• -.0" 'O 4 O ^^- .^^ \.-^- N^*? ^^^•v. a-? -^ "=?!.•••• A° <^ nT ^.^ ••' A° -^ "=?!.•••• A° <^ nT ^-i^ '" iP ;^ >^hK' ^^^ "^^K^ •-'^as^.* <.^*^^\- "-^^^V <^^ .. •> »* o V ,^ o > 0" FOR GEATUITOUB DISTEIBU surf joai'iD .jk; V^LUd^:^; Asr costjeij^^u.tion. OBJECT OF THE ADMINISTRATION IN PROSECUTING THE WAR. BY BRY^jST TYSON, LATE OF NORTH CAROLINA. Approved by the National !Deniocratic Besident Executive Cocimittes VvASniNGTO PRINTED AND SiTIREOTYPED BY McGILL efore tlie puhlic, iiinsniuch as my name is now being used to give aid in a cauBe which I do not dcsii'c. In a paiiiphlot of eight pa^es now being published and circul.itu'l l;y the Union (so-cailed) Congrofsional Commit- tee, entitled "A Krief History of the Cruelties and Atroci- ties of the Rebellion," by Thomas L. Wilson, Esq., appears the following : •'Immediate efforts bo made for %. oesaatloa of hwUntics.** "After the battle of Gettysburg, the Unionists nf North Carolina began to speak more freely, and revol t was feared ; in coiie-efiiioncc, a regiment of soldiers was scut to Ran- dolph county to preserve order. The kind of order that wan preserved may bo known by the following atrocity, one of niany cohimitted upon the unprotected loyalists of that region : These Bcldicrs decoyed a ono-armod man uiidcr pretcncft of employing him as a guide, into a piece of wood- land, wlicro his body was found several days after, com- pletely riddled with bullets; he was heard a long distance bogging anntlr'mfin and informed him that he must grvc'bond for the appearaucc of himself or Sons at Ad'hboro', the county serA, ou a, certain day, or in case of refusal, raust uccompauy them nt once to tbat'Tplg/cc. Me told them ho should give no botid,'ncither wouldhego willingly. They then told him to prepare for the trip. He accord- ingly went into his house, changed his raiment, arid came out and announced that he was ready. Bat he wou'd not ride a horse nor do anything else to expedite the business. They then went oif and procured a buggy, and invited the old gentleman to t.ike a seat ; but not an inch woXild he move. Four men, one to each arm and leg, then took hold and placed him in the buggy. He was then driven to the county seat, 11 distaflce of some twenty miles. Having arrived at the place of destination, he veas in- formed that he must either give the required bond, or go in prison; he still refused. They however, gave him permission to pass about the village upon condition that he would not leave. Thinking he would ultimately have to go in prison, he sent home for a bed. Afterwards, when they would tell him that he must either comply with the conditions or go in prison, he would say, " well, there's ray bed." He at length made application for a writ of habeas corpus, or in other words made applica- tion to be permitted to give bail, and if he had done anything wrong let him be tried according to the laws of the land. He was about to suc- ceed in this business when the military author- ities dismissed him and sent him home as a rather tough case. After this, whenever a person was arrested under similar circumstances, he would at once make applica'ion for a writ of habeas corpus, which uover failed to obtain tha release of the party without any further test. So it turned out that the acts of these oflacers in arresting and holding the father as a hostage for the son was wholly a military usurpation, there being no law nor authority for such whatever. Cut the people did not find a remedy for this until many of their tons had been forced into the army. , ," I could mention many other cases, but pre- sume I have mentioned enough to prove that those who volunteered did so generally with the belief that they could, by pi-esenting"a bold front, back out the North, and thus evade the shedding of blood ; and that after the war com- menced, and the people found out what was ahead, they went in, as a general thing, through compulsion, rather than voluntary free will. It was a mystery how the Union party, so largely in the majority, could be made subservient to the few. But it is a fact clearly demonstrated that an organized force can control and make subservient an unorganized inass many times larger. Having In'iclly described the sentiments of the masses South, I will now leave this por- tion of my fsubjcct with the reader. KEASO.VS FOR ESPOUSING AND ADHEKISG TO THE rXION CAUSE. It may not be amiR? to inform my reader why it was that I deemed it expedient to adhere to the stars and stirpes ratlier than give my sanc- tion to secpsiiion. The best i-eason I can give for so doing i.-y over tite While Nan's Libe.rt!/ — .4 Disunion Victory — Memhers of Con- gress and S'.ah Lejislature elected h'j the Bayonet — No Orders from, War Department — A ilystery to be I)ivest- igatcd. In tho closing paragraph of our last letter we presented the extraordinary spectacle in this country of about fffty thousand FeJeral troops in battle array against an un- armed political i)arty in ICentucky. They were distributed to all tho principal towns and voting places in the State. The attack was niado simultaneously at many points. The following extract from a certificate of the judge of election ut Bardstown, Kentucky, Mr. Wickliffo'a place of residence, shows the result at thr.t place, viz: "We, tho judges of tho election held at the court-house in Bardstown, Nelson county, Ky., in Precinct No. 9, on this the Cd day of August, 18G3, do certify that tho names of C. A. Wickliffe, a candidate for Governor of Ken- tucky, W. B. Bead, candidate for tho office of lieutenant Governor of Kentucky, were cnit^ed from the poll-books by Lieutenant Colonel Butler, commanding tho Fifth Itegi- mcnt Indiana Cavalry, U. S. Army, now with headquarters at this place, who would permit no voter to vote for said persons for said offices." Against this outrage Sir. Wickliffo filed the following protest, viz : "•C. A. WidclilTo protests against tho act by which his name was strii-ken from tho poll-books, and tho people de- nied tho privilege of voting for him as a candidate lor tho office of Governor. " lie states that ho has ever been opposed to secession or a dLs.solution of tho Union. " lie is in favor of a restoration of the Union as it was nnder tho present Constitution. " lie has opposed the iibolilion of slavery as a war meas- nreand tho arming of negroes as soldiers of the army of tho Um'ted States, and voted against tho appropriation bill at ihe last session after tho House refused to adopt the pro- viso offered by Mr. Mallory, providing, in substance, that no part of the m lU'-y sliould bo expended in freeing ne- groes, inanningaiid p'vliigncgroos as soldiers of tho army. Sir. Crittenden, Mr. Mallory, Mr. Menzies, Mr. Llarding, Mr. Yeaman, and Mr. Grider opposed the bill, and refused to vote for it for the same re.a-sons. ' ^ "I deny that I am disloyj.! to tho Government or to the Constitution. "I request tho judges to file this paper with tho poll- books and returns. " C. A. WICKLLFFJE." The streng h of Mr. Wickllffe's loyalty was exhibited in a remark made to the writer of these articles ia condolence for thelussofaa only SOD in the winter of 18G1-2 '' J leave a son," said he, " ivho has Joined the rebel army, and 1 would rather have followed him to his yrave." Tho following condensed statements exhibit a portion of the miliUu-y operations in various portions of tho State, n.amely : '•McC^.ACK«\' CocxTY. — In tliis county the election was held under strict military I'ule. Soldiers were stationed at each precinct. No one was allowed to vote williouttiddug tho oath prescribed by Ocueral Ashboth. The Democratic tick<'t was struck from tho poll-books and not allowed to be voted for." '•Bullitt Countt. — At Mount Washington tho voting commenced about eight o'clock. At niuo in tho morning Wickliffo liad received twenty-one votes and Bramlette tlireo votes. A lieutenant of cavnlry, with a squad of fifty men under his command, then ordered tho name of the Democratic candidates to bo erased from the poll-books, and this w;ia done." " Haxcook County. — At Ilawesvillo a lieutenant in com- mand of a militarj' forco forbade tlie judges to place the n;;mos of the Democratic candidates on the poll-books, and they obeyed, refusing to receive any votes for these candi- dates. At I.ewisport the same course was pursued. At Indian Creek no poU was opened for tho Democratic ticket. At Lane precinct twenty-two votes were allowed to be cast for ATickliffe." " Ballaf.d County. — At Precinct No. 1 there was no in- terference with voters, and Wickliffe received all but two or three of the votes c:ist. At the remaining precincts the election was conducted by armed soldiers under the orders of Gen. Asboth, all tho voters being required to take the oath prescribed in his order. At Precinct Nos. 2 and 4 no election was held as tho judges refused to hold it unless permitted to cunductitagreoably to the laws of the State." '•Woodford County. — At Versailles the Provost Marshal gave notice at tho polls that those who voted tho Demo- cratic ticket would leave a record of their disloyalty, so that ho would know whose property to seize as the sym- pathizers in rebellion. linally, none were allowed to vote who disapproved the negro policy of tho Administration." "CoNGtiESSioxAL DISTRICTS Nos. AND 7-Voters, in addi- tion to tho oath required by law, were required to answer questions as to their feelings, sympathies, and wishes. If they failed to answer these satisfactorily, or refused to answer at all, their votes were rejected. Thoso who had voted early in tho day were afterward called back and these questions put to them and their votes era.sed." Before the election, tho Democratic candidate for Con- gress in the Fifth District and the candidate for tho Legis- Irituro in Livingston county, were arrested and sent to Hen- derson, many miles from their homes, and there detained until after the election. Thus, by prescribing illegal oaths, by dictating illegal acts to county courts aud judges and clerks of tho election, by arrestingjudges of the election for refusing to administer the illegal oalhs in violation of their oaths of office, by not allowing men who were willing to t;ike tho oath to vote the Democratic ticket, by threat- ening to arrest and actually arresting voters in feivor of that ticket, by declaring such votes a proof of disloyalty, thus exposing their property to seizure, by seizing the poll- bouk's and erasing the names of tho Democratic candidates in more than fifty precincts, by era.sing Democratic votes and abstrjicting poll-books showing Democratic majorities — by a multiplicity of outrages like these, a great victory was achieved by the Federal army in Kentucky — a victory over the right of suffrage, over tho white main's liberty, over the Constitutions of tho State and of the United States, a victory, if often repeated, as fatal to the Union a-s seces- sion itself, A DISUNION \lCT0Rr. The total number of voters in Kentucky, as Oflicially reported, was 182,2i6. Only 80,000 were cast, of which Mr. Wickliffo received less than 17,400. Tho opposing candidate received tho residue, being but a little more than one-third of the actual vote of th« State. This fact, connected with the moans taken to defoiit Mr. Wickliffe, afl'ords strong presumptive evidence that ho would have received a majority of the votes hail there been a free election. Aud tho .same means which defeated him, placed in Congress and in the State Legislature many mem- bers wlio now hold their seats, not by the will of the people, but by Federal bayonets. And what do wo hear now? The Secretary of War, in reply to a call from tho Senate for a copy of all orders issued from his Department touching those elections, re- 11 porta that no siKh orders were issued! If there were no brdors from the Seorelary of War. tho Goncralin-Chiof, or the Pr'-sidGut, everv officer who purticirated in thcso out- ra-J-os ought to bo c'a-uieroit and di-ivcn from the army in disgrace. Cut has any one of them been punished, repn- nuinded, or censured? Not one. Thcrn is a mysti^ry here wliich demands from Congi-ess a moet searching investigation. As friends of UiewhUe man's lil>ertv, will tiioy not moke it? Febjiuary 9, ItGi. For lack of space, similar reports from Mc- Lean, Caldwell, Breckinridge, Graves, Calloway, Hickman, Fulton, M^ade, SUelby, Lyon, Da- viess, Headerson, Owen, and Nelson Counties cannot be inserted. The foregoing needs no comments, but speaks for itself. For lack of space, a very important letter, Bimilar to the above, relative to the Maryland election, cannot be inserted. CONCLUSION. We now come to take our last view of the matter. We have noticed briefly President Lincoln's policy from the delivery of his inau- gural down to'tbo present time; how he, by successive additions, like the story of '• The House that Jack Built," at length reared the abolition fabric complete. As a finishing stroke, if there was anything lacking, he has lately capped the climax with the note to Messrs. Clay and Holcouibe, under the heading of " To Whom it May Concern." A^ain : the adoption on the p irt of the Ad- miurstration of those extremely radical meas- ures relative to the status oi the negro, thereby throwing obstacles in the way of exchanging prisoners, has doubtless been the means of hun- dreds and thousands of poor soldiers dying in Confederate prisons. When the Administra- tion could thus, apparently without any re- morse, entail such sulTeriugs upon their fellow- ' men merely for the gratification of their per- sonal ambition, where is the '-Humanity" of which they so much boast? Those brave sol- diers who'have endured the privations of the camp, and imperiled their lives iu the service of their country, deserve the gratitude and admiration of the world. But as long as the present policy be pursued they cannot reap the fruits of their labors. Iu my opinion it can- not be done in four years more should Mr. Lincoln be elected. Claims of deceased sol- diers are now being settled in the Second Auditor's office at the rate of from 300 to 500 daily, and yet they are twelve months behind, notwithstanding they have a force of some two hundred and fiity clerks, the most of whom are employed on these claims. Considering the large numbers that have fallen the past summer, I don't suppose the work now on hand can be caught up in a twelve month. Having been a clerk in that Department nearly six months, I know what I speak is correct. Think of this soldier-friends, and consult your own interest and that of your country for which you have periled so much, is all I ask. Again : the Administration, as if they were immaculate and pure and had not themselves first broken the Constitution, have refused upon all occasions to treat with the CoiilVdcrates, and thus end the war. The following incident will probably throw some ligtil upon this sub- ject, and may be considered new, as 1 do not think it has ever been in print before: 1 am credibly informed by a gentleman who is now in this city, who was a resident of Ten- nessee at the breaking out of the war, that at the commencement of our difficulties he held considerable correspondence with A. II. Ste- phens, of Georgia. The last letter my friend wrote that gentleman, Mr. Stephens did not reply to personally, but requested a friend to answer it, and inform his friend "that to- morrow he should join the Confederates, but it would only be for the purpose of bringing thein back at a proper time, under auspices such as would insure a more perfect Union." Has the Administration manifested any disposi- tion to receive them, even when they have signified a desire to return ? I think not. ^Vbile such has been the policy of the Fed- eral au'.horiti s, those of the Southern Confed- eracy, meeting with but liitlc or no encourage- ment, have pursued a course alike antagonistic to the best interests of the country, as is proven bv the late mission of Messrs. Jaquesaud Gil- more; but this was known before. Those ex- tremists have thus, by playing into each other's hands, fanned the war into a lurid flame that threatens, if not speedily arrested, to de- vour the country. The Abolitionists are responsible for their full share of the causes leading to this war, but the Confederates are more responsible for the inauguration of hostilities, as I will prove by the following : 'Col. Laraon, an agent of the Federal Govern- ment, was sent to Charleston to. treat respecting the evacuation of Fort Sumter. He informed the Confederate authorities of his mission, and proposed a vessel of war with which to evacu- ate the Fort. They refused this oiibr, prefer- ring, as some say, a mer«hant vessel with which to evacuate the fort, others a surrender of the fort. Iu all probability, the Federal soldiers went to the forts of Charleston in a war vessel, and if they desired to depart in one I cannot see why they could not consistently with the honor of the State and Confederate States, have been permitted to do so. But there were cer- tain fire-eaters at the South who wanted an affray at Fort Sumter in order that the remaiii- ing slave States might be involved in the diffi- culty, and thus. uU be united into a Southern Confederacy. Therefore, the Confederates are more responsible for the immediate inaugura- tion of hostilities. President Lincoln, with the vast resources of the United States at his command, including one hundred and eleven regiments of soldiers from the Border Stat«8, has a fearful respoiisi- bility resting upon his shoulders for not ending the war ere this wi;h the restoration of tho Union, and at an immense saving of life and treasure. 12 Again: While a certain prominent Repub- lican has lately suinracd up in four words the duty of all loyal citizens — "stand by ilie Govovunient" — they as a body, vitterly ignore the Constitiui'.n. Therefore, tbeir whole pro- ceedings are nothing but mob law upon a large soaie. Hence, the many factions in the Repub- lican party, for they can't all agree as to ''how the Constitution ought to be." I would say, rather '^ stand Ly the ConstUutio7i, and theCon- stitution ivill stand ly the Government. lu the preceding remarks I made an asser- tion to the effect that general en'ancipation would uuder existing circuiustances, result dis- astrously to the white and black races at the South. I now wish to submit some testimony in proof thereof. According to the census of 1850 there was in the penitentiary of Massachusetts one con- vict for every 12,533 of her white population. Of her free negro population there was a con- vict for every JL02, thus shov/ing that the negroes were a fraction over thirteen times as im'moral as the whites. The proportion of negroes to the whites being so small, there be- ing only one out of every 109 of her entire population, a free negro does not make a per- ceptible -difference on society. But if at the South, where iii-some States the number of ne- groes exceeds that of the whites, they should be emancipated, and in a few years should also become thirteen times as immoral as the whites, I wish to know what would soon be the condition of society there? While Massa- chusetts furnished a convict for every 192 of her free negro population, there was only one out of every 10,000 of the servants South in prison. It cannot be said that it is for lack of cultivation that has caused the free negroes of Massachusetts to become so depraved, because there is a smaller proportion of them that can- not read and wiite than there is of the wbites of some of the Southern States. I say this with some degree of shame, but it is neverthe- less true. The foregoing ought to go a great ways in deciding this question, and certainly v/ould if our I^oithern brethren would only cast aside their passions and prejudices, and take facts in the case as they really exist. It would seem that they have had free negroes on hand long enough (eighty years) to succeed in elevating them to a level with the white race, or at least approximating that figure, if they are suscep- tible of such elevation; and until they do this, or prove that it can be done, we think it base, mean, and contemptible in them for attempting to force a state of affairs upon us South, such as we have every reason for believing would prove the utter ruin of both whites and blacks for many generations to come, if not through- out all future time. Prove to me that the con- dition of the negro wouH not be worsted by emancipation, and also that they would not act. as an incubus or clog to the white race, and I am then an abolitionist out and out. But it may be set down as au axioni that no two races can exist together on an equality in freedom where there are barriers such as prevent their intermarrying with each other. lam sustained in thhs opinion by ;\Ir. Jeffvjrsop. A war be- tween the races would ultimately set in, and the stronger cxter.aiJRftte the weaker. Again : a largo proportion of the lately eman- cip;.ted servants with whom I have conveiKed in this city, Newbern, and other places, say they were forced from flieirhome.-? agaiiii^t their will, and that they were -more comfortable and happy with their master.s before obtaining their IVee- dom than they have been .since. From whence, then, the philanthropy that prompts the forcing of these people from their homes against their will and crotvding them in camps, where they have died by hundred.? and thou.=ands ? These people arc not responsible for their being in servitude, neither are they responsible for the v/ar. Therefore their blood will be upou some persons shoulders othei' than their own. Upon whose Vvfill that be ? With these remarks I will now leave this portion of my subject with the readei". Since the first ten pages of this pamphlet were set in type and stereotyped. Gen. George B. McClellan, of New Jersey, and George H. Pendleton, of Ohio, have been nominated by the Chicago Convention as our standard-bear- ers in the coming campaign. Abetter or more available ticket I do not think could have been selected. AVith that ticket success is believed to be certain. There is, however, a work for us to do. I therefore wish to urge once more upon my readers the vast iraponance of the questions soon to be decided. We have seen how the Federal authoriiies resorted to force, test-oaths, &c., in order to carry the late elec- tion in Kentucky^ No better evidence need be wanted that their cause is a bad one than the simple fact that they were not w^illing for the people to decide for themselves, a large ma- jority of whom are undoubtedly constitutional Unionists. Whether or not they will attempt coercion in the coming election we now cannot tell. It is, however, to be hoped they will not ; but whether or not they do, the result, as is believed, will be the same. With sufficient energy on our part their defeat is certain. Jus- tice demands this not only for the mismanage- ment of public affairs, whereby the vast re- sources of the United States have been squan- dered to little purpose, and the war. prolonged far beyond the proper limits, but als6 from the fiict that four years is long enough for any person to hold any office of profit and honor in the gift of the ptiople, either in times of war or peace. I am therefore emphatically an advo- cate of the one-term principle from the fact that I believe sucU a policy, rigidly pursued, would, as a general thing, not only fill the various offices of the country with better men, but would also cause a more equal distribution of the same .imong the people. Another evil resulting from retaining persons so Jong in oflice is that the incumbents are too apt to come to the conclusion that the office and p?ople, ioo, belong to tlicro, and get to be like Hammnhds, wLo in the Nasliville Conven- tion proclaimed, " The people r.ro to do what- ever vre command them." Thoy pcem to for- get altogether that thoy are the servants of the people, and hence da a^ they ploaso. Mr. Liu- coin, I believe, waS' once an advocate of the oue-tcrm principle, but from some cause of other we have not heard anything on that score of late. In my opinion, before an amicable, adjustment of our sectional trouble!? can ba obtained, we nuist cast a«ido those pafsiona and predjudices and the hatred that has been engendered during the war. Instead of the pursuit of these pas- sions bringinp; ug redress for our wrongs, it will only involve us in more inextricable difficulties. AVe should therefore consult our interest rather than ouv feelings. But the present Adminis- tration is so trammelled with proclamations and pledges that I actually do not believe they can consult the common interests of the country, and at the same time respect those proclama- tions and pledges. I therefore think we need a new Administration that is not thus trammelled. But, it may be asked, what are my views rel- ative to negro soldiers, pr6jided the Democratic nominees are elected. In answer to this I will say that I am in favor of using the negro in any way that he can be of service in putting down the rebellion, at a saving of life and treasure.. And that the negroes now in the field can be of service so far as force is concerned, is evident even to a casual observer. Morally considered, I believe this policy has acted injuriously, in giv- ing the Southern people a pretext for their law- less acts, and thus enabling them to mass all their available forces against the Federal Gov- ernment. It ife therefore problematical whether tlie negro soldiers hive been or will ultimately be of anj- real beneiit in restoring the Union; for, a reunion to he worth anytldng must be bused upon the. will of the people governed. I therefore think that had the proposition of A. H. Ste- phens to visit Washington City been enter- tained, it would have been worth infinitely more to the Union cause than the combined services of the 200,000 negro 'joldiers now said to be in the fieM, to s.ay nothing of the loss of life and treasure that has occurred since that time. Therefore, whatever may bo the policy of continuing negro soldiers in the army, I con- sider it very impolitic on the part of the AJ- rainistration in rejecting propositions that that would doubtless have led to peace, for the purpose of arming and equipping the negroes. I wish here to advert to a remark that Mr. Stephens is alleged to have made, which is : " That the Southprn Confederacy is founded jipon Slavery as its corner-stone." INIr. Ste- phens never said any such thing, and I defy any gentleman to prove it. What he said, in eirect, was this: "That there was a distinction between the white and b ack races, and upon that principle they would Lay the corner-stone of the Confederacy." What gent'.sman of even ordinary capacities will say anj Ijing else? I am aware, Liowever, that the Rf^publicajtis advo- cate equality before the law rather than oqu:ili|y of races. 1 agree with thom Iicro. and am foe the black man enjoying a,ll the pleasures and comforts of which his naiuro is susceptible. But I do not think his pleasures arc ir.creased by mingling with white people in street cars and such places. Having several times ridden on the same cars with them it was \Q.r^ ca.^y to di.s- cover by their physiognomy that tliey were not as well contented as thc^' would have been in a separate car or apartment to tbenisclvcs. I, for one, don't wish to be understood as saying that I would have any objection to riding by the side of a poor negro in a street car, but v/hen they would doubtless be more comfortable in a car or apartment to themselves, why insist on their mingling with the whites ? It \i in this wav that undue prejudices are gotten up agaiu.st the poor negroes, which eventuall}- makes it worse for them ; and very probably this state of af- fairs will ever exist so long as there ai'c barriers such as prevent the whites and blacks from intermarrying. Being no miscegenationist, I am no advocate of any such doctrine I do not believe in corrupting or ruining the the Cauca- sian race — the most noble of God's creation — for the purpose of elevating the negro, an infe- rior race. But if the negroes move in their proper sphere they can be happy and contented in this world, and if they live virtuously and seek Christ, the Saviour of all men, they will doubtless be happy in the next. Having done this, I believe they will have fulfilled the pur* pose for which they were intended by the Creator. - I now wish to advert in a few words to Ihe Democratic platform lately adopted at Chicago. The Republicans affect to dislike this exposi- tion of sentiments from the fact that it does not breathe forth war stronglj' enough for them. "Peace en the basis of the Federal Union of the States," evidently does not suit them. It is true the platform does not define tbe course to be pursued in cnse the Confederates refuse peace upon that basis ; but as the framer? thereof doubtless thought tha,t a return to tha Constitution on the part of the Federal Gov- ernment was all that was needed to restore ." peace on the basis of the Federal Union of the States," th^y were not as explicit upon that point as they probably 'would have been had they relied solely upon the merits of the svrord for a se tlement of our difficulties. While they are for peace upon the basis of the Constitu- tion and Union, they evidently intend to em- ploy the means best calculated to efTect the same; And I am of the opinion myself that if peace were offered the Confederates upon that basis with some degree of firmness, that a re- union, such as was established by our fathers, would soon be the result. But at the same time, should these means be found inad'^quate, more stringent measures would doubtless be fidopted, for in the language of the patriotic Jackson, " the Union must and shall be pre- served," despite secessionists and abolitionists. 14 Therefore, place tlie war on a Constitnlional basis, and if aiiv iruire soltlif-rs he wanting jon may count me in for one. I am willing to risk my lifo, even to pour out my .blood were it nccessfiry, to save the Union, but am not will- ing to ritk it for tlie purpose of freeing negroes under existing circumgtances. Since tbo foregoing was in type I have re- ceived General McClellan's very able and patri- otic letter of acceptance. It is very explicit as to the policy to be pursued in ca.se the choice of the Convention is ratified by the people. For the purpose of placing it before my read- ers, I will extend these pages to a greater length than I had originally designed. It needs no comments, and I therefore submit it entire with- out any : Obamoe, N. J., September S, 1SC4. Oentixmen: Iliavo the honor to acknowledge the receipt of yonr letter informing mo of tho n(jmination, by tho Na- tional Democratic ('ouvention, recently assembled at Chi- cago, as their c;uuliJato at the next election for President of the United States. It is unnecessary for me to say to yon that this nomina- tion comes to mo unsought. I am happy to know that when tho nomination was made, the record of my public life was kept in view. Tlie effect of long and varied service in the army during war and peace has been to strengthen and make indelible in my mind and hcirt tho love and roverencc for tboUnion, Constitution, laws, and (lag of our country, impressed upon mo in e^irly youth. These feelings have thus far guided the course of my life, and must continue to do so to its end. The cxisteuco of more than one government over the region which once owned our flag is incomp.atiblc with tho peace, the power, and the Inppiness of tho people. Tho preservation of our Union was tho solo avowed ob- ject for wliich tho war was commenced. It should have been conducted for that object only, and in accordance w-ith those principles which took occasion to declare when in active service. Thus conducted, the work of reconciliation would have boon easy, and wo might have reaped tho benefits of our many victories on land and sea. The Union was originally formed by the exercise of a Bpirit of conciliation and compromise. To restore and pre- serve it the samo spirit must prevail in our councils and in the hearts of tho people. The re-establishment of tho Union in all its integrity is and must continue to be tho in- dispensable condition in any settlement. So soon as it is cle.ar, or even probable, that our present adversaries aro ready for peace upon tho basis of the Union, we should ex- haust all the resources of statesmanship practiced by civi- lized nations and taught by thj traditions of American people, consistent with the honor and interests of the country, to secure such peaco, re-establish the Union, and guarantee for tho future the constitutional rights of every State. Th'5 Union is the one condition of peace ; we ask no more. Let mo add what I doubt not was, although unexpressed, tho sentiment of tho Convention, as it is of the people they represent, that when any one State is willing to return to the Union, it should be received at once, with a full guar- anty of all its constitutional rights. If a frank, earnest, and persistent effort to obtain these objects should f:il, the responsibility for ulterior conse- quences will fall upon those wiio remain in arms against Oio Union; but the Union must bo preserved at all hazards.' I could not look in tho face of my gallant comrades of tho army and navy, who have survived so many bloody battles, and toll them that their labor had been in vain ; that we had abandoned that Union for which wo have so often periled our lives. A v;«>t majority of our people, whether in tho army and navy or at homo, would, as I would, hail with unl)Ounded joy the permanent restoration of peace, on tlie basis of the Union, under tho Constitution, without tho effusion of another drop of blood. But uo peace can be permanent without union. As to other subjects presented in tho resolutions of tho Convention, I need only say that 1 should seek in the Con- Btitntion of tho United States, and tho laws framed in ac- cordance therewith, tho rule of my duty and tho liiaitationa of executive power ; endeavor to rpstore economy in th« liiil)lic I'xpendituros, re-establish tlie supremacy of law, a:ul, by the oper.ation of ,x more vigorous nationality, re- sume our commandiug pew '.ion among the nations of th« earth. The condition of our finances, tho d»prf»ei.ation of the pa- per money, and the burden thereby imposed on labor and capital, show tho necessity of a return to a souiid financiid system, wliile tho right? of citizen^ and thf rights of States, and the binding authority of law, over President, army, and people, ar« sulyects of not l^ss vital importance in war than in peace. Believing that tho vifws here expressed are those of tho Convention and the people you represent, I accept tho nomination. 1 realize the weight of tho responsibility to be borne, should they ratify your choice. Conscious of my own weakness, I can only seek fervently tho guidance of tho Iluler of the Universe, and relying on his all powerful aid, do my best to restore union and peace to a suflV-riiig people, and to establish and guanl their liberties and rights. I am, gentlemen, very respectful 1 v. vour obedient servant, GEO. B. JIcCLELLAN. Hon. Horatio Setmour and others, Committee. Democratic Plafform adopted by the Convention that assembled at Chicago, Avjust 29, 1864. Resolved, That in the future, as in tho past, we will ad- here with unswerving fidelity to the Union under the Consti- tution as the only solid foundation of our strength, security. and happiness as a people, and as a framework of govern- ment equally conducive to tho welfare and prosperity of all tho States, both Northern and Southern. Resoh-cd, That this Convention does explicitly declarp, as the sense of the American people, that, after four years of failure to restore tho: ''nion by tho experiment of war, during which, under the pretense of a military necessity or war power higher than the Constitution, tho Constitutjen itself has been disregarded in every part, and public liberty and private rights alike trodden down, and tho material prosperity of tho country essentially impaired, justice, hu- manity, liberty, and the public welfare, demand that im- mediate efforts be made lor a cessation of hostilities, with a view to au ultimate Convention of all the States, orotlier peaceable means to the end that at the earliest practicable moment peace may be restored on tho basis of tho Federal Union of the States. Resolved, That the direct interference of tho military authority of the United States in the recent elections held in Kentucky, Mar.vland, Missouri, and Delaware, was a sh;unefnl violation of the Constitution, and tho repetition of such actri in the approaching election will be held as rev- olutionary, ttnd resisted with all tho moans and power under our control. Reaolved, That the aim and object of the Democratic party is to preserve the Federal Union and tho rights of the States unimpaired ; and they herobj' declare that they con- sider the Administrativo usurpation of extraordinary and dangerous powers not gr.anted by the Constitution, the sul)- version of the civil by military law in States not in insur- rection, the arbitrary military arrest, imprisonment, triiU and sentence of American citizens in States where civil law exists in full force, the suppression of freedom of speech and of the press, the denial of tho right of asylum, the open and iivowed disreg.ord of State rights, tho employment of un- usual test-oaths, and tho interference with .and deni.il of the right of tho people to be.ar arms, ius calculated to pre- vent a restoration of the Union and the perpetuation of a Government deriving its just powers from tho consent of the governed. Resolved, That tho shameful disregard of th'o Adminis- tration to its duty in respect to our fellow-citizene who now and long have been prisoners of war in a suffering condition, deserve tho severest reprobation, on tho score alike of public interest and common humanity. Resolved, That the sympathy of the Democratic party is heartily and earnestly extended to tho soldiery of our army, who aro and have b^'en in the field under the flag of onr cp'intr)-; and, in the e^^nt of our attaining power, they will receive all the care und protection, regard and kind- ness, that th(! bravo soldiers of the Kopublic have so noblj earned. MR. Lincoln's letter of acceptance. ExEcrrivE Mansion-, WASiUNGTO.N', June '27, ISM. Gentlemen: Tour letter of tho fourteentli insUmt, form' ally notifj-ing me that I have been nominated by the Con- 15 Tf-ntion von represent for the PrcsUlmicy of the United Tt^tTforfoin- "years from the fourth of March next, has ^ho nomination is gratefully accepted, as thorcolntions of the Convention, culled the platiorm, aro heartily ap- ^"whfle the resolution in regard to the supplanting of a republican s^overnment upon the Western Continent is full.v corcurrcd in, there might be a Ini^ Itesolvcd, That we approve tho position taken by thoGov- ernment that the people of the United States never regarded with indillerenco the attempt of any European power to overthrow by force, or to supplant by fraud, tbo institutiuna of any republican government on the we.storn continent, and th.at they view with extreme jealousy, as menacing to tho peace and independence of this our country, the cflortfl of any such power to obtain new footholds for mor.archical governments, eustained by a foreign military force, in near proximity to tho United States. For lack of space, Gen. Fremont's letter of acceptance is omitted. Before closing. I wish to say once more that, having been treated very kindly by the Re- publiclins since I came North, I have certainly not written the preceding pages through any acrimonious feelings towards them ; far from it, for I shall ever feel grateful to them for the kindness they have extended to me I there- fore feel towards them as you would towards an erring brother who is addicted to the fatal cup. and whom you are desirous of reclaiming ere he rush down the vortex of crime to irrc- treivablo ruin. There is, however, this dif. I ference between your friend thus situated and the Rcpublictm party. Your friend's evil course ' very probably acts injuriously only to himself, ! while the course pursued by the Republicans i has a disastrous effect not only upon thcm- i selves but also upon their brethren throughout, the entire length and breadth of tho land, both I North and South. We are therefore all intcr- j es^d in the matter; and fervently desiring the I welfare of all sections of the coitntry, I have I advanced tho within sentiments without any j sectional feeling whatever. ! Notwithstanding I do not fully indorse the I Chicago platform.* yet consider tlie Democratic I ticket^far preferable, .to that of the opposition, I from the fact that uudeu it I believe the Union I can be restored upon a -.far more permanent basis and at an immense s.aving ot life and treasure. The'-clefeets in the Chicago platform are, however, atnply rcniedied by Gen. McClel- lan's letter 'of., acoeptaftice ; and in case tie 1 t f , T desire to call . to consult ^^-^i'l^^.^^iif^rq'jo'rtmSris'offcr rrflectou; i^ is tbis: 3A«< /J'^ ieUcrthatn'c\omso 1^^^ ^J^'go^.tbern soil, and ^^ * '^ ?rrr>."^f.roTo"»''.aa ca..on,..,.a, peace. * »v. :rr ,'\'— • « '• .4 >■■* : " • • V V" .4' V ■*«" 1 1 < •St * • iiiiili