into the "gens Tullia." Cf. ch. 7, 21 ; and ad Att. 13, 20. He here refers to this relationship obviously to show that his predilection should be in favor of tho accuser, and, therefore, that his confidence must be great in the innocence of Ligarius. — Q. Mlius Tubero, having failed in his charge against Ligarius, devoted himself exclusively to the study of jurisprudence. He was a writer on public and private law, and is often mentioned in the Digest. 3. In Africa fuisse. Cicero carefully extenuates the act of Li- garius, and makes no allusion to his having taken up arms against Caesar, which doubtless formed the gravest part of Tubero's charge. — C. Pansa. C. Vibins Pansa was consul with Hirtius, a. u. c. 711. He died at Bononia (Bologna), from a wound received in the first battle with Antony, near Mutina (Mtidena). When tribune of the people, a. u. c. 703, he, with his colleague Caelius, opposed the decree of the senate to appoint a successor to Caesar in the command of the province of Gaul. The intimacy and affection which existed between him and Caesar may be learned from ad Fam. 6, 12. That the words pr miis invitaverat. — Aliquot annis post. Seventeen years afterwards ; for Sulla was chosen dictator in the year of Rome 672, and in the year 690 Caesar, as president of the qucestio de sicariis, extended tho prosecutions to those who, during Sulla's proscriptions, had murdered Roman citizens for money. See Suet. Cces. 11 ; Dion Cass. 37, 10. Benecke considers from qua tamen to vindicata est an interpolation. Ch. V. — 5. Novi enim te, &c. The anaphora or repetition of novi, may be noticed, which contributes to the animation and energy of the discourse. In the second member the order is inverted, making the arrangement of the period chiastic. 6. Studia generis ac familiar vestrae virtutis, &c. This is again an instance of several genitives limiting the same noun in differ- ent relations. Generis and families are genitives of the subject, tbe others of the object. Hark. 396, H. — Generis, i. e. gentis, the iElian, of which the Tuberos were a familia, among the Lamiae, Paeti, &c On the virtue and learning of the iElians, to which Cicero frequently alludes, see de Orat. 1, 45, 198 ; Brut. 20, in., and 56, 205. Of the family of the Tuberos, the most prominent was the grandfather of the accuser, Q. iElius Tubero Stoicus, vir eruditus . . . et honestus homo et nobilis. p. Muren. 36, 75. 7. Plurimarum artium atque optiniarum. By this the Ro- mans understood the studia liberalia, the study of philosophy, history, eloquence, and poetry. Benecke brackets these words, because they are not found in Cod. Col., and he regards them as a gloss on the preceding humanitatis, doctrines. Klotz and Soldan, with Ernesti, remove the comma and connect them with doctrines. The common text has studia denique .... nota sunt mihi omnia. Klotz and Sol- dan also retain omnia, placing a colon before nota, and making nota mihi sunt omnia a general conclusion. 9. Res enim eo spectat, i. e. earn vim habet. He accuses them of unintentional cruelty ; because Ligarius being already in exile, any punishment must be worse than that, i. e. must be death. 10. TJt non videamini. H.494. — In qua . . . sit. P. C. 407 12. Sicuti est. This is a formula of frequent occurrence, used to confirm the truth of what has been previously expressed condition- ally. 13. Ignoscatur. Benecke and Klotz read ignoscat, sc. Caesar. What is the construction of ignoscatur ? — Hoc vero multo acerbius. This denial of pardon is harder than death itself. The love of coun- try was strong in the Romans, and henco the misery of perpetual exile. ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIDS. 295 Pa°« 14. [Domi] petimus. Since this cause was argued in the forum, 7 y it seems necessary to erase domi, or read petiimus. Madvig omits domi. Matthise defends the common text as spoken generally, re- marking that in what follows Cicero speaks of what was actually done. Soldan with Klotz retains domi petimus, and considers with Manutius the present as used for the perfect for the purpose of vivid- ness of description. Benecke would read, Quod nos petimus .... op- pugnabis? .... repente irruisses .... misereatur .... Quanto hoc durius, id te in foro oppugnare et in tali, &c. — Precious, lacrimis. Omittenda est copula et, propterea quod a minore, ut dicunt, ad majus hoc loco ascendit oratio. Soldan. Madvig, however, retains et. On the different kinds of the asyndeton, see Hand, Turs. ii. p. 472 ; and Lehrbuch des lat. Stils. pp. 301, 302. 16. Ne impetremus, pugnabis. H. 491. Benecke ; Klotz, and Soldan read oppugnabis. 18. Si . . . irrupisses . . . coepisses : . . . . nonne . . . exuisses. P. C. 435 (d), (2), 437 {d) ; H. 510.— Quum . . .faccremus. H. 518. — Quod etfecimus. See ad Fam. 6, 14. 19. Repente. The old reading is derepcnte, but this form belongs to earlier latinity, and is not elsewhere used by Cicero, nor here sus- tained by the best MSS. — Irrupisses. Benecke would prefer irruisses, which Madvig and Soldan, from Cod Erf. as shown by Freund, adopt. Irrumpere involves the notion of violence and force, which here is not so suitable as the notion of rapidity and haste, which is contained rather in irruisses. 20. Cave iguoscas. P. C. 539 ; H. 535, 1. 21. Misereat. H. 410. Benecke, Madvig, and Soldan, mise- reatur. H. 410, 6, 1). 23. Te in tali miseria .... tollere. The change from the passive to the active construction has given offence here. Some have therefore preferred te . . . oppugnare and tollere; others either tolli or multorum te pcrfugium . . . tollere. Such instances of enallage are however elsewhere found. Orelli alone, so far as appears, and without reason, changes the common reading et in tali into te in tali. 21. Perfugium inisericordiae. The refuge of mercy, i. e. tho refuge which the wretched find in Cajsar's clemency. Compare note on p. 26, line 1G. In Manil. § 39 the construction is different. 25. Si non esset redundaret. P. C. 435. 26. Per te obtines. Possess naturally. Cf. ad Fam. G, G, 8 : in Casare .... mitis clemensque natura ; and Sail. Cat. 54 ; Suet. Cas. 71. For quantam, Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig read quam. 27. Intelligo, quid loquar. An aposiopesis which means moro than it says. Tacuit enim Mud, quod nihilo minus accipimus, non 2'JG NOTES. Page rjodeesse homines, qui ad crudelitatem eum impellant. Cf. Quinctii 8, 3, 83 and 85.— Loquar. P. C. 109 ; H. 525. 28. Q,uam multi . . . esseat. Essent in the consequent clause of a conditional proposition. P. C. 430. Benecke questions the gen- uineness of this passage down to miser icordem. — De victorious. P. C. 165, h ; Z. 430, in fin. Why would not the genitive be suitable here ? 29. Ctui vellent. H. 448, 5 ; also H. 500.— De victis. See preceding note. — Quum .... reperiantur. H. 518. SO. Ctuum a te ignosci nemini vellent. From the wish that you should pardon no one. Why not neminem ? Krebs, Guide, § 171 ; H. 385. 31. Ipse iguovisti. Of your own accord. 33. Probare. Persuade, induce to believe. 31. Saluti civi .... esse. Z. 611, cites this passage with the common reading civis calamitosi consultum esse. The best MSS. give it as in the text, and so the latest editions. Saluti esse alicui is used of an advocate who defends the cause of his client. De Orat. 2, 49, 200 ; Pro Arch. p. 1, 1. 35. Hominis lion esset. P. C. 190, 191 ; H. 403. 3 7. Si alicujus. P. C. 391, 392 ; Z. 708. 38. Aliud aliud. P. C. 38 ; H. 459. 39. Errare nolle, nolle misereri. Where two members of a sentence are antithetical, Cicero often inverts the order of the words. So Plane. 30, 72 : nee considerate minus, nee minus amice. Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig in this line also read aliud est. — Tunc diceres. Hark. 486, 4. Benecke and Madvig: Turn diceres. 4:3. Abjiciet, as something worthless and contemptible. The common text gives utetur. 44. Extorquebit, wrest by violence, as being implanted by na- ture. See note on line 26 above. 79 Ch. VI. — 1. Ac is a particle of transition = further, besides. — Adi~ tus, sc. ad causam. — Postulatio, properly, is the request or demand made upon the prastor by a complainant, for the form of action and accusation which will lie against the party to bo prosecuted. It is the first step in preparing a formal accusation. The next step was the delatio nominis. Cf. ad Fam. 8, 6, 1. 3. Admiratus sis. H. 498, 3. 4. Novi sceleris, (for which the common text gives jacinoris,) alludes to the commencement of the oration: Novum crimen, &cc, and scelus is purposely repeated here so often, to annoy Tubero. 5. Tu, with emphasis. H. 446. For vocas Klotz gives vocasti. — 6. Alii errorem, Sec. An ascending series : errorem, in the Pom- peians, who acted conscientiously ; timorem, in those who were really afraid of Caesar's tyranny ; spem, sc. of arriving at honors and com- mand; cupiditatem, the feeling of Dartv men who looked no foithel ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 297 than their party; odium, groundless hatred of Caesar; pertinaciam , r* n downright obstinacy in the cause they had espoused ; tcmeritatem, an inconsiderate eagerness for war. All these had somo truth, the charge of wickedness none. 8. Pertinaciam, propter Aiexandrinum bellum. Ad Fam. 15, 15 : Utcrquc nostrum spe pads et odio civilis sanguinis abesse a belli necessarii pcrtinacia voluit. 9. Ac mini quideni. Cicero laid the blame, where it could well be borne, on fate. See Mar cell. 5. 1 0. Fatalis quaedam calamitas. In eandem sententiam Caesar m or. ad senatum apud Dion. Cass. 43, 17: 'E/cAaGfyem piv irdvTwv rStv cv/xPe^TiKdruv, us Kal avdyici) tiv\ haijioviq. yeyovdrwv. 12. Ut nemo debeat. P. C. 62 and 81 ; Harkness, 491. — Divina necessitate. A periphrasis for fato. 13. Iiiceat esse miseros. H. 515. P. C. 152; H. 547. The sense is : Liceat per te, Tubero, in exsilio ac miseria Ligarium vivere, eed quum isto modo agis, non licet : aliquid enim ultra exsilii miseriam quseris. 15. Fuerint. Admit they were, &c. The subj. is concessive H. 515. IT. Parricidii. Significatur crimen laesae majeslatis rei publicao. Cf. in Catil. 1, 7, 17 ; de Off. 3, 21, 83 : parricidium palria. — Liceat Cn. Pompeio carere. Which is the more frequent construction of licet ? H. 547, II. 19. Q,uid aliud .... nisi. H. 503. — Contumeliam, sc. in recall- ing him from Gaul before his command was expired, requiring him to stand in person for the consulship, and instead of voting him a triumph, insisting on his giving an account of his administration. Ca>s. B. C. I, 9. Cf. ad Alt. 9, 11 ; and Caes. B. G. 8, 53. 20. Q,uid egit nisi ut . . . . tueretur. Hark. 492, 1. Ille after tuus is omitted by Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig. — Suum jus, sc. that of the army ; but of the army as composed of citi- sens whose rights were involved in the treatment of Caesar. For many of them had voted for admitting Caesar's claim to stand for the consul- ship in his absence, but the law was neglected, and therefore their rights. 21. Ctuum pacem esse cupiebas. Caesar's anxiety for peace is fully testified by Cicero, ad Fam. 16, 11 ; 6, 6; ad Att. 9, 8. Cf. Csos. B.C. 1,9 and 3, 90. Quum cupiebas. P. C. 488 (c) ; H. 518, 3. 22. An ut . . . . conveniret. The ut is omitted in some MSS., but in disjunctive clauses it is more commonly repeated. Convenire ia construed either personally or impersonally. In the former case, the thing agreed upon is in the nominative, and the persons are expressed ty the dative, and the ablative with cum, or by tho accusative with 298 NOTES. fainter, e. g. qua mihi tecum convenit, and qua, inter rcgem Pausuni amque convenerant. The persons are often unexpressed, when they can bo easily supplied ; e. g. conditiones non convenerunt, and fre- quently res, pax convenit. When convenire is construed impersonally the persons are expressed as in the personal construction, but the thing is put in the ablative with de, or introduced by a following clause, with ut or the relative. Here too the persons may be unexpressed, e. g. quibuscum sibi de pace conveniret ; mihi cum Deiotaro conve- nit, ut Me . . . esset, and quum de facto convenit. Finally, convenire de re can also be used of persons who are agreed upon a thing, but then cum is not allowable. Convenio cum aliquo therefore is not Latin, but convenimus is correct, e. g. quum de prada non conveni- rent. Justin. 15, 4, 23. 26. Q,uum . . . voluisses. Quum is substituted, from MSS., by recent editors, for the common reading si, which however Klotz re- tains. Quum is to be taken as causal, H 518. " since you would have wished," &c, and the conditional clause, si me et mulios Pom- peianos ut sceleratos servasses, is to be supplied in the mind. 2T. Secessionem. A mild word for defection or revolt; taken from the early secessions of the Romans to Mons Sacer, Janiculum, tSoc, by adopting which he frees Caesar from the charge of exciting a civil war. 29. Dissidium. This word Orelli here retains. The best MSS give discidium. Madvig (ad Fin. p. 812, fg) rejects dissidium alto- gether, and denies that it is a Latin word. His reasons are, that its form is contrary to the usual formation ; that, wherever it is found, the oldest and best MSS. give discidium; and that partly the thought and connection, partly the grammatical relation of the words, require discidium in the sense of separatio, discessio. He states the result at the conclusion of his investigation, as follows : Satis confirmatum esse opinor, nullum esse Latinum vocabulum dissidium, id autem, quod est, discidium, ita late patere, ut non solum ad eorum separatio- nem, qui in diversa loca distrahantur, pertineat, sed ad omnes, quorum conjunctio, etiam animorum vinclo astricta, prorsus tollatur ct in ini- micitias convertatur. See Seyffert's Lcelius, p. 152, fg. — Utrisque cupientibus. Alitor loquitur, quum oratorem agit, aliter cum amico. Cf. ad Att. 8, 11 : Dominatio, quasita ab utroque est : non id actum, beata et honesta civiias ut esset : 10, 4 : Utrique semper patricc sa- Ivs et dignitas posterior sua dominatione et domesticis commodis fuit. On utcrque, see H. 187, 188. 30. Partini consiliis. Some through upright, views. — Partim studiis. Others again through party feelings. 31. Paene par. Par closes its clause with emphasis, and is re- peated at the beginning of the next clause with equal emphasis. "This trgurc is called a net di ptosis. ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 299 Pa7Q 44. Ctuiuoluit. For any who did not choose to obey the senate found a refuge with Caesar. Ernesti wished qui nollet ; but the sen- tence is merely explanatory of nemo, and therefore the indicative is correct. Qf\ 1. Generi, nornini, &c. As one of the iElians and a Tubcro, whose character and principles alike prompted you to obedience, you could not have done otherwise. 2. Q,uibus rebus gloriemini, sc. for having yielded obedience to the senate, the highest power in the state. The subj. by P. C. 467. 3. Tuberoilis, i. e. Lucius Tubero the father. The senate ev- ery year determined which should be consular and which praetorian provinces. The praetorian provinces, which were six in number aftei the reduction of the Spains, and sometimes the consular, which were only two, were distributed by lots, which were shaken in an urn, and drawn by a boy. Benecke and Soldan : Tuberoni. 5. Statuerat excusare, sc. morbum, i. e. morbum pro causa af- ferre, cur nollet. This is the usual explanation, but it is perhaps better to take it absolutely, that he meant to decline ; whether for this or that reason is left undecided. 6. Oixmes uecessitudines, i. e. omnis generis. So p. Sest. 17, 39 : quo cum mild omnes erant amicitias necessitudines. T. Militioe contubernales. Military chums. The centuries were divided into contubernia, consisting of ten soldiers, who quartered under one tent. Veget. dc re mil, 2, 13. It was customary for young Romans of family to attach themselves to the commanding general for the purpose of learning the art of war under his eye, and this was called alicui contubernalem esse, or in alicujus conlubernio esse. Ci- cero and Tubero were tent-mates in the Marsic war, under the con- sul Cn. Pompeius Strabo, a. u. c. 665. — Post affincs. See note on p. 75, line 2. 8. Magnum vinculum. Quinctil. 1, 2, 20, arguing for a public education, says: Mitto amicitias, qua ad senectutem usque firmissi- m. Die te . . . . judicem esse. He bids Caesar to imagine himself a judge of Ligarius, and to put to him, as counsel, the usual questions. In such a case, he professes that he would have nothing to say in de- fence, but by the figure antiphrasis (i. e. quum qucedam negamus nos dicere, et tamen dicimus), he concisely sums up, without the appear- ance of having designed it, the substance of what he has previously urged in defence. 11. Colligo. The technical term for collecting proofs for a trial. — Valerent. The conditional member is frequently left to be supplied from the context. 13. Non acerbus, t totus. Tho t indicates that the text is doubtful. Madvig reads, jam est- totus; Klotz and Soldan, non acer- bus fuit, tametsi totus. During the war even he was not a bitter en- emy, on the contrary rather, he was wholly yours in heart and affec- tion. Tametsi is thus used to correct a former expression. Hand, Turs. ii. pp. 604-606. 14. Ad parentem. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig read apud. 16. Ignoseas. Soldan and Madvig read ignoscatur. 18. An sperandi. Quinctil. 5, 10, 93, calls this comparatio ex difficiliorc ; for it was obviously more difficult for Cicero, who was al- 306 NOTES. Page Co ready indebted to Caesar for his own, to urge the pardon of another, than for that other to hope for a pardon. Bnt this being done, Ceesai would hardly forfeit the glory of his clemency, gained in pardoning the one, by refusing the same pardon to the other. 21. Tui necessarii. We might expect tuorum necessariorum, but the construction is conformed to the relative qui, instead of to tho antecedent eorum. Ch. XI. — 24:. Gratiosiorcs. Of more influence w T ith you. — VuU tus. What case? Accusative. Soldan with Steinmetz here contends for pieces, as below. Vultus dixit pro preces quia, qui precantur, sol- licitudinem, demissionem animi, mcerorem vultu prae se ferre solent. 25. Sed quam illius. Klotz reads sed qua illius causa, pro quo, &c. 26. Xtaque, &c. Accordingly, you do not, to be sure, deny your own friends any favor, as the preceding remark (neque te spectare, quam tuus esset necessarius) might lead a person to suppose. So far from that, you are above measure liberal to them ; still I see (sed vi- deo tamen) that the causes. Sec. 2T. Beatiores. Beatus qui multa bona possidet. Cicero does not mean that they were happier than Caesar, but as we say, '•' better off," " wealthier." Caesar was so generous that he left himself in a worse situation than the recipients of his bounty. This accords with the account of Sallust, Cat. 54 nihil denegare quod dono dignum esset. 28. Fruantur. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig: fruuntur 31. In Q,. Ligario conservando. Si Ligarium conservaveris. And this introduces the case of Ligarius. He here reasons syllogisti- cally. Thus the major (Vidi enim, Sec.) is shortly: Just grounds (causas) for interference in the suppliants usually avail with Caesar. The friends of Ligarius have the justest grounds (minor). Therefore, &c. In establishing the minor he is able to enumerate all the friends of Ligarius who are interested in his fate. And this he proceeds to da 32. Tuquideni.. sed. See P. C. 383. See note on p. 22, line 2. 33. Hoc. Causas rogantium. 34r. Sabinos. Ligarius was of Sabine origin, and it was usual foi the whole people of a district to appear at Rome in defence of a patron or countryman. So the Campanians appeared in favor of Cicero, on his return from banishment. — Tibi probatissimos. They had afforded Caesar an asylum during the proscription of Sulla, and he may have tried and proved their valor in his legions. 36. Nosti optime homines. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Mad- vig from MSS. read optimos. 3 7. T. Brocchi .... lacrimas squalor em que, Brocchus waa Hi© uncle of Ligarius. Squalor, the garb of mourning, is often joined ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 307 Page with sordcs, and describes the neglected appearance of those who \vereQ9 in affliction and distress. 41. Q,uodvis. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig: Na?n quodvis. 4:3. Si fraterne, si pie, si cum dolore. Notice the anaphora, by which, in the first member of this sentence, the conjunction, and in the second member, the predicate is repeated. It is often the case, in animated discourse, that a word which is common to the connected members of a sentence is iepeated, by which the place of the copula- tive conjunction is taken, and a kind of asyndeton is formed. Besides, in this sentence the chiastic arrangement of fraterne, pie, cum dolore, and lacrimcB, pietas, germanitas, should be noticed. 3. Essent. P. C. 460 (b) ; H. 529, ff. 83 4. Hunc splendorem. This is the proper epithet of the equestri' an order, as, majesty of the people, and authority of the senate. Be- necke and Madvig retain the reading, omnem hanc Brocchorum do- mum. 5. Ti. Corfidium. By a lapsus memoriae Corfidius was hero mentioned, though previously dead. Cicero requests Atticus (13, 44) to bo careful to have the name erased from all the copies ; which, however, was not effected. <}, Veste mutata. Sordidate. No less than twenty thousand knights changed their garb in the case of Cicero. 7. Tecum fuerunt. This did not require them to be actually in Coesar's camp. It was enough that they did not join Pompey. Bo- necke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig: viros, qui tecum fuerunt. 8. Requirebamus. Missed, felt annoyed at tho absence of. Therefore their deserts towards you are enhanced by their being tho objects of the hatred and threats of the Pompeians. 9. Minabautur. Benecke and Klotz : minabamur. By non- nulli we may suppose Pompey, Lentulus, Scipio, and Fannius are in- tended, not Cicero who strongly censures those who threatened the neutral. Therefore Minabantur is preferable. — Tuis suos. To those, who by their neutrality are proved to be your friends, preserve their own. 10. Hoc. Your considering all these your friends who did not appear against you. Ch. XII. — 13. Tecum .... fuisse, i. e. domi remansisse. 15. Fuisset futurus. The common text is fulurus fuerit, and so Madvig. Soldan : fuerit futurus. If conditional sentences, which are expressed by the subjunctive of the imperfect or pluperfect, are made to depend upon a tense of the present, in the leading sentence, they are not subjected to the consecutio temporum, but remain un- changed. In tho periphrastic conjugation, however, the subjunctivo of the perfect takes the place of the subj. of tho pluperfect, after a 308 NOTES. Page Co tense of the present in the leading sentence, although the conditional member stands in the subj. of an historical tense. This arises from the use of the indicative of the perfect for the pluperfect subjunctive. Compare H. 475, and H. 481, III. Both fuisset and fuerit appear to be correct, though the latter is more frequent, while the Erf and other MSS. here defend fuisset. 16. Consensum couspirantem et pasne coitflatam. Concor- dant, and, as it were, moulded into one. IT. Noverit. H. 501. Why the perfect tense ? H. 297. 20. Tempestate abreptus. Tres Notus abrepias in saxa la- tentia torquet. Virg. Mn. 1, 108. 22. Sed ierit. But take it in the worst point of view, admit that he did go to the war, &c. 23. Discesserit. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, Madvig, and others read dissenserit. 25. Qualis T. Ldgarius fuerit. He paid Caesar, a. u. c. 698, a sum of money, voted to him out of the public treasury, to support his army in Gaul. This payment Cicero strenuously sup- ported. De Prov. cons. 11, 28 ; p. Balb. 27, 61. Turn is rejocted by Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig. 26. Quaestor urbauus. Hi aerarium curabant, ejusque pecunias expensas et acceptas in publicas tabulas referebant. Ascon. Quaes- tores enim urban i tantee fuerunt auctoritatis, ut imperatores redeuntea ab expeditione non prius triumphum adipiscerentur, quam apud ipsos jurarent vere scriptum fuisse ad senatum de hostium occisorum et civ- ium amissorum numero. Neque vero hac in re modo T. Ligarius C33- sari absenti gratum facere potuit, sed etiam in pecunia eroganda, quum quotiescunque earn solvere senatus debebat, quaestores essent adeundi. 2T. Spero te . . . . recordari. The infinitive of the present or perfect follows spero if the time actually falls in the present or tho past. P. C. 15 ; Z. 605.— Oblivisci. H. 403, II. 30. De aliis quibusdam quaestoribus. Wunder and Klotz understand these words of quaestors who had shown themselves un- friendly to Caesar, in contrast with tho friendliness of T. Ligarius But Benecke and Soldan give this sense to tho passage: "even if you recall to mind the services of certain other quaestors, perhaps greater than those of Ligarius, you will still bear in mind something of the service which Ligarius rendered." Klotz also retains cogitantem after qucestorio officio. 31. Nihil egit. Had no object in view, was quite disinterested. 3 2. Euni tui studiosum. Kioto and Soldan omit tui. Benecko and Madvig read tui cum studiosum. On eum for se, see Z. 550. 35. Dederis . . . condonaveris. H. 473. 3T. Necessariis. After this word the common text gives suis. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan, tuis. — Condonaveris. H. 473. ORATION FOR Q. LIGARIUS. 300 P.-ige 38. De nomine nobilissirno* M. Marcellus. See the preceding do oration. Observe that nuper in curia and nunc .... in for o with ref- erence ta each other are anaphorical, but with reference to the prep- ositional expressions, chiastic. Klotz gives M. Mar cello after claris- simo. See, however, note on p. 80, line 10 40. Concesslsti. Granted to the prayers of. Above, condonare has a similar sense, viz. to pardon for their sake, at their request, and to gain their favor. 2. Homines enim. This sentiment is elsewhere met with. Cf. p, j p. Mar cell § 8 ; De Rep. 1, 7. 5. Quani ut possis .... quam ut velis. Poterat etiam dicert quam quod potes, quam quod vis. Sed significare maluit, ut possot et vellet, fortuna Caesaris et natura effectum esse. 6. Forsitan*= perhaps : generally goes with the subjunctive, THE ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. INTRODUCTION. Deiotarus was a noble tetrarch of Gallograecia or Galatia, who in the sev- eral wars in which the Romans had been engaged in Asia, Pontus, Cappado- cia, Cilicia, and Syria, had often afforded powerful aid to their generals, and proved himself a zealous and faithful ally. Through Pompey, after the close of the Mithridatic war, he was, for his services, honored by the senate with the title of king, and had Gadilonitis and Armenia Minor added to his domin- ions. He succeeded, indeed, doubtless by Roman favor, in encroaching on the rights of the other tetrarchs of Galatia, and obtaining nearly the whole of it for himself. In the civil war, Deiotarus attached himself to the cause of Pompey, his benefactor, in the same ship with whom he effected his escape after the battle of Pharsalia. After the defeat of Pompey, he sought in every way to regain the favor of Caesar, relying upon the friendly relations which had previously existed between them. Accordingly, while Caesar was employed in Egypt, Deiotarus offered to Cn. Domitius Calvinus, Caesar's legate in Asia, his ser- vices and money, and in his turn, a. u. c. 707, applied to Domitius for aid against Pharnaces, the son of Mithridates, who had taken possession of liia kingdom of Armenia Minor, and of Cappadocia, the kingdom of Ariobar- zanes, and was plundering them. In the campaign which followed, Phar- naces defeated the combined Roman and Galatian forces near Nicopolis, and almost entirely destroyed the army of Deiotarus. When Caesar, in the same year, came into Asia from Egypt, Deiotarus, divested of his royal robes, wait- ed on him in the garb of a suppliant, and in consideration of his former ser- vices, his age, dignity, and the prayers of his friends, received a pardon, and was permitted to resume the ensigns of regal dignity. About certain clauns, however, which the neighboring tetrarchs made on Gallograecia, Caesar de- cided nothing; but taking with him all Deiotarus's cavalry, and a legion trained in the Roman discipline, he proceeded against Pharnaces, whose speedy defeat is recorded in the memorable words, " Veni, vidi, vici." Caesar, after this victory, proceeding to Asia, by the route of Gallograecia and Bithynia, became the guest of Deiotarus. He took from him, however, the tetrarchy of the Trocmi and gave it to Mithridates of Pergamus, whom he had made king of the Bosporus. The kingdom of Armenia Minor also, which Pharnaces had wrested from Deiotarus, Caesar did not restore to Deiotarus, but bestowed it on Ariobarzanes, king of Cappadocia. Thus Deiotarus was left with almost nothing more than his original tetrarchy. We learn from Cicero {ad Att. 14, 1), that in the autumn of the same year, the cause of Deiotarus was unsuccessfully pleaded by Brutus before Caesar at Nicaea in Bithynia ; but that Brutus interceded for Deiotarus in tins matter is highly improbable, and in what other relation he defended Deiotarus is equally uncertain. When Caesar returned from Spain, a. u. c. 709, Castor the grandson of Deiotarus, by b daughter who was married to Saocondarius, accused his grandfather of a ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 311 design to murder Csesar, when he was his guest in Gdlognecia, and also of an intention of sending troops to the aid of Caecilius Bassus. Deiotarus sent an embassy to Rome to look after his interests, and with them his slave Phi- dippus, who was at the same time his physician. But he, while in Rome, was corrupted by Castor, and appeared against his master. This embassy waited on Cicero, who readily undertook the cause of his old friend, and in November of this year, before Caesar in his own house, defended him in the following speech. Of Cicero's success we are not informed ; but from Phil. 2, 37, 94, it would appear that while Caesar lived, Deiotarus's circumstances did not improve. After the murder of Caesar, Hieras appears to have obtained from Antony, through Fulvia, the restitution of his master's dominions for 10,000,000 sesterces. Deiotarus, however, had seized by force on the territory in question, as soon as he heard of Caesar's death, and took revenge upon his son-in-law and daughter. He subsequently joined the party of Brutus and Cassius, and having attained an advanced age, was succeeded by Deiotarus II., his only surviving son, all the rest of his children having been put to death by him, according to Plutarch, in order that his kingdom, in the hands of hiu successor, might not be shorn of its power. ANALYSIS. I In the introduction the orator speaks of his embarrassment and confusion, which he generally feels in important cases, and which is increased still more by the circumstance, (1) that he has to defend a king, and a king who has done great service to the Roman people. Besides, (2) he is agitated by the cruelty and unworthiness of the two accusers (t) 1-3) , and even (3) the unusual constitution of the court, since the offended Caesar is at the same time judge ; as likewise (4) the place in which he must speak, a room in Caesar's palace, instead of the public forum, add to his embarrassment tt 4-7.) II. Before replying to the charge and refuting it, he speaks of the hope of the accusers, on which they relied, in the belief that Caesar had not sincerely pardoned Deiotarus, an opinion which is alike inconsistent with the noble sentiments of Caesar and with his previous expressions respecting the king. (^ 7, 8.) By this he prepares the way for the mention of what Deiotarus had done (1) for Pompey, (2) for Caesar, and (3) how Caesar had received his endeavors. ($ 9-15.) III. The simple statement is a refutation of the charge : for (1) so inconsid- erate an act is at variance with the well-known prudence and character of the king (§ 15. 16) ; (2) the whole accusation is a clumsy invention, and every thing which has been brought forward to prove it, is utterly improba- ble and absurd ($ 17-22) ; (3) the king had no wish to levy an army against Caesar, as the accusers maintained ($ 23, 24) ; (4) Deiotarus did not cherish hostile feelings against Caesar (^ 24-27); but (5) it was Castor rather, who was so disposed ($ 28, 29), who, ungrateful and treacherous (t) 30-32), had impudently fabricated a story, that Blesamius had by letter communicatee to the king, his master, something prejudicial to Caesar. (t> 33, 34.) IV. The conclusion mentions the gratitude of the king, and his contentment with Caesar's treatment (J) 35-39) ; and seeks to enlist the sympathy and fa- vor o^ Caesar in behalf of the two kings, the father and son. 312 NOTES. Page ox Cn. I. — 1. Q,uum .... turn. Not only .... but also ; the second being the more important notion. The first is often a general term, the second a more special determination of it ; the first the more com- mon, the second the more rare, &c. When quum stands in a com- plete clause, it takes either the subjunctive or the indicative. When it takes the indicative, both the statements are made as direct asser- tions. When it takes the subjunctive, a general proposition is assumed as true, and a particular instance, or further development of it is as- serted in the sentence with turn. In English we should either use " though," or no conjunction. " Though I am usually more agitated, when I begin to speak, &c, yet, &c. ;" or, " I, when I begin to speak, am wont to be more agitated, &c, but, &c." — Causis gravioribus. Cicero explains the use of the adjective here, when he says below, di- co pro capite. Caput signifies both natural and civil life — the sum of civil rights and privileges. 2. Commoveri. Compare Divin. in Ctccil. 13 in; p. Cluent. 18, 51. The cause of the agitation Cicero himself gives in the per- son of L. Crassus, De Orat. 1, 26. — Vidcatur. So also Frotscher. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig give videtur. 3. JEtas me a. Cicero was now in his 62d year, and his experi- ence at the bar had been long and ample to give him confidence. 4:. Fides, Deiotarus was his friend, his hospes, as we learn in § 39, and Cicero was bound by a sense of duty to defend him. 6. Primum. Cicero adduces four causes to account for his fears. 1. His client being a king ; 2. The cruelty of one accuser (the grand- son), and meanness of the other (a slave) ; 3. The fact of the virtual plaintiff, Caesar, being also judge ; 4. The place where tho trial was held, sc. the house of Caesar. 7. Regis, emphatic, instead of ejus, illius, for the kingly dignity was sacred and inviolable. See p. I. Man. § 24. 8. Dumtaxat = dum taxat, " whilst one estimates it ;" " being accurately estimated;" hence (1) " not more than," "only;" (2) "not less than," " at least." Z. 274. — Periculo. Because in Caesar's peril, the whole state was in danger. — Reum capitis esse. P. C. 188. lO. Cluem ornare. Cf. ad Fam. 15, 4; Phil. 11, 13.— Soleba- mus. So Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Frotscher, who considers the plural more complimentary to Deiotarus. The meaning is : omnes nos Romani cum senatu in eo ornando celebrandoque consentiebamus ; and those generals particularly whom Deiotarus had aided in their wars, Sulla, Murena, Lucullus, Pompey, and others are had in mind. Orelli compares de Rep. 1, 6, 10 : Quasi vero major cuiquam neces- sitas accidere possit, quam accidit nobis! in qua quid facere potuissem, nisi turn consul fu iss e ?« ? Madvig, however, re- tains and defends solebam. 12. Atrocissimum crimen. Of having attempted Ctr^rs life ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 313 Pao;a See note on p. 71, line 27. — Accedit, ut. When the sentence is con- ox ditional, accedit is always followed by ut. Without a condition we sometimes find accedit vt, but more commonly accedit quod. With quod an added circumstance is presupposed as real ; with ut it is con- ceived as just developing itself = proeterea fit, ut. 13. Alterius crudelitate. Because his grandson Castor was the accusei of his grandfather. — Alterius indignitaie. Because his slave Phidippus had appeared against his master. 14-. Crudelis Castor. So also Benecke, Klotz, Steinmetz, and Soldan Madvig and Schneider defend Crudelem Castor em, on the ground that ne dicam requires the same case of the substantive or ad- jective before as after it. Cf. p. Mil. § 33 : vivo Milone, ne dicam consule. Hunc accusativum o sequentibus ortum esse arbitror: atque omnino initio orationis exclamatio minus apposita videtur. Orelli. 15. Nepos. The son of his daughter, who had married Saocon- flurius. — Adduxerit. The subjunctive expresses not merely some ad- ditional characteristic, but the conception and feeling of the speaker. H. 526. — Adolescenti&que sucb terrorem = terrorem a sua adolescentia s. a se adolescente, profectum. For young men at Rome found it a ready way of gaining commendation, to accuse the magistrates, to whom, therefore, they were in some sort a terror. .De Off. 2. 14. Benecke omits ei after intulcrit, referring to Z. 765. IT. Debebat. On the indicative, see P. C. 126. 18. Servum. Phidippum medicum. In Rome physicians bo- longed to the servile condition. 19. A legatorum pedibus. In company with whom he had come to defend his master. . Servants are said to bo a d or circum pe- des domini, i. e. pedissequi. Verr. 1, 36, 92: habebat circum pedes homines formosos et litteratos. 20. Fugitivi. This is said contemptuously of Phidippus, since when sent with the other ambassadors to defend Deiotarus, he had abandoned his cause. His object, in speaking so contemptuously of his servile condition, is to make the accusation of Deiotarus appear still more unworthy, and to lower and weaken in the minds of tho Romans the regard in which Phidippus stood in his own country. On tho repetition of dominum, compare ad Att. 5, 2, 1 : quum Hortensius veniret et infirmus et tarn longe et Hortensius ; p. Sest. § 54 : ge- tter, et Piso gener. 22* Os, quo impudentiam pra se ferebat. — Quum verba audi eb am. These words are omitted by Benecke and Soldan as a gloss on quum os videbam. But Madvig very justly remarks, quam apte utriusque census offensio commemoretur quamque numerose -membra orationis cadant, nemo non videt. 23. De fortunis communibus. For who can bo safe, if slaves are permitted to turn informers ? 27 314 NOTES. Pag-e $5 % 5 » De servo in dominuin. The regular construction should bo noticed, de servis quarere in dominum, i. e. e servis quaestione s. tor- mentis extorquere, quod contra dom. valere possit. Not even is tho involuntary (tormentis) evidence of a slave allowed against his mas. ter, much less the voluntary accusation (accuset solutus). OO 2. Exortus est servus. Intimating the impudence of Pbidippus — here starts up a slave. 3. Accuset. Compare note on p. 44, line 22. Ernesti altered it to accusaret. But exortus est brings the action down to the present time, and is but a rhetorical amplification of the simple est. Z. 512. Note. Ch. II. — 4-. Illud, Referring to what follows. This circumstance, sc. your being judge in your case. The third cause of his fear. Atat- thitc remarks that quod dicere .... grave est ought to follow, instead of which Cicero commences with the causal particle nam. 5. Q,uum = now that, since. 8. Arguare, H. 236. The second person of an indefinite subject is common. 10. JEquioreni = more favorable, kind. 11. Hi on enim. H. 602, in. 12. Q,uid . . . . judicare. Namely, that you are a friend of jus ~ tice and humanity. By this praise of Caesar he hinted what Caesar ought to be ; particularly that it was foreign to his clemency to con- demn in his own cause. Caesar's anxiety to be thought mild and for- giving is noticed by Suetonius, c. 75. 13. Loci . . . . insolentia. The fourth cause. Cicero's usual theatre was the forum ; here, the house of Caesar, where there was no surrounding band (conventum) by which the orator is inspired to emu- lation. Compare p. Mil. 1, and the story of the declaimer Porcius Latro given in Quinctil. 10, 5, and Senec. Controv. 4 : Prcsf. Decla- matoria virtutis Latronem Porcium unicum exemplum quum pro reo in Hispania Rusiico Porcio propinquo suo diceret, usque eo esse confusum, ut a soloecismo inciperet, nee ante potuisse confirmari tectum ac parictes desiderantem, quam impetravit, ut judicium ex foro in basilicam transferretur. Usque eo ingenia scholasticis cx~ crcitationibus delicate nuiriuntur, ut clamorem, silentium, risum, caelum denique pati nesciant. 14r. In disceptatione versata est. Came on trial. 16. In qua oratoram studia niti solent. H. 419, II. IT. Acquiesco. Not so strong as gaudeo, delector, but = tuos oculos, indices benevolentise tuae, quum intueor, timere desino. 19. Q,uas. These things ; referring to what has been mentioned in the preceding clauses. — Obtinendai veritatis. Vcritatem obtinere ?s= to make good, establish, or by defending set forth the truth so that all shall see it. Cicero had what was most important in establishing ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 315 Paga the truth ; though it was of little weight in rousing the eloquence and Og ardor of the speaker. 21. Hanc, &c. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldau : Hanc enim cau- sa m, G Caisar, si, &c. 21. Cujus omiiem aetatem in populi Romani bellis con- sumptam. The first expedition of the Romans in Asia, occurring in the time of Deiotarus, was that of Sulla, a. u. c. 662, to restore Ario- barzanes to his kingdom of Cappadocia. He had assisted the Romans in the firs*. Mithridatic war, in the time of Sulla, a. u. c. 667. It was now 709. Soldan rejects ei before regi. 26. Curiam. Because it was contiguous to the forum where the cause should be pleaded in the open air. 21. Deorum . . . populi Romani .... senatus. These answer to caelum . . . .forum .... curiam, and, as usual, are in the reverse order. See p. Lig. 11, 33: Si fraierne, &c, with the note on the passage. Observe also the repetition of the et with each of the sub- stantives, in reference to caelum, forum and curiam. 30*. Maximae causae, i. e. longe gravissimae, quanta, inquit, § 5, nulla unquam in disceptatione vcrsata est. — Debilitatur loco. Cf. Tac. Dial. 39. 31. Q,ui pi'O niultis saepe dixisti. Compare p. Lig. 10, 30. Pro multis saepe = pro multis pro alio alio tempore. 32. Ad te ipsum referre. Referre ad aliquam rem is properly to refer to something as a standard or measure. You, Caesar, should judge my present feelings by your own ; you should put yourself in my place, and give me the indulgence which you would then require —Quo facilius. H. 497. 34:. Antequam .... dico. H. 523. He wishes to removo any latent hatred which Caesar might cherish against Deiotarus, as a Pom- peian, before he proceeds to the charge itself. 35. Accusatorum. Castor and Phidippus. — Quum = etsi. H. 518. — Nee ingenio. It is contrary to Cicero's usual practice to lower the character of his opponents ; but here he does so to show thoir audacity in impeaching a king, and that they must rely for success on Ccesar's well-known prejudices against Deiotarus. 37. Non sine aliqua spe. "Z. 709. Comp. p. Mil. 1, 2. Cn. III. — 39. Affectum, &c. Caesar had deprived him of the te- •.rarchy of the Trocmi, and also of Armenia Minor, which he owed to Pompey. De Div. 2, 37. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read af- fectum; but Orelli and Madvig prefer affectum, as better suited to the softened expressions incommodis et detrimentis. Instead of the mild language here chosen, compare the harsh words used by Cic Phil. 2, 37, 9-4: Quis enim cuiquam inimicior, quam Deiotaro Ct pro* batissimum, and omits omnibus, which is to be construed as the da- tive with probatissimurn, as in Plane. 11, 27. 23. Iterum. In the war against Pharnaces, in which Deiotarus took part. B. Alex. 68-77. So Manutius and others ; but Orolli re- fers it to the Alexandrian war. — Tertio. In the African war, a. u. c. 708. See clj. 9. 24. Uterere. H. 236. 26. Tuumque hostem esse duxit suum. A phrase of frequent occurrence, and, according to Manutius, leporo suo non carens. Compare p. Mil. 32, 88 : Cessans potentiam suam esse dicebat ; and 36, 100: Earn for tun am, quc&cunquc erit tua, ducam meam. Phar- naces, however, was more the enemy of Deiotarus than of Caesai. Cf. Bell. Alex. 34. 28. Amplissimo honore et regis nomine. A scnatujam rex appellalus erat ; sed Casar ci, quamquam victo, regis dignitatem servabat. Cf. Bell. Alex. 67. Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig read amp. regis honore et nomine; Benecke, amp. regis nomine affeceris. — Is igitur. The 6tate of the question or case is : the man whom you re- lieved from every apprehension of danger, and honored most highly, is accused of wishing to assassinate you at his house. This is suffi- ciently improbable, as he proceeds to show. SO. Domi sua?. H. 424, 2. 31. Q,uod tu. The first proof of improbability deduced from tho personal character of Deiotarus. It would argue downright madness in the most prudent of men. Benecke and Madvig read nisi .... ju- dicas. H. 508. 3 2. Ut enim omittam. He enumerates, by pretending to omit, five marks of improbability : the reverence due to the tutelary gods, the dignity of Caesar, his fortune, the favors he had bestowed on De- iotarus, tho gratitude of Deiotarus, and adds lastly, his danger if he had attempted Cassar's life. — Cujus ianti = quanti or cujus tarn magni. The genitive by H. 403. 33. Deorum penatium. The tutelary gods of his family. 34. Importunitatis. Barbarity, destitute of all sense of proprie- ty, and regardless of time, place, or person. 35. Ferocitatis. Ferocitas est ejus, qui nimium viribus suis confidit. 3T. In eo. In with the accusative signifies the object or that to which the action refers ; with the ablative, the place in which the ab- solute power of the verb is exerted. Cf. 4 Cat. 6, 12: in his homini- bus. 38. Omnes reges, &c. Who after the defeat of Pompey had joined Caesar, and having Tieen kindly treated by him, would reason- 322 NOTES. rage QQably have been expected to avenge his death. Abram enumerates the following : Sadales, king of Thrace, Cotys, Rhascypolis, Ariobar- zanes, Tarcondimotus, Mithridates Pergamenus, and Ariarathes. 42. Filio. Deiotari regie, ct patris et filii, et magnus el nostra more inslructus exercitus ; summa in filio spes, summa ingenii in- doles, summa virtus. Phil. 11, 13. — Distractus esset = would have been at variance or discord, would have quarrelled with, fallen out with, &c. Plerique etiam nunc exponunt " discerptus, dilaceratus," quum sit " a societate divulsus esset, in maximum odium omnium, etiam conjugis ac filii, incidisset." Hoc patet partim ex iitiQfry car is- simo, partim ex eo, quod dicit etiam cogitato scelere futurum fuisse, ut distraheretur. Tantam enim crudelitatem Caesari, apud quern verba facit, imputare non poterat, ut is detecto Deiotari perfido con- silio atque occupato, etiam conjugem et filium regis, homines prorsua innocentes, laceraturus, discerpturus, id est, necaturus fuisset. Orelli. 43. Non modo. I do not say perpetrated, &c. 69 Ch. VI. — 1. At, credo. An objection. All that you have men- tioned as improbable in Deiotarus, becomes easy if he is a rash and in- considerate man. But quis consideratior illo ? On at, see H. 587, III. and on credo, Z. 777. Consideraius, which is properly said of things, is elsewhere applied to persons. Phil. 2, 13, 31 : p. Quint. 3, 11. 2. Q,uis tectior. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read and defend quis rectior, which is found in the best MSS. Rectus is to be taken, not in the moral sense of just or honest, but as equivalent to firm, con- sistent, one whose judgment is correct and sound. But Orelli explains tectior as : Metaphora petita ab gladiatoribus, qui, uti debent, contra ictus adversariormTi sese tegunt. Non igitur iuest hi his verbis ma- ligns calliditatis reprehensio. 3. Q,uamquam. H. 516. 6. Cui porro. H. 388, 1. Nay, farther ; a correction of the prece- ding sentence : I said that Deiotarus's virtues were known to you ; nay, the whole world has heard of them. 8. Q,uod igitur. He draws the conclusion from the acknowledged probity and prudence of Deiotarus. Instead of audita est, Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read sit audita. In the next line, for cadere posset, Madvig reads caderet, considering the former as expanded from the latter by some copyist for the sake of perspicuity. 10. Idem. H. 451. 11. Minime stulto. A species of litotes or meiosis, where an af- firmation is made by denying the opposite notion. Comp. p. Clucnt 26, 72: minime amarus is visus est, Sec. Similarly, we say, "he ia no fool." On vir and homo, spoken of the same person, see note on p. 93, line 34. 13. Suspiciose. Place the charges on one side, the life of Deio« Larus on the other, and so far from there being in them arounds foi ORATION FOK KINO DEIOTARUS. 323 Pape probability, there are none even for suspicion. This he proceeds to qq prove. — Inquit, sc. the accuser. — In castellum Luceium. Castellum, a diminutive of castrum, is a fort raised in a territory to defend it against the incursions of an enemy ; or on its borders, to guard the passes ; or lastly, it formed a part of the regular encampment itself Owing to the security which these castella afforded, towns were often built near them. Here Luceium is to be taken first, generally as the name of tho " castle" adjacent to, but distinct from which was tho royal palace. Hence visiters to the palace were said " to come to tho castlo." Again, ch. 7, it is taken as the " citadel" or " castle," properly so called, and as such is visited by Caosar the following day. Orelli regards the name Luceium as corrupt, as Strabo calls it BXuvKiof. 14. Devertisses. H. 282. Soldan gives divertisses. 16. Hue. The place where the gifts were displayed. — E balneo For the bath before dinner was Roman etiquette. IT. Ibi .... in eo ipso loco. The former denotes the place generally, and the latter epexegetically more nearly defines it. In eo ipso loco also are to be more closely connected with collocati, so that erant stands by itself, and collocati as in apposition with armati. " For there were armed men, who had been placed in that very spot, for tho purpose of killing you." 18. En crimen, en causa. H, 381, 3, 2). 19. Ego meliercules. The first circumstance connected with the charge, and which shows its improbability, is that a physician was privy to the secret, yet that the sword was preferred to poison. On the form meliercules, see Z. 361, Note. 20. Q,uum est ad me ista causa delata, et delatum Phidip- pum .... esse corruptum. When that case was laid before me, and it was laid before me, that Phidippus, &c. So Matthiae. Benecke more correctly takes the ace. with the infin. as in apposition with cau- sa, for tho purpose of more nearly defining wherein this consists. In Cicero, whan an ace. c. inf. is governed by an abstract substantive, the substantive usually has a demonstrative pronoun agreeing with it, as in this instance. 22. Ab isto. Castor: spoken with contempt. See note on p. 9, line 16. Soldan and Klotz : ipso. 26. Ctuid ait medicus. Medicus with emphasis, to contrast with veneno. Soldan : agit medicus. 2T. Primo .... deinde. The two advantages of poison : " it ia more secret, and has more impunity." Madvig: primum. 30. Jovis ille quidem hospitalis. Strangers and guests were under the immediate protection of Jupiter, who avenged any injury done to them. Hospitalis — &viov. Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan pead Jovis illius quidem, &c. 324 , NOTES. Page Qft 31. Homines .... celasset. H. 874. On the omission of ueroj see Z. 781. 32. Q,uod igitur, &c. The double interrogation has the force of argumentation. Very likely, forsooth, that Phidippus, who was no* trusted in the way of his profession (poison), should be privy to arma swords and an ambush. 33. Tibi, Phidippo. 3£. De armis .... celare te noluit. H. 374, 3, 1). 35. Crimen contexitur. So in Greek, vfahuv, bd~7uv L-6>.tv. KaKa, Sdvarsy. 3T. Inspicere, sc. ea, quibus te Deiotarus munerare constituent. Ch. VII.— 38. Q,uid postea? Z. 769. Soldan and Klotz : De- iotarus rex illo tempore non perfecta re continuo, &c. 39. Dimisit exercitum. In imitation of the braggart Thraso in the Eunuch of Terence, 4, 7, 44, Cicero here sportively calls the as- sassins who were placed in ambush the army of Deiotarus. It must have produced a ludicrous effect to address a few hired bravos by the dignified appellation of exercitus, and therefore tended to " dilute" the charge by setting it in a ridiculous point of view. 4:1. Itaque fecisti = et ita fecisti ; and you did return thithei after supper. See note on p. 15, line 37. 42. Magnum fuit % Would it have been a difficult matter, with a tinge of irony. 4:3. Comiter et jucunde fuisses. Z. 365, in fin. It is the lan- guage of familiar confidential intimacy. — Isti from eo, ire. v)Q 1. Rex Attains. King of Pergamus, the third of the name, who, A. u. c. 621, made the Roman people his heir. Liv. Epit. 57, men- tions a similar circumstance of Antiochus, king of Syria; and since we have no information of such presents made by Attalus, some have supposed that we should read here Antiochus. Neutiquam cum Ur- sino h. 1. Antiochus reponendum neque de Ciceronis ipsius apapTfmaTi HvtijioviKCi cogitandum : nam ab Attalo non minus quam ab Antiocho, et simili quidem rationo, munera accipere potuit Scipio. Orelli. — P Africanum. Africanus minor. He carried these gifts into the public treasury, and promised to reward with them the bravest of his army. 2. Ad Numantiam. In Spain, where Scipio was then command ing. What does ad with names of towns signify ? H. 423, 1. 3. Inspectante. Indicating the attention of the observers. 4:. Regio et animo etmore, i. e. maximo splendore et liberalitate. 5. Repete .... memoriam, pone .... diem, vultus .... re- cordare. Notice the arrangement of the clauses. The first mid sec- ond in anaphorical order, the third chiastically. •?. Jfum quss. H. 189. Dropping the interrogativo form, it » plane multa. So nam quid, sc. fuit, factum est, witli Rtn, tinco iu num. the notion of negation lies. ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 325 Pagt lO. Disciplina. Every thing was in keeping with a well-regu- qq Jated family, and none of that hurry and disturbance inseparable from the execution of guilty enterprises. 14. Acta res criminose est. This thing was brought forward as an important part of the accusation ; the accusers made it the sub- ject of the gravest charges. 15. Vomere post cceiiam, i. e. fyer«i)v agere, as he calls it, ad Att. 13, 52. This was a frequent practice with the ancients, and par- ticularly with Cassar, as appears from the letter just quoted: Accubuit (Cassar}, inenictiv agebat. Itaque et edit ct bibit ddeSs et jucunde ; opipare sane et apparate. This disgusting practice did not argue Cassar a drunkard ; for Suetonius, Jul. 55, says, vini parcissimum ne inimici quidem negaverunt. It was rather to relieve himself from in- digestion after an official entertainment, and a sort of compliment to Deiotarus, intimating that he intended to pass the evening cheerfully with him. Seneca, alluding to this custom of voluptuaries, says, ad Helv. 9, Vomunt ut edant, edunt ut vomant. 16. Kademtua ilia. Klotz : eadem ilia tva. Soldan and Mad- vig omit ilia. IT. In cubiculo malle. Supply vomere. So also Madvig. Others, in cubiculum ie ire malle dixisti. — Dii te perduint. A com- mon formula of imprecation which is often found in the comic poets. H. 239, 3. 18. Fugitive. A term of reproach of frequent occurrence. Here, however, with special reference to the faithless slave. Benecke reads, ita non modo improbus, et fatuus, sed etiam amens es. 19. Sigiia senea, and not men rather. 20. Q,ua3 .... trausferri non possent. That they could not be removed, &c. 21. Habes crimina insidiarum. Thore are the charges for you ; and you may judge of their importance ! Compare in Pisoru § 53 : Habes rcditum meum. — Horum .... cram conscius. Phidip- pus conceived that evidence of his being in the secret should establish the credit of all that he had said. Cicero denies that Deiotarus would in that case have trusted Phidippus to visit Rome, where Castor his hostile grandson was, and also the much -injured Ctesar. 22. auidtum? Z. 769. 23. Haberet. Benecke and Klctz : habebat. 25. Cui fecisset. According to their account. — Prascrtim quum. An instance of brachylogy, in reference to the negative import of the preceding question, where Romam mitteret = non mittcret cum Ro- ut am, prasertim quum, &c. So also p. Arch. 9, 19 ; p. Mil. 30, 81. Render : and that, when or although, &c. 26. Judicare. Quum nee vindicare neque indicare claram sen- tentiam prasbeat, prasfero nunc Olx. et Lamb. susp. judicare : "quum 320 NOTES Page QQcogitaret Caesarem unum esse in orbe ^errarum, qui judicare de se (Deiotaro) etiam absente regnoque se spoliare posset ; alii vero judices, quos absens reformidaret, nulli erant." Orelli. Beueeke, Steinmetz, and Klotz read vindicare. With this reading, is refers to Phidippus, and se is the accusative after vindicare ; also, referring to the same Siipfle and Madvig read indicare. And that too, notwithstanding he (Phidippus) was the only man who could give information in Rome against him in his absence. For had Deiotarus been present, he would have been able to refute the charges of Phidippus. Siipfle regards se as a gloss which might easily have arisen from the preceding syllable te. 28. Vinciret. Klotz : vinxerit. 30*. Scire. Not scisse ; for they still knew, and it is the same as qua Mi sciebant, ut dicis. Ch. VIII. — 31. Reliqua pars. The first part of the charge waa the attempted assassination of Caesar ; the rest of it argued only dis- affection towards him : 1. In attending too much to unfavorable ru- mors about Caesar; 2. In levying a large army against him. The latter point (with which he connects the charge of holding a corres- pondence with one Caecilius, a Pompeian, as also of supplying Caesar with inferior cavalry) he answers first in the remainder of this section. — Regem semper in speculis fuisse. Speculum in quo specimus ima- ginem, specula de qua prospicimus. Varr. 5, 8. Esse in speculis = to be on the watch, to observe. So in Verr. 1, 16, 46 : nunc homines in speculis sunt; observant, qucmadmodum sese unusquisque ves- irum gerat. Cf. p. Muren. 37, 79 ; ad Att. 9, 10 ; ad Fam. 4, 3. See § 25. 3 2. A te animo esset alieno. H. 391,2,3). Benecke and Soldan read, esset animo. 34. Eas . . . quibus . . . posset = tales . . . . ut iis, &c. 36. Ab excursionibus et latrociniis. After these words Mad- vig gives hostium. 38. Antea. Before Ciesar deprived him of part of his dominions. When Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia, Deiotarus brought to his assist- ance thirty cohorts of infantry and two thousand cavalry. Ad Att 6, 1, 14. — Exiguas. Absolutely small or trifling ; but parvas rela- tively so. Hence its propriety hsre. This is said to move Caesar's pity. 39. Caecilium. Q. Caecilius Bassus, a Pompeiau, noticed, ad Fam 12, 18 ; and Liv. Epit. 127. He spread a report that Caesar had been defeated and killed in Africa, and seized the government of Syyia, which he held till the arrival of Cassius. Cicero, to suit hia purpose, speaks of him here contemptuously, as also ad Fam. 12, 18 ; but Phil. 11, 13, he says, Est Q. Ccecilii Bassi, privati illius qui- dem, sedfortis et praclari viri, robustus ct victor excrciius. With ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 327 Page aim, however, Deiotarus was accused of attempting to open a com- Q(J muuication, and of imprisoning the messenger for refusing to go. To this Cicero replies ironically, " What a likely story, forsooth, that he had not others to send (if they refused) ; or, that the persons whom he had sent, did not obey his orders ; or, (lastly,) that those who in so im- portant a matter had disobeyed him, were imprisoned (only) and not put to death !" — Nescio quern. H. 525, 4. 43. Dicto audientes. See Arnold's Nepos, Lys. l x 2. Klotz &nd Soldan : dicto obedientes. — In ianta re. Namely, waging war against Caesar. 1. Utrum, &c. When Deiotarus sent messengers to Caecilius, ho 91 must either have been ignorant that the Pompeian cause was ruined (causam Mam victam), or have conceived Caecilius an important ■nan ; neither of which is at all likely. Therefore he did not send them. 2. Is, qui. Deiotarus, who as possessing an accurate knowledge of every Roman, must despise Caecilius. For if he knows him, he de- spises his insignificance ; if he does not, he despises him for not at- tracting his notice. Cf. Phil. 2, 7, 1G : O miser sive ilia tibi nota non sunt .... sive sunt, &c. Ibid. 22, 54 : O miserum tc si intel- ligis, miseriorem, si non intelligis, &c. Benecke, Klotz, Siipfle, and Madvig read, vcl quia non nosset, vel si nossct. 4. Addit. Namely, the accuser. — Illud. Z. 748. !i. Misisse, sc. against Pharnaces. — Ad = in comparison with. Benecke, Klotz, and Siipfle retain the common text: Ve teres, credo, Ccesar ; and Benecke takes the words as spoken ironically, " his old ones, forsooth ;" and nihil ad tuum equitatum, as an enlargement, which Cicero makes on the preceding sentence, cquites non optimos misisse; but Klotz and Siipfle better understand vetcres as = vete- rans, those who had seen service and received their discharge, taking the sentence without irony. The reading, however, of Madvig, which Orelli adopted, is preferable. 6. Delectos. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig : electos. Cf. § 28 ; and p. Mil. § 23. — At nescio quern, H". 525, 4. The common text is, Ait nescio que7n, &c. ; and so Madvig. — Ex eo numero = ex iis. Cf. p. Marc. § 21. T. Servum. judicatum. Slaves were not allowed by the Romans to serve as soldiers, particularly in the cavalry. Servius, ad JEn. 9, 547: Lege militari servi a militia prohibebantur ; unde et in Dcio- tariana purgat hoc Cicero, quum fuisset objectum, inter cquites, quos Deiotarus miserat Ccesari, unum servum fuisse. Servos sane nun- quam militasse constat nisi servitute deposita, exccpto Hannibalis tempore, quum post. Cannense proelium in tanta necessitate fuit urba Roma, ut ne libcrandorum quidem servorum daretur faculias. Mar- cianus, in Fr 11, Dig. 49, 16- Ab omni militia servi prohibcntur ; aUoquin capite puniuntur 828 NOTES. Page qi Ch. X. — lO. Alieno autem a te animo quomodo S The for- mer secondary charge, which he now proceeds to answer. The com- mon text and punctuation gives, animo fuit. Quomodo ? Speravit, &c. — Speravit, credo, &c Had Deiotarus been disaffected towards Caesar, finding him beset with difficulties in Alexandria, he would have neglected to lend him assistance. The reverse was the fact. Credo is ironical. For with the taking of Alexandria, Caesar had overcome his greatest difficulties. " He hoped, forsooth, that you should never extricate yourself;" i. e. he hoped no such thing, as his conduct proved. 11. Propter regionum naturam et fiuminis See Caes. B. C. 3, 112; Bell Alex. 25-32. On the order it should be observed that the common notion naturam takes the middle place, and that the words et fiuminis have the character of a supplementary afterthought. In other passages this arrangement seems chosen to avoid the coming together of like endings. Cf. p. Marcel. § 24 : in tanto animorum ardore et armorum; §32: laterum nosirorum oppositus et cor- porum pollicemur. 15. Pecuniam dedit. He had said above, ch. 5, Utilitatibus tuis paruit. 13. Ei, quern Asiae praefeceras. Cn. Domitius Calvinus. Cf. §§ 14, 25. Benecke and Klotz omit ei; and in after nulla. 1 4:. Victor!. In Egypt. Deiotarus not only entertained Caesar, but accompanied him against Pharnaces, bringing along his " Roman' legion and all his cavalry. B. Alex. 67. Benecke and Klotz read scd ad yericulum atque aciem ; and Madvig omits the ad before aci- em, but retains etiam. 16. Bellum Africauum. Caesar, after his speedy conquest of Pontus, delaying only a few days in Italy, proceeded to Africa, where Scipio and Cato with Cn. Pompey the son, assisted by king Juba, had hoisted the standard of the republic. — Graves de te rumores. The republican forces had gained some slight advantages in Africa, which, being exaggerated by their friends into a report that Caesar was killed, gave a color to Caecilius and others to renew the war in Syria. IT. Q,uo turn rex animo fuit? H. 414. A triumphant argu- ment of his friendly feelings towards Caesar. The graves rumores had no other effect on Deiotarus than to quicken his benevolence. His very furniture was put to the hammer, and the proceeds remitted to Caesar. As auctionor is deponent, bona, supelleclilem, or the like ia understood. 18. Auctionatus sit ... . maluerit. H. 500. 19. At eo . . . . tempore. Cicero had instanced the sacrifices oi Deiotarus. The accuser urges that these were the effect of fear, be- cause at that very time, Deiotarus was collecting every idle rumor to Caesar's disadvantage. As Cicero could not deny this, he fixed cn ^a ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 329 1'e.g improbable circumstance in the charge, and against it directs the m shafts of his eloquence. 20. Nicaeam. Nice was the capital of Bithynia, situated on the lake Ascania. It was the ceutral point of all the main roads leading to eastern and southern Asia, and remarkable as being the town where the first general council was held, a. d. 325. Hence the Nicene creed. — Epliesum. A city of Asia Minor, remarkable for popnlousness. Plin. 5, 27, calls it lumen Asia. It and Nicoea were much resorted to, and likely to have the earliest intelligence from Africa. — Qui ru~ mores .... exciperent. Hence the accusation in ch. 8 : rcgem .... in speculis fuisse. The subjunctive by H. 489, 2. 21. Q,uum esset ei nunciatum. P. C. 297, c ; see Hark. 549. 22. Domitium. After the defeat of Pharnaces, Domitius stayed a short time to arrange the affairs of Asia, and then followed Caesar to Africa. It was reported that he was lost on tho voyage thither. — Perisse. H. 234. 23. Circuinsederi. The beginning of the African war was not altogether prosperous for Caesar. Veil. Pat. 2, 55, 1 : Ibi primo varia fortuna, mox pugnavit sua inclinatceque hostium copia. — Versum Grczcum. Plutarch, de discr. amici et adulal. 5, has preserved it: 'Epptrw ^it'Xoj cvv £%\fy}u5. 25. Una inimici. Benecke and Klotz : inimici una. 26. Ctuod ille. He shows that Deiotarus's disposition forbade tho idea of his repeating so unfeeling a verse. But this is very doubt- ful, as it is stated by Plutarch, de Stoic, repugn. 32, that he was very cruel (see Introduction, p. 311, in fin.) ; and by Strabo, 12, that he put Id death his daughter and her husband, Saocondarius. 2T. Ctui. H. 188, 2. 28. Amicus .... inimicus. For the king's application of the verse was, Pereat Domitius dum una Caesar intercidat. Cicero shows that the double character of friend to Domitius and enemy to Ccesar was a contradiction ; therefore he could not have uttered tho verse. — Tibi inimicus. And again, the verse assumed that Caesar was inimi- cus Dciolaro ; but this could not bo, as Deiotarus was the recipient of innumerable favors from Caesar. 20. Belli lege. As fighting against him in Pharsalia. 30. Regcni et se ct lilium. Hence ch. 14: Propone tibi duos teges. 31. Q,uid delude? Z. 7G9. — Furcifer. Phidippus, who as be- ing a fugitive slave, was liable to the punishment of carrying on his week a f urea, or species of cross. 3 2. Hac Lstitia = hujus rei laetitia ; namely, at hearing of Caesar's disasters. Both the relative and the demonstrative pronoun often at- tach themselves to a following substantive, and agree with it in gen- 330 NOTES. Page qi der, number and case, when properly they should stand as the object in the genitive. Cf. p. Mil. 36, 99 : Qua si vos cepit oblivio for cuju4 rei, &c. So regularly ex (in) eo numero (genere), where if an ad- jective clause follows, qui (qua) stands with the plural. Cf. p. Arch. 12, 31. 33. Nudum saltavisse. In Pison.lO: Quum ipse nudus in convivio saltaret ; p. Muren. 6, 13: Nemo enim fere saltat sobrius, nisi forte insanit, .... neque in convivio moderato atque honesto Hence appears the infamy attached by the Romans to dancing. Seo Diet. Antiq. Saltatio, in fin. — Nudum. Thinly clad, tne outer gar- ment thrown off. So Virg. Georg. 1, 299 : Nudus ara, sere nudus, where nudus answers to the yvfivSv in Hesiod's verse, from which this is taken. — Crux. This punishment was chiefly inflicted on slaves and the worst kind of malefactors. See Did. Antiq. Crux. 35. Omnes in illo sunt rege virtutes. Madvig: regies virtutcs. 3T. Frugalitas, as below frugi, is said of a man who by discre- tion, conscientiousness, and diligence, qualifies himself to be useful in practical life, in opposition to nequam, like xpn* T 6s* Doed. 3 8. Regem. Used here as a collective noun. The common text gives reges. — Frugi. The dative of fnix used adjectively instead of frugalis, and often applied to faithful slaves. 39. Fortem, &c. Fortem, in facing dangers ; justum, in giving every man his own ; severum, in being swayed neither by prayers nor bribes from rectitude ; gravern, in maintaining equanimity of temper, neither elated too much by prosperity, nor depressed by adversity ; magnanimum, in looking with disdain on all the petty greatness of common men ; largum, in exhibiting bountiful liberality ; beneficum, in doing good for its own sake ; and liberalem, in bestowing with a noble and generous spirit. 40. Ha3 ilia. H. 450, 2, 1). 41. Ilia privata est. Frugality is the virtue of the subject, tho former /car' i^oxnv of the king ; and to obviate any mistake he defines it by modestiam ei temperaniiam. Manutius thinks Cicero insincere in this praise, and that he calls the cause tenuem et inopem, in allu- sion to this stinginess. 43. Haec . . . . ab ineunte aetate. He reasons thus: Deiotarue was engaged from his youth up, in performing all tha public and pri- vate duties of a monarch. Such persons are not likely to disgrace their old age by dancing. Therefore, neither did Deiotarus. 02 1». A cuiicta Asia, i. e. incolis Asiae minoris h. e. Phrygiae, Mysias, CJariaj, Lydiae ; and thereforo the preposition. H. 423. On the repe- tition of the preposition, see note on p. 18, line 5. The common text is turn a cuncta Asia. '4. Xcgotiati sunt. Soe note on p. 51, line 30. 3. Muitis ille quidem. Benecke, Soldan, and Klotz multis ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 331 Pnge quidem Me, because not Me but multis is to be made prominent. But no see note on p. 22, line 2 ; and compare § 18 : Jovis Me quidcm ; and p. Lig. 11, 31 : tribuis tu quidem. — Chadibus .... ascendit. " D<^- giees." The services of Deiotarus towards Rome became greater and greater. Similarly, p. Mil. 36, 97 : cvjus (gloriae) gradibus . . . ascendtre. 5m Q,uidquid .... vacabat. Whatever leisure he had, he spent in forming connections, &c. Quid-quid, sc. temporis. 6. Consuetudines. Social inte?*course. — Res rationesque. Busi- ness relations, commercial intercourse. See Z. 92. Consuetudines and amiciHas may be referred to magistratibits legatisque, and res rationesque to equitibus Romanis. 7. Tetrarches. Not only the governor of the fourth part of a kingdom, but the sole ruler of any country which was at any time so divided. So Hirt. B. Alex. 67 : Deiotarus tetrarches Gallograciai tunc quidem pcene iotius, to which the^other tetrarchs questioned hia right. 8. Paterfamilias. A master of slaves ; the father of a family. It differs from pater in not necessarily implying the having of children. It often, as here, imports a careful person, an economist. — Agricola. In how great honor agriculture was among ancient kings, appears from the Cato Major, ch. 17. Of kings who wrote on husbandry, Hiero, Attalus Philometor, and Archelaus are mentioned by Pliny, Varro, and Columella. Varro too, de re rust. 1, 1, 11, says: Magonis Poeni libros de re rustica utiliter ad sex libros redegit Diophanes in Bithynia, et misit Deiotaro regi. It is besides well known that royal youths were often brought up among shepherds, and in the midst ci flocks and herds — Pecuarius. A grazier ; also a farmer of the public pastures. The antiquity and respectability of the shepherd is evi- denced by the Shepherd Kings, by the epithets of 7roAup/Ao?, iroXvfiovms, &C.j applied by the ancient poets to the most illustrious characters, and by the transference of the very name of shepherd to the highest office known among men, roifitves Xawv. See Varr. de re rust. 2, 1 9. Qui igifur, &c. P. C. p. 251, 74, 2. This is the conclu- sion of his argument ; in which adolescens is opposed to ea dilate, i. e. old age ; nondum tanta gloria praidiius to ca existimalione ; and se- verissime . . . . fecerit to saltavit ; where the first and second in each, are, it will be observed, in an inverted order, not the third. Similarly, ad Fani. 11, 28, 5: An, quod adolescens proestiti, quum etiam errare cum excusatione possem, id nunc, aitate prcecipitata, commutem ac me ipse retexam. Ch. X. — 12. Imitari, Castor. Cicero, p. Rabir. post. 1, says that it is almost a gift of nature, for people to follow up the praise and glory of their family ; not eo Castor. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig ttmit tui after avi. 3*32 notes. 1'tLge Q2 14. Saltatorem avum. If your grandfather had been a profes- sor of dancing, which he was not, yet ought his years to have exempt- ed him from this railing accusation. For even his laudable pursuit^ his military exercise and horsemanship are given over ; much less is he fitted for dancing. 15. Pudoris pudicitiseque. Modesty and chastity. Impudens ab animo, impudicus a corpore laborat. 18. Sed bene ut armis .... uteretur. The construction is varied from sed bene armis . . . equis utendi, which would accord with saltandi. Horsemanship was the first branch of a princely education. 19. Exacta eetate. Eight years before, when Deiotarus assisted Crassus, he was an old man ; and Dion Cass, calls him v-xepyt'ipovm^ when he aided Brutus. 20. Hserere in eo. Cf. Hor. Cirm. 3, 24, 54: Nescit equo ru. dis liar ere ingenuus puer. This probably occurred in Pompey's camp before the battle of Pharsalia Benecke and Klotz : h&rere sc- nex in eo posset. 21. Hie vero adolescens, i. e. Castor, who was in Cicero's army in Cilicia, when he was carrying on war, a. u. c. 703, against the Ci- lician mountaineers, and in Pompey's in Greece. Therefore his ac- complishments were well known to Cicero. 21. Pater. Saocondarius, the son-in-law of Deiotarus ; Cicero keeps him before Caesar's mind as being once as great a foe as Deio- tarus. 25. Q,uos concursus. What crowds were collected to look at him ! Cicero designedly leaves their motive in collecting dubious, but the following words sufficiently show that it was to ridicule him. 20. In ilia causa. Pompeii. As Cicero mentioned the father,, so he takes care to set forth the alacrity of the young Pompeian, of which he had himself been witness. 2T. Concedere = cedere, to yield to. — Quian vero exercitu, Sec. The reading here is doubtful. Orelli's agrees with Madvig's, except that M. gives fuissem instead of fui. Benecke from the Erf. MS. reads, Quum vero exercitu amisso ci cupidiiate post Pharsalicum prceiium suasor fuissem armorum non ponendorum, Sec. Klotz : Quum vero exercitu amisso, ego, qui pads auctor semper fui, post Pkarsalicum autem prceiium suasor fuissem armorum non deponen- dorum, Sec. Pompey had about 15,000 men killed, and more than 24,000 taken prisoners. Caes. B. C. 3, 99. 29. Abjiciendorum. Without making any terms. This word phews his eagerness to terminate the civil war. He uses the same in writing to Marcellus. — Ad meam auctoritatem. As Cicero could not prevail on Castor to desist from war, owing to his military ardor and his wish to satisfy his father, we may infer that both father and sen wore determined foes of Caesar ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 333 Pagt 31* Ipsius belli, i. e. without regarding the good of the cause.no But Benecke takes it as = ejus ipsius, Cicero having already spoken of Castor's zeal in the cause of Pompey. In this case ipse commonly stands before its substantive ; and if Cicero had spoken of war in gen- eral, he would have said belli ipsius. Madvig reads illius. 32. Felix ista domus. Cicero compares the fortunes of the two families, in order to excite odium against the one, and pity to- wards the other. They were both in Pharsalia. Mark the conse- quence. Castor is not only restored to Caesar's favor, but permitted to accuse others. Deiotarus is allowed to be arraigned by one who was in Pharsalia as well as he, who is his own grandson, and before Caesar, at once the injured party and the judge. 33. Calamitosus Deiotarus. The t shows that the passage is doubtful. Benecke from some MSS. gives qui et ab eo, which Hand, Turs. 2, p. 521, approves. Recta sententia unice inest in ea, quam olim proposui, conjectura : qui non modo ab eo, qui in iisdem casiris fuerit, apud te, sed etiam a suis accusetur. Orelli. 35. Vos vestra. Vestra answers to the preceding ista domus, and includes Castor and his father. Ch. XI. — 38. Siiit sane inimicitiac. Admit the existence of enmity between the families, which gratitude and piety forbid, still you might havo entertained it like human beings, and not be thirsting for blood like savage beasts. 40. Ctuls timm patrem .... qui esset .... auclivit. See note on p. 56, line 15 ; and p. 70, line 1. For qui esset some MSS. givo quis esset. What is the difference ? See Arnold's Nepos, Thcmist. 8, G, 2, p. 105. 42. Ingrate ct impie. Ingrate alludes to the favor, impie to the tie of relationship. 43. Hominum more, i. e. in an open and honest manner; not to prefer false charges ; not to seek to take away the life, &c. 44. Capitis arcessere. H. 410, 5. — Esto. It might be sup- posed that Cicero having convicted Castor of ingratitude and impiety, should be obliged to stop there, as crimes so heinous hardly admitted of amplification. But here his art appears in seeming to accede all this as trivial, that he may charge Castor with attempting to shako the foundations of human society, and to declare war against mankind. Compare ch. 1, 3: non tarn afflictam regiam conditionem dolebam, •fuam de fortunis communibus extimescebam. 1. Adeone. Supply concedi debet from the preceding. Benecke qo and Klotz, in this line, read acerbitatis ct odii. 4. Abducere donium. To entice Phidippus from the legates of Deiotarus to your house. 5. Uni propiiiquo. Deiotaro. 7. A tanta auctoritate = ab homine lantae auctontatis Conip. #34 NOTES. Pa^e go note on p. 69, line 19. Such is Caesar's authority, that approbation is implied in impunity being permitted. 9. Id, quod iiitus est. Namely, the slaves who reside in our families. Spoken contemptuously. 10. Evolare = in vulgus proferri, sed cum animi levitate Cf emanare, Orat. 15, 47 ; erumpere, Phil. 2, 39, 100 ; Lai. 21, 76. — Fit in dominatu, &c. It makes a slave of the master, a master of the slave. .11. O tempora. How changed ! O mores. How unlike what they were I He proves both by comparing Domitius and Castor. 1 2. Cn. Domitius. Ahenobarbus. He was consul, a. u. c. 658, with C Cassius Longinus, and censor with L. Crassus, the orator. Scaurus had refused to choose him among the augurs. He, therefore, in return, accused Scaurus of not duly attending to the worship of the Penates in Lavinium. Plutarch reverses the names in this transac- tion ; but Valerius Maximus, 6, 5, corroborates Cicero's statement, and adds, quern populus turn propter alias virtutes, turn hoc nomine li- bertius et consulem et censor em et pontificem maximum fecit. Per. haps he owed his popularity no less to a law by which he gave the people a voice in the election of priests. See Asconius, in Scaur p. 21, ed. Baiter, who says, absolutus est Scaurus quidem, sed ita> ut a tribus tribubus damnaretur, a xxxii absolvcretur, et in cis pau- ca puncta inter damnationem et absolutioncm interessent. 14r. M. Scaurum, sc. iEmilium. He was consul, a. u. c. 639. — Principem civitatis. The title of princeps senatus, which the censors had six times conferred on him, he here varies by saying, princeps civitatis. — In judicium populi. The judicia populi were those in which the populus acted as judiccs. They were originally held in the Comitia Curiata, and subsequently in the Centuriata and Tributa See Diet. Antiq. Judex. 16. Prehendi liominem. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig : appre- hendi. — Hominem, for the demonstrative pronoun referring to the pre- ceding servus, with the accompanying notion of contempt, which may be derived from its frequent use to denote one of the servile condition. P. Tull. § 19 : Cati .... duo homines; p. Quinct. 19, 61 : hominem Quinctii; and in the language of the jurists, without any connection with the name of the master ; e. g. homo Stichus, hominem emere. IT. Ad Scaurumque. Not adque Scaurum. Z. 356. — Vide, quid intersit. A similar antithetical passage is found in Yen: 5. 37. 18. Etsi inique comparo. For Domitius was a man of character and honor, not so Castor. So in Pison. 4, 7, comparing Metellus Celer and Piso, he says, facio injuriam fortissimo viro mor- tuo, qui ilium cujus paucos pares hac civitas tulit, cum hac impor- tuna bellua conferam. 22t At semel, &c. The MSS. here appear uniform, but WeLskc ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 385 Page euspects some mistake, and would correct the text. This seems un- qq necessary. The imputation on Castor is this : that after Phidippus had received his first bribe, and given his testimony, he acknowledged before respectable witnesses that it was false, and that he had been corrupted. But he now persists in the same tale. The inference drawn by Cicero is, that the bribe must have been repeated. 23. Ad legatos. Namely, Hieras, Blesamius, and Antigouus, a quorum pedibus per te abstractus erat. 24:. Nomie etiarn ad huiic Ch. Domitium. Probably the same Domitius who is mentioned, ch. 5, as a general of Caesar's. Sulpicius is the celebrated lawyer, a friend of Cicero, and zealous adherent of Caesar. They were both present on this occasion, as may be inferred from the use of the pronoun hie. So below, ch. 14 : huic Blesamio ; p. Arch. 9 : hujus proavus Cato. Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig omit etiam. Orelli says : Servavi cum Cod. Bern. v. etiam ; videlicet sig- nificat, " vel ad ipsum Cn. Domitium, Caesaris amicum, venisse Phidip- pum, sui indicii jamjam poenitentem." 26. T. Torquato. The Torquatus here mentioned is uncertain. Orelli, in his Onomasticon, makes him the son of A. Torquatus, or of the Titus who is mentioned in Brut. 70, 245 ; and p. Plane. 11, 27. Ch. XII. — 29. Impotens. The common text gives impudens, which Orelli supposes was substituted by copyists for the true reading, from ignorance of the sense which impotens here has. Comparo Phil. 5, 9, 24: impotentem, iracundum, contumeliosum, superbum, sem- per poscentem, semper rapientem, semper ebrium. Impotens in such cases is not = weak, but ungovernable, violent, tyrannical. 30. Idcirco .... ut. See note on p. 26, line 7. — In hanc urbem .... hujus urbis. The repetition is for emphasis. In line 32, the MSS. give inhumanitate for vnmanitate, and so Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig read. Frotscher prefers immanitate. 31, Domestica = Asiatic and barbarous. 33. At quani acute collecta. Ironically, for Castor's charges were rather an invective against the tyranny of Caesar than an inju- rious accusation of Deiotarus. Compare ch. 6, 19 : At qua?n festive crimen contexitur. — Blesamius, with Hieras and Antigonus, formed the embassy sent by Deiotarus to plead his cause before Caesar. See ch. 15. Him the accusers pretended to be a spy. 34. Enini has an ironical force = forsooth. Ironia in eo posita est, quod causa affertur rei, quam faleam vel absurdam esse omnes sci- unt. — Optimi viri. So also Madvig. Benecke, Soldan, and Klotz : optimi hominis. On the difference between homo and vir, see Arnold's Nepos, Paus. 1,1. Vir is said of man in his relations to the state and to civic virtues, as a good citizen or patriot ; homo is man as an indi- vidual or perse n, or with reference to his relations in private life and to social virtues. They often stand together, and the epithets of vir are 336 NOTES. Page C)Q bonus, opiimus, clarissimus ; while homo doctissimus, pererudiius, moderatissimus, officiosus, &c.» are common. Though, therefore, bo- nus homo and optimus homo are not often found, at least in Cicero, Benecke contends, that as optimi viri here would refer to patriotic vu> tues, optimi hominis is allowable and suitable in this passage as refer- ring to moral and social qualities. Doederlein conjectures, viri optimi nee tibi ignoti hominis. — Maledicebat, &cc. Phidippus did ; by re- peating slanders of his own invention as if uttered by Blesamius. The slanders were : 1. That Caesar was disliked by the people, and con- sidered a tyrant ; 2. That the placing of his statue in the capitol among those of the ancient kings of Rome had given general offence ; 3 That he was not applauded at the public games and theatres. 35. Scribere solebat. Namely, from Rome; for it would ap- pear that the embassy had reached Rome from the kiug some time before the trial came on. Before scribere the MSS. repeat inquit, which Benecke, Soldan, and Klotz retain; and Benecke reads te in- vidiose tyrannum existimari. 36. Statua inter reges posita. This statue is noticed by Suet Ccbs. 76, and had in fact given public offence. It was erected in the capitol, where were statues of the seven kings of Rome and of Brutus. See Dion Cass. 43, 45. 3T. Plaudi. The great, and those who enjoyed the favor of the people, were commonly received with applause in the theatre. See ad Att. 3, 44. 39. Blesamius scriberet. Blesamius write that Caesar was a tyrant ! Impossible. H. 486, 525. 40. Multorum enim capita. Here enim occurs again with an ironical force, and may be rendered " perhaps." See below, § 34 : valde enim invidendum est, &c. ; and p. Arch. 5, 11, Est enim ob- scurum. From this description of what a tyrant's acts would be, wo are to infer that Caesar was not a tyrant. — Capita, sc. abscissa, trun- cata. 42. Armatis militibus refertuni forum. For Appian, B. C. 2, 107, says that Caesar removed from his person the praetorian cohorts, which during the war had attended him as guards, satisfied with the civic attendants ; and Veil. Paterc. 2, 57, that when warned to guard an empire by arms, which arms had acquired, he replied, Mori se quam timeri malle. See Plut. Ccbs. 57 ; and Suet. Ccbs. 86. — Qucz .... sensimus, ea . . . . non vidimus. Benecke and Klotz, with the Erf. MS., omit ea, and thus the qucs refers to the preceding, and be- longs to both seiisimus and vidimus, and the two clauses are antithet- ical, without the adversative conjunction. 43. In civili victoria. He has in mind such as those of Marius and Sulla. 44. Solus, inquam, es, . . . . cujus ceciderit. Hark. 501, II ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 337 Vage 3. In victoria ducimus. Benecke and Klotz: in vict. duceniQA vidimus. — Qui vivit in regno, i. e who is the subject of a despotic monarch ; opposed to nos liberi. 4. Nam de statua. Nam is not used here for simple transition, but to introduce a trifling matter hardly worth mentioning. Schultz gives jam, as proposed by Doderlein. »">. Q,uuni tarn multas videat. Besides the one spoken of as sot up in the capitol, where the statues of the kings and Brutus stood, ihoro were two others before the rostra in the forum, which being a much more conspicuous (clarior) site than where the royal statues were placed, ought to excite odium still more, if odium there were. Respecting tho erection of these and other statues to Caesar, see Diou Cass. 44, 23. 6. Enim. Tho turn is ironical = non valde invidendum est. — Tropais. Quu3 majorem illi laudem afferunt, quum una statua. — In- vidimus. Soldan and Madvig : invidemus. 7. Nam si locus. Nam here = deinde. " Again if the place, &c." Eludit magis, quam confutat objectionem, per fallaciam, ut lo- quuntur, accidentis. Non enim invidebatur illi statues, quod esset claro et omnibus conspicuo loco posita, sed quod inter reges. At orator ita refellit, quasi propter solam loci claritatem statua Csesaris in invi- diam vocaretur. Benecke and Klotz : nullus locus est, &c. 8. De plausu. His answer is threefold : 1. You never courted popular applause, therefore no wonder if it is not bestowed ; 2. Men's minds were so astounded by your exploits that they were incapable of raising their voice ; 3. The people omitted it, because it was trite and unworthy of you. Ch. XIII. — 13. Nihil, &lc. Before so consummate a rhetorician as Caesar, it was useless to have recourse to the ordinary rules, one of which is to conceal every appearance of art. Cicero, therefore, affects to make a display of art to conceal it more effectually. 14:. Extremam .... partem. The peroration, the fittest place for discussing the most important point. — Id autem aliquid. Compare p. hig. 7, 22: is tamen aliquis Ligarius non fuit. So Terent. Andr. 2, 1, 14: Id aliquid nihil est. Cicero, wishing to reconcile the par- ties, has first to show that there is no cause for resentment on either Bide. With regard to Caesar, he assumes that what he has urged is enough to allay his angry feelings (non .... metuo, ne illi tu succen- tsas) ; it remained to show that he had no grounds to suspect that any such were harbored by Deiotarus. His reasons are : 1. Deiotarus is sensible that what he lost he deserved to lose, nay, that Caesar was compelled to make the vanquished assist him in rewarding his bravo associates, and to this no reasonable man could object. And if Antio- chus the Great bore similar treatment with equanimity, much more should a petty sovereign liko Deiotarus. Besides, he had the support 29 338 NOTES Pag<3 (\A derivable from the consciousness of suffering for an involuntary error not so Antiochus. 2. He owed to Caesar's generosity what he retained, his hereditary dominions and regal title, which latter was to him every thing. 3. He had two sources of consolation left, of which he could not be deprived ; the decrees of the Roman generals and senate in his favor, and the consciousness of his own virtue. These he illustrates in § 37. 4. He has a letter from Caesar himself encouraging him to hope for the best, ch. 14, by which he was greatly cheered and inspi- red. All this shows that Deiotarus is fully sensible of his obligations to Caesar, and is therefore deserving of being received into his friend- ship. 1G. Metuo, nc .... vcreor, ne. Hark. 492, 4. — lllud vereor. See note p. 91, line 4. IT. Succeiisere aliquid. H. 371, 3. — MM crede. P. C. p. 259, 111. 18. Q,uid cnim retineat. His life, name of king, and part of Galatia. — Quid amiserit. Armenia and the tetrarchy of the Trocmi. 20. Multis tibi multa esse tribuenda. H. 414, 5. Dion Cass. 43, 47, relates that Caesar chose fourteen prcelors, forty quaestors, and increased the number of senators to nine hundred. IJoXXols yap Sti roXXa butaxn^ivoi oIk ux £v 8w»s ff$«S aAAwj ifuiiperat. — Quominus . . . sumcres, non rccusavit. H. 499. 22. Antiochus. The third, king of Syria. He was first beaten, a. u. c. 563, at Thermopylae by Acilius Glabrio, and soon after, 564, completely conquered by L. Scipio Asiaticus on Mount Sipylus, near Magnesia, in Asia, and deprived of all his dominions west of Mount Taurus. Cf.jt). Sest 27, 58. — Posteaquam . . .juss-us esset. H. 427, 3; 628, 2. Benecke and Madvig read : quum, posteaquam .... devictus est, Tauro tenus, &c. Klotz : quum posteaquam devictus, Tauro, &c. 23. L<. Scipione. The brother of Africanus Major, who was his lieutenant in this war. 24. Q,iiae est nunc nostra provincia. This portion of Asia, af- ter the defeat of Antiochus, the Romans had given to Attalus, after whose death it fell by his will to the Romans. 26. Ximis magna procuratione. The ca-e of too extensive do- minions. If Antiochus so consoled himself for such losses, a fortiori may Deiotarus ; for the one madly attacked the Roman people at the instigation of Hannibal and the JEtolians, the latter followed Pompey, as deeming his cause the better. Deiotarus therefore has innocence on his side. For esse factum, Benecke, Klotz, and Madvig read fac- tum esse. 28. Multam sustulcrat = poenam dederat Benecke, Klotz, and Soldan read sustinucrat, which is the reading of many MSS. Madvig and Orelli adopt sustulerat from Cod. Col, and Madvig re- ORATION FOR KING DEIOTARUS. 339 Page fers to tlio similar phrase in de Nat. Dear. 3, 33, 82. See Hark, q^ 292. 29» Q,uum .... coiicessisti. See uote on p. 69, line 40. 3 3. Ne fortunae quidem. Because he possesses many things over which fortune has no control, the decrees of your generals, the votes of the senate, he is able to defy her power. 31. Peperisse. Klotz: reperisse ; which Frotscher approves, citing Terent. Heaut. 1, 1, 59 ; and referring to Krilz ad Sail. Jug. 70, § 2, p. 374, sq. 35. Habere in animo atque virtute. Habere in virtute, which is an unusual expression, is softened here by being joinod to habere in animo, which is a common expression. Haec duo conjungit, ut et vello eum res magnas, et praestare posse significet. The bona animi as opposed to the bona corporis, or external good, are here understood. 36. Q,uis casus. II. 454, 1. 3T. Omnium imperatorum. Cf. Phil. 11, 13, 33 ; where in this connection, Sulla Murena, Servilius, Lucullus, and Pompey are men- tioned. 38. Ab omnibus est enim iis ornatus. Benecke, Soldan, and Madvig: ab 07nnibus enim est ornalus ; Klotz: ab omnibus enim or- natus est. 40. Senatus vcro judicia, &c. Such deo»*ees of the senate were kept in the public archives in the capitol, and Ibe assembled people gave its sanction to them. 42. Q,use unquam vetustas obruet, &c? Temporis vetustas, hominum oblivio. 1. Ciua;. H. 445, 4. — Omnesdocti. The Peripatetics and Stoics. Qt Cicero adds in explanation sapientes, which very often = philosophers. ' — Summa. Plato, Aristotle, and others, divided good into pleasure, utility, and virtue ; and called virtue chief, in comparison of tho oth- ers ; but the Stoics, denying that any thing had a right to come into comparison with virtue, declared it the sole good. Cf. p. Marcel. 6. 2. Hisque. And that, with these (in the opinion of the Stoics) virtue is well content, Sec. — Non modo ad bene, for this they all con- fess. — Sed etiam ad beate, i. e. jucunde et feliciter, and this the Peri- patetics deny. See Tusc. Disp. lib. 5. T. Acceptam refert. Sets down to the account of your clemen- cy ; a metaphor from keeping accounts. Ch. XIV. — 8. Q,uo quidem animo. As above, ch. 13, mag no et erccto, a mind fortified by reflecting on what fortune had left as well as taken away, and on its own virtues. — Quum .... turn. See note on p. 85, line 1. 9. Q,uarum exemplum. A copy of which, namely, tho one which you, &c. 10. Tarracone. A city of Hispania Tarraconensis, from which 340 NOTES. Page Qr) the district was so named. After the subjugation of the Poinpeys, Caesar appears to have given audience there to the ambassadors of the several states, and among them to Blesamius, who had been sent thither by Deiotarus to adjust his interests with Caesar. — Huic Blcsa- mio. Who is now present, waiting the issue of this trial. Cicero here intends to remind Ceesar of his promise. 11. Junes eniin bene. So Klotz. Benecke and Madvig : jubes enim eum bene, &c. 13. Memini .... scribere. Compare p. Lig. 3, 7; and see P. C. 426, (3). 14. Meque .... esse jussum. H. 551, II, 1. 15. L/aboro equidem. But knowing causas rogantium apud te graliosiores esse quam preces, p. Lig. 11, I shall tell you my reasons for being interested for Deiotarus. Observe that below, laboro takes the preposition de. See H. 414. — Quocum, &c. Cicero takes the highest ground ; " I loved him because he was the friend of my coun- try." Then follow the steps to summa nccessitudo. 16. Voluntas utrisque. For hospitium was often a matter of form, or the inclination was all on one side. Not so here. 18. Officia. While Cicero was proconsul of Cilicia. — Et in me. Benecke, Klotz, Soldan, and Madvig omit et. 19. Sed quum de illo. Cicero wishes to set the cause on the widest foundation. The question is one of general interest : " If after what is past, you still harbor resentment against Deiotarus, the same may be expected by all who owe their life to your clemency, and doubts and fears take possession of their minds. Let them know, then, that once pardoned they are still pardoned. 20. Q,uibus. H. 385.— Semel. Once for all. See ch. 3, § 9 : femel exorari. 23. duisquam te timere, &c So Madvig. Benecke and Klotz omit te. Soldan : accedere, ut quisquam te tiinere . . . qui sunt, &c. 24. Non debeo. Cicero, affecting to reject any appeal to the clemency of Ceesar, makes a strong appeal. 25. Ecquonain. On the force of ec in this compound, see Z. 351 ; and on nam, Z. 134. 21. Solet ipsa. Is wont of itself to como to the aid of the wretched ; non exspectat, dum rogetur. — Nullius. H. 457. 28. Duos reges. The father and son. 21). Dabis profecto misericordiae. Klotz and Soldan : dabis profecto id misericordia. 30. Iracundiae denegavisti. Quum antea Deiotarum, licet ira- tus, tamen perdere nolles. Benecke ; who rejects the explanation o( Heumann : iracundiam illorum, qui reum Deiotarum fecerunt. Be nocke and Klotz : monumenta dementia; tuce. So also Soldan, who furlher gives sed maxime eorum incnlumitatis, &c. ORATION FOR KING DKIOTARUS. 34] 31 Iiicol militates. Z. 92. qS 3 2. In privatis, i. e. in privatos collata atque ita in iis conspicua, bo in the next line in regibus. See note on p. 88, line 37. 34. Sanctum. For kings were thought to be under the protec- tion of the gods. — Sociorum .... re gum .... sanctissimum. This might be designed by Cicero as hinting to Caesar, that his present titles might satisfy himself. This oration was delivered late in the year 709 In the following February, Mark Antony offered Caesar the diadem. Ch. XV. — 3T. Posteris tradituros. Deiotarus died, ac- cording to Dion Cass. 48, 33, a. u. c. 714, but without leaving his do- minions to his son. Castor succeeded him in Galatia, which was af- terwards bestowed by Antony on Amyntas. After his death it was made, in connection with Lycaonia, a province, which was subse- quently enlarged by the addition of Paphlagonia and a part of Phrygia. The account given in the introduction, p. 311, follows Smith's Diet, of Greek and Roman Biog. &c. 38. Corpora. Either as sureties, or to suffer any punishment awarded against their master. Klotz omits esse before confido. 42. Regum amicissinii. Matthiae and Benecke, with Ernesli, take amicissimi and probati in the nominative, and explain regum of Deiotarus and his family (Benecke, Deiotarus and his son, as in § 40), just as Brutus is said to have expelled the kings of Rome. Weiske objected to this explanation, and taking regum as = inter reges, he considers amicissimi and probati as genitives. By this view, Dorylaus est legatus amicissimi regum sive regis praeter ceteros addicti fide erga populum Romanum. This king, Weiske supposes, may have been Ariobarzanes, the sovereign of Cappadocia. 43. Exquire de Blesamio. As the weight of the prosecution lay in the testimony of Phidippus, Cicero wished to conclude with im- pressing on the mind of Caesar the opposing testimonies of men of in- tegrity. Above, ch. 12, the charge against Blesamius is given and refuted. 1. Criminibus illis se supponit. Substituit. MobiusQG takes criminibus illis for datives after supponit as = illis legem cri- minantibus, accusantibus ; Benecke for ablatives = in those accusa- tions. £• Menioriam .... qua vales. Cf. p. Lig. 12, 35 : qui oblivisci nihil soles, nisi injurias ; Phil. 2, 45, 116: Fuit in illo ingenium, ratio, memoria, &c. Seneca, de Benefic. 5, 24, tells a pleasing story of Caesar's memory. 4. Pedem. H. 380. As Hieras never left you, he is therefore qualified to decide on the truth of the charge. He attended you both during your stay in the palace, and the next day at Luceium. Aa none of the attempts charged could have been made without his pri- vity, he calls on you to deem them, if any there were, to have been 342 NOTES. Page qa his, and try him accordingly. — Finibus. Deiotarus had waited ou Caesar on the borders of Galatia, and was then accompanied by Hieras 5. Balneo. See ch. 6. The bath preceded the supper, and so it was intended should the inspection of the gifts ; but Caesar refusing to go, it was put off till after supper. Hence coenatus. 8. Postridie. The day of the castle and bedchamber scene, ch. 6. 13. Q,uorum alteram. The former of which, it .s of a pie?e with the cruelty of the accusers to wish for ; the latter, the part c{ your clemency to preserve inviolate. — Illorum. Caster and Phidippiis, THE ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. INTRODUCTION. A . Licikius Archias, born and educated at Antioch in Syria, a city re- nowned for the cultivation of Greek art and learning, acquired at a very early age a considerable reputation as a poet He had scarcely grown out of the age of boyhood, when, according to the fashion of the time, he went out on a jour- ney, the object of which was to improve himself and increase his knowledge. He travelled through Asia Minor and Greece, and thence to Southern Italy, where he visited the towns of Tarentum, Locri, Rhegium, and Naples. His talent was everywhere recognised and appreciated, and the above-mentioned towns attested their estimation by honoring him with the franchise. In a. u. c. 652, in the consulship of C. Marius and Q. Lutatius Catulus, Archias came to Rome ; he was received into the first families of the city, and enjoyed the par- ticular hospitality of the Luculli, in honor of which family Archias also as- sumed its gentile name Licinius. As Cicero calls him his instructor, it would seem that Archias, besides his poetical occupations, also engaged at that time in instructing young Romans. Some years later he accompanied L. Lucullus on a journey to Sicily, and on their return they passed through Heraclia in Lucania. There, too, he was, through the mediation of Lucullus, honored with the franchise ; and this was the more valuable to him, as that town was in a nearly equal legal relation to, and alliance with, Rome, and as Archias Beems to have determined to spend the remainder of his life at Rome. In a. u. c. G65, the tribunes, M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carbo, brought forward a bill {lex Plautia Papiria) by which the franchise was conferred upon all those who were enrolled as citizens in an allied town, provided they had a domicile in Italy at the time of the passing of the law, and gave in their name to the pra3tor within sixty days. Archias fulfilled these conditions, and gave in his name for registration to the praetor Q. Metellus. But in a. u. c. 689, a law was passed {lex Papia), enacting that all peregrini, or strangers, should be expelled from Rome, and that the Socii Latini (who were not Ro- man citizens) should be sent away to their native places. On that occasion a certain Gratius, who may have been induced by hatred, or avarice, or by en- mity against Lucullus, came forward, asserting that Archias was a peregri- nus, and had illegally assumed the name of a Roman citizen. Archias was unable to bring forward any evidence of his franchise, for the archives of He- raclia had been destroyed by fire. During his long stay at Rome, moreover, he had never entered his name as a citizen in the census lists. Cicero now undertook the defence of his old teacher and friend ; not, indeed, with a strict jegal argumentation, for the proofs were wanting, but he sets up the dignity of the accused, the affection he had met with everywhere, and his services to literature and art, as so many proofs of the truth of his assertion that he was* in lawful possession of the Roman franchise ; nay, Cicero maintains that if Archias were not already a Roman citizen, his life and merits made it a duty tor Rome to admit him among the number of her citizens, in order to secure a man of such eminence to the commonwealth. Such a defence, which S44 NOTES. Cicero sought in the personal character of the accused, and laid before Ihr judges, who could not well sacrifice the cause of learning and humanity U such an accusation— such a defence could not so much urge the legal points at Issue, for which, as we have already observed, the documents were wanting, as set forth the praise of varied acquirements, and of a life devoted to the cul- tivation of the beautiful And it is this very praise of the humaniora that makes this speech a useful, agreeable, and inciting study to young readers ; though it must not be left unnoticed, that some critics consider it as spurious, and unworthy of Cicero ; and the ancients themselves regard it as less excel- lent than other orations. Respecting the result of the speech, winch was de- livered in a. u. c. 692, before Q. Cicero, who was then praetor urbanus, nothing is known, and the remaining period of Archias's life is buried in utter obscuri- ty. To judge from the few specimens of his poetry which have come down to us, it appears that he did not possess so very great a poetical talent as Cicero describes it in his oration ; and it is probable that Archias, who was intimate with so many Roman families, was more particularly skilled in making verses upon the passing events of the day, and also, as some believe, knew how to make himself agreeable by improvisation, or extempore composition of verses. —From Schmitz's Cicero in Chambers's Educational Course ANALYSIS. 1. The introduction gives the reason which decided the orator to defend the poet, and at the same time contains his apology for speaking of the advan- tages of letters in a trial at law. (Chaps. 1, 2, <) 3.) 2. The leading proposition states the two points of his defence : that Archias, who was already a Roman citizen, should not only not be deprived of his franchise, but, even if he were not a citizen, the franchise should be con- ferred upon him. (Ch. 2, § 4.) 3. A description follows of the origin, acquired fame, and travels of the poet ; showing, that, as he came to Rome from these travels in Asia Minor, Greece, and Italy, the most distinguished men and families honored him with their friendship and society, and that Lucullus aided him to obtain the Roman franchise. ($ 4-ch. 4, t) 7.) I. Cicero next proceeds to the two points of his defence, and refutes (a) the grounds upon which the accuser had proceeded against Archias, and estab- lishes Archias's Roman citizenship, since he had been a citizen in Heraclia, an allied town, and accordingly by the law of Silvanus and Carbo had been received in Rome as a citizen, he having long before had a domicile in Rome, and given in his name to the prator within 60 days, and having more- over exercised the rights of Roman citizens; at the same time the charge ol the accuser, that Archias was not enrolled in the census lists, is set aside. (^ 8-ch. 6.) (6) In order to show that Archias was worthy of Roman citi- zenship, he first speaks of the advantages of letters, and especially of poet- ry (ch. 6, § 13-ch. 7, t) 16) : he then describes the eminent poetic talent ol Archias, and shows by examples how highly poets were esteemed by an tiquity ; he then enlarges upon the merit of Archias and his claims upor the Roman people acquired by his celebration in verse of the deeds of em- inent Romans, and by his contribution in this way to the glory of the Ro man name, and mentions many great men who, from their love of g.ory ORATION FOR THE POET ARCIIIAS. 345 had honored poets and authors. Finally, he confesses that he too on his own account must wish for the safety of Archias, since Archias has prom- ised to sing the praises of his consulship. (Ch. 7, $ 18-ch. 12, $ 30.) In conclusion, he commends the poet to the protection of his judges, and craves their indulgence for having enlarged, more than is usual in a foren- sic argurr^nt, upon the talent of Archias and upon the merits of literature in general. (Ch. 12, $ 31.) Cir. I. — la Ingeiiii. Natural talent as an orator (fiats) ; cxerci-Qfl tatio, practice (aaKijais) Cicero expresses the simple thought si quid eloquentia valeo, by an enumeration of the three chief requisites for forming an orator; ingenium, exercitatio, ratio. Cf. de Orat. 1, 25, tsqq. Quinctil. 11, 1, 19, directs attention to the modesty of this pas- sage. Cf. ad Fam. 9, 18. — Quod sentio quam sit exiguum. Stiiren- burg remarks that the usual order would be quod quam sit exiguum sentio, e. g. qui ordo quanto adjumento sit in honore, quis nescit ? Plane. 9, 23 : Qua quanta fuerit, jam mini dicere non est necessc. Sest. 29, 62. Of this order, (that is, of the governing verb being placed after the dependent interrogative clause, when there is also a relative pronoun introducing the governing verb,) he gives a very large body of examples. Of passages where the dependent relativo clause follows the verb, he gives a few : e. g. Verr. 5, 7, 15 : quod nuper ipse juratus docuit quemadmodum gestum esset. But he ob- serves that the position in the passage before us gives the principal emphasis to sentio, and a secondary but considerable emphasis to ex- iguum : quod sentio quam sit exiguum. Nauck, however, thinks tho principal emphasis belongs to quam sit exiguum, and that, to give this emphasis, the usual order is abandoned. The order of quam sit, exi- guum in oblique narration, i. e. of the sit, sint, &c, immediately fol- lowing the quam, or other relative, and preceding the predicate, is tho regular order in Cicero. Videsne, quam sit magna dissensio : con- siderate nunc, cetera quam sint provisa sapienter, &c. 2. In qua me, &c. A regular hexameter: in qua mc non inftior . mediocriter esse. 3. Si . . . aliqua. See note on p. 45, line 15. — Hujuscc rei, sc. eloquence'. 4. Ratio, Art, theoretical knowledge, theory (udOrjcns). Doctrina sive institutio, quatenus certa via ac ratione instituitur. Faculias orandi consummatur natura, arte, exercitationc. Quinct. 3, 5, 1. But here exercitatio = facultas, quam quis cxercendo sibi par at (tho readiness acquired by practice). Cf. 3 Cat. 5, 11 : ita cum non modo ingenium Mud, et dicendi exercitatio, qua semper valuit, sed etiam, &c. 6. Vel in priinis. " Particularly," because Archias had given instruction to Cicero in his youth. This fonn occurs in but one other passage in Cicero : Nee absurde Crantor ille, qui in nostra Academia 340' tfOTES. Page 0*7 vel hi primis fuit nobilis. Tusc. 3, 6, 12. S., who says that he knows of no instance in any other writer. — A. Licinius. It was cus- tomary for foreigners, on receiving the franchise, to take the praenomei. and nomen of the individual by whose favor they had received it Manutius supposes that Archias assumed the praenomen ^.ulus from Marcus Lucullus, the brother of Lucius, whose praenomen, before his Adoption by M. Terentius Varro, he supposes to have been Auius. The omission of nis foreign name may be regarded as intentional. By giving him his Roman name only, the orator recognises his rightful claim to Roman citizenship. T. Repetere prope suo jure. Repetere = petere tanquam sibt debitum. Archias has a right to claim that I should employ for his good that which I have learned from him. Klotz: petere. — Prope suo jure. See note on p. 64, line 5. The prope softens the suo jure, which would be an exaggerated statement. Others take it, less cor- rectly, with repetere. S. (in his second edition), who compares mco jure quodammodo vindicare. De Off. 1, 1,2. 9. Memoriam recordari. S. compares de Orat. 1, 2, 4: ac mihi repetenda est vcteris cujusdam memorial jion sane satis expli- cata recordatio, sed, &c. — Ultimam = ab hac estate remotissimam. The earliest recollection. 10. Inde usque repetens, sc. rcrum ordincm. Repetere is used absolutely in this way, de Orat. 1, 20, 91 : neminem scriptorem ariis ne mediocriter quidem disertum fuisse dicebat, quum repeteret usque a Corace nescio quo et Tisia. Tusc. 1, 48, 116: claras vero mortcs pro patria oppetitce non solum gloriosce rhetoribus sed ctiam beatcc videri solent ; repetunt ab Erechtkeo. — hide usque (ivrtvdcv apfauevos) marks a continuous progress from the distant point mentioned, quite up to the moment present to the speaker. These words, according to S., are found nowhere else in Cicero, and never in any other writer. But, as he observes, there is no reason why they should not be. — He • thinks it is an imitation of Isocrates's ivrdQev dpi-dficvos, which M. compares with it. — Principcm = auctorem, magistrum. — Suscipien- dam .... ingrediendam. " Suscipiendam pertinet ad consilium dis- cendi artes dicendi ; ingrediendam ad actum discendi. Illuc special mox hortatu, hue prceceptis." Ernesti. S. compares the similar op- position between suscipere and instituerc ; e. g. susceptarum rerun et jam institutarum. Ad Fain. 5, 12, 2. 11. Rationem = viam, modum. — Horum studiorum. Xot elo- quence only, but the studia humanitatis in general. Cf. § 2. 12. Hortatu. This word occurs in the ablative only, in the golden age. Tacitus has nominative plural non vox et mutui hot' tatus juvabant. Ann. 1, 70, m. In Cicero it occurs but once more : id feci aliorum consilio, hortatu, auctoritatc ; ad Fam. 13, 29, 7- Sturenbura- I ORATION FOR THE l J OET ARCHIAS. 347 Paom 14. Q,uo ceteris opitulari .... posseinus, sc. whenever irnnn opportunity should offer itself. Benecke : posaumus. 15. Et opem et salutem. Fin. 2,35, 118: quum opem indi- gentibus solutemque ferrcs. Verr. 5, 57, 147: qua s hi naiStiif, as Plato aud Aristotle speak. 20. Q,iue ad humanitatein pertinent. Which make man a man in the true sense of the word. Gellius, 13, 1G, speaking of the old and true Latin meaning of hiananitas, says: " Humanitatem ap- pellaverunt id propemodum quod GrcBci naiisuav vocant ; nos erudi- tionem inslitutionemque in bonas artes dicimus. — Quoddam. H. 456. 21. Et quasi quadam, &c. Cicero often uses quasi qui- dam, and not uncommonly quidam quasi : he also uses et quasi qui- dam, and once only et quidam quasi; but never atque (ac) quasi quidam, nor indeed ever atque (ac) quasi or tanquam, which would give prominence and emphasis to the very notion which is softened by the quasi. In the order, et quasi quidam, the substantive is some- times interposed between quasi and quidam: bene constitute civiiutis quasi alumna quccdam eloquentia ; Brut. 12, 45: an adjective some- times precedes the quidam : et puro quasi quodum et candido genere dicendi. Oral. 16, 53. S. Cir. II. — 23. In quaestioue legitima = « legibus constituta, non ftb otiosis hominibus doctis proposita." Benecke supposes the lex Mu- cin Licinia of 659, and the lex Papia of 689, are here meant. 2-1. In judicio publico. Judicium publicum stands opposed to judicium privatum, and is a trial in which the interest of the state is involved, in which a state offence is charged. — Agatur. Klotz: agi- *atur. 25. Apud praetorem populi Roman!. C. Virgilius (according to Ilgen), C. Octavius (according to Schiitz). But the scholiast die» 348 NOTES. Pa?e 0*7 covered by Mai informs us that the praetor here meant was Q. Cicero the brother of the oratoi. The addition populi Romani to the title prcetor is generally unnecessary, but here it is emphatical. — Rectissi- mum virum = " virum,- qui nee ipse discedit unquam de ea via, quam mores ac leges prsescribunt, nee facile patitur alios tale quicquam com- mittere." S. Cf. unus L. Ccesar firmus est ct rectus; Fam. 12, 5 : 2. Its meaning is correct, consistent. Madvig and Nauck : lectissi mum. 26. Judices. Ever since the lex Aurelia of the year a. r. c. 6S4 £ the judices consisted of senators, equites, and tribuni aerarii (plebeians), 98 !• Hoc uti genere dicendi, quod . . . abhorreat. Hie here =a " a" = " such a." Hie qui is used for is qui, when the thing spoken of is present. Here it is the style he is now going to adopt. — Non modo .... verum etiam. Verum (for sed) etiam is nearly peculiar to Cicero ; not being found in Csssar, Corn. Nepos, Livy, or Tacitus ; nor in the Auctor ad Herennium. It is found now and then in letters of Cicero's correspondents, and twice in Sallust. Stiirenburg ; whoso calculation of the comparative frequency of sed etiam and verv*\ etiam is as follows: After non modo, Sec, — In the Orat. p. Archia, sed etiam occurs " " Balbo, " Plane, " Sest., L. Manil, " Brut., To which Haase adds p. Sull. So that sed etiam is the more common form ; at least Orations. 2. A forensi sermone abhorreat. It being unusual in judicial transactions and speeches to treat of literature and art. 3. Q,useso a vobis, &c. Weiske and Matthise criticise § 3, be- cause the protasis and apodosis make the same statement ; e. g. Sed ne cui mirum videatur, me uti hoc genere dicendi, quceso a vobis, ut me patiamini uti novo genere dicendi; and because mauy unneces- sary repetitions are introduced. T. Hoc denique prcetore. The brother of the orator, himself an epic and tragic poet. Cf. ad Q. Frat. 3, 6, 9. 9. Liberius. Schroter maintains that libcre loqui = (necessari- ly), " sine metu offenses aut periculi loqui ;" but Cicero uses it else- where in the sense of at length, copiously, fully, Sec Qua fuse olim disputabantur ac libcre, opposed to articiilatim distinctenuc dici. Legg. 1, 13, 3G : ne ornatius quidem aut liberius causam dici suam quam, Sec De Orat. 1, 53, 229. S. — In ejus?nodi persona, quce .... est. " In the case of such a person," sc. as Archias is. Other- wise persona is tho mask worr 6y an actor, or the part which he per- 2, verum etiam, 7 6, " u 10, « a 1 15, " 1 12, " 21, u 2 15.. K 5 1 ; at least in Cicero's OKATION FOR THE POET AECIIIAS. 340 Pag* forms. The indicative after ejusmodi = such, makes the statement Q$ definite, (whereas the subj. would describe it indefinitely as belonging to a class.) Cf. Verr. 4, 32, 71 : in ejusmodi conviviis, quce . . . . jla- grab'unt. lO. Periculis = "judiciis, quia in iis reus periculum adit, ne condemnetur. Fam. 5, 17: in ejus judicio ac periculo. — Tractate, est, " which otherwise is not brought forward," or, as it were, " acted," and does not show itself at trials and in courts of law, its life being de- voted to the quiet pursuit of art and literature. Tractare personam is properly said of an actor. Cf. pro. Hose. Com. 7, 20 : Of. 3, 29, 106. Matthias says : " Fortasse eo etiam respexit, quod poeta?, rerum civi- liuni fere rudes atque ignari, easque adeo refugientes, si quando in vitae communis lucem pro tracti vel in judicium adducti sunt, in sole cali- gantes magis aliis se regendos, moderandos, traciandos prsebent, quam ipsi versantur. Ahter Quinctil. 4, 1, 13 : ipsius autem litigatori* persona tractanda varie est, nimirum ab oratore." 15. Adsciscendum. Klotz, Stiirenburg, Madvig, and Nauck: adsciscendum fuisse. Ch. III. — 16. Ut primum ex pueris excessit. This happened in Greece in his fifteenth year. Cicero had probably in his mind Ter- ence's Nam is postquam excessit ex ephebis, Andr. 1, 1, 24; for the mode of expression is properly Greek, not Latin ; and Cicero praises the passage of Terence, de Or. 2, 80, 327. S. IT. Ad inhumanitatem informari. A very young person is properly said informari by another ; an older one, whose mind is no longer a tabula rasa, and who assists (at least) in forming his own mind, conformari : "is rem conformat qui I Hi meliorem etiam formam dat, quam qui prius earn informaverat." S. Thus Auct. ad Hercnn 4, 22 : Alexander Macedo summo labor e animum ad virtutcm a puc- ritia conformavit. Ad humanitatem informari is found only here : ad humanitatem fin gi, once also de Orat. 3, 15, 58. From S. 18. Scribendi studium. Cf. Terent. Andr. Prol. 1: Pocta quum primum animum ad s crib end u m appulit. — Antiochia .... urbe, &c. Urbs, in apposition to the name of a town, stands in tho abl. ; never urbis. 19. Lioco nobili === nobili generc : as honcsto loco natus, inc.— Cclebri, not celebrated, but that was much visited. 20. Copiosa = opulenta. 21. Antecellere .... contigit. The usual construction is con- tigit alicui ut antecellcret, &c. ; but Horace has Fingere cinctutis non exaudita Cethegis continget : non cuivis homini contingit adirc Corinthum, &c. Virg. quis (= quibus) ante ora patrum Trojca sub moznibus altis Contigit oppetere ; JEn, 1, 95 (so 6, 108; 9,267). The infinitive gives less prominence and definitcness to the conso- ^uence. It occurs with tho infin. once in Veil, and once in Tacitus. S 550 NOTES. no See H. 556, II; and on the construction of antecellere, H. 3 71, 3 386, 3. 22, Cunctaque Graecia. Klotz, Stiirenburg, and Na;ick : cunc- taque Gratia. — Adventus. Z. 92. 23. Ut famam .... superaret. His arrival was so much talked of, that the expectation of the man and the desire to see him sur- passed the reputation of his talents, whereas his arrival and the ad- miration shown to him surpassed even the expectation with which his arrival had been looked for. Cf. C. (ap. Macrob. Sat. vi. 2) oi Cato: Contingebat in eo, quod'plcrisque contra solet, ut majora om- nia re quam fama viderentur ; id quod non scepe cvenit, ut exsjpec- tatio a cognilione, aurcs ab oculis vincerentur. 25. Italia . . . et in Latio. Italia (== the country of the Iiali) is here = Magna Gratia. " That name [Italia], in very early times was a national one in the south, and was not extended to the more northerly regions until the Roman sway had united the Peninsula into one state. The latter [Theophrastus] continues to make a distinction between Laiium and Italia in his History of Plants." Niebuhr. It was especially after the Punic wars that Greek civilization began to be introduced into Italy. 27m Propter tranqnillitatem rci publicae. The seditious at- tempts of Saturninus had been suppressed, a. v. c. G54, and the Social war did not break out till a. u. c. 664. 28. Non negligebantur. H. 585. The expression is, ol course, less strong than colebantur. So 3 Orat. 11, 43 : Nostri [= hie Roma] minus student litteris, quam Latzni. — Tarentini et Rhegini et Neapo- litans These states, on account of their very origin, must have been favorably disposed towards the Greek poet, and endeavored to honor him with their best presents — namely, the franchise. Rhegium and Neapolis were then only confederate towns ; they were made municipal towns by the lex Julia in the first year of the Social war. But it is urged that Tarentum could not have been only a confederate town, since a colony was settled there, a. u. c. 631. Veil. 1, 15. Orelli seems to think the Tarentini veteres (as distinct from the Coloni Ta- rentini) are meant. " The orator knew well enough that the facts hero mentioned did not avail Archias in a legal point of view ; he is only paving the way, as it were, for the fact of his receiving the free- dom of the city at Heraclia. Thus the Scholia Bobiensia: Utiliter praparavit ad causam,jam pridem hunc Archiam poetica fatilitatis gratia celebrem a plurimis Italia nobilissimis populis in numerum civium cooptaium. Quod ■nimirum argumento esse debeat, ctiam Heracliensibus nuper adscriptum, robustiorem jam fama et ingenit dignitate major em." K. 30. Aliquid is here put with some degree of emphasis ; all. wha wore able to form some accurate judgment of men of talent. ORATION FOR THE I OET ARCHIAfe. 351 31* Cognitione. Here of personal acquaintance, more commonly no of knowledge of things only. 3 2. Celebritate famae. H. 428, 2 ; 396, IT. 33. Mario consule et Catulo, a. u. c. 652, in the fourth consul- ehip of Marius. The usual order is Mario et Catulo Coss.; hut a similar instance occurs in Brut. 96, 328 : Ille a Crasso consule et Sccevola usque ad Paullum et Marcellum . . .floruit. See Z. 790. — Consules eos, quorum alter . . . posset. Why subj.? Quorum alter, i e. Marius, who had conquered Jugurtha, and the Teuloncs and Cimbri. 35. Res gestas = Cimbricam victoriam. Cf. Tusc. 5, 19, 56: C. Marius turn quum Cimbrica victorias gloriam cum collcga Ca- tulo communicavit, ptenc altera L&lio {nam hunc Mi duco simit- limum), &c. — Studium atque aures adhibere posset. Studium is interest in literary works, &c, though Catulus did both write a his- tory and some poems (Brut. 35) : aures is not attention, but the crit- ical ear, correct literary taste. De Off. 1, 37, 133 : Catuli exquisita •judicio utebantur literarum. Observe that adhibere is only suited to studium and aures ; whereas res gestas would require such a verb as suppeditare (to supply). This is called Zeugma. Cf. Tac. Ann. 14 53 : Ego quid aliud muni jic entice turn adhibere potui, quam studia, ut sic dixcrim, in umbra educata ? S. 36. Iiiiculli, i. e. L. Licinius Lucullus, the conqueror of Mithri- dates, and a man of great learning ; and M. Licinius Lucullus, who gained a triumph over the Thracians and Macedonians, a. u. c. 684. — Pratextatus. He speaks of Archias as if he were a Roman: for, be- ing a Greek, he was not allowed to wear the pratcxta. Prcelcxtatus, therefore, = ' eadem estate, qua nostri praetextati, id est annorum fere xvi." The toga pratexta was worn (with the bulla) by Roman children, and put off when they assumed the toga virilis. Matthias points out the inconsistency between this and the assertion, that he already ex pueris excesserat even at Antioch. 3T. Domum suam receperunt. So Verr. 1, 26, 65, we havo Homo, qui semper hospitalissi?nus amicissimusque noslrorum homi- num existimatus esset, noluit videri ipsum ilium Rubrium invitus domum suam recepisse (without in). Others (e. g. Sturenburg) read in domum suam receperunt, by which the reception is represented as more intimate and familiar. — Sed etiam hoc, &c. This passage Orelli regards as corrupt. The orator lays stress on the fact, as being greatly to the credit of Archias, that the house which was the first to receive him in his youth, was also the most friendly to him in his old age. Sturenburg reads : Sed est jam hoc . . . prima fuerit, eadem, &c. Van Heusde proposes : Sed hac non solum ingenii ac literarum, ve* rum etiam natures atque virtutis visfuit, ut, &c. 38. Hoc .... ut ... . esset. The more usual cxolicative of hoo 352 NOTES. Page QQ is quod. Matthias observes, that wherever ut is so used, it convey? the explanation, as at the same time an effect or consequence of what .iad been stated : e. g. here it is the consequence of Archias's good character. 40. Senectuti. If the cause was pleaded in 692, ho was then in his sixtieth year. For patuit, other readings arefuit, facet it, tmdfuerit. 41. Metello illi Numidico. Consul, a. u. c. 645. He was call- ed Numidieus from his victories over Jugurtha. Sail. Jug. 46. His son, Q. Caecilius Metellus, obtained the surname of Pius, because, a. u. c. 655, he appeared in mourning to solicit permission for his fa- ther to return from exile. Veil. Pat. 2, 15. Klotz : pio. Est tamen cognomen nee vero adjectivum. Neque erat cur nonnulli transpone- rent Pio ejus filio. Orelli. Benecke : [Pio]. 42. M. jEmilio, Scauro. He was consul, a. u. c. 639. Cf. Font. 7, 14. — Vivebat cum Q. Catulo. Q. Lutatius Catulus, the father, con- sul, 652 ; and the son, afterwards consul in 676. Vivcrc cum aliquo is said of friendly intercourse. Krebs, Guide, 206. 43. L/. Crasso, the orator. — Lucullos, i. e. Lucius and Marcus Lucuilus. 44. Drusum. M. Livius Drusus. He was tribune, a. u. c. 663, and carried many laws, but was murdered in his own house. Veil. 2, 13. Cf. p. Mil. 7. — Octavios. Cneius and Lucius Octavius, consuls, respectively, with Cinna (667), and C. Aurelius Cotta (679). Thero was also another Cneius, consul with C. Scribonius Curio (678). — Ca- tonem, probably the father of M. Cato Uticensis. — Hortensiorum do- mum. L. and Q. Hortensius, father and son ; the latter was the cel- ebrated orator, and consul, a. u. c. 685. 3. Si qui forte simulabaut. Ne indocti atque ab politioribus li- 99 ter ' s abhorrere viderentur. C H . IV. — 6. In Siciliam profectus. The language shows that Lucuilus must have had the province of Sicilj T , but nothing of this is known from any other source. Senators were allowed to quit Italy for a certain time without any special commission. On their journey, and wherever they stayed, they enjoyed the honors and distinctions ot real ambassadors, but more especially the hospitium publicum. It has been thought, therefore, by some, to be more probable that Lucuilus, on the occasion here referred to, made use of this jus legationis libe- rum for a private purpose. Matthias thinks the short-hand writer has blundered the passage, as the going to Sicily is made prominent, though it is quite secondary : one should have expected, he says, " Quum ex provincia Sicilia cum L. Lucullo, quern eo comitatus erat, decederet." But may not the cornplimentarij nature of the fact, that Lucuilus took him and kept Asmwith him, justify the co-ordinate (instead of subordinate) position of the taking him into Sicily I Mad- vig: cum M. Lucullo. ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 353 7. Ileracliam. A colony of Tarentum in Lucania on the Bay ofQQ Tarentum. 8. JBquissimo jure acfoedere. Namely, with Rome. Heraclia concluded an alliance with Rome as early as a. u. c. 476, in the con- , eulship of C. Fabricius, and obtained greater privileges than other towns, such as Tarentum, Rhegium, and Naples; hence cequissimo, " placing it in a most fair relation, in which it was almost equal to Rome." This was also the reason why Archias endeavored to obtaia tho franchise of Heraclia. Cf. p Balb. 22, in. lO. Auctoritate. From affection and esteem for Lucullus. " Auctoritas est hominum honoratorum et potentium, quatenus vere- mur ipsos Iaodere, iis uegare aliquid." — Luculli, sc. Marcus Lucullus, who as being present is not more nearly described. Thus the contra- diction between the M. of § 8 and the L. of § 6 disappears of itself Nauck. 11* Data est civitas, i. e. foederatis in Italia civitatibus. Cf § 10. — Silvani lege. Scil. est lex Plautia Papiria, lata a M. Plautio Silvano, C. Papirio Carbone, tribb. pi. a. u. c. 665. Libri Sillani (st.) vel Silani (sicque kl.) Silvanus autem Plautiorum est cognomen ; Silanus Juniorum. Orelli. 14r. Scxaginta diebus. Within sixty days after the passing of tho law. 15. Multos jam aimos. Namely, from a. u. c. 652 to 665. 16. Professus est. Profiteri was the term for a person's signi- fying to the praetor his wish to accept the civitas. The name was Bent to the praetor, because the whole business of keeping lists of the citizens formed part of his official functions. — Apud praitorem, Q. Me- tcllum, i. e. Q. Metellus Pius; prcetor, a. u. c. 665. IT. Niliil aliud nisi. Z. 771, Note. — Be civitate ac lege, = de civitate Heracliensi ab Archia impetrata ac de lege {Plautia Papiria) qua civitas data est fasderatis populis. 18. Causa dicta est. That is, if the question is only about the compliance with that law on the part of Archias, and about his franchise at Heraclia, all has been said, and the matter is settled ; for Archias has in fact complied with all the conditions stated in the law. 20. L.. Lucullus. Madvigr, with MSS. M. Lucullus. 21. Adscriptum Heracliensem = " adscriptum in civitalem lleraclias" vel " adscriptum Heraclia." Cf. adscripticii cives, 3 de Nat. Deor. 15, 39. 25. Hie tu. This form implies something of indignant feeling. Cf Fam. 5, 15: Hie tu ea me abesse vrbe miraris, in qua domus ni- hil delcctare possit, summum sit odium iemvorum, hominum t fori t curia ? And ibid. 7, 13 • Hie tu me ctiam insimulas, nee satisfac- tionem me am accipis. Manut. — Tabulas The civic registers of S54 NOTES Pasar, then consul, a. u. c. GG4, in tho first year of the Italic war, that the citizenship should bo given to the allies, who had either re- mained in their allegiance or laid down their arms : (2) that of the trihunes, M. Plautius Silvanus and C. Papirius Carho, in the second year of the same war, which extended its provisions to foreigners en- rolled in any of the confederate states, provided they were resident at Rome when the act was passed, and declared their wish to avail them selves of its provisions within sixty days. This declaration was made before the praetor. Aft. Manut. 10. Post legem. Papiam. An act de peregrinis ex urbe ejici- endis passed in the consulship of Cotta and Torquatus, a. u. c. G89. It enacted that all strangers who regarded themselves as Roman citi- o5G NOTES. lQQzens, and all the citizens of allied towns which had not yet become municipia, should be expelled from the city. In consequence of this, many strangers got their names entered in the lists of municipia, in order to be able to pass as Roman citizens. Male etiam, qui peregri- nos urbibus uti prohibent eosque exterminant ; ut Pennus apud pa- trcs noslros, Papius nuper. The Schol. Bob. says : " Reus factus est Archias lege Papia, quae lata fuerat ad eos coercendos, qui temere et illicite civitatem Romanam usurpassent." But, according to Cicero, its effect was usu urbis prohibere peregrinos, which, he observes, ia sane inhumanum. 11. Eorum niunicipiorum. Rhegium, Locri, Neapolis, &c, were made municipia (from fosderatcs civitates) by the law of L. Cassar. See ad Fam. 13, 30. For irrepscrint, Klotz, Benecke, Stii- renburg, and Nauck read irrepserunt. 12. Se esse voluit. P. C. 149, (6) ; H. 551, II, 1. 13. Census nostros requiris. Scilicet: est enim obscururn, &c. Census is the counting and estimating the Roman citizens ac- cording to their property : this was usually done every five years (lus- trum) ; but from a. u. c. 668-G84 there had been no census. Scilicet (= sci licet) properly calls upon him whom we address to know that which we are going to state. Compare with our present passage ad Quint. Fratr. 1,3, 1: Ego tibi irascerer? tibi ego possem irasci? Scilicet, tu enim me afflixisti, tui me inimici, tua me invidia ac non ego te misere pcrdidi. In both these passages it calls attention to the truth and certainty of a false statement, ironically asserted to be true After S. 14:. Proximis ceusoribus. Cn. Lentulus Clodianus and L. Gel- tius, a. u. c. 684, in the consulship of M. Licinius Crassus and Cn Pompeius Magnus 15. Apud exercitum fuisse, " to be with the army," is said of non-military persons attending the general for any reason. This was in the Mithridatic war, which Lucullus carried on from a. u. c. 6S1-6S7. 16. Superioribus. I* Marcius Philippus and M. Perperna, a. u. c. 668. — Cum eodem quccstorc. L. Lucullus from a. u. c. 666- 674, was in Asia, as quaBstor and proqusestor, with Archias and hu? brother M. Lucullus. IT. Prirnis, i. e. the first after Archias had declared before the praetor his wish to avail himself of the law, that put the freedom of the Roman city within his reach. These were L. Julius Ccesar ano P. Licinius Crassus, a. u. c. 665, the consuls being Cn. Pompeius and L. Porcius Cato. — Nullani populi partem esse censam. Because il was not yet five years since the census of a. u. c. 662, and because they had been elected censors only for the purpose of distributing the lilies, who had obtained the franchise, into eight or ten new tribes It is not probable that Archias gave in his name on that occasion ; be- ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 357 Pagt cause., fiaving resided at Rome for a long time, he might hope to bo inn admitted among the old tribes. 18. Noil., ac taiitummodo indieat. Et, atque (ac) are some- times used where we should use but; in connecting opposite notions, the first having a. negative with it. "But rather" is " ac potius :" less commonly et potius. 19. Indieat eum . . . . ita se jam turn gessisse pro cive. Ita sb " so far, "ox " as such" by the very fact of this enrolment among the citizens at the census. It refers the reader to the preceding state- ment : " Id quo refertur ita, interdum exprimitur verbis proxime an- tccedentibus vel uno nomine, quod in prioribus cmintt : quemadmo- dum GrcEci pragredienti participio adjungunt reliquam senteniiam per otirtag. Id, quod dicitur hac particula restringitur ad earn notio- nem, qua modo est expressa : unde fit, vt intelligamus eo ipso." Hand. vol. iii. 482. 20. Q,uem tu crimiuaris, &c, i. e. iste Archias, quern. Mat- thiae, who reads qua, tu, &c, considers this an instance of attraction for quibus. Klotz first takes qua tu criminaris by itself, and consid- ers the following clause an instance of epexegesis ; i. e. of an explan- atory statement (here an explanatory statement of the substanco of the charge) that is appended to a previous assertion, without any strict grammatical coherence. He adds, it would all be plain if it stood in full, Us temporibus qua tu criminaris, quum dicis cum ne ipsius qui- dem, &c. Nauck also adopts qua, and renders " in those times du- ring which he, according to your accusations," &c. Madvig and Stu- renburg (ed. 2) read quern. 22. Testamentum saepe fecit. Roman citizens alone wero al- lowed to make a will, or be made heir of a Roman citizen ; a proof that Archias considered himself to be a Roman citizen (suo judicio). 23. In beneficiis .... delatus est. In beneficiis deferri = in iis, qui beneficia merentur, deferri ; " to be recommended as omi deserving rewards." When a Roman proconsul or propraetor returned from his province, and gave in his accounts, &c, to the treasury, he also delivered in the names of persons whom he wished to be recorded as benefactors to the Roman state. In Cicero's time these recommen- dations must be made within thirty days after the rendering of ac- counts. Fam. 5, 20 ; Balb. 28. This did not constitute a claim to any immediate or particular reward, but was an honor, and, in case of any ganger, See., an advantage, as entitling a person so honored to the good offices of the Roman government. It appears from this pas- sage that only citizens were so recorded. Mobius compares rovg tbep- yirai tov (3aci\iws (Herod. 8, 85), and the elcpysoiai of the Syracusans, Xen. Hist. Grac. 1, 1, 26. So when Mordecai discovered the plot against tho king's life, his name " was written in the book of the 358 NOTES. Pa ff e ]QQ chronicles before the Tang." Esth. ii. 23. See Diet. Antiq. Bkne- ficium. 24. A Ii. Lucullo proconsule. Stiirenburg (ed. 2) and Nauck for proconsule read the abbreviated P. R. of the MSS. as populi Roma- ni consule. Ch. VI. — 25. Si quse potes. Stiirenburg holds that " the older and fuller form, si quis, si qua, is used by Cicero when the logical faculty, the intellect, predominates : the later and shorter form, si qui, si qua, when the sensibility, the feelings are uppermost." 26. Reviiicetur = convincetur. " He will never be convinced that his judgment, and that of his friends, is unfounded and false." 29. Convicio. Convicium is the shouting and quarrelling of tho orators and parties at a trial ; hence also strepitus forensis. Quinctil. 1, 8, 11 : Pracipue apud Ciceronem — vidimus Ennii — et aliorum inseri versus, summa non eruditionis modo gratia, sed etiam jucun- ditatis, quum poeticis voluptalibus awes a forensi asperitate respi- rent. 30. Aiitu existimas? P. C. 120, (/), (a). 31. Nisi animos nostros doctrina excolamus. Cf. Tusc. 2, 5, 13: ut ager quamvis fertilis sine culiura fructuosus esse non po- test, sic sine doctrina animus. 33. Conteiitionem. A metaphor derived from bending the bow; therefore relaxemus immediately afterwards. 35. Se . . . . Uteris abdiderunt. The phrase se in liieras ab- dere is more common : e. g. Fam. 7, 33 : me totum in liieras abdere, &c. Literis is tho abl. See H. 414, 4. 3 7. Q,uid pudeat. Quid = cuj us rei causa. See H. 410, III ; and 525. 38. Vivo = "have lived;" the past and present being brought into connection. — Aut commodo. Stiirenburg (2) and Nauck: aut commodum. 40. Retardarit. Retardare ab aliquo, or ab aliqua re, is quite correct, though Matthias appears to doubt it ; e. g. posteriora (tempora) vie a scribendo . . . retardarunt ; Fam. 5, 17. 41. Quantum ceteris, &c. Cf. Quinct 1, 12, 18: qui vcro imaginem ipsam eloquenticn divina quadam mente conce per it— facile persuadebit sibi, ut tempora, qua spectaculis, campo, tesseris, otiosis denique scrmonibus, ne dicam somno et conviviorum mora conterunt, gcomctra potius ac musico impendat. Cf. Plat Phaidr. p. 27£. D. 42. Ceteris .... alii. This proleptic use of these words is very common. Here they stand not with reference to each other, but to cgomet, as in ch. 1 ceteris and alios to huic .... ipsi. Cf. 5, 10. ceteri .... hie; 7, 16, cetera .... hac studia ; Leg. Manil. 10, 25; Sull. 3, 9. 44. Temporum. See note on p. 44, line 13. ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 359 Pag* 1. Tempestivis conviviis. Tempesliva convivia are to be un-1Q1 derstood of entertainments which commence early, before the ninth hour, i. e. before three o'clock in the afternoon, which was the usual hour for the coena, and extend late into the night. Intempestiva in this connection is an old error still met with in some editions. — Alveulo. Nauck prefers the common text alece. Alveolus is the gaming board or table, the place of the game for the game itself. 2. Pilae. See Diet. Antiq. Pila. 3. Atque hoc adeo, &c. The adeo is to be joined with hoc. Hand. " Constat, a Latinis particulam adeo, ut a Grrecis particulars yi, turn usurpatam esse, cum res aliqua, do qua jam ante dictum erat, majore vi efferenda erat : eaque significatione saepissime conjuhctam inveniri cum pronominibus is et hie." S. (who, however, rejects adeo in Ed. 2 ; observing that, common as id adeo is, hoc adeo is not found.) Madvig : Atque hoc ideo, &c. Nauck : Atque id eo mihi, &c, comparing LcbI. 4, 15 : idque eo mihi magis, &c. ; and Acad. 2, 1, 2; Suet. Cces. 81. Stiirenburg: atque hoc id mihi. 4. Oratio et facultas = (nearly) orationis facultas. Cf. post red. in sen. c. 13, judicio et posteritaii. Oral. 55, 183 : natura atque sensu = sensu naturali. H. IQI, II, 2. For crescit, Nauck prefers censetur. 5. Q,uantacunque = quantulacunque. But it must be remembered that it means " however great ," "to whatever magnitude.it reaches;" though the orator modestly implies that it is a small one. Cf. de Orat. 2, 28, 122 : Atque ego is, qui sum, quantuscunque sum ad judican- dum, &c. S. Klotz omits est. 6. Clua3 sunima sunt, i. e. " recte vivendi praecepta, quae philoso- phia continentur." " That which is the highest that man can attain ;" namely, principles to guide him in practical life. 8. Literis, "from literary works;" the works of poets, historians, orators, philosophers. Literal are opposed to praecepta, which aro im- parted viva voce : the sapientium voces, afterwards mentioned. 9. Nisi laudem. Laus is here well-founded praise ; a good rep- utation fairly won. Matthias observes that the Greeks, on the con- trary, use the names virtue, vice, respectively, for the praise or cen* sure that follows them : rnv dpeTi)v KTiiaaadat = laudem virtutis com- parare. 10. Honestatem. Cf. § 15 : laudem et virtutcm. 11. Omnia .... exsilia, " all kinds of banishment." Madvig: exsilii. 12. In tot ... . dirnicationes .... objecissem. Cf. Cluent. 41, 113 : Nego rem esse ullam in quemquam illorum objectam, qua, &c So offerre with in, as well as with dat. : e. g. pro Sest. 1, 1 : qui au- dcrent se et salutem suam in discrimen offerre pro statu civitatis et pro commum libertate. A reason for not choosing the dative after objiccre, which is its more common construction, may in this instance 360 NOTES. Ptl£C if)] be found in the circumstance that impetus lacks the dative and a'wla tive plural. Cicero alludes here to the conspiracy of Catiline, and to the attacks of the Clodian faction which drove him into exile. 14:. Pleni sunt omnes libri, &c, i. e. "full of those principles, the power of which he had just stated." Stiirenburg (2) and Nauck : pleni omnes sunt libri. Cf. Tusc. 1, 6, 11. 15. Exemplorum vetustas = exempla vetusta. Cf. pro Rose. Com. 2, 6: literarum vetustatem. S. Nauck however compares Plena vita exemplorum est. Tusc. 5, 27, 79; and construes exemplorum with the adjective plenus. Cf. de Off. 3, 11, 47. 19. Expressas. Expressus is a metaphor borrowed from sculp- ture, and is opposed to adumbratus, "sketched in outline." Gloria est solida qucedam res et expressa, non adumbrate Tusc. 3, 2, 3. Ch. VII.— 25. Difficile est. H. 475, 4. 26. Q,uid respondeam. " I know what to reply." Cf. Verr. 5, 21, 53. Klotz, from Cod. Erf.: quod respondeam. 27. Ego multos homines. Simile argumentum tractat Isocrat. ■tt. avTiddc. § 203 sq. ed. Bekk. 31. Atque idem ego. Idem is not simply equivalent to etiam, but has an adversative force (" yet for all that"), denoting an opposi- tion between the notions. H. 451. Ad Att. 1, 11: Ac ne illud mi- rere, cur, quum ego antea significarim tibi per litteras, me sperare ilium in nostra potestate fore, nunc idem videar diffidere. Off. 1, 24, 84: Inventi multi, qui non modo pecuniam, sed vitam etiam pro- fundere pro patria parati essent, iidem glories jacturam ne minimam quidem facere vellent. See Hand, i. pp. 477, 493. 3 3. Conformatio doctrinae = conformatio natures (sive ingenii), qua doctrina efficitur. So sermonis delectatio ; de Senect. 14, in. Voluptates epularum ; ibid. § 50 = quas epulce afferunt. Heumann compares with what follows the words of Zeno in Diogenes Laert. 7, 8: (jjvaig cvyevrii pzrpiav aaicriciv irposXafiovara, en ce top aipdovujs SiSd^ovra, paSiug IpXtrai npus rr\v Ttktiav avdXrjipiv rrjs apsryjs. 34:. Nescio quid. H. 525,4. This phrase usually implies that tho thing is unimportant or insignificant. Here it heightens the notion by its very indefiniteness = something quite distinguished. This force also often belongs to quidam; e. g. ch. 2, 3, novum quoddam genus; 8, 18, divino quodam spiritu. 35. Ex hoc esse liunc numero, sc. contendo. — Ex hoc .... nu~ mero. Cf. § 31. 36. Africauum .... Iiaelium .... Furiuni. These three men are mentioned also, de Orat. 2, 37, as surrounded by men of the high- est cultivation of the time. — Divinum hominem. See Arnold's Nepos, Paus. 1, 1, p. 116. 39. Catonem. He was surnamed Censorius or Sapiens, was a groat orator, who learned Greek at a very advanced age, and wrote ORATION FOR THE POE1 AKC1IIAS. 361 many works. Cicero has called his treatise, de Seneclule, after him, iai and made him one of the interlocutors in it. Cf. de Oral. 1, 37. — Si nihil .... adjuvarentur. Where ice should use the pluperf. Cf S Cat. 4, 3. 42. Et si, &c. Where toe should use " but." See note on p. 100, Une 18. 43. Hanc animi adversionem. " Tendency" or " direction of the mind," "mental occupation." The substantive adversio is not found in any other passage. Matthias observes that animum advertere is much less than studere ret or opera m in ca collocare. But Cicero may choose to speak of some attention to such studies as a secondary, though interesting and valuable, pursuit. Madvig : animi rcmissionem, which Orelli also approves. 44. Judicaretis = judicare deberetis. Cf. Etenim qui praessc \iyijv. 5. Rusticantur. The rich and distinguished among the Romans spent their summers at their country-seats, and Cicero wrote many of his treatises at his Tusculan villa. 6. Attingere = " discere." — Sensu- nostra gustare = " scntire prcestantiam eoru?n." Ch. VIII.— 9. Tarn ammo agresti. Cf. Verr. 5, 48, 127: Sici- licnn tarn in paucis villis. Klotz : animo tarn agresti. lO. Roscii, i. e. Q. Roscii, comcedi. Roscius had acquired such a perfection in his acting on the stage, that his name became prover- bial for any one distinguished in his art or profession. Cicero himself elsewhere owns that he had learned much from Roscius, especially in reference to delivery. Cf. p. Quinct. 25; de Orat. 1,28; de Nat. Deor. 1, 28 ; and the oration in which Cicero pleaded his cause. 12. Ergo ille. An argument, a minore ad majus, of which the more common form is an ille . . .? followed by non . . .? So 1 Off. 31, 114: Ergo histrio hoc videbit in scena, non videbit vir sapiens in vita? Orat. 51, 171 : Ergo Ennio licuit vetcra coniemnenti di- cere Versibu' .... mild de antiquis eodem modo non licebit ? Cf. ch. 9, in. 10 in. 13. A nobis omnibus, i. e. from all of us alike, whether learned or unlearned. 14:. Hos. Klotz, Benecke, and Nauck read nos, which gives al- most a better sense, and at any rate is more oratorical, as opposed to ille, although the antithesis is not strictly logical. — Animorum incre- dibiles motus. " Activity of the soul" refers, in the first place, to Ar- chias ; but the plural animorum and ingeniorum renders the thought more general ; and to this nos is better suited, though hos may be equivalent to hujusmodi or tales. 1 de Orat. 25, 113: animi atque ingenii celeres quidam motus esse debent. 3 de Nat. Dcor. 27, 69 : motwn istum celerem cogitationis. 1 T. Novo genere dicendi, i. e. the encomium which he is going to pronounce upon poetry and the arts, which, as such, has nothing to do with the trial. 20. Revocatum. Requested to repeat, encored. Hor. Ep. 2, 1, 223. Archias, as the Italian improvisatori, composed and repeated other verses on the spot, relating to the same subject. Hacc ars, si ta- men ars dicenda est, elucet etiam ex Archioe epigrammatis avaBvpaTiKt.'is Anthol. Palat. 1, p. 189, N. 16, p. 197, N. 39, p. 242, N. 179, 150, 181 p. 261, N. 207, in quibus omnibus terni fratres vel teniae sorores diis donaria offerunt. Orelli. 22. Cogitate. This is the only passage in Cicero in which tins tdverb occurs ; nor is it found m other writers, except sometimes in ORATION FOR THE POET ARCHIAS. 3G3 Pa^e Plautus, so that it appears to have belonged to familiar conversation,! no instead of to a more elevated style. S. 23, Fervenirent. The so-called Comparatio compendiaria. Om- ncs enim auditores illico iiitelligebant sententiam hanc esse: " Archia, carmiua accuratius elaborata perveniebant ad laudem carminum a ve- teribns poetis compositorum. Stiirenburg : perveniret. 28. Inflari = tvBovaid^tcQai. — Suojure = "with full right." 29. Ennius, a native of Rudiae in Calabria, flourished in the time of the second Punic war, in which he served as a centurion, and of which he composed a poetical history He also wrote tragedies, satyric dramas, and a eulogy on the elder Scipio Africanus ; but wo have only fragments of his works. He died, a. u. c. 585. SO. Dono atque raunere. " Donum a voluntate potius quam ab officio proficisci ; munus cum aliquo officio conjunctum esse vide- tur." Manutius. Cf. Dod. 31. Videantur. H. 527. 33. Saxa et solitudines voci respondent, &c. Nauck: voce respondent. Quinct. 9, 4, 44, says of this passage: " Magis insur- gebat, si verteretur ; nam plus est saxa, quam bestias commoveri ; vieit tamen compositions decor ;" a strange opinion (as Stiirenburg remarks), the re-echoing of the rocks being a natural law, which, he irreverently adds, would take effect, if the voice were the braying of a donkey. The fact is, that it is a poor piece of trumpery declamation. Cf. Verr. 5, 67, in. : Si hose non ad cives Romanos, non ad aliquos amicos nostra, civitatis, non ad eos, qui populi Romani nomen audis- scnt, denique si non ad homines, verum ad bestias, aut etiam, ut lon- gius progrediar, si in aliqua descrtissima soliiudine ad saxa et ad scopulos h(£c conqueri et deplorare vellem, tamen omnia mixta atque inanima tanta et tarn indigna rerum atrocitate commovereniur. 34. Bestiae sospe iminaiies. " Si quis [haec] attente considered videbit nullo modo referri posse ad Orphei et Arionis fabulam : quod tamen erudito homini, Paulo Manutio, visum est. Nam quod pcrraro factum poetae fabulantur, quo ore id Cicero dixisset ssepe fieri ? Me- lius igitur Victorius, qui id jam pridem ad scrpentes retulerat : quos carminibus flecti ac consistere opinio est. Gothicarum quidem rerum scriptores narrant, ursos ita delectari tibiarum et fistularum pastorici- arum sono,ut, cum in pastores impetum facturi sunt, saepe ab eis cantu mulceantur : atque hanc usitatissimam pastoribus ejus regionis rationem esse expediendse ab ursorum impetu salutis sua?. Vix tamen est, ut existimem id Ciceroni notum fuisse." Muretus. Benecke considers this too meager an explanation to suit the coloring of the entire pas- sage. The myths respecting the onchanting notes of the singers of tho earliest times floated before the mind of the orator, and, carried away by his feelings, he represents as of frequent occurrence, what was a matter of individual experience 304 NOTES. Page 102 ***** Homerum, Cicero here mentions only four towns which claimed the honor of being Homer's birthplace. A Greek verse men- tions seven. — Colophonii .... itaque etiam delubrum ejus in oppido dedicaverunt, caussa nulla est, cur mutetur. Quamvis enim Ietaa quoque Homer um suum esse contenderent, non tamen Ciceroni propo- situm fuit eas omnes urbes nominare, qua? sibi summum ilium poetan* vindicarent. Et notum est apud Smyrnceos Homeri delubrum fuisse Strabo libro quartodecimo : con ce Kal PtpXioBijKrj rat to 'Oyifiptiov. uroii rtrpdywvos cxovoa veuv 'Onrjpov Kal %6avov' avriiroiovvrai yap Kal ovtoi Sia- ■p:p6vrus tov noirjrov' Kal 5fi Kal vS/jug/joi ti x a ^ K0 ^ v 7ra , D ' avroiS 'Owvpeion \iytTai. Muretus. 3T. Smyrnsei vero. H. 587, III. Ch. IX.— Ergo illi. See note on line 12. 42. Q,ui et. Klotz and Sturenburg: et qui. 43. Praesertim quuin, i. e. minime vero (repudiabimus) prct- sertim quum, &c. Klotz, Madvig, and Nauck : repudiamus. 103 !• Cimbricas res .... attigit, . e. the victory of Marius over the Cimbri. Attigit = scribere coepit, inchoavit. Cf. ch. 11. 2. Q,ui durior ad haec studia videbatur = " qui ea sensu suo minus gustare poterat." Cf. Sail. Jug. 85, where Marius is made to say: " Neque literas Gracas didici. Parum placebat eas discere, quippe qucB ad virtutem doctoribus nihil prof uerunt." 4. Aversus a Musis = afiovo-os. 8. Ejus, a quo sua virtus. Cf. Val. Max. 8, 13. Pintarch at- tributes this to Xenophon, alluding no doubt to Hier. 1, 1-1: tov us* fjdiaTov aKpodjiaTos, liraivov, oil-ore ciravt^tTf or J\Ietn. 2, 1, 31 : too 6f nav- tu>v l,biaTov aKova/xaTOS, iTraivov ceav-yji, avr,Koos el. There is no reason, however, for doubting that Themistocles may have uttered the senti- ment. 9. L. Plotium. L. Plotius Gallus. He taught rhetoric at Rome about a. u. c. 671, and also wrote poetry. Cf. Suet, de claris Rhet. 2 ; Quinct. 2, 4, 42 ; Meyer, Orat. Rom. Frag. p. 380. For item Sturenburg reads idem. 10. Q,uae gesserat. H. 501, 2. 12. In multa varietate, &c. ; from its various fluctuations oi success, its battles by day and by night, its sieges, &c. — Totum ab hoc expressmn est. Not totum, but only the part of it that Lucidtus carried on ; not the later and final successes of Pompey, who had his eulogist in the person of Theophaues of Mitylene. Manutius. 13. Expressum est, i. e. a lively image was given. Exprimerc properly refers to an image in wax, gypsum, &c. ; or per ahenea signa, as Hor. Ep. 2, 1, 248, has it. 15. Aperuit .... Pontura. Cf. pro lege MamL 8, 21 : patefac- tumque nostris legionibus esse Pontum, qui ante populo Romano ex omni aditu clausus fuisset. Pontus was bounded on the north by the ORATION FOR THE 1'OET ARCHIAS. 365 Page Euxine, and on the landward sides enclosed by a chain of mountains. -mq Mithridates had besides guarded this country by five and seventy for- tresses. Stiirenburg reads et ipsa natura egregie vallatum; Nauck, from the MSS. which give natura regione, makes natura et regione. 18. Noil maxima maim. Plutarch, Lucull. 27, says, 10,000 heavy-armed soldiers. — Innumerabiles Armeniorum copias. Plutarch, ib. c. 26 and 27, says 260,000. He is speaking of the battle at Tigra- nocerta. He tells us that Tigranes said, when he saw the Romans, el /xev wf TTpevflevrai, ttoXXoi irdptioiv' si Si w? arpariSiTai, iiXiyoi. 19. Urbem .... Cyzicenorum. Cf. pro Muren. 15, 33 : Quum totius impetus belli ad Cyzicenorum mania constiiisset, eamque ur- bem sibi Mithridates Asia januam fore, putavisset, qua effracta et revulsa iota pateret provincia, pcrfecta ab Lucullo hac sunt omnia, ut vrbs fidelissimorum sociorum defenderetur, et omnes copia regis diuturnitate obsidionis consumerentur. Cf. also pro I. Manil. 8, 20. 20. Belli ore. Victor, V L. xxix. 6, compares Horn. II. K '. 8, TTToXifwio niya ar6\).a nevKcSavolo. The metaphor is taken from wild beasts. 21. Nostra semper feretur .... depressa liostium classis = depressio hostium classis. H. 574. This use of participles is very common; e. g. 1 Verr. 4, 11: quastura quid aliud habet in se, nisi Cn. Carbonem spoliatum — nudatum et proditum Consulem, desertum excrcitum ? "As ou r exploit will the sinking of the enemy's fleet, &c, always be named and celebrated." 23. Apud Tenedum pugna. On the sea-fight off Tenedos, cf. p. 1. Manil. 8, 21 ; and especially pro Muren. 15, 33. Quid? Main •pugnam navalem ad Tenedum, quum contcnto cursu, acerrimis duci~ bus, hostium classis Italiam spe atque animis inflata peteret, medi- ocri certamine et parva dimicatione commissam arbitraris. With respect to ad and apud, Ruddiman teaches properly that ad = in loco proximo; apud = circa vel prope. S. 21. Troprea, marks of places where victories have been won. They consisted of arms piled upon one another, or suspended on pillars or trees. — Monumenta, artificial monuments, such as columns or in- scriptions. The triumphs here alluded to are those of Lucullus, foi Pompey's triumph was not celebrated till after the time of this speech. 25. Quae quorum, &c. " Therefore those, by whose" &c. Nauck retains the old reading Quare, quorum ingeniis nac feruntur, i. e. ea, quas diximus, patescunt omniumque ore celebrantur. 2T. In sepulchro Scipioiium. Liv. 38, 56. Roma extra por- tion Capenam in Scipionum monumenio ires statua sunt; quarum dua P. et L. Scipionum dicuntur esse, ieriia poeta Q. Ennii. Plin. H. N. 7, 30 : Prior Africanus Q. Ennii staiuam sepulchro suo imponi jussit, clarumque iilud nomen, immo vero spolium ex tcrtia orbis parte raptum, in cincre supremo cum Poeta titulo legi. Klotz says 366 NOTES. Page l no that Fliny asserts that he had himself read the name of Ennius on the monument; but is not legi the infin. (not perfect indicative)! jussit t nomen .... legi. This celebrated monument was discovered a. d 1780, but contained no such statues as are spoken of in the above quo- tation . 28. At iis laudibus, sc. quibus Ennius Scipionem ornavit. S., who compares Fam. 5, 13, 3 : Casus enim gladiatorii similitudines- que e tSv ttoWSv, vulgaris. Cf. Divin. in Ci davar*ii£oi. Plut.TV. Grace, 21. 14. Ahala ille Servilius. Notice the order. Usually the no- men precedes the cognomen. On the persons hero mentioned, see 1 in Cat. chaps. 1 and 2. 15* Me consule, senatus. Cicero elsewhere is in the habit of 388 NOTES. Page inn claiming to himself alone the merit of saving his country in the con- spiracy of Catiline. Here he does not say aut ego, for ohvious reasons 16. Nefas esset. See 30, 83. 17. Fictis fabulis, sc. tragicis. — Doclissimi homines, aoiooi eatpoi So Plato calls poets itariptg rrjs oo' -payu>£i,i fiouivra, o) y?i kul ?;\i£ Kal apsrr}. 7. Usurpatur = vocatur, commemoratur, is talked of. ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 397 8. Sed quid ego ilia commemoro ? See note on page 44,iio Jine 7. 9. Compreliensus est. Cf. p. Sest. 32, 69 ; 38, 83 : Plut. Pomp 49. — In templo Castoris. On this occasion v,he senate was held in Castor's temple. It was built in honor of Castor and Pollux, for their espousing the cause of the Romans against the Latins. Liv. 2, 20, and 42. Suet. Cces. 10 : Ut enim geminis fratribus cedes in foro constituta, tantum Castoris vocaretur. Zumpt ad Cic. Verrin. 1, 49, 129 : Nimirum ille Jovis, hie Tyndarei filius cedebatque divino spoi- guini humanus. 14. Num quae. H. 455, 2. 15. Si res, si vir, si tempus. Each of these particulars is answered in the same order in the following sentence : Insidiator erat, &c. ; ei viro, &c. ; eo . . tempore. IT. In vestibulo ipso senatus. In Pison. 12, 28, deprehensits denique cum ferro ad senatum is, quern ad Cn. Pompeium in- terimendum collocatum fuisse constabat. 18. Cujus in vita nitebatur. H.419, IL So Somn. Scip.2: tu eris unus, in quo nitatur civitatis salus. — Eo rei publico tem- pore, a. u. c. 695, " pulso in exsilium Cicerone, Catone in Cyprum delegato, Ccesare in Galliis impedito." 19. Occidisset. Klotz and others cecidissei. 20. Nisi vero. Like nisi forte on the preceding page, line 39. — unless perhaps. 21. Proinde quasi exitus rerum. Juvenal, 13, 209 : Nam scelus intra se taciturn qui cogitat ullum, Facti crimen habet. See the story of Glaucus, son of Epicydes, in Herodotus, 6, 86. This general principle, in regard to the punishment of such crimes, was maintained in the earliest times, and expressly embodied in the Lex Cornelia de sicariis. Cf. D. 48, 8, 1, 3, and ibid. 1. 14. Divus Ha- drianus in kcec verba rescripsit : In maleficiis voluntas spectatur, non exitus. — Exitus rerum, non hominum consilia, i. e. quasi non hominum consilia, sed exitus rerum. When an affirmative clause is followed by another negative clause, so that the order can be in- verted, and non — sed be substituted, the negative is expressed by the eimple non. Ac non is used where a preceding statement is correct- ed, when potius may be supplied, and sometimes is added. It is then indicated that what follows ac non is true. Also et non is so used. In neither case is nee allowable. 21. duoties. Thrice ; ch. 14, 37. 2T. Ctiuestionem tulisset. See note on p. Ill, line 35. Ch. VIII. — 28. Stulti sumus. Non cogitamus. Ix is thought- less or foolish in us to venture to compare, &c. — Qui .... audeamus. i. e. quum audeamus. H. 515. For in the preceding chapter he had really compared Drusus, &c , with Clodius. This passage is an in 398 NOTES. Pa?e IIO stance °f elegant and even eloquent irony. The verbs accurately cut respond in importance with their subjects, forming together a descend- ing series. Thus luget is the loudest grief; senatus the highest order; next mceret — equester ordo, and so down to agri .... desiderant. We may further notice in regard to the structure of tho sentences, that hi the first sentence qui is repeated with Africanum... and omitted with Pompeium and nosmet ipsos. In such a grouping tho particle or other common word is often repeated in the first members, and omitted in the last, with a kind of evenness in the number of times of tho occur- rence and omission. Cf. p. C vel ttwj yap. Itaque inter quippe et sen- tentiam annexam, qua causa continebatur, olim distinguebatur : quae dislinctio quum diuturna consuetudine in oblivionem venisset, quippe ex interrogativa particula abiit in relativam. O. Miiller. Other read- ings give quippe qui obvius and quippe ; obvius, &c. 25, Fuisse, qui .... dicerent, Q. Pompeius Rufus et C. Sal- lustius tribuni sunt, quos significat. Hi enim prirni de ea lege feren- da populum hortati sunt, et dixerunt, manu Milonis occisum esse Clo- dium, consilio vero majoris alicujus. This was afterwards maintained by Antony, Phil. 2, 9, 21 ; 20, 49 ; and before Clodius's death Cicero had been designated as the counsellor and guide of Milo, ad Att. 4, 3, 5. — In hac rogatione suadenda, sc. that an extraordinary trial should be instituted. The suadere and dissuadere legem took place in tho condones , in the comitia the law was proposed by the presiding ma- gistrate, and accepted or rejected without further discussion. S8. Ja-cent, refelluntur, asuis ipsi testibus prostrati sunt. De Div. 2, 51 fin Jacet igitur tota conclusio. — [Hi.] Garatoni: Jacent hi suis testibus, qui, &c. Klotz : Jacent suis testibus ii, qui, &c. 30. Respiravi. Simulationem hanc vocat Quinctil. 9, 2, 25. 3S. Nam occurrit illud = objicitur or objici potest ab adversa- riis ; this objection meets me. Above Cicero inferred the innocence of his client and himself from the testimony of Cassinius. He here pursues the argument further, because the inference remained, that since Clodius was to stay all night in his Alban villa, therefore he did not even think of waylaying Milo. — Igitur is omitted in many edi- 418 NOTES. Pa-rc 120 *' ons# ^ C( * es t particula praeoccupantis ca, qua ex prsecedeutibu3 dc duci atque objici poterant 34. §i quidem, &c. Admitted, says Cicero, if he had not been to leave it to execute his bloody task. For I see the real business o! the so-called messenger about Cyrus, &c. Si quidem, &c, there- fore, is the answer of Cicero to the inference, and is to be separated from it by a full point. 35. dui dicatur. 1'he common reading is qui dicitur, but not so much an historic fact as a subjective thought is here expressed. 38. Testamentum obsignavi. Cicero and Clodius wero legatees and witnesses at the same time. This was not allowed in the later law. D. 28, 1, 20 pr. : qui testamento heres instituitur , in eodem testamento testis esse non potest. Witnesses sealed the will on the outside, and by their seal wrote their names. Afterwards the will must be subscribed by the (sevea) witnesses, inside also. Una refers to locality ; simul commonly to time. Klotz : testamentum Cyri simul, &c. 39. Palam. It was customary not to disclose the names of leg- atees till after the death of the testator, lest avarice should prompt them to hasten his death. As it was thought honorable to be made one's heir, independently of the profit, so the confidence implied in palam induces Cicero to give that fact prominence. 40. Animarn efflantem. The Latin language has many expres- sions for mori, some of which arc euphemisms, and others, as the pres- ent, are descriptive of the struggle iit death. Similar 1o animam ef- jlare, are animam cxhalarc, exspirarc, cmittere. Ch. XIX. — 43. Sit ita factum. Admitting that he was informed of Cyrus's death. 44. Q,uid atfcrebat, &c. Most MSS. give quid afferebat fcsti- nationis, quod heres erat ? and so Klotz. . 21 2. Properato opus esset. H. 419. Aliud properarc, aliud fes- tinare. Qui unum quodque mature transigit, propcrat,qui multa simul incipit neque perficit, festinat. Schol. Bob. p. 2S9. — Quid tandem erat quod posset, amitteret autcm, &.c, i c. quid ea nocte con- sequi poterat, amittebat autjm (eo tempore) si venisset. Posset and amitteret do not therefore stand for potuisset and amisisset- 4. Atquc ut, &c. Having spoken of travelling by night, Cicero is led to consider the time end plice of the rencontre. This consti- tutes the sixth argument. 5. Vitandus. The general odium in which ho was held laid him ODen to nocturnal attacks ; and therefore made it advisable to avoid late journeys. 7. Subsidendum. See § 51. Subsidere (subsidium) was origin- ally a verbum militate, spoken of the Triarii, who, with their left foot extended, rested on their right knee, until the engagement reach- ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 419 ed tliem. In this half-sitting posture, they had their shields under in j the left shoulder, and their spears set in the ground before them. 8. Insidioso loco. The common reading is invidioso. The Appian road, especially near the tomb of Basilus, was notorious for harboring robbers and their booty. It was usual thereforo in this vi- cinity to travel with a strong guard. Cf. ad Att. 7, 9, 1. 9. Occidisset, not for si occidisset, but occidisset eum, si subsi- dissct, i. e. supposing Milo the waylayer, he would have slain him by night, in a place notorious for lying in wait and for robberies. Every one, in that case, would have given credit to, &c. The locality, &c. &c, would have borne the blame. 11. Occultator et receptor locus. See Z. 102, Note 2. Re- ceptator is the common text. 12. Tum neque, &c. The usual reading is dum ncque, &c.,i. c. sustinuisset crimen locus quamdiu et quatenus neque vtuta solilu- do, &c. 13. Ibi, i. e. multi, ibi si caedes facta esset, ... in suspicioncm caderent. — Ab Mo, Clodio. 11. Multi haec etiam. The common text is multi etiam hac. 15. Tota denique rea citaretur Etruria, i. e. omnes Etrusci accusarentur caddis Clodii, quos vexarat ; 9, 26. Cf. chaps. 27, 74 ; 35, 98. 16. Atque illo die, &c. The seventh argument. The prece- ding was, that were Milo the aggressor, his attack should have been made at night, near the city. This he here varies, by supposing his client to be aware that Clodius, whose country-seat lay between Rome and Aricia, was at that town ; and by asking what particular spot an aggressor so informed would choose for his attack. Evidently either between Aricia and the villa, lest he might call there, and not leave it ; or near the city, where his journey would be in the shades of night But Milo chose neither ; therefore, &c. — Aricia was a town of La- tium, on the Appian way, 60 stadia from Rome. From Atque to Al- bar.um, Osenbriiggen supposes may be regarded as the position of the opponents of Cicero, who«have been reduced already to weak subter- fuges, as in § 48, Igitur ne Clodius quidem, &c. IT. Q,uod ut sciret Milo, scilicet ilium Aricia fuisse, ideoque in via esse. On quod, see note on p. 1J1, line 15. — Ut. H. 311, 4. But admitting that Milo knew of Clodius's having been at Aricia, &c. The common reading is : Quod nisi sciret Milo. Garatoni takes ilium Aricia fuisse as a gloss ; and explains: Quod (ad villam suam dever- tisse Clodium) nisi sciret Milo, suspicari tamen debuit, eum, &c , vel, nisi sciret Milo, eum illuc deversurum, snspicari tamen id foro debuit. 20. Nee eo in loco, sc. near the city, at the tomb of Basiius. 22. Video constare adhuc. He recapitulates the various argu- 420 NOTE3. Page joi ments from ch. 12, omitting, however, the fourth, 16, 43, and par ticularizing the several subsidiary' points of the fifth, and then pro- ceeds, ch. 20, to consider the actual site of the rencontre. He had noticed where he ought to have attacked him, if he were the assailant, now he considers where (as was said) he did. The eighth argument. 27. Praedictam. Klotz and Osenbriiggen : prcedicatanu 29. Reditus. The common reading is reditum. Reditus like profectionis depends on diem. Notice the different reference of the pronouns hie and Me. 30. Prae se tulisse, illo se die, &c. The common text is se Mo die. Klotz : prm se tulisse Mo die. The omission of the unac- cented subject accusative (se, me, te, nos, vos, less frequently euro, eos) is not uncommon. See 24, 65 ; 35, 95 : and compare P. C. p. 55s ; H. 552. Ch. XX. — 36. Locus ad insidias .... utri .... fuerit aptior. Sec H. 399, and note on p. 33, line 11. Argumentum hoc ductum vehementissime tractasse Ciceronem docet Quinctil. 5, 10, 37 and 50. 38. Etiam. See note on p. 9, liue 2. 39. Ante fuiiduni Clodii. See note on p. 114, line 18. — Quo in fundo. See note on p. 11, liue 1. 40. Insauas illas substructions. Cf. §85: Substructionum insana moles. Piin. N. H. 36, 15, 103 : Pyramidas regum miramur, quum solum tantum foro exstruenda H-S. millics Cccsar Dictator emerit, et si quidem impensce movent captos avaritia animos, P. Clo- dius, quern Milo occidit, sestertium centies et quadragies octies domo emta habitaverit, quod equidem non secus ac regum insaniam miror. Itaque et ipsum Milonem sestertium septingenties aris alieni debu- isse. inter prodigia animi humani duco. Scd tunc senes aggeris vastum spatiurn, et substructiones i n s a n a s Capitolii mi- rabantur, &c. The substructiones are the substructures, foundations, or changes made in the ground in preparation for the building Cat. 12, speaks of villa in urbium modum excedificatcc, and ch. 13, he says: Nam quid ea memorem, qu1 Hep. vi. ut . . mille hominum . . descenderent. 41. Valentium. Able-bodied. So homine volenti. P. Cluent. 62, 175 Robusti et calentes satellites. Agr. 2, 31. — Adversarii Clodii, quum adversarius loco edito atque excelso esset. Did Milo think, in front of Clodius's farm, &c., on the high and lofty ground of his opponent, to come off superior? 44. Res loquitur ipsa. Without me. Cf. p. Cluent. 50, 139 ■ Nam si causa ipsa pro se loqui possent, nemo adhiberet oratorem. nunc adhibemur, ut ea dicamus, &c. 1. Q,uae semper = et ea semper, &c. — Si haze, &c. He now 122 proceeds to argue from the concomitant circumstances, the vehicle, dress, train, &c. This ninth argument, with the explanations arising from it, extends to ch. 23. 4. Alter. Milo : debebat ita pergere : alter egrederetur e villa su- bito, vesperi, tarde. Sed intcrjectis illis Quid horum non impeditissi- vium, «fec, ordo immutatus est. — In rheda panulatus. See ch. 10, § 28. — Uxor, Fausta, the daughter of Sulla. 5. Vestitus, an veliiculum, quasi pracessisset Quid horum im- peditius? vest, an veh. 6. Paenula irretitus. For the pcenula was a close-fitting over- all without sleeves, which confined the arms. It was either made of wool or skin, and was principally used in travelling, and to keep off the rain and cold. The vehicle, too, was rather a pleasure carriage than one adapted to speed and flight. T. Uxore psene constrictus, quae muliebri tirnore perculsa eum non patiebatur ad pugnam descendere. 8. Videte nuuc ilium, &c. In this passage Cicero leaves the answers to his queries to be supplied from his previous observations. Thus, to the question, cgredientem e villa, subito ; cur ? the answer would naturally suggest itself — " because he had heard from the mes- senger," ch. 18. Milonem appropinquare. To vesperi; quid ne- cesse est ? and tard% ; qui convenit ? why leave the villa in the evening? the reply would be found ch. 18. He had no reason, si quidem exiturus ad ccedem e villa non fuisset. Translate : Observe him now, first of all. sallying out from his villa, unexpectedly : why ? — In the evening too : where was the necessity for that ? With slow progress* how is this to be rationally explained — especially at such an hour? — E villa, sc. sua, i. e. Clodii. 1 0. Devertit, &c. Cicero here in the spirit of his opponents sug- gests an explanation for the purpose of overthrowing it with still more force. — In villain Pompeii. See note on in Albano, p. 120, line 15. Some ruins belonging to it are still found.— Pompeinm ut viderei ? As before his rhetorical questions were more forcible denials of any reason, nocessity, or propriety in regard to the suddenness, time, and 422 NOTES. Page J22 s ^ owliess °f n ' s ret urn, so here it is suggested that tho turning aside to Pompey's villa could not have been to see Pompey or his country- seat. 1 1 . In Alsiensi, sc villa. Alsium, now the village of Palo, was an old Etrurian town, on the sea-coast near Caere, northwest from Rome, while the Appian way lay to the southeast. Fronto, de feriis Alsiensibus, calls it maritimus et voluptarius locus. The Romans went there, ut bene haberent genio, ut facerent animo voluptatem, and the richer had villas there. Ad Fam. 9,6,1; Plin. Epp. 6, 10 ; Val. Max. 8, 1. 12. Millies. H. 181.— Quid ergo erat ? mora, &.c. Klotz reads Quid ergo erat mores, et tergivcrsationis ? to which dum hic±&i.c, forms tho answer. His enemies invented a similar charge against Milo. 13. Dum veniret. H. 503, 504- Cii. XXI. — 14:. Age .... comparate. Others agile. Scilicet ante Vallam non defuerunt, qui age putarent cum plurali non posse conjungi. Horum jamdiu explosa sententia est. See note on p. 57, line 35. — Ezpediti, haud impediti, parati ad coedem faciendam, con- trasted with impediment's ; which is derived from the same root. 15. Cum uxore, Fulvia, who afterwards married Antony ; supply iter faciebat. IT. Graeculi. Used by way of contempt. Juv. Sat. 3, 70. They were perhaps professors of music and the fine arts ; perhaps worse. — In castra Etrusca. Asconius makes Cicero here hint that Clodius was privy to tho conspiracy of Catiline, whose army was en- camped under Mallius in Etruria. Cicero nowhere directly charges Clodius with participation in the Catilinariau conspiracy, but he is foud of speaking ambiguously about it, ch. 14, 37. Clodius had possessions in Etruria, and, as from a robber-fortress (castra Etrusca) in which he intrenched himself, he made war upon and plundered Etruria, ch. 27, 74; 9, 26. In the present passage Cicero does not speak of one journey of Clodius to Catiline in Etruria (quum c. ind. imperf.) ; did he not, however, chooso the expression castra Etrusca, to lead the thoughts of his hearers to Catiline, and the Mallian camps in Etru- ria? Cf. note on p. 114, line 6. According to Plut. Cic. 29, Clodius, at the time of Catiline's conspiracy, had attached himself to Cicero, to defend him, for they were not yet enemies ; but afterwards Clodius was to Cicero a second Catiline, ch. 14, 37, sica ilia, See. ; and the ultor Catilinai (in Pison. 10, 23 ; 7, 16), since he made Cicero's pro- ceedings against the Catilinarians the ground of driving him into exile The remnants of Catiline's adherents were in Clodius's bands. Pi- son. 5, 11 ; 7, 16. Clodius, as Asconius speaks of his intention only as a report, may have given up his plan of following CatiUne, as not holding out any advantages, and, to clear himself more certainly from ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 423 Page suspicion and not remain inactive, may have attached hinuelf to the 1 0O opposite party as a good citizen. 18. Nugarum nihil. Nugce, like the Greek Xrjpo s , is used of persons, ad Q. frat. 1, 2, 4 ; Sest. 10, 24. So quisquilice, Sest. 43, 94. Nugarum nihil = nullos homines leves et nugatorios, h. 1. ver- sautes in artibus ludicris, quas tractare gravi viro indignum esset ; jesters, buffoons. 19. Pueros sjmphoniacos. Articles of luxury and ornament were mostly denoted by Greek names, e. g. anagnostae, authepsa, bap- tisterium, chrysendeta, lychnuchus ; as in modern times French fash- ions and French names mark corresponding objects. The Romans had to learn elegance from the Greeks, we from the French. Sing- ing boys were taken by the Roman grandees on their journeys, to re- lieve by music the tediousness of the journey ; and to avoid the ap- pearance of effeminacy, the pretext was made, that they belonged to the retinue of their wives. 20. Aucillarum greges. A Roman domina was surrounded by an army of female slaves, each of whom had her special duty. Cf. Juv. Sat. 6, 495 sqq. The slaves in attendance upon the wives of Indian nabobs may furnish some parallel. — Qui .... duceret for quum is . . . duceret. 21. Neminem, nisi ut, i. e. nisi tales omnes, ut, &c. — Virum a viro ledum esse. The Roman soldiers were permitted, when going on a dangerous service, to choose their comrades. Cf. Liv. 9, 39 ; 10, 38. This was not merely an Etruscan or Italian custom, but also in use among other ancient nations, as the Greeks and Persians. Xeu. Cyrop. 1, 5, 5 ; Corn. Nep. Paus. 1, 2: Neminem nisi, &c, then = neminem nisi selectos (gladiatores). His were picked men. 25. Mulier. See ch. 33, 39, homo effeminatus. Cic. in Clod, ct Cur. 5 : nam rusticos ei (Clodio) nos videri minus est ?nirandum t qui manicatam tunicam et mitram et purpureas fascias habere non possumus. Tu vero festivus, tu elegans, tu solus urbanus, quern de- cet muliebris ornatus, quern incessus psaltrice, qui effeminare vultum, attentive vocem, l&varc corpus potes. — Nee vero, &c. Milo was obliged, for his own security, to keep a band of gladiators. Cf. 14, 38. 2T. Semper Hie. Paulo negligentius locutus est Cicero, eodem pronomine modo Milonem, medo Clodium designans. Quare Me post semper delendum censebat Garat. — Quantum interesset P. Clodii. H. 406, III. Cf. 12. 28. Odio. Cf. 13, 35. 30. Propositam et psene addictam. The allusion is to a sale, where an object is first set up and then knocked down, assigned to, the highest bidder. 32. Martemque communem. Communis Mars est, qui non imam partem, sod utramque, raodo banc modo illam, adjuvat, a town of Umbria, not far from the junction of the Sui with the Tiber. The modern Otricoli is about two miles from the ancient city. 4:1. Domus. Ernesti wished : domum ... refertam depending od dicebant. Garat. considers it an instance of syllepsis, and supplies dicebatur from dicehant. This house of Milo was called Anniana. Ad Ait. 5, 3, 3. 42. 3Ialleolorum. See note on p. 13, line 15. 43. Repudiata. Though totally" unworthy of notice, such was the misery of the times, they were not rejected without inquiry. 44. Laudabam, &,c. Cicero expresses the extraordinary solicitudo of Pompey, but shows at the same time how little he was please-d with his timid credulity. 125 2* Coguntur audire. Cf. 23, 61, and Rose. Am. 8, 22. 3. Tota res publica. Cf. ch. 26, 70. Ernesti suspected tota, but compare 23, 61 ; 2-1, 66 ; 25, 63 init. Garatoni : Aliquando elenim una erat rei publica? pars aut alicui commissa aut ab aliquo sponte suscepta — ut res frumentaria eidem Pompeio SCto commissa, Sec. — Cui eiiam, &c. " Since he had to hear," &c. The common text is publica. Quia ctiam, &c, for which Madvig substituted his conjecture, making the subjunctive causal instead of concessive. 4. Popa Licinius. The popa were freedmen, or men of the lower sort. Asconius describes this Licinius as quemdam de plebe, sa- crificulum, qui solitus esset familias purgare ; and it. is reasonable to suppose that Cicero degrades him to a popa, as he also adds nescio qui, to denote his insignificance, in contrast with Pompey, who attached much weight to the information of Licinius. The popa appear to have retained as their perquisites the gleanings or fragments of the sacrifices, and to have kept victualling shops. The pop'ma, at least in the time of the republic, were visited only by slaves and the lower class. There were doubtless many popina about the Circus maximus, as also in the neighborhood of the theatres and other public buildings and places. — De circo maximo. This was the largest of the courses of Rome, the foundation of which goes back to Tarquinius Priscus. After its en- largement by Ca?sar, it was capable of holding 150,000 spectators, or 250,000 according to Pliny, N. H. 36, 15, 102. It lay in the hollow between the Palatine and Aventine, and was a chief place of amuse- ment for the idle people of Rome, at other times also, besides during the circenses, as were the Campus Martius and the airy agger (Tarquinii), on the eastern side of Rome from the Esquiline to the Colline gate ; the agger particularly for promenaders. Circus max- imus and agger correspond with each other as residences of the lower classes. As here popa de circo maxima, so we find pomarius de circo maximo and pomarius de aggere ; and the astrologi de circo are notorious : de Div. 1, 53. Z. 303. It was hero that fortune-tell- ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 431 Pag-e ere, astrologers, and conjurors practised their arts upon the credulous : ]C>5 hence fallacem circum. Hor. Sat. 1, 6, 113. 5. Servos Milonis confessos esse, dependent, in some texts, which give a period after indicaret, on the verbum dicendi, implied in fuerit audiendus. We should then supply " saying." 6. Conjurasse. On the omission of the subject accusative, see Harkness, 552. Compare note on p. 121, lino 30. T. Al> uno de illis. Z. 308 and 340 in fin. 8. Hortos. H. 132. — De amicorum sententia. P>ompey called a council of friends {consilium amicorum) to hear the information of the popa in their presence, in order that the matter might receive more importance, and he not have the appearance of having feigned fear of Milo. Such private consilia of friends were very common, and amid in such cases = witnesses ; acquaintances and friends were call- ed to such extrajudicial depositions. In matters of interest to a family circle a consilium propinquorum (cognatorum) was formed. De sen- tentia, " by the advice," or " at the suggestion." So also ex sententia Z. 308 in fin. and 309. 9, Non poteram non. H. 485. 11. Credi popas. Krebs, Guide, 171; P. C. 235; II.3S5.-— Confessionem servorum. Cf. Deiot. 11, 32. 13. Probari, fidem fieri hunc ictum esse gladiatoris. 15. Ne .... aliquid. H. 455. — Oppugnata domus .... nuntia- batur. H. 54 7, 2. IT. Tana celeb ri loco. Suet. Jul. 46: Habitavit primum in Suburra modicis aidibus, post autem pontificatum maximum in sacra via domo publica. Plin. N. H. 19, 1, 23. The sacra via was the principal street of Rome, and much thronged. On the meaning of cc- leber, see note on p. 98, line 19 18. Tamen audiebatur. It was listened to 21. Frequeutissimo senatu. See note on p. 110, line 16. — Senator. P. Cornificius. 22. Cum telo esse. See note on p. 110, line 2. Ch. XXV. — 25. Insidiose, nam fictis criminibus Miloni fiebantin- Bidiae. Another reading gives invidiose, i. e. ad invidiam contrahendam conficta, quamvis insidiando composita. 26. duum tamen metuitur, &c. This is a conjectural emen- dation of Madvig. The common text is : sunt. Quod si tamen me- tuitur etiam nunc Milo, non jam hoc Clodianum, &-c. Klotz with some MSS. : Cur tamen si metuitur etiam nunc Milo, non, &c, with a point of interrogation after perhorrescimus. — Etiam nunc, i. e. after aii the statements (in the preceding section) to show that the charges against Milo were mere calumnies, and the suspicions of Pompey mi- founded. 2T. Hoc Clodianum crimen. It is no longer the present in* 432 notes. Pa^e if) k dictment, the charge of murdering Clodius, that we fear, but your sus- picious, Pompey. The prououn tuas is repeated with emphasis. 28. Exaudire. Fere semper exaudire est ita audire, ut dicta plaue percipiantur, ubi nostrates fere intelligere dicere solent. Rarius m hoc verbo simplicis verbi audiendi vis aucta apparet. Exaudiuntur igitur verba, quag clara voce h ixriKtu) dicuutur ; dicanturne ex longinquo an ex propinquo nihil refert ; nam etiam ex propinquitate ita dicas, ut vix proximi te exaudiant. See note on p. 43, line 11. Pompey was sit- ting in front of the aerarium, at some distance from the rostrum. 29. Suspiciones. It appears from Asconius, that Pompey, being interrogated by the Clodian leaders, as to whether his life had been attempted by Milo, told the story of Liciuius ; and that in addition tc the precaution of confining himself to his gardens, on his return from raising the levies through Italy, he had refused to admit the visit of Milo, and of none else ; and that when the senate was held in the portico of Pompey, to allow of his taking part in the business, Milo was the only man ordered to be searched before he was allowed to enter. 31. Delectus. Klotz : dilect us here and elsewhere. 3 2. Si Capitolinae cohortes. For when danger threatened, or there was fear of disturbances, guards were set on the Capitol and other hills of the city. Compare note on p. 9, line 4. 33. Excubiae .... vigiliae. Conjungunturhaec etiam, pro Plane. 42, et promiscue usurpantur, sic tamen, ut vigilia numquamde diurno tantummodo tempore dicantur. — Delecta juventus. Juventutis no- mine praecipue equites designantur : hinc princeps juventutis. 36. Magna certe in hoc vis, &c. The consequent member of this hypothetical period seems to correspond only with the latter clauses of the conditional member, from si Italics, &c. These he answers by showing their absurdity, as they would imply courage and resources in Milo far above those of any single man ; and, with regard to the ex- traordinary levies, by proving that they are called for by the necessi- ties of the state without any reference to Milo. The answer to tho first clauses of the conditional member is implied in the words: Quod si locus, Sec, as if he said — " If you fear Milo, it is wholly oicinz ( misapprehension; for if an opportunity had been afforded him, he would have proved to your satisfaction that no man was ever dearer to another than you to him, &c. And if he had failed in his proof, {quit si non probaret,) he would have gone into exile ; not, however, with- out calling you to testify his innocence, as he now does." 3T. Non unius, sed multorum. So Hor. Carm. 4, 9, 39 : Consul non unius anni. — Indicantur. See note on p. 124, line 35. Klotz gives judicant ur 40. JEgras labantes, corresponding respectively to sanarca and confirmares. ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 433 Page 41. Q,uoil si locus, &c. Had Milo been granted an audience. -joe But Pompey, as Asconius informs us. would not allow Milo access to him. 1. Peste. Clodius. |26 3. Consiliis tuis. And, therefore, though the advantage was mine, yet the obligation was also yours. 4. In periculo capitis, i. e. in periculo deminutionis capitis me- dia), for exile would have been the punishment, had Milo been con- demned. See note on p. 85, line 1, for the meaning of caput. — Ad- jutum. Candidates were assisted in various ways by their friends : Viz. in canvassing the electors of the city and the country, &c. Cf. Quint. Cic. de petit, consulat. 5. Se habere .... sperasse. Krebs, Guide, 402 ; Z. 605. — Te Luo beneficio. This is a true, though not an obvious ground of friend- ship. We all take a lively interest in our own work ; e.g. the success of one whom we patronize. 7. InliJBsisset. Like a deep-rooted tree. Hence cvelli. The common text is insedisset. 9. Nae iste. Z. 360 Note. Digito demonstrat Milonem. 1 0. Q,ui ita natus est et ita consuevit. Manutius : qui hoc habet et a natura et a consuetudine, ut otium salutemque patrias re- bus omnibus anteponat. Cf. ch. 14, init. The connection shows the relation (ps ovtu ntyvice) • namely, so as to act the patriot. — Magne When the young Pompey, a. u. c. 674, returned victorious from Africa, he was received as a second Alexander ; the dictator Sulla went out to meet him, saluted him with the title of Magnus, and directed his at- tendants to join in the salutation. Cicero, ad Att. 2, 13, ridicules this surname of Pompey. 1 1 ■ Antcstaretur. Simpliciter est : te moneret, ut meminisses, se convenire te voluisse, et de sua innocentia, aliorum autem perfidia docere. Matthiae. This is a technical word for " to call on a per- son to be witness to an arrest." If the defendant, when summoned to court, would not willingly follow, the plaintiff might call witnesses and bring him by force. The witnesses were necessary to testify to the unwillingness of the defendant, and to justify the force used. The witness was asked by the formula licet antestari, and if he assented, the plaintiff touched his ear to impress his duty on his memory. See Hor. Sat. 1, 9, 75. Milo, as Cicero exhibits it, had used only lawful force, to suppress the violence of the wicked for the welfare of the good, consequently for Pompey's welfare, to whom he had been ever grateful and true : this ho calls Pompey to witness. Schultz : ante tcstaretur. — Quod nunc etiam facit, tametsi neque tui conveniendi potestas est facta, neque abit a patria sed in judicio se sistit. Ch. XXVI.— 1 2. Vide, quam sit varia. See note on p. 97, line I The mention of banishment led Cicero to revolve the various turns 37 434 NOTES. Pajre I2fi °^ ^ ate ^ e ^ 0W ' an( ^ l ^ 1!S constrained him to break out in the following exclamation. The circumstance, therefore, under which it was ut- tered, is a sufficient answer to those who claim for this passage the praise of prophecy. That of beauty and pathos it cannot be denied. Some read vides. 13. Ratio. The course.— Quam vaga. Cf.Ovid, Trist. 5, 8, 15, passibus ambiguis fortuna volubilis errat et manet in nullo ceria te- naxque loco. 14. Amicitiis. The common reading is amicis. — Ad tempue aptcB, accommodate et aptatae ; time-serving. 15. Fugae proximorum. Cf. Senec. Ep. 9 : florentes amico- rum turba circumsedet ; circa eversos ingens solitudo est, et inde amici fugiunt, ubi probantur ; hac re ista tot exempla sunt aliorum tnetu relinquentium, aliorum meiu prodentium. 16. Illucescet ille . . . dies, quum .... desideres. It oc- curred in about four years after. After fuit (erit) tempus {illud tern- pus, dies), quum, there was once a time, when ; there will a time come, when, (such a time, that,) the subjunctive almost always fol- lows. So simply: fuit, quum, de Orat. 1. 1. IT. Salutaribus. So the MSS. Orelli remarks : Nihil omniuo vetat, quo minus accipiamus, non tam rebus salutem tibi afferentibus, quam rebus cum salute tua conjunctis : nee probari potest vel Gara- tonii salubribus vel Ant. Augustini Weiskiique salvis ; salutaribus majus quiddam est, quam salvis. Cf. ad Fam. 10, 23, 2, salutariter recipere. After communium iemporum the editions commonly give immutatis, and this or immutatus, is found in some MSS., but not the best; therefore Madvig, Klotz, and others omit it 18. Q,uam crebro. Sulla, Cinna, Catiline, w r ere within the ex- perience of Cicero 20. Unius post homines natos .... viri, i. e. from the founda- tion of the world. Cf. 2S, 77, unum post hominum memoriam T. An- num. — Hominis viri. See note on p. 93, line 34. 21. Q,uamquam. A correction, as if he said, " and yet why sup- pose that Pompey harbors suspicions against Milo, which his own act3 disprove? Had Milo been disposed (in Pompey's opinion) to abolish trials altogether, would Pompey, clothed with supreme authority, have conceded a trial to Milo ? Yet he did ; while in the very choice of his position, he fully indicates his anxiety to protect you in the im- partial expression of your opinions on this occasion." 22. Moris majorum. The formula quoted below : ne quid res publico, &c, came under the mos majorum, or common law. On this formula, see note on p. 10, line 4, and the reference there given. 24:. Q,iio uno versiculo. Dt Legg. 2, 6, 14 : leges Titias, Apu- leias, Livias uno versiculo senatus sublatas ommemorat, i. e. hos oodem SCto ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 435 Page 25. Satis arinati, i. e. subsidiis ad consilia sua perficienda iii. — I Of» 9tructi. Cf. Liv. 4, 53, hoc decreto consul armatus. Cf. ch. I, 2. 26. Hunc exercitu. Addi solet prouomen, interjecta aliaperiodo, ta ut non raro empliasin habeat. 28. Tolleret, i. e. tollere auderet, sublatum iret, sc. by taking tbe law into bis own bands, murdering Clodius, and plotting against Pora- pey. 29. Ista. Tbe calumnies wbicb were said to have excited the suspicions of Pompey. — Legem tulit, qua .... liceret. See ch. 6, 15. 31. Q,uod vero. Z. 627. " But in that," &c, i. e. by his taking post in that particular place ; sc. the entrance to tbe treasury, as Asco- nius says. See ch. 25, 67, and ch. 1. 34. Cogere, ut. See note on p. 39, line 39. 35. Auimadvertere ipse. See note on p. 17, lino 32. — Suo jure. For the act permitted the consul coercere modis omnibus socios atquo cives. Sail. Cat. 29. 3G. Hestcrnam illam concioucm. T. Munatius Flancus — post audita et obsignata testium verba dimissosque interim judices, vocata conciono cohortatus est populum, ut clusis tabernis postero die ad ju- dicium adcsset, nee pateretur elabi Milonem. See ch. 2, init. Ch. XXVII. — 38. Clodianum crimen, quod Milo accusatur Clo- dium occidisse. He had contrasted this charge, ch. 25, with the sus- picions of Pompey, and cleared away those suspicions. He now ad- dresses himself to prove that the death of Clodius, being a service to the state, its perpetrator (Milo) had therein performed a glorious act. This is the second principal division of the confutation, called by himself, ch. 34, extra causam, the use and defect of which is noticed by Quinctil. 3, 6, and 4, 5. It was this line of argument that Brutus adopted in a written defence of Milo ; but Cicero dissented from Bru- tus's ground of defence, as Asconius says : quod non qui bono publico damnari, idem etiam occidi indemnatus posset. 42. Meutiri gloriose. In saying occidi, i. e. per vim et insidias, which he has just disproved. — Gloriose, boastfully, proudly, glorying in it. 43. Occidi, occidi. This period is much praised by the old rhet- oricians. Quinctil. 5, 11, 12, and 9, 3, 28 : nam et verba geminan- tur, vel amplificandi gratia, ut : Occidi, occidi, non Sp. Medium, alter um est enim, quod indicat, altcrum quod affirmat. — Sp. Malium. See note on p. 9, line 24. — Jacturisque. See note on p. 65, line 6. 1. Appetendi. H. 562. — Ti.Gracchum. Cicero, from his polili- * ^ cal principles, held the view, which the younger Africanus expressed : ** Ti. Gracchum jure casum videri. Cf. ch. 3, 8 ; de Off. 2, 12 fin. In the latter passage, he likewise passes a general sentence of condem- nation on both Ti. and C. Gracchus, while here he makes prominent a single act of Ti. Gracchus as worthy of death. 436 NOTES. Page JOT 2. Collegae. Octavius, the colleague of Ti. Gracchus in tho In- buneship, opposed his Agrarian law, and had a right by his veto U prevent the reading of it before the people. They opposed each other with honorable weapons, with the power of eloquence, without per- sonal abuse. But Gracchus was compelled to find a means of setting aside his opponent who was unyielding in his opposition. Though the person of a tribune was inviolable (sacrosanctus), he had his colleague dismissed from his office by the people. That was a seditious pro- ceeding, and tho people had no right and no reason to depose him. The only justification Gracchus could bring for his measure was po- litical necessity. If the end justified tho means, Gracchus needed no defence, but deserved the highest praise of a determined statesman ; but it is certain, that, with only the appearance of legal right, he de- stroyed a wise regulation of the Roman state, and in his noble efforts, which the present age better understands and appreciates than an ear- lier, committed a mistake, which is so much the more sad, as upon the Roman horizon the morning of a day dawned, in which law and justice were silenced. Compare note on p. 9, line 20. 3. Interfectores. Servilius Ahala and Scipio Nasica. 5. Nefanduin adulterium. See ch. 5, 13. Nefandum gravius est, quam nefarium, propter pollutam religionem, qua? ipsum adul- terio incesti nomen adjunxit, et propter insolentiam facinoris ac novi- tatem ; de qua Cic. Harusp. 3 : etenim illos (deos) eo scclcre tiolatit, quo nemo antea. Sed paulo post est nefarium stuprum cum sorore gcrmana. Sed ne stupra quidem legibus vetita nefaria Cic. appellare solebat, nisi crimen aliquod vulgaribus flagitiis gravius inesset. Cf. in Pison. 4, 9 : Ab eodem homine, in stupris inauditis (quum sacra Bo- nce dece adulterio violavit) nefariisque (sororis germauce) versato. 6. Xobilissimoe. Vestal virgins and noble matrons who had as- sembled at Cresar's house, to perform the rites of the goddess Caesar was Pontifex Maximus. T. Religiones expiandas. See de Harusp. resp. 12, 13. 8. Cum sorore gerinaua. P. Clodius had three sisters, the youn- gest of whom And the one here intended, was married to L. Lucullus. Elsewhere Cicero speaks of Clodius's being guilty of the same crime with his other sisters. 9. L<. Lucullus juntos. On his return from the third Pontic war, he discovered the guilt of his wife, and repudiated her. The oc- casion of the testimony referred tc was the trial of Clodius ch. 5. 13) a. u. c. 693.— Jurat us. IT. 262, •?..— ('■ slaves of Clodia were put to the torture. 10. Civem. Cicero himself. 12. Servorum arniis exterminavit. Ch. 14. 36 ; in Pison.lO. 13. Regna dedit, ademit. Through Clodius's iu'iuencc, exerted for a bribe, Brogitarus of Galatia, son-in-lnw of Deiotarus, was made ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 437 Pag« priest of Cybele at Pessinus, and received the title of king. Sest. 26 1 a 7 sqq. ; de Harusp. rcsp. 13. On the motion of Clodius, when tribune of tho people, a decree was passed, by which M. Cato was sent with the powers of praetcr to take possession of the island of Cyprus, with the treasures of its king, Ptolemy, and reduce the island to the form of a province. — Orb em terrarum partitus est In return for ser- vices which the consuls Piso and Gabinius had rendered to Clodius in his efforts to destroy Cicero, he proposed a bill, by which they had the provinces of Macedonia and Syria assigned to them, with extraordi- nary powers. Sest. 10, 24 ; 14, 33 ; 24 sqq. By the lex Sempronia of C. Gracchus, it was the duty of the senate to determine the con- sular provinces before the election of the consuls, so that the consuls after their consulship could draw lots, or agree in regard to those prov- inces only which had been previously designated. Pro domo. 9. 24. 15. Civem. Pompey. See ch. 7, 18 and 19. IT. JEdem Nympharum. In this temple, as being most se- cure from fires, were kept the public registers of the censors. It was burned in the disturbances which preceded the exile of Cicero, though the motive here assigned may have been unfounded. Cal. 32, 78 ; Parad. 4, 2 ; Sest. 39, 84 ; 44, 95 ; Harusp. 27. — Memoriam publi- cum recensionis. Recensio = actus recensendi is not elsewhere found in Cicero. Suetonius uses it, C, properly denotes to dis- tinguish, then to know ; viderc, also connected with the root of dim- dere, properly signifies to divide and see, but soon took the general no- tion of seeing or perceiving by the organs of sight, while cernere holding more firmly to its original signification, is elsewhere, as here, contrasted with videre. Cf. Tusc. 1, 20, 46 : Nos enim ne nunc quidem oculis cernimus en, qua, videmus. Some read cernamus. Klotz omits igi- tur after fingite. T. Conditionis niea^, quam vobis propono verbis si, &c. Sed ea conditione proposita abrumpitur oratio verbis quid vultu extimuisiis ? ita ut absorpta sit apodosis. Form, I say, in your own minds, a dis- tinct image of the proposition which I make to you : suppose I could bring you to acquit Milo, but on the condition that Clodius should be brought to life — . Cicero artfully connects the acquittal of Milo with the reanimation of Clodius ; as well to keep the former over before the minds of the judges, as to reconcile them to it the more, when they should perceive it to be relieved from such a fearful condition. 8. Sed ita. Z. 726. lO Q,uid? si ipse Cn. Pompeius. Nay, Pompey, the best and bravest man alivo, would not, if he could, recall Clodius to life Therefore his death must have been a public benefit. For percusp.it, Klotz gives the stronger but unusual perculsit. 11. Q,ui e a virtute ac fortuna est. In Pompeii laudibus, quic maximae, plurimEeque cumulantur pro Balbo 4. haec exstat : in quo uno %ia summa fortuna cum summa virtute certavit, ut omnium judicio plus homini, quam dc vnas,tv u~aai ro7s hpotS, i*i rais Ovoinis vwovSmv Kal Kpart;pu»v w m w wi{ .rsiroirjrrQe, Kal afore Kal riuarc i^iaov to~is fipoiai Kal rots OeotS. Alibi de his tebus sacris nihil memini me legere. Sed notissimum est carmen 9Ko\i6v, 'Ei> (ivprov <\ab\ to £(0o? <£op>;<70> k. t. A. Matthias. 21. Q,uos cantus! Q,usc carmina t For fragments of theso songs, which were sung at festivals and entertainments, see C. Dav ligcn %K6\ia hoc est carmina convivalia Gnecorum, p. 5S sqq. 25. Consecrantur, quce inter decs referuntur et cultu divino affi- cmntur. Ad rcligionem, ita ut religiose colantur et memoria homi- nnm vigcant. Immortulitatis autem religio est, qualis immortalitati give naturis immortalibus, i. e. diis debetur. Gn. XXX. — 31. Etenim, si id, sc. that he slew Clotiins in self- defence. An a fortiori argument. 33. Nisi vero. " Unless truly," Sec, which is absurd. Z. 526 31. Sui se capitis quam vestri, Sec. Klotz, Steinmetz. and others retain ordinis after vestri. — Quum pnvsertim, refertur ad sen- tentiam non verbis expressam, sed in eorum, quae prsecedunt, coufonna- tione latentem. Quum enim formula nisi vcro usurpetur, ubi absnrdi quid commemoratur in verbis nisi vcro — fuissc, base inest sententia : gratissimum vobis putat esse, se vestri capitis defensorem fuisse, nqoa libenter pra'dicaret, qiumi presettim, &e. Sec note on page 90, hue 25. 35. In ca confessione, dum ea confiteretnr. PoUrat etiaxn di ORATION FOR T. ANNITJS MILO. 443 r ■ Pago core ea corijesswne sine in, ut id indicaret, quo efficeretur, ut honores ion assequeretur amplissimos. See note on p. 25, line 5. 3G. Si factum. That Milo slew Clodius, not in self-defence, but in your defence. He reasons on this supposition all through to nitere- iur below 38. Sed tamen si. See note on p. 29, line 3. Quamquam nemo eoso potest cui salus sua non probetur, si tamen, &c. — Minus . . . gra- ta cecidisset. Had proved displeasing. 39. Ccdcrct ex. Ch. 25 flu. without .'he preposition. 41. Propter quern. See noto on page 123, line 10. H.414.— Quamquam, is corrective. He had supposed (what was hardly possi- ble) that had he slain Clodius in its defence, his country would not thank him for so doing; he would therefore abandon so ungrateful a country — yes, ungrateful, to make the author of their joy the only one sorrowful, and yet {quamquam, &c.) this is what we patriots all ex- pect, danger and odium ; without which where in fact would be our merit? Wherefore if Annius had slain a tyrant, he would have frank- ly confessed it ; rejoiced, if his country approved ; if not, rejoiced at the consciousness of having done his duty. Sed — But unhappily for his fame, he did not. Tho fortuno of Rome and the gods claim all the merit. They had long borno with his enormities, to which Milo, ch. 32, was the only impediment. They therefore inspired him with the idea of attacking Milo in tho very place where he had most out- raged the laws. Ch. 33. He did so and fell. And this leads to the peroration. I. Q,ua3 mihi ipsi tribuenda laus esset, . . . si . .. arbitrarer, -t on nam nulla mihi tribuenda laus erat, si arbitrabar. Nos diceremus : tribuenda fuisset,si arbitratus essem. H. 504. — Tantum. The sup- pression of Catiline's conspiracy. 4. borne before the procession. — Sine cantu, tibicinum, siticiuum corni cinumque. 15. Ludis scurrarum, histriouum gladiatorumque, qui in fuueribus indictis edi solebant. 16. Oblitus. Not oblilus from obliviscor, but oblilus. Cada- vera lavabantur ungebanturque a pollinctoribus. IT. Ambureretur abjectus. See ch. 13, and ch. 33, 9b. 18. Clarissiniorum viroruni fornias, i. e. imagines, quae pro- prie vocantur. Clodius's father, uncle, grandfather, great-grandfather, and the grandfather of his great-grandfather were consuls. 19. Parricidae. See note on p. Ill, line 40. 20. Mortem ejus. A bold metaphor for mortuum, suggested by the antithesis vita for vivus. Cf. Scst. 38, 83; Cluent. 71, 201; Propert. 3, 4, 6 : Nee sit in Attalico mors tnea nixa toro. — Laceraru See ch. 13,33. 22. Dura .... videbatur, i. e. I did think the goddess of Ro- man fortune cruel in bearing so long with Clodius ; but I now confess my error : she knew better the time and agent for punishing him. 21. Polluerat, &c. He now enumerates the enormities of Clo- dius, most of which arc touched on before. Of course the pollution of the mysteries of the Bona Dea stands first. See ch. 5, 13. 25. Senatus decreta. See ch. 5, 13. Cf. 33, 90 fin. They had ineffectually voted ejus supplicio sollennes rcjigiones expianda* Ad Att. 1, 13, and 14. — Pecunia se redemerat. Alluding to the trial for sacrilege. See ad Att. 1, 16. To this fact the fragment re- fers, from the oration de cere alieno Milonis ; iterutn a piratis re- demption. Quo enim nomine appellem eos, qui te pretio accepto liberaverunt ? On which the Schol. Bob. : Significat judices eos, qui accepta pecunia reum de incesto absolverant Clodium. Compare note on p. 110, line 31. 26. Vcxarat .... senatum. By procuring the proscription of Cicero, and inducing the consuls to forbid their mourning for him . Sest. 7 sqq. 28. Gesta. Cicero's acts against the Catiliuarian conspirators, ORATION FOR T. ANN1US MILO. 44? Pag* which ho, by vote of tho senate and with the concurrence of all the-ini srders, had as consul carried into execution. — Me patria expulerat. Ch. 14, 36. — Bona diripuerat. Sest. 24, 54. The aqua el ignis in- tcrdictio, as also voluntary exile to escape a sentence or a capital punishment, was attended by the confiscation of the property of the proscribed or exiled, which was sold by the quaestor as a whole in the name of the state to the highest bidder. The purchaser took it with tho indebtedness upon it, so that if tho debts were great, but a small Bum came into the treasury. — Domum .... vezarat. Sest. 69, 1 15 : eversa domus est, fortunes vexatcc, dissipati liberi, rap lata conjux, &c. See Introduction, p. 375. 29. Cn. Pompeio .... belluni iiidixerat. See ch. 7, 18. 30. Magistratum . . . . caedes effecerat. The slaves of Clo- dius attacked tho tribunes Sestius, Fabricius, and Cispius, and much bloodshed was caused ; but they escaped. See Sest. chaps. 35 and 36. 31. Domum .... fratris incenderat. Not at the same timo with Cicero's Palatine house, but in the following year, a. v. o 697 See ad Alt. 4, 3, 2. Introduction, p. 376. 32. Vastarat Etruriam. See ch. 9, 26 ; 21, 55 ; 27, 74. 3 1:. Incidebaiitur, &c. This being due only to laws actually ratified, was a proof of tho insolence of Clodius. His laws were en- graved on brass before ho served on the magistracy in which he was to bring them forward ! 3 5. Q,uoe nos scrvis nostris addicerent. Seo note on p. 116, lino 6. From the time of the well-known censor Appius Claudius, a. u. c. 442, frequent attempts were made to give to the libertini the right of voting in all the tribes, and this was a principal means in the hands of the populares of gaining favor and followers from among this class Seo nolo on p. 113, line 42. Counter attempts were as frequently made to confine the voting of the libertini again to the four city tribes. When thus confined, they, though very numerous, could exercise no decisive control over the elections ; but if permitted, as was the de- sign of Ciodius's law, to vote in all the tribes, they would have the control ; and the language of Cicero is not perhaps very extravagant. Cicero here calls the libertini servi, in the same spirit in which he calls, p. Rose. Am. 48, 140, Chrysogonus a servus ncquissimus. So he often designates the Clod'an mob as servorum. manus, or the like. Compare Tac. Germ. 25, where he says of the Germans : liberti non multum supra servos sunt. 30. Hoc anno. The year of his prsetorship. 38. Ilium ipsnm. Pompey, to whom ho had become reconciled See ch. 8, 21. Klotz : obstare polerat. 39. Cacsaris potentiam. Caisar was now pursuing his victories in Gaul, leaving Pompey to conduct the home department.. Craewua 448 NOTES. Pa-e ioi the preceding year had lost his life in Parthia. Klotz : Ccesaris pa tentiam suam potentiam esse. 40. In meo casu. See ch. 14, 36. Ch. XXXIII.— 42. Hie. See note on p. 57, line 2G.—Ut supra dixi. Ch. 31, 84. 43. Huic. Milo. too 1. Seuatus .... circumscripsisset. Would have restrained him in the exercise of his power. Magistrates were dependent upon tho senate as the supremo administrative authority, and therefore the sen- ate could check them if they overstepped their province, aud misused their office, the fulfilment of the duties of which must be sworn to both on assuming it and on laying it down. Circumscribere in this sense (see just below in pratore coercendo) is found also ad Att. 7, 9, 2 : trib. pi SClo circumscriptus. Phil. 2, 22. 53 : circum- scriptus a senaiu esset Antonius. Ibid. 13, 9, 19. — Credo. With an ironical force, as frequently. 2. Id facere, sc. magistratus circumscribere. For Sulla had increased the authority of the senate by abolishing the tribunes' vote. which Pompey afterwards restored. 3. Profecerat. Clodius baffled the senate in the trial for incest. Ch. 5, 13, and ch. 32, 87 : senalus gratissima decreta perfregerat. The argument is one a fortiori : Not even when it used to do this, sc. coerce, had it effected any thing in tho case of this same Clodius as a private citizen. — An consules, &c. See ch. 9, 25 : mancam ac debi- Icm prcetura?n, - ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 449 tuge rem publicam, quam vix nunc tenemus, jamdiu null am h a b c- 1 09 r emus. 13. Haec templa. Which surrounded the forum. 1 6. Satcllitibus. Properly the body-guard of a king ; but used by the Romans, who hated every thing regal, to signify " bravoes, ac- complices, aiders, and abettors in crime." — [Sex. Clodio.] Klotz and others without the brackets. 18. Templum, curium, locum inauguratum ; sanctitatis, i o. where sanctity, or inviolable honor, holds its seat ; and amplitudinis, majesty ; lacntis, wisdom. 19. Consilii publici. See note on p. 11, line 30. — Urbis, not orbis, which in Cicero is not used without the addition of terra or terrarum. — Portum omnium gentium. De Off. 2, 8, 26 : Rcgum, populorum, nationum portus erat et refugium senatus. Ovid, Heroid. 1,110: Tu citius venias, portus et ara tuis. Id. Pont. 2, 8, 68: Vos eriiis nostra portus et ara fugce. Aram sic usurpavit etiam Trist. 4, 5, 2. 21. Funcstari, cadavere illato. For a place was considered to bo polluted by a dead body. — A multiludine. The mob generally act under the excitement of the moment ; but Sex. Clodius acted by pre- meditation, which was worse. 23. Ustor. Ustor opponitur — signifero, ut munus muneri, mu- uusque funebro, humile ac sordidum militari muneri splendido et lauto. Argumentatur igitur a minori ad majus : si ustor tantum potuit, quan- tum signifer ausus esset? 25. Everterat. Ch. 5, 13, and 32, 86 fin. 87.— Ei sunt. Par- ticular et, hie srcpius cum quadam indignatione proferunlur. Sec note on p. 58, lino 21 ; p. 57, line 26 ; and p. 99, line 25. 26. Dc via Appia querantur. Ch. 7, 18. Cicero thought the burning of the senate-house a sufficient set-off against the Appian way and ancestral monuments of Clodius. 27. Ab eo. From or against him. 28. Excitatc. Ch. 29, 79 — Ipsum. Klotz: cum ipsurti. In the next line for a moriuis many read ab inferis. 30. Furias pro furore nominat, tanquam dasmonas maleficos ikdaropas. — Insepulti ? See ch. 13, 33 ; 32, 86. He uses inscpultus Instead of mortuus, in reference to the popular superstition that tho eouls of the unburied could find no repose, but wandered over the earth troubling the living. — Nisi vero. Ironical. 31. Falcibus. Non falces hce messoriae fuerunt.. sed qua? in ar- mis numerabantur, quum militaribus, turn etiam gladiatoriis. Ernesti Bupposes tho object was to break into the temple of Castor, to secure arms which had been deposited there. Pison. 5. 11 ; 10, 23 : Sest. 15; p. demo 21. Garatoni thinks it more probable the motive was 450 NOTES. Pasre joo money, which Grrevlus, ad Quinct. 4, shows was customarily deposit ed there—Ad Castor is. H. 397, 1, (1). 3 2. Volitarunt. Ranged through. It expresses a sort of license and impunity in outrage. See note on p. 20, line 29. 33. Disturbari. Driven here and there, dispersed. 34. 31. Coellus. "When the fate of Clodius was known at Rome, the trihune Coelius, a friend of Milo, collected his adherents, and be- gan to explain the outrages that led to Clodius's death. He was in- terrupted by the tribunes Plancus and Q. Pompey, who, with an armed mob, dispersed the meeting, and slew numbers. Coelius and Milo escaped in the dress of slaves. 35. Firmissimus, &c Ho even opposed the arrangement ofCn Pompey regarding this trial ; till Pompey threatened to put down ha opposition by force. Compare Brut. 79, 273. 3 7. Fortuna siugulari. Why may not singuhtri be joined with fide? Z. 783. Ch. XXXIV. — 38. De causa; wherein he proved Clodius tho aggressor : ch. 12. — Extra causam ; wherein he proved that Milo's act was praiseworthy, even supposing it intentional, ch. 27. The xerbum dicendi is to be supplied, which is often omitted. The epilogus or pero- ration now follows. Quinctil. 4, 1, 28 : In ingres-ra parcius ct mo- destius pratcntanda sit judlcis misericordia, in epilogo vcro liccat totos effunderc affeclus, ct fictam orationem inducre personis, et de- functos cxcitare, &c. Cicero's skill in conclusions is pre-eminent : he was acknowledged by his contemporaries to be a master in them, and when several orators appeared in one case, the closing argument was readily yielded to him, even by Hortensius. Brut. 51 ; Orat. 37 ; Balb. 7 ; Scst. 2 ; Muren. 23. Laterensis, the accuser of Cn. Plan- cius, charged him with having proposed a severe law against ambitus, that he might have an opportunity to deliver touching perorations. Plane. 34, 83. SchoL Bob. ad orat. pro Fiacco, 41 (p. 246, Orell.) : secutus videlicet suam consuetudinem et artis oratorios discipliiiam, ut lacrimosis affectibus prope sententiam judices impleantur. Cicero is called by Quinctil. 11, 1, 85, summits tractandorum animorum arti- fcx, and the closing chapters of this oration give a complete illustra- tion of his skill and power. 40. Misericordiani .... quam ipse 11011 implorat. Milo re- jected with disdain the usual means of awakening ihe compassion of the judges ; the tears, the suppliant gesture, and mourning garb. This, besides tho defence, Cicero must alone undertake. Quinctil. 6, 5, 10, praises the orator, quod Miloni preces non dedcrit, et in earum locum ipse successcrit. Cf. Id. 6, 1, 24, and 11, 1,40. Plut. Cic. 35, says Milo with his unmoved resignation, which Cicero here represents as magnanimity, formed a marked contrast to the alarmed and panic- stricken Cicero. ORATION FOR T. ANNITTS MILO. 451 42. Nolile .... parcere. H. 535. — In nostro omnium. See -ioc) note on p. 11 , line 30. l 1. Hoc minus. H.irkness,417, 3. — ITaud scio, an. P. C. 116. ^33 Klotz: multo sit etiam, &c. 2. Eteuiin si in gladiatoriis pugnis. Senee. de tranq. vita;, 11: Gladiator es, ait Cicero, invisos habemus, si omni modo vitam impctrare cupiuni; favemus, si contemtum ejus pra se ferunt. Tusc. 2, 17, 41 : Quis mediocris gladiator ingemuit ? quis vul- tum mutavit unquam? quis non modo stetit, verum etiam decu- buit turpiccr 7 quis quum decubuisset ferrum recipere jussus, vultum contrazit ? The gladiators were men of the lowest class, (in- fimi generis homines,) many of them the very dregs of society : their combats were viewed in the light of bull-fights, or other combats of beasts. Ch. 2, the gladiators of Milo are called servi. Subsequently, tho nobles of Rome did not disdain to become gladiators, and exhibit on the stage. Juvenal, 8, 200. 3. Conditione. Explained by furtuna, rank, situation. Balb. 10: Servos quorum jus ct fortuna conditio infima est. Klotz omits the in before infimi. 5. Odisse, i. e. to demand their death from the magistrates. This was douo by a well-known signal. <>. Servare, sc. pollices premendo. — Eorumque nos .... miseret. H. 410, 3. 1 2. Sint incolumes .... florentes . . . beati. Notice the gra- dation in which one word succeeds tho other, while the preceding is explained by the one which follows. 13. Miliique patria carissima. So § 94, and ch. 37, 102. Milo, though born in Lanuvium, calls Rome his country. Cf. 1 in Cat. 11, 27 : de Legg. 2, 2, 5. 14. Tranquilla. ClodiuSj the prime mover of every disturbance, being removed. 15. Per me. Klotz : propter me. 16. Cedam atque abibo. On cedere, see note on p. 117, line 27. Milo did not go into exile till all was lost ; he had no such resignation as Cicero hero gives him credit for. — Si .... licuerit. H. 508. IT. Q,uam priniam. Klotz and Schultz : quam primum. 18. Moratam. (From 7nos) possessed of good institutions and morals ; where the turbulence of a Clodius is unknown. The follow- ing apostrophe, O frustra, &c, is noticed by Quinctilian, 6, 1, 27, as an instance of the propriety of putting suitable exclamations in the mouths of the accused, even when prayers are not allowed. 19. Mei suscepti labores. Klotz: mihi suscepii labores .' epes fallaces et cogitationes, &c. 20. Ego, quum .... me senatui dedissem .... putarem. Non putassem ; nam putabat sibi bonorum presidium non defuturum, 152 NOTES. Page 199 el sibi futurum in patria locum. Dare se alicui = ad aliquem bo ap- plicare, ei gratum esse laborare omni obsequii ofnciique genere. Sic etiam tradere se alicui. Sest. 62, 130. Garat. proposed dedidissem See ch. 2, 4, and 33, 91. — Re publico, oppressa. By Clodius and his party, for Milo was tribune a. u. c. G97, the year after Ciodius's tri bunate See Introduction, p. 375. 22. Equitibus Romanis. See note on p. 127, line 23. 28. Equites Romani illi, illi .... tui ? Cicero's equestrian ex- traction is not so much alluded to here, as the friendship of the knights, which he had gained, as well by his general attention to their inter- ests as his exertions in effecting the celebrated junction between them and the senate. Pliu. N. H. 33, 2, 8: Marcus Cicero . .. stabilitii equestre nomen in consulatu suo, Catilinariis rebus, ex eo sc ordine profeclum esse celebrans, ejusque vires peculiari popularitate qua- rens. Ab illo tempore plane hoc terlium corpus in re publico factum est coepitque adjici senatui populoque Romano ct equesier or do. Cic. Phil. 6, 5, 13 : Quern unquam iste ordo (equitibus Romanis precedes) patronum adoptavit ? Si quemquam, debuit me. — Studia municipio- rum. So ardent in the cause of your recall from exile. See ch. 15, and Pison. 15. 29. Italiae voces. Ch. 15, 39. The acclamations and congrat- ulations with which ho was accompanied on his route through Italy to Rome. Ch. XXXV. — 3 2. Xcc vero liacc. Wishing to praise the kind- ness of " the good" to Milo, Cicero here begins by representing the firmness and resignation which he exhibited as resulting from their feelings towards him. — Flens. See ch. 34, 92, and 38, 105. 33. Q,uo videtis, sc. eum loqui. 34:. Negat, ingratis civibus, &c. Dicit, sc. Milo, cives suos non haberi a se iugratos erga se, sed tantum nimis timidos nimisque cautos. 36. Q,tue iniminebat. The sentiment of Cicero, else -\ve should expect immineret. 3T. Earn . . . . se fecisse comnieniorat ut flecteret. The pronoun earn recall? with emphasis the noun to which it refers. Plc- bem . . . sc fecisse . ut . . .flecteret. See note on p. 56, line IS § 63 : Hind . . .fecisset, ut, &c. On the periphrasis of face re ut, see H. 492. The sentence may be construed : Commemorat se fecisse, ut n. m. v. flecteret, sed etiam, quo t. c. v. v., dcleniret multitudinem cam, &c. 38. Tribus suis patrimoniis, sc. those of his father, Papius ; of his maternal grandfather, C. Annius, by whom he had been adopted ; and of his mother. Cicero complains of Milo's extravagance, ad Q frat. 3, 9. He involved himself greatly m debt, besides wasting his patrimonies, which ne squandered in exhibiting gladiatorial and thea- trical shows to the people, and distributing money among them. ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 153 Page 42. Vestroruui ordinum. See note on p. 108, line 11. ^ C5 -]33 tras dixit de ipsis judicious, eorumque diversos ordines universos ad- jecit. 43. Occursationes. Occursatio imports running to meet one out of respect ; respectful greetings. 44. Secum 9C ablaturum, sc. in memory : memoria conserva- * <- * turum ubicumque vixerit. Klotz : secum ablaturum, without se. — Meminit dcfuisse. H. 406, 407. 1* Vocem sibi prasconis. By whom tho person was declared duly elected. The elections had been repeatedly broken up by the disturbances of the Clodians. 3. Declaration. Ch. 9, 25. Cicero represents, that Milo had already been chosen by the single centuries before tho interruption of tho election, only the proeco had not declared the combined result, owing to the disturbances. The praeco announced tho single suffragia and at the close of the voting proclaimed the result of the choice. — Si haic. Klotz : si Ikrc anna contra, &c. By hese Orelli understando omnia in rem publicam merita, quae supra enumeraverat. 4. Suspicionem. See ch. 25, 67, and 27, 72. Veil. Pat. 2, 47 : Milonem reum non magis invidia facti, quam Pompeii damnavit voluntas. 5. Addit liajc. Compare Cicero's remarks on famo and honor, ad Fam. 15, 4, 13 ; p. Arch. 11. C. Fortes et sapientes viros. Cf. de Off. 1, 19, 65. Senec. de Cenef. 1,1. T. Ipsa recte facta. See note on p. 3G, line 31. 8. Si quidem nihil sit praestabilius. Klotz omits sit, making si quidem as si quando, si forte (see § 104), si adeo, take the placo of an entire clause. 10. Honori fuerit a suis civibus. H. 434. — Nee tamen eos miseros, in reference to the preceding beatos esse, quibus. 1 1 . Sed tamen, &c. This stands in reference to the clause fortes et sapientes, &c. 13. Praemium is thrice repeated with emphasis. 14. Consolaretur. Quum haec omnia a verbis: Addit hac : (j 9G : pendeaut, dici oportebat consoletur, ut mox efficiat, ut absentes adsimus, vxortui vivamus. Sed non raro Cicero in orationo obliqua a praescntibus ad imperfecta vel contra, transit, quum res commemorat, con uni alicui tempori adstrictas, sed et prsesenti et prasterito com- munes. Orat. 57, 191 ; de fin. 3, 21, 71 ; Cat.maj. 21, 78. 1G. Cujus gradibus. Cf. Farad. 1, 2, 11 ; p. dom. 28 ; Deiot 9,27. 19. Ctuum subjiciantur. That quum here has the sig- nification of time, is plain from the preceding words hoc tempore ipso ; yet the following tamen shows that quum has also a causal or re- 454 NOTES. Pagre IQd strietive force, like qua?nvis. The subjunctive is therefore correct H. 518, II, 1. 20. Faces invidiam. De facibus, incendio, jiamma invidia Garaton. laudat Catil. 1,11, extr. supra 27, 75. pro Cluent. 29, 79 — Mece H. 396, II. 21. Gratiis agendis. See note on p. 12, line 11. — Gr alula- tionibus habendis. Gratulationes habere = to present congratulato- ry addresses to one on account of distinguished success. 23. Actos, the already celebrated; institutos, appointed and yet to be celebrated: The Etruscans regarded Milo as their benefactor, by whose exertions they had been relieved of Jheir oppressor. Sec 9, 26 ; 21, 55 ; 27, 74. It was usual for a people to institute feasts in honor of a benefactor. So the Syracusans instituted the Marccllea in honor of M. Claudius Marcellus ; and the Asiatics the Mucia, in honor of Q. Mucius. — Centesima . . . et . . . altera. The hundred aud second. Z. 118. Some contend that alter should be translated first, as adding only one to centesima. The date of the rencontre as given by Cicero, ch. 10, was a. d. XIII. Kal. Feb., or January 18th a. u. c. 702. See note on p. 114, line 15. There were remaining in January, the 18th included, 12 days. February had ... 28 " Mercedonius ... 22 " March . 31 " 93 days. To make up 102 days, we must add 9 from April, which would make the day of the trial the 9th of April, or a. d. V. Id. April. There is a discrepancy in the dates given by Asconius, who at one time gives a. d. III. Id. April, at another VI. Id. April. Yet according to him Milo first appeared before the tribunal of Domitius pridie Non. April (April 4th.) Three days were occupied in the taking of testimony On the fourth day (quarta die) all were set down for the following day (in diem posterum,) and on the next day (rursus postera die) the accu- sation and defence were heard, and the sentence followed. Sec Ascon. ed. Orell. p. 40, and Brewer, Cicero's Rede fur den Milo, p. XXX., whose reckoning is given above. Cn. XXXVI.— 29. Htpc tu, sc. the preceding from Valeant, §93. '—His, sc. judicibus. 30. Haec ego, sc. the following from Te quidem. 31. duum isto animo es. P. C. 4S8 (<7) (2\ Some read quod 3 3. Nee vero, si milii eriperis. Cicero complains that he has not even the poor consolation left of feeling angry at those who inrlict the wound. Therefore they ought not to inflict it ; but pardon Milo. — Tamen, sc. etsi mihi eripieris. 31. Ut Ms irasci possim, ponitur, ut post reliquum est. H. 550. ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 455 38. Inuretis. A metaphor borrowed from branding animals with i oa marks by which they might be known. Here a forcible expression for " inflict." — Etsi quis, &c. Though what (other) pain could bo so great as this (sc. depriving mo of Milo) ; but not even this will you in- flict on me to the degree that I shall forget, &c. Before ut obli- viscar supply tantum inuretis, i. e. ne hie quidem ipse dolor tantua erit, &c. 39. Q,uae si vos cepit oblivio. For cujus rei (sc. quanii me semper feceritis) si vos cepit oblivio. See note on p. 91, line 32. 40. Si in me aliquid oflendistis. Offendere in aliquo est ani- madvertero aliquid, quod molestiam faciat, itaquo moleste aliquid ferre in aliquo. This comes from the proper signification of offendere which is impingero in re, quasi incurrere in aliquid, quod displiceat. — Cur non, &c. Why is not that offence atoned for by my life rather than by Milo's. 42. Si quid acciderit. See note on p. 39, line 8. 44. Nullum a me amoris .... officium defuit. Cf. ad Fam 2, G, 3 : Ego omnia mea studia, omnem operam, curam, industriam, cogitationem, mentcm deniquc omncm in Milonis consulatu fixi et locavi statuique in eo me non officii solum fructum, sed ctiam pie- latis laudem debere qucerere, &c. This is confirmed by the following just tribute of praise, which Asconius, who lived not long after this pe- riod, and was accurately acquainted with its history, pays to Cicero, in his argument to this oration. After speaking of the attempt to excite odium against Cicero for his zeal in the defence of Milo, and of tho threats made use of to compel him to desist, Asconius adds : Tanta tamen constantia ac fides fuit Ciceronis, ut non populi a se alienatione, non Cn. Pompeii suspicionibus, non periculi futuri metu, si dies ad po- pulum diceretur, non armis, quae palam in Milonem sumpla erant, de- terreri potuerit a defensione ejus, quum posset omne periculum suum et offensionem inimicae multitudinis declinare, redimere autem Cn. Pompeii animum, si paulum ex studio defensionis remisisset. 1. Potentium. Pompey and others. 185 3. Bona, fortuuas. See note on p. 28, line 2. 4. In communiouem tuorum temporum contuli, i. e. tecum communicavi, quum tempora tua (i. e. pericula, vid. ad. Mauil. 1.) id poscerent, sive tecum partitus sum. G. Diinicatio capitis. Si Clodiani, quum te absolutum sense- rint, vim inferre conantur. Diminuiio is here out of place. 7. Q,uid habeo, quod. Klotz : quid habeo ? quid faciam, tfce. The common text is, Quid habeo, quod dicam, quod faciam, Sec. 9. Non abnuo, non recuso. Klotz : Non recuso, non abnuo. 10. In liujus salute, i. e. dum hujus sulutem tuemini : in ejus- dem cxiiio, i. e. dum ei exitium affertis, pro quo e nostra consuetudine 456 NOTES. Page Tjotplanius esset, ut aut hnjus salute conservauda, aut ejusdem exitio tie- cernendo. 11. Videatis, h. e. iutelligatis, vobisque persuadeatis. Ch. XXXVIL— 12. His lacrimis. See note on p. 136, line 13 — Est animi. Klotz and Siipfle take these words as a parenthe- sis, erasing the period after Mih, and continuing sed exsilium, &c. 1 3 . Exsilium ibi esse putat, ideoque patriara esse, ubicunque virtuti locus sit. 14:. Mortem naturae finem esse. Cf. 4 in Cat. 4, 7, and note on p. 40, line 30. Natures, i. e. existential, quam vulgo vocant, sive vivendi. 15. Sed hie. The reading is here various. Madvig has given that of Codd. Erf and Bavar., with a little difference of punctuation. lie remarks : Verbum ad superiorem partem assumitur ex altera et contraria parte sententiae, similiter couformata (critis). Xec haerero debemus, quod ex futuro pnesens sumitur, similiter atque de Legg. 1, 5, 17 : qua (res) quondam a multis Claris viris (sustinebatur) , nunc ab uno summa auctoritate ct scientia sustinetur. Other readings are Sed hie ea mentc natus est aim ornatus est. Klotz : Sit hie ea menle, qua natus est. Quid, Sec. 16. Memoriam Milonis. Compare ch. 35, 104, animi monu- menta. 18. Q,ui procreavit. See note on p. 133, line 13. Miio was born in Lanuvium. Exile extended to all Italy. 21. Centuriones, vosque, milites. See ch. 1. The guards were in hearing of Cicero. 23. Expelletur, exterminabitur, projicietur f Demosth. ia Aristog. tropical, pl'^.ai ht rijs -6\sns, dv£>£?v. Sed gravius Cicero pro- jicietur, tanquam res contemta. Est autem hie congregatio verborum idem fere significantium, de qua Quinctil. 9, 3, 45, quae h. 1. indicat animum, quod verbum rei accommodatissimum et gravissimum sit, in affectu ambigentem. Est autem interrogatio detest antis. Compare note on p. 19, line 5. 21. O me miserum. Cf. Quinctil. 6, 1, 24. 26. Retinere. "Which should be easier than revocare. 27. Liberis meis. Marcus and Tullia. — Parentcm allerum. As being the restorer of their first. 28. Q,ui nunc abes. Schol. Bob. : Opportunissime fortunam Mi- lonis per totam domum suam familiamque communicat, ut congregata per multos miseratio magis commoveat affectus. Frater autem i ronis Q. TuIIius legatione tunc in Gallia apud exercitum Ccesaris fuu- gebatur. — Consorti. Consortes fratrcs are properly those who have not yet divided a common inheritance ; who live in community of pro- perty. Festus : Sors et patrimonium siguificat, unde consortes dicimua Cic Fierr. 3, 23, 57 : ires fratrcs consortes. Figuratively consors = ORATION FOR T. ANNIUS MILO. 457 tncius. Brut. 1, 2 : Sociutn potius et consortem gloriosi lahoris ami- -toK seram. 29. Mene non potuisse. H. 553, III. 31. Q,uae est grata * * • Cod. Erf. has gentibus non potuisse his qui, &c. The editions do not generally indicate any marks of various readings in this passage, which is commonly given qua est grata gentibus. A quibus non potuisse ? Ab iis, &c. Madvig sup- poses the text to be corrupt, and that a dative after grata has dropped out. After which he suggests [Quibus judica]ntibus non potuisse ? Osenbriiggen thinks this would be tautological with tueri per cosdem, per quos, &c, and proposes : qua est grata omnibus. Quibus intu- entibus non potuisse ? referring to ch. 1, 3, Reliqua vero multitudo decertari putat. 3 2. Acquierunt, quasi securi facti, magnam oblectationem acce- perunt. Z. 416. 33. Q,uoduain ego concepi. Cf. Scst. 69,145: Quod tantum est in me scclus ? quid tanto opere deliqui Mo, Mo die, quum ad vos indicia, litteras, confessiones communis exitii detuli, &c. The conclusion of the oration for Sestius has many points of similarity to that for Milo. 35. Indagavi. See the 3d oration against Catiline. — Exstinxi, non indicia, sed semina sive auctorcs communis exitii. Ex indiciis res indicatae sumuntur. See note on p. 38, line 5. 40. Discessus. See note on p. 117, line 27. 41. Distrahar. To express a possible case, which the orator conceives in his imagination. Cn. XXXVIII.— 42. Utinam dii immortales fecissent. The sentence is interrupted by the parenthesis, and instead of going on with ut P. Clodius . . . viveret, as would have been the case without the parenthesis, a new sentence commences with utinam, giving the simple proposition utinam viveret Clodius. After an interruption, by a parenthesis of considerable length, the form of the sentence is usual- ly changed. On the difference of the tenses with utinam, see Krebs, Guide, 228 ; P. C. 496 ; H. 488, 1 1. Praetor. He begins with the first office which Clodius did not iqfi hold. 3. A vobis .... conservandum. H. 388. These words refer to Clodius. — Minime, minime. We may suppose that Milo motioned a negative on Cicero's wish : Utinam . . . dictator esset. " Let him," ho adds, " meet his deserts, and I care not for personal consequences." C. Patriae natus. Framed by nature for the especial purpose of saving his country. — Usquam nisi. Nisi because the question implies a negative. — Si forte, i. e. si fors ita tulerit, rt ru'xoi. 7. Pro patria. Some MSS. have procul patria, which led to the emendation of Peyron, out, si forte procul, pro patria. Sensus est: 39 458 notes. Page [QgHic vir in patria debet raori ; in nullo alio loco, nisi si forte pio * t a* tria moritur. — Animi monumenta, quae animi ejus fortitudinem et magnitudinem memorise consecrant, sc. his public services recorded hi the history of his country; opposed to corporis sepulcrum. 8. In Italia. Milo went, as is known, to Marseilles. Upon such a voluntary exile, ensued a decree of the people, declaring the exilo just, and pronouncing the aqua? et ignis interdictio. This involved the loss of the civitas. An exile could not therefore remain in Italy, because the lex Plautia Papiria a. u. c. 665 had extended the Roman civitas over all Italy. For the same reason the wearing of the toga, the distinctive dress of the Roman citizen, was not allowed. Plin. Ep. 4, 11, 3 : Carent enim jure iogee, quihus aqua et igni interdictum est. In some cases, as in that of Cicero, the distance from Rome to which one was exiled was fixed. — Sepulcrum. At the close of the oration for CI uentius, ch. 71, 201, Cicero says: Nunc vero quid erit profectum, nisi ut hujus ex mediis mortis insidiis vita ad luctum conservata, mors sepulcro patris privata esse videalur. The impor- tance attached to a burial in one's native land, may be seen exempli- fied in the prayer of Hector to Achilles, II. 22, 254 ; of Mezentius, Mn. 10, 904 ; of Turnus, JEn. 7, 935, and of Polynices, Eurip. Pkce- niss. 1460. 1 2. Sed finis sit. For my tears prevent my words, as well aa the wish of Milo, to depend solely on the goodness of his cause. 13. Prae lacrimis. Quinctil. 11, 3, 173 : Ilia quoque mire fa- cit in peroratione velut deficientis dolore et fatigalione confessio, ul pro . . . Milone : Sed finis ... est possum. Qua similem verbis ha- bere debent etiam pronuntiationem. Cf. ch. 34, 92 ; 35 init Other passages, where Cicero speaks of his own tears and those of his clients and the judges, are, Plane. 31, and 41, 99 ; Sest. 11, 26; Cluent 69, 197 ; Font. 17, 37 ; Mur. 40, 86 ; Rabir. Post. 17, 48. Cf. Liv 39, 44 ; Cajs. B. G. 1, 31 ; Suet Csar"s life, a Map of the region in which his campaigns were car- ried on, and a Vocabulary, which removes the necessity of using a large dictionary and the waste of time consequent thereon, enhance the value of the volume in no small de- gree. Quintus Curtius : Life and Exploits of Alexander the Great. Edited and illustrated with English Notes. By WILLIAM HENRY CROSBY. 12mo, 3S5 pages. Curtius's Ilistory of Alexander the Great, though little used in the schools of this country, in England and on the Continent holds a high plaoe in the estimation of classi- cal instructors. The interesting character of its subject, the elegance of its style, and the purity of its moral sentiments, ought to place it at least on a par with Cesar's Commen- taries or Sallust's Histories. The present edition, by the late Professor of Latin in Eut- gers College, is unexceptionable in typography, convenient in form, scholarly and prac- tical in its notes, and altogether an admirable text-book for classes preparing for col- lege. From Pkof. Owen, of the ITeto York Free Academy. 11 It gives me great pleasure to add my testimonial to the many you are receiving in favor of the beautiful and well-edited edition of Quintus Curtius, by Prof. Wm, Henry Crosby. It is seldom that a classical book is submitted to me for examination, to which I can give so hearty a recommendation as to this. The external appearance is attractive ; the paper, type, and binding, being just what a text-book should be, neat, clear, and du- rable. The notes are brief, pertinent, scholar-like, neither too exuberant nor too meagre, but happily exemplifying the golden mean so desirable and yet so very difficult of at- tainment.'" D. APPLET ON & CO'S PUBLICATIONS. Selections from Herodotus ; Comprising mainly such portions as give a Connected History of the East to the Fall of Babylon and the Death of Cyrus the Great. By HERiJAX M. JOHNSON, D. D., Professor "of Philosophy and English Literature in Dickinson College. 12mo, 185 pages. The present selection embraces such parts of Herodotus as give a connected history of Asiatic nations. These portions are not only particularly interesting in the:. but open to the student a new field, inasmuch as the other Greek and Eoruan authors commonly put into his hands lea Ye this period of history untouched. Herodotus is peculiarly adapted to academical reading. It has charms for the stu dent which no other text-book possesses, on account of the simple elegance of xl and the liveliness of the narrative. In preparing his notes, the editor has borne in mind that they are intended for learners in the earlier part of their classical course ; he has therefore made the explanations in the former part of the work quite full, with frequent references to such grammars as are in the hands of most students. The notes proper are purely explanatory and grammaticaL Other remarks, in the way of criticism or investigation, are appended to the several chapters, for the sake of awakening reflection and inciting to further inquiry. A condensed treatise on the Ionic Dialect, and the peculiar forms of declension ai*d conjugation used by Herodotus, removes one of the most serious difficulties that has neretofore embarrassed the student in reading this author. H this chapter is learned in advance, the dialect forms, otherwise so troublesome, will be recognized without the slightest difficulty. The text is printed in large, bold type, and accompanied with a Map of the regions described. Sophocles' (Eclipus Tyramius. With English Xotes for the use of Students in Schools and Col By HOWARD CROSBY, A. M., Professor of the Greek Lar._ and Literature in the New York University. l'2mo, 13S pa_ The object had in view in this publication is to furnish to coHe r Ike mas- terpiece of the greatest of Greek tragic poets in a convenient form. Xo learned criticism oa the text was needed or has been attempted. The Tauchnitz edition has bees followed, and such aid is rendered, in the way of note - r need- less, the efforts of the student Too much help begets indolence ; too little, d the author has striven to present the happy mean. The inviting appearance of the text and the merit of the commentary have mad* this volume a favorite wherever it has been v.: D. APPLETON & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. Germania and Agricola of Caius Cornelius Tacitus : With Notes for Colleges. By W. S. TYLER, Professor of the Greek and Latin Languages in Amherst College. 12mo, 193 pages. Tacitus's account of Germany and life of Agricola are among the most fascinating and instructive Latin classics. The present edition has been prepared expressly for college classes, by one who knows what they need. In it will be found : 1. A Latin text, approved by all the more recent editors. 2. A copious illustration of the gram- matical constructions, as well as of the rhetorical and poetical usages peculiar to Taci- tus. In a writer so concise it has been deemed necessary to pay particular regai'd to the connection of thought, and to the particles as the hinges of that connection. 3. Constant comparisons of the writer with the authors of the Augustan age, for the pur- pose of indicating the changes which had already been wrought in the language of the Roman people. 4. An embodiment in small compass of the most valuable labors of such recent German critics as Grimm, Gunther., Grubcr, Kiessling, Dronke, Roth, Ruperti, and "Waltlicr. From Prof. Lincoln, of Brown University. " I have found the book in daily use with my class of very great service, very practi- cal, and well suited to the wants of students. I am very much pleased with the Life •f Tacitus and the Introduction, and indeed with the literary character of the book throughout. "We shall make the book a part of our Latin course." The History of Tacitus : By W. S. TYLER. With Notes for Colleges. 12mo, 453 pages. The text of Tacitus is here presented in a form as correct as a comparison of the best editions can make it. 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From an article by Prof. B.utr, of the University of Heidelberg, in Vw Heidelberg A u nala of Literature. "There are already several American editions of Horace, intended for the use of schools; of one of these, which has passed through many editions, and has also been widely circulated in England, mention has been formerly made in this journal ; but that one we may not put upon an equality with the one now before us. inasmuch as this has taken a different stand-point, which may serve as a sign of progress in this department of study. The editor has. it is true, also intended his work for the use of schools, and has sought to adapt it, in all its parts, to such a use ; but stilL without losing sight of this purpose, he has proceeded throughout with more independence. In the prepara- tion of the Notes, the editor has faithfully observed the principles (laid down in 1 ace); the explanations of the poet's words commend themselves by a coin- brevity which limits itself to what is most essential and by a sharp precision of expres- sion ; and references to other passages of the poet, and also to gra mm a r s, dictionaries, etc., are not wanting. 11 Sallust's Jiiorirtlia and Catiline. o With Notes and a Vocabulary. By NOBLE BUTLER and MINARD STURGIS. 12ino, 397 pages. The editors have spent a vast amount of time and labor in correcting the text, by ■ comparison of the most improved German and English editions. It is believed that this will be found superior to any edition hitherto published in this country. In accordance with their chronological order, the M Jugurtha 11 precedes the "Catiline." 1 The Notes are copious and tersely expressed; they display not only fine scholarship, but (what is quite as necessary in such a book) a practical knowledge of the difficulties which the stu- dent encounters in reading this author, and the aids that he requires. The Vocabulary was prepared by the late William H. G. Butlbr. It will be found an able and ( frerforcuanee. D. APPLET ON & CO: 8 PUBLICATIONS. Virgil's iEneid. With Explanatory Notes. By HENRY S. FRIEZE, Professor of Latin in the State University of Michigan. Illustrated. 12mo, 598 pages. The appearance of this edition of Virgil's iEneid will, it is believed, be hailed with delight by all classical teachers. Neither expense nor pains have been spared to clothe the great Latin epic in a fitting dress. The type is unusually large and distinct, and errors in the text, so an- noying to the learner, have been carefully avoided. 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"The typography, paper, and binding of Virgil's iEneid, by Prof. Frieze, are all that need be desired ; while the learned and judicious notes appended, are very valuable in- deed." From Principal of Piedmont ( Va.) Academy. " I have to thank you for a copy of Prof. Frieze's edition of the iEneid. I have been exceedingly pleased in my examination of it. The size of the type from which the text is printed, and the faultless execution, leave nothing to be desired in these respects. The adherence to a standard text throughout, increases the value of this edition." From D. G. Mooee, Principal U. High School, Rutland. "The copy of Frieze's 'Virgil' forwarded to me was duly received. It is so evi- dently superior to any of the other editions, that I shall unhesitatingly adopt it in my •lasses." V D. APPLET ON & CO:S PUBLICATIONS. Select Orations of M. Tullius Cicero : With Notes, for the use of Schools and Colleges. By E. A. JOHN- SON, Professor of Latin in the University of New York. 12ruo, 459 pages. This edition of Cicero's Select Orations possesses some special advantages for the stu- dent which are both new and important. It is the only edition which contains the im- proved text that has been prepared by a recent careful collation and correct deciphering of the best manuscripts of Cicero's writings. It is the work of the celebrated Orelli, Mad- vig, and Klotz, and has been done since the appearance of Orelli's complete edition. The Notes, by Professor Johnson, of the New York University, have been mostly a with great care, from the best German authors, as well as the English edition of Arnold. From Thomas Chase, Tutor in Latin in Llartard University. "An edition of Cicero like Johnson's has long been wanted; and the excellence of the text, the illustrations of words, particles, and pronouns, and the explanation of various points of construction and interpretation, bear witness to the Editor's familiarity with 6omc of the most important results of modern scholarship, and entitle his work toalarg* share of public favor." 1 "It seems to us an improvement upon any edition of these Orations that has been published in this country, and will be found a valuable aid in their studies to the lovtr* of classical literature/"— Trey Daily 'Whig. Cicero cle Officii- : With English Notes, mostly translated from Zumft and Bokxell. By THOMAS A. TIIACHER, of Yale College. 12mo, 194 pag In this edition, a few historical notes have been introduced in tionarv in common use has not been found to contain the desired information : tl. of which is to aid the learner in understanding the contents of the treatises, the I and reasoning of the author, to explain grammatical difficulties, and inculcate a knowl- edge of grammatical principles. The Editor has aimed throughout to gmde rather than cany the learner through difficulties; requiring of him more study, in consequence of his help, than ho would have devoted to the book without it From M. L. Stoevxu, Professor of the Latin Language and Literature in PamwjrJ- rania (V "I have examined with much pleasure Prof. Thacher's edition of Cicero do I and am convinced of its excellence. The Notes have been prepared with - good judgment Practical knowledge of the wants of the student has enabled th to furnish just the kind of assistance required; grammatical difficulties are rem* the obscurities of the treatise are explained, the interest of the learner is elicited, and his Industry directed rather than superseded. There can bo but one opinion with r the merits of the work, and I trust that Professor Thacher will be dispo> bis labors so carefully commenced, in this department .rning."