HoUinger Corp. 
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 Copy 1 ILLUSTRA^TED. 
 
 CONDENSED 
 
 HISTORY OF THE WAR, 
 
 ITS CAUSES AND RESULTS. 
 
 -♦-♦-♦- 
 
 PLAIN HOME-TOLD FACTS 
 
 son THE 
 
 YOUNG MEN AND WORKING MEN OF THE UNITED STATES. 
 
 > % i ■■ ■» ■ ■ ■ 
 
 18 68, >;tT-,.,.A^$>' 
 

CONDENSED FACTS FOR WORKING MEN. 
 
 
 THESE ARE THE MEN "WHO SAVED THE COUNTRY, 
 
 The cause of the hite unequal conflict was 
 the ne^o. His labor, in States where slave 
 labor was profitable, enriched those States, 
 and made them great. The owners of slaves 
 were, by many Northern people, called aristo- 
 crats, and the minds of the young men and 
 working men of the North were filled by New 
 England with poison against aristocracy, on 
 the ground that it came in conflict with free 
 white labor. 
 
 The North began agitation of the slavery 
 question with a view to the abolition of that 
 evil. 
 
 The people of the South who helped frame 
 the Constitution, and who shed their blood in 
 its defence, objected to the national agitation 
 of a local question. They said, witli truth, 
 that the Constitution they helped make protec- 
 ted them in their State rights and labor legis- 
 lation — they asked tliat tlie bargain made be- 
 tween the Northern and Southern States in 
 time of common danger, wlieii each State stood 
 and fought to defend the others, be honored. 
 
 But the North said it did not like the old 
 bargain. That times had changed ; that 
 slavery was barbarous. That there existed in 
 the South an aristocracy that grew more j 
 
 wealthy each year from slave labor. That thd 
 poor blacks of the South, by labor, paid all the 
 taxes, but enjoyed none of the fi'uits of theii 
 labor. 
 
 The idea that it was wicked to make laws 
 to protect an aristocracy in America took root 
 with the people — the tide of agitation grew 
 stronger — the North threatened a civil war in 
 the South — sent rifles and men into Kansas to 
 begin a trouble — sent John Brov.x, a com- 
 mon horse thief, but a man of digged deter- 
 mination and insane ideas, into Virginia to 
 arm the negroes and incite them into an in- 
 surrection, which Northern Abolitionists 
 hoped woukl destroy the Union. 
 
 Tlie South, tortured, insulted, driven to 
 madness, anxious to be released fi-om the ori- 
 ginal compact, soTxght to draw out from the 
 Union partnership, as the North had said the 
 Soutli was an expense to the North, and 
 should be out. The South fired on our flag— 
 began a war for her indepeudou'je, whieh, if 
 successful, woidd have resulted in a dissolu- 
 tion of the Union, and the destruction of the 
 Federal compact and Constitution. 
 
 The administration of Abr.\.ham: Lincoln 
 began the authority of the Republican party, 
 
ft-Uich rime in power earnestly crying for re- 
 irenohinont and reform in public affairs — 
 
 The brc;i]iing down of an aristocracy based 
 on wealth — 
 
 The greater security of person — 
 
 Th oxeniption of labor from the support 
 of rich men — 
 
 The greatest good to the greatest number. 
 
 The Republican party which began it .^ ca- 
 reer bj' agitating a niatter protected by the 
 Constitution, or supreme law of America, fol- 
 lowed the rebellion it necessitated into power, 
 and was called on to put it down. 
 
 To do tliis men and money were in demand. 
 The nation, to save itself, was willing to fur- 
 nish both. The President told the people the 
 war should be carried on simply to preserve 
 the Union; that the rebellious States could not 
 go out of the Union by any act of their own 
 'unless their rebellion teas a success. 
 
 It was with this idea and understanding 
 our people went into the war. 
 
 CHAPTER TWO. 
 
 Men and more men, and yet more men, and 
 still more men were demanded to put down 
 the rebellion. The " rebels " were better 
 fighters than the North supposed; the 
 North was more wretchedly officered than 
 the people dreamed of; thousands of men 
 ■were lost and murdered by the incompetency 
 of worthless army officers, who were too often 
 but political pets of office-holders, taken from 
 the gutters to be placed in command of men 
 braver, more worthy and better than them- 
 selves. 
 
 At first men volunteered, but they soon 
 grew tired of it. The " little conflict " be- 
 came a war of magnitude. The South was in 
 earnest. The administration needed more 
 men, and instructed that bounties and advance 
 pay be g-iven all who would go to war. States 
 were called on to fill quotas of troops — Gov- 
 ernors called for men, but they would not come. 
 
 Resort was then had to the bounty system, 
 and those who were poor, or who had small 
 farms and were in debt, were influenced by 
 money premiums paid to them. At first these 
 were given by rich men who did not wish to 
 go to war, and by men who were drafted, but 
 could be exempted by payment of thi-ee hun- 
 dred dollars. 
 
 The war went on. Men went from their 
 homes never to return. Scenes like the first 
 picture presented were of hovirly occurrence 
 all over the country. 
 
 The brawn and muscle, the skill and 
 bravery of America met face to face, and when 
 evenly matched as to numbers, the South so 
 generally won that the President of the States 
 North was compelled to make frequent and 
 extravagant calls for more troops. 
 
 To raise these men, and to carry on the ex- 
 penses of the war, money must be had. And 
 this is the way it was obtained. Those who 
 did not care to fight took it upon themselves 
 to raise money to pay those who did fight, and 
 who must go to war, taking bounty money, or 
 by the draft. A poor man had a chance to go 
 and receive a certain sum as a premium. But 
 where was the money, and how was it brought 
 to light ? Tn this way the people began mak- 
 ing money. 
 
 THESE ABE THE MEN WHO SIGNED AND SOLD THE BONDS. 
 
While those who ■wore first in battle -were 
 fighting and dying, county officers and state 
 officers were at their tables signing county and 
 state bonds — or notes of liand, pledging the 
 town, city, county or state to pay at a certain 
 date, to whoever should present for payment 
 at the office of the treasurer, the full amount 
 the note or bond called for, be it one hundred 
 or one thousand dollars, and to pay legal or 
 State rate of interest on tlie full amount till paid. 
 
 These notes were liens upon all the property 
 in the county, if county bonds — the State, if 
 State bonds. To collect them, the gi'oss 
 amount of such notes signed was added tj 
 the tax list assessed upon the taxable pro- 
 perty of the county, and collected in one, 
 two, three or more years by the Col- 
 lector of Taxes, the money deiiosited in 
 the treasury, ami drawn out at the proper 
 time, by the holders of these notes or bonds, 
 given by the proper officers. 
 
 Tn the country, four-fifths of th.i.<e who en- 
 listed and took bounty money were farmers, 
 or sons of farmers. These bonds were but liena 
 upon the farms of those who locre fighting 
 or upon the firms of those who were just start- 
 ing, equally in proportion to value with those 
 who did not fight. 
 
 Wo know of one township in Wisconsin, 
 where every farmer, every land-owner took a 
 b(junty and went to war. In another town 
 every land owner in it took bounxies and 
 went to war. 
 
 The bonds woiild not sell at their face, for 
 capitalists would not advance par upon them, 
 so in many instances they were sold to specu- 
 lators for forty, fifty, sixty, or seventy conta 
 on the dollar. 
 
 In due time those who went to war re- 
 turned, or were heard from. In the fii-st town 
 named in Wisconsin, seventeen thousand two 
 hundred dollars were raised for bounties by 
 
 THESE ARE THE MEN "WHO PAT THE DEBT. 
 
 the sale to non-resident parties of twenty five 
 thousand dollars worth of bonds. Forty-three 
 farmers, mostly Germans, were paid each four 
 hundred dollare bounty. They left their 
 farms — went to war — their families carried on 
 the labors of their farms while the men fought. 
 In time nineteen of these men returned, and 
 found that all taxes, twenty-five thousand dol- 
 lars for bounty money purposes were to be 
 paid, and that the sale of these bonds had 
 realized them exactly four hundred dollars 
 each. To these bonds had been added more, to 
 the amount of twelve thousand dollars, which 
 brought in market nine thousand dollars, and 
 which was given to twelve young men, farm- 
 ers' sons, to go to war to fill the last called quo- 
 ta. Of these twelve, ten returned, and with 
 the first number, are now working to pay 
 taxes into the town treasury for the redemp- 
 tion of the bonds which are to be redeemed in 
 
 1868, 1869, 1870 and 1873, with jlegal rate of 
 interest. 
 
 These farmers, who own land, are paying 
 the debt. They gave in all thirty-seven 
 thousand dollars' worth of notes, not of them* 
 selves, but by their county officials. The sale 
 of tliese notes brought them twenty-six thou- 
 sand two hundred dollars as bounties, which 
 were paid to fifty-five men. Of 
 
 these fifty-five men, twfent}--nine re- 
 turned and they with the families of 
 those who were lost, must pay now, besides 
 interest, thirty-seven thousand dollars for 
 what they received twenty-nine thotisand. 
 They fought ; their farms were taxed to raise 
 the bounty money ; they are now redeeming 
 these notes, paying back more than each re- 
 ceived — in plainer words, are now working 
 like slaves to redeem their farms, and to pag 
 tlumselcesfor being shtt at I 
 
6 
 
 CHAPTER THREE. 
 
 These bonds were mortgages on the real 
 estate. No mtvtter if ten sons of one farmer 
 ■were lighting or dying, his farm, or their por- 
 tion, was not exempt from taxation. The 
 "bounties were raised by signing the notes of 
 the very men who were fighting, selling them 
 at enormous discounts to those who were not 
 fighting. If more money was wanted, why 
 sign niore bonds — the fellows at the front 
 would never know it if killed — could not help 
 themselves if alive. 
 
 Then to raise money to purchase munitions 
 of war, ships, food, clothing, &c., &c., and to 
 pay millions and millions of dollars to specu- 
 lating agents, the nation went into the note 
 business. 
 
 "When it wanted men, it drafted them, or 
 instructed the stay-at-home patriots to raise 
 money to pay those whose poverty compelled 
 them to go, with bounty money, rather than 
 be di-afted and get no money. 
 
 When it wanted money, it begged like a 
 dog, and plead with the misers of the world 
 for them to advance money on the Bonds of 
 the nation, issued by Congress, to be paid iu 
 the future by the producers. 
 
 And the men of money refused to loan 
 money to the nation in its hour of need, un- 
 less given extortionate rates. Those misera 
 cared nothing for the blood of the poor man, 
 the shriek of the wife, or moan of the mother, 
 as loved ones were torn from homes all over 
 the land. But they cared for their dollars, 
 and would not let them go till hard, brutal, 
 cowardly bargains were driven. 
 
 Then the Republican Congress or adminis- 
 tration issued national bonds or notes, pledg- 
 ing payment to the holders at the expiration 
 of certain years, the face of the note. And 
 the party that cried aloud against making the 
 poor svipport the rich, declared that these 
 notes, or United States bonds should be ex- 
 empt from all taxatioii — that the holder of 
 them should be paid half yearly interest ia 
 
 THESE ARE THE MEX WHO EEAP THE BENEFITS. 
 
 gold till the day of payment came, when he 
 should be paid the principal also in gold, and 
 that he should not be asked to pay taxes on 
 the bonds hold by him. 
 
 And these bonds were sold at prices in gold 
 ranging from thirty to sixty cents on the dol- 
 lar and declared bej^ond the reach of taxation. 
 
 The war is now over we are told, yet 
 a standing army is kept in the field. And 
 all over the land are soldiers working to 
 pay the national debt — working to pay 
 the interest in gold on the bonds, and leav- 
 ing the principal for their bankrupt children 
 to pay ! 
 
 The soldiers who fought — who saved the 
 Wnion — are not exempt ! They fought, but 
 
 mnst pay taxes now, to support those who did 
 not fight. The ones who are benefited are the 
 misers, and the ones who signed the bonds, 
 and re.alized a share of the profits on their sale. 
 The ones who reap the benefit are ones who 
 would not fight ; the ones who f/ave the boun- 
 ties at the expense of those who were figliting ; 
 the ones who make the soldiers now work to 
 redeem their farms from bounty mortgages, 
 and the workingmen, the producers of the 
 land everywhere, work to pay interest in 
 gold to 
 
 THESE ARISTOCRATS OF AMERICA 
 
 who live on the profits made from the bouda 
 given by the soldiers. 
 
CnAPTER FOUR. 
 
 The Republican party warred upon an hon- 
 est aristo(-racy at the South, that paid its 
 share of taxation, and spent millions of dol- 
 lars each year among merchants, moclianics 
 and manufacturers of the North. 
 
 It promised retrenchment and reform, but 
 has brought untold con-uption and extrava- 
 gance. 
 
 It said the conquering' of an armed rebel- 
 lion would residt in the immediate restora- 
 tion of the belligerent States to all their 
 rights; it now says they can only be returned 
 by legislation. 
 
 It promised greater freedom of speech and 
 press than imder Democratic rule; it lied to 
 the people, mobbed and sanctioned the mob- 
 bing of thousands of men, and called mobs, 
 with blood}' hands, but "loyal enthusiasm." 
 
 It was profligate of life and money during 
 the war, it squanders more than it produces 
 now. 
 
 It created an aristocracy, and by dishon- 
 est, illegal legislation declared it exempt from 
 taxation. 
 
 It made the wealth of this New England 
 Aristocracy the notes of working men, who 
 ■Sor a hundred years must labor to pay them, 
 and support in idleness this protected aris- 
 tocracy, to the impoverishment of all children 
 of laborers, and the fastening on America a 
 luonied power and aristocracy greater than 
 ever known bcfoi-e in the world. 
 
 It has given the notes of patriots and pro- 
 ducers to misers and non-producers to hold — 
 has said by legislative voice, you shall pay 
 gold to the rich, and receive paper money of 
 fluctuating value for the poor. 
 
 The Republican party agitated the country 
 into war — ran it into bankruptcy — legislated it 
 into slavery, and has not brought one blessing 
 except to the rich who live on taxes paid by 
 the poor. 
 
 It makes laws to protect the rich and rob 
 the poor — to give carriages and elegant par- 
 lors to the non-producers, and hours of toil- 
 outrageous taxation and bare walls to the 
 farmers, the workingmen, the miners, the pro- 
 ducers. 
 
 I It lias not dealt honestly nor fairly by the 
 people, nor with its supporters. It wars iipon 
 disanned people. It is a sword of taxation in 
 the path of young men to lop off their arms 
 of toil and their results of labor, and for these 
 and other rea.sons we war upon it. 
 
 The plowholders — the miners — the mechan- 
 ics — the yonng men of America — the workers 
 and not the idlers are our friends, and for 
 them wo labor. If they are satisfied with the 
 result of this political experiment, we are. 
 If the people are willing to bo slaves to an 
 aristocracy, we can stand it. If the poor 
 men — the young men — those who must labor, 
 arc willing to make laws to protect the rich at 
 the expen.so of the poor, then the poor of this 
 nation had better go to other lands, and those 
 of other nations who are poor in purse, but 
 rich in muscle and the spirit of enterprise, 
 had better remain at home ; for under Repub- 
 lican misrule America is no place for them. 
 
 Working Man— Republican or Democrat 
 — will you to-night, as you rest from 
 toil, or as you wait for sleep, 
 think of these things;' We ask 
 not for your vote — we care not for the curses 
 of the aristocrats — if but we can lessen your 
 taxes, shorten your hours of toil — relieve your 
 children from slavery to the children of the 
 rich, who inherit their bonds — if we can see 
 you reaping the reward of your own labor— 
 your home better furnished, and your family 
 as they have a right to, enjoy more of your 
 earnings, we are content. We ask not to know 
 your religion or your nationality, for before 
 Him, we recognize all white men as brothers. 
 We ask you to do no wrong. We do ask you 
 to protect j'our own interests, to see if those 
 in power have kept faith with you. If j'ou pre- 
 fer slavery then we share it with you, all the 
 while protesting. And if you wish release 
 from this Bond-age, God knows we shall earn- 
 estly strive with you for it, by ballot first, 
 with the bayonet next, if to this it comes, and 
 by that weapon a minority would seek to de- 
 prive us young men, working men, producers, 
 citizens, white men, taxpayers, of our rights. 
 Thine for liberty and the right. 
 
 M. M. POMKROY, 
 
 YOUNG MEN OF AMERICA. 
 
 Young Men ! 
 
 To you this land is to be a blessing or a 
 curse in the future. To your wives and your 
 children. For years which older men need 
 not hope for, you are to possess and occupy. 
 You look back to the period between Wash- 
 ington and Lincoln, as one of civil liberty, 
 true brotherhood, grand achievements, peace 
 at home, and honor abroad. You look upon 
 it as a time when one might say with spirit 
 and honest pride, "*I am an American citi- 
 zen." You think of it as the time when a 
 man's earnings were his own ; when an honest 
 
 appeal might be made to the oppressed of all 
 lands. And because of the glory and gran- 
 deur of the past you cherish lofty hopes of 
 the future ; you look forward and hope proud- 
 ly for honor, and freedom, and comfort, and 
 Democratic equality. Young men, one earn- 
 est word with you. 
 
 The future of the country is in your hands. 
 You can mould it. Older men are identified 
 with cliques, and tramelled. The machinery 
 of party drives them along in the old ruts. 
 Not until it is too late; not till they smell 
 the smoke of the burning edifice will thpy 
 
"awake to the rescue. A train of cars will 
 
 run from gathered momentum after the steam 
 
 has been shut off, and even after the brakes 
 
 have been applied. So with men in jjolitical 
 
 parties. We build on the daring, determined, 
 
 enthusiastic young men of the nation. 
 Beware of jmlginfi the future by the past, 
 
 unless the same principles shall be in the as- 
 cendant. 
 
 This land was given to our fathers (by our 
 
 grandfathers) in all its purity, fresh and fair. 
 
 They were appalled by no debt of gigantic 
 
 magnitude; crushed by no tyrants' "heels; 
 
 domineered over by no aristocracy; scoffed 
 
 at by no foreign nation; the rich had not dif- 
 ferent money from the poor; boldness, honor, 
 courage, those were everywhere the passports 
 to gratitude and esteem. 
 
 Without that basis, would not have come 
 
 that greatness. Figs do not grow of thistles. 
 
 Out of despotism does not grow civil liberty. 
 White men will not proceed from a race of 
 negroes. If we would leave for our children 
 what our fathers left to theirs, it is time to 
 look at the foundation. 
 Young men ! 
 
 Eight years ago Mr. A. Lincoln forced 
 you to go to his supi^ort. He demanded in 
 the name of Beecherites, Gi-reeleyites, Sumner- 
 itos, and a nameless host of ites and negro- 
 lovers, that you vote for him. The call was to 
 eectional bitterness, fratricidal strife, negro 
 ascendancy. The cloven foot was concealed, 
 but this is what it meant. You were told 
 that if you would follow the lead of Charles 
 S., Abe L. & Co., you should reap a golden 
 harvest. 
 
 _ Many heard the call, saw the beckoning, be- 
 lieved the words, and voted with the Radicals. 
 Then came the storm ! The lightning struck ! 
 Pire, like molten iron, ran zig-zag along our 
 country's heavens, as rivers along the earth. 
 Instead of peace came war. In place of gold, 
 paper money. Instead of liberty, despotism. 
 In place of white men, negi'oes. Instead of 
 harmony, discord. The golden harvest proved 
 to be only a harvest of death, and the reapers 
 •went forth with sickles stained with blood. 
 
 Young men, stop and think ! 
 
 Now we call. We call to another fight, a 
 fight heralded by no tap of drum or bugle- 
 call. Not a contest with rifles, but ballots. 
 We appeal to young men in every calling. 
 
 Clerks. 
 
 Students. 
 
 Plowboys. 
 
 Apprentices. 
 
 Railroad boys. 
 
 Toilers of every kind, with capital of brain 
 and miLscle. 
 
 We believe that there is no other hope for 
 y©u but in the success of the party which 
 made the nation. We say, therefore, 
 
 If you would be a merchant or banker, in- 
 stead of clerk, 
 
 Master-builder, instead of day-laborer, 
 
 Professor, instead of Pedagogue, 
 
 Faraier, instead of hired help. 
 
 Proprietor, instead of operative in any call- 
 ing whatsoever ; 
 
 If you desire to climb ; if you wanf more 
 money, more liberty, more leisure, more in- 
 fluence, as you grow older, then rally, rally ! 
 If you aspdre, fall in. 
 For you shall have, 
 
 With continuation of Republican rule, in- 
 creasing difficulty in eveiy effort to rise. The 
 rich shall grow richer, and the poor poorer. 
 The gulf, which. Heaven knoAvs, is deep and 
 wide enough now, shall grow deeper and 
 wider with evciy year, until no man can pass 
 from poverty to riches, from plebeian to patri- 
 cian, from commoner to aristocrat. 
 And you shall have 
 
 Witli Democratic government, white su- 
 premacy ; taxes paid by those who own the 
 propierty ; a country united ; one kind of mo- 
 ney for all ; the gulf between workers and 
 bondholders closed. It shall be easy by ener- 
 gy, industry, triith and calculation, to rise in 
 every trade, profession, and calling. 
 
 Young men, honest men, live men, choose ! 
 Choose note, for the time hastens when the 
 opportunity to decide this question by ballot 
 will be past. 
 
 There are hundreds of self-made men in 
 this land. You point to them with pride — 
 pride not so much in the men, as in the insti- 
 tutions which could bring them forth. You 
 look at their great estates, at their honored 
 station, at their opxDortunities and pleasures, 
 and determine to build as they build. To 
 be great and honored and rich yourselves. 
 To thrust down obstacles, and push through. 
 Take care ! 
 
 Young men, remember that these self-made 
 men, whom you see and think to imitate, 
 came up under Democratic institutions. Aye, 
 do not forget. Remember that the Republi- 
 can party has mortgaged you all ? Damn us 1 
 damn us ! if you will, but hear ! The money 
 for 
 
 Every stroke of the hammer, 
 Every clink of the trowel. 
 Every mark of pen, brush, or pencil, 
 Every furrow of the plow is mortgaged. 
 How will you rise ? Where will the cajDital 
 come from to make the beginning ? When 
 will it be in your hands ? Think ! 
 We are pounced upon fi-om all quarters by 
 birds of prey — eagles vulturized — but there 
 shall be one sheet in this land whence the 
 truth may shine forth. The country has 
 been despoiled. An incubus of uncounted 
 millions of dollars rests upon the toil and 
 sacrifice of young men. The mortgages 
 which Republicans issued were for young 
 men to pay. Those who are now young. All 
 young men, (old bondholders, boys excepted,) 
 are growjjig up under the pressure of these 
 mortgages. The fearful hatred between the 
 sections, kindled by the infamous accursed 
 ones of that accursed party, is to sting young 
 men deepest. The discord and danger aris- 
 ing from the nigger element — the race-mixing 
 and social equality — is to come upon young 
 men. The plague in such horror as no man 
 has conceived it, is to come to their house- 
 holds, to their wives and their daughters. 
 The burden, shame and sorrow of Radical 
 
9 
 
 misrule is to go to their heai'ths^nes. Its in- 
 tenser stin;; — its double-distilled poison of 
 hell, is coming to you, young men ! 
 
 And the wrath of young men should sweep 
 the country like prairie fire ! 
 
 Bccaiiso we would not see the nation's name 
 a by-word in other lands; because we would 
 not have the right-arms of our young men 
 
 paralyzed, nor their hopes blasted; because we 
 would not sec monarchical institutions grafted 
 on the tree jjlanted by our fathers; because w« 
 would not see stagnation and damnation com- 
 ing like a deluge, we would have young men 
 strike home to the heart of Jacobinism with a 
 rod hot thunderbolt 1 
 
 BONDS AGAINST LABOR. 
 
 When we first opened batteries against this 
 bonded aristocracy, and in behalf of labor 
 demanded equal taxation, the people stood 
 amazed at the temerity of the man who could 
 dare to thi'ust a pen through the guard of 
 bayonets to pierco an infamous bubble. Re- 
 publicans howled in fury, for sacreligious 
 hands were being laid on their dearest 
 pet. Democrats who held Govern- 
 ment securities — men who had sold 
 themselves for a price — men who 
 by speculation, stealing, fat contracts, and 
 partnerships with dishonest officials had filled 
 their purses or banking vaults with bonds, 
 created for the people to pay, when the war 
 should be over, they too howled, and said it was 
 wrong to disturb a sacred compact ! But the 
 people, the plowholdors, in whoso service we 
 fight against the bondholders, looked upon the 
 matter differently, and shouted for justice and 
 nothing more, till politicians were forced to 
 hear,and the stone of equal taxation, which 
 was once rejected, has now become the very 
 head of the Democratic corner. 
 " Wfqj do we war against boiuh ?" 
 For several reasons. The constitution of 
 the country promised and demanded equal 
 taxation. Under this promise millions of 
 poor people came here from old countries to 
 make America great by labor. We want faith 
 kept with those who thus came. 
 
 The act creating bonds and declaring them 
 exempt from taxation was illegal, and in vio- 
 lation of the Constitution the people were 
 bleeding to uphold and maiatain. 
 
 We do not like this law — have a right to 
 protest and to demand equal taxation. If 
 our demand in behalf of those who toil and 
 produce be not heard, then we have a right to 
 refuse to pay taxes — to throw the collectors 
 into some river, as the patriots of Boston 
 threw the tea overboard, and in defense of the 
 people, to protect them in their industry and 
 to relieve them from bondage, unsheath the 
 sabre and kill those who stand at sundown de- 
 manding under cover of legislative protection, 
 the half or more of the money we have toiled 
 for all the long, weary day. 
 
 And aristocrats of America — bond-holders 
 who object to equal taxation — aristocrats who 
 would rob labor of its just reward, to this it 
 will come if you do not heed our demand. For 
 as God reigns, and the people toil, and 
 you are exempt, rather than much 
 longer submit to this wrong, this 
 insult to labor, this robbing of our children, 
 
 wo will call upon those who are in hunger — 
 upon th(jse you despise — upon the young men 
 of the West and South — upon the producei's 
 everywhere, and with them, striking for our 
 liberties and for our earnings, will, in a single 
 night, slay you who stand to rob us under 
 cover of an unjust law we all despise. We 
 demand the right. We demand protec- 
 tion for our industry, and we Avill 
 have it. Labor has made this coun- 
 try great. It opened the forests — it dug 
 the canals and it navigates them. It made 
 the rails and laid them on the earth — it built 
 the cars which roll over them — it made the 
 farms of the land — it raises the grain carried 
 on the rails and the boats — it lias built thou- 
 sands of towns and cities — it has and is devel- 
 oping the resoui-ces of America, and it shall 
 have protection. The bondholder produces 
 nothing. He pays no taxes. He is a leech on 
 laboi'. He is the robber of men and women 
 who toil. Ho robs the unoxempt soldier of 
 his stipend and earnings ; he rides while oth- 
 ers walk ; he is drunken while others toil ; 
 he ad/ls not a dollar, not a grain of com, not 
 a handful of fruit, not a farm nor a city to 
 the common wealth of a common countrj'. 
 
 Su})iJose all were bondholders, who would 
 pay the taxes P AVliere would the money come 
 from to paj^ the interest in gold, and in time 
 the principal ? Suppose we cJl sell our farms, 
 our shops, our cars, our boats, our stores, our 
 mines, our printing offices, our manufacturing 
 establishments, invest the proceeds in bonds, 
 spend our summers at watering j)laces, our 
 winters at the theatre. Who will produce — 
 who will pay the debt ? 
 
 All Congi-ess would need do would bo to keep 
 issuing bonds ! Keep voting appropriations ! 
 Issue more bonds, declare they shall be paid 
 in gold, exempt them fi-om taxation — fiU all 
 our pockets ! And when they become due, 
 pay them by issuing more bonds, at higher 
 rates of interest — sell those ft a greater dis- 
 count, and thus fill up again I 
 
 Pay day would come some time, but not in 
 our day ! Bankruptcy and repuiliatiou would 
 follow for our children, but w" vat of it.^ — we 
 of to-day would be rich ! 
 
 We war against the entire system, and if 
 we cannot defeat it by the ballot, we have a 
 right to attempt the bayonet, when we will 
 see if those who would not fight for their 
 country will fight to save their bonds. You 
 bondholders may sneer, but yoH wiU pay 
 taxes or die I 
 
10 
 
 REASONS WHY DEMOCRATS MUST CERTAINLY SUCCEED THIS FALL. 
 
 1. We are not trying now, as in 1848, to elect 
 two candidates : i. e., the Democratic party is 
 not gplit, as then, Avith Cass and Van Buren 
 for rival Democratic candidates, enabling 
 General Taylor (Whig) to be elected by a mi- 
 nority vote of 926,016 ; while a majority vote 
 of 1,103,331 was divided, to no purpose, be- 
 tween the two Democratic candidates. Nor 
 are they (Democrats) as in 1860, trying the 
 still more disastrous experiment of electing 
 three candidates, resulting in electing Lin- 
 coln, whose total vote was a minority of 
 947,289 in the popular vote of 4,680,193, di- 
 vided among Breckinridge, Doriglo^s and Bell. 
 
 Nor are they, as in 1864, in the armies of 
 the North, and kept from voting as they de- 
 sired ; with eleven States not voting ; with 
 military voting illegally, and preventing legal 
 voting, (as, for instance, Maryland, Republi- 
 can majority 1864, 7,414 ; Democratic majori- 
 ty 1867, 41,713.) 
 
 But, on the contrary, we are a united pha- 
 lanx, unbroken and indivisible for Seymour 
 and Blair. All the States will vote, in 
 spite of — well Congress — no military will 
 dare interfere at the polls. 
 
 2. The Republican, Abolition, Radical, 
 Nigger Party never was for a moment since 
 its first organization, is not now, and never 
 will be in a majority in the United States. 
 PROOF. 
 
 The first candidate of the nigger party was 
 John C. Frejnont, in 1856. 
 
 In 1850, whole vote 4,019 918 
 
 Buchanan received. . , 1,838,239 or 44.85 per ct. 
 
 Pillmore. . . • 874,625 or 21.79 per ct. 
 
 Fremont 1,342,104 or 33.36 per ct. 
 
 1860. 
 
 "Whole vote cast 4,680,193 
 
 Breckinridge received 847,953 
 
 Douglas 1,375,157 
 
 BeU 590,631 
 
 STATES VOTING 
 
 bep'k maj. I majorities 
 
 DEMOCRATIC 
 
 IN 1864. 
 
 IN '64 OR 66. 
 
 OF 1867-8. 
 
 GAIN 4 CHANGS. 
 
 California 
 
 18,793 
 
 Dem. 7,428 
 
 26,221 
 
 Connecticut... 
 
 2,406 
 
 Dem. 1,700 
 
 4,132 
 
 Delaware 
 
 Dem. 611 
 
 Dem. 1,212 
 
 601 
 
 Illinois 
 
 30,766 
 
 No informa 
 
 tion. 
 
 Indiana 
 
 20,189 
 
 R.'66. 14,516 
 
 5,673 
 
 Iowa 
 
 39,479 
 12,750 
 
 " 16,367 
 D. '67. 8,093 
 
 23,112 
 21,088 
 
 Kansas 
 
 Kentucky 
 
 Dem. 36,515 
 
 D.'68 90,000 
 
 46,878 
 
 Maine 
 
 21,612 
 
 R.'67 11,718 
 
 9,894 
 
 Maryland 
 
 7,414 
 
 D.'67 41,712 
 
 49,144 
 
 Massachusetts 
 
 78,000 
 
 27,940 
 
 5,060 
 
 Minnesota 
 
 7,685 
 
 Dem. 1,298 
 
 8,983 
 
 Michigan 
 
 16,917 
 
 No informa 
 
 tion. 
 
 Missouri 
 
 41,072 
 
 21,229 
 
 19,743 
 
 Nevada 
 
 3,232 
 
 1866. 1,142 
 
 2,089 
 
 Nebraska 
 
 '66. 748 
 
 Dem. 1,000 
 
 1,748 
 
 N. Hampshire. 
 
 4,616 
 
 3,152 
 
 1,464 
 
 New Jersey... 
 
 '66. 1,491 
 
 Dem. 16,354 
 
 17,845 
 
 New York... . 
 
 13,789 
 
 Dem. 47,930 
 
 61,719 
 
 Ohio 
 
 59,586 
 
 Dem. 553 
 
 62,496 
 
 Oregon 
 
 1,431 
 
 D. '68. 1,900 
 
 2,553 
 
 Pennsylvania. 
 
 20,075 
 
 Dem. 922 
 
 20,997 
 
 Rhode Island. 
 
 5,631 
 
 4,214 
 
 1,427 
 
 Vermont 
 
 29,098 
 
 20,784 
 
 8,240 
 
 West Virginia, 
 
 
 1,281 
 
 
 (the Bastard). 
 
 12,714 
 
 
 10,433 
 
 Wisconsin.... 
 
 17,574 
 
 4,764 
 
 12,810 
 
 Totals 
 
 455,709 
 
 
 479,796 
 
 
 Total Democratic 2,813,741 
 
 Lincoln received 1 ,806,452 
 
 Lincoln minority 947,289 
 
 1864. 
 
 Eleven States not voting. A\niole vote cast 
 in voting tStates 4,034,789 
 
 Add vote of these eleven States, as per vote 
 of 1800, (less than their real vote in 1804) 903,867 
 
 True vote of Union, 1864 4,904,717 
 
 Of this vote Lincoln received 2,203,831 
 
 Leaving Democratic 2,700,880 
 
 From this take the number of votes Lin- 
 coln received in 1860 in the eleven States at 
 •war in 1860, viz 1,929 
 
 True Democratic vote 2,698,957 
 
 Lincoln's vote 2,203,831 
 
 Democratic majority 495,126 
 
 3. Add to the foregoing FACTS the further 
 FACT that since 1864 the Democrats have 
 gained, in those States 'coting in 1864, njncard 
 of four hundred and eighty thousand (480,- 
 000) votes, or a number far exceeding the totals 
 of all the Republican majorities in those 
 States in 1864, to-wit : 455,709 — and then we 
 don't wonder they cry in fear, " Let us have 
 peace." 
 
 To these indisputable facts, ("figures won't 
 lie,") add the no less certain FACT that the 
 peo])lc who have been thus augmenting the 
 ranks of the Democratic majority in the na- 
 tion by hundreds of thousands, will continue 
 to do so for the same reasons which have con- 
 spired to bring about this great change ; and 
 that the people want a statesman with a poli- 
 cy, and don't want a figure-head having 
 neither policy, plan, nor ability, and we see 
 more {Seymour) clearly that these Cold-facts 
 will lay the Rads. out cold enough next No- 
 vember. 
 
 BEAUTIES OF " EECONSTRUCTION " EEGISTEATION 
 —RADICAL FEAUDS SHOWN BY KADICAL FW- 
 L'EES. 
 
 The following table shows the registration 
 of white and colored " voters" in the military 
 governments of the South, except Texas and 
 Tennessee, estimated as shown by the official 
 returns of the '* Bureau" of 1867 : 
 
 WliiU. 
 
 Virginia 120,101 
 
 North Carolina 103,060 
 
 South Carolina 40,676 
 
 Georgia 96,262 
 
 Alabama 72,746 
 
 Florida 11,151 
 
 Louisiana 45,169 
 
 Mississippi 47,434 
 
 Arkansas 43,170 
 
 Texas 54,259 
 
 Tennessee 80,000 
 
 Totols 720,028 756,746 
 
 Population of these States, according to the census 
 of 1860: 
 
 Whites 5,581,649 
 
 Blacks 3,530,116 
 
 Excess of whites 3,530,116 
 
 Excess of black " votera" in these same 
 States 36,718 
 
11 
 
 The true percentage of voters to the entire 
 population is about one-sixteenth, or one in six. 
 
 This OHtiraate is based on the popuUir vote 
 for over thirty years past. 
 
 Now wlicn this percentage is applied to the 
 black population of the foregoing States, on 
 the theory of negro voting (and admitting 
 that notwithstanding the vast emigration of 
 the blaekn to the North, and the unprece- 
 dented mortality among them since emanci- 
 pation, that their numbers are as great as in 
 18G0; we have, as the true number " entitled" 
 to be registered as voters in tlieir population 
 of 3,530,110, the figure of black "voters" — 
 
 588,.152 
 -Instead of 75U,74fi 
 
 Showing an evid'.nt fraud of 168,414 
 
 being that many more blacks registered than 
 there are black males 21 years of age in those 
 States. 
 
 Should the laws excluding from the ballot 
 paupers, criminals, and persons of unsound 
 mind, be applied to the blacks, (who are all, 
 or nearly all, public paupers,) this part of the 
 fraud would become still more apparent. 
 
 A still more glaring aspect of this fraud is 
 found in that branch of " reconstruction " 
 ■which disfranchises, as a (wnvicted felon, 
 every man who cannot, and who, like (icn- 
 eral Frank P. Blair, will not, in derogatioi^ 
 of his manhood and his country, take the 
 " cast-iron" oaths prescribed by Radicals for 
 ■white men in the South. 
 
 By the foi'egoing registration, a white pop- 
 ulation in those States of 5,581,649, have, as 
 their » quota" of voters, 730,028, or 30,718 
 less than the blacks. 
 
 Now, if we apply the former percentage of 
 one-sixth to the white population, we shall 
 have, as the true number of men entitled to 
 be registered, the number of 930,274, being the 
 number of white males 21 years of age and 
 upward in those States, instead of the number 
 registered, viz: 720,028 — showing an evident 
 fraud of 210,240 -white men entitled to vote, 
 who arc excluded by the military i-egistra- 
 tion, which thus establishes negro supremacy, 
 and not simply " equaVdy" 
 
 Thus we have of excluded white voters 210,246 
 
 And of doubly, trelly, or otherwise fraudu- 
 lently registered blacks 168,414 
 
 Showing an evident fraud of 378,680 
 
 fraudulent and excluded votes, even if we 
 a,dmit the whole plan of Radical Reconstruc- 
 tion to be lawful. 
 
 The foregoing would, of course, in a gen- 
 eral election, effect a change of double its 
 number against the true sentiment of the 
 lawful voters — making the total fraud in this 
 alone to amount to the stupendous figure of 
 757,320 votes, which the Radicals control by 
 the bayonet. " Let us have peace." 
 
 A NEW VF.BSIOS — " TOO CI-OSE TO HUM." 
 
 Bishop Heber's missionary sons' has recently re- 
 oeived a new version It runs as follows : 
 "From (jret nland's icy mountains, 
 
 From India's coral strand ; 
 Where Afrir's sunny fountains 
 
 Roll down ilieir golden sand ; 
 To every Southern river 
 
 Shall neg'rosutfrage come, 
 Brt not up in New England, 
 
 i'or that's too clostf to hum." 
 
 WHAT HAVE THEY DONE ■WITH OUR MONEY? 
 
 The total debt of the United States June 
 1, 180,'), (after the war had clo.ied; amounted 
 to .>;2,035,20(i,752. Since that time, in tla^.?3 
 years of peace, to Juno 30, 1808, the people 
 have paid in taxes, customs, revenues, <fcc., 
 $1,540,058,583. This is more than half the 
 whole debt of 1 H08 ; and as the whole ex- 
 penses of government under Buchanan were 
 about $70,000,(K)0 per annum, the expenses 
 ought not to exceed ^100,000,000 per annum 
 now. 
 
 For three years, then, say ^300,000,000 of 
 the foregoing $1,540,058,583 have gone to de- 
 fray current expenses of government.. We 
 then should have .$1,240,0.58,583 to apply to 
 the extiiiLruisliment of the debt, leaving it 
 $1,395,143,109. Although this ouf/ht to be the 
 amount of the debt. Secretary McCuUoch.saya 
 that on June 1, 1808, it was $2,048,753,500, 
 or $8,547,813 in excess of the debt of 1865 1 
 What has become of the money ? 
 
 According to Mr. Welles' statement the to- 
 tal ei'penditurc6 of the army and navy since 
 the war closed to June, 20, 1808, were : 
 
 For Army 1917,117,043 
 
 For Navy 133,119,276 
 
 Total $1,0.50,236,319 
 
 Or more than $800,000,000 per annum, 
 while army, navy, and all branches of gov- 
 ernment under Buchanan cost but $70,000,000 
 a year. 
 
 But as this does not by any means yet an- 
 swer the question, as to " ^\^lat has become 
 of our money !'" we must remember that Rad- 
 icalism has filled the land with swarms of 
 useless offices and officers, and has put in 
 charge of them swarms of corrupt thieves 
 and wasteful politicians, and if the peojde 
 were only permitted to look behind the cur- 
 tain of this veiled corruption, the Radical 
 party, they might then learn what has become 
 of the money. 
 
 Let us have CII.VNGE ! 
 
 P. S. — Remember that of the foregoing sura 
 of $1,540,058,583 received by the Treasury 
 since the war, $547,000,000 of it was in OOLD — 
 making, at a premium of 40, $218,800,000 
 more to be accounted for — or nearly three- 
 quarters of the entire debt of 1805. 
 
 Figures won't lie ! Rads. will ! 
 
 THE ELECTOn.\L COLLEGE. 
 
 Sfatrt. Voles. 
 
 Alabama 8 1 
 
 Arkansas 5 
 
 California 5| 
 
 Connecticut 6 | 
 
 Delaware 3| 
 
 Florida 3] 
 
 (Jeorgia 9 
 
 Illinois 16 
 
 Indiana 13 
 
 Iowa 8 I 
 
 Kansas 3 | 
 
 Kentucky 11 j 
 
 Louisiana 7 i 
 
 Maine 7 
 
 Maryland 7 | 
 
 South Carolina fi I 
 
 Tennessee 10 | 
 
 Texas 6 
 
 Massachusetts 12, 
 
 Total 
 
 Slale.1. rotes. 
 
 Michigan 8 
 
 Minnesota 4 
 
 Mi,*sissippi 7 
 
 Mis.^ouri 11 
 
 Nebraska 3 
 
 Nevada 3 
 
 Newllirapshirc 5 
 
 New Jersey 7 
 
 New Vork 33 
 
 North Carolina 9 
 
 Ohio 21 
 
 f )regon 3 
 
 Pennsylvania 25 
 
 Hhode Uand 4 
 
 Vermont 5 
 
 Virginia 10 
 
 West Vir.;iui!i 5 
 
 Wisconsin H 
 
 .317 
 
12 
 
 PAST, PRESENT AND FUTURE. 
 
 "We war upon the Republican party in be- 
 liaK of the workingmen of America for the 
 following' reasons. 
 
 Under Democratic administrations of the 
 laws and constitution, the country was pros- 
 perous, labor was protected, taxation was 
 equal, States and people enjoyed the rights for 
 which our patriotic sires fought, and which 
 they fondly hoped we, their children, would 
 defend and maintain. Democracy defended 
 the rights of States and people. 
 
 It sought not to create an aristocracy based 
 on bonds or notes which the poor men alone 
 must pay. It gave no protection to the rich it 
 did not give the poor. The Republican loarty 
 ' came in power crying for reform, retrench- 
 ment, and protection for labor in the North, 
 and the putting down of an aristocracy in the 
 South which was supported by black labor. 
 It urged the poor men of the North to leave 
 their ho:nes, to fight to save their countiy, that 
 their interests might be pi'omoted and pro- 
 tected. While the poor men were fighting, the 
 rich men were legislating. The sacred obli- 
 gations of the past were forgotten. The pro- 
 tection by Democrats given to the laborer was 
 torn away. Republican legislators in Con- 
 gress, who had gained place under promise 
 to work reformation in public affairs, ran the 
 country into debt by the billion — s],>ent money 
 by the million — gave fat contracts to pets and 
 political favorites — continued the war for 
 party benefit more than national good. 
 
 They raised money iii this way : While 
 soldiers were fighting and their home ones 
 were toiling, the legislators issued United 
 States bonds, and sold them through ajipoint- 
 ed agents, to men who had more money than 
 patriotism. These bonds were simply notes, 
 which somebody must pay or repudiate. The 
 Republican legislation, in order to sell them, 
 declared as follows : 
 
 Whoever buys these bonds shall pay no 
 taxes on money invested in them. His inter- 
 est shall be paid in gold. He can purchase 
 them at less than their worth. 
 
 He shall be paid the face of them, with in- 
 terest, in gold. 
 
 For one hundred dollars of money we will 
 give you two hundred and fifty dollars in 
 these bonds — you shall be paid two hundred 
 and fifty dollars for that which cost you one 
 hundred. Then men who had money, invest- 
 ed in these notes or bonds — first, to make great 
 profits ; secondly, to escape taxation on their 
 property or money so invested. This created 
 an aristocracy based on prospective wealth — 
 based on notes which the poor must pay if 
 able to. By the Constitution, which said tax- 
 ation must always be equal in America, it is 
 wrong and could not bo inflicted on labor, but 
 by Republican legislation, warring against the 
 best interests of labor, it tons done ! 
 
 These notes are held by the rich. They are 
 held by men who have sold property on which 
 taxes were heretofore coVected, and invested 
 
 their money in these bonds or notes. The 
 bondholder draws his interest and pays no 
 taxes. In time he expects to receive the prin- 
 cipal, for to the payment thereof, the labor 
 alone, and not the icealth and labor together, 
 are pledged. 
 
 By republican legislation the workingmen 
 and producers alone must pay this debt. This 
 is a terrible insult and wrong to American la- 
 borers. The rich man pays no taxes. He is 
 exempt. The poor man pays the taxes iiow, 
 and must pay the entire debt in the future, 
 unless he repudiates the bargain, as he has a 
 right to, for it is unjust, illegal and unconsti- 
 tional. 
 
 But still worse ! The Republican party, by 
 corruption, extravagance, and incompetent 
 management, is running the country still 
 more in debt. Instead of decreasing the debt, 
 it is increasing it. One set. of bonds are taken 
 up and others are issued. The aim is to keep 
 these bonds or notes afloat, — compel the work- 
 ingmen to pay the interest. The holders do 
 not Avant the principal — they prefer the bonds 
 to be unpaid, so long as they can have their 
 interest, and be exempt from taxation! 
 
 Thus of the past and present. What of the 
 future ? Simply this. How are these notes 
 to be paid ? The rich men are not expected to 
 pay them, for they are the holders, and only 
 give up the bonds or notes when the gold is 
 given them. With this gold they buy more 
 notes, like the first, exempt from taxation and 
 bringing large interest. The poor men, the 
 soldier who fought — the widows of soldiers — 
 the children of soldiers — the workingmen 
 now in America — the workingmen who are 
 coming in emigrant ships to this country, 
 they are to pay the interest year after year — 
 generation after generation, till the rich are 
 made millionaires, and till their own children 
 be enslaved forever. 
 
 The rich men of the country pay no taxes 
 on their bonds. The rich man, with a mil- 
 lion dollars in bonds, pays no taxes — the one- 
 armed soldier, who grinds a hand-organ on 
 Broadway, for pennies, tossed in his hat by 
 passers-by, is not exempt, but pays taxes on 
 his little organ, to support the bondholder in 
 idleness. 
 
 The Republican party will not allow the 
 South to help pay the interest or principal. It 
 keeps there, in time of peace, a cruel standing 
 army, to worry and terrify the people, and 
 prevent their profitable husbandry. 
 
 It compels the poor men of the North to 
 support A standing army ; 
 A horde of idle negroes ; 
 An army of bondholders. 
 The Republican party protects the rich at 
 the expense of the poor, and wars upon the in- 
 dustry of the country. It ran the nation in 
 debt for the benefit of the rich ; it compels 
 the poor to pay taxes for the benefit of the 
 rich ; it gives no protection to labor, honesty, 
 industry, or entei'prise. It is a tyrant tha^ 
 
13 
 
 sits astride tlio neck of labor, that is mort- 
 gaging the young men to support the misers, 
 that is eacli year giving our notes to others, 
 and for these notes wo receive no benefit. 
 
 For these reasons wo war upon it. The 
 past, the present of j-epublicanism, insults tlie 
 industry and patriotism of our country. The 
 future has no hope for labor or for the young 
 men of enterprise — their earnings must go to 
 support an aristocracy created by Republi- 
 can.s. 
 
 We demand a change. We demand for 
 those whose cause is ours, equal taxation. 
 Let wealth, not labor, pay the debt, or help 
 do it. If we cannot have equality for those 
 who live here in a common country ; if we 
 
 cannot enjoy the fruits of our industry, then 
 we say, let us refuse to pay taxes, repudiate 
 the national debt, relieve o\irsclves of tliis un- 
 just load, and compel the aristocrats who will 
 not pay taxes, to work as we work, to pay 
 taxes as we i>ay taxes — to support the govern- 
 ment as we support it — to bear their .^hare of 
 burdens as we do, (jr see their ill-gottca 
 wealth take wings and fly away. 
 
 All we want is the right. If wo cannot havo 
 this, we will have a revolution in the North, 
 in which industry will forever annihilat-e the 
 exemijted aristocracy of republicanism. If 
 this matter is not righted this year, it will 
 right itself next year, and the national debt 
 will fall of itself. 
 
 LET US HAYE PEACE. 
 
 Yeai — in behalf of the working millions, 
 who pay taxes, we, too, say let us have peace. 
 And give us the country all our own — the 
 Union with each and every State at peace, at 
 rest and represented in national council by 
 honest men and statesmen — with the glorious 
 constitution of our fathers again protecting, 
 under its ample folds, the common children of 
 a common land. 
 
 But Radical peace and our peace are not of 
 the same parents. Their peace means bayo- 
 nets, rather than ballots. Negroes rather than 
 white men ; lust and brutality, rather than 
 virtue and intelligence to rule. Their peace 
 means the subjugation, impoverishment and 
 slow murder of as brave a people as ever the 
 sun shone on. It means the entire destruc- 
 tion of ten ^States ; the reducing of them to 
 territories ; the wiping out of men, families, 
 and sacred memories ; the inauguration of a 
 conflict of races, that a pretense may arise for 
 the placing of the South again entirely under 
 military rule, that more robbers may be en- 
 riched, and more fat contracts be awarded to 
 " loyal'' scoundrels of America, who find shef 
 and shelter under the infamous cloak of Radi- 
 calism. 
 
 Their peace means peace to those who carry 
 the sword — ];5cace for those who are exempt 
 from ta.xation — peace for the gold-covered 
 bondholders — peace for the renegade Demo- 
 crats, the thieves, cowards, assignation-house 
 keepers, spoon-stealers, cotton finding, law- 
 hating delegation of villains now at the head 
 of the ivepublican party. 
 
 Our peace is different. ^^ 
 
 We want peace for the sake of peace, and 
 the good of America. We want peace for the 
 bleeding States which are ours by the memo- 
 ries of the past, and the hopes of the future. 
 We want peace for those who fought bravely, 
 who were overwhelmed in the unequal con- 
 test — who are sons of our sires — who are gi'eat 
 in intellect, worth, ability, and enterprise, 
 and who are able to govern their own States 
 better and cheaper, and more to the benefit of 
 tha country, than a centralized power, or 
 
 nameless, homeless renegades and adventu- 
 rers can do. 
 
 Wc want peace and protection for the ne- 
 gi'oes who are now, with the poor Avhito men 
 everywhere, the slaves of the bondholders, 
 and who toil and pay taxes to keep in idle ex- 
 travagance a purse-proud class who are of no 
 benefit to America. We want peace for the 
 soldiers who fought and restored the Union, 
 that they may enjoy the fruits of their victory, 
 and not be again dragged from their homes to 
 enrich army speculators. 
 
 AVe want peace for the noble women of the 
 South — iov the sorrowing and desolate ones of 
 a thousand cities desolated by war — we want 
 peace for their children and our children, that 
 they may grow to man's estate friends and 
 workers together for their common good, and 
 for the greatness of a common country. 
 
 We want peace for the plowholders, the 
 mechanics, the workingmen, the young men, 
 the real worth, virtue, intelligence, and patri- 
 otism of the country, and with it want equal 
 protection before the law and tax-gatherer- 
 exemption from the support of an aristocracy 
 created by Republicans, in antagonism to the 
 welfare, peace, and prosperity of the country. 
 
 We want peace — we demand it. A broad, 
 open, honorable peace. Wc want protection 
 for our friends, the producers and working- 
 men. We wish it at the ballot, but if it can- 
 not be tlius won — if our rights are to be de- 
 nied us, your aristocrivtic government shall 
 lose its power, for it will not have the consent 
 of the governed, and by force of the bayonet, 
 in the hands of those who cry for bread, wo 
 will wipe out your aristocracy, and win a 
 peace and an exemption from unjust taxation, 
 in one way if not in another. 
 
 This is America. A majority of the white 
 people, who have homes here, shall rule. You 
 will not take Indians. You shall not govera 
 'us with negroes. 
 
 We want peace. 
 
 We want white supremacy. 
 
 We want equal taxation. 
 
 We want a majotity to govern. 
 
14 
 
 We want protection for industry. 
 
 We want the ax, the hoe the plow the 
 Trick, the 8hovel, the hammer, the trowel the 
 Sone-chiBel, the implements o*. i^-^f ^Fy^' ^, 
 have the same protection you give the bonds 
 of the aristocrat, who produces nothing. 
 
 We want this Union to be a nation of hearts 
 and hands, and if it cannot be such, rather 
 
 than live as now, let the So^t^Vr* .^Ilf una 
 the East separate, form new alliances, it una- 
 
 ble to stand alone, and let there be made some 
 government where rich and poor are protected 
 
 '^^ And we will, by pen, voice and ballot, work 
 for thiTn ISeS.'^^f the rigM be denied uj 
 w» will inaugurate another revolution m 186 J, 
 J^^vhich labSr will fight aristocracy to kJl, 
 thalour children shall not be Blaves tobond- 
 holders. Workingmen— young men-pre- 
 pare ! 
 
 ^g» 
 
OF CONGRESS 
 
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Hoi] 
 
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 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 
 
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