. I
.. A3898
' JJfrr* DEFENSE MIGRATION i/
>$£ / — |i " SEP 14 1942
v i ->L / Howard B. Myers
\ 3' & I Director of He sea
a
x\ V/-) « / * Director of Research bra^CI
Work Projects Administration
Eor the second time in ten years the United States is experiencing a
sharp increase in worker migration. In the thirties migration was stimulated
"by depression, in the forties it is "being stimulated "by the imperative.demands
of war. The concentration of war orders in a relatively small number of areas
is creating great demands for additional labor in some cities. At the same
0
time the growing impact of priorities and shortages of materials is squeezing
large numbers of workers out of their previous jobs in many sections of the
country. The result is 'a growing volume of migration of workers and their
families toward war boom towns.
Broadly speaking, employers with war orders have turned to four
sources of labor supply!
1. The local unemployed.
2. Local workers already employed, but in n'oh-war industries.1 ;
3. Local non-workers coming of working age or 'induced to enter-v.the ■
labor market by the prospect of easily-secured jobs "at good'wages.
4. Workers and potential workers from other areas.
/
In most cities the workers required for war industries have been
supplied largely from the first three sources—that is, from Various groups
in the resident population. This is both a natural and a desirable develop¬
ment, as large supplies of actual and potential workers have been readily
available in nearly all centers of war activity. ' ' tmv": » %•
For example, there were nearly 8,000,000 unemployed in«-the United-
States in October 1940. One year later the' number had shrunk to aoproximatcly
j . •
1/ Testimony to be presented to the House Committee Investigating National
Defense Migration, February 4, 1942. ' '
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-2 -
4,000,000. Unemployment is still high, though less .formidable than it was.
Even the most active war centers still have their unemployed—workers who,
though clearly employable, are not acceptable for the available jobs because
of age, race, sex, or lack of training. As the need for workers increases
further, and as restrictive hiring limits are relaxed, many of the remaining
unemployed will succeed in obtaining jobs.
The number of workers who have shifted from non-war to war jobs in
the same locality is not known but, stimulated by higher earnings in war
industries, the shift is probably already very large. The rapidly growing
effects of materials shortages will sharply accelerate these shifts during
1942, thus providing additional local workers for the expansion of war
production.
Non-workers, too, have recently been entering the labor market in
substantial numbers, and this movement also is growing. New entries to the
labor market, particularly students and housewives, have already offset a large
part of the loss resulting from the withdrawal of workers to the armed forces.
In an increasing number of war production centers, however, the
primary sources of resident labor possessing the needed skills and character¬
istics are running low. In these areas local deficiencies in labor supply are
being met by a growing flow of workers from other areas.
Workers from out of the city are of two types: commuters, who ride
back and forth between home and work each day; and migrants, who .move to the
active area. This distinction is an important one. When defense industries
are located in or near great population centers, commuters may supply a very
large part of the extra labor needed. But when defense industries are located
in a sparsely settled area, migration is required. The Ravenna (Ohio) ordnance
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plant, which draws from a labor fohpe of nearly 1,000,000 workers living within
a radius of 40 miles, may depend mainly upon commuters; but the Iowa ordnance
plant at Burlington, with only 100,000 workers living within a 40-mile radius,
'must employ'a large proportion of migrant workers.
Defense migration has been dramatized by the rapid massing of large
numbers of workers in isolated army-camp and powder-plant towns, in the great
hew aircraft-production centers, in the resurrected shipbuilding centers'—in
such towns as San Diego, Pascagoula, Wichita, Bath, Hartford, Burlington,
Shreveport, Seattle,
The needs of war have transformed the disliked "transient" of the
depression into the respected war-worker of today. The border patrols of a
few years ago are being replaced by a variety of devices 'to encourage migration,
including advertising by private contractors, expansion of the public employ¬
ment office clearance system, and defense housing and community facility
programs. Poor housing, overcrowding, health hazards, skyrocketing rents and
inadequate school, sewer, and wat.er systems are now matters of public concern,
partly because it is feared that such undesirable.conditions may discourage the
migration of needed workers.
It is clear that defense migration is .-raising increasingly serious
problems, and that these problems urgently require analysis. In an endeavor
to help get at the facts, the. WPA Division of Research some months ago under¬
took a series of studies"of1 migration to defense areas. These surveys,
sponsored'by the Federal-Security Agency, were designed primarily to determine
how many workers and persons had moved to the area during the past year, where
they had come from, what types of people they were, the occupations and
ihdustries in which they had been employed, the success of various groups of
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migrants in finding employment after migration and the extent to which they
had shifted to new occupations and industries after migrating. The surveys
covered the activities of civilian workers only, and no attempt was made to
gather information about persons who had left the survey city during the year.
The information was secured through a sample census of each area,
using techniques generally similar to those of the WPA Monthly Report of
Unemployment. Particular attention was given to coverage of rooming houses,
lower-priced hotels, defense housing projects, and tourist and trailer camps.
In all, 51 areas were selected for survey. Most of the cities
selected had received large war material orders or construction contracts;
a number of towns with few war contracts were included as control areas.
Data are now available for each of these cities, and with the permission of
the Committee, will be submitted for the record.
The data make possible a number of observations concerning defense
migration, pre-war phase. It should be said at the outset that.generaliza¬
tion concerning the movement is hazardous. The situation varies markedly by
locality, depending on such factors as the type and intensity of defense
activity, the size of the resident labor supply, the economic situation in
nearby areas, and the ability of the community to house and service the
incoming population.
Before going further, I should point out that by-no means .all mi¬
gration to defense areas is defense migration in the narrow sense. Broadly
speaking, one non-defense worker moves to a defense town for every worker
who comes in to take defense employment. The enticing prospect of a job
draws clerical and service workers as well as skilled metal tradesmen, opera¬
tives and construction workers. Many of these workers secure jobs which
iu58 98
- 5 -
contribute indirectly to the war effort, others join the ranks of the
resident unemployed. All contribute, however, to the social and economic
problems which migration raises and, consequently, all are included in the
discussion which follows:
In general, defense migration has been of two main types: (1) the
movement of construction -workers to camp and new facility sites, many of
which have been located in rural or small-town areas; (2) the movement of
workers to war industry centers, for the most part the larger cities. The
industrial movement has been less spectacular, but is of longer duration and,
socially and economically, is much more important. I shall discuss primarily
this latter type.
Perhaps the primary point to make concerning defense migration to
date is that, by and large, it has flowed in smaller volume than many of the
more excited newpaper and magazine stories would have us believe. This early
overestimation of the volume of migration is understandable, however. It
takes a relatively small number of migrants in a community to create numerous
problems. For example, the District of Columbia was already so congested
when the defense program first began,- that a very small in-migration would
have exhausted all the available housing. There were only 3,800 habitable
rental vacancies in the District last February,' In the absence' of a con¬
siderable construction program, an annual migrant rate of only 2 or 3 per¬
cent would have.exhausted these vacancies by November. The actual migrant
rate for the District was 7.8 percent. It is no wonder that in-migration to
the District seemed even greater than it was;
This.is ngt to say that recent migration has not been tremendous
in some areas. The movement to large construction jobs has been impressive,
A38S8
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but most "of- this has been temporary. It is true-, further, "that a few
industrial towns have experienced a hectic mushroom growth. Migrants
into San Diego, California, total 27 percent of the 1940 population—the
highest rate among the 51 areas surveyed. Wichita, Kansas, a booming air¬
craft center, is second, with a 20 percent migration rate. While the rate
of migration is lower, some of the larger cities have experienced truly
astounding in-movenents. For example, more than 150,000 persons moved into
Los Angeles and its satellite towns during the year following October 1940.
In the same period, more than 50,000 persons have moved into Washington, D. C,,
and more than 40,000 to Seattle, Washington.
These cases are exceptional, however. In half of the 51 nre-'S for
which data are available the migration rate has been 5 percent or less, »nd
in only 10 of the 51 cities has it been 10 percent or more.
Chart 1 shows, in array, the migrant rates of all the cities
included in the VP A surveys.
At the top of the chart are the "hottest" war-boom cities: San
Diego and Wichita (aircraft), Newport News (shipbuilding), and Long Bench
and Seattle (aircraft and shipbuilding). The active construction centers
also appear high on the chart; note in particular the position of Burlington,
Wichita Falls, Corpus Christi, and Fort Smith, cities which were in the
midst of large-scale war construction programs when they were surveyed.
Some of the cities at the bottom of the chart are cities with
little or no war-stimulated activity, "such as Newburgh, Washington, Pa.,
and Brockton, for example. Many, however, are active war centers which have
been able to expand production without much migrant labor. St. Louis, with
war contracts valued at more than a quarter of a billion dollars, is seventh
ASByB
_ 7 -
from the bottom; Pittsburgh is third from the bottom; and Philadelphia, with
a billion dollars in contracts, is at the very bottom of the array. Most of
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these cities had large numbers of resident unemployed workers when the rearma¬
ment program began, and in most cases, the local unemployed population is still
large, even today.
Our estimates show that approximately 2,250,000 persons and 1,000,000
workers living in cities of over 25,000 population October 1941, had entered
these cities after October 1, 1940. The overall migrant rate for cities over
25,000 population was 4.3 percent.
It is important to note that these figures refer to in-migration only,
not to net population gain. As a matter of fact, it seems clear that some of
the cities suffered a net population loss during the first year of the defense
program. Terre Haute, for example, had a higher proportion of housing
vacancies late in 1941 than in April 1940, and almost certainly lost population.
There may be several other such cities in the list. Even in the most active
cities, there was doubtless some out-migration during the period covered by
the surveys.
On the other hand, the surveys indicate that the rate of migration
has been increasing in most areas. It is probable that migration will grow
even more rapidly during the coming months, stimulated by the marked intensifi¬
cation of the war effort, by the near-absorption of the resident labor supply in
certain "hot" areas, and by rapidly-growing priorities unemployment. The rubber
shortage will inevitably make commuting more difficult, so that cities like
Bridgeport, Bristol, and Ravenna, which are now dependent on a large number of
commuters, must be prepared to house great numbers of migrants when large-
scale commuting is no longer possible. During the first year of war, migration
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should exceed by a considerable margin the volume during the pre-war period.
Second, it is pleasing to report that defense migration thus far
has been, on the whole, strikingly successful. In half of the areas surveyed
the unemployment rate for all migrant workers is 7 percent or less; in a
fourth of the areas it is 4 percent or less. Only one city out of nine has
a migrant unemployment rate of 15 percent or more. Chart 2 shows the migrant
unemployment rates'for all the survey cities.
Important war-industry centers fall at both ends of the array shown
in chart 2. Highest unemployment was reported in Ft. Smith, Arkansas, where
large numbers of workers had flocked in anticipation of the start of work
on a new army camp. Very high unemployment was also found in Long Beach,
Los Angeles, and Wichita. In San Francisco, San Diego, Seattle, and Corpus
s
Christi, unemployment was relatively high, indicating that workers were
arriving faster than they could be absorbed. But in Bristol, Baltimore,
Washington, D. C., Burlington, South Bend, Warren, and Bridgeport, which
are likewise important centers of war activity, migrant unemployment was
exceptionally low.
In view of the almost completely unguided nature of the movement,
and considering the fact that the surveys included considerable numbers of
migrants who had very recently arrived in the area and had had little oppor¬
tunity to adjust themselves, the unemployment rates reported among migrants
are surprisingly low. In terms of obtaining employment defense migration
presents a welcome contrast to the tragic experiences of migrants during
the depression.
Not only have the great majority of the" defense migrants obtained
jobs, large numbers of them have got better jobs than they held before
migrating. Occupational upgrading has been widespread. Shifts among manual
A3898
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workers from unskilled to 6emi—skilled, and from semi-skilled to skilled have
been especially frequent. As a result of this process the proportion of
migrants working at unskilled occupations is surprisingly small—in the great
majority of towns less than 10 percent. Incdme data were not obtaine'd, "but
in view of the occupational upgrading reported and the relatively high wages
and full employment in most war industries, it seems clear that the incomes of
a large proportion of the migrants have risen.
Although migrants in general have "been quite successful in finding
jobs', certain groups have1 fared less well than others. Women have been far
less successful than men in obtaining jobs—in most areas their rate of
unemployment is 3 or more time's" that for men. Negroes, too, have been rela¬
tively unsuccessful as migrants—their unemployment rate is 3 or more times
the rate for whites in most areas to which Negroes have migrated in appre¬
ciable numbers.
Young workers have been generally more successful than their
elcers. The very young group is a striking exception. In the £reat majority
of areas workers under '20 reported the highest unemployment rate of any age grot;,;
Most of these youth have, of course, entered the labor market recently, and
have ,had little or no ^previous work experience. Workers 45 years and over
reported, in general, 'consistently higher unemployment than"average. (see
appendix tables.)
As would be expected the migrants who have been in the area longest
tend to have the lowest unemployment rates". In general, migrants who have
come from nearby areas tend to report "less unemployment than those who have
traveled far, probably because the former group more often return home if
they fail to get a job.
A3898
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In nearly all areas skilled manual workers and professional and
technical workers have the lowest unemployment rates among the migrants.
The least successful occupational groups are nearly always the service
workers, particularly domestics, who often report extremely high rates of
unemployment,
Negroes make up only a small proportion of the migrants to war
industry centers. In half of the survey cities, 3 percent or less of the
migrants are Negroes, and even in the South, migration rates for Negroes are
much lower than for whites. This is understandable, in view of the wide¬
spread discrimination against Negroes in war industries. It contrasts
sharply with experience in the first World War, however, when a large scale
migration of Negroes to Northern industrial centers took place. As the
demand for labor increases and present employment restrictions are relaxed,
it is probable that Negroes will begin to move in greater numbers.
Chart 3 shows the proportion of Negro migrants in each of the
survey cities.
As the chart indicates, the highest proportion of Negroes was found
in Macon, followed by Wichita Nails and Atlanta. Among northern cities, the
highest proportions were found in Baltimore, Washington, Pa., Pittsburgh,
Washington, D. C., Johnstown, and Battle Creek; in these, cities, however,
Negroes made up only 7 to 11 percent of the migrants.
There were relatively few female workers among the migrants. Half
of the cities reported 18 percent or less females among the migrants, and
only nine cities reported more than one-fourth of the workers to be females.
(See appendix tables.)
Contrary to popular impression, relatively few of the, mi .-.rants
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are coning from agriculture. This is rather surprising in view of our large
agricultural labor reserve.
The proportion of workers drawn from agriculture is shown for each-
city in Chart 4.
In half of the survey cities, 9 percent of the migrants or less
are farm workers. Even in the South, the proportion is usually below 15
percent, and in the industrial East, the proportion is in most cases
negligible.
War industry centers thus far have secured their workers primarily
from urban areas. Most of the rural migrants have come from villages; the
proportion from the open country is very small.
Eew of the migrants have traveled far; in most centers the average
distance is less than 125 miles. The California cities are outstanding
exceptions to the general rule. Migrants to Long Beach have moved an averag
of more than 1000 miles, while Los Angeles migrants havo averaged nearly
1,300 miles.
In order to illustrate the patterns of geographical movement
traced by recent migrants maps have been prepared showing the place of
origin of the migrants interviewed in six cities in different sections of
the country.
The short distance traveled by migrants to most cities is woll
illustrated by the maps for Bridgeport, Philadelphia, Oklahoma City, and
St. Louis. Philadelphia migrants, for example, moved predominantly from
New York City, Scranton, and Wilkes Barre. Bridgeport migrants came prin¬
cipally from the same three cities, plus Westchester County. Practically
none of the Bridgeport migrants had moved from south of Philadelphia, and
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moved principally from Tulsa, Seminole, Shava.ee, and. numerous county seats
within half a day's automobile drive* Most of ,the St. Louis' migrants came
from Southeastern Missouri and Southern Illinois.
In Seattle, the distance traveled is somewhat greater; a substan¬
tial number of migrants had moved from the Twin Cities, and. from numerous
small towns and. rural places across Montana, North Dakota, and Minnesota*.•
Many others came from San Francisco and Los Angeles. Even so, the. bulk of
the Seattle migrants had moved from Portland, Spokane, Tacoma and from the
small cities within the State of Washington.
Lqs Angeles County migrants provide one of a very few exceptions,
among the 51 cities surveyed, to the general rule that recent migrants have
been drawn from the immediate neighborhood of the receiving area. Most ox
the Los Angeles migrants originated in a strip running north and south through
the Midwest from the Twin Cities to Dallas,, and including Sioux City, Omaha,
Lincoln, St. Joseph, Kansas City, St. Louis, Oklahoma City, and Tulsa.
The Bridgeport and Philadelphia maps well illustrate, the influence
of depressed areas on defense migration, since a particularly large proportion
of migrants in both cities had 'formerly lived in the Pennsylvania anthracite
region. Neither the Oklahoma City nor Los Angeles maps, however, show any
great migration from the poorer counties in the Oklahoma Ozarks, whose outmi¬
gration during the 1930's was dramatically brought to the Nation's attention.
Finally, the maps show that the great bulk of recent migration to
cities is from cities, rather than from rural places. In Philadelphia, and
Bridgeport, migration from rural.places is negligible, and in Seattle, Los
Angelos and" Oklahoma City it is far outweighed by urban migrants. St. Louis
reported the highest proportion.of rural migrants, nearly two-fifths of the
total.
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Migrants as a group, are young, as Chart 5 shows.
In half of the cities the average age of all migrant workers is 29
years or less; in no city does the average riso as high as 35 years. The
figures reflect both the greater mobility of young workers and the low hiring
age limits in many war industries. In the aircraft town of Wichita, Kansas,
where hiring restrictions are unusually severe, the average age ef ell migrant
workers is under 25 years. In Bristol, the Los Angeles satellite cities,
Baltimore, San Diego, Bridgeport, and Seattle—all important war-industry
manufacturing cities—the average age was also very low, ranging from 25 years
to 27 years. In practically all the war-construction centers, on the other
hand, migrant workers were older, averaging 31 years to 33 years.
The migration surveys provide evidence that the rising demand for
labor in centers of war activity is drawing non-workers into the labor market
in considerable numbers. In half of the cities surveyed 14 percent or more of
the migrant workers had never had p. jeb at their previous residence; and in
four cities, Wichita, St. Louis, Bridgeport, and Nashville, this group made up
one-fifth or more of the migrant workers. Most of these persons were student;
and housewives entering the labor market for the first time. The employment
record of this group is often poor; in more than half of the cities the pro¬
portion who have obtained jobs is smaller than for migrants with work ex¬
perience.
The proportion of rne-person families among the migrants at their
new locations is extremely high, ranging from 30 to 50 percent for most areas
and reaching a peak of 77 percent for Washington, D. 0. It is well known, of
course, that single persons are highly mobile. Large numbers of these one-
person families are incomplete, however; in many towns the proportion is more
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than one—third of all one—person families. In half of the towns, 15 "percent
or more of these workers left their families behind when they migrated. In
part, this separation reflects the normal instability of the migration pro-
cess-i-the bread winner leaving his family behind until he settles in a new
location. In part, however, it results from the serious housing shortages ex¬
isting in many areas with large war contracts.
A striking relationship"between the proportion of migrant families
which are incomplete and "the availability of housing is afforded by a com¬
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21 Surveyed May 1941,
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Chart 2
EMPLOYMENT STATUS OF MIGRANT WORKERS
(PERCENT DISTRIBUTION)
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Chart 3
PROPORTION OF NEGROES AMONG MIGRANTS
Macon, Go.
Augusta, Ga.
Atlanta, Ga.
Hampton Roads Area, Ms.
Baltimore, Md.
Washington, Pa
Muskogee, Okla
Nashville, Tenn
Pittsburgh, Pa.
Battle Creek, Mich.
Houston, Tex
Washington, D. C.
Johnstown, Pa
Dayton, Ohio
Corpus Christi, Tex.
Philadelphia, Pa.
Wichita Falls, Tex.
Greenville, S. C.
Hackensack, N J.
Warren, etc. Ohio
Detroit, Mich.
Indianapolis, Ind.
La Fayette, Ind.
St. Louis, Mo.
Kalamazoo, Mich
Los Angeles, Calif
Quincy, III.
Saginaw, Mich.
Wichita, Kan.
South Bend, Ind
Newburgh, N. Y.
Oklahoma City, Okla.
Terre Haute, Ind.
Bridgeport, Conn.
San Diego, Calif.
Glendole, etc Calif
Long Beach, Calif
Ft. Smith, Ark.
Appleton, Wise.
Brockton, Mass
Marion, Ohio
Bloomfield, N J
San Francisco, Calif.
Oakland, Calif.
Seattle, Wash.
Portland, Me
Des Moines, Iowa
Burlington, Iowa
Bristol, Conn.
Percent
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Chart 4
PROPORTION OF MIGRANT WORKERS ENGAGED
IN AGRICULTURE AT THEIR LAST RESIDENCE
Percent
9 12
15
18
21
Detroit, Mich.
Nashville, Tenn.
Wichita, Kans.
Hampton Roads Area.Va.
Macon, Ga.
Bristol, Conn.
St. Louis, Mo.
Baltimore, Md.
Indianapolis, Ind.
Glendale, etc., Calif.
Dayton, Ohio
Atlanta, Ga.
San Diego, Calif.
La Fayette, Ind.
Houston, Tex.
Marion, Ohio
Battle Creek, Mich.
Quincy, III.
Augusta, Ga.
Ft. Smith, Ark.
Corpus Christi, Tex.
Wichita Falls, Tex.
Greenville, S C.
Oklahoma City, Okla.
Burlington, Iowa
Los Angeles, Calif.
Seattle, Wash.
Kalamazoo, Mich.
Long Beach, Calif.
Appleton, Wis.
Oakland, Calif.
Warren, etc., Ohio
South Bend, Ind.
Muskogee, Okla.
San Francisco, Calif.
Pittsburgh, Pa.
Portland, Me.
Des Moines, Iowa
Terre Haute, Ind.
Bloomfield, N. J.
Washington, D. C.
Bridgeport, Conn
Newburgh, N Y.
Washington Pa.
Johnstown, Pa.
Brockton, Mass.
Hackensack, N.J.
-Philadelphia, Pa.
Saginaw, Mich.
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WPA 4052
Chart 6
HABITABLE RENTAL VACANCY RATES AND PERCENT
OF WORKERS MIGRATING WITHOUT THEIR FAMILIES
Percent
20 30 40
Oklahoma City, Okla.
Son Francisco, Calif.
Los Angeles, etc., Calif.
Houston, Tex.
Wichita Falls, Tex.
Terre Haute, Ind.
Nashville, Tenn.
Kalamazoo, Mich.
Portland, Me.
Long Beach, Calif.
Oes Moines, Iowa
Wichita, Kans.
Augusta, Ga.
St. Louis, Mo.
San Diego, Calif.
Corpus Christi, Tex.
Atlanta, Ga.
Seattle, Wash.
Battle Creek, Mich.
Saginaw, Mich.
Washington, D C
Philadelphia, Pa.
La Fayette, Ind.
Pittsburgh, Pa.
Oakland, Calif.
Indianapolis, Ind.
South Bend, Ind.
Burlington, Iowa
Hampton Roads Area, Va.
Baltimore, Md.
Mocon, Ga.
Dayton, Ohio
Bridgeport, Conn.
Warren, etc., Ohio
Bristol, Conn.
Y////A Habitable vacancy
rates - (number of rental
units in good condition per
100 units in the city)
Percent of workers
migrating without
their families
WPA 4053
Chart 7
LIVING ARRANGEMENTS OF MULTI-PERSON
MIGRANT FAMILIES
(PERCENT DISTRIBUTION)
X////A In separate dwelling KXXXXXI Sharing a dwelling
L\\\\\l In tourist and trailer camps
Percent
0 10 20 30 40 50 60 70
E
3 In hotels
90 100
Wichita Falls, Tex.
Bridgeport, Conn.
Greenville, S C.
Washington, Pa.
Marion, Ohio
Burlington, Iowa
San Diego, Calif.
Warren,etc., Ohio
Kalamazoo, Mich.
Baltimore, Md.
Wichita, Kans.
Battle Creek, Mich.
Washington, D C.
Detroit, Mich.
Pittsburgh, Pa.
Augusta, Ga.
Dayton, Ohio
Hampton Roads Area.Va
Bristol, Conn.
Corpus Christi, Tex.
Indianapolis, Ind.
South Bend, Ind.
Portland, Me.
Philadelphia, Pa.
Glendale.etc., Calif.
Atlanta, Ga.
Seattle, Wash.
Quincy, III.
Los Angeles, Calif.
Macon, Ga.
Newburgh, N Y.
Houston, Tex.
Hackensack, N. J.
Oakland, Calif.
Long Beach, Calif.
Saginaw, Mich.
St. Louis, Mo.
San Francisco, Calif.
Ft. Smith, Ark.
La Fayette, Ind.
Des Moines, Iowa
Brockton, Mass.
Oklahoma City, Okla.
Nashville, Tenn.
Muskogee, Okla.
Terre Haute, Ind.
Johnstown, Pa.
Appleton, Wis.
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